vf?-]?' ^Mk, 6^". ?.^# k9 Mm ::r^\f^i5«o«. -■, .■•ill ft,^ ai B RARY OF THE UNIVER.S1TY Of ILLINOIS 4 The City Livery Companies and their Corporate Property BY L. B. S. RIVINGTONS WATERLOO PLACE, LONDON MDCCCLXXXV "The broad principle of the Liberal party I take to be this : ' that all public funds and endowments are^ in their essence, public ' property, subject to public enquiry, and^ if they are unjustly, in- ' juriously, wastefully applied, are a proper field for public inter- ' ference. Public funds and endowments belong to no individuals, ^ and, though the State is bound to exercise due wisdom, considera- ' tion, and discretion, no individual, or body, or class, or order of 'individuals has any right in public endowments as against the ' State. " But private property is the right of the individual who ' possesses it, and if it becomes necessary for the public advantage ' to interfere with his holding it or enjoying it, the public is bound ' to give him fair compensation." — The Right Hon. G. O. Tke- ' VELYAN at Manchester, February 10th, 1885. THE CITY LIVERY COMPANIES AND THEIR CORPORATE PROPERTY. Prefatory. In the passage from his speech at Manchester wliich faces this page, Mr. Trevelyan appears to be intending to draw a distinction, not between the property of individuals on the one hand and the property of bodies of individuals on the other, but between public property, whether in the hands of individual trustees or of bodies of trustees, on the one hand, and private property, whether belonging to individuals or to bodies of individuals, on the other ; and the principle he lays down is that public property ought to be applied to the greatest public advantage, but that private property ought not to be disturbed without compensation. If this is a correct interpretation of his meaning, probably not only the Liberal party, but all parties in the State, would say that his statement substantially embodied their own views. The difficulty is in the application of the principle, and the object of this paper is to show that Mr. Trevelyan has himself failed to properly apply it in the case of the City Livery a2 4 PREFATORY REMARKS. Companies, whose property Mr. Trevelyan classifies as public property, whereas the writer hopes to show that the contention of the Companies is correct, and that that property ought to be treated in the future, as it has always been treated in the past, viz. as the private property of the members for the time being of the Companies. The observations which follow were for the most part placed on paper at Christmas last, at which time the Livery Companies Commission had pre- sented to Parliament three unwieldy volumes, with a promise of more to come, and the only article of any weight which had appeared upon the subject was that written by Sir E. Cross in support of the minority report, and published in the Nineteenth Century. The writer was aware that some who were most interested in the subject were of opinion that the facts were so fully before the public that nothing remained to be done but to await the decision of Parliament. It seemed, however, to him that the mass of information contained in those great blue- books was entirely hidden away from ordinary readers, buried under piles of figures and print ; that the able and excellent minutes contributed by the Grocers', Goldsmiths', and Clothworkers' Companies were in no practical way accessible to the public ; and that it might be useful to direct attention to some of the more important considerations which were involved in the reports of the Commission. What has since happened has tended to deepen this impression. On the one hand, an able and *'*Cri{*^ THE PRESS ON THE COMPANIES. 5. learned article has appeared in the Quarterly Review, in which the position of the Companies is explained from a favourable point of view ; on the other hand, another article, from the opposite point of view, has appeared in Macmillan's Magazine, more remark- able for energy in making assumptions and assertions than for knowledge or research : and Sir A. Hob- house has published, in the Contemporary Revieiv, a paper which (however unsatisfactory its conclu- sions may appear to the friends of the Companies, and however fond the author may be of puttino* the saddle on the wrong horse, and trying to make those who are prima facie absolutely entitled for their owq benefit prove that they are not trustees, instead of himself proving the contrary) is wholly free from the abuse in which others have so freely indulged, and fully recognizes that the questions raised are not quite so easy to determine as some would have us believe. Mr. G. H. Blakesley has published a scathing criticism of the Majority Eeport. Two more blue-books have been issued, completing the labours of the Commission and its secretary (that is, if there are no more semi-official letters to be written), and the advanced press has taken advantage of the occasion to print a chorus of philippics, which are only at fault in that they assume everything which requires proof. Two journals have particularly distinguished themselves —the one, a weekly paper, by its calculated dis- ingenuousness, which has been repeatedly exposed ; the other, an evening paper, by the hysterical THE LIVERY FRANCHISE. o violence of its objurgations, which show as little sense of the fitness of things as does a sailor s parrot when it shrieks out, "You thief, you wretch, you rascal !" to a man putting on his hat. A substantial volume in defence of the Companies has also been published by one of their well-wishers, who has imitated a little too closely the style of those who have taken up their parable on the other side ; and a short bill has been introduced into Parliament under the name of the Corporate Property Security Bill. Under these circumstances some remarks on the questions which ought to be taken into con- sideration in forming a judgment on the position of the Companies, may not be out of place. They are not intended to be exhaustive ; they will fully answer their purpose if they lead others to look into the matter for themselves. At all events, the writer hopes that they will be found to contain no imputation of motives even to those assailants of the Companies who themselves deny to the members of the bodies they are attacking, the commonest elements of honesty. The Lively Franchise. It will be necessary to keep strictly to the subject of the paper ; and, in the first place, there is no intention of discussing the question whether it is or is not desirable that the liverymen of the City Companies should continue to possess the parlia- mentary or municipal franchise. The former branch TRUST PROPERTY OF THE COMPANIES. 7 of the question may perhaps be allowed for the present to rest where it is left by the recent Repre- sentation Act ; the latter branch of it remains to be dealt with by some future Act for reorganizing the government of the metropolis. But, at all events, with respect to the parliamentary franchise, there seems to be a good deal in the reason for its continuance given to the Commission by a member of the Grocers' Company, viz. that the Companies are in most cases large freeholders in the city, and that, unless their liverymen had votes, their property would be unrepresented. However, we may pass by this point. The Trust Property of the Companies, Again, the writer is not dealing here* with the property held by the Companies upon express trusts. On that head, in fact, there does not appear to be much to say. The majority of the Commissioners themselves admit that the " inspectors of charities " frequently express a favourable opinion of the way " in which the courts of the Companies administer the '^ charities of which the Companies are trustees ; " and the minority say, with reference to the reports of the same inspectors, that they show that the courts are " excellent bodies of trustees, who spend far " more than they are bound to spend on the charities " which they administer." There have, no doubt, been a certain number of cases in which some of the Companies have erred, or have been erroneously 8 OLD TRUSTS REMODELLED. advised, upon what the minority report calls " points " of an abstruse and technical kind, arising on the " construction of obscurely expressed wills ; " but the Charity Commissioners have "never imputed to " the Companies anything worse than an erroneous "interpretation of difficult language," and how easy it is to go wrong on the construction of an obscure will any Chancery practitioner can testify. But even so, it appears that, out of about a hundred cases which have come before the courts, the Com- panies have proved successful in about eighty, or four-fifths of the whole. In any case in which a substantial doubt appears to exist, the Company affected would be not merely willing but anxious to have it resolved by a proper authority, as in the case of Donkyn's will, in which the Merchant Tailors' Company brought the matter to an issue purely of their own motion, with an adverse result. Where the doubt has been resolved in favour of the Company, the Company has naturally claimed the benefit of the result — at all events, so far as the control and distribution of the income of the pro- perty was concerned. Where it has been resolved against the Company, the Company has cheerfully acquiesced in the decision, and has administered the trusts declared in the most exemplary way. The effect is, of course, to benefit the objects of the trusts so declared at the cost of limiting the Company's voluntary charities in some other, and probably more modern, direction ; but that cannot be helped. There is just one other point in connection with CORPORATE PROPERTY OF THE COMPANIES. 9 the trust property of the Companies which may here be shortly adverted to, and that is with reference to the desirability of substituting new and more useful trusts for those on which the property is in some cases held. In this respect the Companies are in no way behind the times. Numerous instances were cited to the Commission in which new schemes had been framed by the Charity Commissioners for the allocation of Company- charities, and, just by way of an example, reference may be made to the fact that at the present moment two middle-class schools, one for boys and the other for girls, about five hundred children in all, are being founded by the Skinners' Company, with the concurrence of the Charity Commissioners, out of funds previously held upon other trusts, together with £10,000 contributed out of the corporate funds of the Company, the only desire of the Company being that the money should be applied in the way productive of the greatest amount of public benefit. This is the spirit in which the Companies are prepared to deal, and are in fact dealing, with their charity funds, and what more can any body of trustees do ? The Corporate Property of the Compa^iies — Their Legal Rights. Coming, then, to the Companies' corporate property, there seems to be little need to enlarge upon their legal right to use this and deal with it as their own. The mere fact of their having done lo THE CORPORATE PROPERTY. SO without question for two, three, four, five, or even more centuries seems alone to be sufficient to raise the strongest possible presumption that their claim to do so was justified, and in the numerous cases which have been brought before the courts with respect to the interpretation of wills of bene- factors, the only question has been whether the property devised or bequeathed was trust or cor- porate, no one suggesting that if it were corporate there was any restriction on the mode of enjoyment. Any reference to this point would, of course, be incomplete without some mention of the statement of the Lord Chancellor to the Commission. He says, speaking as a representative of the City and Guilds Technical Institute : " I have always thought " that the City Companies, assuming them to be (as " I believe them to be in law) absolute and perfect "masters of their own property, as distinct from " that which they held on trust, could do nothing " better with their property than promote objects " which were for the public interest. '^ Then, being asked by the Chairman whether the Commission were to take it from him that the City Companies were entitled to their property in the same manner and as fully as a private owner would be, the Lord Chancellor continues : " In point of law they are, in "my opinion, absolutely entitled to it, and under "no trust whatever. It will, of course, be under- " stood that I do not speak of estates which have " been given to them on any special trusts. Morally, "I do not think that I, as a member of a City THE COMPANIES' LEGAL RIGHTS. ii ' Company, should choose to be a party to using it ^ in exactly the same way as I should use what was 'my own as an individual." In reply to the suggestion, " You acknowledge a greater moral ' responsibility to the public than in the case of ' private