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UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN L161— 0-1096 aero r\ } a : ‘J Ev ae | we! ay ra > Re kal y : ‘ ah wl oe oe . ~ ; "] EARLY : CUTIE OR INIA ANNALS BEING THAT PART OF THE AUTHOR’S SERIES ON THE HISTORY OF CALIFORNIA COVERING THE DISCOVERY AND OCCUPATION 1542-1800 HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT NEW YORK THE BANGROFT COMPANY Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2021 with funding from University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign https ://archive.org/details/earlycaliforniaa00banc_0O es Qanret bherten. or Se » PREFACH. THe past of California, as a whole and in each successive phase, furnishes a record not excelled either in variety or interest by that of any New World province. From the time when it was a mere field of cosmographic conjecture, its position, somewhere on the way from Mexico to India, being vaguely fixed by such bounds as Asia, the north pole, Newfoundland, and Florida, it has drawn upon itself a liberal share _of the world’s notice. The period of Spanish occupa- tion, of spiritual conquest and mission development erowing out of Franciscan effort, of quiet pastoral life with its lively social monotony, is a fascinating subject that in no part of America can be studied more advantageously than here. Even the minia- ture struggles between church and state, the polit- ical controversies of the Mexican régime, the play at war and state-craft, are full of interest to the reader who can forget the meagre outcome. On the ocean, as on a great maritime highway, California was visited by explorers and traders from all parts of the world, thus escaping much of the tedious isolation of inland provinces, to the manifest enlivenment of her annals. Over the mountains presently came adventurous path- finders, followed by swarms of Anglo-Saxon im- ©» migrants to seek homes by the Pacific; and their °~ Fe (iii) iv PREFACE. experiences on the overland way, with the dissensions and filibusterings that followed their coming, from the ‘Graham affair’ to the ‘Bear Flag’ revolt, furnish matter for a narrative not wanting in dramatic in- terest. Then came the conquest, the change of flag, and the interregnum of military rule under the United States; closely followed by the crowning excitement of all, the discovery of gold, an event that not only made California famous among the nations, but imparted a new interest to the country’s past. The gold-mines with their immense yield, the anoma- lous social conditions and developments of the ‘flush times,’ the committees of vigilance and other strange phenomena, for years permitted no relaxation of the world’s interest. And then dawned the latest epoch _ of industrial progress, of agricultural wealth, of trans- continental railways, of great towns on the Pacific; an epoch that in a measure places California side by side with older states in a career of progressional prosperity. My resources for writing a history of California are shown in the accompanying list of authorities, and in Chapter II. of the present volume, where a classifica- tion of the authorities is given. Existing printed material for such a history is in the aggregate exten- sive and valuable. The famous collectors and editors of old, such as Hakluyt and Purchas, the standard historians of the Spanish Indies, Torquemada and Herrera, with Mercator, Ortelius, and all the school of cosmographers, aided by such specialists as Vene- gas and Cabrera Bueno, published what was known and imagined of California in the earliest period of its annals. Then the early navigators from the time PREFACH. Vv of La Pérouse and Vancouver gave much aiten- tion to the history of the country they visited; and while few of them made the best use of their oppor- tunities, vet their narratives may be regarded as the most valuable material in print, unless we except Palou’s missionary annals. Meanwhile Fleurieu and Navarrete, like Forster and Burney, turned their attention to the summarizing of early voyages; and others, like Forbes and Mofras, gave a more practical scope to their researches. Documentary records were printed from time to time in Mexico, and even in California; articles more or less historical found their way into the world’s periodicals, and mention of the far-off province appeared in general works on Spanish America. Foreign pioneers, following the lead of Robinson, described in print the condition and prospects of their new home; overland immigrants and explorers, like Bidwell and Hastings and Frémont, pictured the western coast for the benefit of others to follow. The conquest was voluminously recorded in documents printed by the government of the United States, as well as in such books as those of Colton and Cutts, also making California a prominent topic of newspaper mention. . From the finding of gold there has been no lack of books and pamphlets published jn or about the country; while national, state, and municipal records in type, with the addition of news- papers, have forever abolished the necessity of search- ing the unprinted state and county archives. Of late there has been manifest commendable diligence on the part of early Californians in_his- toric research. Many pioneer reminiscences have been printed in one form or another, one journal vi PREFACE. having been devoted for years almost exclusively to that labor. A few documents of the older time have seen the light, with comments by such men as Taylor and Evans, who, like Stillman, have studied the old voyages. John T. Doyle, besides publishing several historical pamphlets, has edited a reprint of Palou’s works. Several men, like Hopkins of San Francisco and Williams of Santa Cruz, have brought out small collections of California documents. Other memorials of the Mexican time have been translated, printed, and to some extent utilized in periodicals and legal records. Some members of the legal profession, such as Dwinelle, have expanded their briefs into formal history. Several old narratives or diaries of early events, as for instance those of Ide and Sutter, have been recently published. Benjamin Hayes has been an indefatigable collector of printed items on southern California. Lancey has presented in crude form a valuable mass of information about the conquest. Specialists, like McGlashan on the Donner party, have done some faithful work. Particularly active have been the local annalists, headed by Hittell, Soulé, Hall, and Gilbert, whose efforts have in sev- eral instances gone far beyond mere local and personal records, and who have obtained some original data from old residents and a partial study of documentary evidence. And finally there are a few writers, like Tuthill and Gleeson, who have given the world popular and creditable versions of the country’s general annals. The services of the lawyers and legal tribunals in years past merit hearty recognition. My corps of involuntary legal assistants has been more numerous than that of the twenty skilled collaborateurs employed PREFACE, vii directly by me as elsewhere explained; and though they examined but a small part of the archives, yet they employed the finest talent in the profession, labored for more than twenty years, submitted their work to the courts, and collected, I suspect, larger fees than I should have been able to pay. The notes of these workmen were scattered broadcast, and were practically inaccessible in legal briefs, printed argu- ments, court reports, and bulky tomes of testimony in land and other cases; but I have collected, classi- fied, and used them to test, corroborate, or supple- ment notes from other sources. This duplication of data, and the comments of the profession on the thou- sands of documents submitted alternately to partisan heat and judicial coolness in the crucible of litigation, have not only doubled the value of those papers, but have greatly aided me in making proper use of other tens of thousands never submitted to sucha test. And to documentary evidence of this class should be added the testimony of pioneers elicited by interrogators who, through personal interests or the subpena, had a power over reticent witnesses which I never pos- sessed. But while much credit is due to investigators of the several classes who have preceded me, the path, so far as original research on an extended scale is concerned, has to this time remained untrodden. No writer has even approximately utilized the informa- tion extant in print. It has now been collected and studied for the first time in its entirety. Yet so much further has the investigation been carried, and so com- paratively. unimportant is this class of data, that for viii PREFACE. a large part of the period covered—namely, from 1769 to 1846—the completeness of my record would not be very seriously affected by the destruction of every page that has ever been printed. Never has it been the fortune of any writer, aspiring to record the annals of his country, to have at the same time so new a field and so complete a collection of original and unused material. I may claim without exaggera- tion to have accumulated practically all that exists on the subject, not only in print but in manuscript. I have copied the public archives, hitherto but very superficially consulted; and I have ransacked the country for additional hundreds of thousands of orig-. inal documents whose very existence was unknown. I have also taken statements, varying in size from six to two thousand pages each, from many hun- dreds of the early inhabitants. For details respecting these new sources of information I refer the reader to the list and chapter already cited. It is true that new documents will be found as the years pass by to throw a clearer light on many minor points; but new fe whatever new talent and new theories may do—will necessitate the reconstruction of few if any of these chapters. It is to mea matter of pride that, using the term in the limited and only sense in which it can ever be properly applied to an extended historical work, I have thus been able to exhaust the subject. Possibly I have at the same time exhausted the patience of my readers; for it is in the History oF CauirorniA that I have entered more fully into de- tails than in any other part of the general work. The plan. originally announced carries me from national history into local annals as I leave the south for the PREFACE. ix north; and among the northern countries of the Pacific States California claims the largest space. That this treatment is justified by the extent and variety of the country’s annals, by its past, present, and pro- spective importance in the eyes of the world, will not probably be questioned. Yet while the comparative prominence of the topic will doubtless be approved, it may be that the aggregate space devoted to it will seem to some excessive. But such would be the case if the space were reduced by one half or two thirds; and such a reduction could only be made by a radical change in the plan of the work, and a total sacrifice of its exhaustive character. A history of California is a record of events from year to year, each being given a space, from a short paragraph to a long chapter, in proportion to its importance. Any considerable re- duction in space would make of the work a mere chronological table of events that would be intolerably tedious, or a record of selected illustrative events which would not be history. That the happenings to be chronicled are not so startling as some of the des- tiny-deciding events of the world’s history, is a state of things for which the writer 1s not responsible; and while from a certain point of view it might justify him in not writing of California at all, it can by no means excuse him, having once undertaken the task, from telling the whole story. The custom has been in writing the annals of this and other countries to dwell at length on one event or epoch recorded in a book or document the writer happens to have seen, and to omit—for want of space!—twenty others equally im- portant which have escaped his research, a happy means of condensation not at my command. x PREFACE. There will be found in these volumes no long-drawn narratives or descriptions. In no part of this series has my system of condensation been more strictly ‘ appled. I am firm in the belief that the record is worth preserving, and for its completeness I expect in time the appreciation and approbation of all true Californians. Unless I am greatly in error respect- ing what I have written, no intelligent reader desiring information on any particular event of early Cali- fornian history—information on the founding or early annals of any mission or town; on the development of any political, social, industrial, or religious institu- tion; on the occurrences of any year or period; on the life and character of any official or friar or prominent citizen or early pioneer; on the visit and narrative of any voyager; on the adventures and composition of any immigrant party; on any book or class of books about California; or on any one or any group of the incidents that make up this work—will accuse me of - having written at too great length on that particular topic. And I trust the system of classification will enable the reader to select without inconvenience or confusion such portions as may suit his taste. To government officials of nation, state, and coun- ties, who have afforded me and my agents free access to the public archives, often going beyond their official obligations to facilitate my investigations, most hearty acknowledgments are due. I am no less indebted to Archbishop Alemany of San Francisco and Bishop Mora of Los Angeles and Monterey, by whose au- thority the parochial archives have been placed at my disposal; and to the curates, who with few exceptions have done much more in appreciation of my work PREFACE. xi than simply to comply with the requests of their su- periors. Acknowledgments are also due to Father Romo and his Franciscan associates at Santa Bar- bara for permitting me to copy their unrivalled col- lection of documents, the real archivo de misiones. Nor must I forget the representatives of native Cali- fornian and early pioneer families, duly mentioned by name elsewhere in this history, who have generously and patriotically given me not only their personal reminiscences, but the priceless treasures of their family archives, without which documents the early annals of their country could never have been written. Lastly there are the strong, intelligent, and energetic men of Anglo-Saxon origin, conspicuous among the world’s latter-day builders of empire, who have laid the foundations of the fullest and fairest civilization in this last of temperate climes—to these for informa- tion furnished, with a heart full of admiration and trust, I tender my grateful thanks. CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME. CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTORY RESUME. PAGB History of the North Mexican States, 1520 to 1769—Cortés on the Pacific Coast—His Plans—Obstacles—Nufio de Guzman in Sinaloa—Hur- tado, Becerra, and Jimenez—Cortés in California—Diego de Guz- man—Cabeza de Vaca—Niza—Ulloa—Coronado—Diaz—Alarcon— Alvarado—Mixton War—Nueva Galicia—Nueva Vizcaya—Mission Work to 1600—Conquest of New Mexico—Coast Voyages—Seven- teenth Century Annals—Mission Districts of Nueva Vizcaya—Tepe- huanes and Tarahumares—Jesuits and Franciscans—Revolt in New Mexico—Sinaloa and Sonora—Kino in Pimerfa—Vizcaino—Gulf Expeditions—Occupation of Baja California—Highteenth Century Annals of New Mexico, Chihuahua, Sonora, and Baja California, to the @xpalston Of thew csuite 1 1767... eames shoe aso eee es tote 1 CHAPTER II. BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIAN HISTORY, List of Authorities—A Catalogue of California Books—Taylor’s List— Proposed Classification—Periods of History—Sixteen Hundred Titles before 1848—Printed Material—Epoch of Discovery to 1769—Cos- mographies and Voyage Collections—Spanish Epoch 1769-1824— Books of Visitors—Books, Periodicals, and Documents—The Mexican Period, 1824-1846—Voyages—Overland Narratives—First Prints of California—-Works of Mexican Authors—Government Documents— Histories—Local Annals—One Thousand Titles of Manuscripts— Archives, Public, Mission, and Private—Vallejo and Larkin—Docu- mentary Titles--Scattered Correspondence—Dictations of Natives and Pioneers—Value of Reminiscences—After the Gold Discovery— Manuscripts—Books Printed in and about California.............. 34 ( xiii ) | i _ xiv CONTENTS. CHAPTER ITI. THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA. 1542-1768. Origin of the Name—Conjectures—Sergas of Esplandian—Mr Hale’s Discovery—Later Variations of tne Name—Who First Saw Alta California?—Ulloa, Alarcon, Diaz—Five Expeditions—Voyaye of Juan Rodr'sguez Cabrillo, 1542-3—Exploration from San Diego to Point Concepcion—Ferrelo in the North—Voyage of Sir Francis Drake, 1579—New Albion—Drake did not Discover San Francisco Bay—Maps—The Philippine Ships—Galli’s Voyage, 1584—Cape Mendocino—Voyage of Sebastian Rodriguez de Cermefion, 1595— The Old San Francisco—Explorations of Sebastian Vizcaino, 1602-3 —Map—Discovery of Monterey—Aguilar’s Northern Limit—Cabrera Bueno’s Work, 1734—Spanish Chart, 1742—The Northern Mystery and \Marly Mapas. ./.:.'. s+ + sesamin tee ees attains sa «lA mxtel = oiane es CHAPTER IV. MOTIVES AND PREPARATIONS FOR SPANISH OCCUPATION. 1767-1770. State of the Spanish Colonies—Accidrntal Awakening from Apathy— Revival of Old Motives—Fear of the Russians—Visitador José de Galvez on the Peninsula—Character and Authority of the Man— Condition of Affairs in Lower California—Instructions and Plans of Galvez for the Occupation of San Diego and Monterey—A Fourfold Expedition by Sea and Land—Vessels, Troops, and Supplies—Por- tola, Rivera, and Serra—Plans for the Conquista Espiritual—Galvez Consults the Padre Presidente—Sacred Forced Loans—Active Prep- arations—Sailing of the Fleet from La Paz and Cape San Lucas— March of the Army from the Northern Frontier—Loss of the ‘San Joné’—Tidings of Success.5.4)saaepeeritetew sss 6's oie ails a a's cin sis ease CHAPTER V. OCCUPATION OF SAN DIEGO—EXPEDITIONS BY SEA AND LAND. 1769. Voyage of Perez in the ‘San Antonio’—Arrival in San Diego Bay—A Miracle—Discovery of Santa Cruz Island—Waiting for the Capi- tana—Voyage of Vila in the ‘San Carlos’-—Fages and his Catalan Volunteers—Instructions by Galvez—A Scurvy-stricken Crew—A Pest-house at San Diego—Arrival of Rivera y Moncada—Crespi’s Diary—Camp and Hospital Moved to North San Diego—Coming of Portolé and Junipero Serra—Reunion of the Four Expeditions— Thanksgiving to Saint Joseph—The ‘San Antonio’ Sent to San Blas—Portola Sets out for Monterey—Founding of San Diego Mis- sion—A Battle with the Natives—A Mission without Converts..... PAGE 64 110 CONTENTS. xv CHAPTER VI, FIRST EXPEDITION FROM SAN DIEGO TO MONTEREY AND SAN FRANCISCO; 1769. PAGE Portolé Marches from San Diego—His Company—Crespi’s Journal—Note on Geography and Nomenclature—Table of Names and Distances— First Baptism in California—Earthquakes in the Los Angeles Region —An Hospitable People and Large Villages on the Santa Barbara Channel—Across the Sierra and down the Salinas River—Unsuc- cessful Search for Monterey—Causes of the Error—Northward along the Coast—In Sight of Port San Francisco under Point Reyes —Confusion in Names—Mystery Cleared—Exploration of the Penin- ’ sula—Discovery of a New and Nameless Bay—Return of the Expe- dition to Monterey and San Diego..............006- rE ae Ee 140 CHAPTER VII. OCCUPATION OF MONTEREY—FOUNDING OF SAN cARLOS, SAN ANTONIO, AND SAN GABRIEL. Affairs at San Diego—A Disheartened Governor—California to be Aban- doned—Rivera’s Trip to the South—Prayer Answered—Arrival of the ‘San Antonio’—Discovery of Monterey—In Camp on Carmelo Bay—Founding of the Presidio and Mission of San Carlos—Despatches Sent South by Land and Sea—Portola Leaves Fages in Command— Reception of the News in Mexico—Ten Padres Sent to California— Palou’s Memorial—Mission Work in the North—Arrival of the New Padres—Stations Assigned—Founding of San Antonio—Transfer of San Carlos to Carmelo Bay—Events at San Diego—Desertions—Re- tirement of Parron and Gomez—Establishing of San Gabriel—Out- PAG CS WY SOMONE S016 o.c 4 cst om. «,<.< 81415 6/6 Se enealeues Sirhan ls

VOLS We iets gen 298 xviii CONTENTS. CHAPTER XV. A DECADE COMPLETED—PRESIDENT SERRA VERSUS GOVERNOR NEVE. 1778-1780. A Period of Preparation—Schemes for the Future—Government Re- forms—Pueblos—Channel Establishments—Neve Wants to Resign and is Made Colonel—Sacrament of Confirmation—Episcopal Powers Conferred on Padre Serra—Tour of the Missions—Quarrel with Neve—Kcclesiastic Prerogative and Secular Authority—A_ Friar’s Sharp Practice—Serious Charges by the Governor—Movements of Vessels—Arrival of Arteaga and Bodega from a Northern Voyage— The First Manila Galleon at Monterey—Local Events and Progress —Presidio Buildings eeceeteteeoeeveeeoeeeweeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee eens e CHAPTER XVI. PAGE 317 A NEW REGLAMENTO—COLONISTS AND RECRUITS—LOS ANGELES FOUNDED. 1781. Neve’s Reglamento in Force—Inspectors of Presidios—Supply System— Habilitado—The Santa Barbara Channel to be Occupied—Coloniza- tion System—Mission Extension—Preparations for New Establish- ments—Rivera’s Recruiting in Sonora and Sinaloa—Plans for the March—Coming of Rivera via the Colorado, and of Zufiiga via Lo- reto—Arrival at San Gabriel—Founding of Los Angeles—Neve’s Instructions—Names of the Original Settlers—Karly Progress— Final Distribution of Lands in 1786—Map of Survey—San José Distribution in 1783—Map—Local Items—Laying the Corner-stone of the Church at Santa Clara—Movements of Vessels and Mission- CHAPTER XVII. PUEBLO-MISSIONS ON THE RIO COLORADO, 1780-1782. Preliminary Résumé—Reports of Garcés and Anza—Palma in Mexico— ( Arricivita’s Chronicle—Yumas Clamorous for Miss‘onaries—Orders of General Croix—Padres Garceés and Diaz on the Colorado—No Gifts for the Indians—Disgust of the Yumas— Mission-pueblos Founded—A New System—Powers of Friars Curtailed—Franciscan Criticism—A Dangerous Experiment—Founding of Concepcion and San Pedro y San Pablo—Names of the Colonists—Spanish Oppres- sion—Forebodings of Disaster—Massacre of July 17, 1781—Four Martyrs—Fifty Victims—Death of Rivera—Fruitless Efforts to Punish the Yumas—Captives Ransomed—Expeditions of Fages, Fueros, Romeu, and Neve CONTENTS. CHAPTER XVIII. FOUNDING OF SAN BUENAVENTURA AND SANTA BARBARA PRESIDIO— FAGES GOVERNOR. 1782. ° PAGE Ready to Begin—Missionaries Expected—Neve’s Instructions to Ortega— Precautions against Disaster—Indian Policy—Radical Changes in Mission System—San Buenaventura Established—Presidio of Santa Barbara—Visit of Fages—Arrival of the Transports—News from Mexico—No Mission Supplies—No Priests—Viceroy and Guardian— Six Friars Refuse to Serve—Control of Temporalities--False Charges against Neve—Changes in Missionaries—Fages Appointed Gov- ernor—Neve Inspector General—Instructions—Fugitive Neophytes —Local Events—Death of Mariano Carrillo— Death of Juan CHAPTER XIX. RULE OF FAGES—GENERAL RECORD. 1783-1790. Uneventful Decade—Statistics of Progress—Missions, Presidios, and Pueblos—Population, Padres, and Neophytes—Pedro Fages Brings his Family to California—Doia Eulalia—A Jealous Catalan—A Mon- terey Court Scandal—Fages and Soler—Inspection of Presidios— Soler’s Proposed Reforms—Troubles with Habilitados—Governor and Franciscans—A Never Ending Controversy—General Reports of Palou and Lasuen—Charges and Counter Charges—F ranking Privi- lege—Cruelty to Natives—Chaplain Service—Patronato—Prices for Mission Products—Inventories—License to Retire—Natives on Horseback—Mission Escorts—Native Convicts and Laborers....... CHAPTER XX. RULE OF FAGES, DEATH OF SERRA, AND MISSION PROGRESS. 1783-1790. President Serra’s Last Tours—IlIness and Death—Burial and Funeral Honors—His Life and Character—Succession of Palou and Lasuen— Mugartegui as Vice-president—Confirmation—Notice of Palou’s His; torical Works—Vida de Junfpero—Noticias de California—Map— Proposed Erection of the Missions into a Custodia—New Missions— Founding of Santa Barbara—Innovations Defeated—Five Years’ Progress—Mission of La Purfsima Concepcion Founded—EHarly Ania Wise iis Sap eow bk sei tMe ee EE Sas Pe geedl ts wtala eae arate 372 387 No CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXI. RULE OF FAGES; FOREIGN RELATIONS AND COMMERCE. 1783-1790. PAGE Fears of Foreigners—lIsolation of California—War Contributions against England—Visit of the French Voyager La Pérouse—His Instructions—An Hospitable Reception—The Strangers at San Car- los—Fate of the Expedition—Observations on the Country and the | Mission System—Commerce—The Salt-trade—The Fur-trade—Va- at sadre’s Project—A Failure—The Manila Galleon—Current Prices— Arrival of Transport Vessels—Northern Voyages of Martinez and Elisa—General Washington’s Ship the ‘Columbia’—The Chigoes— Ex-governor Neve and the Provincias Internas................e0. . CHAPTER XXII. RULE OF FAGES; LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS. 1783-1790. Plan of Local Annals—San Diego Presidial District—Presidio Officials— Alférez José Velasquez—Force and Population—Buildings—Garrison Life—Indian Affairs—Explorations—San Diego Mission—Juan Fi- gueroa—Rioboo—Material and Spiritual Progress—San Juan Capis- trano—Gregorio Amurrio--Pablo Mugartegui—San Gabriel—Pueblo of Los Angeles—Settlers—Félix as Comisionado—Presidio of Santa Barbara—Plan of Buildings—A Volcano—Soldiers Killed While Prospecting for Mines—San Buenaventura—Presidio of Monterey— Official Changes—Surgeon Davila—San Carlos—Noriega—San An- tonio— San Luis Obispo—José Cavaller—Presidio of San Francisco— Lieutenants Moraga and Gonzalez—Lasso de la Vega—Presidio Chapel—The Mission—Francisco Paiou—Map of the Bay—Santa Clara—New Church—Murguia—Pueblo de San José—Vallejo as SPOMUSIONAGO . ..s..1 22+ 0s von cane 1 LR een eyes CHAPTER XXIII. RULE OF ROMEU. 1791-1792. Resignation of Pedro Fages—Transfer of the Office at Loreto—Instructions to the New Governor—Last Acts of Fages—Life and Character— Arrival of Romeu—Failing Health—Journey to Monterey—Policy with the Friars—Romeu’s Death—Visit of Malaspina in the ‘Descu- bierta’ and ‘Atrevida’—The First American in California—Prepara- tions for New Missions—Lasuen’s Efforts—EKstablishing of Santa Cruz—Annals of First Decade—Indian Troubles—Statistics—Church 426 450 CONTENTS. xxi. PAGE Dedicated — Flouring Mill — Misfortune —Quarrelsome Padres — Alonso Isidro Salazar—Baldomero Lopez—Manuel Fernandez— Founding and Early Annals of Soledad Mission—Immoral Friars— Widen aD Statistical... vies etek eocld eee wea ates odode Soe eve 481 CHAPTER XXIV. RULE OF ARRILLAGA—VANCOUVER’S VISITS. 1792-1794. Council at Monterey to Appoint a Temporary Governor—Arrillaga’s Accession—Arrival at Monterey—California Separated from Provin- cias Internas—Arrillaga’s Policy and Acts—The Jordan Colony— Maritime Affairs and Foreign Relations—Northern Explorations— Spanish Policy—The Nootka Question—Voyage of the ‘Sutil’ and ‘Mexicana’—Boundary Commission—Vancouver’s First Visit—Re- ception at San Francisco, Santa Clara, and Monterey—English - Deserters—The Governor in a Dilemma—Precautions against Foreign Vessels—Revilla Gigedo’s Report—Attempted Occupation of Bo- dega—Vancouver’s Second Visit—A Disgusted Englishman—Sus- picions of Arrillaga—Hospitalities in the South—End of the Nootka Settlement—Vancouver’s Last Visit—His Observations on Cali- POT es seus ot 3% Sb bess ceed cue un onsteilals @ eis Sia bia eh wis, Sralane & x \vloie'h 501 | CHAPTER XXV. RULE OF BORICA, FOREIGN RELATIONS, AND INDIAN AFFAIRS, 1794-1800. Diego de Borica—Arrival at Loreto—Branciforte Viceroy—Borica’s Jour- ney to Monterey—Arrillaga’s Instructions—Charms of California— Résumé of Events in Borica’s Term of Office—Coast Defences— Promised Reénforcements—French War Contribution—Foreign Ves- sels—Precautions—The ‘Phcenix’—Broughton’s Visit—The ‘Otter’ of Boston—A Yankee Triek—Arrival of Alberni and the Catalan Volunteers— Engineer Cérdoba’s Surveys—War with England— Coasting Vessels—War Contribution—Distribution of Forces—Map of California—The ‘Eliza’—The ‘ Betsy’—War with Russia—Indian Affairs—Minor Hostilities—Campaigns of Amador, Castro, and Mo- PRS ere his aie es STs ile + 6'< aie vie PARTUM ante ste gic a oss sde'o 3 o's 530 CHAPTER XXVI. RULE OF BORICA—EXPLORATIONS AND NEW FOUNDATIONS. 1794-1800. Search for Mission Sites—Exploration of the Alameda—San Benito—Las Pozas—Encino—Palé—Lasuen’s Report—Foundation of Mission San José at the Alameda—Local Annals to 1800—Mission San Juan xxii CONTENTS.. PAGE Bautista at Popeloutchom—Harthquake—Mission San Miguel at Vahiia—Padre Antonio de la Concepcion Horra—Mission San Fer- nando on Reyes’ Rancho, or Achois Comihavit—Mission San Luis Rey at Tacayme—A New Pueblo—Preliminary Correspondence— Search for a Site—Reports of Alberni,and Cérdoba—San Francisco and Alameda Rejected in Favor of Santa Cruz—Arrival of Colo- nists—Founding of the Villa de Branciforte—Protest of the Fran- ciscans—Plan to Open Communication with New Mexico—Colorado DLOCUS GO ODOTA... cee eeeran s SROIT MEME aS sce sis es sles dese ele ses - 550 CHAPTER XXVII. MISSION PROGRESS. 1791-1800. Arrival and Departure of Padres—General Statistical View—The Presi- dent—Episcopal Powers—The Inquisition—Revilla Gigedo’s Report —Views of Salazar—Carmelite Monastery—Pious Fund Hacienda—, Controversies—The Old Questions Discussed Anew—Reduction in Number of Friars—Retirement—Travelling Expenses—Chaplain Duty—Guards—Runaway Neophytes—Mission Alcaldes—Indians on Horseback—Local Quarrels—Charges of Concepcion de Horra— Investigation—Borica’s Fifteen Questions—Replies of Comandantes and Friars—President Lasuen’s Report—The Missionaries Acquitted —lHcclesiastical Miscellany -. . 0.1 Gee eosin 0 sec ecnecceccseosn 575 CHAPTER XXVIII. PUEBLOS, COLONIZATION, AND LANDS—INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. 1791-1800. Pueblo Progress—Statistics—J ordan’s Proposed Colony—Reports of Gov- ernment—Marriage Encouraged—Inns—Views of Salazar, Sefian, and Costans6—Women Wanted—Convicts—Foundlings—Tenure of Lands—Pueblo and Mission Sites—Chronological Statement, 1773- 90—Presidial Pueblos—Provisional Grants—Land-titles at End of Century—Labor—Indian Laborers—Sailors—Artisan Instructors— Manufacturers— Mining— Agriculture—Flax and Hemp—Stock- POISING 5 ade ds 6 od shccee's 2 SOR ared 6 Vo ee 55 oes 88 evssées 600 CHAPTER XXIX. INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. 1791-1800. Conmmerce—Trade of the Transports—Otter-skins—Projects of Marquez, Mamaneli, Inciarte, Ponce, Mendez, and Ovineta—Provincial Fi- nances—Habilitados—Factor and Commissary—Complicated Ac- counts—Supplies and Revenues—Taxes—Tobacco Monopoly—Tithes CONTENTS. xxiii PAGE —Military Force and Distribution—Civil Government—Proposed Separation of the Californias—Administration of Justice—A Cause Célébre—Execution of Rosas—Official Care of Morals—Use of Li- quors—Gambling—Education—Borica’s Efforts—The First Schools Mie OLON MAS LECBie sa, aw sign cate abc eets ami nin Wd >. fayom Ware'ees' se weeg 624 CHAPTER XXX. LOCAL EVENTS AND PROGRESS—SOUTHERN DISTRICT. 1791-1800. ' San Diego Presidio—Lieutenants Zufiga and Grajera—Military Force— Population—Rancho del Rey—Finances—Presidio Buildings—Van- couver’s Description—Fort at Point Guijarros—Indian Affairs—Pre- cautions against Foreigners—Arrivals of Vessels—Mission San Diego —Torrens and Mariner—Statistics—San Luis Rey—San Juan Capis- trano—Fuster—Buildings—Pueblo de Los Angeles—Private Ranchos —San Gabriel—Oramas—San Fernando—Presidioof Santa Barbara— Officers, Forces, and Population—Buildings and Industries—Local Events—First Execution in California—The ‘Phenix’—A Quick- silver Mine—Warlike Preparations—Death of Ortega—Mission of Santa Barbara—Paterna—Rancherias of the Channel—New Church —San Buenaventura—La Purisima Concepcion—Arroita........... 645 CHAPTER XXXTI. LOCAL EVENTS AND PROGRESS—MONTEREY DISTRICT. 1791-1800. Montery Presidio—Military Force and Inhabitants—Officers—Leon Par- rilla—Hermenegildo Sal—Perez Fernandez—Presidio Buildings—- Battery—Rancho del Rey—Private Ranchos—Industries—Company Accounts—Indian Affairs-—San Carlos Mission—Missionary Changes —Pascual Martinez de Arenaza—Statistics of Agriculture, Live- stock, and Population—Vancouver’s Description—A New Stone Church—A Wife-murder—San Antonio de Padua de Los Robles— Miguel Pieras—Benito Catalan—San Luis Obispo—Miguel Giribet— Bartolome Gili-—Indian, Proubles. .. 0. coo. nace teste wees cr EME 677 CHAPTER XXXII. LOCAL EVENTS AND PROGRESS—SAN FRANCISCO JURISDICTION. 1791-1800. San Francisco Officials—Military Force—Population—Finance—Presidio Buildings—Plan—Castillo de San Joaquin at Fort Point—Cérdoba’s Report—Ravages of Elements—Repairs—Battery of Yerba Buena at Black Point—Vancouver’s Visits—Captain Brown—Mines Dis- covered—-Alberni’s Company—Wreck of the ‘San Carlos’—The xxiv CONTENTS. PAGE ‘Eliza’—Rancho del Rey—Mission versus Presidio—Indian A ffairs— Runaway Neophytes—Amador’s Campaigns—Padre’s Cruelty—San Francisco Mission—Fathers Cambon, Espi, Danti, Garcia, and Fer- nandez—Buildings, Statistics, Industries—Pueblo of San José— Inhabitants and Officials—Statistics—Hemp Culture—Local Events —Proposed Removal—Boundary Dispute—Santa Clara—Pefia and Noboa—Population, Agriculture, Buildings, and Manufactures..... 692 CHAPTER XXXITI. CLOSE OF BORICA’S RULE. 1800. End of a Decade and Century—Borica’s Policy and Character—Indus- trial Revival—Fruitless Efforts—Governor’s Relations with Friars, Soldiers, Neophytes, and Settlers—Efforts for Promotion—A Knight of Santiago—Family Relations—Leave of Absence, Departure, and Death—Arrillaga and Alberni in Command—List of Secondary Au- thorities on Karly California History—List of Inhabitants of Cali- Sornis frdm1769°t0 1800: . os os rdaes Bte Wie! Siwistscase. d< tela s' Es viata 726 AUTHORITIES QUOTED IN THE HISTORY OF CALIFORNIA. | There are more than one thousand titles of works actually consulted in these volumes, and many of them named in foot-notes, which do not appear in this list. The catalogue is, however, complete down to the discovery of gold in 1848, and practically so down to 1856. The omissions of later date are general works of reference, cyclopedias, etc.; speeches, addresses, orations, not directly historical in their nature; publications emanating from or relating to various California institutions, associations, com- panies, orders, churches, banks, courts, schools, etc.; legal briefs, county and municipal regulations, law text-books, briefs, and miscellaneous public docwments; works of fiction and science; newspapers, and other similar classes. These works in the aggregate have afforded me much information ; indeed there is hardly a Californian book, pamphlet, or paper in my Library which is not in a certain sense historical ; but space does not permit a full catalogue, and I am obliged to restrict the list with few exceptions to material that bears directly on history. See chapter ii. of this volume for a classification of the works here named. ] - Aa (Pieter van der), Naaukeurige Versameling. Leyden, 17°27. 30 vols. Abbey (James), A Trip across the Plains in 1850. New Albany, 1850. Abbott (John 8. C.), Christopher Carson. New York, 1876. Abell (Alexander), Copy of agreement on behalf of U. S. in relation to island of Santa Cruz [32d Cong., Ist Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 87]. Washington, 1852. Abella (Ramon), Correspondencia del Misionero. MSS. in various archives. Abella (Ramon), Diario de un Registro de los Rios Grandes, 1811. MS. Abella (Ramon), Noticia de una Batalla entre Cristianos y Gentiles, 1807. MS. brego (José), Asuntos de la Tesoreria. MSS. in various archives. Abrego (José), Cartas sobre la Colonia de 1834. MS. Abrego (José), Relation. MS. Acosta (Josef de), Historia Natural y Moral de las Indias. Sevilla, 1590. Act of Congress Creating the Office of Shipping Commissioner. 8. F. 1873. Actas de Elecciones. MS. In Archivo de California. Adam (George), Dreadful Sufferings and Thrilling Adventures of an Over- land Party of Emigrants to California. St Louis, 1850. Addresses. See Speeches. Adventures (The) of a Captain’s Wife...to California in 1850, New York, etc., 1877. Aimard (Gustave), The Gold Seekers. Philadelphia, n.d. Alaman (Liicas), Censo de California, 1832. MS. Alaman (Liicas), Historia de Méjico. Mexico, 1849-52. 5 vols. Alaman (Lucas), Sucesos de California en 1831. MS. Alameda, Abstract of Title, lots 17-20, survey of Jones. San Francisco, 1873, . Alameda, Argus, Encinal, Messenger, Post, etc. ; Alameda County, Historical Atlas. San Francisco, 1878, atlas folio, Esst. Cau., Vou. I. 8 (xxv) xxvi AUTHORITIES QUOTED. Albany (Or.) Register. Albatross (The ship), Log of a Voyage to the N. W. Coast, 1809-12. MS. Albatross and Lydia, Comunicaciones relativas. 1816. 18. Alberni (Pedro), Comunicaciones del Teniente Coronel, 1796-1800. MSS. [In different archives. } Alberni (Pedro), Parecer sobre el sitio de Branciforte, 1796. MS. Album Mexicano. Mexico, 1849 et seq. Alcedo (Antonio de), Diccionario Geografico Histérico de las Indias Occiden- tales. Madrid, 1786-9. 5 vols. Alexander (B. 8.), G. H. Mendell, and G. Davidson, Report on Treinen of San Joaquin. Washington, 1874. Alexander (J. H.), Memoir on the Routes of Communication between Atlantic and Pacific. Washington, 1849. Alger (Horatio, Jr.), The Young Adventurer. Boston, 1878; The Young Miner. Boston, 1879. Allsopp (J. P. C.), Leaves from my Log-book. MS. Allsopp (Robert), California and its Gold Mines. London, 1853. All the Way Round. London, etc. (1875). Almanacs. A great number, only a few of which are named in this list as follows: Alta California. S. F., 1868 et seq.; California Merchants and Miners. S. F., 1857 et seq.; California Miners. 8. F., 1864; California Pictorial. S. F., 1858 et seq.; California State. S. F., 1854; Califor- nischer Volkskalender. S. F., 1858; Carrie and Damon’s California, 8. F., 1856; Jacoby (Philo), Almanack fiir Cal. S. F., 1865 et seq.; Knight(Wm. H.), Handbook for Pacific States. 8. F., 1862 et seq.; Langley (Henry G.), Pacific Coast. 8. F., 1868 et seq.; /d., State. S. F.,1863; /d., State Register. S. F., 1857 et seq.; San Francisco. S. F., 1859, etc. Alric (Henry J. A.), Dix Ans de Résidence d’un Missionnaire dans les deux Californies. Mexico, 1866. Altimira (José), Diario de la Expedicion, 1823. MS. Altimira (José), Journal of a Mission-founding Expedition, 1823. In Hutch- ings’ Cal. Mag., v. 58, 115. Alturas, Modoc Independent. Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Campafia de Las Flores, 1838. MS. Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Carta Confidencial, 7 de Nov. 1836. MS. Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Carta en que relata la Campaiia de S. Fernando, Enero 1837. MS. Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Carta en que relata los sucesos de Los Angeles, Feb. 1837. MS. Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Cartas Relaciones, Revolucion de 1844-5. MS. Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Comunicaciones al Ayuntamiento de Los Angeles, Enero 1837. MS. Alvarado (Juan Bautista), El C...Coronel de la Milicia Civica, etc. [Despacho de Capitan 4 favor de J. J. Vallejo.] Monterey, 12 Dic. 1836. Alvarado (Juan Bautista), El C... Gobernador Interino del Estado Libre de Alta Cal. 4 sus Habitantes, Monterey, Mayo 10, 1837. Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Gobernador Constitucional, ete. [Suprimiendo los Empleos de Administradores de Misiones.] Monterey, 1 Mayo, 1840, Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Historia de California. MS. 1876. 5 vols. Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Instrucciones al Prefecto Castro. 1840. MS. Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Instrucciones que debe observar el Visitador. 1840. MS. | Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Instrucciones que deberd observar el Visitador Hartnell. 1839. MS. Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Manifiesto del Gobt-, 10 Mayo, 1837. Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Oficios Varios y Cartas Particulares. MSS. Very numerous in different public and private archives. Alvarado (Juan Bautista), [Proclama del] Gefe Politico 21 Nov. 1838. Alvarado (Juan Bautista), [Proclama del] Gobernador Interino, 9 Julio, 1837, MS... . ; ‘ F | My AUTHORITIES QUOTED. Xxvil Alvarado (Juan Bautista), [Proclama del] Gobernador sobre Destierro de Ex: trangeros. 1840 Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Primitivo Descubrimiento de Oro en Cal., 1841. MS. Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Reglamento de ex-misiones. Monterey, 1843. Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Reglamento Provisional para Administradores de Misiones, 1839. MS. Alvarado and Castro, Esposicion contra Micheltorena, 1845. MS. Alviso (Valentin), Documentos para la Historia de California MS., 1817-50, 1817-50. Alviso (José Antonio), Campajia de Natividad, 1846. MS. Amador (José Maria), Memorias sobre la Hist. de Cal. MS. Amador (Pedro), Diario de la Expedicion para fundar la Mision de 8. José, 1797.> MS. Amador (Pedro), Expedicion contra los gentiles Sacalanes, 1796. MS. Amador (Pedro), Expediente de Servicios, 1765-91. MS. Amador (Pedro), Papeles del Sargento. MSS. In various archives. Amador (Pedro), Prevenciones al Cabo de la Escolta de 8. José, 1797. MS. Amador (Pedro), Reconocimiento desde Sta Cruz hasta S. Francisco, 1795. MS. Amador (Pedro), Salida contra Indios Gentiles, 1800. MS. Amador County, History. Oakland, 1881. folio. Amelia Sherwood. Richmond, 1850. America, Descripcion, 1710. MS. America, or an Exact Description of the West Indies. London, 1655. American Antiquarian Society, Proceedings. Worcester, 1820 et seq. American Educational Monthly. New York, 1864 et seq. American and Foreign Christian Union. New York, 1851 et seq. American Geographical and Statistical Society. New York, 1850 et seq. American Quarterly Register and Magazine. Philadelphia, 1845 et seq. American Quarterly Review. Philadelphia, 1827 et seq. American Review. Philadelphia, 1811 et seq. American State Papers. Boston, 1817-19. 12 vols.; Washington, 1832-4; 1858-61. folio. 39 vols. Americans at Sea. In Niles’ Register, xvili. 417. Ames (John G.), Report on Mission Indians of California. Washington, 1873. Amesti (José), Cartas de un Comerciante Espafiol. MSS. In different archives. Amigo del Pueblo. Mexico, 1827 et seq. Amulet (The), A tale of Spanish California. London, 1865. Anaheim, Gazette, Review, etc. Anaheim, Its People and its Products. New York, 1869. Anderson (Alexander. C.), Northwest Coast History. MS. Anderson (Alexander D.), The Silver and Gold of the Southwest, etc. St Louis, 1877; The Silver Country, etc. New York, 1877. Anderson (David C.), Statement of Theatrical Events. MS. Anderson (Mary E.), Scenes in the Hawaiian Islands and California, Boston [1865]. Annals of Congress. [lst to 18th Congress.] Washington, 1834-56. 