property, but not any greater legal right ? " he adds : " That is my impression. I do not know ' that I can express it much better. They are ' ancient institutions : the funds which I call their ' own property were derived, as far as my know- ' ledge extends, from their own subscriptions, and ' gifts by their own members and others, intended ' to be for their absolute use ; and although I do ' not think the present generation ought to put ' those gifts into their pockets, yet, on the other ' hand, I cannot admit for a moment that they are ' upon the footing of public trusts." It may, of course, be urged that the views of the Lord Chancellor were coloured by the fact that he and his family had for many years been connected with the premier City Company, though it hardly seems likely that such a contention will be seriously raised ; but it is important to notice that the Com- mission took the opinion of two eminent equity counsel on the graver questions which came before them, and that both advised them in the same sense. Mr. Davey, Q.C., says that ''the Court of " Chancery has no jurisdiction to restrain alienation " of corporate property by the members of a corpo- " ration created by charter, unless the property is " subject to a trust. . . . Every corporation 2 THE COMMISSION ON THE QUESTION. ' created by charter is a legal ijersona, and can do ' whatever it is not legally restrained from doing. ' In this respect it differs from a corporation created ' for certain purposes by statute, the powers of ' which are confined to such as are expressly or by ^ necessary inference or implication given by the ' statute. In short, there is no trust which the ' Court of Chancery can execute of merely corporate 'property as such. ... It must be remembered ' that the estates of these Companies have been ' recognized and held by the courts of law to be as 'much their property, with a full right of dispo- ' sition, as the property of individuals." In fact, if the legal right of the Companies to their corporate property were not sustainable, there would be no need for the Commission to recommend any restraint upon the alienation of it. The mere fact of such a recommendation having been made seems to prove that the majority, as well as the minority, of the Commission really accepted the opinions of the Lord Chancellor and their own legal advisers, however much they may have attempted to escape from that necessity ; and the w^ording of the recommendations of the majority appears in some respects to be based upon such an acceptance. Thus, " In every case in which the present members '' or present governing body of a Company can be "shown to have inherited a considerable income, "not subject to a trust or trusts enforceable at law, "such Company should be compelled to allocate " a considerable proportion of such income to the THE LAW SHOULD DECIDE. 13 " support of objects of acknowledged public utility." A trust not enforceable at law is, of course, for the purposes of a legal discussion, no trust at all, and this passage could hardly have been introduced into the report unless the Commission thought that circumstances existed under which it would become applicable. Moreover, Sir A. Hobhouse gives as a reason for invoking the interference of Parliament the fact that the courts have already decided in favour of the Companies, so that his article in the Contemporary Review, which was heralded in the confiscatory papers as an answer to the Lord Chancellor, really, on the point of law, entirely bears out the latter 's statement. Of course, the foregoing observations apply only to such corporate property of the Companies as is not subject to any express trust. There have been, as mentioned above, some few instances in which Companies have regarded as corporate jDroj^erty that which has been afterwards decided not to be so, and Mr. Davey and Mr. Vaughan Hawkins suggest that a fuller investigation of the charters, wills, and other documents, might prove that further portions of what is claimed as corporate property are in truth subject to trusts. As to this, the materials for coming to a conclusion are now to be found in the blue-books. The returns of the Companies were, as a rule, according to the majority of the Commission, "prepared with care, and, as it ap- " peared to us, with candour. Many were admirably "drafted. This observation applies not only to the 14 CASES SHOULD BE DISTINGUISHED. ''returns received from the great Companies — all of ''which have made returns — but to those received "from many of the minor Companies." Wherever, then, the facts stated appear to indicate the existence of a trust, let the Attorney-General take the usual steps to obtain a decision on the point. Such pro- ceedings are, in effect, invited by several of the Companies in their returns, and in that way alone does it seem that true justice can be done. A tradesman would not be allowed to put down in one account all the items chargeable against A. and B., and then, when the total amounted to £60, to claim ^30 from each, though A. had received <£55 worth of goods and B. J65 worth. Still less would he be allowed to bring in C, who owed him nothing, and to claim £20 from each of the three. And it would be a long step even beyond this, if the tradesman were to keep no account at all, but were to claim £60 from A., and the same from B., and the same from C, on the ground that he thought it probable that each of them owed him something, but that it was too much trouble for him to ascertain the facts. So, if three Companies hold an equal amount of property, of which a substantial part in one case, very little in another, and nothing in the third, would be held by a court of law to be subject to trusts, how can there be any justification for taxing them equally on the ground that some part of the property of one or more of them is trust property, and that it would be too troublesome and expensive to ascertain what is the property (if any) to which THE ASSAILANTS' ARGUMENT. 15 trusts attach ? Sir A. Hobhouse says that such suits " would meet with great legal difficulties on a variety " of grounds, and, even if successful, would produce " a very unsatisfactory result." But the probability that a suit might fail in part or whole is a strange reason for giving the go-by to law altogether, and establishing an ex post facto rule in a particular case. The argument, put into plain and unambiguous language, seems to be something like this : " These Companies have for many centuries had the entire control of large funds, which we (Sir A. Hobhouse and friends) think we should use, if we had the control of them, in a better way. The Companies, no doubt, say that they use them very well, and there may be people foolish enough to agree with them, but we have no doubt that we should use them better. How, then, are we to get the control of these funds ? If we go to law, it will be very difficult, if not absolutely impossible, for us to make out our case ; in fact, the judges have already been stupid enough to lay down rules of construc- tion which go against our views. Then, let us have nothing to do with the Law Courts ; let us have an Act of Parliament which will operate without any regard for musty old notions about property or justice, and without being fettered by any old-fashioned decisions based upon those notions. We want this money. What does it matter whether it is ours or not ? Let us get an Act of Parliament to give it to us." This is the gist of the argument of a judge of the Privy Council. i6 THE COMPANIES' MORAL RIGHTS. The Corporate Property of the Companies — Their Moral Rights. With respect, however, to that which is corporate property, and has been held to be such in the 23ast, or would be held to be such in the future, after all deductions of property which ought to be treated as subject to express trusts, surely an overwhelming case of moral obligation and actual necessity should be made out before acting upon the arguments ad- vanced in support of the theory of public plunder ? It cannot be too strongly stated that the question at issue is whether an Act of Parliament is to be passed to take away that which the law gives and from the earliest times has given ; to destroy rights which, in the eye of the law, are absolute ; to change con- ditions which affect many thousands of all classes, wealthy, well-to-do, and poor, but more especially the last. The Fishmongers' Company, which has always had a traditional connection with the Liberal party in the State, sent in with their returns a protest in the following words : — ^' No part of the property " now, or at any former time, in the possession or " under the control of the Company has been derived " from the Crown, the State, or from any impost on " the public, or other public source. The whole has *' accumulated during the period of upwards of seven " centuries of the Company's existence, from pay- '^ ments on admission and contributions by members, " and from devises and bequests by members of the *' Company and private individuals. There is nothing THE ''PEOPLE'S MONEY'' ARGUMENT. 17 *'in connection with the origin, constitution, or " history of the Company, or in the present adminis- " tration or conduct of its aflairs, which they have " any motive or desire to conceal. But for the sake *' of their successors, and to guard against attempted ''interference by any external authority with the " rights and privileges of the Company, or the free "" and uncontrolled administration of its property and " affairs, they deem it to be their duty to advert to *'the fact that the Royal Commission, to whose " inquiries they are most ready to reply, has not any " legal or constitutional right to require the informa- " tion sought, and that no constitutional power " exists to interfere with the private rights or private "property of any individual or body corporate, " except on proof of some public interest of para- " mount importance or necessity, and then only on *' condition of compensation being made to the full *' extent of such interference." The propositions here laid down appear to be, as the Company contends, incontrovertible, and it has to be seen whether any "public interest of " paramount importance or necessity " does in fact exist which demands that the Companies should be treated in a diflferent way from all other owners of property in the kingdom, and whether there are any moral grounds for saying that they alone of all owners of property ought to be dealt with in an exceptional way and dispossessed. The favourite expression appears to be that the money is the " People's money," but one would suppose that some proof was £ 1 8 ORIGIN AND OBJECTS OF THE COMPANIES. necessary that the money had been given to the people, or by the people, or had been exacted from the people, or, in short, that some connection existed between the two. The Origin and Objects of the Companies, Now, there is one very important point in the consideration of this question, which seems as yet to have had but little attention paid to it, viz. the mode in which the Companies came into being. From the language which has been used with respect to the Companies by their assailants, it might well be supposed that they were a State creation, called into existence to answer some pur- pose of policy, and to discharge some political or municipal function, just as much as one of the new boroughs or county divisions under the Eedistribu- tion Bill, or the Board of Trade, or the reorganized governing body of an endowed school. But this is far different from the fact. All the great Com- panies and nearly all the minor ones came into existence at dates which cannot now be ascertained, but which were long anterior to the earliest of their charters. Thus, just to refer to the great Companies, the Mercers were a fraternity in the time of Henry 11. , though not incorporated till 1393. The Grocers appear to have existed under the name of Pepperers for some two centuries before they were formed into the fraternity of St. Anthony in 1345, and it was not until 1428 that they received their FOUNDATION PRIOR TO INCORPORATION. 19 first charter. The Drapers were well established before their charter of 1364. The Fishmongers were associated at some time prior to the reign of Henry II., though not incorporated till 1272. The Goldsmiths are heard of in 1180, but their first charter was not granted till 1327. Substantially the same was the case with the Skinners. The Merchant Tailors were incorporated in 1326, but they were united into a fraternity before 1267. It is not necessary to give the similar facts with respect to the other Companies, but a reference to the returns of the remaining great companies, viz. the Haberdashers, Salters, Ironmongers, Vintners, and Clothworkers, or to those of the minor Com- panies, e.g. the Armourers and Braziers, Butchers, Cutlers, Leathersellers, Saddlers, Stationers^ Tallow Chandlers, and Wax Chandlers, will bear out the assertion that in almost all cases voluntary associa- tions were formed long before incorporation was so much as thought of. The Weavers appear to have existed at least as early as Henry I. As Hallam ("Middle Ages," vol. i. p. 350) says in a passage cited in the Majority Report, " The Guild was of course, in its primary character, " a personal association ; it was in the State, but not " the State ; it belonged to the city without embrac- " ing all the citizens ; its purposes were the good of "the fellows alone. But when the good was in- " separable from that of their little country, their " walls and churches, the principle of voluntary * ' association was readily extended, and from the 20 THE PRIMARY OBJECTS. "private Guild, possessing already the vital spirit *' of faithfulness and brotherly love, sprang the sworn " community, the body of citizens bound by a " voluntary but perpetual obligation to guard each " other's rights against the thefts of the weak or the " tyranny of the powerful." In another passage the same historian describes the Guilds as possessing two essential characteristics, " the common banquet and the common purse." And Bishop Stubbs ("Const. Hist.," vol. i. p. 407) speaks of "the " Guilds administered by their own officers and "administering their own property." The Guilds were, in short, voluntary associations which would now be termed " clubs." With respect to the objects to which the officers of the Guilds applied the contents of the " common purse," the Majority Eeport states that in all Guilds the first purposes to which the common funds were applicable were " the maintenance of the hall, the "expense of the feasting, the payment of salaries, " the relief of poor members and of the widows and " orphans of poor members, the finding of portions " for poor maids, and the payments for funerals and "obits." Then the Commissioners add : "The funds " of the Craft Guilds were secondarily applicable ^' to trade purposes, such as the binding of appren- " tices, loans to young men starting in business, the " purchase of new receipts and inventions, and the "prevention of adulteration. Both the Social and "Craft Guilds also relieved the poor, supplied the "place of highway boards and bridge authorities, THE SECONDARY OBJECTS. 21 ** maintained churches, endowed schools, colleges, *' and hospitals, and exhibited pageants, partly out " of legacies, partly with the contributions of existing " members." This statement appears to be borne out by the authorities cited both by the Commissioners and by the Companies, and it would certainly appear to follow that the members of the Guilds who gave their contributions while living and their legacies at their deaths, as well as the few outsiders who gave or bequeathed money to the Guilds, must have anticipated that their money would be spent in defraying the expenses classed as primary, all of which are entirely confined to the benefit of members of the society, and that it would go in maintaining the hall, providing food and drink for the society at their periodical entertainments, relieving tl^e neces- sities of poor members and those dependent on them, and the like. If any money remained over, it might be spent in some of the purposes subsequently set out ; but if no money remained after the satisfaction of the immediate wants of the brotherhood, which the brotherhood itself had the sole right to define, sub- sequent objects of expenditure would have to go without ; and although the early guilds undoubtedly extended, when able, as those of the present day extend, their assistance to objects not directly within the scope of their operations, it seems impossible to treat those acts of charity or public spirit as con- ferring a right upon the object assisted to claim the same assistance from the same body in the future. 22 THE CRAFT-GUILDS ARGUMENT. In other words, the performance of an act of charity and public spirit can hardly be construed as creating a trust on the part of the benefactor for the object benefited to the extent of the money necessary to render the benefit permanent, or to any other extent whatever. It would appear, then, that in their early days the City Companies must necessarily have been entitled to deal with their own funds as abso- lutely for their own purposes as was any merchant or landed gentleman. The object of their associa- tion was the mutual benefit of the members, and although, to their honour, they did not confine their benefactions within those limits, they exceeded them only when in their good pleasure they thought fit so to do. They would have been exceedingly surprised if any one had told them that the money they had collected belonged to " the People." The Craft- Guilds Argument, The fact that the Companies were in their origin voluntary associations, formed with the object of benefiting the members, and that any extension of their benefits to others than members was purely a work of supererogation, seems to go a long way towards meeting the contention that the Companies are mere Craft Guilds, established and continued for the sole purpose of advancing the interests of the trades after which they are named. If this were so, it might be that the trade might claim to have the property of the Company applied for its benefit. NON-CRAFTSMEN ADMITTED. 23 But it is not so. The Companies were established for the benefit of their members ; and though, when they came to be incorporated, they were incorpo- rated by the names of diflferent trades, the great probability is that before that time, even if they were originally composed of men of similar trades, the same causes had operated to introduce men of different callings into the fraternities out of which the Companies were incorporated, as afterwards undoubtedly operated to produce such a result. Thus, the original charter of the Grocers' Company, granted in 1428, is stated to contain no reference whatever to trade ; and even where a charter does mention the trade, it by no means invariably folio ws that all the persons constituting the corporation belonged to the craft. It is impossible to say for how many centuries the term '* citizen and mercer," '' citizen and draper," has referred to the Guild and not to the craft. With respect to the dissociation of the members of the Companies from the craft after which their Guild is named, the Majority Eeport says : "It is 'right that we should state that for many cen- ' turies, with rare exceptions, the Companies have 'never consisted exclusively of craftsmen. Patri- ' mony, which causes the freedom of a company to ' descend to all the lawful issue, male and female, of ' a freeman, has always been a recognized mode of 'admission. This circumstance has produced ' obvious effects, which appear in the returns of the ' Companies. Thus [a) the Drapers prove that in 24 SUPERINTENDENCE OVER TRADES. "1415 their Company was not confined to drapers, *' and that hardly any of the income was spent on " trade purposes ; (6) the Skinners' Company cite a "list dated 1445, showing that there was then only " one skinner by trade a member ; (c) the charter of "the Haberdashers' Company, 1448, expressly pro - "vides for the admission of persons not belonging " to the mystery ; {d) the Merchant Tailors' Com- " pany has, by the terms of its charter, been open "to all callings since 1502; (e) the Goldsmiths " assert that from a very early period their Court "has consisted mainly of non-craftsmen ; (/) of the " five persons named as master and wardens in the " Clothworkers Charter of 1560, only one proves to "have been a cloth worker, and this Company states " that in still earlier times the Court is believed to 'have contained scarcely any clothworkers." These facts seem to throw considerable doubt upon the question whether the Companies ever consisted entirely of craftsmen ; and, whatever may originally have been the case in this respect, there can be no doubt that in most instances several centuries have elapsed since none but craftsmen were admitted. Again, there was in the case of most of the Companies at their incorporation some clause intro- duced into the charter with a view to conferring some power of superintendence over the trade on the Company ; but this does not appear to have been universal, and so early as the commencement of the Tudor period, according to Mr. Froude, the Companies had become, to a great extent, an obsolete TRADE FRANCHISES SEPARABLE, 25 institution as regards trade superintendence. The question was raised whether the illegality of certain of the trade powers given by the charters would constitute a reason for the seizure of the charters and the dissolution of the Companies, but both the counsel consulted by the Commission advised that the trade franchises were separable, and that the non-user of them would not avoid the charters altogether, and the Commissioners themselves say that they would have been surprised if this were otherwise. They consider that "the incorporation ** of the Companies as social communities and benefit ''societies under their more recent charters would *'be held to continue good.^' In fact, whatever may have been the connection between the Companies and their trades at the dates of the earlier charters, there is no doubt whatever that the Companies continued, as the Commissioners point out, to receive charters at the beginning of every reign for a long time after the date fixed by Mr. Froude for the discontinuance of their trade superintendence. In short, from whichever point of view the connection between the Companies and their nominal crafts is regarded, whether from that of the craft followed by the members of the Com- pany, or from that of the superintendence exercised by the Company over the nominal craft, there appears to be no reason for saying that the craft, or the public in right of the craft, has any moral claim to the corporate property of the Company. Looked at from the latter point of view, the connec- 26 THE INCORPORATION ARGUMENT. tion was a hindrance and nuisance to the craft, from which it has been glad to be relieved ; looked at from the former point of view, the connection never existed in such a shape as to give members of the craft any right to insist on being admitted to membership in the Company and participation in its benefits, against the will of its existing members. The Incorporation Argument. It has already been abundantly explained that the Companies did not originate in the grants of their charters, but in voluntary associations of a much earlier date ; but it seems to be supposed by some that the mere fact of their incorporation placed them in such a position that all the property acquired by them, whether from subscriptions, legacies, or what not, was necessarily of a public character. This idea appears very clearly from some questions put by Lord Coleridge to some of the witnesses who appeared before the Commission. Thus we find him saying to Mr. Hare (ques. 117), "It is obvious to lawyers, and I have no doubt " you will agree with me, that these Companies could '' not hold a shilling of property without the artificial " aid of the law ? " To which Mr. Hare naturally replies, " Certainly not.'' But how does this advance the question ? Who can hold property without the aid of the law ? If the protection given to property by the law were taken away, would that of an individual be any safer than that CORPORATIONS NOT NECESSARILY PUBLIC 27 of a Company ? As to tlie use of the word " artificial/' of course all law is artificial ; but, if we may believe Sir Henry Maine and his school of historical inquirers, the word may be applied far more appropriately to individual property than to corporate, since it would appear that the joint form of ownership was by far earlier than owner- ship by individuals. Indeed, we are told that the land-troubles in the Highlands and in other parts of the world, took their rise from the disregard of the old tribal ownerships, and the establishment of individual rights. The same idea appears in some questions put to Mr. Longley, and again Lord Coleridge asks the Lord Chancellor (ques. 1686), whether he draws * any distinction between an ordinary natural per- 'son and a person like a corporation created by ' law ? " The answer is, " There is that distinction, ' undoubtedly, and it is not very easy to measure ^precisely the influence it might have upon one's 'judgment; but I assume that Lord Coleridge 'would not be of opinion that if a club, for ' example, were incorporated, its nature would be ' substantially changed ; or (I should think) that *a joint stock company is to be regarded as public ' because it is incorporated." Here the matter dropped, and it is not easy to see how the remark was to be met. As the Goldsmiths say, *' Property " does not become public simply because it belongs " to a corporation. If that were the case it might *' be asserted that the property of every joint stock 28 RIGHTS OF INCORPORATED BODIES, *' company is on the footing of a public trust." Other instances might be cited. The sovereign, for instance, is a corporation, but who denies her right to hold private property % But what need is there of indirect examples ? The comparative absence of direct authority for the private character of the corporate property of the Guilds may, say the Gold- smiths, be accounted for by the circumstance that no lawyer has hitherto ventured seriously to maintain the contrary ; but in a recent decision of the late Master of the EoUs, it was directly decided that the members for the time being of a guild at Newcastle were entitled to divide the proceeds of sale of the guild property in equal shares, there being no rules or provisions as to its disposition, so that the court treated the members exactly as though they were partners in a private adventure. Any idea that the Companies could not hold pro- perty without incorporation is refuted by the Majority Eeport itself, which states that " long before their '* incorporation the Guilds held land, the sites of " their halls and almshouses, and other real property, "houses, shops, and warehouses." This seems to have been by the use of the tenure in free burgage which existed in the City of London. But apart from the special form of tenure, and passing from law to morality, upon what principle of justice could it be contended that property contributed by, or devised or bequeathed to a particular set of persons ought to become the property of the world at large, merely because they were an incorporated THE STATE-DEPARTMENT ARGUMENT. 