42 vols. Annual of Scientific Discovery. Boston, 1850-67. 1870-1. 19 vols. Anquetil, Universal History. London, 1800. 9 vols. Ansted (David T.), The Gold-seeker’s Manual. New York, 1849. Anthony (E. M.), Siskiyou County Reminiscences. MS. Antioch, Ledger. Anza (Juan Bautista), Descubrimiento de Sonora 4 California, 1774. MS. Anza (Juan Bautista), Diario de una expedicion desde Sonora 4 8. Francisco, Cal., 1775-6. MS. N, Apalategui y Torres, Averiguacion en Sonora del Re. de Los Angeles, 1835. MS. Apalditegui y Torres, Causa seguida contra los conspiradores, 1835. MS. Apodaca (Virey), Cartas. MSS. In the archives. | Apostdlicos Afanes de la Compaiiia de Jesus. Barcelona, 1754. oF xxviii AUTHORITIES QUOTED. Apponyi (Flora Haines), Libraries of California. San Francisco, 1878. Arab, Log-book, 1821-5. MS. Arancel de Precios, 1782. MS. Arancel de Precios, 1788. MS. Arce (Francisco), Documentos para la Historia de Cal. MS. Arce (Francisco), Memorias Histéricas y Documentos Originales. MS, Archbald (John), Why ‘California.’ In Overland Monthly, ii. 434. Archer (L.), Speech on Assembly Bill No. 182. n.pl., n.d. Archivo del Arzobispado de San Francisco. MS. 5 vols. Archivo de California. MS. 273 vols. and a great mass of loose papers. Documents preserved in the U. S. Surveyor-general’s office at San Fran- cisco. Copies in my Collection. Divided as follows: Prov. St. Pap.; Prov. Rec.; Dept. St. Pap.; Dept. Rec.; Leg. Rec.; State Pap.; Sup. Govt. St. Pap.; Actas de Elecciones; Brands and Marks; and Unbound Doc., q. v. for full sub-titles and further subdivisions. Archivo de las Misiones. MS. 2 vols. Archivo del Obispado de Monterey y Los Angeles. MS. Archivo de Santa Barbara. MS. 11 vols. Archuleta (Florentino), Comunicaciones Pedagégicas. MS. In the archives, Arco Iris. Vera Cruz, 1847 et seq. folio. Areche, Parecer 14 de Jun. 1773. MS.; also in Palou, Not., i. 572. Areche, Respuesta 30 de Jun., 1773. MS. Argelo, Calaveras Mountaineer. Argiiello (Gervasio), Escritos de un Habilitado General y Diputado. MSS. In public and private archives. Argiiello (Gervasio), Observaciones, 1816. MS. Argiiello(José), Relacion de lo que declararon los gentiles Sacalanes, 1797. MS. Argiiello (José), Relacion que formé sobre Indios huidos de 8. Francisco, 17oiee GS, Argiiello (José), Cartas de un Gobernador de las Californias. MSS. In the different archives. Argiiello (José), Informe sobre Rancho del Rey en 8. Francisco, 1798. MS. Argiiello (José), Instruccion que ha de observar el teniente Luis Argiiello en S. Francisco, 1806. MS. Argiiello (José), Respuesta 4 las quince Preguntas sobre abusos de Misioneros, Biel 798. : Argiiello (Luis Antonio), Cartas del Comandante y Gobernador. MSS. In the different archives. Argiiello (Luis Antonio), Hoja de Servicios hasta 1828. MS. Argiiello (Santiago), Correspondencia del: Comandante y Prefecto. MSS. Archives, passim. Argiiello (Santiago), Correspondencia Particular. MS. Arman (H. M. Van), The Public Lands of California. San Francisco, 1876. Armona (Matias), Carta de 1770. In Doc. Hist. Mex. serie iv., tom. ii. p. 156. Armstrong (William), ’49 Experiences. MS. Arnaz (José), Recuerdos de Un Comerciante. MS. Arrangoiz (Francisco de Paula), Méjico desde 1808 hasta 1867. Madrid, 1871-2. 4 vols. Arricivita (J. D.), Crénica Serdfica y Apostélica. Mexico, 1792. folio. Arrillaga (Basilio José), Recopilacion de Leyes, etc. Mexico, 1838-50. 16 vols. Arri laga (José Joaquin), Borrador de Carta 4 Vancouver, 1793. MS. Arriliaga (José Joaquin), Correspondencia del Gobernador. MS. Archives, assim. awtiees (José Joaquin), Hojas de Servicio, 1791-8. MS. Arrillaga (José J oaquin), Informe sobre el estado de Indios, Misiones, etc., 1804. MS. Arrillaga (José Joaquin), Informe al Virey sobre Defensas, 1793. MS. Arrillaga (José Joaquin). Papel de Puntos para conocimiento del Gobernador, 1794. MS. Arrillaga (José Joaquin), Preceptos Generales para Comandantes, 1806, MS. ay AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xxix Arrillaga (José Joaquin), Relacion del estado que guardan los Presidios y Pueblos, 1806. MS. Arrillaga (José Joaquin), Testamento, 1814. MS. Arroyo de la Cuesta (Felipe), Cartas del Misionero. MS. In mission and secular archives. Arroyo de la Cuesta (Felipe), Grammar of the Mutsun Language. New York, 1861; also original MS. Arroyo de la Cuesta (Felipe), A Vocabulary or Phrase Book of the Mutsun Language. New York, 1861; also original MS. Arteaga (Ignacio), Tercera Exploracion, 1779. MS. Ascension (Antonio de la), Descubrimiento de California, 12 Oct. 1620. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., tom. viii. Ashburner (William), Report upon the “App.” Gold Quartz Mine. San Francisco, 1866. Ashland (Or.), Tidings. Ashley (D. R.), Documents for the History of California. MS. Ashley (D. R.), Records kept during journey made by members of California Association from Monroe, Mich., to Cal., 1849. MS. Asia y Constante, Tratado de Capitulacion de los Navios, 1825. MS. "rR, Sessions of 1846. In U. S. vs. Bolton, App. Brief U. S. Sup. ourt Associations. See Institutions. Astoria, Astorian. Atanasio, Causa Criminal contra el Indio. Abril 26, 1831. MS. Atlantic Monthly. Boston, 1858 et seq. Atlantic and Pacific R. R. Co. Act granting lands. New York, 1866; Cir- cular. New York, 1855; and other documents. Atleta (El). Mexico, 1829 et seq. Auburn, Placer Herald, Stars and Stripes, Union Advocate, etc. Auger (Edouard), Voyage en Californie, 1852-3. Paris, 1854. Austin (Nev.), Reese River Reveille. Australian Newspapers in Mechanics’ Library of San Francisco and elsewhere. Autobiografia Autografica de los Padres Misioneros, 1817. MS. Averett (T. H.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep. March 27, 1850, to admit Cali- fornia. Washington, 1850. Averill (Charles E.), Life in California. Boston. n.d. Avery (Benjamin Parke), Californian Pictures. New York, 1878. Avila (Antonio), y otros, Papeles tocantes 4 su sedicion, 1832. MS. Avila (Juan), Notas Californianas. MS. * Avila (Maria Inocenta), Cosas de California. MS. Avila (Miguel), Documentos para la Historia de California, MS, Avila de Rios (Catarina), Recuerdos. . MS. Ayala (Tadeo Ortiz), Resimen de la Estadistica del Imp. Mex. Mexico, 1822. Ayers (F. H.), Personal Adventures, MS. Ayuntamientos, Decreto de las Cértes, 23 de Mayo, 1812. In Mexico, Leyes Vigentes, 1829. Azanza (Virey), Ordenes. MS. In the archives. Azanza (Virey), ), Ynstruccion, 1800. MS. Bacon (L. H.), Memoir of Early Times. MS. Baird (Spencer F.), Fish and Fisheries [45th Cong., 2d. Sess., Sen. Mis. Doc. 49]. Washington, 1877. Baker (E. D.), Speech before California Senate Feb. lst and 2d. 1854. San Francisco, 1854; also other speeches. Baker City (Or.), Herald. Bakersfield, Kern County Californian, Kern County Courier, Kern County Gazette, Southern Californian, etc. Baldridge (William), The Days of ’46. MS. Baldwin (R. S.), Speech in U. S. Sen. March 27, 1850, Admission of Califor- nia, etc. Washington, 1850. XXX AUTHORITISE QUOTED, Ball (N. B.), Sketch by a Pioneer. MS. Ballenstedt (C. W. T.), Beschreibung meiner Reise nach den Goldminen, Californiens. Schéningen, 1851. Ballou (John), The Lady of the West. Cincinnati, 1855, Ballou (William T.), Adventures. MS. Baltimore (Md.), Patriot, Sun. Bancroft (A. L.), Diary ofa J ourney to Oregon. MS. Bancroft (Hubert Howe), History of the Pacific States of North America, San Francisco, 1882 et seq. 28 vols.; Native Races of the Pacific States. New York, 1875. 5vols.; Popular Tribunals, San Francisco. 2 vols., etc. ; Bancroft (Hubert Howe), Personal Observations in California, 1874. MS. Bancroft Library, MS. Scrap-books, containing classified notes used in writing Bancroft’s works. Bancroft Library, Newspaper scraps classified under the following headings: Academy of Sciences; Amusements and Celebrations; Art; Authors; Banks and Banking; Bibliography; Biography; Births, Deaths, etc. ; Charitable Institutions; Chinese; Climate; Constitutional Convention; -Counties; Crimes and Society; Earthquakes; Education and Schools; Fares and Freights; Fisheries; Floods; Fruit-raising; Indians; J ournalism; Kearneyism and the Workingmen’ s Party; Lands; Legal; Libraries; Luin- ber Question; Manufactures; Military Affairs; Mineral Springs; Mining Stocks; Miscellaneous; Modoc War; New Charter; Oil and Petroleum; Pioneer Celebrations; Politics; Population and Colonization; Railroads; Religion; Resources; Revenue and Taxation; Roads and Routes; Ship- ping and Navigation; Silver Remonetization; State Fairs; Stock-raising; Stories and Legends; Telegraphs; Trade and Commerce; Trips across the Continent and Voyages by Sea; United States Mails; Water Supply. 68 vols. 4to. Bandini (Juan), Acusaciones contra Angel Ramirez, 1834-7. MS. Bandini (Juan), Apuntes Politicos, 1832. MS. Bandini José), Carta Histdérica y ‘Descriptiva de California, 1828. MS. Bandini (Juan), Carta Particular 4 Vallejo sobre cosas politicas. 12 Dic., 1836. MS. Bandini (Juan), Carta 4 Vallejo sobre Revoluciones. 3 Dic., 1836. MS. Bandini (Juan), Contestacion 4 la Alocucion de Victoria, 1831. MS. Bandini (Juan), Correspondencia Particular y Oficial. MSS. A large num- ber of documents in private and public archives, in addition to those specially named in this list. Bandini (Juan), El Diputado de la Alta California 4 sus Comitentes. 6 Agosto, 1833. Mexico, 1833. Bandini (Juan), Discurso ante el Ayunt. de Los Angeles. 27 Mayo, 1837. MS. Bandini (Juan), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS. Bandini (Juan), Historia de Alta California. MS. Bandini (Juan), Informacion del Visitador de Aduana, 1835. MS. Bandini (Juan), Manifiesto 4 la Diputacion sobre ramos de Hacienda Terri- torial, 1832. MS. Bandini (Juan), Proyecto de Misiones, 1846. MS. Bandini (J Hep Sucesos del Sur, Mayo-Agosto, 1837. MS. Banfield (J. A.), Historical Sketch of Yolo County. In Woodland Yolo Democrat, July 6, 1876. Banker’s Magazine and Statistical Register. Baltimore, etc., 1846 et seq. Banks. See Institutions. Baranof (Alexander), Shizneopissanie. St Petersburg, 1835. Barber (John W.), and Henry Howe. History of Western States and Terri- tories. Cincinnati, 1867. Barnard (Helen M.), The Chorpenning Claim. n.pl., n.d. Barnes (Demas), From the Atlantic to the Pacific Overland. New York, 1866. Barnes (G. A.), Oregon and California. , Barri (Felipe), Oficios del Gobr- de la Baja California, MS. In Prov. St. Pap. passim. AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xxxi Barrow (John), The Life, Voyages, and Exploits of Admiral Sir Francis Drake. London, 1843. Barrow (William), The General; or Twelve Nights in a Hunter’s Camp. Bos- ton, 1869. ; Barry (W. J.), Up and Down. London, 1879. Barry (T. A.), and B. A. Patten, Men and Memories of San Francisco, San Francisco, 1873. Barstow (Alfred), Statement of a Pioneer of 1849. MS. Barstow (D. P.), Recollections of 1849-51. MS. Barstow (George), Introductory Address. San Francisco, 1859; other ad- dresses. Bartlett (John Russell), Personal Narrative of Explorations and Incidents in Texas, New Mexico, California, etc. New York, 1854. 2 vols. Bartlett, (John Russell), Report on the Boundary Line between the U. 8. and Mexico. [32d Cong., 2d Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 41.] Washington, 1851. Bartlett (Washington), Statement of a Pioneer of 1849. MS. Barton (James R.), Statement of an Early Settler. MS. Barton (Stephen), Early History of Visalia. Scrap-book. Basellandschaftlichen Zeitung, 1868. Bates (D. B.), Four Years on the Pacific Coast. Boston, 1858; Boston, 1860. Bates (H. W.), Illustrated Travels. London, n.d. Bates (J. C.), Report of the Proceedings...Will and Testament of Horace Hawes. San Francisco, 1872. Battle Mountain (Nev.), Messenger. Bauer (John A.), Statement of a Pioneer of 1849. MS. Bausman (William), Early California. San Francisco, 1872. Baxley (H. Willis), What I saw on the Western Coast. New York, 1865. Beadle (J. H.), The Undeveloped West. Philadelphia [1873]; Western Wilds. Cincinnati, 1879. Beadle’s Monthly. New York, 1865 et seq. Beale (E. F.), Wagon Road from Fort Defiance to the Colorado River. [35th Cong., Ist Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 124.] Bean (Edwin F.), see Directories, Nevada County, Cal., 1867. Bear Flag Papers, 1846. MS. Beard (Henry), Argument. John Roland...Land Claim, ‘‘La Puente.” Washington, 1866. Beckwith (EK. G.), Report of Exploration of a Route for the Pacific Rail- road near the 38th and 39th Parallels [33d Cong., Ist Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 129]. Washington [1854]. Bee (F. A.), Opening Argument...Chinese Immigration. 8S. F., 1876. Bee (Henry J.), Recollections of California from 1830. MS. Beechey (F. W.), Narrative of a Voyage to the Pacific, etc., in 1825-8. London, 1831, 2 vols.; Philadelphia, 1832. Beechey (F. W.), Zodlogy of Voyage. See Richardson (J.) et al. Beers (George A.), Vasquez. New York, 1875. Belcher (Edward), Narrative of a Voyage round the World in 1836-42. London, 18438. 2 vols. Belden (David), Speech in Sen. of Cal. Feb. 9, 1866, against the Repeal of the Specific Contract Act. Sacramento, 1866. Belden (Josiah), Historical Statement. MS. Belden (Josiah), Letters of a Pioneer of 1841. MS. Belfast (Me.), Republican Journal. Bell (A. D.), Arguments in favor of Immigration. San Francisco, 1870. Bell (Horace), Reminiscences of a Ranger. L. Angeles, 1881; also scrap book. Bell (J. C.), Obituary Address on Death of. Sacramento, 1860. Bell (W. A.), New Tracks in North America. London, 1870. Belleville (Ill.), Advocate. Bellows (Henry W.), In Memory of Thos. Starr King. Discourse, May 1, 1864. San Francisco, 1864. Belmont (Nev.), Courier. xxxii AUTHORITIES QUOTED. Benham (Calhoun), Testimony in behalf of the U. S. vs. Sutter. ‘‘New Helvetia.” San Francisco, 1861. Benicia, Chronicle, New Era, Pacific Churchman, Tribune, etc. Benicia, Official Documents in Relation to Land Titles. Suisun, 1867. Bennett (H. C.), Chinese Labor. A Lecture. San Francisco, 1870. Bennett (Henry), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., May 27, 1850, on Admission of California. Washington, 1850. Bennett (Nathaniel), The Queue Case. n.pl., n.d. Bentley (William R.), Pleasant Paths of the Pacific Northwest. San Fran- cisco, 1882. Benton (J. A.), The California Pilgrim. Sacramento, 1853. Benton (Thomas H.), Abridgment of Debates in Congress, 1759-1856. New York, 1857-63. 16 vols.; Defence of Frémont. In Niles’ Register, lxxi. 173; Speech in U. 8. Senate, July, 1848. In Cong. Globe, 1847-8, App. 977; Speech in U. S. Senate, Jan. 15, 1849, on Adjudication of Land Titles, etc., in New Mexico and California. Washington, 1849; Thirty Years’ View. New York, 1854. 2 vols. Berenger (J. P.), Collection de Tous les Voyages faits autour du Monde. Paris, 1788-9. 9 vols. Berkeley, Advocate, Berkeleyan. Berkeley Quarterly. San Francisco, 1880-1. 2 vols. Bermudez (J. M.), Verdadera Causa de la Revolucion. Toluca, 1831. Bernal (Juan), Memoria de un Californio. MS. Berreyesa (Antonio), Relacion de sus Recuerdos. MS. Berreyesa and Carrillo, Quarrel at Sonoma, 1846. MS. Berry (George), The Gold of California. London, 1849. Bestard (Buenaventura), Pastoral del Comisario General de Indias. 28 de Agosto, 1816. MS. : Bestard (Buenaventura), Pastoral. 6 de Mayo, 1816. MS. Betagh (William), A Voyage round the World. London, 1728; London, 1757; also in Pinkerton’s Voyages, vol. xvi.; Harris’ Col., vol. i. Beyer (Moritz), Das Auswanderungsbuch. Leipzig, 1846. Biart (Lucien), My Rambles in the New World. London, 1877. Bidleman (H. J.), see Directories, Sacramento, 1861-2. Bidwell (John), California in 1841-8. MS. Bidwell (John), Journey to California. n. pl. [1842]. Bigelow (John), Les Etats-Unis D’Amérique. Paris, 1863; Memoir of the Life and Public Services of John C. Frémont. New York, 1856. Biggs, Butte County Register, Silver Bend Reporter. Bigler (Henry W.), Diary of a Mormon in California. MS. Bigler (John), Address at a Meeting of Citizens of Santa Clara County. n.pl. [1855]; Scrap Book, 1850-2; Speech at Sacramento July 9, 1867. Sacrae mento, 1867; and other speeches. Bigly (Cantell A.), Aurifodina. New York, 1849, Billings (Frederick), Address, Sept. 23, 1854. San Francisco, 1854. Bilson (B.), The Hunters of Kentucky, etc. New York, 1847. Biographical Sketches in S. José Pioneer, 1878-83. Bird (Isabella L.), Lady’s Life in the Rocky Mountains. New York, 1879-81. Birnie (Robert), Personal Adventures. MS. Black (George), Report on the Middle Yuba Canal. San Francisco, 1864. Black (J. 8.), Reports of Cases argued and determined in the Supreme Court of the United States. Washington, 1863, Blaeu (or Jansz), America. (Atlas Maior). Amstelaedami, 1662. Blagdon (Francis William). The Modern Geographer. London, n.d. 5 vols. Blake (William P.), Geological Reconnaissance in California. New York, 1858. 4to; The Production of the Precious Metals... New York, etc. 1869. Blanchet (F. N.), Historical Sketches of the Catholic Church in Oregon. Portland, 1878. Bledsoe (A. J.), History of Del Norte County. Eureka, 1881. a ee ae oo AUTHORITIES QUOTED. » XXxiii Bliss (William R.), Paradise in the Pacific. New York, 1878. Bluxome (Isaac), Vigilance Committee, by ‘33 Secretary.’ MS. Bnai Brith. Various pamphlets of different lodges of the Society. Bodega y Cuadra (Juan Francisco), Comento de la Navegacion, 1775. MS.. Bodega y Cuadra (Juan Francisco), Navegacion y Descubrimiento, 1779. MS. Bodega y Cuadra (Juan Francisco), Segunda Salida, 1779. MS. Bodega y Cuadra (Juan Francisco), Viage de 1775. MS. Bodie, Chronicle, Free Press, Morning News, Standard, etc. Boggs (William M.), Reminiscences from 1846. MS. Boggs (William M.), Trip across the Plains in 1846. In Calistoga Tribune, 1871; Napa Register, 1872. Bojorges (Juan), Recuerdos sobre la Historia de California, MS. Bolcof (José), Cartas de un Ruso. MS. Bonilla (José Mariano), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS. Bonilla (Mariano), Varias Cartas, 1834-47. MS. Archives, passim. Bonner (T. D.), Life and Adventures of James P. Beckwourth. N. Y., 1858. Bonnycastle (R. H.), Spanish America. London, 1818. 2 vols. Bonwick (James), The Mormons and the Silver Mines. London, 1872. Booth (Newton), Address, Aug. 8, 1868. San Francisco, 1868; also various addresses and letters. Borbon, Parecer del Fiscal sobre el Proyecto de abrir Comunicacion entre California y N. Mexico, 1801. MS. Borica (Diego), Castigos que han de sufrir los Indios, 1797. MS. Borica (Diego), Correspondencia del Sr Gobernador, 1794-1800. MS. Borica (Diego), Informe sobre comunicacion con N. Mexico, 1796. MS. Borica (Diego), Informe de Nuevas Misiones, 1796. MS. Borica (Diego), Instruccion de dirigir la fundacion de Branciforte, 1797. MS. Borica (Diego), Instruccion para la escolta de S. Juan Bautista, 1797. MS. Borica (Diego), Proyecto sobre Division de Californias, 1796. MS. Boronda (José Canuto), Notas de California. MS. Boronda (José L.), Apuntes Histéricos. MS. Borthwick (J. D.), Three Years in California. London, 1857. Boscana (Gerénimo), Chinigchinich. New York, 1846. With Robinson (Alf.) Life in Cal. Boscana (Gerdénimo), Escritos Sueltos del Padre. MSS. Boston (Mass. ), Advertiser, Commercial Bulletin, Journal, Post, Traveller, etc. Boston in the Northwest, Solid Men of. MS. Botello (Narciso), Anales del Sur. MS. Botello (Narciso), Comunicaciones Sueltas de un Angelino. MS. Botica General de los Remedios Esperimentados. Sonoma, 1838. Botta (P. E.), Observations sur les Habitans de la Californie. In Nouv. An. Voy., lii. 156. Botta (P. E.), Osservazioni sugli Abitanti della California, In Duhaut Cilly, Viag. Botts (C. T.), Address, Speech, etc. Bouchacourt (Ch.), Notice Industrielle sur la Californie. Lyon, 1849. Bouchard Affair, Testimonio de Prisioneros acerca de Insurgentes, 1818. MS. Bound Home, or the Gold Hunter’s Manual. New York, 1852. Bowen (Asa M.), Statement on San Pascual, 1846. MS. Bowers (Stephen), Santa Rosa Island. In Smithsonian Report, 1877. Bowie (Aug. J.). Hydraulic Miming in California. San Francisco, 1878. _ Bowie (Richard I.), Speech in U. 8S. H. of Rep., June 6, 1850, on the Califor- nian Question. Washington, 1850. Bowles (Samuel), Across the Continent. Springfield, 1866; Our New West, Hartford, etc., 1869; The Pacific Railroad. Boston, 1869. Boyer (Lanson), From the Orient to the Occident. New York, 1878. Boynton (J. S.), Statement of a Pioneer. MS, Brace (Charles Loring), The New West. New York, 1869. Brackett (Albert G.), History of the U. S. Cavalry. New York, 1865. Brackett (Albert G.), Indian War in California and Nevada, 1866-7. MS. Xxxiv é AUTHORITIES QUOTED. Brackett (Albert G.), List of Officers of California Battalion, 1846-7. MS. Brackett (Albert G.), Sketch of 1st Regiinent New York Volunteers. MS. Brackett (Albert G.), Sketch of the Mormon Battalion. MS. Branciforte (villa de), Dictémen del fiscal sobre fundacion, 1797. MS Branciforte (villa de), El Discretorio de S. Fernando al‘Virey, 1797. MS. Branciforte (villa de), Informe del Real Tribunal sobre la fundacion, 1795. MS. Branciforte peach: Autorizacion para la fundacion de Nuevas Misiones, 1796. S Branciforte (Virey), 4 Borica sobre Baterias de S. Francisco, 1795. MS. Branciforte (Virey), Instruccion, 1794-7. MS. Branciforte (Virey), Varios Oficios, 1794-8. MS. Brands and Marks. MS. 1 vol. In Archivo de California. Bray (Kdmund), Memoir of a Trip to California, 1844. MS. Breck, Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., March 25, 1850, on the Message of the President relating to California. Washington, 1850. Breen (John), Pioneer Memoirs. MS. Breen (Patrick), Diary of one of the Donner Party, 1846. MS. Brereton (R. M.), Report on Messrs Bensley and Co.’s Canal Project, etc. San Francisco, 1872; other reports. Brewerton (George D.), A Ride from Los Angeles to New Mexico. In Har- per’s Magazine. 1853. vol. vii. Bribery, or the California Senatorial Election. San Francisco, 1868. Briefe aus den Vereinigten Staaten. Leipzig, 1853. 2 vols. Briefs of California Supreme Court and other courts, more than 5,000 in num- ber, about 1,000 of which contain items of historical evidence, and over 100 of which are cited in my notes by the names of the cases. Not named in this list. ‘ Briggs (C. P.), Narrative of 1846. In Napa Reporter, Aug. 31, 1872. Bristow (E. L.), Rencounters with Indians, etc. MS. Brock (Joseph M.), Recollections of 49. MS. Brockett (L. P.), Our Western Empire. Philadelphia, etc., 1881. Brodie (S. H.), Statement of Legal Matters. MS. Brooklyn, Vidette. Brooklyn (The) Mormons in California. From a newspaper. Brooks (B. 8.), Alcalde Grants in the City of San Francisco. In Pioneer, vol. i. 129. Brooks (Charles Wolcott), Chinese in California. S. F., 1877; Early Migra- tions of Ancient Western Nations. 8S. F., 1876; Early Migrations, Origin of Chinese Race. S. F., 1876; Japanese Wrecks. S. F. 1876. News- paper Reports of Papers on Origin of the Japanese Race. Scraps. Brooks (H. 8.), The California Mountaineer, San Francisco, 1861. Brooks (J. Tyrwhitt), Four Months among the Gold-finders. London, 1849; New York, 1849; Paris, 1849; Vier maanden onder de Goudzoekers in Opper-Californie. Amsterdam, 1849; Vier Monate unter Goldfindern in Ober Kalifornien. Leipzig, 1849; Ziirich, 1849. Brooks (James), A Seven Months’ Run. New York, 1872. Brooks (N. C.), A Complete History of the Mexican War. Phil., 1849. Brooks (R. S.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep., June 14, 1854, on Pacific Railroad. Washington, 1854. Bross (William), "Address on Resources of “San West. Jan. 25, 1866. New York, 1866. Brown (Charles), Early Events in California. MS. Brown (Elam), An old Pioneer. In San José Pioneer, Jan. 26, 1878. Brown (H. 8.), Early Days of California. MS. Browne (J. Ross), Address to the Territorial Pioneers of California. In S. F. News Letter, Sept. 11, 1875; Hubert H. Bancroft and his Literary Under- takings. In Overland Monthly; Lower Cal. See Taylor; Relacion de los Debates de la Convencion de California, Set. y Oct., 1849, Nueva York, 1851; Report of Debates in Convention of California. Sep t. and Oct., 1849, Washington, 1850; Report upon the Mineral Baararee of the States AUTHORITIES QUOTED. XXXV and Territories West of the Rocky Mountains. Washington, 1867; Wash- ington 1868; San Francisco, 1868; Reports upon the Mineral Resources of the United States. Washington, 1867; Resources of the Pacific Slope, etc., San Francisco, 1869. Bryant (Edwin), Voyage en Californie, etc. Paris, n.d.; What I saw in California. New York, 1848; New York, 1849. Bryant aes Cullen), History of the United States. New York, 1876-81. 4 vols. Bucareli (Virey), Comunicaciones al Com. Gen. y Gobr. de Cal., 1772-9. MS. Bucareli (Virey), Instruccion al Comandante de Cal8-, 1773. MS. Bucareli (Virey), Instruccion del Virey. 17 Agosto, 1773. MS. Bucareli (Virey), Instruccion del Virey. 30 Set., 1774. MS. Bucareli (Virey), Providencias del Virey. 26 Mayo, 1773. MS. Buchanan (James), Instructions of the Secretary of State to Thos. O. Larkin as Confidential Agent of the U. 8., 1845. MS. Buchanan (James), Instructions to Vorhies, Oct. 7. 1848. In Cal. and N., Mex., Mess. and Doc. 1850. p. 6. . Buelna (Antonio), Cartas de un Vecino de S. José. MS. Buelna (Felix), Narracion sobre Tiempos Pasados. MS. Buffalo (N. Y.), Courier. Buffum (E. Gould), Six Months in the Gold Mines. Philadelphia, 1850; London, 1850. Burnett (Peter H.), Recollections and Opinions of an Old Pioneer. N. Y., 1880. Burnett (Peter H.), Recollections of the Past. MS. 2 vols. Burney (James), Chronological History of the Discoveries in the South Sea, or Pacific Ocean. London, 1803-17. 4to. 5 vols. Burns (Aaron), Statement of Vigilance Committee. MS. Burr (H. T.), Chart showing Age, etc., of Officers of State and Members of Legislature, 1865-6. Sacramento, 1866. Burris (Davis), Narrative. MS. Barton (John), Official and Private Letters. MS. Burton (Mrs M. A.), Biographical Sketch. MS. Burton (Richard F.), City of the Saints, ete. London, 1861; N. Y., 1862. Burton (Robert), The English Hero. London, 1687; London, 1710. Bushnell (Horace), Characteristics and Prospects of California. San Fran- cisco, 1858; Movement for a University in California, etc. San Fran- cisco, 1857. Bustamante (Anastasio), Escritos del Sr Presidente tocante 4 California, 1830-2. MS. ges Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Apuntes para la Historia del Gobierno del General Santa Anna. Mexico, 1841-3. MS. 3 vols.; also print. Mexico, 1845. Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Cuadro Histérico de la Revolucion Mexicana. Mexico, 1823-7. 5 vols.; Mexico, 1832-46. 6 vols. Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Diario de lo especialmente ocurrido en Mexico, Sept. de 1841 4 Junio de 1843. Mexico, 1841-3. MS. 4to. 4 vols. Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Gabinete Mexicano. Mexico, 1839-41. MS. 4 vols.; also print. Mexico, 1842. 2 vols. Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Invasion de Mexico de los Anglo-Americanos. MS. Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Medidas para la Pacificacion de la América Mex- icana. MS. 1820. Bustamante (Carlos Maria), El Nuevo Bernal Diaz del Castillo 6 sea Historia dé - la Invasion de los Anglo-Americanos en Mexico. Mexico, 1847. 2 vols. Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Suplemento 4 Los Tres Siglos de Cavo. Jalapa, 1870. Bustamante (Carlos Maria), Voz de la Patria, Continuacion. Mexico, 1837-9. MS. 9 vols. Butler (A. W.), Resources of Monterey County. San Francisco, 1875. C (S.), Descripcion Topografica de Misiones, 1845, In Revista Cientif, i. 327. Caballero (José de), Estadistica del Estado Libre de Senora y Sinaloa. MS, Xxxvi AUTHORITIES QUOTED. Cabot (Juan), Expedicion al Valle de los Tulares, 1814. MS, Cabot (Juan and Pedro), Cartas de dos Frailes. MS. Cabrera Bueno (Joseph Gonzalez), Navegacion Especvlativa. Manila, 1734. folio. Cabrillo (Juan Rodriguez), Relacion 6 Diario. In Florida, Col. Doc., 173; also in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 165. (Probably by Juan Paez. ) Cahuenga, Capitulacion de 13 de Enero, 1847. MS. Caldwell (George Alfred), Speech in U.S. H. of Rep. June 7, 1850, on the California and Territorial Questions. Washington, 1850. California, 1799, in Viagero Universal, xxvi. California Academy of Sciences, Proceedings of the. S. F., 1858 et seq. California Agriculturist. San José, 1871 et seq. 4to. California, All about California. San Francisco, 1870; Id., 1873 and Supple- ment; Id., 1875 and Supplement. California, Amount collected from customs. [3lst Cong., Ist Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 72.] Washington, 1849. California Anthropographic Chart, 1861 et seq. California, Appeal in Behalf of the Church, Sept. 1849. New York, 1849. California, Arrival of the Steamer. Festival in Celebration of the 25th Anniversary, I’eb. 28, 1874. San Francisco, 1874. California as it is. San Francisco, 1882. California Associated Pioneers of the Territorial Days of Cal. in New York. Reunion 1875. New York, 1875. California Bible Society, Annual Reports. San Francisco, 1850, et seq. California, Biographical Sketches of the Delegates to Convention to frame New Constitution. 1878. San Francisco, 1878. California Characters and Mining Scenes and Sketches. San Francisco, n.d. California Claims. See Frémont. California Colored Citizens, Proceedings of Annual Conventions. San Fran- cisco, 1856 et seq. California, Compiled Laws by S. Garfielde and F. A. Snyder, 1850-3. Benicia, 1853. California, Constitution, San Francisco, 1849; also in Spanish. California, Correspondence relative to the Indian disturbances. [84th Cong., Ist Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 26.] Washington, 1855. California, Correspondence and Reports of the Mexican Government, 1843-4. n.pl., n.d. California Culturist. San Francisco, 1858-60. 3 vols. California se declara Independiente de Mexico. Nov. 7, 1836. (Monterey, 1836.) California, Emigrants’ Guide to. London, 1849, California, Establecimiento y Progresos de las Misiones de la Antigua Cal- ifornia. In Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. iv., tom. iv. California, Establishment of Mint and Light-houses. [3lst Cong., 1st Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 47.] Washington, 1850. California, Fresh Water Tide Lands. San Francisco, 1869. California Geological Survey. Philadelphia, etc., 1864; San Francisco, etc., 1867. California, Gids naar. Amsterdam, 1849. California Gold Regions, With a full account of the Mineral Resources, etc., New York (1849). ; California Grape Culture. Report of Commissioners, San Francisco, 1862. California, Hardy Impeachment. Sacramento, 1862. California Homographic Chart, 1861 et seq. California, Illustrated Hand-Book. London, 1870. California Indians. Report relative to the Colonization of. [83d Cong., 2d Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 41.] California, Industrial Interests of. San Francisco, 1862. California Insurance Commissioners. Annual Reports. S. F., 1868 et seq. California, Irrigation in San Joaquin and Tulare Plains. Sacramento, 1873, —— AUTHORITIES QUOTED. XXXvii California, Its Gold and its Inhabitants. London, 1856. 2 vols. California, Its Past History; Its Present Position, etc. London, 1850. California, Journals of Assembly and Senate, Ist to 24th sessions, 1850-81; with Appendices—103 volumes in all—containing all public documents printed by the state, which are cited in my notes by their titles and dates, the title consisting of ‘California’ followed by one of the following head- ings: Act; Adjutant-general’s Report; Agricultural, Mining, and Mechan- ical Arts College, Reports; Assembly, Rules; Attorney-general, Reports; Bank Commissioners, Reports; Bribery Investigating Committee; Citizen’s Hand Book; Common Schools, Acts, etc.; Corporations; Deaf, Dumb, and Biind Institute; Educational Directory; Electors; Fees and Salaries; Fisheries; Inaugural Addresses of Governors; Insane Asylum Reports; Insurance Commissioners; Land Acts; Laws; Memorials; Messages of Govemors; Militia; Mines and Mining; Pioneer Silk Growers; Political Code Amendments; Public Lands; Revenue Laws; Sacramento River Drainage District; Sacramento Valley Irrigation and Navigation Canal; School Law; Secretary of State, Reports; Senate and Assembly Bills; Senate Standing and Joint Rules; Special Messages of Governors; State Agricultural Society, Transactions; State Board of Agriculture; State Board of Health; State Board of Equalization; State Canital Commis- sioners; State Controller, Annual Reports; State Documents; State Geo- logist, Reports; State Harbor Commissioners; State Library, Reports; State Mineralogist, Annual Revorts; State Prison, Reports; State Reform School, Reports; State Superintendent of Public Instruction, Reports; State Teachers’ Association; State Teachers’ Institute; State Treasurer, Reports; Surveyor-general, Reports; Swamp and Overflowed Lands; Tide Lands; Transportation; Woman’s Suffrage. California, Journal cf Education. San José, 1876 et seq. California Labor Exchange. [Various publications. } California Land Commission. Correspondence [82d Cong., Ist Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 131]; copy of Instructions [Id., Sen. Ex. Doc., 26]; list of cases in Hotman’s Reports. California Land ‘iitles, Copies of in U. S. Surveyor-general’s Office, 1833-5. California Land Tiiles. Memarks of Messrs. Phelps and Sargent in U. 8. H. of Rep., June 10, 1862. Washington, 1862. California, Last Night of the Session of the Legislature. Sacramento, 1854. California Law Journal and Literary Review. San Francisco, 1862 et seq. California, Legislative Sketches. Scraps, 1857. California Legislature. Directory; Sketch Book, etc. California, Leyes [statutes in Spanish!. Sacramento, 1859-68. 17 vols. California Magazine and Mountaineer. San Irancisco, 1864. California Mail Bag. San Francisco, 1871 et seq. California Medical Gazette. San Francisco, 1868 et seq. California Medical Society, Transactions. Sacramento, 1857 et seq. California, Memorial of Legislature to Congress on Dangers of Chinese Immi- gration. San Francisco, 1862. ’ California Mercantile Journal, 1860. San Francisco, 1860. California, Message transmitting constitution. [8lst Cong., lst Sess., H. Ex., Doc. 39.] Washington, 1849. California Nautical Magazine. San Francisco, 1862 et seq. California, New Constitution. San Francisco, 1879. California, Northern California, Scott and Klamath Rivers. Yreka, 1856. California Northern Railroad, Engineers’ Report of Surveys, 1859. Sacra- mento, 1859; other reports. California, Notes on. iNew York, 1850. California, Noticias. See Sales. . California Pacific Railroad Company, Articles and By-laws. Vallejc, 1868; various reports. California Pioneers (Society of), Anniversaries; Constitution and By-laws; Grand Excursion; Inaugural Cercmonies; Oration and Poem; Reports, etc. XXX Vili AUTHORITIES QUOTED. California Pioneers, Copy of Archives. MS.;. Portraits in Library of the Society; Scrap-book. California Pioneers, Sketches of Fifty. MS. California Prison Commission, Annual Reports. San Francisco, 1866 et seq. California, Project for Middle Class Colonies. n.pl., n.d. California, Public Lands of. San Francisco, 1876. California, Relief of Settlers in. [40th Cong., 2d Sess., H. Mis. Doc. 26.] California, Reports of Cases in Supreme Court. San Francisco, etc., 1851- 81. 58 vols. Niele Round Valley Indian Reservation. [43d Cong., Ist. Sess., H. Ex. oc. 118.] California Statistical Chart. Sacramento, Jan. 1, 1855. California Statutes, lst to 24th Sess. Sacramento, etc., 1850-81. 24 vols. California Supreme Court Briefs. San Francisco, etc., 1852 et seq. See also Briefs. California, Tarif de Douanes de la Californie, 1851. Paris, 1851. 4to. California Teacher. San Francisco, 1863 et seq. California Text Book. San Francisco, 1852. California Volunteers, Correspondence Relative to the Discharge. [389th Cong., Ist. Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 188.] Washington, 1865 et seq. California Wine, Wool, and Stock Journal. San Francisco, 1863 et seq. California Workingmen’s Party, An Epitome of its Rise and Progress. San Francisco, 1878. California and New Mexico, Message and Documents, 1848. [30th Cong., 2d Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1.] Washington, 1848. California and New Mexico, Message and Documents, 1850. [8lst Cong., Ist Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 17.] Washington, 1849. Californian (The). San Francisco, 1580 et seq. Californian. See Monterey Californian. Californias, Reglamento Provisional. 1773. MS. Californias, ‘Junta de Fomento,’ q. v. Californie, Histoire Chrétienne. Plancy, 1851. Californie, Ses Ressources Générales, etc. San Francisco, 1869. Californien, Ausfuhrliche Mittheilungen iiber. San Francisco, 1870. Californien, Authentische Nachrichten iiber. Bremen, 1849. Californien, Rathgeber fiir Auswanderer nach. Bremen, 1849. Californien und Seine Goldminen Mittheilungen aus der Geographie. Kreuz- nach, 1849. Californien sein Minen-Bergbau, etc. Cassel, 1867. Calistoga, Calistogan, Free Press, Independent Calistogan, Tribune. Calleja (Virey), Comunicaciones al Gob?. de Cal., 1813-16. MS. Sere Pee Respuesta del Guardian al Virey sobre Proyectos de Cal., 1797. : Calvary Presbyterian Church, Historical Sketch. San Francisco, 1869; Manual, etc. Calvo (Charles), Recueil Complet des Traités de Amérique Latine. Paris, 1862-9. 16 vols. Camden (William), Annales Rervm Anglicarvm et Hibernicarvm, etc. Lon- dini, 1615-27. 2 vols. Campaign of Los Angeles, 1847. In Monterey, Californian. Jan. 28, 1847. Campbeil, A Concise History of Spanish America. London, 1741. Campbell (J. F.), My Circular Notes. London, 1876. 2 vols. Campbell (J. H.), Speechin U.S. H. of Rep., Apr. 8, 1862, on Railroad to the Pacific. April, 1862. Washington, 1862. Cancelada (Juan Lopez), Ruina de la Nueva Espafia. Cadiz, 1811. Cancelada (Juan Lopez), El Telégrafo Mexicano. Cadiz, 1813, et seq. Cancelada (Juan Lopez), Verdad Sabida. Cadiz, 1811. Cafiizares (José), Diario de 1769. MS. Capron (KE. §.), History of California. Boston, 1854. Carcaba (Manuel), Informe del Habilitado General, 1797. MS. . AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xxxix Carcaba (Manuel), Oficios del Habilitado General. MS. Cardona (Nicolds), Memorial sobre sus descubrimientos, etc., en la California, In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., tom. ix. 42; Relacion del descubri- miento de California. In Id., tom. ix. 30. Carmany (John H.), A Review of the Year 1866. San Francisco, 1867. Carr (lizra 8.), The Patrons of Husbandry, etc. San Francisco, 1875. Carr (John F.) See Anaheim, its People and its Products. Carriger (Nicholas), Autobiography. MS. Carrillo (Anastasio) Muchas Cartas del Comandante de Sta Barbara, etc. MS, Carrillo (Carlos Antonio), Cartas del Diputado de Alta Cal., 1831-2. MS. Carrillo (Carlos Antonio), Cartas al General Vallejo. Dic. 1836. MS. Carrillo (Carlos Antonio), Correspondencia Miscelanea. MS. Carrillo (Carlos Antonio), Discurso al tomar el mando politico en Los Angeles, 6 Dic. 18387. 8. Carrillo (Carlos Antonio), Exposicion sobre el Fondo Piadoso, Mexico, 1831, Carrillo (Carlos Antonio), Pedimento de Reos, 1814. MS. Carrillo (Domingo), Cartas Sueltas. MS. Carrillo (Domingo), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS. Carrillo (Joaquin), Escritos en varios Archivos. MS. Carrillo (José), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS. Carrillo (José Antonio), Accion de 8S. Pedro contra los Americanos, 1846. MS. ae (J a Antonio), Comunicaciones Varias del Diputado y Mayor Gene- Tal. 4.2 . Carrillo (Julio), Narrative. MS. Carrillo (Mariano), Testamento é Inventario. 1782. MS. Carrillo (Pedro C.), Documentos para la Historia de Cal. MS. Carrillo (Raimundo), Los Edificios de Monterey, 1800. MS. Carrillo (Raimundo), Instruccion que observaré el Comandante de Escolta de Sta Inés. MS. \ Carrillo (Raimundo), Papeles del Capitan, 1795 et seq. MS. Carroll (Anna Ella), The Star of the West. New York, 1857. Carroll (W.), Dr Scott, The Vigilance Committee and The Church. San Francisco, 1856. Carson (J. H.), Early Recollections of the Mines, ete. Stockton, 1852. Carson City (Nev.), Appeal, State Register. Carvalho (8. N.), Incidents of Travel and Adventure in the Far West. New York, 1858. Cary (Thomas G.), Gold from California, Lecture, March 25, 1856; The San ERY Vigilance Committee. In Atlantic Monthly. vol. xl Dec. ' 1877, 702. Cassell’s Emigrant Handy Guide to California. London, n.d. Casserly (Eugene), The Issue in California. Letter, Aug. 27, 1861. San Francisco, 1861; Remarks, etc., for the cession to the C. P. R. R. of Cal. of one half of Goat Island. Wash., 1873; Speech on the Chinese Evil. Wash., 1870; and other speeches, etc. Cassin (Francis), A Few Facts about California. MS, Castafiares (José Maria), Causa criminal contra...y Ildefonsa Gonzalez por adulterio, 1836. MS. Castafiares (José Maria), Causa seguida Contra Ana Gonzalez. AdulteriodeJ. M. Castafiares y Alfonsa Gonzalez, 1836. MS. Castafiares (Manuel), California y sus Males, Exposicion 1844. In. Id., Col. Doc., 21. Castafiares (Manuel), Cartas del Administrador dela Aduana. MS. Castafiares (Manuel), Coleccion de Documentos relativos al departamento de Californias. Mexico, 1845. Castillero (Andrés), Varias Cartas del Capitan y Comisionado. MS. Castillo (Antonio del), Memoria sobre las Minas de Azogue de America, Mexico, 1871. “ Castillo (Felipe), Itinerario desde Sonora hasta Cal., 1845. MS. Castillo Negrete (Luis), Consejos al Comandante de Sta Barbara, 1836. MS. xl AUTHORILIES QUOTED. Castillo Negrete (Luis), Escritos del Juez de Distrito. MS. Castillo Negrete (Luis), Exposicion que dirige el Juez de Distrito al Ayunt, de Los Angeles sobre el Plan Revolucionario de Monterey, 1836. MS. Castro (José), Correspondencia oficial y Particular del General, 1826-46. MS. Castro (José), Decretos de la Diputacion erigida en Congreso Constituyente, Nos. 1-10. Monterey, 1836. Castro (José), El C , Presidente de Congreso Constituyente. (Despacho de Coronel Expedido 4 D. Juan B. Alvarado.) Monterey, 11 Dic., 1836. Castro (José), Orden del Com. Gen. acerca de Emigrados de los E. U., 6 Nov. 1845. MS. Castro (José), Proclama de 13 de Nov., 1836. Monterey. Castro (Macario), Cartas del Sargento. MS. Castro (Macario), Diario de su Expedicion 4 las Rancherias, 1799. MS. Castro (Manuel), Carta 4 D. Pio Pico. Revolucion de Flores, 1847. MS. Castro (Manuel), Cartas de un Prefecto. MS. Castro (Manuel), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS. 2 vols. Castro (Manuel), Informe en Sonora, 7 Junio, 1847. MS. Castro (Manuel), Relacion de la Alta California. MS. Castro (Manuel), Sus Servicios Publicos. MS. Castro (Tiburcio), Papeles de un Juez y Prefecto. MS. Castroville, Argus. Catala (Magin), Carta sobre Nootka, 1794. MS. 