29 body ? The case nearest in kind to that of the Companies seems to be that of the Freemasons. A Masonic body is understood to exist primarily for the common benefit of its members, with periodical feasts, just as do the Companies, but why the incorporation of a lodge, if it were thought desirable to obtain it, should at once operate to make the lodge and its property public, it is hard indeed to understand. The State- Department Argument, The majority of the Commissioners do not, indeed, appear to rely upon the mere fact of in- corporation, but they do rely on the conclusions at which they arrive, that the Companies grew into " a municipal committee of trade and manufactures," and that by their incorporation they became "a *' State department for the superintendence of the ''trade and manufactures of London." The Com- missioners would find it difficult to fix the period when this remarkable transformation took place, and the Companies dispute the correctness of their conclusions altogether ; but even assuming them, for the sake of argument, to be borne out by the evidence, how do they carry the matter any farther ? Here were existing bodies, which had kept united and had held and disposed of property for long periods, in some cases for centuries, which were incorporated so that they might continue their existence with such advantages as incorpora- 30 PREVIOUS RIGHTS UNTOUCHED. tion could bestow. Whatever the charters say about trade rights and privileges, no one can deny that they abundantly recognize the objects which were primarily aimed at by the unincorporated bodies. The common banquet and the common purse continue to exist, and if the Companies obtain from the Crown, or have forced upon them by the Crown, powers and duties in respect of trade, that does not interfere with the primary objects of their existence. Suppose that the Companies did become, as the Commissioners say, a State department, the mem- bers of that department would be the individual Companies, just as the State department called the Board of Trade or the Local Government Board consists of the individuals associated together under that name. The contention seems really to come to this — that the property of every one who serves the State in combination with any one else becomes public property. This may seem a strong way of putting the case, but it appears to be a correct state- ment of it. If the State could not make use of an individual or corporate body, or accept the services of an individual or corporate body, without at the same time assuming the right to deal with his or its private property, it would be rather difficult to find even a Colonial Secretary or a Lord Chief Justice. The Duke of Norfolk fills the public office of Hereditary Earl Marshal. Is all the property of the Dukes of Norfolk attached to the office and therefore public ? THE LICENCE IN MORTMAIN ARGUMENT, 31 The Licence in Mortmain Argument, Now comes a point to which the Commissioners appear to attach some importance, viz. that, in their language, *Hhe Companies are public bodies, "holding realty (a) under licence in mortmain; *' (6) by virtue of a custom of the City of London, " which has enabled them to acquire land therein, " in excess of such licences, and are therefore trustees " of their corporate estate for public purposes." It is difficult to make out exactly what this means. It may mean that because the Companies hold land under licences in mortmain they are trustees of it for public purposes, and that because they hold it by custom in excess of their licences they are similarly trustees ; or it may mean that for the last reason alone they are trustees ; or it may mean that they are public bodies and therefore trustees ; or it may mean almost anything else ; but the result is, that because of some peculiarity in their tenure of land they hold it for public purposes. Not only does this conclusion conflict with the opinion of the Lord Chancellor, but it does not even appear to be in accordance with the advice given by the Commissioners' own counsel, so that it is difficult to say what weight is to be given to it. But it may be mentioned that in some cases, at all events, the licences in mortmain are unlimited, so that there can be no holding in excess, whether by virtue of a special custom or otherwise ; nor does it appear clear why, even if limited licences have been 33 MANNER IN WHICH LANDS ACQUIRED. exceeded, the whole of the corporate estate, real and personal, should be taken away. However, the real question is with respect to the moral right of the Companies to their lands, and there seems to be no doubt about this. The Companies either bought their lands for hard cash, or they had them given or devised to them by people who desired that the Companies should have the disposition of the lands so given or devised, and in either case there would be the greatest moral wrong in saying that lands so purchased, given, or devised should be taken away because they were land and not money. The representatives of the State authorized the holding of property in the form of land, and to say then that the land should be taken away because it was land and not money, would be to do that which no Court of Equity would permit in private life. Hardly any testator now comes within the operation of the Mortmain Act of George H., because all, or almost all, take care to provide that their charitable legacies shall be paid out of their personalty, and it seems impossible to doubt that the testators by whose wills in past times the City Companies have benefited would similarly have specified money and not land in their wills, if they could have had any idea that the nature of the property would be used to defeat their intentions. Moreover, it would appear that a good deal of the land held by the Companies was not acquired under their licences in mortmain at all, but by virtue of the city custom, which enabled THE RE-PURCHASE FROM THE CROWN. 33 them to do so, so that the question is not simply one of the licences. The Re-purchase from the Crown. Another point has been raised with reference to the Companies' lands, which is based upon the allega- tion that much of those lands was seized by the Crown at the Eeformation, as being allotted to superstitious uses, e,g, the performance of services for deceased members, and was regranted to the Companies upon a representation that it was re- quired for public purposes, as education, etc. But apart from the fact that the representation said to have been made at the time of the regrant appears not to have been made at that time at all, but many years later, and for a wholly different* purpose (see the Quarterly Review), it should be noticed that the seizure by the Crown was an act of the purest oppression, and also that whatever repre- sentations may have been made a nominal reason for the regrant, the real reason was that the Com- panies which obtained the regrants paid for them, and paid, too, a price which was fully sufficient. Mr. Davey appears to have advised the Grocers' Company that it was always considered that the Companies re-acquired for their own benefit what- ever lands were redeemed under the Act of 4 Jac. 1, and from a moral point of view it seems impossible to dispute that a corporation, equally with an individual, ought to have that which it has c 34 THE MUNICIPAL CORPORATION ARGUMENT. bought and for which it has paid. As regards the Irish estates, only two out of the twelve Commis- sioners make any recommendation at all, and it is so perfectly clear that these were bought by the Companies out of funds belonging to them or con- tributed for the purpose by their members, that it is unnecessary to do more than refer to the Statement by the Skinners' Company on this head. The Municipal Corpo7^ation Argument. Another contention which was set up against the Companies was, that they were municipal cor- porations, and therefore held their property upon public trusts. There certainly is this degree of connection between the Companies and the Corpora- tion of London, that liverymen of the Companies constitute the Common Hall, which selects two aldermen for submission to the choice of the Court of Aldermen for the mayoralty, and elects some few officers of the Corporation ; but this seems to be no more of a reason for saying that the Com- panies should hold no private property than would the fact that an individual was a Common Council- man be a reason for denying him a separate exist- ence. But the question whether the Companies are Municipal Corporations or not seems to be as conclusively settled as it well could be, without an actual legal decision, by the opinion of Sir W. Follett, Sir J. Scarlett (Chief Baron Lord Abinger), and Sir F. Pollock, also subsequently Chief Baron, THE ARGUMENT FROM FALSE ANALOGIES. 35 given to the Grocers' Company at the time of the Municipal Corporations Enquiry of 1834. Of these the last explicitly stated that " I think the ' Grocers' Company is not a Municipal Corpora- ' tion. It has nothing to do with the government ' or protection of any city, town, or place ; and I ' think the influence of its proceedings upon the ' election of either the magistrates or the members ' of the City of London does not make it a Muni- ' cipal Corporation." The Argttment froryi False Analogies, One of the witnesses gave as a reason for con- tending that all the corporate property was coupled with trusts, an opinion expressed by the Lord Chancellor in the House of Lords with respect to the unincorporated Inns of Court ; but this reason was disposed of by the Lord Chancellor himself, who, when before the Commission, referred to this mention of his speech, and stated that he '^ did not " at all think that the Inns of Court and the City " Companies were in "pari conditione. The reasons " which led him to think the Inns of Court a public "institution had no application whatever to any " Company, or at all events not to the Mercers' ''Company, not the slightest." The difference is so ob^dous that no one could fail to see it. The one institution was founded for the express purpose of promoting the practice and teaching of the law, the other for the benefit of its members. Another 36 THE BURNT TITLE-DEEDS ARGUMENT. analogy appears to have occurred to the Commis- sioners, or to have been suggested to them, between the Companies and the colleges of the Universities, and the recommendations are based on the same general idea as that on which the Universities have been reorganized ; but here, again, the analogy does not hold good. The Universities and their colleges were established for the promotion and advancement of learning and education, not simply for the common benefit of the members. So that it does not seem that much support can be derived from either of these sources by the Companies' assailants. The Bu7^nt Title- Deeds Argument. The last of the reasons assigned by the Commis- sioners and their advisers for interference with the legal rights of the Companies which calls for remark, is one which has already met with a good deal of comment elsewhere, and which is in truth of so remarkable a character that it is rather surprising to find it set forth in so important a public document as the Report of the Commissioners. The suggestion is that "it is not improbable that certain of the Com- " panics' title-deeds which were destroyed in the fire, " would, if preserved, have disclosed trusts;" in other words, and to give expression to the meaning which the language of the Commission covertly implies, the Governing Bodies of the City Companies at the time of the Great Fire were so unscrupulous and so treacherous to benefactors who had committed trusts DEAN COLET AND THE MERCERS. 