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Chico (Mariano), Discurso pronunciado 27 de Mayo. Monterey, 1836. Chico (Mariano), Escritos del Gobernador, 1836. MS. AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xli Chico (Mariano), Dos Palabras sobre Memoria del Ex. Gobernador Doblado. Guanajuato, 1847. Chiles (Joseph B.), Visit to California in 1841. MS. Chinese in California: Coolie Trade; Immigration; Question; Testimony; etc. Many pamphlets. Choate (D.) and E. W. Moore. See San Diego and Southern California. Choris (Louis), Voyage Pittoresque autour du Monde. Paris, 1822. folio. Chronicle Annual. San Francisco, 1882. Churches. See Institutions. Cincinnati (O.), Commercial, Enquirer, Times, etc. Civil Service Reform Association of California, Purposes of. San Francisco, 1881; other pamphlets. Clark (Francis D.), A Pioneer of 1847. In 8. José Pioneer, July 5, 1879; Roll of Survivors of the lst Regiment of New York Volunteers. N. Y. 1874. Clark (Galen), Reminiscences of the Old Times. MS. Clark (Hiram C.), Statement of Facts from 1851. MS. Clark (Mrs), Antipodes and Around the World. London, 1870. Clark (Samuel), Life and Death of Sir Francis Drake. London, 1761. 4to. Clarke (Asia Booth), The Elder and the Younger Booth. Boston, 1882. Clarke (Charles E.), Speech on Admission of California in U. S. H. of Rep., May 13, 1850. Wash. 1850; Speech on California Claims in U. S. Sen., Apr. 25, 1848. Wash. 1848. Claudet (F. G.), Gold. New Westminster, 1871. Clavigero (Francisco Saverio), Storia della California, Venezia, 1789. 2 vols. Clemens (J.), California Territorial Governments, Speech in U. S. Sen., May 16 and 20, 1850. Washington, 1850. Cleveland (Chauncey F.), Speech in U. 8. H. of Rep., Apr. 19, 1850... Consti- tution of California. Waushington, 1850. Cleveland (Richard J.), Narrative of Voyages. Cambridge, 1842. 2 vols.; Boston, 1850. Clippings from the California Press in regard to Steam across the Pacific. San Francisco, 1860. Cloverdale, News, Reveille. Clubs. See Institutions. Clyman (James), Diary of Overland Journey, 1844-6. MS. Clyman (James), Note Book, 1844-6. MS. Coast Review. San Francisco, 1871-80. 15 vols. Codman (John), The Round Trip. New York, 1879. Coffey (Titian J.), Argument against McGarrahan’s Claim. n.pl., n.d. Coignet (M.), Rapport sur les Mines de New Almaden. Paris, 1866. Coke (Henry J.), A Ride over the Rocky Mountains to Oregon and California. London, 1852. Cole (Cornelius), Australian Mail Line. Speech in U.S. Sen. July 9, 1870. Washington. n.d.; and various Speeches. Cole (R. Beverly), Statement on Vigilance Committee in San Francisco. MS. Cole (William L.), California—Its Scenery, Climate, etc. New York, 1871. Coleccion de Locumentos Inéditos para la Historia de Espafia. Madrid, 1842-80. 71 vols. [S. F. Law Library. ] Colegio Seminario de Maria Santisima de Guadalupe de Sta Inés. Constitu- ciones. MS. Coleman (William T.), Vigilance Committee of 56. MS. Colfax (Nev.), Enterprise. College of California. Oration and Poem; and various pamphlets. Colonial Magazine. London, 1840 et seq. Colonizacion, Cédula Real confirmando el Reglamento del Gobt- Neve 1781. S. Colton, Advocate, Semi-tropic. Colton (Walter), Correspondence, 1846-7. MS. Colton (Walter), Deck and Port. New York, 1850; New York, 1860; The Land of Gold. New York, 1860; Three Years in California. New York, 1850, Hisv.-CAg., Vols. [. 4 xlii AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 4 Columbia, Citizen, Clipper, 1854, Gazette, 1854, Herald, Mining Dist, Gazette, Muggins, 1854, News, Star, Times, Indept. Republic, “ete. Colusa, Independent, Sun, Colusa County Annual. Colusa, 1878. Colusa County, History. San Francisco, 1880. folio. Colvin (Thomas W.), Life of a Pioneer. MS. Combier (U.), Voyage au Golfe de Californie. Paris, n.d. Commercial, Financial, and Mining Interests of California, Review for 1876. San Francisco, 1877. Compaiiia Asidtico-Mexicana, Plan y Reglamento, 1825. In Junta de Fo- mento de Cal. Compania Extrangera de Monterey, Cuaderno de érdenes, 1832. MS. Companies, Mining, Agricultural, Commercial, etc. See Institutions. Comstock (A. M.), Statement on Vigilance Committee. MS. Cone (Mary), Two Years in California. Chicago, 1876. Conferencia celebrada en el.Presidio de 8. Francisco entre Sola, Kotzebue, y Coscof, 1816. MS. Congressional Debates [18th to 25th Congress]. Wash. 1824 et seq. 14 vols. Congressional Globe. Washington, 1836 et seq. 4to. Congressional Speeches. A Collection. Conklin (E.), Picturesque Arizona. New York, 1878. Connor (John), Early California Recollections. MS. Conquest of California, A very large number of newspaper accounts. Conquest of California, 1846-7 Various Items and Reports. In Niles’ Reg- ister, lxxi.-iii. See index, ‘Cal.,’ ‘Kearney,’ ‘ Frémont,’ ‘Stockton,’ Consejo General de Pueblos Unidos de Cal., Bando de Mayo 13, 1846. MS. Constitucion Espaiiola de 1812, Bandos del Virey sobre su jura, 1820. MS. Constitutional Convention, Declaration of Rights. Autograph of Members, 1849. Contemporary Biography of California’s Representative Men. San Francisco, 1881. 4to. 2 vols. Conversation, Practical and Philosophical, on the Subject of Currency. San F rancisco, 1865. Conway (John), Early Days in California. MS. Cooke (Philip St Geo.), Conquest of New Mexico and California. New York, 1878; Journal from Santa Fé to San Diego. [30th Cong., Spec. Sess., Sen. Doc. 2.] . Washington, 1849; Scenes and Adventures in the Army. Philadelphia, 1857. Coon (H. P.), Annals of San Francisco. MS. Cooper (De Guy), Resources of San Luis Obispo County. San Francisco, 1875. Cooper (Ellwood), Forest Culture, etc. San Francisco, 1876. Cooper (John B. R.), Accounts, 1827. MS. Cooper (John B. R.), Cartas Miscelaneas de un Navegante, 1824 et seq. MS. Cooper (John B. R.), Log of the California, 1839-42. MS. Copper City, Pioneer. Copperopolis, Courier. Cordoba (Alberto), Cartas del Ingeniero, 1796-8. MS. Cordoba (Alberto), Informe acerca del Sitio de Branciforte, 1796. MS. Cordoba (Alberto), Informe al Virey sobre Defensas de Cal., 1796. MS. Cornwallis (Kinahan), The New El Dorado. London, 1858. Coronel (Antonio F.), Cosas de California. MS. Coronel (Antonio F.), Documentos para la Historia de California, MS. Coronel (Ignacio), Cartas de un Maestro de Escuela, 1834 et seq. MS. Correo Atlantico (El). Mexico, 1835 et seq. Correo de la Federacion. Mexico, 1826 et seq. folio. Correspondencia de Misiones. MS. Cortambert (Richard), Peuples et Voyageurs contemporains. Paris, 1864. Cortés (Hernan), Auto de Posesion. In Col. Doc. Inéd., tom. iv.; Cartas; Historia de N. ispaiia; Memorial. In Col. Doc. Inéd., iv.; and Different works, as cited in my Hist. Mex. AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xiii Corwin (Moses B.), Speech in U. 8. H. of Rep., Apr. 9, 1850, to Admit Cali- fornia. Washington, 1850. Cosmopolitan Monthly. San Francisco, 1874 et seq. Costansé (Miguel), Diario Histérico de los Viages de mar y tierra hechos al norte de California. Mexico, 1776. Costansé (Miguel), Historical Journal of the Expeditions by Sea and Land to the North of California. London, 1790. Costansé (Miguel), Informe sobre el Proyecto de fortificar los Presidios de Cal. 1794. MS. In Pinart, Col. Doc. Mexico. Cota (Pablo), Diario de Exploracion, 1798. MS. Cota (Guillermo, Leonardo, Manuel, Pablo, and Valentin), Varias cartas. MS. Cota (Valentin), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS. Coulter (John), Adventures on the Western Coast. London, 1847. 2 vols. Coulter (Thomas), Notes on Upper California, 1835. In Lond. Geog. Soc,, Jour., v. 59. County registers, poll-lists, laws and regulations, and other official publica- tions, cited by name of county but not named in this list. Courts. See Institutions. Coutts (Cave J.), Diary of a March to California in 1848, MS. Covarrubias (José Maria), Correspondencia del Secretario. MS. Cox (Isaac), Annals of Trinity County. San Francisco, 1858. Coxe (Daniel), Description of Carolana. London, 1722; other editions. Coyner (David H.), The Lost Trappers. Cincinnati, 1859. - Cram (Thomas J.), Report on the Oceanic routes to Cal., Nov. 1856. [34th Cong., 3d Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 51.] Washington, 1856; Topographical Memoir on the Department of the Pacific. [85th Cong., 2d Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 114.] Washington, 1859. Crane (James M.), The Past, Present, and Future of the Pacific. San Fran- cisco, 1856. Crary (Oliver B.), Statement on Vigilance Committee in San Francisco. MS. Crescent City, Courier, Herald, 1854, Del Norte Record. Crespi (Juan), Diario de la Expedicion de Mar., 1774. In Palou, Not., i. 624. Crespi (Juan), Diario del registro de San Francisco, 1772. In Palou, Not.,i.481. Crespi (Juan), Primera Espedicion de Tierra al Descubrimiento del Puerto de San Diego, 1769. In Palou, Not., i. 93. Crespi (Juan), Viage de la espedicion de tierra de San Diego 4 Monterey, 1769. In Palou, Not., i. 285. Croix (Teodoro), Comunicaciones del Com. Gen. de Provincias Internas al Gobr. de Cal., 1777 et seq. MS. In Prov. St. Pap., i.-iv. and other archives, Croix (Teodoro), Disposiciones para la Guerra 4 los Yumas, 1782. MS. Croix (Teodoro), Instruccion sobre Donativos en California para la Guerra con Inglaterra, 1781. MS. Croix (‘leodoro), Instrucciones al Capitan Rivera, 1779. MS. Cronise (Titus Fey), Natural Wealth of California. San Francisco,.1868; Id. with illustrations and corrections. Crosby (E. O.), Events in California. MS. Crowell (J.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep. June 3, 1850, on Admission of Cali- fornia. Washington, 1850. Cuesta. See ‘Arroyo de la Cuesta.’ Currey (John), Incidents in California. MS. Cutter (D. S.) See Directories. Sacramento, 1860. Cutts (James Madison), Conquest of California and N. Mexico. Phila., 1847. Dall (Caroline H.), My First Holiday. Boston, 1881. Dall (W. H.), Lords of the Isles. In Overland Monthly, xii. 522. Dalles (Or.), Mountaineer, Oregon Republican. Dally (Henry J.), Narrative from 1840. MS. Dameron (James P.), Autobiography and Writings. San Francisco, 1877. Dampier (Wm.), New Voyage round the World. London, 1699-1709. 4 vols. xliv AUTHORITIES QUOTED. Dana (C. W.), The Great West. Boston, 1861. Dana (David D.), The Fireman. Boston, 1858. Dana (Richard H., Jr.), Two Years before the Mast. New York, 1840; New York, 1857; Boston, 1873; Boston, 1880. Dana (William G.), Letters of a Trader. MS. Dana (Guillermo G.), and Vicente Moraga, Lista de Extrangeros en Sta Bar- bara, 1836; "MS. = Danti (Antonio), Diario de un Reconocimiento de la Alameda, 1795. MS. Dartin (V.), Reflecciones 4 los Californios é Hispano-Americanos. San Fran- cisco. [1864.] Daubenbiss (John), Biographical Sketches. In S. José Pioneer, Mar. 23, 1878. Davidson (George), Biography and Essay on Irrigation. MS. Davidson (George), Coast Pilot of California, etc. Washington, 1869. 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MS. Gonzalez (Mauricio), Papeles Originales Histéricos. MS. Gonzalez (Rafael), Correspondencia. MS. Gonzalez (Rafael), Diario de Mexico 4 California. MS. Gonzalez (Rafael), Experiencias de un Soldado. MS. Gonzalez (Teodoro) Las Revoluciones en California. MS. Good Templars, Constitution, Proceedings, etc., of various lodges. Goodrich (Frank B.), The Tribute Book. San Francisco, 1867 4to, lii AUTHORITIES QUOTED. Goodrich (Samuel G.), History of the Indians of North and South America. Boston, 1844; Boston, 1855; Boston, 1564. Goodyear (W. A.), Coal Mines of the Western Coast. San Francisco, 1877. Gottfriedt (Johann Ludwig), Neue Welt. Franckfurt, 1655. folio. Gougenheim (Adelaide and Joey), Histrionic Memoirs, etc. S. F. 1856. Goycoechea (Felipe), Diario de Exploracion, 1798. MS. Goycoechea (Felipe), Escritos del Comandante de Sta Barbara, 1785-1806. MS. Goycoechea (Felipe), Medios para el Fomento de Californias, 1805. MS. Goycoechea (Felipe), Oficio Instructivo para el Tente- R. 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Guadalajara, Gaceta de Gobierno. Guadalajara, 1821 et seq. Guerra fei etal. Investigations of a charge against as Revolutionists, 1848. MS. Guerra (José Antonio), Cartas. MS. Guerra (Pablo), Comunicaciones. MS. Guerra y Noriega (José), Correspondencia del Capitan. MS. Guerra y N preg (José), Determinacion sobre su Ida 4 Mexico, é Instruccion, 1819. MS. Guerra y Noriega (José), Documentos para la Hist. de Cal. MS. 6 vols. Guerra y Noriega (José), Ocurrencias Curiosas de 1830-1. MS. Guerra entre Mexico y los Estados-Unidos, Apuntes. Mexico, 1848. Guerrero (Francisco), Cartas, 1839-46. MS. Guerrero (Vicente), Soberano Estado de Oajaca. Oajaca, 1833. Guia de Forasteros. Mexico, 1797 et seq. Gutierrez (Nicolas), Carta Oficial del Gefe Politico, 4 Nov. 1836. MS. Gutierrez (Nicolds), [Publica el Decreto reuniendo los Mandos, y toma posesion del Gobierno Politico.] Monterrey, 2 Enero, 1836. .* AUTHORITIES QUOTED. liii Gutierrez (Nicolds), Varias Cartas del Conus y Gefe Politico, 1832-6. MS. 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Hartmann (Joh. Adolph), Dissertatio Geographica de vero Californie situ et Conditione. Marburg, 1739. 4to. Hartnell (Teresa de la G.), Narrativa de una Matrona de Cal. MS. Hartnell (William E. P.), Convention of 49. Original Records. MS. Hartnell (William E. P.), Diario del Visitador Gen. “de Misiones, 1839-40. MS. Hartnell (William E. P.), English Colonization in California, 1844. MS. Hartnell (William E. P.), Miscellaneous Corr espondence from 1822. MS. liv AUTHORITIES QUOTED. Harvey (Mrs Daniel), Life of John McLoughlin. MS. Hastings (Lansford W.), Emigrants’ Guide to Oregon and California. Cin- cinnati, 1845; Letters. 1843-8. MS.; New History of Oregon and Cali- fornia. Cincinnati, 1849. Haswell (Robert), Voyage of the Columbia Rediviva, 1787, 1791-2. MS. Havilah, Courier, Miner. Hawes (Horace), Missions in California. San Francisco, 1856. Hawley (A. T.), Humboldt County. Eureka, 1879. Hawley (A. T.), The Present Condition, etc., of L. Angeles. L. Angeles, 1876, Hawley (David N.), Observations of Men and Things. MS. Hayes (Benjamin), Criminal Trials at Los Angeles. MS. Hayes (Benjamin), Diary of a Journey Overland, 1849-50. MS. Hayes (Benjamin), Documents for the History of California. MS. Hayes (Benjamin), Emigrant Notes. MS. and Scraps. Hayes (Bezjamin), Land Matters in California. MS. Hayes (Benjamin), List of Vessels. MS. Hayes (Benjamin), Mexican Laws, Notes. MS. Hayes (Benjamin), Mission Book of Alta Cal. MS. and Scraps. 2 vols. Hayes (Benjamin), Notes on California Affairs. MS. Hayes (Benjamin), Papeles Varios Originales. MS. Hayes (Benjamin), San Diego, Legal History. Scraps and MS. Hayes (Benjamin), Scrap Books, 1850-74. 129 vols.; under the following sub- titles: Agriculture; Arizona. 6 vols.; California Notes. 5 vols. MS. and Print; California Poets; California Politics. 10 vols.; Constitutional Law; Cuyamaca Case. MS. and Print; Early California Decisions; Ind- ians. 5 vols.; Los Angeles County. 10 vols.; Memorabilia; Mining. 13 vols.; Monterey, Santa Barbara, etce.; Natural Phenomena. 3 vols.; Pa- cific Interests; Railroads. 6 vols.; San Bernardino County. 4 vols.; San Diego, Five Years in. 4 vols.; San Diego County, Local History. 3 vols.; Southern California, Historical Items. 2 vols.; Southern California Pol- itics. 2 vols.; Southern California, Wilmington, etc.; Studies in Politics, 7 vols.; Supreme Court, 1868-74. Haywards, Journal, Alameda Advocate, Plaindealer. Hazlitt (Wm. Carew), Great Gold Fields of Cariboo. London, 1862. Healdsburg, Advertiser, Democratic Standard, Enterprise, Review, Russian River Flag. Heap (Gwinn Harris), Central Route to the Pacific. Philadelphia, 1854. Hearn (F. G.), California Sketches. MS. Hebard, Speech, March 14, 1850, on Constitution of Cal. Wash., 1850. Heceta (Bruno), Diario del Viage de 1775. MS. Heceta (Bruno), Espedicion Maritima. 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Hijar (José Maria), Instrucciones del Gefe Politico y Director de Colonizacion, 1834. In Figueroa, Man. 11. > ae ke ee AUTHORITIES QUOTED. ly Hijar (José Maria), Instrucciones del Gobierno al Comisionado, 1845. MS. Hijar (José Maria), Varias Cartas. 8. Hinckley (William C.), Life of a Pioneer of 1847. MS. Hinckley (William 8.), Letters of a Sea Captain. MS. Hinds (Richard B.), Botany of Voyage of the Sulphur. London, 1844; Regions of Vegetation, California Region. In Belcher’s Nar., ii.; Zoology of the Voyage of the Sulphur. London, 1844. Hines (Gustavus), Voyage round the World. Buffalo, 1850. Hinton (Richard J.), Handbook of Arizona. San Francisco, 1878. Historical Magazine and Notes and Queries. Boston, etc., 1857-69. 15 vols. History of the Bear Flag Revolt. In Niles’ Register, xxiii. 110. Hitchcock (George B.), Statement of Ramblings. MS. Hittell (John S.), The Commerce and Industries of the Pacific Coast. San Francisco, 1882. 4to; The History of the Cottonwood Prospecting Ex- pedition. In Alta California; History of San Francisco. 8. F. 1878; Limantour. In Overland Monthly, ii. 154; The Limantour Claim. S. F. 1857; Mining Life at Shasta in 1849. In Dietz, Our Boys. 161; Notes of Californian Pioneers. In Hutchings’ Cal. Mag. v. 209; Oration at the Nineteenth Anniversary of California Pioneers. 8. F. 1869; Papeles Histéricos de 1846. MS.; Resources of California. S. F. 1866; S. F. 1867; S. F. 1874; The Resources of Vallejo. Vallejo, 1869; Spoliation of Mex- ican Grant Holders in California by U.S. In Hesperian. iv. 147. Hittell (Theodore H.), Adventures of James Capen Adams. S. F. 1860. Hobbs (James), Wild Life in the Far West. Hartford, 1875. Hoffmann (Hemmann), Californien, Nevada und Mexico. Basel, 1871. Hoffman (Ogden), Opinions in Mission Cases. 8S. Francisco, 1859; Opinions in various other cases; Reports of Land Cases. San Francisco, 1862. Hoit (C. W.), Fraudulent Mexican Land Claims in California. Sac. 1569. Holinski (Alex.), La Californie et les Routes Interocéaniques. Bruxelles, 1853, Holland (Charles), Mines and Mining. In Coast Review. 1873. p. 73. Hollister, Advance, Central Californian, Enterprise, Telegraph. Home Missionary (The). New York, 1846 et seq. Homer (Charles), Memorial for construction of San Francisco Marine Hospital [383d Cong., Ist. Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 54]. Washington, 1853. Homes (Henry A.), Our Knowledge of Cal. and the N. W. Coast. Albany, 1870. Homestead Associations. A large number of publications cited by name of the Association. Honolulu, Friend, 1843 et seq.; Hawaiian Spectator; Polynesian, 1857 et seq.; Sandwich Island Gazette, 1836 et seq.; Sandwich Island News, 1846 et seq. Hooker (Wm. J.) and G. A.W. Arnott, Botany of Captain Beechey’s Voyage. London, 1861. 4to. Hopkins, Translations of California Documents. n.p., n.d. Hopkins (C. T.), Common Sense applied to the Immigrant Question. San Francisco, 1870; Taxation in California. 8S. F. 1881; and other pamphlets. Hoppe (J.), Californiens Gegenwart und Zukunft. Berlin, 1849. Hopper (Charles), Narrative of a Pioneer of 1841. MS. Horn (Hosea B.), Horn’s Overland Guide. New York, 1852. Horra (Antonio de la Concepcion), Representacion al Virey contra los Misi- oneros de Cal., 1798. MS. Howard (Volney E.), Speech in U. S. H. of Rep. against Admission of Cali- fornia, June 11, 1850. Washington, 1850. Howard (W. D. M.), Commercial Correspondence from 1838. MS. Howe (J. W.), Speech, June 5, 1850, on California Question. Wash. 1850. Hubner (Le Baron de), A Ramble round the World, 1871. New York, 1874. Hudson (David), Autobiography. MS. " Hughes (Elizabeth), The California of the Padres. San Francisco, 1875. Hughes (John T.), California. Its History, ete., Cincinnati, 1848 ; Cincinnati, 1849; Cincinnati, 1850; Doniphan’s Expedition. Cincinnati, 1849. Ivi AUTHORITIES QUOTED. Huish (Robert), Narratives of Voyages. London, 1836. Humason (W. L.), From the Atlantic Surf to the Golden Gate. Hartford, 1869. Humboldt (Alex. de), Essai Politique sur le Royaume de la Nouvelle Espagne. Paris, 1811. folio. 2 vols. and atlas. Humboldt (Alex. de), Tablas Estadisticas del Reyno de Nueva Espajia en el ano de 1803. MS. Humboldt County. Its Resources, etc. See Hawley, A. T. Hunt’s Merchants’ Magazine. New York, 1839 et seq. Huse (Charles E.), Sketch of the History and Resources of Santa Barbara City and County. Santa Barbara, 1876. Hutchings’ Illustrated California Magazine. San Francisco, 1857-61. 5 vols. Hyde (George), Historical Facts on California. MS. Ibarra (Juan Maria), Cartas Varias del Teniente. MS. Idaho City, (Id.) World. Ide (William B.), Bear Flag Revolt. MS. Ide (William B.), Biographical Sketch. [Claremont] 1880; Who Conquered California? [Claremont] 1880. [lustracion Mexicana (La). Mexico, 1851-3. 4 vols, Independence (Cal.), Inyo Independent. Independence (Mo.), Mission Expositor. Indios, Contestacion al Interrogatorio de 1812 por el Presidente y los Padres sobre costumbres, 1815. MS. Indios, Interrogatorio del Supremo Gobierno sobre Costumbres, 1812. MS. Industrial Magazine. San Francisco, 1867 et seq. Informe de lo mas Peculiar de la Nueva California, 1789. MS. Informe sobre los Ajustes de Pobladores de la Reina de Los Angeles y demas de las Provincias de Californias. Dec. 30, 1789. MS. Ingersoll (Ernest), In a Redwood Logging Camp. In Harper’s Mag., lxvi. 194-5. Iniciativa de Ley, 1827. In Junta de Fomento de California. Iniestra, Expedicion de Cal., 1845. In Amigo del Pueblo, Sept.—Oct. 1845. Institutions, associations, societies, companies, orders, churches, banks, clubs, courts, etc. Publications cited in notes by name of the institution, etc.; but most of them, not historical in their nature, are omitted in this list. Instrucciones 4 que debe sujetarse la Comision nombrada por este Ayunta- miento de Angeles, 30 Mayo, 1837. MS. Instrucciones para Tribunales de 1a Instancia. [1824] MS. Instrucciones que los Vireyes de Nueva Espana. Mexico, 1867. Investigacion sobre la Muerte de los Religiosos enviados 4 la reduccion de los gentiles del Rio Colorado, 1781. MS. Jone, Amador Times, Chronicle, City News, Riverside Independence. Iriarte (Francisco), Contestacion 4 la Expresion de Agravios. Mexico, 1832. Irving (Washington), Adventures of Bonneville. New York, 1860. Iturbide (Agustin), Cartas de los Sefiores Generales. Mexico, 1821. Iturrigaray (Virey), Comunicaciones al Gobr. de California. MS. Jackson, Amador Dispatch, Amador Ledger, Sentinel, Press. Janssens (Agustin), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS. Janssens (Agustin), Vida y Aventuras. MS. Jay (William), Review, etc., Mexican War. Boston, 1849. Jenkins (John S.), History of the War between U.S. and Mex. Auburn, 1851; United States Exploring Expeditions. Auburn, 1850. Jimeno (José Joaquin and Antonio), Cartas de los dos Frailes. MS. Jimeno Casarin (Manuel), Escritos del Secretario de Estado. MS. John Bull. [London newspaper. ] Johnson (Daniel H.), and Cornelius Vanderbilt, Correspondence, etc., for Transporting Mails via the Isthmus. [36th Cong., lst Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 45.] Washington, 1859. ; AUTHORITIES QUOTED. lvin Johnson (Theodore T.), California and Oregon, or Sights in the Gold Region, Phil., 1851; Phil., 1857; Phil., 1865; Sights in the Gold Regions. N. Y., 1849; N. Y., 1850. Johnston (A. R.), Journal of a Trip with the First U. S. Dragoons. 1846. [30th Cong., lst Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 41.] Washington, 1.48; In Emory’s Notes. Jones (John C.), Cartas Comerciales, 1831 et seq. MS. Jones (Thomas Ap. C.), Agresion en Californias. 1842. In Mexico, Mem. Relac., 1844, An. 87-97; At Monterey in 1842. [27th Cong., 3d Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 166.] Washington, 1842; Miscellaneous Proclamations, 1849; Unpublished Narrative, 1842. From Los Angeles Southern Vine- yard, May 22, 1858. Jones (William Carey), Report on Land Titles in California. Washington, 1850; The Pueblo Question Solved. San Francisco, 1860. Jonesborough (Tenn.), Sentinel. Juarez (Cayetano), Notas sobre Asuntos de Cal. MS, Julio César, Cosas de Indios. MS. Junta de 5 de Abril de 1791 en Monterey. MS. Junta Consultativa y Econédmica en Monterey, 1843. MS. Junta de Fomento de Californias, Coleccion de los Trabajos. Mex. 1827. Junta de Guerra y Rendicion de Monterey, 4 Nov. 1836. MS. Junta Primera de Guerra en Monterey, 4 Oct. 1769. MS. Kalama, Beacon. Kearny (Stephen W.), Orders and Correspondence, 1847. In Cal. and N. Mex., Mess. & Doc. 1850; Proclamation, March 1, 1847. Original MS.; also in print; Report to Adjutant-General Jones, March 15, 1847. [81st Cong., Ist Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 17, p. 283.] Washington, 1848; Reports of San Pascual. [80th Cong., lst Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 513-16.] Washington, 1848. Kelley (Hall J.), A History of the Settlement of Oregon. Springfield, 1868; Memoir on Oregon, 1839. [25th Cong., 3d Sess., H. Rept. 101.] Wash- ington, 1538; A Narrative of Events and Difiiculties. Boston, 1852. Kelly (George Fox), Land Frauds of California. Santa Rosa, 1864. Kelly (William), An Excursion to California. London, 1851. 2 vols. ° Kendrick (John), Correspondencia sobre Cosas de Nootka, 1794. -MS. Kern (Edward M.), Journal of Exploration, 1845. In Simpson’s Rept., 477. Kerr (J. G.), The Chinese Question Analyzed. San Francisco, 1877. Kerr (Robert), General History and Collection of Voyages, Edinburgh and London, 1824. 18 vols. Keyser (Sebastian), Memoir of a Pioneer. MS. - Khlébnikof (K.), Zapiskio America. St Petersburg, 1861. King (Clarence), Mountaineering in the Sierra Nevada. Boston, 1874; 1882. King (Thomas Butler), California; The Wonder of the Age. New York, 1850; Report on California. Washington, 1550 [message of President, March 26, 1851. 31st Cong., Ist Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 59.] King of William (James), Assassination of, etc. San Francisco, 1856; Family Scrap-book. King’s Orphan, Visit to California, 1842-3, Scrap-book; also in Upham’s Notes. Kinley (Joseph M.), Remarks on Chinese Immigration. San Francisco, 1877. Kip (Leonard), California Sketches. -Albany, 1850. Kip (Wm. Ingraham), Historical Scenes from the Old Jesuit Missions. New York, 1875; Last of the Leatherstockings. In Overland Monthly, i 407; and other works. Kirchhoff (Theodor), Reisebilder und skizzen. N. Y., 1875-6. 2 vols. Kirkpatrick (Charles A.), Journal of 1849. MS. Knight (Thomas), Early Events in California, of a Pioneer of 45. MS, Knight (Thomas), Recollections. MS. Knight (Wm. H.), Scrap-books. 40 volumes, Knigat’s Ferry, Stanislaus Index. : Wisp GAL. Ons Lee lviii AUTHORITIES QUOTED. Knight’s Landing, News. Knox (Thomas W.), The Underground World. Hartford, 1878. Kohler (Charles), Wine Production in California. MS. Kotzebue (Otto von), New Voyage round the World. London, 1830. 2 vols.; Voyage of Discovery. London, 1821. 3 vols. Kraszewski (Michael), Acts of the Manilas. MS. Kiinzel (Heinrich), Obercalifornien. Darmstadt, 1848. Labor Agitators; or the Battle for Bread. San Francisco, 1879. Laet (Joanne de), Novvs Orbis. Batav., 1633. folio. La Fayette, Democratic Sentinel. Lafond (Gabriel), Voyages autour du Monde. Paris, 1843. 2 vols.; Paris, 1844. 8 vols. 4to. La Harpe (Jean Francois), Abrégé de l’Histoire Générale des Voyages. Paris, 1816. 24 vols. and atlas. Lakeport, Avalanche, Clear Lake Courier, Clear Lake Journal, Clear Lake Times, Lake County Bee, Lake County Democrat. Lakeside Monthly (The). Chicago, 1872. Lambertie (Charles de), Voyage pittoresque en Californie, etc. Paris, 1854. Lamotte (H. D.), Statement. MS. Lancey (Thomas C.), Cruise of the Dale. Scrap-book, from 8S. José Pioneer. Lander (Frederick W.), Remarks on a double-track Railway to the Pacific. Washington, 1854. Lane (Joseph), Autobiography. MS. , Langley (Henry G.), Trade of the Pacific. San Francisco, 1870. See also Directories. Langsdorff (G. H. von), Voyages and Travels, 1803-7. Lond., 1813-14. 2 vols. La Pérouse (J. G. F. de), Voyage autour du Monde. Paris, 1798. 4 vols. atlas. folio; Voyage round the World, 1785-8. London, 1798. 3 vols.; Boston, 1801. Laplace (Cyrille P. T.), Campagne de Circumnavigation. Paris, 1841-54. 6 vols. La Porte, Mountain Messenger, Union. Lardner (Dionysius), History of Maritime and Inland Discovery. London, 1830. 3 vols. Larios (Estolano), Vida de su Padre, Manuel Larios. MS. Larios (Justo), Convulsiones en California. MS. Larkin (Thomas O.), Accounts 1827-42. MS. 4vols. Larkin (Thomas O.), Accounts 1840-57. MS. 17 vols. Larkin (Thomas O.), Correspondence Official and Private. MS. Larkin (Thomas O.), Description of California, 1845. MS. Larkin (Thomas O.), Documents for the History of California, 1839-56. MS. 9 vols. Larkin (Thomas O.), Journal. In Monterey Californian, Feb. 27, ’47. Larkin (Thomas O.), Letter to Mason from San José, May 26, 1848. Larkin (Thomas O.), Letters to Sec. of State, June 1 and 28, 1848. In Foster’s Gold Regions. Larkin (Thomas O.), Notes on the Personal Character of Californians, 1845. MS Larkin (Thomas O.), Official Correspondence as U. S. Consuland Navy Agent, 1844-9. MS. 2 vols. Larkin (Thomas O.), Papers Unbound. MS. _ Larkin (Thomas O.), Private Record of Lots sold, 1846-51. MS. Larkin (Thomas O.), U. 8. Naval Agency Accounts. MS. 2 vols. Lasso de la Vega (José Ramon), Escritos del Alférez, 1784 et seq. MS. Lasuen (Fermin Francisco), Carta de 1784. MS. Lasuen (Fermin Francisco), Carta sobre Fundacion de Misiones, 1791. MS. Lasuen (Fermin Francisco), Cartas al Visitador (General Galvez, 1768. MS. Lasuen (Fermin Franvisco), Correspondencia del Padre y Presidente. MS. Lasuen (Fermin Francisco), Fundacion de Misiones, 1797. Cartas. MS. ee aa ae ae a —- ee a a eee AUTHORITIES QUOTED. _ liz Lastien (Fermin Francisco), Informe de 1783. MS. Lasuen (Fermin Fran.), Informe sobre Sitios para Nuevas Misiones, 1796. MS. Lasuen (Fermin Fran.), Informes Bienales de las Misiones, 1793-1802. MS. Lasuen (Fermin Francisco), Representacion sobre los Puntos representados al Gobierno por el P. Antonio de la Concepcion [Horra], 1800. MS. Latham (Milton S.), Remarks on Overland Mails in U. S. Sen., May 30, 1860. Washington, 1860; Speech on Pacific Railroad in U.S. Sen. June 12, 1862. Baltimore, 1862; Speech on Steamships between San Francisco and China. Washington, 1855; and other Speeches. : Laur (P.), De la Production des Métaux Précieux en Californie.’ Paris, 1862. Lauts (G.), Kalifornia. Amsterdam, 1849. Lawson (James 8.), Autobiography. MS. Lee (John D.), Mormonism Unveiled. St Louis, 1877. Lee (Daniel) and J. H. Frost. Ten Years in Oregon. New York, 1844, Leese (Jacob P.), Bear Flag Revolt. MS. Leese (Jacob P.), Claim for Construction of Monterey Wharf. 1846. [36th Cong., 2d Sess., H. Rep. 274.] Wash. 1846. Leese (Jacob P.), Letters from 1836. MS. Leese (Rosalia Vallejo), History of the ‘Osos.’ MS. Legal publications, law text-books, county and municipal regulations, re- ports, etc. See California, San Francisco, Briefs, etc. Many such works are not named in this list. Legislative Records. MS. 4 vols. In Archivo de Cal. Leidesdorff (William A.), Letters of the U. S. Vice Consul. MS. Leland (Charles Godfrey), The Union Pacific Railway. Philadelphia, 1867. Le Netrel (Edmond), Voyage autour du Monde. 1826-9. In Nouv. An. Voy., xlv. 129. Leslie (Mrs Frank), California. New York, 1877. Lester (John Erastus), The Atlantic to the Pacific. Boston, 1873; The Yosemite, its History, etc. Providence, 1873. Letts (J. M.), California Illustrated. New York, 1852; Pictorial View of Cal. New York, 1853. Levett’s Scrap Book. Libro de Bitacora, archivo de la Familia Estudillo. MS. Limantour (José Y.), Apuntes sobre la Causa contra Augusto Jouan. Mexico, 1855; Opinion delivered by Ogden Hoffman in the Cases of. San Fran- cisco, 1858; Pamphlet relating to the Claim of. San Francisco, 1853; Limantour Case. MS. volume of documents in S. F. Law Library; and various documents. Linares (Virey), Intendencias. MS. Linschoten (J. H. van), Reys-Gheschrift Van de Navigatien de Portugaloysers in Orienten. Amstrelredam, 1604. folio. Lippincott (Sarah J. C.), New Life in New Lands. New York, 1873. Lippincott’s Magazine. Philadelphia, 1868 et seq. Lisalde (Pedro), Reconocimiento de Tierras, 1797. MS. Little (John T.), First Years of Cal. under U.S. MS. Livermore, Enterprise, Herald. Livermore (Robert), Occasional Letters from 1829. MS. Lloyd (B. E.), Lights and Shades in San Francisco. San Francisco, 1876. Loa 4 la Virgen. Papel de Mision. MS. Lobscheid (W.), The Chinese; What They Are, etc. San Francisco, 1873. - Local histories, see name of county, town, or author. Lockwood (R. A.), Vigilance Committee Speeches. San Francisco, 1852. Lodi, Valley Review. . Log-books, Fragments from the Larkin Collection. 3 vols. MS. Lompoc, Record. London, Echo, Engineer, Grocer, Mechanic’s Magazine, Morning Post, Spec- tator, Times, etc. Lopez (Baldomero), El Guardian 4 los Padres, prohibiendo el uso de Carrua- jes, 1820. MS. lx AUTHORITIES QUOTED. Lopez (Baldomero), El Guardian al P. Presidente sobre cesion de Misiones, .1820. MS. Lopez (Baldomero), Quejas del P. Guardian al Virey, 1819. MS. Lopez (Baldomero), and Isidro Alonso Salazar, Carta de los Padres de Sta Cruz, 1791. MS. Lord (John Keast), The Naturalist in Vancouver Island. Lond., 1866. 2 vous. Lorenzana (Apolinaria), Memorias de la Beata. MS. Loreto, Libros de Mision. MS. [In possession of O. Livermore. ] Los Angeles, Archivo, Copies and Extracts. MS. 5 vols. Los Angeles, Ayuntamiento Records. MS. Los Angeles, Crénica, Express, Herald, Meridional, Mirror, Morning Journal, News, Republican, Star, Sud. Cal. Post. Los Angeles, Historical Sketch of (by Hayes, Warner, and Widney). Los Angeles, 1876. Los Angeles, Homes in. See McPherson, William. Los Angeles, Instancia dé Regidores y Vecinos sobre Tierras, 1819. MS. Los Angeles, Lista de los Pobladores, Invdlidos, y Vecinos, 1516. MS. Los Angeles, Ordenanzas de la Ciudad. Los Angeles, 1860. Los Angeles, Padron, 1781. MS. Los Angeles, Reglamento de Policia, 1827, MS. Los Angeles, Reparticion de Solares y Suertes, 1786, MS. Los Angeles, Revised Ordinance of the City of Los Angeles, 1855. Los Ange- les, 1860. 2 vols. Los Angeles County, Historical Sketch of (L. Lewin and Co.) Los An- geles, 1876. Los Angeles County, History of (Thompson and West). Oakland, 1880, Atlas folio. Louisville (Ky.), Courier-Journal. Low (Conrad), Meer oder Seehanen Buch. Célln, 1598. Low (Frederick F.), Observations in Early Cal... MS. Lower Lake, Bulletin, Observer, Sentinel. Ludlow (Fitz Hugh), The Heart of the Continent. New York, 1870. | Lugo (Felipe), Cartas Varias. MS. Lugo (José del Carmen), Vida de un Ranchero. MS. Lull (Miguel), Exposicion del Padre Guardian sobre Reduccion de Misioneros en Cal., 1799. MS. Luyt (Joannis), Introductio ad Geographiam Novam et Veterem. Trajecti ad Rhenum, 1692. McAllister (Hall), Statement on Vigilance Committee. MS. McChristian (Patrick), Narrative on Bear Flag. MS. McClellan (R. Guy), The Golden State. Phil., etc., 1872; Republicanism in America. San Francisco, 1869. McCloskey (J. J.), The Early Drama in California. In San José Pioneer, Dec. 13 and 14, 1877. ‘ McClure (A. K.), Three Thousand Miles through the Rocky Mountains. Philadelphia, 1869. McCollum (William 8.), California as I Saw it. Buffalo, 1850. McCue (Jim), Twenty-one Years in California. San Francisco, n.d. McDaniels (W. D.), Karly Days of California. MS. McDonald (D. G. Forbes), British Columbia. London, 1863. McDougal (F. H.), The Donner Tragedy. In Pacific Rural Press, Jan. 21, 1871. McDougall (James A.), Speech on Pacific Railroad in U. 8. H. Rep. Jan. 16, 1855. Washington, 1855.° McFarlane (James), The Coal-regions of America. New York, 1873. McFie (Matthew), Vancouver Island and British Columbia. London, 1865. McGarrahan (William), The Quicksilver Mines of Panoche Grande. Wash ington, 1860; Memorial. A Collection of Documents. San Francisco, 1870. AUTHORITIES QUOTED. lxi McGlashan (C. F.), History of the Donner Party. Truckee, 1879; San Fran- ‘cisco, 1880. McGowan (Edward), Facts concerning the Organization known as the ‘Hounds’ in S. F. Post, Nov. 1, 1878; Narrative of Adventure while pursued by Vigilance Committee. San Francisco, 1857. McIlvaine (William), Sketches of Scenery and Notes of Personal Adventure in California, etc. Philadelphia, 1850. McKay (Joseph W.), Recollections of a Chief Trader in the Hudson’s Bay Company. MS. McKinstry (George), Papers on the History of California. MS. McLean (Finis E.), Speech, June 5, 1850, on Constitution of Cal. Wash. 1850. McPherson, Letters of Juanita. [In various newspapers. ] McPherson (W.), Homes in Los Angéles. Los Angeles, 1873. McQueen (John), Speech, June 3, 1850, on Admission of Cal. Wash., 1850. McWillie (W.), Speech, Mareh 4, 1850, on the Admission of Cal. n.pl., n.d. Machado (Antonio), Escritos de un Sindico. MS. Machado (Juana), Tiempos Pasados de California. MS. Madelene (Henri de la), Le Comte Gaston de Raousset-Boulbon. Paris, 1876, Maglianos, St Francis and Franciscans. Maguire (John Francis), The Irish in America. New York, 1868. Maitorena (José Joaquin), Cartas Sueltas. MS. Malarin (Juan), Correspondencia. MS. Malaspina (Alejandro), Nota de Oficiales. MS. Malaspina (Alejandro) and José de Bustamante, Carta al P. Lasuen, y Res- puesta, 1794. MS. Malte-Brun, La Sonora et ses Mines. Paris, 1864. Mammoth City, Herald, Homer Mining Index, Lake Mining Review. Mangino (Fernando J.), Respuesta de 19 de Junio 1773. In Palou, Not., i, 580. Manrow (John P.), Statement on Vigilance Committees in S. F. MS. Mans (Matthew), Travels in Mining Districts. MS. Mansfield (Edward D.), Mexican War. New York, 1849 March y Labores (José), Historia de la Marina Espafiola. Madrid, 1854. 4to. 2 vols. and atlas. Marchand (Etienne), Voyage autour du Monde, 1790-2. Paris, n.d. 5 vols. Marcou (Jules), Notes upon the First Discoveries of California. Wash., 1878. Marcy (W. L.), Communications of the Secretary of War. 1846-8. In Cal. and N. Mex., Mess. and Doc., 1848; Id., 1850. Marin County History (Alley Bowen & Co.) San Francisco, 1880. Mariposa, Free Press, Gazette, Mail. Mariposa Estate, Its Past, Present, and Future. New York, 1868. Markleville, Alpine Courier, Alpine Signal. Markof (Alexey), Ruskie na Vostotchnom. St Petersburg, 1856. Marquina (Virey), Comunicaciones al Gobr- de Cal., 1800 et seq. MS. Marquinez (Marcelino), Cartas del Padre al Gobr- Sola, 1821. MS. Marron (Felipa Osuna), Papeles Originales. MS. Marron (Felipa Osuna), Recuerdos del Pasado. MS. Marryat (Frank), Mountains and Mole Hills. New York, 1855; London, 1855. Marryat (Frederick), Narrative of the Travels, etc. of Monsieur Violet. New York, 1843. Marsh (John), Lettcr to Commodore Jones, 1842. MS. Marsh (John), Letter to Lewis Cass, 1846. In Pacheco Contra Costa Gazette, Dec. 21, 1867. Marsh (John), Letters of a Pioneer Doctor. MS. Marshall (H.), Speech, Apr. 3, 1850, on Cal. Message. Wash., 1850. Marshall (Henry), Statement, 1843. MS. Marshall (T. W. M.), Christian Missions. New York, 1864. 2 vols. . Marshall (W. G.), Through America. London, 1881. Martin (Juan), Visita 4 los Gentiles Tularefios, 1804. MS. Martin (Thomas S.), Narrative of Frémont’s Expedition, 1845-7. M&S. U. OF fbi, LIB. ivi AUTHORITIES QUOTED. Martinez, Carquinez Enterprise, Express. Martinez (Ignacio), Defensa Dirigida al Comandante General, 1830. MS. Martinez (Ignacio), Entrada 4 las Rancherias del Tular, 1816. MS. Martinez (Ignacio), Escritos Varios. : Martinez (Luis Antonio), Correspondencia del Padre. MS. Martinez ee José) and Gonzalo Lopez de Haro, Cuarta Exploracion, 1788. M Marvin (John G.), The Law Establishing Common Schools. S. F., 1853. Marysville, Appeal, California Express, Herald, North Californian, Northern Statesman, Standard, Telegraph. Marysville and Benicia National Railroad. Report of Engineers on Survey. Marysville, 1853. Maseres (Bartholomé), Relacion claratlel Nayarith, 1785. MS. In Pinart, Col. Doc. Mexico. Misiones. Mason (John Y.), Letters of U. 8. Sec. Nav. toCCommanders in Cal. 1846-7. In Cutts’ Conquest; Speech, May 27, 1850, on Admission of California. Wash., 1850. Mason’s Handbook to California. London, 1850. Mason (Richard B.), California and her Gold. Report to the secretary of war. Wash., 1850. Mason (Richard B. ), Miscellaneous Proclamations, 1849. Mason (Richard B.), Orders and Correspondence of the Military Governor, 1847-8. In Cal. and N. Mex., Mess. and Doc., 1850; also, MS. [In archives. } Mason (Richard B.), Proclamation, Nov. 29, 1847. In English and Spanish. Monterey, 1847. Massett (Stephen C.), Drifting About. New York, 1863; Experiences of a *49er. MS. Materialui dhlia Istoriy Russkikh Zasselenig. St. Petersburg, 1861. : Matthewson (T. D.), California Affairs. MS. Maureile (Francisco Antonio) Diario del Viageade la Sonora, ‘1775. MS. Maurelle (Francisco Antonio), Compendio de Noticias, Viage de, 1774. MS. Maurelle (Francisco Antonio), Journal of a Voyage in 1775. London, 1780. Maurelle (Francisco Antonio), Navegacion, 1779. MS. Maxwell (R. T.), Visit to Monterey in 1842. MS. Mayer (Brantz), Mexico, Aztec, Spanish, etc. Hartford, 1852. 2 vols, Mayer Manuscripts. A collection of 30 copies from Mex. archives. Mayfield, Enterprise, Pastor. Mayne (R. C.), Four Years in British Columbia. London, 1862. Mazatlan, Times. Meade (Edwin R.), The Chinese Question. New York, 1877. Meadow Lake, Sun. Meadows (James), The Graham Affair, 1840. MS. Mechanics’ Institute of San Francisco. Report of Industrial Exhibitions. San Francisco, 1857 et seq. Mellus (Francis), Diary, 1838-40. MS. Mellus (Francis and Henry), Letters. MS. Mendocino, Independent Dispatch, West Coast Star. Mendocino War, Majority and Minority Reports of the Joint Special Com- mittee. San Francisco, n.d. Mendocino County History. San Francisco, 1880. Menefee (C. A.), Historical and Descriptive Sketch-book of Napa, Sonoma, etc. ae 1873. Mercado (Jesus Maria Vazquez), Expediente de Papeles tocantes 4 la Matanza de Indios hecha por érden del P. Ministro de 8. Rafael, 1833. MS. Mercantile Library Association. Annual Reports of President, etc. San Francisco, 1855 et seq. Mercator’s Atlas. 1569 et seq. Merced, People, San Joaquin Valley Argus, Tribune. Merced County History. San Francisco, 1881. 4to. AUTHORITIES QUOTED. lxiii Merchants’ Exchange Prices Current and Shipping List. San Francisco, 1850-2. 4to. 3 vols. Mercury, Expediente de Investigacion sobre la captura, 1813. MS. Meredith (W. M.), Miscellaneous Proclamations by Secretary of the Treas- ury, 1849. Merewether (Henry Alworth), By Sea and By Land. London, 1874. Merrill (Annis), Recollections of San Francisco. MS. Mexican Border Troubles [45th Cong., Ist Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 13]. Wash., 1877. Mexican Boundary, Resolution respecting adjustment and payment of the $3,000,000 [84th Cong., Ist Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 57]. Washington, 1855. Mexican Ocean Mail and Inland Company, Reports. New York, 1853 et seq. Mexican War. A Collection of U. S. Government Documents, Scraps, Pamphlets, etc. 12 vols. ’ ‘Mexican War. Messages of the President [30th Cong., lst Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 60; Sen. Ex. 1]. Washington, 1847-8. 2 vols. Mexican War (The). ItsHeroes. Phil., 1850; Phil., 1860. Mexico, Acta Constitutiva de la Federacion Mexicana. Mexico, 1824; Actas de la Junta de Mineria, 1846-7. MS.; Acuerdo de la Junta de Guerra y Real Hacienda (Misiones) 1772. MS.; Arancel General de Aduanas Maritimas y Fronterizas. Mexico, 1842 et seq.; Arreglo Provisional de la Administracion de Justicia 23 Mayo 1837. In Arrillaga, Recop. 1837, p. 399; Bases y leyes Constitucionales de la Republica Mexicana. Mexico, 1837; Coleccion de Decretos y Ordenes de Interes Comun. Mexico 1850; Coleccion de Leyes y Decretos, 1839-41, 1844-8, 1850. Mexico, 1851-2, 6 vols.; Coleccion de Ordenes y Decretos de la Soberana Junta Provis. Gubern. Mexico, 1829. 4 vols.; Constitucion Federal. Mexico, 1824 et seq.; Decreto sobre Pasaportes, etc., 1828. In Schmidt’s Civil Law, Spain, 346; Diario del Gobierno de la Republica Mexicana. Mexico, 1840 et seq.; Estado Mayor General del Ejército, Escalafon. Mexico, 1854; Exposicion del Ministro de Hacienda 1848; Mexico, 1848; Instruc- cion Provisional Dic. 22, 1824, Mexico, 1824; Leyes Constitucionales. 24 Dic. 1829. In Arriflaga, Recop. 1836, 317; Leyes Vigentes en 1829; Memorias de Guerra, Hacienda, Justicia, Relaciones, etc. Mexico, 1822 et sey. [Annual Reports of the Mexican government in its differ- ent departments, cited by name and date. Nearly all contain more or less on California. About 200 vols.]; Providencia de la Suprema Corte, 11 Nov. 1837. In Arrillaga, Recop. 1838, p. 572; Reglamento para la Colonizacion, 1828. S.; Reglamento de la Direccion de Colonizacion. Mexico, 1846; Reglamento de Elecciones 19 Junior1843. MS.; Regla- mento Provisional, Departmentos, 20 Marzo. In Arrillaga, Recop. 1837, p. 202; Reglamento para el ramo de Pasaportes, 1828. MS.; Reglamento para la Tesoreria general. Mexico, 1831. 4to; Reglas para Elecciones de Diputados y Ayuntamiento. 1830. In Arrillaga, Recop. 1830, p. 253. Meyer (Carl), Nach dem Sacramento. Aaran, 1855. Meyrick (Henry), Santa Cruz and Monterey. San Francisco, 1880. Micheltorena (Manuel), Administration in Upper California. n.pl., n.d. Micheltorena (Manuel), Bando Econémico, 19 Junio 1843. MS. Micheltorena (Manuel), Conciudadanos, etc. Monterey, Dic. 16, 1844. Micheltorena (Manuel), Correspondencia Miscelanea del Sr Gobernador. MS. EE aake egite hae , Decreto por el cual devuelve las Misiones 4 los Frailes, 1843. MS. Micheltorena (Manuel), Decreto Prohibiendo la Introduccion de Efectos Extrangeros. Monterey, Julio 30, 1844. Micheltorena (Manuel), Digest of Correspondence, 1843. n.pl., n.d. Micheltorena (Manuel), El C....[Anuncia la Apertura de las Sesiones de la Diputacion.] Monterey, 28 Agosto, 1844. Micheltorena (Manuel), El C...[Decreto de la Asamblea, Recursos para la Guerra Probable.] Monterey, 3 Sept. 1844. Micheltorena (Manuel), Instrucciones, 1842. MS. Micheltorena (Manuel), Medidas de Defensa contra los E, U., 1844. MS. lxiv AUTHORITIES QUOTED. Micheltorena (Manuel), Reglamento de Escuelas Amigas, 1844. MS. Micheltorena (Manuel), Reglamento de Milicia Auxiliar. Monterey, 16 de Julio, 1844. Millennial Star. Manchester, Liverpool, etc., 1841-79. 41 vols. Miller (Joaquin), The Danites in the Sierras. Chicago, 1881; Life among the Modocs. London, 1873; First Fam’lies of the Sierras. Chicago, 1876; Shadows of Shasta. Chicago, 1881; A Sierra Wedding, In San José Pioneer, Nov. 17, 1877. Millville, Shasta County Record. Miner (The). San Francisco, 1866. Miners’ Own Book (The). San Francisco, 1858. Mining Companies, Reports, etc. Cited by name of company. Not given in this list. Mining Magazine. New York, 1853 et seq. Miscellaneous Historical Papers. A Collection. MS. Miscellaneous Statements on California History. MS. Miscellany. A Collection. 9 vols. Misiones, Cuaderno de Estados, en satisfaccion de los puntos que el Sr Comi- sionado pide 4 la Prefectura, 1822. MS. Misiones, Informes Anuales y Bienales, Indice y Notas. MS. In Arch. Sta Barbara, Vv. passim; x. 495-526; xii. 51-129. Mission Books. Sée name of the Mission. Mission Land Grants, Opinions, etc. In Hayes’ Mission Book, ii. 35. Mission Music, An immense parchment folio with introduction by P. Duran, 1813. MS. Mission Reports, different dates and establishments scattered in the archives. Many cited by name of author or mission. Mission Statistics. MS. Modesto, Herald, San Joaquin Valley Mirror, Stanislaus County Weekly News. Mofras (Eugene Duflot de), Cartas de un Viagero. MS. Mofras (Eugene Duflot de), Exploration de VOrégon, des Californies, ete, . Paris, 1844. 2 vols. and atlas. Mohan (H.) et al., Pen Pictures of our Representative Men. Sac., 1880. Mokelumne, Calaveras County Chronicle. Molhausen (Baldwin), Diary of a Journey. London, 1858. 2 vols. Mollhausen (Baldwin), Tagebuch einer Reise vom Mississippi, ete. Leipzig, 1858. 4to. : Mone (Alexander), A Pioneer of 1847. MS. Monitor, Alpine Miner. Montanus ear Die Nieuwe en Onbekande Weereld. Amsterdam, 1671. folio. Montanus (Arnoldus), Die Unbekannte Neue Welt. [Translated by Dapper. ] Amsterdam, 1673. Monterey, Accounts of the Presidial Company, Rosters, etc. MS. Chiefly in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil.; Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil.; and St. Pap., Sac. Monterey, Actos del Ayuntamiento, 1831-5. MS. Monterey, Acuerdo del Ayunt. y de la Diputacion contra el Cambio de Capi- tal, 1835. MS. Monterey, Archivo de. MS. 16 vols. Monterey, Californian, 1846-8. Also a vol. of MS. extracts, Monterey, Cuentas de ‘la Compafiia Presidial, 1828. MS. Monterey, Democrat, Gazette, Herald, Recorder. Monterey, Diario de ‘Sucesos, 1800-2. MS. Monterey, Extracto de Noticias. Mexico, 1770. Monterey, Official Account of the Taking of. Pittsburg, 1848, Monterey, Ordenanzas Municipales, 1828. MS. Monterey, Padron General, 1836. MS. Monterey, Parroquia, Archivo. MS. , agree Peticion del Ayuntamiento en favor de Frailes Espatioles, 1829. M AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xv Monterey, President’s Mess., Information on taking of, by Com. Jones, [27th Cong., 3d Sess., H. Ex. Doc. No. 166.] Monterey, Ranchos existentes, 1795. MS. Monterey, U. S. Consulate Record. MS. 2 vols. Monterey County, History of. San Francisco, 1881. 4to. Montesdeoca Document. Nov. 14, 1845. MS. Montgomery (Richard Z.), Recollections Mining Camps 1853-4. MS. Montgomery (Zachary), Speech in Assembly of ‘Cal, April 10, 1861, on Common Schools. Sacramento, 1861; Various other Speeches on same Subject. Moore (Augustin), Pioneer Experiences. MS. Moore and De Pues. See San Mateo County History. Mora (José Maria Luis), Obras Sueltas. Paris, 1837. 2 vols. Moraga (Gabriel), Cartas. MS. f ‘Moraga (Gabriel), Diario de su Expedicion al Puerto de Bodega, 1810. MS. Moraga (José Joaquin), Escritos Sueltos. MS. Moraga (José Joaquin), Informe de 1777 sobre cosas de San Francisco. MS. Moraga (José Joaquin), Instruccion y érden que debe observar el cabo de EKscolta de 8. José, 1782. MS. Morehead (C. S.), Speech, Apr. 23, 1850, on Admission of Cal. Wash., 1850. Morelli (Ciriacus), Fasti Novi Orbis et Ordinationum. Venetiis, 1776. 4to. Morenhaut, Correspondence of the French Consul. MS. Moreno (José Matias), Documentos para la Historia: de California. MS. Moreno (Juan B.), Vida Militar. Ms. Morgan (Martha M.), A Trip across the Plains. San Francisco, 1864. Morineau (P. de), Notice sur la Nouville Californie. 1834. In Soc. Géog., Bulletin, xv.; Nouv. An. Voy., lxi. 137. Mormon Battalion, List of Officers and Men. MS. Morrell (Benjamin W.), Narrative of Four Voyages. New York, 1832. Morris (Albert F.), Diary of a Crazy Man. MS. Morris (George B.), The Chinaman as heis.. MS. Morse (J. F.), Illustrated History of California, ete. Sacramento, 1854. Morskoi Svornik, 1858. Moulder (A. J.), Commentaries on the School Law. Sacramento, 1858, Mountaineering on the Pacific. In Harper’s Mag., xxxix., 793. Mowry (Sylvester), The Mines of the West. New York, 1864. Mugiartegui (Pablo), Carta al P. Lasuen, 1794. MS. Mugartegui (Pablo) and Tomas de la Peiia, Parecer sobre el establecimiento de un Convento en S. Francisco, 1797. MS. Muhlenpfordt (Eduard), Versuch einer getreuen Schilderung der Republik Mexico. Hanover, 1844. 3 vols. ® Municipal laws, regulations, reports, and other public documents, cited by name of town, but for the most part not in this list. Mufioz (Juan Antonio), Cartas del Capitan. MS. Muiioz (Pedro), Diario de la Expedicion hecha por D. Gabriel Moraga al Tu- lar, 1806. MS. Murguia (José Antonio), and Tomas de la Pefia, Informe de Sta Clara, 1777. MS Murphy (Timothy), Letters from 1824. MS. Murray (Charles Aug.), Travels in North America. New York, 1839. Murray (E. F.), Miscellaneous Documents. MS. Murray (Walter), Narrative of a California Volunteer, 1847. MS. Musica de Misiones. MS. Nacion (La). Mexico, 1856 et seq. Nanaimo (B. C.), Free Press. Napa City, Classic, Napa County Reporter, Pacific Echo, Register. Napa and Lake Counties, History of (Slocum, Bowen, and Co.) San Fran- cisco, 1881. 4to. National Democratic Quarterly Review. Washington, 1859 et seq. lxvi AUTHORITIES QUOTED. Nava (Pedro), Comunicaciones del Comandante Gen. de Provincias Internas, 1791 et seq. MS. Nava (Pedro), Informe sobre Proyecto de Abrir Caminos entre Cal y N. Mexico, 1801. MS. ) Navarrete (Martin Fernandez), Introduccion. In Sutil y Mexicana, Viage; Viages Apécrifos. In Col. Doc. Inéd., xv. Nayarit, Informe de la Aud. de Guadalajara, 1784. MS. Neal (Samuel), Notice of‘a Pioneer of 45. MS. - Neall (James), Vigilance Committee. MS. Nevada (Cal.) Democrat, Gazette, Herald, Journal, National Gazette, Trane script. Nevada County, History of. Oakland, 1881. Atlas folio. Neve (Felipe), Correspondencia Misceldnea del Gobr-,1775 et seq. MS. Veve (Felipe), Informe de 25 de Abril 1777. MS. Neve (Felipe), Informe sobre Reglamento, 1778. MS. Neve (Felipe), Instruccion al Ayudante Inspector Soler, 1782. MS. Neve (Felipe), Instruccion 4 Fages sobre Gobierno Interino, 1782. MS. ), ); Zz Neve (Felipe), Instruccion para la Fundacion de Los Angeles, 1781. MS. Neve (Felipe), Instruccion que ha de gobernar al Comte de Sta Barbara, 1782. MS. Neve (Felipe), Reglamento é Instruccion, 1779. MS. New Almaden—a great number of briefs, arguments, opinions, documents, etc., in the cases of Castillero, Fossat, and others against the U. S8.; also the following pamphlets on the same subject: Correspondence. San Francisco, 1858; The Discussion Reviewed, S. F. 1859; Exploits of the Attorney-General in California. New York, 1860; Further Correspond- . ence in relation to. San Francisco, 1859; (Letter to Hon. J. 8S. Black, from ‘a Cal. Pioneer’). New York, 1860; Letter to the President of the U.S. (by John T. Doyle), New York, 1860; Letters from San Francisco Herald, Dec. 1858; Report of Attorney-General to the President, Resolu- tions of Cal. Leg., 1860; Smart and Cornered. n. pl., n.d. Newark (N. J.), Advertiser. New Haven (Conn.), Journal and Courier. New Helvetia, Diary of Events in 1845-8. MS. New Orleans (La.), Advertiser, Bee, Commercial Times, Courier, Picayune, Tropic. : Newspapers of California and other states of the Pacific U. 8S. The most important are cited under the name of the town where published, and many of them named in this list. New Tacoma (Wash.), Ledger. New Westminster (B. C.), Mainland Guardian. New York, Bulletin, Commercial Advertiser, Commercial Journal and Regis- ter, Courier, Graphic, Evangelist, Evening Post, Herald, Journal of Commerce, Mail, Post, Sun, Sunday Times, Times, Tribune, World. Nicolay (C. G.), Oregon Territory. London, 1846. Nidever (George), Life and Adventures of an Old Trapper. MS. Niel (Juan Amando), Apuntaciones 4 las memorias de Gerénimo de Zarate Salmeron. In Doc. Hist. Mex., ser. iii., tom. iv. 78. Niles’ Register. Baltimore, etc., 1811-49. 76 vols. Nordhoff (Charles), California: for Health, Pleasure, etc. New York, ae Northern California, Oregon, etc. New York, 1874; New York, 1877. Norman (Lucia), A Youth’s History of California. San Francisco, 1867. North American Review. Boston, 1819 et seq. North San Juan, Press, War Club. North Pacific Review. San Francisco, 1862 et seq. Noticioso General. Mexico, 1815-2}. 6 vols. Nouvelles Annales des Voyages. Paris, 1819-60. 168 vols. Nueva Espajia, Acuerdos de la Junta Sup. de Real Hacienda, 1794. MS, Nuevo Mexico, Expediente de Abigeato, 1833. MS. AUTHORITIES QUOTED. 3 Ixvii Nuez (Joaquin Pascual), Diario del Capellan de la Expedicion para los Ama- javas, 1819. MS. Nugent (John), Scraps of Early History. In 8. F. Argonaut, April 13, 1878. Oajaca, Esposicion, 1828. Oakland, Alameda Democrat, Argus, California Cadet, College Echo, Dem- ocrat, Diamond Press, Dominion Press, Herald, Home Journal and Alameda County Advertiser, Homestead, Independent Itemizer, Journal, Mirror, Monthly Review, Nevlean Review, News, Notes of Warning, Our Paper, People’s Champion, Press, Radiator, Semitropical Press, Signs of the Times, Termini, Times, Torchlight, Transcript, Tribune, University Echo. Oakland Public Schools, Annual Reports. Oakland, 1870 et seq.; many other municipal documents. Observador Judicial y de Legislacion. Mexico, 1842 et seq. Occident and Orient. Melbourne, etc. Odd Fellows. , Lasuen, Lopez, Marquinez, Mission, Monterey, Mugartegui, Munguia, Oibés, Palou, Paterna, Pefia, Protesta, Purisima, Ripoll, Salazar, San Buenaven- tura, San José, Santa Barbara, Serra, Tapis, and Zalvidea. 5® Alvarado, Argiiello, Bandini, Carrislo, Castillo Negrete, Castro, Gomez, Guerra, Osio, and Vallejo. _ © Estab. Rusos, Los Angeles, Monterey, Ross, Rotschef, and San Fran- cisco. 61 See notes 44 and 48 of this chapter. 6? Bear Flag Papers, Boston, California Pioneers, Cerruti, Hayes, Linares, Miscel. Hist. Papers, Nueva Espaiia, Pinart, Pioneer Sketches, Douglas. Papers, Mayer MSS., Russian America, Sutter-Sufiol, Taylor, Viages al Norte. 6 Abrego, Albatross, Apalategui, Asia and Constante, Atanasio, Berreyesa, Bouchard, Carrillo, Castaiiares, Duarte, Elliot de Castro, Expediente, Fitch, Graham, Guerra, Herrera, Mercado, Mercury, Pea, Rae, Rodriguez, Romero, Rubio, San José, Santa Barbara, Santa Cruz, Soltis, Sonoma, and Stearns. SE NEA LOND PE, ee MISCELLANEOUS MANUSCRIPTS. 53 half a dozen old sets of commercial and other account books, some of them of great historical value;* fifteen lists of inhabitants, vessels, pioneers, soldiers, etc. ;" and a like number of old narratives, some being sim- ilar to my dictations to be mentioned presently, except that they were not written expressly for my use, and others being old diaries and records;® also eight per- sonal records, hojas de servicio, and wills;” fifteen battles, treaties, juntas, or plans; three very impor- tant documents on relations with the United States; four on the Ross Colony; five items of correspond- ence of visitors or Nootka men; and a dozen, too hopelessly miscellaneous to be classified, that need not be named here. Thousands of times in my foot-notes I have occa- sion to accredit certain information in this manner: ‘Padre Lasuen’s letter of ,m Arch. Sta Badr.; tom. —, p. —; ‘ Bandini’s Speech, in Carrillo, Doc. Fist. Cal., tom. —, p. —’; ‘Gov. Fages to P. Serra (date), in Prov. St. Pap.’; ‘Larkin to Leidesdorff, June —— 1526, in ta., Doc. Hist. (Cal., iv., etc., etc. Now one of these communications is not worth a separate place in my list; but a hundred from one man form a collection which richly merits a title. That the items are scattered in different manuscript volumes on my shelves, when they might by a mere mechanical operation have been bound in a separate volume, makes no difference that I can appreciate. Therefore from this scattered correspondence of some two hundred of the most prominent men whose writings as used by me are most voluminous, I have ®t Cooper, Larkin, Russian American Company, and Vallejo. 6 Dana, Espafioles, Estrada, Hayes, Los Angeles, Monterey, Padron, Mor- mon Battalion, Relacion, Richardson, Rowland, Salidas, Spence, Stuart, and Taylor. 66 Compafiia Extrangera, Ford, Hartnell, Ide, Leese, Marsh, Morris, Mur- ray, New Helvetia, Ortega, Prudon, and Vigilantes. 67 Amador, Argiiello, Arrillaga, Carrillo, Castro, and Ortega. 68 Cahuenga, Carrillo, Conferencia, Consejo, Instrucciones, Junta, Plan, Pronunciamiento, Solis, Tratado, and Zamorano. ®?Buchanan and Larkin. Bardnof, Etholin, Potechin, and Zavalischin. 71 Douglas, Kendrick, Malaspina, Saavedra, Wilcox. 54 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIAN HISTORY. made a like number of titles. The author’s name is followed in each title by cartas, correspondencia, escri- tos, or some similar general term. Seventy belong to men who wrote chiefly before 1824; one hundred and thirty to those who flourished later. Of the whole number, twenty were Spanish or Mexican offi- cials who wrote beyond the limits of California; twenty were Franciscan friars of the California mis- sions; forty-eight were foreign pioneer residents in California; and one hundred and eleven were native, Mexican, or Spanish citizens and officials of Califor- nia. Several of these collections in each class would form singly a large volume.” One more class of manuscripts remains to be no- ticed. The memory of men as a source of historical information, while not to be compared with original documentary records, 1s yet of very great importance. The memory of men yet living when I began my re- searches, as aided by that of their fathers, covers in a sense the whole history of California since its settle- 7 Spanish and Mexican officials, all before 1824: Apodaca, Azanza, Barry, Branciforte, Bucareli, Calleja, Carcaba, Croix, Galvez, Garibay, Haro y ' Peralta, Iturigaray, Marquina, Nava, Rengel, Revilla, Gigedo, Ugarte y Loyola, Venadito, and Venegas. Padres or ecclesiastics, 8 before and 12 after 1824: Abella, Arroyo, Boscana, Cabot, Catal4, Dumetz, Duran, Esténega, Garcia Diego, Jimeno, Lasuen, Martin, Martinez, Ordaz, Palou, Payeras, Peyri, Quijas, Rouset, Seiian, Tapis, and Viader. Foreign residents and visitors: Belden, Bolcof, Burton, Colton, Cooper, Dana, Davis, Den, Douglas, Fitch, Fliigge, Forbes, Foster, Frémont, Garner, Gillespie, Green, Hartnell, Hastings, Hinckley, Howard, Jones, Larkin, Leese, Leidesdorff, Livermore, Marsh, Mason, Mellus, Mofras, Morenhaut, Murphy, Parrott, Paty, Prudon, Reid, Richardson, Semple, Spence, Stearns, Stevenson, Stockton, Sloat, Sutter, Temple, Thompson, Vignes, and Vioget. Californian officials and citizens, 36 before and 75 after 1824: Abrego, Alberni, Alvarado, Amador, Amesti, Archuleta, Argiiello, Arrillaga, Ban- dini, Bonilla, Borica, Botello, Buelna, Carrillo, Castaiiares, Castillero, Cas- tillo Negrete, Castro, Chico, Cérdoba, Coronel, Cota, Covarrubias, Echeandia, Escobar, Estrada, Estudillo, Fages, Fernandez, Figueroa, Flores, Font, Gomez, Gonzalez, Goycoechea, Grajera, Grijalva, Guerra, Gutierrez, Haro, Herrera, Hijar, Ibarra, Lasso, Lugo, Machado, Malarin, Maitorena, Marti- nez, Micheltorena, Moraga, Mufioz, Neve, Olvera, Ortega, Osio, Osuna, Pacheco, Padrés, Pefia, Peralta, Perez Fernandez, Pico, Portilla, Ramirez, Requena, Rivera y Moncada, Rodriguez, Romeu, Ruiz, Sal, Sanchez, Ser- rano, Sola, Soler, Sufol, Tapia, Torre, Valle, Vallejo, Victoria, Villavicencio, Zamorano, and Zuhiga. | | ee a ek ee a a ng en Fe a ae OO a PERSONAL REMINISCENCES. 55 ment. I have therefore taken dictations of personal reminiscences from 160 old residents. Half of them were natives, or of Spanish blood; the other half foreign pioneers who came to the country before 1848. Of the former class twenty-four were men who occu- pied prominent public positions, equally divided be- tween the north and the south.” The time spent with each by my reporters was from a few days to twelve months, according to the prominence, memory, and readiness to talk of the person interviewed; and the result varied in bulk from a few pages to five volumes of manuscript. A few spoke of special events; most gave their general recollections of the past; and several supplemented their reminiscences by documentary or verbal testi- mony obtained from others. They include men of all classes and in the aggregate fairly represent the Calli- fornian people. Eleven of the number were women, and the dictation of one of these, Mrs Ord—Dotia Angustias de la Guerra—compares favorably in accu- racy, interest, and completeness, with the best in my collection. (General Vallejo’s narrative, expanded into a formal Historia de California, is the most extensive and in some respects the most valuable of all; that of Governor Alvarado is second in size, and In many parts of inferior quality. The works of Bandini and Osio differ from the others in not having been written expressly for my use. The authors were intelligent and prominent men, and though their narratives are much less extensive and complete than those of Va- llejo and Alvarado, they are of great importance. Those of such men as Botello, Coronel, Pio and Jesus Pico, Arce, Amador, and Castro merit special men- S Abrego, Alvarado, Alviso, Amador, Arce, Arnaz, Avila, Bandini, Bernal, Berreyesa, Bojorges, Boronda, Botello, Buelna, Burton, Carrillo, Castro, Coro- nel, Escobar, Espinosa, Estudillo, Ezquer, Fitch, Fernandez, Flores, Galindo, Garcia, Garnica, German, Gomez, Gonzalez, Hartnell, Hijar, Julio César, Juarez, Larios, Leese, Lorenzana, Lugo, Machado, Marron, Moreno, Ord, Osio, Palomares, Perez, Pico, Pinto, Rico, Robles, Rodriguez, Romero, San- ek Septilveda, Serrano, Torre, Torres, Valle, Valdés, Vallejo, Vega, and éjar. , 56 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIAN HISTORY. tion, and there are many of the bricfer dictations which in comparison with the longer ones cited have a value far beyond their bulk. Of the pioneers whose testimony was taken,” twelve wrote on special topics, such as the Bear Flag, Don- ner Party, or Graham Affair. Twenty of them came to California before 1840. Thirty-five came over- land, twenty in immigrant parties, three or four as hunters, and the rest as soldiers or explorers in 1845-8; while twenty came by sea, chiefly as traders or seamen who left their vessels secretly. William H. Davis has furnished one of the most detailed and accurate records of early events and men; and others meriting particular mention are Baldridge, Belden, Bidwell, Bigler, Chiles, Forster, Murray, Nidever, Sutter, Warner, and Wilson. As a whole the testimony of the pioneers is hardly equal in value to that of the native Californians, partly because they have in many cases taken less interest and devoted less time to the matter; also because the testimony of some of the most competent has been given more or less fully in print. While the personal reminiscences of both natives and pioneers, as used in connection with and tested by contemporaneous documentary evidence, have been in the aggregate of great value to me in the prepara- tion of this work, yet I cannot give them unlimited praise as authorities. A writer, however intelligent and competent, attempting to base the annals of Cali- fornia wholly or mainly on this kind of evidence, would produce a very peculiar and inaccurate work. Hardly one of these narratives if put in print could 74 Anthony, Baldridge, Barton, Bee, Belden, Bell, Bidwell, Bigler, Birnie, Boggs, Bowen, Brackett, Bray, Breen, Brown, Burton, Carriger, Chamber- lain, Chiles, Crosby, Dally, Davis, Dittman, Dunne, Dye, Eaton, Findla, Forster, Foster, Fowler, Gary, Greyson, Gillespie, Grimshaw, Hargrave, Hopper, Hyde, Janssens, Knight, Marshall, Martin, Maxwell, McChristian, McDaniels, McKay, Meadows, Mone, Nidever, Ord, Osborn, Parrish, Peirce, Rhodes, Richardson, Roberts, Robinson, Ross, Russ, Smith, Spence, Streeter, Sutter, Swan, Swasey, Taylor, Temple, Tustin, Walker, Warner, Weeks, Wheeler, White, Wiggins, Wilson, and Wise. VALUE OF PIONEER TESTIMONY. 57 escape severe and merited criticism. It is no part of my duty to pomt out defects in individual narratives written for my use, but rather to extract from each all that it contains of value, passing the rest in si- Jence. And in criticising this material in bulk, I do not allude to the few clumsy attempts in certain _ dictations and parts of others to deceive me, or to the falsehoods told with a view to exaggerate the im- portance or otherwise promote the interests of the narrator, but to the general mass of statements from honest and intelligent men. In the statements of past events made by the best of men from memory— and I do not find witnesses of Anglo-Saxon blood in' any degree superior in this respect to those of Span- ish race—will be found a strange and often inexplicable mixture of truth and falsehood. Side by side in the best narratives I find accounts of one event which are models of faithful accuracy and accounts of another event not even remotely founded in fact. There are nota- ble instances where prominent witnesses have in their statements done gross injustice to their own reputa- tion or that of their friends. There seems to exist a general inability to distinguish between the memory of real occurrences that have been seen and known, and that of idle tales that have been heard in years long past. If in my work I have been somewhat over cautious in the use of such testimony, it is a fault on which the reader will, 1 hope, look leniently. ’ The history, and with it the bibliography, of Califor- nia after the discovery of gold may be conveniently divided into two periods, the first extending from 1848 to 1856 over the ‘flush times,’ and the second from 1857 to date. For the first period a larger part of the authorities are in manuscript than would at first glance appear, though with the advent of newspapers and printed government records the necessity of searching the archives for the most part disappears; for itis to be noted that most of the documentary 58 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CALIFORNIAN HISTORY. collections, public and private, already noticed, contain papers of value of later date than 1849; and, still more important, the reminiscences of natives and the earliest pioneers cited in preceding pages, extend in most instances past the gold discovery. Tor ‘this period I have also collected in manuscript form the testimony of about one hundred pioneers who came after 1848,” the number including a few narratives relating in part to Oregon, and a few miscellaneous manuscripts not quite properly classified with pioneer recollections; there are besides some twenty-five men, ‘forty-niners’ for the most part, who have devoted their testimony chiefly to the vigilance committees of San Francisco, most being prominent members of those organizations.” What has been said of similar narratives on earlier events as authorities for history may be applied to these. In the aggregate they are of immense value, being the statements of men who had been actors in the scenes described. For impor- tant additions to this class of material, received too late for special mention here, the reader is referred to the supplementary list of authorities. Material printed in California during this period, including a few items of 1848 and of 1857-8, is repre- sented by about one hundred titles in my list; to which should be added the legislative journals and the numerous state documents printed from year to year, % See Allsop, Anderson, Armstrong, Ashley, Ayers, Bacon, Ball, Ballot, Barnes, Barstow, Bartlett, Bauer, Bigler, Boynton, Brackett, Bristow, Brock, Brodie, Brown, Burnett, Burris, Cassin, Cerruti, Chamberlain, Chapin, Clark, Colvin, Connor, Conway, Coon, Crosby, Davidson, Dean, Doolittle, Dowell, Duncan, Earll, Fairchild, Fay, Fitzgerald, Garniss, Gwin, Hancock, Hart- nell, Hawley, Hayes, Hearn, Henshaw, Herrick, Hinckley, Hitchcock, Hud- son, Keyser, Kirkpatrick, Kohler, Kraszewski, Lamotte, Lane, Lawson, Limantour, Little, Low, Mans, Massett, Matthewson, Merrill, Montgomery, Moore, Morris, Palmer, Patterson, Peckham, Powers, Rabbison, Randolph, Richardson, Roder, Ross, Rush, Ryckman, Safford, Sawtelle, Sayward, Schmiedell, Shaw, Shearer, Stuart, Sutton, Tarbell, Taylor, Thomes, Van Dyke, Vowell, Watson, Wheaton, Widber, Willey, Williams, and Winans. 6 Bluxome, Burns, Cole, Coleman, Comstock, Crary, Dempster, Dows, Durkee, Farwell, Frink, Gillespie, McAllister, Manrow, Neall, Olney, Rogers, Schenck, Smiley, Staples, Stillman, Truett, Wadsworth, Watkins, and Woodbridge. AFTER THE GOLD DISCOVERY. 59 and preserved as appendices to those journals, as also the series of California Reports and California Statutes. There are twenty-one books and pamphlets descrip- tive of the country, with life and events therein during the flush times, most of them having also an admix- ture of past annals and future prospects.” fifteen pamphlets are records of Californian societies, com- panies, or associations, the annual publication extend- ing often beyond this period.*

Palou says his consecrated hands alone were uninjured, preserved doubt- less by God to show his innocence; but Fuster says nothing of this. DESTRUCTION OF SAN DIEGO. 253 On the sixth, after letters from Verdugo and the store-keeper, Pedro y Gil, had been sent by a courier to recall the commandant, Fuster performed funeral rites to the memory of his martyred associate, and buried the body in the presidio chapel. He had died without the last sacrament, but he had said mass the day before his death, had confessed only a few days before, and it could hardly be doubted that all was well with him. The same day Arroyo's body was buried. In the forenoon of the 8th Ortega arrived, soon followed by Carrillo with the remainder of the San Juan party. On the 10th the carpenter, Urselino, was buried by Fuster, having died from the effects of his wounds the day before, after receiving the sacrament, and having left all the pay due him to be used for the benefit of his murderers. From investigations set on foot as soon as the presi- dio had been put in a state of defence, some informa- tion was brought to light repecting the revolt and its attendant circumstances. Just after the baptism of October 3d two brothers Francisco and Carlos, both old neophytes,” and the latter chieftain of the San Diego rancheria, had run away and had not returned when Ortega went north to found San Juan. It was learned that they had visited all the gentiles for leagues around, inciting them to rise and kill the Spaniards. No other cause is known than that a complaint of hav- ing stolen fish from an old woman was pending against them, and so far as could be learned they made no charges against the friars except that they were going to convert all the rancherfas, pointing to the late baptism of sixty persons as an indication of that pur- pose. Some rancherias refused to participate in the plot; but most of them promised their aid,” and the 26 San Diego, Lib. de Mision, MS., 74-5. Arroyo’s widowed mother had been buried here before. Her name was Petrona Garcia. 27 So Palou calls them, but I think there may be some doubt about this. *8 Ortega in his Jnforme, MS., 5, names the Christian rancherias of San Luis, Maiamé, Xamacha, Meti, Xana or Xanat, Abascal, Abuscal or Aguscal, and Maytate or San Miguel; and the gentile rancherias of La Punta, Melejd, 254 NORTHERN EXPLORATION; SOUTHERN DISASTER. assailants were estimated at from eight hundred to a thousand. They were divided into two bodies and were | to attack mission and presidio simultaneously; but the mission party began operations prematurely, and the others, seeing the light of the burning buildings, which they supposed or feared would rouse the garri- son, abandoned their part of the scheme. At the mission the savages first went to the neo- phyte’s huts and by threats and force, as the latter claimed, or by a previous understanding, as many Spaniards believed, insured their silence while they proceeded first to plunder and then to burn. About the part taken by the neophytes in this revolt there is some disagreement among the authorities. All the evidence goes to show that some renegade converts were concerned in it; but Palou, reflecting doubtless the opinions of the other friars,” accepts the plea of those in the huts that they were kept quiet by force, and that the mass of the Christians were faithful. Others, however, and notably Anza, an intelligent and unprejudiced man well acquainted with the facts, be- lieved, as there was much testimony to prove, that it was the neophytes who planned the rising, convoked the gentiles, and acted treacherously throughout the whole affair.” Otai, Pocol, Cojuat, and El Corral, as among those involved in the movement. Chilcacop, or Chocalcop, of the Xamacha rancheria, a Christian, is said to have aided in the killing of Jaume, in connection with the pagans, Tuerto and the chief of the Maramoydos, both of Tapanque rancheria. St. Pap. Sac., MS., ix. 72. Those who led the attack were Oroche, chief of Magtate or Mactati, Miguel, Bernardino of Matamé, and two others. Zegotay, chief of Matam6, testified that 9 rancherias were invited, and that among the leaders were Francisco of Cuyamac, himself, and another. The southern rancherias assembled at La Punta, the mountaineers at Meti. Chief Francisco plotted the revolt, and he, Zegotay, had invited 10 rancherias. Arch. Cal., Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 228-32. Very little satisfactory information can be gathered from the reports of these investigations. Rafael of Xanat and the chief of Aguscal were also leaders, according to Ortega. 29 Lasuen, however, in his Informe de 1783, MS., says that most of the neophytes took part in the revolt. 80 Anza, Diario, MS., 90-6. Anza, as we shall see, arrived early in the next year. He calls attention to the cool lying of the neophytes with a view to exonerate themselves, they even claiming that when liberated from their confinement they had turned upon the gentile foes, driving them to the moun- tains. There was evidence of some understanding between the natives of San Diego and those of the Colorado River. Garcés on the Colorado in 1776 a DEFENSIVE MEASURES. 255 To insure safety at the presidio a roof of earth was rapidly added to the old friars’ dwelling, to which families and stores were removed. The tule huts were then destroyed and other precautions taken against fire. Letters asking for aid were despatched to Rivera’at Monterey, and to Anza approaching from the Colorado region, and both, as we shall see, arrived early the next year. Then parties of soldiers were sent out in different directions to learn something of the enemy’s plans, and several leaders were captured and made to testify. Thus, in suspense and fear of massacre, the little garrison of San Diego passed the rest of the year.” Serra at San Carlos received a letter announc- ing the disaster the 13th of December. “God be thanked,” exclaimed the writer, ‘now the soil is watered; now will the reduction of the Dieguinos be complete!” Next day the six friars paid funeral honors to the memory of Jaume, whose lot, we are told, all envied. They doubted not he had gone to wear a crown of martyrdom; but to make the matter sure, “‘si acaso su alma necesitase de nuestros sufra- gios,” each promised to say twenty masses. Serra wrote to the guardian that the missionaries were not disheartened, but did not fail to present the late dis- aster as an argument in favor of increased mission guards.” heard of the disaster, and from his intimate acquaintance with the tribes of that region he believes that they would have joined the San Diego rancherias in a war against the Spaniards later, had it not been for the favorable impres- sion left by Anza. Garcés, Diario, 264-285. 31See also on the San Diego revolt Serra, Notas, in San Diego, Lib. de Mision, MS., 4; Lasuen, Informe de 1783, MS.; Id., in Arch. Santa Barbara, MS., ii. 197; St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 16, 127; and investigations of Ortega and Rivera in April to June 1776, in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS.,i. 22-3. Ortega credits privates Ignacio Vallejo, Anastasio Camacho, and Juan de Ortega with great gallantry in these trying times, Informe, MS., 3; and Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 83, goes so far as to say that Vallejo was the chief cause of the Spanish triumph, thus becoming a great favorite among the padres. Gleeson, Hist. Cath. Ch., ii. 68-76, is somewhat confused in his account of this affair, making the natives destroy San Carlos and attack the presidio in 1779. 82 Palou, Not., ii. 272-5; Id., Vida, 184-7. Dumetz now went to San Antonio and Cambon and Pieras returned to San Carlos Dec. 23d. 256 NORTHERN EXPLORATION; SOUTHERN DISASTER. Rivera set out for the south on the 16th of Decem- ber, with thirteen men, one of whom was to be left at San Antonio while two were to remain at San Luis. In August there had been an alarm at San Antonio. A. messenger came to the presidio on the 29th with the news that the natives had attacked the mission, and shot a catechumen about to be baptized. Rivera sent a squad of men who found the wounded native out of danger. They captured the culprits and held them after a flogging, until the commandant ordered them flogged again, when after a few days in the stocks they were released.* . 83 Palou, Not., ii. 244-5. CHAPTER, XIT. EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCES. 1775-1776. ANZA AND HIS COLONY—PREPARATIONS IN MExiIco AND SonorA—Two Hon: DRED IMMIGRANTS—ORIGINAL AUTHORITIES—MARCH TO THE Rio CoLoe RADO—MISSIONARIES LEFT—ITINERARY—Map—A Terpiovus Marcu To San GABRIEL—ANZA GOES TO THE RELIEF OF SAN DrEGO—RIVERA Ex- COMMUNICATED-—ANZA BRINGS HIS ForcE TO MonTEREY—HIs ILLNESS— Rivera Comes Noxtu. AND Anza Gors SoutH—A QuARREL—RIVERA VERSUS ANZA AND THE FRIARS—STRANGE ACTIONS OF THE COMMANDANT— His Marcu SouTHWARD—INSANITY OR JEALOUSY—ANZA’S RETURN TO THE COLORADO AND TO SONORA—EXPLORATIONS BY GARCES—UP THE CoLorapo—Across THE MosgaveE DrEsERT—INTO TULARE VALLEY—A REMARKABLE J OURNEY—DOMINGUEZ AND ESCALANTE. Captain Anza, returning from his first exploration of an overland route to California, went to Mexico to lay before the viceroy the results of his trip. Very soon, by royal recommendation, the projects of estab- lishing missions in the Colorado region and a new presidio at San Francisco were taken into considera- tion. In November 1774 the board of war and finance determined to carry out or advance both projects by a single expedition to California, by way of the Colo- rado, under the command of ee This determina- tion, as we have seen, was announced to Rivera and Serra at Monterey by Bucareli in December and Jan- uary. Anza was advanced to the rank of heutenant- colonel and hastened homeward to raise the required 1 Anza states that the decree of the viceroy, under which he acted, was dated Nov. 24th, Garcés says the expedition, or his part of it, was deter mined on by the junta on Nov. 28th, was ordered by the viceroy by letter of Jan. 2d, and by the letters of the ‘guardian of Santa Cruz College Jan. 23th and Feb. 17th, Hist. Cau., Vou. I. 17 ( 257 ). 258 EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCZS. foree of thirty soldiers with their families for Cali- fornia. Bucareli was very liberal with the king’s money on this occasion; giving four mule trains and many horses and cattle for the new establishment, and also providing that families of settlers, like those of the soldiers, were to be transported at government ex- pense, recelving pay for two years and rations for five. The expense of each family was about eight hundred dollars. Anza took with him from Mexico animals, arms, and clothing, and began his work im- mediately by recruiting on the way. He clothed his recruits, men, women, and children, from head to foot, and allowed their pay and rations to begin with the date of enlistment. At San Felipe de Sinaloa a regu- lar recruiting-office was opened, Anza’s popularity, with his liberal display of food and clothing, insuring success both here and in the north, until in Septem- ber 1775 most of the company were assembled at the appointed rendezvous, San Miguel de Horcasitas. They were ready the 29th of September, all being united in time to start from the presidio of Tubac the 23d of October.’ The force that set out from Tubac consisted, first, of Anza, commander, Pedro Font of the Querétaro T’ranciscans as chaplain, ten soldiers of the Horcasi- tas presidio, eight muleteers, four servants, and Ma- riano Vidal, purveyor—twenty-five persons in all who were to return to Sonora; second, Francisco Garcés and Tomas Eixarch,’ destined to remain on the Rio Colorado with three servants and three interpreters; and third, Alférez José Joaquin Moraga, and Ser- geant Juan Pablo Grijalva, twenty-eight soldiers, eight from the presidio force and twenty new recruits; twenty-nine women who were wives of soldiers; 136 2 Arricivita, Crdén. Serdf., 461, says they left Horcasitas on April 20th, and Tubac Oct. 21st. The rendezvous of the friars connected with the expedition was at the mission of Tumacacori near Tubac. 3So Font callshim. Garcés writes the name Eixarth; Arricivita, Eyzarch ; and Anza, Esiare. IMMIGRANTS FROM SONORA. 259 persons of both sexes belonging to the soldiers’ families and to four extra families of colonists;* seven mule- teers, two interpreters, and three vaqueros—alto- gether 207 destined to remain in California,’ making a grand total of 235, to say nothing of eight infants born on the way. The live-stock of the expedition consisted of 165 mules, 340 horses, and 320 head of cattle.® Our Lady of Guadalupe, Saint Michael, and Saint Francis of Assisi were selected as patrons of the ex- pedition, and after the celebration of mass on Sun- *Palou says there were 12 of these families and that the whole force for California was 200 souls. ° There may be some slight inaccuracy respecting the vaqueros, muleteers, and interpreters, the numbers given being those not otherwise disposed of definitely in the diaries. The names are included in the list at end of this volume. ‘There are no means of separating most of them from other parties. 