37 to their care, that when the deeds and wills contain- ing those trusts were accidentally destroyed (it does not seem that the Commissioners imply that these documents were burnt on purpose) they at once gave the go-by to the trusts, and from that time forward so mixed up the trust property with the corporate property that all trace of the former dis- tinction was lost. It is unnecessary to dwell upon the obvious improbability of such a step having been taken at a time when there must have been many persons in existence who would know of the trusts and be in the habit of sharing their benefits, or upon the number of the persons who would have to be parties to such a contrivance, or upon the singular manner in which it is endeavoured to establish a right by suggesting frauds to persons long dead, without a tittle of evidence in support of the suggestion — a course which is opposed both to law and justice — or upon the fact that persons living so much nearer to the dates of the wills and deeds than we do, can hardly have failed to appreciate the meaning of the donors much better than we can hope to do now. The Companies would, it is thought, prefer to rest their defence of their predecessors upon the reason assigned by Dr. Colet, Dean of St. Paul's, more than 150 years before the Great Fire, for entrusting the charge of St. Paul's School, which he was founding, to the Mercers' Company. That reason is thus stated in a letter from Erasmus to Justus Jonas, which is set out in the Mercers' Company's return : " After he had finished all, he 38 THE DONORS' INTENTIONS. '' left the perpetual care and oversight of the estate "and government of it, not to the clergj, not to " the bishop, not to the chapter, nor to any great " minister at Court, but amongst married laymen, " to the Company of Mercers, men of probity and " reputation. And when he was asked the reason ** of so committing this trust, he answered to this " effect : — that there was no absolute certainty in " human affairs, but for his part he found less corrup- " tion in such a body of citizens than in any other " order or degree of mankind." So Sir Andrew Judd, when founding Tonbridge School, fifty years later, committed the governance of it to his '^ trusty and " well-beloved friends, the Company of the Skinners " of London." Those whose probity and trustworthi- ness caused them to be entrusted with charges of such importance as these can scarcely need to be defended against an accusation of fraud in their trustee- ships. It will be observed that Dean Colet says not one word about what Sir A. Hobhouse, speaking of Laxton's case and the Grocers' Company, calls the Company's "ostensible trade," nor is there the slightest reason for supposing that Laxton, any more than Colet, thought of anything but the integrity and business-like character of the body to which he was giving his property. The Donors Intentions. But really the great amount of the property now held by the Companies upon express trusts of all ACTUATING MOTIVES. 39 kinds and descriptions, under documents of great variety, ought to be sufficient to prove that donors in past times knew just as well as those of the present day what words to use when intending to create trusts, and this ought to go far towards establishing that when they did not use such words they intended the Company to employ their gifts for the purposes to which they saw the corporate funds being constantly applied. It was very rarely that the donors to a Company's funds were found outside the ranks of the Company. In the great majority of cases the donor was giving to a body of men to which he, and in many cases his ancestors before him, had for many years belonged ; he had, perhaps, assisted in the management of the corporate funds, he knew that the primary objects of the association were the common banquet and the common purse, tfie former of which served to spread the feeling of friendship and good fellowship among the members of the association, while the contents of the latter went to give them a start at the beginning of life, and to rescue them from undeserved distress towards its close ; and having seen the good results of such a society, he contributed his gift with the intention that it should go to further promote and extend such good results in the future. Where is the public trust here ? No member of a Company denies that all classes of the community constituting the Company are entitled to share in the benefits thus bestowed, as well as in the proceeds of their own contributions, 40 DONORS' DESCENDANTS BENEFITED. which are by no means inconsiderable — in some cases a seat on the Court costs upwards of J6300 sterling, and a place in the Livery JClOO or more, while the time given by the members of the Court constitutes a far heavier contribution. But there is no contest among members of the Companies ; the whole object of the assault is to gain for outsiders a participation in benefits which were never in- tended for them, and which, it may safely be assumed, would in few cases have been given at all but for the belief that they would be enjoyed by successive generations, both of members of the Company generally, and of the donor s descendants as being such members. For in all the Companies the freedom can be claimed by patrimony, and the Commissioners are in error in stating that the Grocers' Company is the only one which does not admit by purchase. The Eeturns show that, at all events, the Mercers and Skinners also refuse to allow their freedom to be obtained in that way, and only recognize patrimony and servitude, so that in at least three of the great Companies patrimony is one of the only two methods in which the freedom can be obtained, omitting, of course, the very rare cases of the honorary bestowal of the distinction. The contention, then, with respect to the inten- tions of donors to the Companies who have imposed no express trusts upon their donees, which is sub- mitted to be the correct one, is this : that those gifts should be applied in the same way in which the corporate funds were applicable at the time THE COMPANIES' MORAL DUTY. 41 when the gift was given, viz. at the pleasure of the Company. In short, the gift was an absolute gift to the Company, which acquired by the gift just as great a power of dealing with the thing given as an individual would acquire by an absolute gift of the thing to him. When the late Mr. Thwaytes, some fifty years ago, left a sum of money to one of the Companies, he thought it necessary — having regard to the depredatory suggestions which were then already in the air — to make his meaning as clear as words could make it, by saying that he left the Company the money for the members to " make themselves comfortable " with it. This expression has been commented on a good deal ; but, after all, what does any testator intend when he leaves a legacy to any one but that the legatee shall make himself comfortable with it ? To use such words is only a way of adding to an absolute gift an expression of intention that the absolute gift is to be absolutely in the disposition of the legatee. The words only make that clear which was clear enough before ; and that, it is submitted, is the case with legacies to a Company with no mention of an express trust. The Moral Duty of the Companies. In maintaining thus strongly the moral right of the Companies to have the unfettered control of their corporate property, let it be said, once for all, that, in the writer's opinion, if the Companies are 42 INTERFERENCE DEPRECATED. morally entitled to the control of that property, they are no less morally bound, after making reason- able provision for the requirements of themselves, to whom it belongs, to use it for the benefit of such public objects as they consider to need and to deserve assistance ; but the writer holds that they are so bound, not at all because of anything in the way in which they have become possessed of the property, but because of the moral obligation which rests upon all owners of property to do what they can for the public good, and which, to his mind, is especially incumbent upon those who possess, in addition to their individual incomes out of which their necessities can presumably be supplied, a corporate income, which (except in the case of members actually in distress) is only required for ministering to their enjoyments. At the same time, while most anxious that the whole of these large corporate incomes should not be absorbed in manage- ment expenses, in fees, feasting, and the like, and still more that no division of the capital should take place, the writer prefers that the good which may be done with the money should be done by those to whom it both legally and morally belongs, rather than by some authority or board which has nothing whatever to do with the property, and that the example should not be set of A.'s property being taken away because B. thinks he can make a better use of it. B. may be honestly so per- suaded, and yet he may be mistaken ; and the object to be gained is not commensurate with the PARTIAL CONFISCATION. 43 extent of the injury which would be done by the establishment of such a principle. To assist those in distress is the duty of every one, but there is nothing meritorious in doing so with money which does not belong to the giver. The Proposal for Partial Confiscation. After all, is there any object to be gained by such an interference with the City Companies as the majority of the Commissioners propose ? If the suggestion were that the whole of the corporate fundy should be appropriated, then, whatever shock might be given to the belief of owners of property in the integrity of their countrymen, this object at least would be gained, that a larger total amount would be devoted to what are generally called public purposes ; Peter would be robbed, but Paul, or half a dozen Pauls, would be paid. It may be a question whether the public purpose which is served by leaving money at the disposal of its owners, and so promoting the general belief in the security of property, is not at least of equal im- portance with the public purpose which is served by placing a somewhat larger income in the control of public authorities ; and it has been estimated by those in a position to judge, that Christ's Hospital alone loses £5000 a year in consequence of the uncertainty in the position of the life-governors, which rumours of approaching changes have pro- duced. In the case of the Companies there is no 44 LIMITED RECOMMENDATIONS. doubt that, but for the threats of legislation, recent members would have emulated the generosity of their predecessors ; but let that pass. Assuming that the only public purpose worth consideration is the getting money out of private hands and into those of Crown nominees, yet the advice given by Mr. Davey to the Commissioners is that they would " not be justified in recommending " that the corporate property of the Companies "should be taken from them by the State." He thinks that " such an act of the legislature would "be an act of confiscation, and would not unreason- " ably shake the confidence of the owners of property " in the security of rights of property. It must be "remembered that the estates of these Companies " have been recognized and held by the courts of "law to be as much their property, with a full right " of disposition, as the property of individuals." The utmost he can recommend is that a " consider- " able portion " of the corporate property should be declared to be charitable property. Why the con- fiscation of the whole of the property should shake the confidence of owners of property, and the con- fiscation of a quarter, a third, a half, should not be open to objection on that ground, is not easy to comprehend, but this part of Mr. Davey 's opinion is obviously of a political, and not of a legal character, and, even so, the appropriation of a " considerable portion " is the most that is suggested. In the same way Mr. Vaughan Hawkins would not " recommend that the property of any persons COMMISSIONERS DOUBTED THEIR PREMISSES. 