8 Anza, Diario del Teniente Coronel Don Juan Bautista de Anza, Capitan del Presidio de Tubac, Sonora, de su expedicion con familias desde dicho presidio, al reconocimiento del puerto de San Francisco de Alta Cal’fornia; y de su vuelta, desde este puerto al Presidio de San Miguel de ITorcasitas, MS., 232. Com- pleted at Horcasitas on June Ist. This official journal kept by the comandante from day to day throughout the whole expedition is of course the chief authority on the subject. There is an occasional ambiguity of expression which causes confusion, notably so at the beginning where the company is described; but otherwise the diary leaves nothing to be desired. The author was a man of great ability and force of character, besides being very popular with his men. Another original authority is Lont, Journal made by Padre Pedro Font, Apostolic Preacher of the College of Santa Cruz de Querétaro, taken from the minutes written by him on the road, during a journey that he performed to Monterey and the Port of San Francisco, in company with Don Juan Bautista de Anza, etc., MS., 52. Completed at Ures, Sonora, June 23d. This translation was made from the original in the parochial archives of Guad- alajara, or, more probably, from a copy of the same, apparently about 1850, under circumstances of which I know nothing, but evidently with considerable care. The original, which I have not seen, is cited in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 206, among other documents as Diario que jirma el P. Font...con dos mapas. A copy of the translation was obtained in California by Bartlett, and is cited in that author’s Personal Narrative, ii. 78, 278-80. Another copy, probably made from that in my possession, is preserved in the library of the Territorial Pioneers in San Francisco, and an abridgment was pub- lished by that society. Territorial Pioneers of Cal., First Annual, 81-107. The maps are not copied in the translation, though there are a few rude pen drawings, and though the numbers on one of the maps, representing days’ journeys, are given in the diary. Fortunately this map, a very interesting and important one, has been found, and a lithographic copy of it—though with many blunders in lettering—published in Hinton’s Hand- Book of Arizona, of which book, recently printed, it is the sole meritorious feature so far as history is concerned. I reproduce the map, or that part of it representing California, in this chapter. Font’s diary, though less complete and extensive than that of Anza, is still of very great value as an authority on this expedi- tion. Still another original authority is Garcés, Diario y Derrotero que sigué el M. R. P. Fr. Francisco Garcés en su viaje hecho desle Octubre de 1775 hasta 17 260 EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCES. day, they began their march on Tuesday, the 23d of October. Details of the route and march, through Pimeria and the country since known as Arizona, belong rather to the annals of those territories than to those of California, but there is little to record anywhere. ‘The route was by San Javier del Bac and Tucson to the river Gila, and down that river generally along the southern bank to the Colorado junction, a route often travelled in the old Jesuit ere. The march was not a difficult one. The natives were uniformly hospitable, and ready both to receive trifling gifts and to have the authority of their chieftains confirmed by Spanish appointments. ‘The only mis- fortunes were the death of a woman in childbirth, the desertion of one or two muleteers brought back by natives, and the loss of a few horses from bad water and excessive cold. The only delays were caused by an examination of the famous Casa Grande, by an occasional halt for rest, and by other detentions of a day or two by the birth of young immigrants. They reached the Gila the last day of October and were about a month on the march down to the Colo- rado junction. Crossing the Gila to the northern bank near its mouth November 28th, Anza and his company were given a hospitable and even enthusiastic welcome by the Yuma chief, Palma, whose domain lay, it seems, on both sides of the Colorado, and who had built a large house of branches especially for the use of the travellers.’ Four soldiers were met here, who had been sent in advance, and had been searching during the past six days, on the California side of the Colo- de Septiembre de 1776, al Rio Colorado para reconocer las Naciones que habitan sus mdryenes, y & los pueblos del Moqui del Nuevo- México, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie li. tom. i. 225-348. This diary is nearly as complete as Anza’s, and more so than Font’s, down to the time when Anza’s expedition left the Colorado for the north-west. Other authorities are Palou, Not., ii. 218-15, 277-82; Id., Vida, 204-5, 186-7; Arricivita, Cron. Serdf., 461-90, the last being a very full account but with some errors respecting minor details. ‘P. Font’s map is incorrect in representing the ford of the Colorado as below the Gila, while all three diaries say that it was a little way above. ON THE COLORADO. 261 rado, for a more direct route than that followed the year previous; but without success, as neither water nor grass could be found. The first task, and by no means an easy one, was to get the large company with cattle and stores safely across the river. The Yumas said the Colorado was not fordable, and must be crossed by means of rafts, a slow and tedious proc- ess, but one which Anza was inclined to think neces- sary for the families and supplies at least. At seven o clock in the morning of the 29th he went down to the bank to reconnoitre. He ordered the neces- sary timber for rafts, and then with a soldier and a Yuma determined to make one final search for a ford, which he found about half a mile up the river, where the water was diverted by islands into three channels. The afternoon was spent in opening a road through the thickly wooded belt along the bank; and on the 30th before night all the families and most of the supplies were landed on the western side, without the use of rafts. The travellers remained in camp on the right bank for three days, partly on account of the dangerous illness of two men, and also to make certain needful preparations for the comfort and safety of the two friars who were to remain here until Anza’s return. Father Garcés was requested to select the place where he would reside, and chose Palma’s rancherfa about a league below the camp and about opposite the mouth of the Gila. So earnest were Palma’s assurances of friendship and protection that it was deemed safe to leave the missionaries with their three servants and three interpreters. Before starting Anza built a house, and left provisions for over four months, and horses for the use of the remaining party, whose purpose was to explore the country, become acquainted with the natives, and thus open the way for the establishing of regular missions at an early date. I shall presently have more to say of their travels in California. Set- ting out December 4th from Palma’s rancheria, Anza 262 EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCES. marched slowly down the river, the way made difficult by the dense growth of trees and shrubs, by cold, and by illness in the company. The first halt was at the rancherias of San Pablo, or of Captain Pablo as Font says; the second was at the lagoon of Coxas, or Cojat, the southern limit of Yuma possessions and of Palma’s jurisdiction; and the third, on the 6th of December, was at the lagoon of Santa Olaya, the beginning of Cajuenche territory, about twelve leagues below the mouth of the Gila.® During the stay at Santa Olaya Garcés overtook the party, having already set out to explore the coun- try toward the mouth of the Colorado. Anza divided his force into three parties under the command of himself, Grijalva, and Moraga, who started on the 9th, 10th, and 11th, respectively, and were reunited December 17th at San Sebastian. I give some de- tails of names and distances in a note.’? I also append a copy of Font’s map, substituting names for numbers in the case of important places and where space per- mits. The route followed was nearly the same as in Anza’s former trip, and substantially that of the modern railroad through Coahuila Valley and San Gorgonio Pass. The journey, every petty detail of 8 Font, Journal, MS., 16, 17, makes the distance 14 leagues with some winding, and the latitude 32° 33’ which by the distances is very nearly accurate. Garcés, Diario, 244, calls the lagoon Santa Eulalia. By Anza and Font the name is written Olalla. See chap. x. for Anza’s trip of 1774. ® Route from Palma’s rancheria on the west bank of the Colorado near mouth of the Gila to San Gabriel. The courses are from Jont’s Journal, Anza’s agreeing with them generally but being less definitely expressed. The distances in parentheses, differing widely from Anza’s, are from Font, whose leagues were about 2 miles. The numbers refer to Font’s map: 42. Laguna of San Pablo, or Capt. Pablo, 45 1. (5) w. $s. w.; 43. Laguna of Coxas, or Cojat, 31, (4) s. w., Laguna of Santa Olalla, 32° 33’, 41. (5) s. w.; 45. Pozo del Carrizal, or Alegria, 5 1. (7) w. nN. w.; 46. Dry Gulch, 5 1. (7) w. N.w.; 47. Pozos de Santa Rosa de las Lajas, 101. (14) w.N. w., w., W. Ss. w.; 48. Dry Creek, 41. (3) N.; San Sebastian, 33° 8’, 541. (7) N. N. w.; 51. Pozo de San Gregorio, 74 1. (9)w. 4N. w.; 52. Arroyo of Santa Catalina del Vado, Sink, 41. nN. w.dw.; 53. Id., source, 141.(1)N. w. 4 w.; 54. Danzantes rancheria in same cafiada, 31. (4) w. N. w.; San Carlos Pass (San Gorgonio?) 24 1. (3) N. N. w.; [123. Porte- zuelo on return;] 56. San Patricio Cafiada, source of stream, 33° 37’; 57. San José Arroyo, 61. (7) N. w. 4 w.; 58. Laguna of San Antonio Bucareli, down San José Valley, 41. (5) w. Nn. w.; Santa Ana River, 91. (8) w. n. w.; 60. Arroyo de los Alisos, 61. w. N. w.; 61. River San Gabriel, branch, 5 1. (6) w. N. w., San Gabriel, 34° 35’, 21. w. s. w. FONT’S MAP 1776 {Vincent= <= PULARE 2 Morte rey LF *- er e J Ositos 5 VS AS.Betnabes ); entonie) i Robles 6 xy SS Cranssine = a Phy ml Gf PR Sta.Rosa On ojo E ain sae, QUABAIAY —=—Conceps SSN s : “OM escaltitan — ae o =\ oRinconada_ ae iA Asumpta BEN Y ENCE = : SS OR.StaClara : N “Agua Escondida = Phrtdzuelo® t ; orciuncula AS Q ° | ezuelo ’ ve 6 La Quema val ema —\ TENIGU HICH \"..™ = 4 © Patricio =>) _: °8.Carlos Pa} ee 0° a3 er o ay 4 Aline SS wd JECUIC gSoledad ‘oSGregorio ——— 5 HAL hays mh S.Sebastian ‘ 2X; ane C oR A. a. Rosa 0 Sor MAK=BE— Ag 265) 264 EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCIS. which is fully described in the commandant’s diary, was a slow, tedious, and difficult one, requiring a full month for its accomplishment; and the fact that it was accomplished at all under the circumstances speaks highly for Anza’s energy and ability. Long stretches of country without water must be crossed, and at first the company must be divided that all should not arrive the same day at the same watering- place. It was midwinter, the cold was intense, and most of the company were not accustomed to a cold climate. Storm followed storm of snow and hail and rain, and an earthquake came to increase the terrors of San Gorgonio pass. They were obliged to dig wells, and then obtained only a small supply of water, and the cattle were continually breaking away in search of the last aguage. There was much sickness; and yet, beyond the loss of some hundred head of live-stock, there was no serious disaster, owing to the skill and patience of Anza and his aids. On the first day of 1776 the new pioneers of California and San Francisco forded the River Santa Ana, and on January 4th the expedition reached the mission of _ San Gabriel. Rivera had arrived from the north the day before, on his way with ten or twelve men to afford protec- tion to the threatened presidio of San Diego, and to punish the Indians who had destroyed the mission. The disaster and danger at San Diego seemed to justify Anza in suspending his own expedition for a time, especially as the season was not favorable for the immediate exploration of San Francisco. At the request of Rivera, therefore, he determined to proceed with a part of his force to punish the south- ern foe. The company of immigrants was left to rest at San Gabriel under the command of Moraga, and, after religious ceremonies of gratitude for safe arrival cele- brated on the 6th, Anza set out at noon on the 7th, accompanied by Font and seventeen of his soldiers in ANZA AT SAN DIEGO. 265 addition to Rivera’s force, for San Diego, where he arrived the 11th.” Naturally, the coming of reénforcements caused great relief to Ortega and his little garrison, who were in constant fear of an attack from the gentiles. There seems to have been some foundation for these fears besides the exaggerated rumors always preva- lent on such occasions ; but, whatever may have been the plans of the savages, their hostile purposes did not long survive the arrival of new forces. One of Rivera’s first acts was to send six soldiers to the peninsula with communications for the viceroy and a demand for reénforcements, in view of the recently developed dangers threatening the permanency of the Spanish establishments in California. Then followed investigations respecting the late outbreak, lasting the remainder of the year; they were imperfectly re- corded, and of slight importance. Raids were made to different rancherias; gentile chiefs were brought in, made to testify, flogged, liberated, or imprisoned, but nothing was learned in addition to what has been already stated.” It was not long before a difference of opinion arose between the two commanders which later developed into a quarrel. As we have scen Anza had consented to postpone temporarily the special business the vice- roy had intrusted to him, in view of the danger threat- ening San Diego. He found the danger somewhat less than had been represented. He had come to San Diego for a brief, vigorous, and decisive campaign against the savages, but he found Rivera disposed to a policy of delay and inaction. Anza’s chief concern 10 Anza, Diario, MS., 89-90, says he took 17 men; Font, Journal, MS., 22, says 20 men; Palou, Not., ii. 275-6, makes it 18 men ; and the same author, Vida, 186-7, implies that there were 40 men. The route from San Gabricl was: 63. River Santa Ana 61. (10 according to Font); Arroyo de Santa Maria Magdalena, or La Quema, 11 1. (14); River San Juan Capistrano, 111. (14); La Soledad rancheria, via San Dieguillo and 68 Agua Hedionda, 9 1. (12); San Diego, 3 1. (4). 4 Anza, Diario, MS., 97-100, 104, 106; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., i. 22-3; Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 215-32. 266 EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCES. was naturally the founding of San Francisco, while m Rivera’s mind the protection of San Diego was the only subject at present to be thought of. Anza at first yielded to the captain’s views, realizing that as ruler of the province he naturally felt for its safety, but at last tidings came from San Gabriel which turned Anza’s attention again to his own affairs. Five men arrived February 3d with a despatch from Moraga and the purveyor Vidal, to the effect that the mission could no longer furnish food for the immigrants ex- cept to the injury of its own neophytes, Father Paterna having distributed rations for eight days and given notice that these would be the last. On receipt of this intelligence Anza resolved to take his military colony without delay up to Monterey. He agreed, however, with Rivera, to leave ten of his soldiers at San Gabriel, thus relieving a portion of the old guard at that mission for service at San Diego if needed,” and with the other seven, having sent in advance a mule train laden with maize and beans, he set out on the 9th, still accompanied by Font, and arrived at San Gabriel on the 12th. Only one event occurring at San Diego after Anza’s departure re- quires notice in this connection. Carlos, an old neo- phyte but a ringleader in the late revolt, returned in real or assumed penitence, and, prompted doubtless by the missionaries, took refuge in the church. Rivera sent a summons to Fuster to deliver the culprit on the plea that the right of church asylum did not protect such a criminal, and moreover that the edifice was not a church but a warehouse used temporarily for wor- ship. luster by the advice of his comrades of the cloth refused, and warned the commandant to use no force. Rivera then entered the church sword in hand with a squad of soldiers and took the Indian out, pay- ing no heed to the expostulations of the three padres, 12 Anza, Diario, MS., 108. He did leave 12 instead of 10. Palou, Not., ii. 275-6; Vila, 186-7, implies that the 12 men were left at San Diego instead of San Gabriel. ani an SAN GABRIEL TO MONTEREY. 267 Fuster, Lasuen, and Amurrio. The priests proceeded to excommunicate the commander and the soldiers who had aided him, and ordered them to leave the church before beginning service on the next day of mass. The friars reported to Serra, sending the report up to Monterey by Rivera himself.* Arriving at San Gabriel on February 12th Anza found that the night before three of his muleteers and a servant with a mission soldier had deserted, taking twenty-five horses and other property, part of which belonged to the mission and part to the expedition. The colonists proper, however, seemed content and showed no disposition to desert. Moraga was sent with ten men to capture the fugitives, and before his return Anza resolved to set out for the north. Leav- ing twelve men and their families under Grijalva to reénforce the mission guard, and ordering Moraga on his arrival to follow with eight men, the commandant started on the 21st with seventeen men, the same number of families,‘ the mule train, and the live-stock. Heavy rains had swollen the streams and rendered many parts of the route well nigh impassable. Ob- servations respecting the natives of Channel rancherias are omitted by Anza as having been given in the diary of his former trip, a diary which unfortunately is no longer in its entirety extant. Font gives merely an outline of distances and directions.” With no other 138 Palou, Not., ii. 292-5. 4 The full division of the forces was as follows on Anza’s departure: At San Gabriel, 8 California soldiers, 12 families, Sergeant Grijalva, and 4 soldiers of Anza’s guard waiting for Moraga; with Moraga, 8 California soldiers (2 of the 10 having returned before Anza started); with Anza, 11 California soldiers, 17 families, and 6 of Anza’s men—total 29 out of the 30 soldiers who were to remain in California, one not being accounted for. This explanation is neces- sary on account of the confused statements of Anza, who had no head, or pen at least, for figures. 15 The route was as follows; the earlier part to the sea-shore being appar- ently further south than that followed by the first Spanish explorers in 1769, and Anza’s distances being as before considerably less than Font’s. The num- bers refer to Font’s map, q. v.: San Gabriel; 119. Rio Porciuncula, 21.; 72. Portezuelo, 61.; 73. Agua Escondida, 71. (10); 74. Rio Santa Clara, 91. (15); 75. Rincon or Rinconado rancheria, past Carpinteria, 61. (9); [117.] Assumpta tiver]; 76. Mescaltitlan rancheria, 71. (9); Rancheria Nueva, 81. (9); 78. Cojo rancheria, 71. (10); 79. River Santa Rosa, past Pt Concepcion, rancherias of 268 EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCES. notable occurrence than an occasional miring of the train, in the midst of which it became necessary to unload the animals, the women meanwhile being com- pelled to walk,” the immigrants were welcomed March 2d at San Luis Obispo, where next day, as shown by the mission records, Anza stood as god- father to several native children baptized by Font.” From this place they passed directly north by the modern stage route to the Salinas River, or Rio de Monterey as they called it, reaching San Antonio on the 6th, and feasting on two fat hogs magnanimnously killed for their use by order of the friars. Moreover, they were delighted to receive intelligence from the south, having been in great anxiety since they heard of the late disaster. Here Moraga came up, having captured the deserters near the Colorado River, and having left them tied at San Gabriel. On the 10th all arrived safely at Monterey.* Next morning Padre Junipero came over from San Carlos to congratulate Anza on the safe termination of his march, and to assist with his three companions at the religious ceremonial of thanksgiving, on which occasion Hather Font delivered an address of encour- agement with advice to the newly arrived company. Anza and Font went over to the mission by invita- tion of the president, where the commandant was con- fined to his bed for more than a week by a painful illness. On the 18th eight of the presidio soldiers were sent south to reénforce Rivera at San Diego, with a request to that officer to take immediate steps Pedernales and Espada, 931. (12); 81. Buchon rancherfa, 91. (13); San Luis Obispo, 35° 174’, 31. (4); over mountains and down Rio Santa Margarita to (83) Ascencion on Rio de Monterey (Salinas), 71. (10); 84. First ford of Rio San Antonio, 81. (10); [111]. Cafiada de Robles]; San Antonio, 36° 24’, 81. (10); 86. Los Ositos, on Rio de Monterey, past Roble Caido (in Cafiada de S. Bernabé) 71. (9); 87. Los Correos, on the river, 81. (10); [109. 8S. Bernabé Cafiada; 108. Buena Vista;|] Monterey, 7 1. (10). 16 Hundreds of travellers over the coast stage route in winter, myself among the number, have no difficulty in identifying this place near San Luis. "San Luis Obispo, Lib. de Mision, MS., 31. 18On the journey to Monterey see Anza’s Diario, MS., 112-34; Font’s Journal, MS., 25-9. RIVERA’S STRANGE ACTIONS. 269 for the founding of San Francisco. On the 23d, against the surgeon’s advice, Anza insisted on mount- ing his horse and setting out to explore San Francisco Bay, returning April 8th from this exploration, which may be most conveniently described in connection with other San Francisco matters in the next chapter. Back at Monterey the commandant was disap- pointed in finding neither Rivera in person nor any message from him. He accordingly sent Sergeant Gongora with four men™ south with letters requesting Rivera to meet him at San Gabriel on the 25th or 26th for consultation respecting important matters. Two days later, on the 14th of April, having turned over his company and all connected with the San Francisco establishment to Moraga, he began his re- turn march with Font, Vidal, seven soldiers of his escort, six muleteers, two vaqueros, and four servants. The parting with the soldiers and their families, whom he had recruited in Sonora and brought to their new home, is described by Anza as the saddest event of the expedition. All came out as their leader mounted to leave the presidio, and with tearful embraces bade him god-speed. Font affirms that according to the list, which he consulted just before starting, there were one hundred and ninety-three souls of the new colony left at Monterey. Next day between Buena Vista and San Bernabé, less than twenty miles from Monterey, they met Géngora, who announced that Rivera was close behind him, and revealed certain strange actions of this officer. He had met Rivera between San Antonio and - San Luis, and in reply to questions had told his busi- ness and presented Anza’s and Moraga’s letters, which the captain refused to take, simply saying ‘“ Well, well; retire!” Géngora followed his superior officer north, keeping at a little distance, and a day or two later Rivera suddenly called for the letters, received 19 Two of the men were of Anza’s guard, and the others of the Californian troops. Palou, Vol., 288-90, says that Gongora had but twomen. » 270 EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCES. them without breaking the seals, and gave in return two letters for Anza which the sergeant was to deliver in all haste. As Géngora called Anza aside and delivered the letters he stated his belief that Rivera was mad. The letters contained a simple refusal to effect or permit the establishing of San Francisco. Gongora was ordered to go on to Monterey, and after proceeding another league Anza met Rivera on the road, saluted him, and asked about his health. Rivera said his leg troubled lim, heard Anza’s expressions of regret, and started on, as if it were a casual meeting, with a simple adios. ‘Your reply to my letter may be sent to Mexico or wherever you like;” called out Anza, and Rivera answered, ‘It is well.” Calling on the friars who accompanied him,” to witness what had occurred, Anza, considerably offended by actions which seemed to him attr'butable to impoliteness and a “great reserve’ rather than madness, went on his way, ariving at Sau Luis Obispo the 19th of April. In the mean time Rivera went on to Monterey, arriving on the 15th, and sending word to Serra to come over from the mission for his letters, which he wished to deliver in person and was too unwell to visit lim. Serra came, and thought Rivera’s illness, which was a slight pain in the leg, greatly exaggerated. He found his letters likewise broken open, though Rivera assured him it was accidental and they had not been read. He then told the president of his excommunication at San Diego, and Serra, after con- sultation with the San Carlos friars, approved what Fuster had done, refusing to grant the captain’s re- quest for absolution, until he should give satisfaction 20 Pieras was returning in his company to San Antonio. Anza, Diario, MS., 185, says he took a written certi. cate from the padres. Font, Journal, MS., 43, says: ‘We supposed that he had returned to speak with Capt. Anza before his departure and treat about the affairs of the expedition, and that we should probably have to return to Monterey or at least stay where we were; but we soon found that his arrival did not cause us any detention what- ever, for when we fell in with Capt. Rivera, a short time afterward, the two captains saluted each other on passing, and without stopping to speak about anything Capt. Rivera immediately went on to Monterey, and we continued our journey toward Sonora.’ ANZA AND RIVERA. 271 to the church by returning the Indian Carlos to the sanctuary, on which condition the San Diego minis- ters could grant absolution without necessity of Ser- ra’s interference. He also wrote the guardian about the matter, and after much difficulty in getting an escort from Rivera, who put him off with frivolous pretexts, he sent Cambon with the letter to overtake Anza. The next day, April 19th, Rivera himself started south again, refusing Serra’s request to go with him on the plea of very great haste.” Cambon overtook Anza at San Luis on the 19th, bringing besides the president’s letters for Mexico one in which he announced his purpose to come down with Rivera if possible, and asked Anza to wait a little; another from Moraga telling of Rivera’s arrival at Monterey, and volunteering the opinion that the commandant was insane; and still another from Rivera himself announcing his immediate departure, asking for a delay and consultation, and apologizing for past discourtesy on the plea of ill-health.” On the after- noon of the 21st some soldiers came in saying that Rivera had encamped for the night but a little way off. Anza at once sent a message that he would con- sult with him on matters affecting the service, but that all communication must be in writing. Next day came back a letter naming San Gabriel as the place of consultation. Anza was there on the 29th,” and 21 Palou, Not., ii. 291-7. Another serious cause of trouble between Rivera and Serra was the action of the former respecting the mules which were sent for mission use. One hundred mules were sent via Baja California, and 89 were sent up by Gov. Barri to Rivera, who, knowing that they belonged exclusively to the missions, distributed them all the same among his soldiers, except 40 which he brought to Monterey, admitting when ques- tioned that the mules were not his, but pleading military service. Subse- quently, a letter came to Serra for Rivera ordering the distribution of the mules. The letter was open, and was sealed and delivered after being read, but Rivera never mentioned the matter again. /d., 209-11. 22 Palou, Not., ii. 297-300, says that Anza was induced by the padres to read the letter, but would not answer it. According to this author Rivera’s apology was in the subsequent letter. 23'This is Anza’s own version, Diario, MS., 189-97. Font, Jowrnal, MS., 44, tells us that Rivera came to San Luis on the 22d, and after staying a while without seeing Anza started for San Gabriel. Palou also says that Rivera came to San Luis, got angry because Anza refused to communicate 272 EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCES. found that Rivera had arrived two days before him. Here the two commandants had no personal interview, but exchanged several letters, Anza sending to Rivera a description and map showing his survey of San Francisco, and giving him three days in which to prepare such reports or other communications as he might wish to forward to the viceroy. When the time had passed Rivera was offered more time, but replied that no more was needed and that his de- spatches would soon overtake Anza.“ The latter finally set out for Sonora May 2d, with the same company he had brought from Monterey and the re- mainder of his ten soldiers. Next day there came from Rivera, not his report to the viceroy on matters connected with his com- mand, but a private letter to Anza in which he said that he “lacked a paper bearing upon a criminal who took refuge in the place where mass is said at San Diego,” and asked Anza to present his excuses to the viceroy. He also enclosed a letter to the guardian of San Fernando. Anza sent back both letters to the writer, and went on to the Colorado; while Rivera went immediately down to San Diego. The quarrel is certainly a curious item in the annals of California, being a subject which it is difficult fully to compre- hend. Rivera was evidently a weak man. Whether he was insane, or influenced solely by a spirit of child- ish jealousy, of which we have seen manifestations in a previous quarrel with Fages, is a question. Both officers were subsequently reprimanded by Bucareli except in writing, and went on to San Gabriel followed by Anza. Here may be mentioned a tradition of the natives recorded by Anza as having been told to P. Figuer, of the arrival and wreck, 23 years before, of a vessel bear- ing 12 white men like the Spaniards, who before their death in the wreck had landed and gave the Indians beads and other articles, including the knives found by the Spaniards in 1769. ‘ Qué gente seria esta queda al discurso de quien est’ mas instruido que yo,’ writes Anza, and I can do no better than follow his discreet example. 4 Palou says that Anza did not stop at the mission but encamped at a little distance, fearing a controversy with Rivera; and that he subsequently sent back Rivera’s letters with the message that ‘he was not the mail.’ The cor- respondence between the two was sent by Anza to the viceroy but has not, so far as I know, been preserved. WANDERINGS OF GARCES. 273 for allowing a quarrel in matters of etiquette to inter- fere with the public service; but Rivera’s early re- moval to Lower California put an end to the matter, as it did to his quarrel with the friars. The return march of Anza’s party to the Colorado presents nothing of importance. They followed the same route as before, except between San Sebastian and Santa Olaya, where they kept more to the north, and arrived May 11th at the Portezuelo de la Con- cepcion, just below Palma’s rancherfa, and nearly if not exactly identical with the site of the modern Fort Yuma. Here they found Padre Eixarch in safety and added him to the company; but of Garcés nothing could be learned except that he had gone up the river to the country of the Jalchedunes, whither a letter was sent ordering him to return. Palma with three other natives also joined the party, being allowed at the earnest solicitation of himself and nation to go with Anza to Mexico to present his petition for mis- sionaries. They crossed the swollen river on rafts just below the Gila, followed the banks of the latter stream for two days, and then, turning to the right, returned to Horcasitas by way of Sonoita, Caborca, and Altar, arriving the Ist of June.” I have now to narrate briefly the Californian wan- derings of Father Francisco Garcés, whom Coloncl Anza had left on the 4th of December 1775 at Palma’s rancheria opposite the mouth of the Gila, and whom he had subsequently seen at Santa Olaya on the 9th, the friar being already on his way to ex- plore the country and learn the disposition of the natives toward the Christians. This first trip lasted till January 3d, and in it the friar wandered with 2% Anza, Diario, MS., 198-232; Font’s Journal, MS., 45-52; Arrieivita, Cron. Serdf., 464-8, 490. The last author affirms that Palma was well received at Mexico, but there was some hesitation about sending missionaries, as he was chief of one rancheria only. I should add that one of the deserting mule- teers condemned hy Anza to remain in California escaped from San Diego and crossed the country eastward alone and uninclested, jounng Ana on the Colorado. _The name of this first explorer on this route is not recorded, Hisr. Car., Vou. 1. 18 274 EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCES. three Indian interpreters in all directions over the country between Santa Olaya and the mouth of the Colorado,* everywhere kindly received, everywhere showing his banner with a picture of the virgin on one side and of a lost soul on the other. The natives invariably looked with pleasure on the former paint- ing, pronouncing it muy buena, but turned with horror from the latter as something very bad, to the un- ceasing delight of Garcés, who regarded ‘their prefer- ance as a token of predestination to salvation. The diary contains much useful information respecting the aboriginal tribes. On the return of Garcés early in January the two padres moved their residence from Palma’s rancheria to what they called the Puerto, or Portezuelo, de Concepcion, the site, as already stated, of the modern Fort Yuma. They also examined the rancheria, or puerto, of San Pablo below on the river, and pro- nounced it a suitable site for a mission. Visitors came in from different nations, and among others from those dwelling in the mountains toward San Diego. The people called Quemeyabs announced that those on the coast had already killed a priest and burned his house, that war was expected, and that in case It came all the nations would combine against the Spaniards, asking the Colorado tribes to remain neutral. Garcés paid, however, very little attention to this story, knowing of course nothing about the massacre at San Diego; yet he lost no opportunity to insist on the necessity of maintaining the most friendly relations with these tribes, in order to insure the safety of the coast establishments and communi- cation with them. On February 14th Garcés started up the river, always to the west of it, with two or three interpret- ers to visit the Yamajabs, as the Mojaves were orig- 6 The general route is indicated by dotted lines on Font’s map, but must have been added after the diary was finished, for then Font had heard noth- ‘ing of Garcés. This part of the padre’s wanderings might, indeed, have been reported by Eixarch, but not his northern travels, also shown on the map. FROM MOJAVE TO SAN GABRIEL. 275 inally called, arriving on the 28th in their country, or rather opposite, for they lived on the east of the river, between what are now the Needles and Fort Mojave.” During his short stay two thousand natives came across the Colorado to visit the first white man who had ever been in that region. Here the adventurous friar conceived the idea of crossing the country west- ward to visit the friars who lived near the sea, and was encouraged by the natives, who had traded with the coast tribes and said they knew the way. Leav- ing some of his not very bulky effects and one of his interpreters, he started with the rest and a few Yam- ajabs March 1st and arrived on the 24th at San Gabriel.* The route was substantially that of the modern road from Los Angeles to Mojave, up the Mojave River and through the Cajon Pass; and the journey was without incident requiring special mention. Garcés was warmly welcomed by the priests at San Gabriel, where it will be remembered he had been with Anza in 1774, finding that establishment ‘muy adel- antada en lo espiritual y temporal,” and remaining for 27 This being the first exploration of most of this region, or of all west of the river, I give the route in full. See also Font’s map route marked —-—-— ‘ Puerto de la Concepcion, 63 1. N. w.; 21. w. N. w. through pass in Sierra de San Pablo to San Marcelo watering-place; 51. N. w. in sight of Cabeza del Gigante in the east, Grande Medanal, and vicinity of San Sebastian, passing near Pefion de la Campana; 81. N. and N. N. w. through pass in the sierra on north of the Medanal to San José watering-place 33° 28’; 341. N.N. w. and E.N. E., across sicrra to a valley; 61. N. N. w. and E. N. £.; 6]. EB. N.E. and N. into Sierra of Santa Margarita to banks of Colorado, across valley to watering-place in 33° 25/(?); 141. w.; Gor 111. N. w. and w. N. w. to Tinajas del Tezquien, one day’s journey from river; 8 1. (or 61.) N. N. w. and N, across a sierra, to Santo Angel springs 34° 31’ (in Chemehueves country); 61. N. E. and N. w.; 71. N.N. E. across a sierra to Yamajab nation, whose rancherias, La Pasion, were across the river. (35° on Font’s map.) 28 The full route over a country which Garcés was the first, as also for many years the last, to traverse is worth recording as follows. (See also map): 3 1. N. w. to rancherias of Santa Isabel; 31. N. w. and E. N. w. (sic) to San Pedre de los Yamajabs in 35° 1’, still near the river; 241. s. w. to San Casimiro wells; 81. w. 4 w. s. w. to wells; 51. w., 31. w.s. w. to Sierra de Santa Coleta; 41. Ww. N. W. across sierra (Providence Mts.) to Cafiada de Santo Tomas; 61. w. s. w. to wells of San Juan de Dios, where the country of the Befiemés begins; 51. to Pinta Pass and Arroyo de los Martires (Rio Mojave); 1241]. w. s. w. on same stream; 21. w. N. w., and 21. s. w. and s. 34° 37’; 51. s. w. up the stream; 841. up the stream; 31.8. w. and s. to San Benito rancheria; 31.8. s. Ww. across sierra (Cajon Pass?) in sight of sea, and 31. E. s. E. to Arroyo de los ue 231. w. s. w. into Anza’s trail, and 81. w. N. w.; 21. w. N. w. to San abriel, 276 EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCES. over two weeks.” It had been his intention to reach San Luis instead of San Gabriel, but the natives had refused to guide him in that direction. He now de- termined to go up to San Luis by the highway, and thence to return eastward to the Colorado across the tulares. He applied to the corporal of the mission guard for an escort and supplies for the trip, and was refused, being subsequently refused also by Rivera to whom he wrote at San Diego. The commandant soon arrived, however, on his way to Monterey, and a dis- cussion ensued on the matter, which finally elicited from Rivera, after various excuses, the declaration that he was not in favor of anycommunication between the natives of the Colorado and those of the missions, having already taken some measures to prevent it by ordering the arrest of eastern Indians coming to the missions to trade. Gareés deemed Rivera’s views erroneous, but he was obliged to submit, receiving, however, from the missionaries supplies which enabled him to partially carry out his plans, though he did not venture along the Channel shores. Setting out on the 9th of April, the padre crossed the San Fernando Valley—I use here for convenience modern names, referring to a note for those applied at the time®—and the Santa Clara River; entered 29Tt appears by the mission record that Garcés on April 6th baptized an Indian of 20 years named Miguel Garcés, Sergeant Grijalva being godfather. San Gabriel, Lib. de Mision, MS., 10. It is very strange that neither Anza nor Font in their diaries mention Garcés’ visit to San Gabriel, though the route is indicated on the latter’s map, which, as I have said, must have been made after the completion of the diary. 30 See also Font’s map. San Gabriel; 141. N. w. and w. N. w.; 541. N. w. at foot of sierra; 241. N. w. to rancheria in 34° 13’ (vicinity of San Fernando mission); 21. N, to Santa Clara Valley and 141. w. N. w. toa ciénega; 91. w. and N. across (?) the Sierra Grande; $1. N. E. to a lake where Fages had been (Elizabeth Lake?); 51. across valley to Sierra de San Marcos; 241. x. and 3$1. w. across the Sierra to San Pascual rancheria of the Cuabajay nation (in edge of Tulare Valley, but this nation farther west on map); 141. w. N. w. to rancheria in 35° 9’; 81. nN. to Arroyo de Santa Catarina in country of the Noches; 1 1. nN. w. to a great river Sun Felipe flowing with rapid current from eastern mountains (Kern River above Bakersfield?) and 31. nN. w. and n. to smaller stream Santiago (Posa Creek?); 45 1. N.; 24 1. N. to River Santa Cruz (White River?); 1 1. £. to rancheria. Back to San Miguel at junction of two branches of River San Felipe; back to San Pascual rancheria; 21. F, and N. E. in sierra to lagoon of San Venancio; 351. N. w. ands. E.; 141. s. £. to Arroyo EXPLORATION OF THE TULARES. 277 the great Tulare Valley by way of Turner’s and Tejon _passes; crossed Kern River, which he called San Felipe, near Bakersfield; went up nearly to the lati- tude of Tulare Lake, which he did not see, being too far to the east; left the valley, probably by the Teha- chepi Pass but possibly by Kelso Valley; and thence went across to the Mojave, and back by nearly his original route to the starting-point on the Colorado. Thus he had been the first to explore this broad region, the first to pass over the southern Pacific railway route of the thirty-fifth parallel. His petty adventures with the ever friendly natives in the Tulare Valley are interesting, but cannot be sufficiently con- densed for insertion here. Seven days’ journey north of the limit of his trip he heard of another great river which joined the San Felipe, and which Gar- cés thought might be that flowing into San Fran- cisco Bay, the San Joaquin, as it doubtless was. At one place the priest was greeted by a native who asked him in Spanish for paper to make cigarritos, who said he came from the west, and who was, doubtless, a runaway neophyte from San Ciirlos or San Antonio. Everywhere the natives were careful to inquire of the guides whether the friar was a Spaniard of the west or of the east, the latter bearing a much better reputation than the former. On the Colorado Garcés received Anza’s letter requiring his return if he wished to accompany the party to Sonora. But it was already too late; there was much to be done in his favorite work of making peace between hostile tribes, the Indians desired him to stay, and there were other regions to explore. Consequently, although he had once started down the river, he suddenly changed his mind and decided to visit the Moqui towns. Parting from his last inter- de la Asuncion; 64 1. s. s. w. out of mountains and over plains; 71. 8. s. w. to Rio Martires at old station in 34° 37’; back to San Juan de Dios by old route; 21. FE. N. E. to Médano; 441. £. s. E. across Sierra of Santa Coleta; 31. E. N. E. to well of San Felipe Neri; 51. n. £.; 141. N. E. to Trinidad; 1$1.N. E.; 91. &. ani s. E. to San Casimiro; 21. E. s. w. (sic) to starting-point. 278 EXPEDITIONS OF ANZA, FONT, AND GARCES. preter he crossed the river and started June 4th with a party of Hualapais for the north-east, reaching the Mogqui towns the 2d of July. Here his good-fortune deserted him. The Mogquis did not harm him, but would not receive him in their houses, would not re- ceive his gifts, looked with indifference on his paint- ings of hell and heaven, and refused to kiss the Christ. Having passed two nights in a corner of the court-yard, and having written a letter to the min- ister at Zufii, Garceés turned sorrowfully back and retraced his steps to the country of the Yamajabs, where he arrived on the 25th. He was a month in going down the river to the Yuma country, and reach- ing San Javier del Bac, on the 17th of September.” The expedition of Dominguez and Escalante may be alluded to here as an unsuccessful attempt to reach California. They went in 1776 from Santa Fé, New Mexico, to Utah Lake. But winter was near, food became scarce, reports of the natives were not en- couraging, and they soon gave up their plan of reach- ing Monterey, returning to Santa I’é by way of the Moqui towns.” 