45 *' should be taken from them by the State ; " but he concurs in Mr. Davey's proposal that some portion of the corporate property should be im- pressed with a charitable trust, and suggests that the amount should be " that which is now actually *' applied in charity ; " the logical consequence of which would be that, if a man were in the habit of giving <£30 a year to a hospital, he should be compellable to transfer to the hospital trustees aClOOO in consols, so as to produce that annual sum for ever. However, both the advisers of the Com- mission concur in recommending that there should be no wholesale appropriation of the funds, and the nine Commissioners who form the majority, while justifying such an act, do not in their recommenda- tions go beyond the limits suggested, viz. to appro- priate a " considerable proportion " of the ccrrporate property. The proportion is not defined, but probably the larger number of the nine intend to express their concurrence with Mr. Hawkins' suggestion, viz. the forcible appropriation of about the same amount as that which is actually applied in charity at the present time. When the Report appeared, the comment was made that seldom had such tremendous premisses been made to lead to so lame and impotent a conclusion ; but is not the proper inference to be drawn from the recommenda- tion, this : viz. not that the Commissioners were unwilling to suggest a sweeping change, but that they entertained very serious doubts whether their '' tremendous premisses " had any foundation in 46 DIVISION NOT TO BE ANTICIPATED. fact, and so compromised with their consciences by recommending partial, and not total spoliation ? That some conclusion adverse to the Companies would be arrived at no one doubted from the time when the one-sided composition of the Commission was made known. Then, if the recommendation of the Commis- sioners may be interpreted to amount to some such suggestion as that of Mr. V. Hawkins, what is the object of giving effect to it ? The confidence of owners of property will be just as much affected {pace Mr. Davey) as if the whole were taken, and the public charities will receive no more. Can any man say that there is any even moderate risk of the property being realized, and the proceeds divided ? and if anything of that kind were to be anticipated, would it not have been doue long ago ? Kumours of approaching confiscation have been rife now for many years, and if anything could have caused such a step as a division, it would have been the appre- hension of those rumours proving correct. Under such circumstances, if the Guilds had been disposed to divide their property, they might well have been induced to do so on the principle that cantabit vacuus coram latrone viator. If all the Companies had been in the position of the Glass -sellers, who inform the Commission that they have " no pro- perty," it is probable that no one would have taken the trouble to suggest that a Commission should be appointed. No such division, however, has either taken place or been suggested — even Sir INCREASE IN BENEFACTIONS. 47 A. Hobhouse scouts the idea — and there is no question that the words used by Mr. Hare, the inspector of charities, with reference to the Grocers' Company's charities, are equally applicable to the corporate funds of all the Companies, and that " there can be no doubt that in the case of these '^ ancient, wealthy, and liberal bodies the funds are "practically secure." If the idea is not so much that the capital will be got rid of, as that the amount of the Companies' benefactions i^ likely to be diminished, what justifi- cation can there be for such an apprehension ? If the extent of the benefactions has of late rapidly increased, the reason is a very simple one, and that is, that, as the Commissioners themselves say, the chief increase in the income of the property " has " no doubt taken place during the present (Century, " and as a consequence of the great recent rise in " the value of house property in the City of "London." In another passage in the Eeport it is stated that the yearly income of the Companies, taken as a whole, increased between 1870 and 1879 by more than JClOO,000. It is believed that it would be found, on examining the accounts of the Companies for many years back, that by far the greater part of the increase in the income derived from the corporate property has been devoted to charitable purposes ; that the amount annually de- voted to such purposes has steadily increased at a pace out of all proportion to that of the increase in what may be called the internal expenditure ; 48 THE ''COMMON BANQUETS that, in fact, the Companies practically fixed a limit of expenditure for themselves, to which they have generally adhered, and that the only reason why the gifts to charity were not larger at an earlier period was that the Companies had not the money to give, except by stripping themselves altogether, which could hardly be expected. The " Common Banquet!' Of course, if the theory is maintainable that the members of the Companies are not entitled to retain for themselves any benefit at all from the property which they own, there may be some reason for impressing the property with a charitable trust. But that theory is not maintainable. The Majority Keport itself does not suggest that there is any right to appropriate all the property without compensa- tion ; and it may reasonably be assumed that, so long as the Companies retain the control of their corporate property, and until they are restrained from so doing by some competent authority, they will continue to retain some benefits for their own members. A great deal has been said by way of objection to the forms in which those benefits are received ; but, after all, is there anything so very objectionable about them ? The Companies are not modern, but very ancient institutions, and their habits, though modernized, still show something of their mediaeval origin. One of the forms of enjoyment which has been most severely criticised is that which consists EXPENDITURE ON DINNERS. 49 in the members of the Companies dining together. But what is there so very shocking about that ? If any one thing can be said to be a national institu- tion more than another, it is that of celebrating an interesting event or promoting a friendly feeling by a common meal. The session of Parliament opens with political banquets ; Speaker's dinners run through its course ; it concludes with a ministerial entertainment at Greenwich. From time to time we are constantly being informed through the Press of more or less sumptuous dinner-parties on all sorts of occasions at such political trysting-places as the Devonshire and National Liberal Clubs. Even in last year's Bill for the Reform of London Muni- cipal Government, power was reserved (and much credit was claimed for it on behalf of the framers of the Bill) to the proposed new Corporation lo con- tinue the entertainments at present in fashion at the Mansion House. It would really seem that the objection can hardly be to the dinners themselves ; it must rather be to those who partake of them. And yet it can scarcely be contended that ministers and politicians have a right to dine, but that business men have none. It is said, no doubt, that the expenditure is ex- cessive ; and it is certainly considerable and capable of some retrenchment, but at the same time it has been grossly exaggerated. No Company at the present day incurs an expenditure upon any dinner at all approaching the amount expended upon the entertainments to General Monk in 1660. D 50 BEQUESTS FOR DINNERS. Just by way of an example of the exaggeration referred to, reference may be made to a passage in a well-known book to which the Goldsmiths refer in their memorandum, which alleges that "it is " said that the Goldsmiths spend more than £30,000 " per annum in dining ; '^ the fact being, as the impugned Company points out, that its expenditure in this way is less than a fifth of this amount. It should be remembered that the Companies are some seventy in number, and that their members invite guests of public distinction, as well as their own friends, to attend the dinners which they provide. It would be an interesting calculation to compute the cost of a season's entertainments in Park Lane or Grosvenor Square. If the money belongs to the Companies, it is, one would suppose, a matter for their own consciences, and not for persons unconnected with them, to decide how it shall be spent ; but, as a matter of fact, this is a point on which very great misconceptions have prevailed. " The common banquet " was one of the very objects for which the Companies were originally founded, and it is an object for which a considerable number of donations and legacies have been directly given ; so that the Companies are, in these cases, really doing no more than using the money for the purpose for which they received it. No doubt some persons hold the extreme view, that no one ought to be allowed to leave money for any purpose not ap- proved by themselves ; but even assuming that the standard of lawfulness in bequests upheld by all MANAGEMENT EXPENSES AND FEES. 51 such persons were the same (which is very unlikely), and that it excluded leaving money for dinners, no such rule has prevailed up to the present time, and the just course would be to forbid such bequests for the future, and leave such as exist ; or, if it were thought necessary to interfere with them, the money ought to be returned to the representatives of those who gave it, and not to be appropriated upon some shadowy pretext of its having been given for public purposes, which every one knows to have no foundation in fact. Management Expenses and Fees. Other forms of internal expenditure are thus referred to by the Fishmongers' Company : "It has been alleged that the expenses of management are very large ; but they are not excessive. The income of the Company is considerable, derived from many sources, and its application distributed over a multitude of objects, requiring great and minute care, and a large amount of labour on the part of a skilled and capable staff. Every account and payment is submitted to a strict audit. The attendance fees of members of the Court (the whole pecuniary benefit which they derive from the Com- pany) are less than the attendance fees of the directors of many, if not of most, public Companies of anything like equal importance, and only repre- sent time and work honestly bestowed." The same may be said of all the Companies. In no case do 52 CHARGES OF JOBBERY. the fees of a member of the Court approach the amounts constantly paid to directors of joint-stock Companies, who give far less time and trouble to the concerns which they manage than do the members of the Courts to the affairs of their guilds. In the Company which the writer knows best, the meetings last two, three, four hours, or longer, and much time is given without any return whatever. In some cases, as Sir F. Bramwell pointed out to the Commission, the fees are far from compensating eminent members for their loss of time elsewhere, but they take a pride in their work and prefer to continue to do it even at a loss. There would certainly be some saving if the Courts were numerically smaller, but it is very doubtful whether such saving would not be more than counter- balanced by the increased obstacle which would be placed in the way of liverymen desirous of attaining to the object of their laudable ambition, a seat on the Court of their Company. Charges of Jobbery, But the assailants of the City Companies have not remained content with attacking forms of ex- penditure which admittedly exist, and which may be regarded as more or less justifiable according to the point of view of the writer or speaker. They have brought against the members of the Com- panies charges of a far grosser kind, with respect to matters on which hardly any difference of opinion ENTIRE ABSENCE OF JUSTIFICATION. 53 could exist, and without any j iistification whatever. We do not allude so much to the allegations that members of the Companies are accustomed to be presented with a cheque when they sit down to dinner. If the cheques have been earned by attend- ance at a previous business meeting, it does not really seem to matter very much in what particular part of the Company's premises they are handed over. But in point of fact the whole statement seems to have crumbled away altogether before the inquiries of the Commission. No living member of a Company appears to have ever heard of such a practice ; it certainly does not exist in the one the writer knows best. But the allegations go as far as to say that the Courts of the Companies grant leases of the Companies' property to their own members at absurdly low rentals, so that they can relet them at great profit ; that the members of the Courts vote themselves pensions, and make use of the charities or patronage of their Companies for their private benefit, and so on : things which no one could describe as otherwise than disgraceful, if they really happened. It would seem difficult to believe that such statements could be made without some foundation in fact, yet so it is. No evidence given before the Commission supports one jot of them. " No liveryman or member of the Court," say the Cloth workers' Company, " can receive any pension *' or alms, without resigning his position and re- " turning to that of a simple freeman ; " and so is it 54 THE GOVERNING BODIES. witli all the Companies. So wisely jealous is the writer's own Company of any impropriety in this respect, that no member of the Court can even be retained to perform ordinary professional duties for the Company, however desirable circumstances might render it ; and other Companies are believed to be equally strict. The most reckless of the maligners of the Companies is one who, while stating before the Commission that he has " never suggested any dis- " honour to any single member of the Companies," has yet had the audacity to write in one of his publications that *' the conduct of the Companies " has been such in their trusts as, if they had been *' private individuals, would have subjected them to "be treated as criminals." The whole is, of course, made up of its parts, and if the Companies have acted criminally, then so must those who have directed their administration. Then, who are these with respect to whom such language is held ? Merchants, bankers. City men, graduates of the Universities, clergymen, doctors, lawyers of both branches of the profession, architects, surveyors, engineers, politicians, members of Parliament, even ministers and ex-ministers of the Crown — all men of education and position, and in private charity probably not less generous than their critics. Where should integrity and uprightness be met with if not here ? " Coelum non animiim onutant qui trans " mare currunt,'' wrote the Roman poet ; but if such men as these cannot even cross the threshold THE CHARITABLE EXPENDITURE. 55 of a City hall without becoming tainted with cor- ruption, where is the civic virtue of the country to be found ? If the property were taken from the rightful owners and put into other hands, to whom would it be entrusted ? Why, to the brothers and cousins and sons of the men from whom it was taken, or at all events to men of the same class and a similar education. The Sovereign's touch used to be supposed to cure some forms of disease, but it will be something quite new if an appoint- ment by the Crown to a public office is sufficient to make the nominee straightway wise and virtuous above his fellows. The Charitable Expenditu7^e of the Companies. One of the objects of the assailants of the Companies in thus dwelling upon what they consider to be the objectionable features, real and fictitious, in their management, is obviously to obscure the greatness of the efforts which they make to promote the general welfare. The Majority Eeport, however, estimates the sums devoted by the Companies to public or benevolent objects at about half their total income, and that, too, including a very large sum considered to be the value of the halls, furniture, plate, etc., which produce in fact no income at all. Of the income thus used for public purposes, about four-sevenths arise under express trusts, while the remaining three-sevenths are voluntarily set aside by the Companies. Of the former portion three- 56 CONTRIBUTIONS TO PUBLIC OBJECTS. eighths are stated to be applied to the support of almshouses and the maintenance of poor members ; an equal proportion to education ; and the remaining quarter to charitable objects of a general kind. Of the latter portion about one-third is devoted to education, while the remaining two-thirds (after some deduction for sums expended in relieving poor members) are applied to benevolent and public objects of a general character. The Irish and English estates receive contribu- tions to local institutions ; hospitals, dispensaries, and other medical charities are assisted ; religious charities receive subsidies ; secular objects, as orphanages, refuges, and funds for the relief of distress, such as the poor-boxes at the Metropolitan Police Courts, are supported ; and large contributions are made to the numerous ** Mansion House Funds " set on foot by the Lord Mayor for the time being. The Commissioners specially refer to the London Hospital, which, within a period of ten years, received £26,500 from one Company alone — that of the Grocers'. The City and Guilds Technical Institute has received a building fund of up- wards of £100,000 ; and annual subscriptions amounting, at the date of the report, to £25,000 a year, but since increased, have been promised to it, and there is no doubt that any further sums which may be required will be forthcoming. This is an Institution which appears to have no parallel in the world. Considerable sums have formerly been spent by the Mercers' and Skinners' EVILS OF INTERFERENCE. 57 Companies on the St. Paul's and Tonbridge Schools respectively ; while the great Merchant Tailors' School is supported entirely at the corporate cost of the Company after which it is named, and which has expended on it, during the ten years over which the Commissioners' inquiry extended, no less than £140,000. This is a pretty substantial contribution to public purposes. If the Companies' property were taken away and redistributed, the great insti- tutions might not suffer — they would attract attention and escape being passed by in silence : it would be the charities of a more general kind which would suffer ; the poor of the Companies (whose ancestors frequently contributed to the funds from which they are assisted) would no longer have their necessities relieved with 'care and tenderness, but would have to seek such refuo^e as could be found in the workhouse ; the hospitals, dispensaries, and orphanages would miss their subsidies ; the Metropolitan magistrates would have to send many empty away. Even with regard to the greater works of the Companies, it may well be doubted whether the Institutions founded and cared for by them would be equally well tended by persons having no traditional association with their welfare. How could a new body take such a pride or interest in the Merchant Tailors* School as the Guild to which its existence and reputation are due ? St. Martin of Tours gave half his cloak to the poor and needy, and was canonized for it ; the City 58 SUPPRESSION OF FOREIGN GUILDS. Guilds have done the same, and they are threatened with martyrdom. The Argtiment from the Suppression of Foreign Guilds. The Majority Eeport summarizes the facts with respect to the suppression of trade guilds in various continental countries, as if that afforded a precedent which it might be just, though not expedient, to follow ; but the same page states that, in all the countries referred to, the guilds seem to have been much more exclusively associations of members of trades than was ever the case with the London Companies, so that the analogy is of a very im- perfect character ; indeed, from the facts stated, it would appear that the suppression was generally justified by the vexatious monopolies of the guilds and their interference with the free course of trade. In London there has, of course, been nothing of the sort. But what a precedent to select ! Take the first instance, that of France, with which may be coupled Belgium and the Netherlands. In these three countries the guilds were suppressed, and their property confiscated, during the French Eevolution. This measure seems to have been part of the process thus stated by M. Taine, in the third volume, which has recently appeared, of his " History of the Revo- lution : " — ''On June 27th, 1793, the Convention " closed the Stock Exchange ; in the next year it *' suppressed all financial companies, and forbade all "bankers, merchants, or any other persons to form EX POST FACTO LEGISLATION. 59 ' any establishment of the kind under any pretext * or name whatsoever. The Commune sealed up, in ' September, 1793, the desks and safes of all bankers, ^money-changers, and men of business, and even 'put them in prison; but as they were forced to ' meet the bills drawn on them, they were let out on ' sufferance, under the guard of two ' good citizens,' ' whom they paid." And so through all classes. When such was the system applied to individuals, corporate bodies could hardly hope to escape ; but whether such a precedent is one likely to meet with favour in this country at the present time, may be doubted. In the reign of King James IL, indeed, the Companies' Charters were seized by proceedings in quo warranto, but the Kevolution of 1688 had hardly taken place before those proceedings were solemnly declared by Act of Parliamenf to have been illegal and arbitrary, and the Companies were fully restored to their former position, with all its rights and privileges. Ex post facto L egislation. In Tudor times a bill of attainder was a favourite course with the Sovereign, when he discovered that a subject was getting too rich, or was in possession of something which he himself or his favourites would like to have. From that time downward such proceedings have generally been regarded as quite the reverse of justifiable, yet what is the difference between the Tudor Act of Parliament and the Act 6o NO PUBLIC NECESSITY, which the assailants of the City Companies wish to see passed ? There seems to be very little, except that in the former case the Act affected an individual, in the latter it would affect corporations ; in the former case it was passed for the benefit of a monarch, in the latter it would be passed for the (supposed) benefit of the people. Whether this makes any very great difference in principle may be left to others to say. However it were looked at, it would be ex 'post facto legislation of the most flagrant kind. Here are a set of people who, and whose prede- cessors, have enjoyed and held their property absolutely and without question for several, in some cases six or seven, centuries. The proposal is simply to take it away. True, this is the pro- posal of the extremists and not of the Commissioners, but the majority of the Commission appear to consider that it would be justifiable. Yet it seems difficult to understand how such a proposition can be maintained. If there were a public necessity for having the land in the hands of individuals : very well, the public necessity overrides other considerations, and the Companies' landed property must be taken from them. But they should receive the price of it. The charters are to be seized. Then the Companies should revert to their unchartered status, before their incorporation, and hold their property as at that early date. If the public interest demands the suppression, the abolition of the companies : very well, they must be suppressed, abolished. But INJUSTICE TO INTERNAL REFORMERS. 6i unless every principle which has hitherto guided the legislation of this country is to be departed from, they must be left to do what they will with their property. It is not easy to see what public interest is at stake on either of these points. Truly, if the Companies are not abolished, those who wish to abolish them will not have the credit of having succeeded in their endeavours — a result mortifying to them, but which it can hardly be considered a public interest to avert. On the other hand, there is the public interest of avoiding what the Com- missioners' own legal adviser describes as an act of confiscation ; and the remark of the Goldsmiths' Company seems to be amply justified, that, if the question were carefully considered, it would appear to law-makers as well as to lawyers, that if Par- liament were to dispossess the Companies of any portion of their property, or to interfere with the appropriation of their revenues, without compen- sation, a principle of law would be attacked, by the violation of which the property of every landowner in the kingdom would be rendered insecure. Injustice to Internal Reformers, Such a result was certainly not anticipated by the many Liberal liverymen who, notwithstanding all rumours of coming interference, yet gave their votes at the last General Election for the present Government, believing that it was right that an inquiry should be made into the facts respecting 62 RESTRAINT ON ALIENATION. the Guilds, and feeling every confidence that, if such an inquiry should conclude favourably for them, they would receive the benefit of that result. Such liverymen will have a right to feel dis- appointed if, after a prolonged inquiry which has brouo-ht out so little to their disadvantage, a measure should be passed which would be only appropriate if all the allegations of their adversaries had been substantiated, and which could not be passed if members of Parliament would take the trouble to look into the matter and form their opinions for themselves. Such a result would also be a sore discouragement to those present members of the Companies who have for years past been managing the affairs of the Companies more and more in the public interest, and who would, in return, be dispossessed of their funds and deprived of the power of carrying on their good works in the future. The Proposed Restraint on Alienation. The majority of the Commissioners, however, though they do attempt to justify a sweeping measure of confiscation, do not recommend it ; and it is of more importance to inquire what it is that they do recommend with respect to the property of the Guilds. The first of their recommendations is that the Companies should be restrained from alienating their real and personal estate. As to this, if there could be any guarantee that its only THE CORPORA TE PROPERTY SECURITY BILL. 63 result would be to prevent a division of the pro- perty of any given Company among the members of that Company existing at any particular time, no great harm would be done to the Companies by its becoming law ; for all of them disclaim in the most unqualified way any intention of doing that which such a measure would prevent. It would really have no practical result beyond putting difiiculties in the way of changes of investment and similar transactions incident to the possession of property. But such an enactment would have the efiect of placing the Companies in a different posi- tion from all other owners of property, and of marking them out for future spoliation ; and it certainly seems objectionable to mark out any par- ticular section of the community in such a way, however trifling, as before suggested, the practical result might be. The Corporate Property Security Bill, The Bill which has been introduced into Parlia- ment in its present session by Sir C. Dilke and the Attorney- General, under the sarcastic title of " The Corporate Property Security Bill," is a very different measure from that recommended by the Commissioners. It is unnecessary here to draw attention to the extraordinarily wide character of its provisions and the great diversities between the bodies which it comprehends in its scope. Simply confining our observations to its bearing 64 THE VICE OF THE BILL. upon the City Companies, it is impossible not to feel some surprise at the manner in which it is framed. Its recitals put into the mouth of the legislature a statement which is known to every- body to have no foundation, viz. that doubts are entertained as to the lawfulness of the individual members for the time being terminating the exist- ence of the associations and dividing the property, whereas no one has the slightest doubt that the way in which a chartered corporation comes to an end is by the surrender of its charter, or that the members for the time being have a perfect legal right to divide such corporate property as is subject to no express trust. If the proposed legislation was expedient, it was surely unnecessary to prefix to it a preface of this kind. As to the enacting part of the Bill, the Commis- sioners recommended a simple restraint on aliena- tion ; the Bill, which has previously recited that the associations " were established with a view to ^' a continued existence," lays down that the cor- porate property is to be " deemed to be and to "have been held on trust for the members for '*the time being of the association and their suc- *' cessors." Then comes a prohibition to dissolve the associations or divide their funds. At the first blush this may seem tolerably harmless, but, in point of fact and in its essence, the Bill works a fundamental change in the nature of the corporate property. It converts that which no oue seriously doubts to be at present, in the eye of the law. REMAINING RECOMMENDATIONS. 65 private property, into trust property, of which the trusts can be varied with comparative ease at some future time. In other words, the. Bill begs the whole question between the Companies and those who wish to despoil them. Of course some friends of the Companies may rely on the fact that the trust declared is for the benefit of the members, and that such a trust, now declared, could hardly be altered forthwith for the benefit of outsiders ; but that consideration does not affect the fact that the nature of the property is essentially changed, or afford any satisfactory assurance that the trusts now proposed to be declared will be allowed to continue. The well-known ** confidence trick," in one of its phases, consists in making that safer which was safe enough before, with the result that it disappears altogether. The Remaining Recommendations of the Commissioners.. The second recommendation is for the publica- tion of the Companies' accounts. This also is a matter which does not seem likely fer se to lead to any very important results. The Companies do not appear to have any reason to be ashamed of the manner in which they deal with their corporate revenues ; the difficulty is to see on what ground their accounts should be published, and not those of the Carlton and Keform Clubs, the Freemasons' Lodges, or, let us say, of the individual members E 66 ''MODERATE'' COMPENSATION. of the Commission. The third recommendation relates to the Parliamentary Franchise, which is outside the scope of this paper. The fourth suggests the apj)ointment of a Commission (1) to allocate a part of the Companies' corporate incomes to " objects of acknowledged public utility ; " (2) to prescribe the application of their trust incomes to similar objects ; (3) " should it prove practic- able," to reorganize the constitution of the Companies. The last point is not one directly concerning the property of the Companies ; but the two first do affect it very directly indeed. The whole object of this paper is to show cause against the first of the two suggestions, which is really to compel, by Act of Parliament, private owners of property to go on doing that which they are already doing of their own free will; and it seems unnecessary to refer to it again here. The second of the two suggestions, relating only to the trust incomes, might, if carried out in a discrimi- nating spirit, be really beneficial, and the "objects ''of acknowledged public utility," as defined by the fifth recommendation, seem to afford a large variety of objects to be benefited. The sixth recommen- datiou very properly puts Metropolitan objects in the foreground of objects to be benefited. The seventh deals with the appointment of the suggested Commission ; and the eighth proposes " moderate compensation " to members of the Companies in- juriously affected by the Commissioners' suggestions. It does not appear why persons considerably injured FORM OF LEGISLATION, IF ANY. 67 should be " moderately " compensated. That would certainly seem to be contrary to precedent. An owner of property, who had it taken from him for such an '^ object of acknowledged public utility " as the construction of a railway, would be tolerably certain to be compensated at a rate to which the epithet of " moderate " would hardly be applicable. The Commissioners do not approve of the suggestion made by some of the Companies, that they would be willing to pay Succession Duty, on the ground that the State would not be justified in singling them out for special legislation in this respect — a ground for refusing to recommend the proposed step which is very reasonable in itself, but which one would have expected to find operating on the minds of the Commissioners at a considerably earlier period of their deliberations. The Form which Legislation, if any ^ shottld take. Eeference has already been made to " The Cor- porate Property Security Bill," and it may probably be assumed that some attempt will be made to give further efiect by Act of Parliament to the Majority Eeport, perhaps in some modified shape. If that should be the case, and a proposal to divert some portion of the Companies' corporate incomes should be submitted to Parliament, then it seems clear that the most reasonable, perhaps the only reason- able, mode of carrying this out will be to prescribe in the Act the total annual sum to be diverted in this way, not leaving the body charged with 68 A SPECIAL COMMISSION NOT DESIRABLE. giving effect to the Act to strip the Companies at its pleasure or caprice, nor laying down that the same fixed proportion of each Company's income is to be diverted (which would have very different results in the cases of the different Companies, in consequence of their very different circumstances), but fixing the total annual sum, and leaving it to the authority to be constituted to apportion this subsidy among the Companies according to their circumstances. It w^ould add flexibility if the apportionment were varied from year to year as incomes varied, and if the sums appropriated were not devoted permanently to particular objects, but the Companies were left to apply them to such public purposes as the authority should from time to time approve. As to the authority which should have the carrying of such a scheme into effect, it does not seem likely that any special Commission would do so more successfully than the Charity Commission, which has so long been accustomed to deal with matters of a similar nature, and which might be strengthened, if necessary, in order to enable it to do what was required. If, however, a special Com- mission were preferred, the least that could be done would be to name its members and its secretary in the Act of Parliament, so that there might be some security for their fairness and moderation. Whether such a new Commission could usefully interfere with the constitution of the Companies seems to have been doubted even by the Commissioners who DESTRUCTION AND RECONSTRUCTION 69 signed the Majority Eeport ; and having regard to the efficient way in which the Courts of the Com- panies have up to the present time managed both their corporate and trust property, but for which efficient management that property would never have increased in value to the present extent, there seems to be no particular object in disturbing the present arrangements. Destruction should be followed by Reconstruction. If the time should ever come when the most extreme assailants of the Companies should see their wishes fully realized, and the Companies should cease to exist, the members of the Com- panies at that date (may it be far distant) would be doing no more than justice to their predecessors, and credit to their own inherited traditions, if they were to reunite themselves, either with or without the assistance of the Joint Stock Companies Acts, as far as possible upon the principles which have been tried by the test of centuries and have not been found wanting, guarding against all possibility of such contentions in the further future as have now been raised against them, continuing " the " common banquet and the common purse," bringing into the latter such " moderate compensation " as may be allowed them, supplementing the funds so derived where necessary, and striving to make their new societies — what the existing ones have been and are, in the words of a minute of the 70 THE MERCERS' PROTEST. Grocers' Company dated in 1687 — *^ nurseries of " charities and seminaries of good citizens." Conclusion, The writer would, however, earnestly deprecate any legislative interference with bodies which year by year devote larger and larger proportions of that which is, in law, absolutely their own to promoting the welfare of persons less favourably situated ; and this paper may be fitly concluded with the protest prefixed to the Return of the Mercers' Company to the inquiries of the Eoyal Commission, in which the premier Company sums up the ob- jections to legislative interference which all the Companies entertain, in the following terms : — " The private property of the Company has been, "for the most part, held by them for centuries " without adverse claim or question. It was either " purchased by the Company (in many instances from "the Crown) out of savings of income, with con- " tributions from members of the Company, or with "moneys derived from the sale of other private " property, or was bequeathed to them by deceased " members, and has been handed down through " many generations of Mercers to the existing free- "men of the Company, by whom it is held by at "least as good a title as the estates of any private "landowner in the kingdom, or of any joint-stock "company or other voluntary association. The "Mercers' Company have always been anxious to CONCLUSION. 71 '^ carry out the numerous and complicated charitable ** trusts confided to them in past times, and have " fostered and increased them in no niggardly spirit. " They have also endeavoured to fulfil the duties " cast upon them as the owners of large estates. " They have always exercised their right to sell any '^ parts of their private freehold estates, and to deal " with them in such manner as they thought proper, *' without any interference ; and they desire to protest '* in the strongest and most emphatic manner against " the supposition that they hold their private pro- "perty, as distinguished from their estates which " are held for charitable purposes, upon any trusts 'Svhatsoever. They desire further to record their " claim that, if a question should be raised whether '' a particular property is subject to any trust, or is " the private property of the Company, every such '* question should be determined only by the Courts " of Law of the realm." '/■ %^., '^^^m t^' -f** « \ If si.. ■■ , '--v,, ■ V-. ;^N