31 Garcés, Diario, 246-348., Signed at Tubutama Jan. 30, 1777. Forbes, Hist. Cal., 157-62, saw this diary in MS., at Guadalajara. Journey men- tioned in Prov. Rec., MS., i. 47-8; vi. 59. Palou, Noé., ii. 281-2, mentions rumors that Garcés had been killed by savages. 32 Dominguez and Escalante, Diario y Derrotero, 1776. In his Carta de 28 de Octubre 1775, MS., Escalante favors a route from Monterey to the Moquis and to Santa Fé. He has heard of some light-colored natives somewhere on the route, who had probably reached the interior from Monterey, by the great rivers. CHAPTER XIII. FOUNDING OF THE PRESIDIO AND MISSION OF SAN FRANCISCO. 1776-1777. Aw‘za’s EXPLORATION OF THE PENINSULA OF SAN FRANCISCO—ITINERARY— THE Camp on Mountain LAKE—SURVEY OF THE PENINSULA—ARROYC DE LOS DoLORES—TRIP TO THE GREAT RIVER—BLUNDERS OF Font IN CoRRECTING CRESPI—RETURN TO MonTEREY—ORDERS FOR THE FouNDA- TION—A HiT AT THE PADRES—ARRIVAL OF THE TRANSPORT VESSELS— Moraca Leaps tHE CoLtony To THE PENINSULA—CaAMP oN LAKE DoLorES—CoMING 07 THE ‘SAN CARLOS’—-THE PRxESIDIO FooNvDED — New EXpLoraATIon OF Rounp Bay AND RIO DE SAN FRANCISCO—F LIGHT OF THE NATIVES—FORMAL DEDICATION OF THE Miss1oN—DIScUSSION OF Datr, Location, AND NAME—EarRty PRoGRESS—ANNALS OF 1777— VISITS OF GOVERNOR AND PRESIDENT AND COMMANDANT. THE expedition of Anza, described in the preceding chapter, was planned and executed with almost exclu- sive reference to the establishment of a presidio at San Francisco, and of one or two missions in the same region under its protection. Though I have not found the text of Bucareli’s instructions to Anza, it was probably the intention that the foundation should be accomplished during, that officer’s stay in California, and to a certain extent under his supervision. The expedition, however, for various reasons, did not reach California so early as had been intended. The matter was delayed by the critical state of things at San Diego, and still farther delayed by Rivera’s idiosyn- crasies; and Anza was obliged to leave the country before his colonists had been settled in their new home. Yet he did not go until he had made every poszible effort to forward the scheme by repeatedly (279 | 280 FOUNDING OF SAN FRANCISCO. urging its importance upon the dilatory and obstinate commandant, and by making in person a new exam- ination of the San Francisco region. This examina- tion, minutely described in the original records,’ was omitted from its chronological place as a part of Anza’s expedition, and must now receive attention. With Moraga, Font, a corporal, and two soldiers from the presidio, eight of his own men, and provisions for twenty days, Anza left Monterey for San Fran- cisco the 23d of March 1776, having been but two days from his sick-bed at San Carlos.” The party followed the route of Rivera and Palou in their jour- ney of December 1774,’ to the Arroyo de San Fran- cisco, now known as San Francisquito Creek, at a spot where the Spaniards had first encamped in December 1769, and which Palou had selected two years previously as a desirable site for the mission of San Francisco. The cross set up in token of this sclection was still standing, but intermediate explora- tion, as Anza tells us, referring presumably to Heceta’s trip of the year before, had shown a lack of water in the dry season, very unfortunately, as in respect of soil, timber, and gentilidad the place was well adapted for a mission. Instead of entering the cafiada of San Andrés Anza seems to have kept nearer the bay shore—though neither he nor I’ont states that the bay was kept in sight; but after crossing the Arroyo de San Mateo, so called at the time and since, there are but slight data, save the general course, between north-west 1 Anza, Diario, MS., 139-78; Font’s Journal, MS., 80-43. 2 Palou, Not., 285-7, says the start was March 22d, and the total number of soldiers 10. Anza wished Palou to go with him, but Serra objected. Two of the soldiers, however, had been over the route before. 3See chap. x. of this volume. The itinerary, with Font’s distances in parentheses, was as follows: From Monterey, 741. (7) to Asuncion or Nativi- dad across the River Monterey or Santa Delfina: 81. (12) to Valley of San Eernarcino or Arroyo de las Llagas (still called Llagas Creek) across Arroyo de San Benito and Pajaro River (7); 81. (12) to Arroyo de San José Cupertino (93 on Font’s map) in sight of bay; 41. (6?) to Arroyo de San Francisco. At one place on the way the poles used to support the altar on a previous visit of the Spaniards were found decorated with offerings of arrows, feathers, food, etc., recalling the similar occurrence at Monterey in 1770. ; MAP OF EXPLORATIONS. 281 =|=ANGELES== = ee SAECATERAZ = x + = > = = == } E : == o z ae Castillo = Pia SJosea— ; a . Ss, DS ell SSS aus 2 ~s ye oO — S*-*7 --Presidio QLaguna__. x IM / =a - - Pl / =—prlebos=_~ a7 Mt, Lake Si a, DAMOUR vit Es ips XSL. Honditi~n ae “> 1 e AW tN se = Ary, precita' oe Ses ‘ I | 1 i t 4 \ 1 ! 1 1 ! ' 1 \ \ \ \ \ \ phar Gout TRA T i 1 naires) ail ill i ~~ % AAR Ree SSIS RR, PENINSULA OF SAN FRANCISCO. 282 FOUNDING OF SAN FRANCISCO. and north, from which to determine the exact route,‘ until, on March 27th, he encamped at about 11 a. M. on a lake near the “mouth of the port,” out of which was flowing water enough, as the writer says, for a mill. This was what is now Mountain Lake, to which the Spaniards at this time gave no name,’ though they called the outlet Arroyo del Puerto, now known as Lobos Creek. As soon as the camp was pitched Anza set out exploring toward the west and south, spending the afternoon, and finding water, pasturage, and wood, in fact all that was required for his pro- posed fort except timber. Next morning he went with the priests to what is now Fort Point, “ where nobody had been,” and there erected a cross, at the foot of which he buried an ac- count of his explorations.° Here upon the table-land terminating in this pomt Anza determined to estab- lish the presidio. Font presently returned to canip,’ while Anza and Moraga continued their explorations toward the east and south-east, where they found, in addition to previous discoveries, a plentiful supply of oak timber which, though much bent by the north- west winds, would serve to some extent for building purposes. About half a league east of the camp they ‘From the topography of the region, and from the fact that no mention is made of seeing or being near either the bay or Lake Merced, it is most likely that Anza followed the route of the present county road and railroad from San Bruno to the vicinity of Islais Creek, thence turning to the left past the present Almshouse tract. 5The lake is called Laguna:del Presidio on La Pérouse’s map of 1786. That the lake on which this party encamped was Mountain Lake, an identity that no previous writer has noticed, is proved not only by Anza’s subsequent movements, but by the following in Font’s Journal, MS., 31: ‘The coast of the mouth (of San Francisco Bay) on this side runs from N. E. to 8. w., not straight, but forming a bend, on the beach of which a stream, which flows from the lagoon where we halted, empties itself, and we called it the Arroyo del Puerto.’ No other part of the shore corresponds at all to this statement. 6 Misled, perhaps, by this mention of the cross, Palou, Not., ii. 286, says that Anza followed his, Palou’s, route of 1774 until he reached the cross planted at that time. 7 Font in his diary gives a long and accurate description of San Francisco Bay. He clearly mentions Alcatraz Island, though without applying any name. It is to be noted that he mentions Punta de Almejas, or Mussel Point, . still so called; but this was not the original Mussel Point of 1769, though Font very likely thought so. ANZA’S VISIT. 283 found another large lagoon, from which was flowing considerable water, and which, with some artificial im- provements, they thought would furnish a permanent supply for garden irrigation. This was the present Washerwoman’s Bay, corner of Greenwich and Octa- via streets. About a league and a half south-east of the camp there was a tract of irrigable land, and a flowing spring, or ojo de agua, which would easily supply the required water. Anza found some well disposed natives also, and he came back at 5 p. m. very much pleased, as Font tells us, with the result of his day’s search. Next morning, the 29th, they broke camp, half the inen with the pack animals returning by the way they had come, to San Mateo Creek, and the commander with Font and five men taking a circuitous route by the bay shore. Arriving at the spring and rivulet dis- covered the day before, they named it from the day, the last Friday in lent, Arroyo de los Dolores.® Thence passing round the hills they reached and crossed the former trail, and went over westward into the Cafiada de San Andrés in search of timber, of which they found an abundance. They followed the olen some distance beyond where the San Mateo creek flows out into the plain, killed a large bear, crossed the low hills, and returned northward to join their companions on the San Mateo. The next objective point was the great River San Francisco, which had in 1772 prevented Fages from 8It is to be noted that Anza calls it simply an ‘ojo de agua 6 fuente’ and Font an ‘arroyo,’ but neither mentions any lagoon. Palou, however, says, ‘on reaching the beach of the bay which the sailors called De los Llorones (that is Mission Bay, called Llorones by Ayala’s men on account of two weep- ing natives, see chap. xi.), he crossed an arroyo by which empties a great lagoon which he named Dolores, and it seemed to him a good site for the mis- sion,’ etc. This may be punctuated so as to apply the name to the stream rather than the lagoon ; but I suspect that the lagoon—subsequently known as The Willows—with its stream was entirely distinct from Anza’s stream of Dolores. Of this more in note 26 of this chapter. Font from an eminence noted the bearing of the head of the bay E. s. E., and of an immense spruce, or redwood, afterwards found it to be 150 feet high and 16 feet in circumfer- ‘ence, on the Arroyo de San Francisco, 8. E. 284 FOUNDING OF SAN FRANCISCO. reaching Point Reyes? Save that in going round the head of the bay they named Guadalupe and Coyote streams, and further on the Arroyo de San Salvador, or Harina, there is nothing of value or interest in the diaries until April 2d when the ex- plorers reached the mouth of ‘the fresh water port held hitherto to be a great river,’ that is, to the strait of Carquines and Suisun Bay. The water was somewhat salt; there was no current; this great River San Francisco was apparently no river at all, but an extension of the bay. The matter seems to have troubled them greatly, and their observations were chiefly directed to learning the true status of this body of water. There was no reason for it, but they were confused. Crespi’s diary of the for- mer trip had described the body of water accu- rately enough, and had not at all confounded the strait and bay with the River San Francisco, or San Joaquin; but, possibly, Fages had also written a diary in which he expressed “the matter less clear hep The camp on the 2d was on a stream supposed to be identical with the Santa Angela de Fulgino™ of Fages. Onthe 3d they continued eastward past the low range of hills, from the summit of which, near Willow Pass, like Fages and Crespi before them, they had a fine view of a broad country, which they describe more fully, but not more accurately, than their prede- cessors.” The long descriptions are interesting, but they form no part of history and are omitted, strange as it may seem, on account of their very accuracy, as is also true regarding Font’s description of San Fran- cisco Bay. They described the country as it was and ®TIt is noticeable that Anza several times implies that more than one ex- ploration had been made in this direction, but only one, that of Fages, is recorded. 10See account of Fages’ trip in chapter viii. According to Arvicivita, Créx. Serdf., 465-7, Font named the body of water Puerto Dulce. No. 100 of Font’s map. ™ See also Font’s map in preceding chapter, on which ‘a’ is ‘the hill to which Fages arrived;’ ‘b’ a ‘rancheria at edge of the water;’ “G: a ‘hill from which we saw the tulares;’ ‘d’ the ‘summit of the sierra;’ and ‘e’ some ‘min- eral hills.’ =, Se oe MOUTH OF THE SAN JOAQUIN. 285 is; it is only with the annals of their trip and such errors in their observations as had or might have had an effect on subsequent explorations that I have to deal. There are, however, errors and confusion to be noted. It is evident that for some reason they had an imperfect idea of Fages’ trip. On the strait they had labored hard to prove it not a river, as it certainly was not, and as it had never been supposed to be, so far as can be known. Now that they had reached the river and were looking out over the broad valleys of the San Joaquin and Sacramento from the hills back of Antioch, they still flattered themselves that they were correcting errors of Crespf and Fages, and they still labored to prove that the broad rivers were not rivers, but ‘fresh water ports’ extending far to the north and south, possibly connecting by tulares in the former direction with Bodega Bay. In all this, how- ever, Anza was not so positive; but in correcting .an error Crespi never made respecting the Strait of Car- quines, Font was singularly enough led into real error left on record for others to correct. Like Fages, Anza descended the hills and advanced some leagues over the plain to the water’s edge,” but instead of turning back and entering the hills by the San Ramon Cafada, as Fages had done, after some rather ineffectual attempts to follow the miry river-banks, he kept on over the foot-hills, noting vast herds of elk, or jackass deer, passed to the left of what is now Mount Diablo, mid crossed the moun- 18 Font in one place calls the hill the terminus of Fages’ exploration, and says: ‘From said hill which may be about a league from the water, Captain Fages and P. Crespi saw its extent and that it was divided into arms which formed islands of low land; and as they had previously tasted the water on the road further back and found it to be fresh, they supposed without doubt that it must be some great river which divided itself here into three branches,..without noticing whether it had any current or not, which was not easy for them to do from said hill at such a distance.’ Font counted seven islands. Anza, Diario, MS., 168, says of the body of water ‘nos pareciéd ser mas una gran laguna que rio, "and 172, ‘Me hizo esta noticia (the state- ment of two soldiers that the tulares were "impassable even in the dry season) y lo que yo observaba acabarme de conceptuar que lo que se ha tenido por rio es puramenie una gran laguna.’ San Ricardo was the name given to the rancheria in the Ancioch region. 286 FOUNDING OF SAN FRANCISCO. tains by a difficult route not easy to locate, on which he named the Cafiada de San Vicente and the Sierra del Chasco, finding also indications of silver ore. April 6th the party encamped on Arroyo del Coy- ote,“ and on the 8th arrived at Monterey. As before related, Anza started south on the 14th, and his final exhortation to Rivera on the importance of prompt action in the San Francisco matter was accompanied by a diary and map of the exploration just described.” With the arrival of the colony at Monterey from the south, there had come instructions from Rivera to build houses for the people, since there would be at least a year’s delay before the presidio could be founded.*® And such were the orders in force, not- withstanding Anza’s protest, when that officer turned over the command to Moraga,” and left the country. But Rivera, coming to his senses perhaps after a litile reflection, or fearing the results of Anza’s reports in Mexico, or really taking some interest in the new foundation now that the object of his jealousy had departed, changed his policy, and the day after his arrival in San Diego, on May 8th, despatched an order to Moraga to proceed and establish the fort on the site selected by Anza. He could not, however, neg- lect the opportunity to annoy the priests by saying that the founding of the missions was for the present suspended, as Moraga was instructed to inform the president. Truly the latter had not gained much in the change from Fages to his rival. At the same time Rivera sent an order to Grijalva at San Gabriel to rejoin the rest of the colony at Monterey with the 14No. 104 of the map. 19 The route of Anza’s trip is shown, but of course in a general way, on Font’s map. See chapter xii. The natives had been as usual friendly in every rancheria visited. 16 Palou, Not., ii. 283. From the viceroy Rivera had permission dated Jan. 20th, to delay the exploration only until Anza’s arrival. Prov. St. Pap., nee i. 193-4. But of course the viceroy knew nothing yet of the San Diego affair. "Feb. 4th, Rivera orders Moraga to take command of the expedition after Anza’s departure. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxii. 19. PREPARATIONS. 287 twelve soldiers and their families. Anza’s departure had, it seems, greatly lessened the danger at San Diego. | | Gongora brought the order to San Gabriel, and Grijalva, setting out at once with his company, carried it to Moraga at Monterey. It was resolved to start north in the middle of June, and though the mission must wait, Serra thought it best that Palou and Cambon, the friars destined for San Francisco, shoul These were probably Fuster, the survivor of San Diego, and Lasuen and Amurrio destined for San Juan. Their petition to retire was simply a protest oe Rivera’s inaction, and not improbably had been suggested by Serra imself, WORK AT SAN DIEGO. 301 work. The president at once made an arrangement with Captain Choquet of the San Antonio, who of- fered to furnish sailors to work on the mission, and go in person to direct their labors. Then Rivera, asked in writing for a guard, could not refuse, at detailed six men for the service. On August 22d the three friars, Choquet with his mate and _ boat- swain and twenty sailors, a company of neophytes, and the six soldiers went up the river to the old site and began work in earnest, digging foundations, col- lecting stones, and making adobes. The plan was to erect first an adobe wall for defence and then build a church and other structures within the enclosure. Good progress was made for fifteen days, so that it was expected to complete the wall in two weeks and the buildings before the sailing of the transport, with time enough left to put in a crop. But an Indian went to Rivera with a report that the savages were preparing arrows for a new attack, and though a ser- geant sent to investigate reported, as the friars claim, that the report had no foundation’ the commandant was frightened, and on September 8th withdrew the guard, advising the withdrawal of the sailors. Cho- quet, though protesting, was obliged to yield to save his own responsibility, and the work had to be aban- doned, to the sorrow and indignation of the mission- aries. About this time a native reported that Corporal Carrillo was at Velicaté with soldiers en route for San Diego. Serra was sure they were the soldiers promised him for mission guards, and Rivera equally positive that they were destined to reénforce the pre- sidio; but he refused to send a courier to learn the truth until a letter came from Carrillo on the 25th. 6Lasuen in his report of 1783, in Bandint, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., 2, states that the mission was retstablished in June 1776. There may, however, be an error of the copyist. ‘The governor in a later report says that investigations had proved a second convocation of 21 rancherias for hostile operations. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 60-1. It is not certain however that the allusion is to this occasion. 302 MISSION PROGRESS AND PUEBLO BEGINNINGS. Three days later the viceroy’s despatches arrived and proved favorable to Serra’s claims, directing the troops, which arrived on the 29th, to be used for the restoration of the missions. The president celebrated his triumph by a mass and the ringing of bells. Rive- ra was obliged to modify his plans, assigning twelve of the twenty-five men to the mission, ten to San Juan, two to San Gabriel, and the remainder to the presidio. He also released the Indian captives whom he had intended to exile to San Blas.2 On the 11th he started north to establish the missions near San Francisco, learning on the way, as we have seen, that one of them had already been founded in spite of his orders to the contrary.? Work was at once resumed at the mission, and the buildings were soon ready for occupation. Three friars, Fuster, Lasuen, and probably Santa Maria, moved into their new quarters and under the protection of an increased escort renewed their labors, the date bein apparently the 17th of October.” Already the lost mission registers of baptism, marriages, and deaths had been replaced with new ones in which the miss- ing entries were restored, so far as possible, from the memory of priests, neophytes, and soldiers, by Serra himself, who added some valuable notes on the past history of the mission, at various dates from August 14th to October 25th; Fuster also added an interesting narrative of the tragedy of November 5, 1775. These records, which I have had occasion to 8 But this release would seem not to have been immediate, for the gov- ernor in a letter of Feb. 27, 1777, says that there were still 13 prisoners at San Diego implicated in the revolt. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 143. Ina letter of June 3d he states that on receipt of the viceroy’s orders of Feb. 2d, the troops were drawn up, the prisoners called out and harangued on the enormity of their offence meriting death, warned that if they abused the present clem- ency they must expect the severest penalty, and then they were dismissed with an exhortation by the priests, both soldiers and criminals uniting in a cheer, and a salute from two cannons celebrating this termination of a pain- ful matter. Jd., 60-1. One of the prisoners had strangled himself on Aug, 15th, the anniversary of the day when six years before he had attempted te kill Father Serra in the first attack on the mission. Palou, Vida, 87. ® Palou, Not. ii, 825-37; Id., Vida, 191-3, 196-7. 10 Ortega to Rivera, Dec. 3d, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 151. FOUNDING OF SAN JUAN CAPISTRANO. 303 use freely in the preceding chapters, are among the most valuable original authorities on the early history of California.“ Palou asserts that progress in the work of conversion was rapid from the first, whole rancherias coming in from far away to ask for baptism. The only additional record for the year at San Diego is in letters of Ortega to Rivera complaining of some minor matters of the presidio routine, among others of want of clothing and tortillas.” In the last days of October, leaving San Diego affairs in a satisfactory condition, Serra started north- ward with Gregorio Amurrio and the escort of ten soldiers*® to establish the new mission of San Juan Capistrano,“ on the site abandoned the year previous. The buried bells were dug up to be hung and chimed; mass was said by the president, and thus the seventh mission was founded the Ist of November” on or near the site where stood the ruins of a later structure a century after, near a small bay which offered good anchorage and protection from all but south winds, and which long served as the port for mission cargoes. La- suen, originally assigned to this mission, had remained 1 Serra, Notas, MS.; Fuster, Registro de Defunciones, MS. 12 Ortega to Rivera, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 152-3. 13The mission guard under Corporal Nicolés Carabanas included the soldiers Jacinto Gloria, José Antonio Pefia, Francisco Pefia, Pio Quinto Zufiiga, Nicol4s Gomez, Matias Vega, José Dolores Dominguez, Julian Ace- bedo, and José Joaquin Armenta. It is to be noted that many early -Cali- fornians wrote their names ‘Joseph’ rather than José. 14The patron saint of this mission was born at Capistrano in the kingdom of Naples in 1385, was educated as a lawyer, became a judge, and in 1415 took the habit of St Francis. He was noted thereafter for his austere life and his zeal against heretics, occupying high positions in the Inquisition. He also travelled extensively in Europe on diplomatic business for the pope. He took part in the crusades, and hated Jews and Turks no less than heretics. He was prominent in the siege and Christian victory of Belgrade in 1456, and died in October of that year, to be canonized in 1690. He was the author of many ecclesiastical works, and his festival is celebrated by the church the 3lst of October. - 15,8. Juan Capistrano, Lib. de Mision, MS., title-page; Ortega, in Prov. St. haps MS. alk ie 16 According to Los Angeles, Hist., 5, the first mission was located some miles north-easterly from the present location, at the foot of the mountain, the place being still known as Mision Vieja; but this can hardly agree with Palou’s statement, Vida, 197-200, that the mission stood half a league from the bay, on a stream running into it, and in sight of it as at present, 304 MISSION PROGRESS AND PUEBLO BEGINNINGS. in Jaume’s place at San Diego, and Pablo Mugértegui, appointed in his place, soon came down from San Luis. A. few days after the founding Serra made a trip to San Gabriel. While returning in company with a pack-train and a drove of cattle he went a little in advance with a soldier and a neophyte, and was met on the Trabuco stream by a horde of painted and armed savages who approached with shouts and hostile gestures, but were induced to desist by a few judicious falsehoods applied by the San Gabriel neo- phyte, who affirmed that there was a large body of soldiers close behind who would take terrible vengeance for any harm done to the friar.” There were no further demonstrations of the kind. The natives near the mission were not averse to christianity, and Amurrio administered baptism December 15th, and Mugéartegui again on Christmas, the whole number during the year being four, and during the next year forty. The native name of the mission site was Sajirit.* As soon as Rivera arrived from the south in the autumn of 1776, he gave his attention to the two new missions which the viceroy in his late communi- zations had spoken of as already founded, and which the commandant now realized to have been too long neglected. One of them had indeed been established ; Tomas de la Pefia and José Murguia had long since been assigned to the other; mission guard, church para- phernalia, and all needed supplies were ready; and Peiia had already been over the northern country and Nov. 12th Corporal Beltran reports the hostile demonstrations against Serra and the soldier Pefia, and adds that the natives are at the mission ready to fight. Nov. 15th Ortega reports having sent Mariano Carrillo to investigate. He adds that two soldiers and a servant have deserted from the new mission. Nov. 23d Carrillo reports that all is quiet since the original demonstration; all round the mission were peaceable, and two pagan chiefs had come to ask per- mission to settle at San Juan. One chief complains that a soldier has taken his wife, but the soldier will be sent to San Diego. St. Pap. Sac., MS., vii. 5-13. 18 San Juan Capistrano, Lib. de Mision, MS. In several of the mission registers the aboriginal name was written Quanis-Savit, which was, in all but one, erased and Sajirit substituted. FOUNDING OF SANTA CLARA. 305 made up his mind about the most desirable site. Set- ting out in November to inspect the establishments at San Francisco, and accompanied by Petia, Rivera visited on the way the proposed site near the banks of the Guadalupe River in the broad San Bernardino plain, since known as Santa Clara Valley.” Subse- quently Friar Tomas was left at San Francisco with the understanding that Rivera on his return to Mon- terey should send up the men and supplies, with the other priest, and orders to proceed at once to the founding. On account of the alarm at San Luis Obispo already noticed, these orders were delayed, but they came late in December, and on the 6th of Janu- ary 1777, Moraga with Peta and a company of sol- diers” started southward. A cross having been erected and an enramada pre- pared, Father Tomas said the first mass on January 12th, dedicating the new mission to Santa Clara,”. virgin, on the site called aboriginally Thamien, among the natives known as Tares, who had four ranchertas in the vicinity.” In respect of agricultural advantages this valley was thought to be hardly inferior to the country of San Gabriel, but it was feared, and with reason as it proved, that the mission site might be liable to occasional inundations.” The work of build- 19Palou, Not., ii. 341-3, implies that the site was formally selected by Moraga later; but this is not probable; at any rate the site had doubtless been long before fixed upon more or less definitely by the priests. 20 The soldiers destined for the new mission were the remaining ten of Anza’s company who had been all this time at Monterey. Palou, Vida, 218- 20, implies that these soldiers with their families came up to San Francisco; which may be true, but it seems more likely that they met Moraga at the head of the bay, the latter taking with him a few men from his own presidio. 21 Santa Clara was the daughter of a rich and noble family of Assisi, Italy, born in 1193, and wholly devoted to the fashionable frivolities of her class, until at the age of 17 she was converted by the preaching of Saint Francis, retired to the convent of Porcitincula, and became as famous for the austerity and piety of her life as she had been for her wit and beauty. She founded an order of religiosas named for herself, died: in 1253, and was canonized in 1255. Her day is celebrated on the 12th of August. 22 Pefia’s Report of Dec. 30th, in Arch. Santa Barbara, MS., ix. 505-9. Tares was the native word for men. A newspaper scrap says the place was called Socoisuka from the abundance of laurels. The governor on Feb. 25th writes that the mission was located on Jan. 4th. Prov. Iec., MS., 1. 141. 23Tn January and February 1779 the mission was twice flooded. Several Hist. Cat., Vou. I. 20 306 MISSION PROGRESS AND PUEBLO BEGINNINGS ing was at once begun within a square of seventy yards. Father Murguia arrived with cattle and other mission property on the 21st, and Moraga went back to San Francisco. The latter however was soon recalled, for the natives, though friendly at first, soon developed a taste for beef, which flogging and even the killing of three of their number did not entirely eradicate.* In May an epidemic carried off many irae ren, most of whom were baptized, and missionary work proper was thus begun.” According to the minister’s report at the end of the year there had been sixty-seven baptisms, including eight adults, and twenty-five deaths. Thirteen Chris- tians and ten catechumens were living at the mission, and the rest at the rancherfas with their parents. In the way of material improvements the new estab- lishment could show a church of six by twenty varas, two dwellings of six by twenty-two and five by thirty-one varas respectively, divided into the neces- sary apartments, all of timber plastered with clay and roofed with earth. There were likewise two corrals and a bridge across the stream.” Since March 1775 Felipe de Neve had been ruling at Loreto as governor of the Californias, though his authority over Upper California had been merely nominal, the commandant of the new establishments houses fell and all had to be moved to higher ground. Governor's report of April 4th, in Prov. Rec., MS., i. 125-6. “4 Gov. Neve ina report of Sept. 19, 1777, in Prov. Rec., MS., i. 19-20. % Santa Clara, Lib. de Mision, MS. The first baptism of a child de razon on July 3lst was that of an illegitimate son of José Antonio Gonzalez and of a woman whose marriage with another man the next year is the first recorded. The first death was that of José Antonio Garcia in Jan. 1778. Both Ramon Bojorges and Gabriel Peralta are named as corporals of the mission guard during the first year. Prov. St. Pap., Den. Mil., MS., i. 11. 26 Murguia and Peta, Informe de Santa Clara, Wi 7, MS. The sirvientes of the mission—not all ‘servants’ as we use the word, but including mechanics, vaqueros, ete. —were Francisco Ibarra, Cristobal Armenta, Agustin Soberanes, Antonio Romero (Ist and 2d), Joaquin Sanchez, Manuel Antonio, Joaquin Puga, Cirilo Gonzalez. Moraga, in Prov. St. Pap. Ben., MS., i. 9, and Gleeson, fist. Cath. Ch., ii. 80-2, say the founders reached Santa Clara Jan. Ist. Shea, Cath. Miss., 100, tells us the mission was founded Jan. 6th. For account of founding from Palou, see Hall’s Hist. San José, 416-18; The Owl, Jan. 1871. ae THE GOVERNOR TO LIVE AT MONTEREY. 307 being directly responsible to the viceroy and subordi- nate to the governor only in being required to report fully to that official. Soon however a change was ordered, due largely it is believed to the influence of José de Galvez, now in Spain and filling the high posi- tion of minister of state for the Indies. The 16th of August 1775 the king issues a royal order that Gov- ernor Neve is to reside at Monterey as capital of the province, while Rivera is to go to Loreto and rule Baja California as lieutenant-governor. At the same time, perhaps, Neve’s commission as governor is for- warded, for his office down to this time had been merely provisional under appointment of the viceroy _requiring the king’s approval. A second royal order of April 19, 1776, directed the change to be made immediately.” It is difficult to ascertain in thebsence of original instructions of king and viceroy exactly what effect the change of residence had on the respec- tive powers of Neve and Rivera, especially those of the latter. But it is evident that while Rivera’s. au- thority as heutenant-governor on the peninsula was less absolute and his subordination to the governor reater than in Upper California as commandant, Rave's authority in the north was practically the same as Rivera’s had been; that is, in California the only change in government was in the title of the ruler. The new establishments were recognized by Carlos III. as more important than the old. In six years the child had outgrown its parent. Monterey was to be capital of the Californias as it had always been of California Setentrional.* 27 The order of Aug. 16th is merely referred to ina list of documents in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxii. 3, and may possibly be an error. The order of April 19th is referred to in a letter of the viceroy in Jd., i. 203. Neve’s commission as governor was forwarded to him by the viceroy on Dec. 20, 1775. Prov. Kec., MS., i. 39. 28 The formation of the Provincias Internas de Occidente under Teodoro de Croix as commandant general with viceregal powers was nearly simultaneous with the change in California; and to this new official Gov. Neve became responsible instead of to the viceroy as Rivera had been. March 8, 1777, Croix writes to Neve that Art. 20 of royal instructions requires the governor and officials of California to render individual reports of acts and events to 308 MISSION PROGRESS AND PUEBLO BEGINNINGS. For the first time so far as the record shows, Vice- roy Bucareli transmitted the king’s orders to Neve at Loreto the 20th of July 1776. During this month and the next a correspondence took place between the two officials,” which, from its fragmentary nature as preserved, 1s unsatisfactory, but from which it appears that Bucareli was desirous that Neve should start as soon as possible, that orders to Rivera were enclosed to the governor, that a herd of live-stock was to be taken from the peninsula, and that twenty-five sol- diers were sent by the Concepcion to Loreto to accom- pany Neve northward. Though Bucareli had nothing to do with the change in rulers and capitals, he could not fail to be well pleased with the order received from Spain, since it came just in time to relieve him from the undesirable task of deciding several quarrels. Rivera’s troubles with the Franciscans and with Anza are fresh in the reader’s mind, and Neve’s relations with the Dominicanswere but little Jess uncomfortable. Complaints to the viceroy were frequent, and it was an easy reply to say that the impending change would probably remove ail reason for dissatisfaction and pre- vent the necessity for any specific measures.** Had Rivera’s peculiar conduct been known in Spain it is not lkely that he would have been retained in office; but the viceroy hoped that in a new field he might succeed better. The troops referred to in the viceroy’s communica- tions were probably those whose arrival at. San Diego in September 1777 has been already noticed, since there him. Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 245. Dec. 25, 1776, the viceroy notified Neve of the appointment of Croix, to whom he is to report directly on occurrences in California; but for supplies, etc., he is still to communicate with the viceroy. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 66-7. Neve had written to the viceroy for certain instruc- tions, which were transmitted to Croix. The latter writes to Neve Aug. 15, 1777, that his duties in other provinces will prevent his attention to California, and he has therefore turned the whole matter over to the viceroy for the present. He, however, asks for Neve’s suggestions respecting reforms, etc., for a new reglamento for California. Prov. St. Pap:, MS., 1. 262-3. 2 Prov: Si. Pap. ls; ait 20Ge7, *° Bucareli wrote on Dec. 25, 1776, to Serra, announcing the change ordered. Palou, Vida, 194-5. ' NEVE IN CALIFORNIA. 309 is no record of any soldiers having come up with Neve except an escort of six who returned with Rivera.* Indeed, respecting Neve’s journey to California noth- ing is known beyond the facts that it was made by Jand wa San Diego; that he made close observations, as shown by his later reports, of the condition and needs of each establishment on the way; and that he arrived at Monterey February 3, 1777." His first act after a review of the troops and a consultation with Serra, was to send to Mexico a report on February 25th that the new presidio and the four new missions, including San Diego, had been successfully founded and were in a condition more or less satisfactory.” In March Rivera started for Baja California. Then in April Neve made a tour in the north, visiting San Francisco and Santa Clara. It had been proposed by Rivera to move the presidio of Monterey to the river since called Salinas, chiefly because of the insufficient supply of water at the original site. The viceroy approved the measure; but the royal orders to Neve expressly forbade the removal, declaring that the pre- sidio must be maintained where it was at any cost, for the protection of the port. Still another matter had been intrusted to the patriotic zeal of the new ruler, though one that did not prove a very severe tax on either ability or time. He had an order from the king to be on the watch for Captain Cook’s two vessels that had been despatched from England on a voyage of discovery in the South Sea, and by no means to 31 According to a communication of some official on Feb. 10, 1776, in Prov. Rec., MS., i. 139, the cattle from the old missions amounted to 1,209, and were to be sent up to the frontier, with 80 mules and 36 horses for the 25 San Diego recruits. 32 Letter of Neve to viceroy,# Feb. 26th, in Prov. Rec., MS., i. 139-40, in which he notes the bad condition in which he found the San Diego force in respect of clothing, arms, and horses. March 2d he writes, Jd., i. 59, that he has given Rivera full instructions, and the latter will depart to-morrow. Rivera writes Feb. 6th, that Neve has arrived, and that he is about to retire to Loreto. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxii. 20. See also Palou, Not., ii. 344-5. 33 Neve, Informe de 25 de Feb. 1777, MS., in Prov. Rec., i. 140-2. There are several other minor communications of the governor written about this ime.. 34 Letter of Jan. 2, 1775, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 169. 310 MISSION PROGRESS.AND PUEBLO BEGINNINGS. permit that navigator to enter any Californian port.* The transports of 1777 were the San Antonio and the Santiago. The former under Francisco Villaroel, with Serra as chaplain, arrived at San Diego in May with supplies for the south, and having unloaded sailed at once for San Blas. The latter, whose arrival at San Francisco has already been noted, came down to Monterey and sailed for San Blas the 8th of June. By her Neve sent a report on the Santa Barbara Channel and its tribes, giving his views of what was necessary to be done in that region to control and convert.a large native population, that might in the future become troublesome by cutting off land com- munication between the north and south, which from the peculiar nature and situation of their country they could easily do. His plan included a mission of San Buenaventura at Asuncion at the southern extremity of the channel, another of Purisima near Point Con- cepcion at the northern extremity, and a third of Santa Bdrbara with also a presidio in the central region near Mescaltitlan. The military force required for the three establishments would be a lieutenant and sixty-seven soldiers. This report was dated June 3d, and next day the governor wrote asking permis- sion to resign and join his family in Seville “whom he had not seen since 17 64, being also in ill-health grow- ing out of seven years’ service in administering the colleges of Zacatecas.” The shipment of grain from San Blas for the mili- tary establishments of the Californias was a very expensive and uncertain method of supply, and ofli- cials had been instructed from the first to suggest some practicable means of home production to be 35 Royal order, July 14, 1776; sent by viceroy Oct. 23d. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 13; Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 213. The governor acknowledges receipt of the order on June 6th. Prov. Ree., DESce lis 86 There are 22 communications of Neve to Bucareli, written during the first half of 1777, preserved in Prov. fec., MS., i.59-79. His correspondence for the last six months has for the most part been lost. FOUNDING OF SAN JOSE. 311 introduced as soon as possible. In June 1776, before leaving Loreto, Neve in a communication to the viceroy proposed an experimental sowing for account of government on some fertile lands of the northern frontier, both to supply the usual deficiency on the peninsula, and especially to furnish grain at reduced cost for the new establishments. Bucareli in August approved the proposition in a general way, but stated that in view of the proposed change in the governor’s residence it would be impossible for Neve to attend personally to the matter, and suggested that the scheme might be carried out with even better chances of success in the fertile lands of New California, referring also to Anza’s favorable report on the Colo- rado River region as a source of grain supply in case of special need.*” Accordingly Neve kept the matter in view during his trip northward, closely examining the different regions traversed to find land suited to his purpose. The result of his observations was that there were two spots eminently fitted for agricultural operations, one being on the Rio de Porcitincula in the south, and the other on the Rio de Guadalupe in the north; and he also made up his mind that the only way to utilize the advantages offered was to found two pueblos on the rivers. ‘To this end he asked for four laborers and some other necessary assistance. Without wait- ing, however, for a reply to this communication, and possibly having received additional instructions from Mexico, the governor resolved to go on and make a 37 Neve’s letter of June 21st is not extant, but is referred to with a résumé of its contents in the viceroy’s letter of August, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 205-6. 38 Neve’s letter is missing as before, but is alluded to in a subsequent letter of April 1778, in Prov. Rec., MS., i. 7-9. In another letter of June 4th, the day after the first, Neve says that he has made no formal distribution of lands to either settlers or soldiers, except to one soldier (Butron?) to whom Rivera in past years had given a title to a lot of land near San Carlos mission. Also that as there are no suitable lands near the presidio he cannot for the present carry out the sowing order. Jd.,i. 68. From this it would seem likely that he had received some more direct order from Bucareli to sow near the presidio. 312 MISSION PROGRESS AND PUEBLO BEGINNINGS. beginning of the northernmost of the two pueblos. He selected for this purpose nine of the presidio soldiers of Monterey and San Francisco, whe knew something of farming, and five settlers, who had come to California with Anza,” and the fourteen with their families, sixty-six persons in all, started on November 7th from San Francisco under Moraga for their new home. Prov. St. Pap., Sac., MS., iv. 21-8; duplicate in /d., xv. 5-10. Neve acknowledged the receipt of the documents of Nov. 15th, on March 2, 1782, also that of the subsequent orders of Jan. 2d. Prov. Liec., MS., ii. 56. FINAL CAMPAIGN. 369 should offer of striking a decisive blow. The gov- ernor was instructed to take all the available troops in California, suspending the Channel foundations tem- porarily for the purpose, and to begin the campaign by the 1st of April.” ages seems to have arrived at San Gabriel late in March and a messenger soon brought Neve back from the Channel, where he had gone to superintend the new foundations.” Receiving the despatches brought by Fages the governor decided that it was too early in the season for effective operations on the Colorado, by reason of high water, and postponed the campaign until September, when the river would be fordable, and when the Yuma harvest would be desirable spoils for native ales: ages was sent to the Colorado to give the corresponding instructions to Fueros, who was to proceed to Sonora and wait, while Tages re- turned to wait in California. Croix seems to have approved the change of plan, and on May 16th the council met once more at Arizpe to issue thirteen resolutions respecting the fall campaign, the substance of which was that about one hundred and sixty men were to be on the east bank of the Colorado on the morning of September 15th to meet ‘the Californian troops and show the rebellious Yumas the power of Spanish arms.” The orcas were to a certain extent carried into effect, but about the result there is little to be said. 26 Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 236-9. Croix communicated the plan to Neve Jan. 3d and Jan. Gth. Id., 236, 182-3. Neve acknowledged receipt March 2d. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 57. March 18th Croix announces that Fages is on the march. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 185. April 30th, Neve wrote to Croix that Fages had arrived at ‘San Gabriel and that the Yumas had left their own country and retired to that of the Yamajabs. /d., 233. And still earlier on March 29th he had written in answer to Croix’s letters of January, announc- ee a postponement of the campaign until September. Jd., 198; Prov. Rec., li. 53. 21 Palou, Not., ii. 383, says that the messenger overtook Neve March 26th, the same day he had left San Gabriel to found San Buenaventura. 28 Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 198-207, including a letter of Croix of May 18th, communicating to Neve the junta’s action, and another letter an- nouncing the sending of 200 horses and 40 mules to mount the Californian troops. te Hist. Cau., Vout, I. 24 370 PUEBLO-MISSIONS ON THE RIO COLORADO. Captain José Antonio Romeu™ with a force of one hundred and eight men reached the seat of proposed war at the specified time. Neve, having intrusted his adjutant inspector, Nicolas Soler, with the temporary government of California, departed from San Gabriel August 21st,” with Fages and sixty men. Some three days’ journey before reaching Concepcion a mes- senger met the party with despatches for Fages which caused him to return and assume the governorship of California,** while Neve proceeded and joined Romeu on the 16th, not returning to San Gabriel, but going to Sonora after the campaign to assume his new office of inspector general of the Provincias Internas. About the campaign we know little save that it was a failure, since the Yumas were not subdued, peace was not made, and the rebel chiefs Palma and the rest were not captured. Yet there was some fight- ing in which a few Yumas were killed.” The nation remained independent of all Spanish control, and was always more or less hostile. Neither presidio, mission, #9? Romeu, afterwards governor of California, had been with Fueros on the Colorado earlier in the year, and had written a diary of that expedition, which by resolution of the junta was sent to Neve for his instruction. 30 Neve’s instructions to Soler, July 12, 1782. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 120. Neve to Croix, Aug. 3, 1782, receipt of letter announcing approval by the junta of the suspension of Yuma campaign. Prov. Rec., MS., 11. 65-6. Neve to Croix, Aug. 12, 1782, announcing march of troops on Aug. 21st, and his own departure on Aug. 25th or 26th. /d., 47. 51 Palou, Not., ii. 390-2. More of this change of governors in a later chapter. “In Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 205-6, there is mentioned as existing in Mexico in 1795 a Diario de las marchas 4 y ocurrencias...desde 21 de Agosto 1782, which my search of the archives has not brought to light. A short let- ter of Neve to Croix dated Sonoita Oct. 16th—Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 53—is the only original accountextant. He says he sent an alférez with 8 men to recon- noitre, heard firing, and hurried up to support the alférez, but the enemy fled. Then Romeu attacked a Yumarancheria and inflicted some loss, having 4 sol- diers wounded. He vaguely states that he should have subdued the Yumas and left communication by that route secure, had it not been for distrust caused partly by the imprudent actions of preceding expeditions, Arricivita, Crén. Serdf, 514, says 108 natives were killed, 85 taken prisoners, 10 Christians freed from captivity, and 1,048 horses recovered, but all without pacifying the foe. Palou states that after receiving his appointment as inspector, Neve did not care to march against the Yumas. The enemy, however, came out boldly to taunt and challenge the Spaniards until one of the Sonora captaius (Romeu) could endure it no longer, and obtained Neve’s permission to punish the Yuma insolence, which he did in three days’ fighting in which many natives fell, THE FIELD ABANDONED. 371 nor pueblo was ever again established on the Colo- rado; and communication by this route never ceased to be attended with danger. Truly, as the Franciscan chroniclers do not fail to point out, the old way was best; the innovations of Croix had led to nothing but disaster; the nuevo modo de conquistar was a failure. baer ay bee novel LT: FOUNDING OF SAN BUENAVENTURA AND SANTA BARBARA PRESIDIO—FAGES GOVERNOR. 1782. READY TO BeGiIn—MISSIONARIES EXPECTED—NEVE’S INSTRUCTIONS TO OR- TEGA— PRECAUTIONS AGAINST DisasTER—INDIAN PoLicy— RADICAL CHANGES IN Mission SySTEM—SAN BUENAVENTURA ESTABLISHED—PRE- SIDIO OF SANTA BARBARA—VISIT OF FAGES—ARRIVAL OF THE TRANS- PoRTS—NeEws FROM Mrxico—No Mission Supptirs—No Prizsts— VICEROY AND GUARDIAN—SIX FRIARS REFUSE TO SERVE—C JNTROL OF TEMPORALITIES—FALSE CHARGES AGAINST NEvVE—CHANGES iN MISSION- ARIES—F'AGES APPOINTED GOVERNOR—NEVE INSPECTOR GENERAL—IN- STRUCTIONS—FUGITIVE NEOPHYTES—LocAL EVENTS—DEATH OF MARI- ANO CARRILLO—DEATH OF JUAN CRESPI. Tue new establishments of the Channel, of which so much has been said, were not yet founded. The required force had arrived late in the summer of 1781, but it was deemed best to delay until the rainy season had passed, and moreover the disaster on the Colorado had resulted in orders to suspend all operations and settlements that might interfere with measures against the Yumas. The forces had therefore remained in camp at San Gabriel, where some slight barracks had been erected for their accommodation,’ under Ortega who had been chosen to command the new presidio, Lieutenant Zufiiga taking his old command at San Diego. 1Oct. 29, 1781, Neve writes to Croix that he has taken a corporal and 7 men from Monterey and the same number from San Diego to form a basis for the Santa Barbara company, and also that he has built 40 small huts to shelter the men and their families during the rainy season. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 89, 91. Reviews during the winter show a lieutenant, Ortega, an alférez, Argii- ello, 3 sergeants, 2 corpvrals, and 49 or 50 soldiers. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 261, 264; St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 104. ( 372 ) PRESIDIO INSTRUCTIONS. 373 In the spring of 1782 it seemed to the governor that he might proceed in the matter without prejudice to other interests, and accordingly in February he wrote to President Serra, announcing his intention and asking for two friars, for San Buenaventura and Santa Barbara respectively. Serra had but two super- numerary friars in all California, one of whom was needed at San Carlos during his own occasional absence. But he was extremely desirous that the new missions should be established, and he expected six new friars by this year’s transport; so he went south himself, administering confirmation en route at San Antonio and San Luis, reaching Angeles on March 18th, and San Gabriel the next day. Here he he met Father Cambon, who at his order had come up from San Diego, and the two agreed. to attend to the spiritual needs of the two new establishments till the coming of the six missionary recruits.’ Meanwhile on March 6th Governor Neve had issued his instructions to Ortega, indicating the line of policy to be followed at the new presidio and the missions under its protection and jurisdiction.® Like all the productions of Neve’s mind these instructions were models of good sense in substance, though diffuse as usual. The first duty urged was that of vigilance and precaution. Late events on the Colorado would have suggested extraordinary vigilance anywhere; but the comparatively dense native population in the Channel country rendered it especially necessary there. The erection of defensive works must be the com- mandant’s first care, and beyond a few temporary shelters of brushwood for the families, and a ware- house for the supplies, no structures could be built 2 Palou, Not., ii. 380-9; Id., Vida, 243-7. February 8, 1782, Minister Galvez communicated to Croix, who forwarded it on July 24th, the royal order approving Neve’s acts and propositions respecting the three new founda- tions as made known to him in letter and documents of February 23, 1780. S¢. Pap. Sac., MS., iv. 30-1. 3 Neve, Instruccion que ha de gobernar al Comandante del presidio de Santa Barbara, 1782, MS. This document was examined by I’ages at Santa Barbara on October Ist, and’ Ortega was ordered anew by him to obey its requirements. 374 FOUNDATIONS; FAGES GOVERNOR. until the square was safely enclosed by a line of earthworks and palisades. The natives were not to be allowed within the lines except in small numbers and unarmed. The utmost efforts were to be made to win and retain the respect and friendship of the native chiefs, and to this end a policy of kindness and strict justice must be observed. Soldiers must be restrained by the strictest discipline from all outrage, oppression, or even intermeddling. They were not to visit the rancherfas under severe penalties, such as fifteen consecutive days of guard duty wearing four cueras, unless sent with definite orders to escort a friar or on other necessary duty. The natives were to: be interfered with in their rancherfa life and government as little as was possi- ble. They were to be.civilized by example and pre- cept and thus gradually led to become vassals of the king; but they were not to be christianized by force. Any outrages they might commit must be punished firmly by imprisonment and flogging with full ex- planation to the chiefs; but to remove the strongest temptation to Indian nature, the soldiers could at the beginning own no cattle. Trade with the na- tives was to be encouraged by fair treatment and fair prices. In a word they were to be treated as human beings having rights to be respected. In that part of Neve’s instructions relating to the friars and the missions, however, there appeared a palpable trace of the policy inaugurated by Croix on the Colorado, with the most dangerous features omitted. In fact I am inclined to think that the Colorado experiment, so far as it affected the relations between padres and the temporalities, was largely inspired by Neve, an intimate friend, whose advice had great weight with the general. In the Channel missions the priests were to be virtually deprived of the temporal man- agement, because there were to be no temporal inter- ests to manage. They were to attend exclusively to the instruction and conversion of the natives, and to b Mi y a toe: ~ = pen eal ae ‘ ‘NEW MISSION REGULATIONS. 375 this end were to be afforded every facility by the mil- itary; but the natives must not be taken from their rancherias or required to live in mission communities, except a few at a time, who might be persuaded to live temporarily with the missionaries for instruction. . The reasons given for these regulations were the small area of tillable land in proportion to the num- ber of inhabitants, rendering agricultural mission communities impracticable, and the great danger that would be incurred by any attempt to break up or re- arrange the numerous and densely populated native towns or rancherias along the Channel. Without doubt also another motive, quite as powerful, was a desire on the part of the governor to put a curb on missionary authority. The new system which it was now proposed to introduce was a good one in many respects, and was at least worth a trial; but it was nevertheless a complete overthrow of the old mission system in one of its most important features, and the wonder is that it did not provoke a general and im- mediate outburst of Franciscan indignation through- out the whole province. No such demonstration, however, is recorded, though much was written on the subject later. It is probable that the friars, at- tributing the proposed innovations to the local au- thorities, strong in the result of recent experiments on the Colorado, and believing they could interpose such obstacles as would prevent any very brilliant success of the new experiment, determined that quiet and prolonged effort would be more effective than open denunciation, trusting to their influence in Mex- ico and Spain to restore the old state of affairs. Their practical success was rapid and not very difficult, as we shall see.‘ All being ready the company® set out from San ‘There are three copies of these instructions, in one of which they are preceded by some preliminary remarks of a general nature respecting past intercourse with the Channel tribes, their intertribal quarrels which will favor the Spanish settlement, and the general policy to be followed. 5Palou, Vida, 245, says it was the largest expedition ever seen in Cali- 376 FOUNDATIONS; FAGES GOVERNOR. Gabriel the 26th of March. At the first encampment Fages’ courier arrived with orders for Neve, who was obliged to return with his escort; but the company continued and arrived on the 29th at the first ran- cheria of the channel, named Asuncion, or Asumpta, by Portola’s party in 1769. This had long ago been selected as a suitable locality for one of the three mis- sions. A site was chosen near the beach and adjoin- ing the native town with its neat conical huts of tule and straw, and here next day a cross was raised with the required shelter of boughs for the altar. With the usual ceremonies, including a sermon from Serra, on the 31st of March the mission was founded and dedicated to the ‘seraphic doctor’ San Buenaventura,’ in the presence of a large attendance both of Spaniards and of natives, the latter expressing much pleasure at what had been done, and cheerfully aiding in the work of building. About the middle of April Neve came up from San Gabriel and expressed his satisfaction with the progress made.’ Cambon remained in charge of the new mission until the coming of Dumetz and Santa Maria, assigned to San Buenaventura as regular fornia, including besides officers 70 soldiers with their families, to say nothing of Neve’s escort of 10 meu from Monterey. ‘The 70 should however include the 10. 6 Sun Buenaventura, Lib. de Mision, MS. On the day of foundation Serra writes to Lasuen expressing his joy at witnessing the foundation. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., ix. 288. Gen. Crcix congratulates Serra in letter of July 22, 1782. Id., i. 261-2. April 24th, Neve writes to Croix that by April 12th the enclosure of 40 by 50 varas, of palisades 4 varas high with two ravelins, a gate, and a small warehouse had been completed. Facilities were good for irrigation and for obtaining building material. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. G1. Giovanni di Fidanza was born at Bagnarea in Tuscany in 1221. St Francis of Assisi, meeting him one day and foreseeing his future greatness, exclaimed ‘O buona ventura!’ and the name, Buenaventura in Spanish, clung to him. He became bishop, minister-general of the Franciscan order, and cardinal. His title of seraphic doctor was tounded on his skill in mystic theology, to which a large part of his numerous writings was devoted. He died in 1274. His day is July 14th. 7Palou, Vida, 254-5, says that the mission had been «stablished on the old footing though Neve had entertained the idea and had teen instructed, as it afterward proved, to found it on the Colorado plan; but late events had changed his mind and he made no objection. Thissounds somewhat strange, in connection with the instructions already noted. Possibly the nature cf the instructions was not made public at first, and thts accounts for the quiet of the priests. FOUNDING OF SANTA BARBARA. 377 ministers in May. Only two adults received the rite of baptism in 1782.8 About the middle of April the governor, president, commandant, and the whole company of soldiers, except a sergeant and fourteen men left as a guard for the mission just founded, started up the coast to establish the presidio of Santa Bdrbara. The site chosen was on the shore of a small bay affording toler- ably secure anchorage, at a place said to have been called San Joaquin de la Laguna in the first expedi- tion of 1769,° and near a large native town, which, like its temz, or chief, was called Yanonalit. Near the lagoon were found springs of a peculiar water, and an eminence suitable for the fort. The formal establishing was on April 21st, when Serra said mass and chanted an alabado. The natives were more friendly than had been anticipated, and Yanonalit was willing to exchange présents. Work was at once begun and oak timber felled for the requisite shelters, and particularly for the palisade enclosure, sixty varas square, which was later to be replaced by a solid wall enclosing an area of eighty yards square.” The natives were hired to work and were paid in articles of food and clothing. Yanonalit had authority over some thirteen rancherias, and his friendship proved a great advantage. Affairs progressed favorably, and Ortega even found time to construct irrigation works and pre- pare for farming on a small scale. Serra, on ascer- taining that there was no immediate prospect of founding another mission, wrote to Fuster at San Juan Capistrano to come up for temporary service at 8In December 1782 a Frenchman, Pierre Roy, was a sirviente at the mis- sion. S. Buenaventura, Lib. Mision, MS., 2. ®The original diary gave no such name. See chap. vi. of this volume. But the place was called Pueblo de la Laguna and Concepcion Laguna. 10Qn foundation of Santa Barbara presidio see letter of Neve to Croix April 24, 1782, in Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 61-2, 64; Serra, April 29, 1782, in Arch. Santa Barbara, MS., ix. 293-4; baptismal book of presidio in J/d., vii. 832-3; Croix to Neve, July 22, 1782, approving foundation, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 202-8; Jd., iii. 128-9; iv. 88; vi. 172-3; Neve to Fages August 20; 1783, in St. Pap., Sac., \iS8:, xv. 18. 378 FOUNDATIONS; FAGES GOVERNOR. Santa Barbara," and himself returned to Monterey. During the months of May and June Lieutenant- colonel Fages made a tour of unofficial inspection from San Diego to San Francisco, including in his route the new presidio of Santa Barbara.” Just before Serra reached Monterey from the south, May 13th, the transports Favorita and Princesa, under captains Echeverria and Martinez,” brought full car- goes of supplies for the three presidios and also for the old missions, together with Cambon’s gift for San T*rancisco, purchased in China, as already related, with his earnings as chaplain on the San Carlos. There also came by these vessels many items interest- ing to the friars, with other unrecorded news doubt- less of equal interest to other Californians. There came the report that Antonio Reyes of the Querétaro college had been made bishop of Sonora and Cali- fornia; that Rafael Verger, the ex-guardian of San Fernando, had been also made a bishop in Spain; and that 1t was again proposed to divide the Franciscan missions into four independent custodias, a measure that was never carried out.” What the transports of 1782 did not bring, greatly 1 Palou, Vida, 255-6. The same author says, Wot., ii. 388-9, that Cambon was to come to the presidio while Fuster was to take his place at San Buena- ventura. It is not certain that Fuster ever came. 122 Palou, Noticias, ii. 390-1. 13 The officers of the Favorita were Agustin de Echeverria, captain; José Tobar, second; and José Villaverde, a clergyman, as chaplain. Those of the Princesa were Estévan Martinez, captain; Juan Pantoja, second; and Miguel Davalos, also a clérigo, as chaplain. Both vessels had left San Blas the same day, and, though they anchored the same day at Monterey, had not seen each other after the first few days of the trip. Palou, Not., ii. 386-9. The two.vessels were at Sta. Barbara Aug. 4. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., iii. 17. 1 Verger was bishop of Nuevo Leon in 1785-7. Letters in Pinart, Col. Doc. Mex., MS., 153-5. 15 Bishop Reyes was consecrated at Tacubaya on Sept. 15, 1782. He re- mained for some time at the two colleges, where there was much discussion about his future plans and considerable opposition on the part of the colleges to giving up the missions to custodios. The bishop finally proceeded north to establish the custodia of San Carlos de Sonora, and proposed later to go over and establish that of San Gabriel de California. In connection with this movement the Dominicans were to give up Lower California. Such was the news that came to California in June 1783. Palou, Not., ii. 394-5. Bishop Reyes was vicar general of the Californian troops. Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 183; Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv. 121, CONTROVERSY IN MEXICO. 379 to the surprise of all, was the six expected friars, and supplies for the missions of Santa Barbara and Puris- ima. ‘The reason of their non-arrival came, however, and that carries us back to an interesting dispute and correspondence in Mexico. Viceroy Mayorga at the request of General Croix, December 7, 1780, called on the college of San Fernando for six friars to serve in the three Channel missions about to be established. Four of the number should be sent to San Blas to go by sea, while two should proceed to Sonora to accom- pany Rivera by the Colorado River route. The vice- roy announced his readiness to furnish such aid as might be required. The guardian, Francisco Pangua, replied December 18th by stating that the aid required for the new missions was the same as that furnished the old ones, that is, a full complement of church vestments and utensils including bells; a proper supply of live-stock and seed grain; an outfit of implements for house, shop, and field; and one thousand dollars to be ex- pended in clothes and various articles useful in attract- ing the good-will of the natives. A full list of the articles needed was annexed. t Tm CHURCH VERSUS STATE. 399 were left still some grounds on which to base a quar- rel. Fages on assuming command and during his whole term of office seems to have made an earnest effort to conciliate the priests and prevent a reopening of the old troubles. Considering his rather irritable nature and the bitterness of the old feud with Serra, he was not altogether unsuccessful; still he was the successor of the hated Neve, the originator of the reglamento, largely committed to Neve’s policy, and responsible to the king for the execution of the laws. Perfect accord was impossible, and causes of complaint on one side or the other were not infrequent.” Postal charges and especially the franking privilege of the friars furnished occasional matter for dispute. 17 «Ks ya declarada la oposicion del P. Serra 4 toda providencia guberna- tiva, significdda no solo en palabras sino con obras y por escrito,’ says Fages to the inspector general on March 1, 1783. He charges the president with too great severity not only toward Indians but the padres. Prov. Rec., MS., iii., 87. On Sept. 15, Jd. 124-5, he says that Serra ‘tramples upon the measures of the government and bears himself with much despotiquez and total indif- ference.’ The padres commit many abuses in opposition to the government, Id., ii. 128. Sept. 26, 1785, Fages writes to the bishop on the padres’ neglect of chaplain service, and avers that they cannot be spoken to on the most trivial matters without showing disdain. Jd.,ii.109. On the same day to the viceroy he protests against the fatal consequences of the missionary policy, which is diametrically opposed to the reglamento. Jd., 11. 95. Dec. 7, 1785, Fages complains to Cambon of Palou’s sullen and cold behavior, and of the padres at San Carlos who have twice received him (the governor) with dis- respectful cries and stamping of feet. Yet he has been so devoted to the padres as to have drawn upon himself the name of frailero. Several friars have told him to his face that they doubted his word, forgetting the respect due him as governor. Letters are written him without proper politeness, He will no longer endure this, even if he be termed a persecutor of friars; yet he will never cease to venerate them. /d., iii. 60-3. July 9th and 10th, Fages gives orders forbidding public murmurs against the padres and orders the ar- rest of soldiers who make public comments on their conduct. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 160; xxii. 24. Aug. 16, 1786, the guardian informs the president that projects for the weal of California have been presented to the viceroy, and the opinion of the fiscal and his agent is that the proposals should be carried out and the governor restrained. Fages is warned that he must have a care and that on the least complaint of the padres he will lose his position and honors. Arch. Santa Barbara, MS., xii. 37-40, Aug. 23, 1787. Fages to Lasuen, regrets that he can make no provision without being suspected, ‘que no se haga misteriosa.’ Prov. Rec., MS., ili. 64-5. Nov. 19, 1790, Lasuen to the padres, a secret letter referring vaguely to a bando which the padres must obey because they can’t help themselves, though he has representado on the subject. Arch. Arzobispado, MS.,i. 15, 16. May 28, 1791, Fages recounts the troubles to his successor. He says quarrels with the Fernandinos have been frequent, since they are very much opposed—opwestisimos—to the max- ims of the reglamento, wishing to be wholly independent. At San Buena- ventura it even came to blows with Padre Santa Maria. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 149-50. 400 RULE OF FAGES—GENERAL RECORD. One of the privileges obtained by Serra for the mis- sionaries in 1773 was that of sending letters to the college free of cost, and certain other letters to and from the president were also exempt from postage as official communications. The friars were inclined to include much private correspondence in the privileged mail matter, and not much attention was given to the subject ordinarily. In these later years, however, officials by the governor’s orders became more strict, imposing on the missionaries what was deemed by them a heavy and unjust burden. Hence much dis- cussion without practical result, since the law was clear enough, and was not changed, the strictness of its enforcement depending on the disposition of the local officials. As a rule the friars gained nothing by agitating the subject, though in some instances they obtained a decision in their favor from Mexico or Arizpe.* In real or affected pity for the natives, the governor complained of excessive severity on the part of the missionaries toward their neophytes. Doubt- less there were instances of cruelty, but not many could be cited in these early years.” 18 January 12, 1783, Fages writes to Sal that Serra’s claim for free sending of his letters to college and to the padres cannot be granted, referring to royal cédula of October 25, 1777, and viceroy’s instructions of April 26, 1780. Serra pleaded poverty and told Sal to keep his letters if he would not forward them free. Subsequently, however, Fages consented to have the letters for- warded, and an account kept of them until superior instructions could be received. The expense seems to have been finally charged to the government. Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 80-1, 88, 163; St. Pap. Sac., MS., i. 128-9, 184; Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv. 32, 122-3. August 16, 1786, the guardian says the junta real has allowed letters between padres and the college to pass free. They must be in a separate package and directed ‘Contador General de Correos.’ Arch. Santa Barbara, MS., xii. 37. July 22, 1791, President Lasuen issues a circular stating that last year the formalities were not observed, and the result was a cost of $18 for postage. Jd., ix. 314. October 22, 1795, he issues another circular to the effect that private letters had been sent.in the padres’ package, and this must be stopped, for there is a danger of losing the franking privilege. Jd., ix. 325-6. See also /d., xi. 194; xii. 19-24; Palow, Not., 1. 032. 19 Putting neophytes in irons and forced labor very frequent in all the missions, and particularly at San Carlos. Fages, 1783, in Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 87. June 11, 1785, Fages writes to Noriega that the natives accuse him of beating them with chains for trifling faults, charges which he has investi- gated and found to be true. Implores him in the name of humanity and of the king to change his course. /d., iii. 51. Lieutenant Zuiiiga complained in 1788 that the natives of San Diego were overworked and too severely pun- CONTROVERSY WITH THE FRIARS. » 401 Fages sent a document to the viceroy the 26th of September 1785, in which he made a formal complaint against the priests for their opposition to the law, an opposition which was injurious to the royal service and to the spiritual good of the troops. He enumer- ated five grounds of complaint which I shall notice presently.” By the government the matter was re- ferred to the college of San Fernando, and a report was made by Guardian Palou, who denied all the allegations and presented counter-charges in behalf of the missionaries.” The audiencia was puzzled by contradictory evidence. A. few recommendations were made on different points, and on January 12, 1787, the expediente was sent to Commandant General Ugarte y Loyola with instructions to make further investigations and pacify the contending parties as best he could.” General Ugarte wrote on April 22d to President Lasuen, ordering compliance with the suggestions of the audiencia and calling for a full re- port on the disputed points, which was rendered on the 25th of October.” From the documents just mentioned we learn the foundation of the controversy. I*ages’ first charge was that the presidio of San Francisco had been de- prived of mass for three years notwithstanding the obligation of the friars to serve as chaplains. Palou’s reply was a denial that the friars were required to serve gratuitously as chaplains; a claim that such service if rendered was to be voluntary; and that the article treating this point, also reducing the number ished. Jd., iii. 67. Fages has seen P. Pefia draw blood by pulling a boy’s ear, and the natives accuse him of having killed one of their number. Prov. St. Pap., MS., «. 167. An unsigned scrap of 1785 speaks of irregular con- duct of a padre and objects to mode of chastisement. Jd., v. 256. 20 Fages, Representacion contra los Frailes, 26 de Set. 1785, MS.; alluded to with general statement of its purport in Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 95. 41 Palou, Informe sobre Quejas del Gobernador, 1786, MS. 22 Tapediente sobre rectprocas quejas del Gobernador de Californias y Relig- iosos misioneros, 1787, MS. Addressed to Gen. Ugarte on Jan. 12, 1787, by José Antonio de Urizar and other oidores. 25 Lasuen, Informe y satisfaccion al Sr. Comandante Gencral sobre quejas del Gobernador, 25 de Oct. 1787, MS. Hist. Cau., Vou. I. 26 402 RULE OF FAGES—GENERAL RECORD. of priests, had been annulled by royal order. Lasuen states that the padres have never refused or hesitated to attend to the spiritual welfare of the soldiers; that he personally served the presidio of San Diego when a minister of that mission, though six miles distant; that at Santa Barbara the missionaries of San Buena- ventura served though eight leagues distant; and that the lack of service at San Francisco was because there was until recently no decent place for it, and the mission was so near that the soldiers could easily go there for spiritual care.. The friars, however, were offended because the soldiers insolently claimed their service as regular chaplains, when it was really a mat- ter of voluntary charity. The viceroy’s order on this subject was that a proper allowance be made to the friars for their services at presidios.™ The governor’s second charge was that the padres refused to recognize the government in matters per- taining to property and the patronaio. Lasuen states that the friars manage the mission temporalities by order of the king, though the management was at first reluctantly assumed; that the vice regio patronato has little or no application in a country like California, but that they will gladly observe any rules that may be prescribed. Palou charged the governor with a disposition to interfere illegally and despotically in the management of temporalities, and declared that 24Tn a correspondence between Gen. Ugarte and Lasuen in March 1786, the latter makes the same reply on the San Francisco matter as in his informe. Arch. Santa Barbara, MS., i. 285-7. March 5, 1783, the padres of San Francisco to Fages excuse themselves for failure to say mass on the plea that the place is unhealthy, there are no proper implements, the soldiers have no regard for the missionaries, and stigmatize their friends as frai/eros. The corporal had even ordered that no soldier must approach the padres’ house. Fages directs the commandant to be indifferent until orders come from the general. Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 91-2. Several communications respecting fail- ure to say mass at San Francisco in Prov. Rec., MS., i. 192; iii. 24, 166, 209, all written. by Fages. Orders from commandant that the reglamento must be enforced. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 115; Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., viii. 132; xi. 875-6. In these orders it is charged that fees are being collected by the friars; and Fages makes the same statement. Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 87. The governor also complains on several occasions that the other presidios are negleeted, and the pueblo of San José, where P. Pefia has refused confession. Id., ii. 109; iii. 171; St. Pap. Sac., MS., ix. 83-4. ee ee a ee 1 Fe a * ii oon ee et Se ee a 5 CHARGES AND COUNTERCHARGES,. 403 he had no proper understanding of the patronato, claiming the right to require or permit work on days of festival. Thirdly the padres were accused of refusing to sell mission produce at the prices fixed by the govern- ment. Palou claims that there is no proof that the tariff rates have ever been approved by the king; that those prices ought to be regulated by scarcity or abundance; and that the president should have a voice in the matter. Lasuen, however, knows of no instance where the missionaries have refused to sell at the prescribed prices when they had grain to sell at all; though during several years of scarcity the prices have been kept down to a figure barely endur- able in years of plentiful harvests.” The next cause of complaint was the refusal of the friars to furnish inventories of property, yearly increase, and the dis- position made of mission products. Lasuen in reply says that the reports furnished to the governor are exactly the same as those rendered by the padres to the president, and by the latter to the college; that until now these reports have been satisfactory to all; and finally that there are no laws requiring the mis- sionaries, who are not mere treasury officials, to render itemized accounts of what has been done with each bushel of maize.” > Lasuen admits that P. Pefia suggested an increase in price, for which he was duly reproved; and he says that the governor himself increased the price of corn, which is shown to be true by a letter of Fages in Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 160-1, in which Sal is ordered to pay two reales extra for maize from S. Carlos, Sta. Clara, and San José. Also Jan. 2, 1787, Fages modities the tariff prices. Id., vii. 168-9; and July 20, 1787, he asks Lasuen for harvest returns that he may regulate prices. Arch. Sta. Buirbara, MS., vi. 19. Fages com- plains of Pefia’s refusal to furnish grain on November 8, 1785, and March 27, 1786. Arch, Sta. Barbara, MS., x. 25-39. Lasuen’s replies being that he is sorry and has reproved P. Pefia or will write to him. Fages also says on Sept. 26, 1785, that a mule train was sent back from San Carlos without maize. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 128-9. 6 May 2, 1786, Fages complains to the general that the padres are reluc- tant to show their inventories, do not make them out according to rule, and omit the register of inhabitants. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 136. Feb. 7th he com- plains to the president that P. Peiia refused his aid and the mission books for a census. The president explains that the commandant had not asked ina proper manner. He has requested all padres to give the required aid. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 404 RULE OF FAGES—GENERAL RECORD. Finally it was alleged that in defiance of the law the Franciscans insisted on retiring to their college without obtaining permission from the governor. Palou replies that by an order of the viceroy dated March 29, 1780, afriar had only to show the governor a licensé from his prelate. Lasuen goes more fully into the subject. In Neve’s time, he says, a priest retired with his prelate’s license and the viceroy de- cided that there was no law to prevent it. Palou departed in the presence of F'ages, who is responsible for any irregularity in the proceeding. The next year . Fages on being consulted made no objection to the departure of Rioboo; but finally there came a decree of Viceroy Galvez, forbidding the entry or departure of any friar without his license. This order has been obeyed in the case of Noriega, and it will be obeyed; but the president goes on to argue earnestly against the justice and policy of such a requirement, sub- jected to which the friars will serve only with reluc- tance.”. Fages had also found fault, though apparently not in his formal complaint, because neophytes were allowed to ride too much, the policy of the government being opposed to this, in fear that like the Apaches the Cal- ifornians might become skilful warriors. The friars admitted the danger, declared that their interest was identical with that of the government, but claimed 27 The viceroy’s communications of Mar. 29, 1780, which are given in Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., vi. 272-6, xi. 25-6, are not correctly cited by Palou. The ‘viceroy, while approving the claims of the college, turns the matter over to the commandant general, who he says may have had good reasons for his orders. The decree requiring the viceroy’s permission for any padre to come or go was dated Dec. 7, 1786. Prov. St. Pap., MS8., vi. 202-3. In April 1787 the fiscal of the royal treasury explained that as the movements of the padres were paid from the missionary fund, their going to California if not needed or retiring for a mere whim would cause useless expense; therefore, the govern- ment had a right to know the reasons. April 23d the audiencia decreed in conformity to the fiscal’s opinion; May 21st the archbishop communicated the decision to Palou; and June 22d and 23d Fages gave corresponding orders, | though the president of Baja California protested that this was contrary to royal orders. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 8,9; Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 53. July 9, 1788, the viceroy informs the governor that the viceregal authorities and not the general will determine the scnding and recalling of friars even if the command becomes independent of Mexico. Prov. St, Pap., MS., viii. 1-3. . VIEWS OF FATHER LASUEN. 405 that there were none but natives to serve as vaqueros, and that the work could only be done on horseback. Having replied to the governor's specific charges, Lasuen proceeds to lay before the government certain complaints on the part of the missionaries, namely: that the soldiers, being occupied largely with matters outside of their proper duty—that of affording pro- tection to the friars in their work of christianizing the natives—neglected that duty; that in consequence of a long peace they were becoming careless and neg- lecting precautions against disaster; that an insufti- cient guard was given to the missions, the most useless and the worst equipped soldiers being detailed for that duty, and only one soldier being allowed to escort the friars on long journeys;* that the soldiers of the guards kept much live-stock to the prejudice of mission interests; that Indians were condemned to work as *8This subject of mission guards and their duties was really one of the most serious in the whole controversy. The padres wished entire control of the soldiers to use as they deemed best, and particularly in pursuing runaway converts. Neve had opposed the employment of soldiers to hunt fugitives in ordinary cases, because he deemed other means better fitted for the purpose, and because men enough could not be spared for effective and safe service. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 123-4. The French voyager La Pérouse praises Neve highly for his position on this point. La Pérouse, Voy., ii. 297-8. In his instructions to Fages, Sept. 7, 1782, Neve advised that not more than two soldiers should accompany a padre to confess, etc., at a rancheria, and that they should not be absent overnight. The Indians must not learn to fight with and kill soldiers. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 138-9. Yet Fages did not rely entirely on persuasion to bring back fugitives, but favored a resort to arms only after all other means had failed, such as persuasions’ by padres, sending of neophytes, appeal to chiefs, offer of presents to gentiles, etc. See Fages’ instructions to‘soldiers sent after runaways in Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 151-2. In 1784 Fages repeats the order forbidding an escort of more than two soldiers, who must not be absent over night. The safety of the mission demands the presence of all, and the king has confirmed orders to that effect. Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 47-8. The latest orders do not permit him to let the troops pursue cimarrones except in extreme cases. Fages to Dumetz, Jan. 5, 1785, in Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 103-4. Oct. 17, 1785, Fages to Sal. No escort to be given to padres except when they go to say mass at presidios, or to confess or baptize. St. Pap., Sac., MS.,ii.51. Escoltas refused, except as above, at San Antonio and Santa Barbara. Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 142, 167. P. Dumetz at Sa Buenaventura being refused an escort to go to San Gabriel says, Feb. 4, 1786, in substance: ‘Very well, since we are to be thus restricted to our missions we can no longer visit the presidio, which is beyond our jurisdiction.’ Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 45-6. March 3, 1786, however, Fages orders an escort to be furnished when the padres of San Buenaventura wish to visit San Gabriel ani Santa Barbara. /d., vi. 72. Aug. 16, 1788, in a long letter to Lasuen Fagea explains the policy of the government respecting escorts, and the forcible cap ture of cimarrones. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., i. 167-73. 406 RULE OF FAGES—GENERAL RECORD. peons at the presidios for stealing cattle and for other offences, the punishment of which should rest exclu- sively with the friars, the sole object being to get free laborers;” that the settlers of San José employed pagans to do their work, demoralized them by bad- example, and even persuaded them to avoid Chris- tianity and its attendant slavery; that the disposition to make mission alcaldes independent of the friars in punishing offences greatly impaired their usefulness, the law having been intended only for curates and not for missionaries; that illegal and unequal measures were used for mission produce; that the raising of cattle by the presidios and the preference given to the pueblos in buying supplies would soon deprive the missions of all means to procure needed articles for the neophytes, especially as the articles most needed were often refused by the habilitados, or prices made too high in proportion to those of mission products, and yet the padres would submit humbly to the deci- sions of the commandant general. Palou in addition to the preceding charges, declares that the regulation was never proclaimed in California until September 1784, and was not really in force, that of Echeveste being much better adapted to the needs of the country. He says that the regulation was not carried out, the articles on the inspection of presidios and on pueblo management being notably disregarded, and that not only were the pueblos in a sad state of ‘decadence, but that San José, on the rapid road to ruin, was by its aggressions under the QOV- ernor’s policy dragging the mission of Santa Clara to ruin with it. Finally, the governor, instead of obey- ing the law, had not given the missions the Man) 29 The secular authorities, in the light of past experience in other provinces, seem to have regarded the stealing of cattle as a much more serious offence, and one much more dangerous to Spanish domination in California, than did the padres. It was by no means one of the trivial faults in which the friars had exclusive jurisdiction. Fages has something to say on this subject in the letter last alluded to. Still there is no doubt the military authorities did abuse their power in this direction with a view to get workmen free of cost. GENERAL REPORTS. 407 encouragement or aid either in spiritual or temporal affairs. | The reader who has followed this and preceding quarrels between the political and missionary author- Sea oM.Sta.Clara = Sp, M.a.S.Franco,, zeae | Preso.d.S a.Barba. ~ ‘o M.S.Buenaventa, ae oS. Gat | M.S.Juan ° Capistrano $.Pedroy S,Pabo .Purma,.Conon. ft resido.d.S.Diego — =~ .M.S.DémgsS == yes Reereo a MES-Femde,Wellicata : ——— =~ ‘ae =M=S—ranco. Borja © f . Patovu’s Map, 1787. ities in California, will have noted that they were often petty in all their phases, and such as might easily have been avoided by slight mutual concessions and efforts to promote harmony. It is not necessary to decide on the merits of the respective parties in each dispute, even if it were possible; yet it is appar- ent that the friars were determined not to yield a single point of their claimed prerogatives until forced to do so, and then to yield only to the highest author- ities, to the king if possible, or to the viceroy, but 408 RULE OF FAGES—GENERAL RECORD. never to so insignificant an official as the governor, whose presence they regarded as an outrage if he had a will of his own, and whose authority they practically disregarded in a way very hard to bear. Yet in his Aa i" general report on missions rendered in 1787, Govy- ernor Fages speaks in the highest terms of the zeal and efficiency of the missionaries, and his personal re- lations with them were for the most part pleasant. It was only as governor and president, as representa- tives of Carlos III. and St Francis, that they quar- relled, save in the case of a few individuals or in the ruler’s irritable moods. One of the friars, however, in an interesting report on the missions in 1789 could not deny himself the satisfaction of stating that while the king’s provisions had been all that they could desire, there had been great and even culpable remiss- ness on the part of the royal representatives, or agents, in California.” 3° Fages, Informe General de Misiones, 1787, MS. This is an excellent résumé of the past progress and present condition of the Californian establish- ments, containing a separate notice of each mission and some general sug- gestions of needs, but with no reference to current controversies. A statistical presentation of the subject seems to have accompanied the original, which was made in answer to an order of the general of December 1, 1786. The date in 1787 is not given, and it may have been after the receipt of the king’s order of March 21, requiring governors to render such reports every two or three years. Of this cédula I have an original in print with autograph signatures in Doc. Hist. Cal., MS.,aveed1-3. 31 Informe de lo mas peculiar de la Nueva California, 1789, MS. This report was probably directed to the bishop or archbishop, but there is noth- ing, in my copy at least, to indicate the author. The document contains general information about the Indians and the mission system, without much of chronological annals. fs ee niet CHAPTER XX. RULE OF FAGES, DEATH OF SERRA, AND MISSION PROGRESS. 1783-1790. PRESIDENT SERRA’S LASt TouRS—ILLNESS AND DEATH—BURIAL AND FUNERAL Honors—His Lire anpD CHARACTER—SUCCESSION OF PALOU AND LASUEY —MuGARTEGUI AS VICE-PRESIDENT—CONFIRMATION—NOTICE OF PALOU’S HistorRicaL WorRKS—VIDA DE JUNIPERO—NOTICIAS DE CALIFORNIA— Mar—PrRoposED ERECTION OF THE MISSIONS INTO A CusToDIA—NEW Missions—FounDING OF SANTA BARBARA—INNOVATIONS DEFEATED— Five YEARS’ PRrogRESS—Mission oF La Purisima ConcEPCcION FoUNDED —EARLY ANNALS. In 1784 the Californian missionaries were called upon to lose their well beloved master. President Junipero Serra died at San Cdrlos on the 28th of August. In January he had returned from his last tour of confirmation in the south, during which he visited every mission from San Diego to San Antonio. In June he came home from a last visit to the northern missions of San Francisco and Santa Clara. He left Monterey by sea for the south so ill that all, including himself, deemed his return doubtful. He was near death at San Gabriel, and when he left Santa Clara it was with the avowed intention to pre- pare for the final change. He had long been a suf- ferer from an affection of the chest and ulcers on the legs, both aggravated if not caused by self-inflicted hardship and a pious neglect of his body. The death of his old companion Crespf had been a heavy blow; his sorrow had been deep at partial failure in his efforts to place California exclusively under mission- ary control, and to revive under better auspices the Jesuit epoch of the peninsula. The return of Fages ( 409 ) 410 DEATH OF SERRA; MISSION PROGRESS. to power was not encouraging to his plans and hopes. His license to confirm, under which he had adminis- tered the sacrament to over five thousand persons, expired in July, and discouraging news came at the same time from Mexico about the prospect of obtain- ing new friars. The death of Father Mureuia broke another link that bound him to this world, and the venerable apostle felt that his work was done, his reward was near at hand. To all the Franciscans was despatched a letter of eternal farewell, in every word of which seemed distilled, drop by drop, the very soul of the dying man, while from each of the nearer mis- sions a padre was summoned to take leave in person. Palou from San Francisco, the only one who arrived before Father Junfpero’s death, was obliged to say on August 19th the regular monthly mass in honor of St Joseph, California’s great patron, but in other religious services the saintly sufferer insisted on taking his usual part. Irritants were applied to his chest by the presidial surgeon on the 23d without any bene- ficial effect. On the 26th he made a general confes- sion, and next day walked to church to receive the last sacrament in the presence of friars, officers, troops, and natives, having ordered the carpenter to make his coffin. The night was passed by the dying man on his knees, or a part of the time reclining in the arms of his neophytes. Having been anointed, and recited with the others the litany, toward morning he re- ceived absolution and the plenary indulgence of his order. In the morning of the 28th he was visited by Captain Cafiizares and other officers of the vessel in port, and he asked that the bells might be tolled in honor of their visit. Then he conversed with his old friend Palou, requested to be buried in the church near-Crespf, and promised to pray for California when he should come into the presence of the trinity. At one moment a fear seemed to oppress his mind, but soon all was calm, and he went out of doors to gaze for the last time upon the face of nature. Returning . ; 4 BURIAL OF FATHER JUNIPERO. 411 at one p.m. he lay down after prayers to rest, and was thought to be sleeping, but within an hour Palou found that he was dead. The bells announced the mournful intelligence. Clad in the friar’s simple robe in which he died and which was the only garment he ever wore, save when travelling, the body was placed in the coffin, with six candles beside it, and the weep- ing neophytes came to cover the remains of their beloved master with flowers, and touch with their medals and rosaries the lifeless form. Every article of clothing save the one that served as a shroud was distributed in small fragments as precious relics among the people, and notwithstanding all vigilance a part of the robe was taken also. On Sunday, the 29th, the body was buried in the mission church by Palou in the presence of all the inhabitants of Monterey, and with all possible ceremonial display, including military honors and the booming of guns from the fort and Caftizares’ vessel at anchor in the bay.’ The life of Father Junipero Serra is so closely 1A full account of Serra’s sickness, death, and burial, much longer and more detailed than I have space to reproduce, is given in Palou, Vida, 261- 305. Another good authority, including a sketch of Serra’s life is Palou, Defuncion del R. P. Fr. Juntpero Serra, MS.; translation in Arch. Misiones, i. 73-6. There are some slight differences in the two accounts not worth noticing here, except perhaps the statement in the latter that Serra died just before 4p.mM. Gov. Fages was not present at the funeral, being absent from Mon- terey. Capt. Soler was the highest official who took part in the ceremonies. Palou was aided by PP. Sitjar and Noriega, and by Diaz the chaplain of the San Carlos. On Sept. 4th there was a renewal of funeral honors with the same crowded attendance as before, and with the additional assistance of P. Paterna of San Luis. Now the relics were blessed. The crew of the paquebot secured Serra’s tunic which was made into scapularies; the small clothes were distributed by lot among the troops and others; and the surgeon obtained a handkerchief, which cured a sailor of a headache, as did a girdle cure P. Paterna of the colic. P. Serra’s body was buried in the presbytery of the church on the epistle side before the altar of our lady of Dolores. When the new church was built the remains of both Serra and Crespi were probably transferred, but so far as I know there is no record of such transfer or of the place where they finally remained. Taylor, in Hutchings’ Mag., May 1860, and in Cal. Farmer, Nov. 28, 1862, says that the body lies near the altar covered by the débris of the roof, which fell in 1852. The parish priest made an unsuccessful search for it in 1855. Vischer, A/isstons of Cal., pp. i.-ii., says the remains are supposed to have been taken to Spain, shortly aftcr 1784; and that the priest in his ‘antiquarian mania’ found the remains of another friar which believers seized upon as precious relics. There is no doubt the bodies still rest at San Carlos, and in 1882 they were identified to the satis- faction of the parish curate. 412 DEATH OF SERRA; MISSION PROGRESS. blended with the first fifteen years of California mis- sion history that any attempt to present it here would result in an unnecessary résumé of the preceding chapters. I subjoin however in a note? for convenient 2 Miguel José Serra, son of Antonio Serra and Margarita Ferrer, was born at Petra oa the island of Mallorca Nov. 24, 1713, took the Franciscan habit at Palma Sept. 14, 1730, and made his profession Sept. 15, 17381, on which occasion he assumed the name Junipero. In early boyhood he served as chorister and acolyte in the parish church greatly to the dc.ight of his parents, a God-fearing couple of lowly station. The lives of the saints were his favorite reading, and his fondest ambition was to devote his life to religious work. He was an earnest and wonderfully proficient student, and taught philosophy for a year before his ordination in the chief convent of Palma, then obtaining a degree of 8. T. D. from the famous Lullian University with an appointment to the John Scotus chair of philosophy which he held with great success until he left Spain. He was also noted for his doctrinal learning and still more so as a sensational preacher. He was wont to imitate San Francisco Solano and often bared his shoulders and scourged himself with an iron chain, extin- guished lighted candles on his flesh, or pounded his breast with a large stone as he exhorted his hearers to penitence. Thus he is represented in the engraving which Palou has attached to his life, but which has probably little or no merit as a portrait. March 30, 1749, after repeated applications he obtained his patente to join the college of San Fernando and devote himself to missionary work in America. With Palou he left his convent April 13th and sailed via Malaga to Cadiz where he arrived May 7th. On the way to Malaga he maintained a continuous disputation on dogmatic theology with the heretic master of the vessel and would not yield even to the somewhat forcible though heterodox arguments of a dagger at his throat and repeated threats to throw him over- board. Sailing from Cadiz Aug. 28th, he touched at Puerto Rico where he spent 15 days in preaching, anchored at Vera Cruz Dec. 6th, and walked to Mexico, reaching the college Jan. 1, 1750. Assigned the same year to the Sierra Gorda missions of Querétaro and San Luis Potosi, he made the journey on foot and reached Santiago de Jalpan on June 16th. for nine years he served here, part of the time as president, devoting himself most earnestly and suc- cessfully to the conversion and instruction of the Pames. In 1759 or 1760 he was recalled and appointed to the so-called Apache missions of the Rio San Saba in Texas; but the plans being changed he was retained by the college and employed for seven years in preaching in Mexico and the surrounding hishoprics, in college service, and in performing the duties of his office of comisario of the inquisition held since 1752. ° July 14, 1767, Serra was named president of the Baja Californian missions, arrived at Tepic Aug. 21st, sailed from San Blas March 12, 1768, and reached Loreto April lst. March 28, 1769, he started—always on foot—for the north, founded San Fernando de Velicaté on May 14th, reached San Diego July 1st, and founded the first California mission July 16th. April 16, 1770, he sailed for the north, reached Monterey May 31st, and founded San Carlos June 3d. July 14, 1771, he founded San Antonio. Aug. 20, 1772, he started south by land, founded San Luis Sept. Ist, and reached San Diego Sept. 16th. On Oct. 20th he sailed from San Diego, reached San Blas Nov. 4, and Mexico Feb. 6, 1773. Leaving Mexico in September, he sailed from San Blas Jan. 24, 1774, arrived at San Diego March 13th, and went up to Mon- terey by land, arriving May llth. From June 30, 1776, to Jan. 1, 1777, he was absent from San Carlos, going down to San Diego by water, returning bv land, and founding San Juan Capistrano on Noy. lst. In September and October 1777 he visited San Francisco and Santa Clara. From Sept. 15, 1778, to Jan. 5, 1779, he made another trip south, confirming at all the mis- * LITE OF JUNIPERO SERRA. 413 reference an outline of dates with some items illus- trative of his character and habits taken from his sions on his way back; and in October and November he visited Santa Clara and San Francisco on the same business. In September and October 1781 he again visited San Antonio, San Francisco, and Santa Clara. In March 1782 he went to Los Angeles and San Gabriel, founded San Buenaventura March 3]}st, was present at the founding of Santa Barbara presidio in April, and returned to San Carlos via San Luis and San Antonio about the middle of June. In August 1783 he sailed for San Diego, arriving in September, return- ing by land, visiting all the establishments, and arriving at home in January. Between the end of April and the early part of June 1784 he visited San I'rancisco and Santa Clara. In the last chapter of his biography Palou recapitulates ‘the virtues which were especially brilliant in the servant of God, Fr. Junipero,’ declaring that ‘his laborious and exemplary life is nothing but a beautiful field decked with every class of flowers of excellent virtues.’ First in the list was his profound humility, as shown by his use of sandals and his abnegation of self. He always deemed himself a useless servant; deemed other missionaries more successful than himself; and rejoiced in their success. He avoided all honors not actually forced upon him, shunned notice and praise, sought the lowest tasks, kissed the feet of all even to the lowest novice on leaving Spain and Mexico, ran away from the office of guardian, and was in constant fear of honors from his order or from the church or king. Then came the cardinal virtues of pru- dence, justice, fortitude, and temperance, resting ike columns on his humil- ity as a base, and supporting the ‘sumptuous fabric of Christian perfection.’ His prudence was shown in his management as president of the missions, though he was always modest and ready to consult with the lowest about him; his justice was shown by his kindness and charity to all, his exact obedi- ence to the commands of superiors, and his patience with enemies as exempli- fied particularly in his writing a letter in favor of Fages to the viceroy; and only four days before his death he gave a blanket to an old woman who at the founding of San Cérlos had induced a boy to kill the friar’s only chickens. His fortitude appeared in his resistance to physical pain and constant refusal of medical treatment,.in his self-restraint, in his steadfast adherence to his purposes, in his resolution to remain at San Diego alone if need be when it was proposed to abandon the conquest, in his conflict with the indifference or opposition of the military authorities, and in his courage in the presence of hostile Indians—for he only feared death or ran from danger because of the vengeance that would be taken on the poor Indians; and finally his temper- ance was such that he had no other passion than that for the propagation of the faith, and constantly mortified the flesh by fasting, vigils, and scourging. On these columns rested a superstructure of theological virtues, faith, charity, and religion, of which a mention must suffice. The author, however, does not claim for his hero the gifts of contemplation, of tongues, revelation, prophecy, miracles ‘and all that apparatus of the gracias gratis datas which make admir- able and striking the saintliness of some servants of God,’ but which are not essential to holiness. During his novitiate Padre Junipero was small and sickly, but he says, ‘with the profession I gained health and strength and grew to medium stature.’ Of one of his sermons an able critic said: ‘It is worthy of being printed in letters of gold.’ A woman endemoniaa shouted during one of his sermons, ‘thou shalt not finish the lenten season,’ and then the padre was exceeding glad, for of course the father of lies could inspire no truth. Suffering from want of water on the voyage to Mexico he said to complainers, ‘the best way to prevent thirst is to eat little and talk less so as not to waste the saliva.’ Ina mutiny and a storm threatening death to all he was perfectly calm, and the storm ceased instantly when a saint chosen by lot had been ad- dressed in prayer. On the way from Vera Cruz to Mexico several miracles : 414 DEATH OF SERRA; MISSION PROGRESS. biography by Padre Palou, and his letters in the mission archives.° Serra doubtless owes much of his fame to his posi- tion as first president of the California missions and to the publication of a biography by a warm personal friend. But it did not require Palou’s eulogistic pen were wrought in his favor. Coming to a swollen stream by a town in a dark night there was a man on the other bank to show the ford and guide him toa lodging. A man, perhaps the same, met Junipero and his companion next day and gave them a pomegranate which had a refreshing effect, and still later a man gave them a bit of corn-bread of excellent savor. It was on this journey that his legs first became swollen, from the effects of mosquito-bites as was supposed, resulting in ulcers that lasted all his life. ‘Oh, for a forest of Junipers!’ exclaimed a friar at the college when Serra arrived. In one of his revival meetings in Huasteca he was beating himself with a chain, when a man took the chain from him and with it beat himself to death as a miser- able sinner in presence of the crowd. Sixty persons who neglected to attend his meetings were killed by an epidemic which did not cease until religious duties were generally attended to. On his way back from Huasteca he was well lodged and entertained in a cottage by the way; but later he learned that there was no such cottage on the road; and of course concluded that his entertainers were Joseph, Mary, and Jesus—in fact he had noticed an extra- ordinary air of neatness about the place. Poisoned once in taking the com- munion he refused the antidote and was cured by a simple dose of oil, perhaps miraculously as he thought. It was at Velicata in May 1769 that he first saw and baptized pagans. 3 Serra, Correspondencia, 1777-82, MS.., is a collection of his letters to dif- ferent missionaries and officials. It is impossible by means of extracts to give any proper idea of these long, rambling, and peculiar epistles. Palou has selected the very best of his letters for publication, if indeed he has not changed and improved them. Large portions of some of them are utterly unintelligible and were apparently intended to be so for the ordinary reader. Sea todo por Dios and similar pious expressions are used in great profusion whether the subject be important or trivial. To Pieras he gives the most minute directions how to answer the governor’s letter and how to make out mission reports and inventories, leaving nothing in manner or matter to the padre’s judgment. He wishes all made ready for signatures because the most serious part of it is to feed the governor’s agents while doing the business. He expresses deep pity for some condemned criminals, and directs a padre to attend to their spiritual needs. ‘It will be some work, but very holy and meritorious.’ To Lasuen, announcing the governor’s refusal to increase an escort, he says, ‘and this the result of all my efforts and all a viceroy’s rec- ommendations, and in response to an affectionate and humble suggestion made with all the honey my mouth would hold. Believe me, of all the draughts I have to swallow none is so bitter.’ ‘I and your Reverences—for this once Iname myself first.’ In the matter of escoltas, however, he directs the padres to ‘go on as if they had a legion of soldiers; punish whoever merits chas- tisement; and if in the exact performance of the holy ministry trouble arises not to be repressed with the force at hand, then retire to the presidio, write me the facts in detail; then dirdn y dirémos.’ He writes a long letter to induce Figuer to give up his intention of retiring, reminding him that ‘patience and suffering are the inheritance of the elect, the coin with which heaven is bought.’ He begins by an anecdote of a friar at matins who wished to retire to his cell not feeling in a good-humor, and to whom the prelate replied that if such an excuse were admitted all would retire, ‘and I among the first.’ Then he compares San Diego life with that at other mis- SERRA’S CHARACTER. 415 to prove him a great and a remarkable man. Few who came to California during the missionary rég:me were his equal in devotion to and success in his work. All his energy and enthusiasm were directed to the performance of his missionary duties as outlined in the regulations of his order and the instructions of his superiors. Limping from mission to mission with a lame foot that must never be cured, fasting much and passing sleepless nights, depriving himself of comfort- able clothing and nutritious food, he felt that he was imitating the saints and martyrs who were the ideals of his sickly boyhood, and in the recompense of absti- nence was happy. He was kind-hearted and charitable to all, but most strict in his enforcement of religious duties. It never occurred to him to doubt his abso- lute right to flog his neophytes for any slight negligence in matters of the faith. Huis holy desires trembled within him like earthquake throbs; in his eyes there was but one object worth living for, the performance of religious duty, and but one way of accomplishing that object, a strict and literal compliance with Fran- ciscan rules; he could never understand that there was anything beyond his narrow field of vision’ In an eminent degree he possessed the faculty of apply- ing spiritual enthusiasm to the practical affairs of life. Because he was so grand a missionary he was none the less money-maker and civilizer, yet money-making and civilizing must ever be subordinate to missionary work, and all not for his glory, but the glory of God. A St Augustine in his religion, he was a Juvenal in his philosophy. He managed wisely the mission interests both spiritual and temporal; and his greatest sorrow was that the military and political authorities were sions, showing that each has its advantages and disadvantages. He suggests the question which is worse ‘to be hungry and have nothing to eat or plenty to eat and no appetite.’ When San Francisco and Santa Clara had nothing to eat they attributed to this want ‘el no hacer prodigios de conversiones;’ but now that there is food there is nobody to eat it. ‘Therefore, my brother, let us go on with our matins to the sancto sanctore.’ ‘Adonde ira el buey que no are? sino va 4 Campeche?’ Some who have gone away would perhaps gladly take what they left. 416 DEATH OF SERRA; MISSION PROGRESS. not so easily managed as padres and neophytes. In his controversies with the governors he sometimes pushed diplomacy to the very verge of inconsistency, but all apparently without any intention of injuring them, though he knew he was dealing with men who cast obstacles in the way of his great work. His let- ters were long, verbose, and rambling, but left no minute detail of the subject untouched. The loss of a sheep from a mission flock evoked a communication of the same style and length, with the same expres- sions of trust in heaven, as the conversion or destruc- tion of a whole tribe; and it is to be noted that in writing to his friars, especially about his political quarrels, he adopted a peculiar and mysterious style wholly unintelligible, as 1t was doubtless intended to be, to all but the initiated. On the whole the pre- ceding remarks fail to do him justice; for he was a well meaning, industrious, enthusiastic, and kind- hearted old man; his faults were those of his cloth, and he was not much more fanatical than others of ~ his time, being like most of his Californian compan- ions a brilliant exception in point of morality to friars of some other lands and times.* | At the death of Serra the presidency of the mis- sions naturally fell temporarily to Palou as the senior friar in California, who had also held the position * Nearly all the books that have been written about California have some- thing to say of Junipero Serra, and it is not necessary to refer to the long list. Itis somewhat remarkable, however, that there are very few if any official communications respecting his death preserved in the archives either secular or missionary. Hittell, Hist. 8. F., 33-9, gives a very good account of the padre’s life, concluding that ‘his cowl covered neither creed, guile, hypocrisy, nor pride. He had no quarrels and made no enemies. Hesought to be a simple friar, and he was one in sincerity. Probably few have ap- proached nearer to the ideal perfection of a monkish life than he.’ I have his autograph signatures in S. Antonio, Doc. Sueltos, 9, 13,17. Seea poem by M. A. Fitzgerald on his death in Hayes’ Miss. Book, 152. Palou’s Vida con- tains a portrait more likely to be like the original than any other extant. Gleeson, Hist. Caéh. Ch., ii. frontisp., has one copied from a painting in the library of the California pioneers, about the authenticity of which nothing is known. Dr Taylor, Discov. and Founders, ii. 41, claims to have obtained in 1853 a photograph from an original painting at the college of San Fernando, of which a caricature was published in Hutchings’ Mag. in 1860. PRESIDENTS PALOU AND LASUEN. 417 before in Serra’s absence. Palou at first declined to act as president, partly from real or affected modesty. but chiefly because he desired to leave the country as soon as possible. He had, however, to yield to the unanimous wish of his companions, who claimed that a vacancy would prove injurious to mission interests, and reluctantly assumed the duties until a successor could be appointed.? The choice of the college fell on Fermin Francisco Lasuen of San Diego; his pat- ent was forwarded February 6, 1785; and he took possession of the office probably in September. I'a- ther Mugdartegui was named to succeed Lasuen in case of accident, and August 16, 1786, was appointed vice-president of the southern missions.® By a later patent of March 13, 1787, issued in accordance with a decree of the sacred congregation at Rome, March 4, 1785, which extended the power to administer the rite of confirmation for ten years, Lasuen received the same powers that Serra had held; but he did not ob- tain the document until July 13, 1790, and had con- sequently less than five years for the exercise of his privilege. During that time, however, he eG 10,139 persons.’ In connection with the departure of Palou, the completion of his historical writings on California deserves notice as a prominent and important event in the country’s annals. The notice however need not be long, because the reader of the preceding chap- ters is already familiar by constant reference with the ° The records are very meagre on Palou’s term and I find no official act by him as president. Payeras, writing in 1818, gives substantially the version of my text. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xii, 453, Ronee writes March 8, 1785, that Palou declined to serve. Doc. Hist. Cal , MS., iv..29) May 29, 1785, Fages urges Palou to accept for the good of the country, regretting his ill-health. Prov. Rec. .. MS., ili. 50. See biography of Palou in next chapter. 6 Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., ix. 306-9; xii. 35-6, containing the patents of Lasuen and Mugartegui. lLasuen’s first record as president was Jan. 27, 1786; but he seems to have served from Palou’s departure, which was prob- ably in September or a little later. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 180, ii. 128-9. 1S. Carlos, Lib. Mision, MS., 66-8; S. Diego, Lib. Mision, MS., 45. March 2, 1790, Gen. Ugarte orders Fages to interpose no obstacles. Prov. St. Pap.; MS., ix. 350. Hist. Cau., Vou. I. 27 418 DEATH OF SERRA; MISSION PROGRESS. scope and contents of this author’s literary works. There was no man so well qualified by opportunities and ability to write the early history of California as Palou, and he made excellent use of his advantages. As early as 1778, and probably before that date, he began the accumulation of material by copying orig- inal documents and recording current events, without any definite idea, as it would seem, of publication. He continued this labor of preparing careful historical notes down to 1783, devoting to it such time as could be spared from his missionary duties at San Fran- cisco. During the years 1784-5, having apparently suspended work on his notes, he gave his attention to the preparation of a life of Serra, his prelate, former instructor, and life-long friend. This work he com- pleted in February 1785 and carried it to Mexico later in the same year, where it was published in 1787. It was extensively circulated for a book of that epoch, though since considered rare, and it has been practically the source of all that has ever been written on California mission history down to 1784. Very few of modern writers have, however, consulted the original, most contenting themselves with a weak solution of its contents at second hand; hence the numerous errors extant in books, pamphlets, and news- papers. The manuscript of the historical notes after lying for some years in the college vaults, was copied into the Mexican archives and finally printed in 1857, though it was utterly unknown to writers on Califor- nia until 1874, since which date it has been as care- lessly and superficially used as was the life of Padre Junipero before. The Noticias is far the more exten- sive and complete work of the two,* though both cover 8 Palou, Relacion Histérica de la Vida y Apostdlicas Tareas del Venerable Padre Fray Juntpero Serra y de las Misiones que fundé en la California Sep- tentrional, y nuevos establecimientos de Monterey. LEscrita por el R. P. L. Ir. francisco Palou, Guardian actual del Colegio Apostolico de S. Fernando de México, y Disctpulo del Venerable Fundador: dirigida d su Santa Provincia de la Regular Observancia de .Nro. S. P. S. Francisco de la Isla de Mallorca. A expensas de Don Miguel Gonzales Calderon, Sindico de dicho Apostélico Cole- gio. Mexico, 1787, 8vo 141. 344 pages, with map and portrait. The author’s PALOU’S HISTORICAL WORKS. 419 substantially the same ground. While my researches among original manuscript authorities have brought to light a large amount of material not given by Pa- lou, yet his writings contain a few diaries which I have not found elsewhere. I have sometimes been dedicatory letter and protesta is dated San Francisco, Feb. 28, 1785. The license of the audiencia to print is dated Dec. 7, 1786; and the latest of the various approvals of Franciscan authorities on March 12, 1787. In his pro- logue the author, after explaining that the work, written for the province of Mallorca, is published at the urgent request of certain friends of Serra who bear the expense, goes on to say: ‘I well know that some who read new things expect the historian to indulge in theories and to clear up ail diffi- culiies. ‘This method although tolerated and even applauded in profane his- tories, in those of saints and servants of God written for edification and to ex- cite imitation, is deemed by the best historians a fault, the which I have aimed io avoid. As the soul of history is simple truth, thou canst have the assurance that almost all I relate I have witnessed, and the rest has been told me by other padres worthy of faith.’ On Aug. 16, 1786, Palou writes to Lasuen, Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xii. 41-2, that everything is going well with the book, which he is told will circulate all over Europe, where all are curious to learn about California. He thinks it has been heard of at court, will send some copies to California, and asks Lasuen to pray for its success. It was, sent to California, where each mission library had a copy. The work has be- come less rare and costly of late years than formerly. I have three copies, the most expensive of which cost less than $25. I have also the edition of Mexico, 1852, in which it was published with Clavigero’s history of Lower California in a volume of the Biblioteca Nacional y Hstrangera. It was also reprinted in a newspaper of southern California and in the form of scraps is found in //ayes’ Mission Book, i. Palou, Noticias de la (Antiqua y) Nueva California. LEscritas por el h. P. Fr. F. Palou (tom. i. ii.), in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv. tom. vi.-vii. Mexico, 1857, 8vo, 688, 396 pp. The latest date mentioned is in July 1783, about which time it was doubtless concluded. A passage in tom. i. 269, shows that chap. v. of part ii. was written as early as 1773 at Monterey. It is evident that the author collected material from his first arrival, and wrote up the record to date at intervals as allowed by his duties. The original manuscript in the college of San Fernando has disappeared; but by royal order of 1790 a copy was made under the direction of P. Francisco Garcia Figueroa, who certified to its accuracy December 3 and 4, 1792. This copy, a duplicate of which was sent to Spain, has since been preserved in Mexico with other documents copied under the same order, which form the first 32 volumes of the Archivo General, an invaluable collection, all the volumes of which (except tom. 1., which has been lost from the archives) are in my Library, some in print, others copied for the Maximilian Imperial Library, and the rest copied expressly for my collection. Palou’s work formed tomes xxii.-iil. of the col- lection. In 1857 (not 1846 as Doyle says), it was printed in the form of a folletin of the Diario Oficial, forming the last two of a set of 20 volumes of Documents for the History of Mexico printed in the same way and selected largely from the same source. This collection, though badly printed, is the most important source of information extant on the history of Sonora, Chi- huahua, and New Mexico, as well as California; but it is very rarely to be found complete, and has been utterly unknown to modern writers on history. Palou’s work is divided into four parts. Part I. includes the annals of Baja California, under the Franciscans from 1768 to 1773, and extends over 245 pages of the first volume in 40 chapters; Part II. describes the expeditions to Monterey and the foundation of the first five missions, extending from page 420 DEATH OF SERRA; MISSION PROGRESS. tempted to entertain a selfish regret that Palou wrote, or that his writings were ever printed, yet all the same he must be regarded as the best original au- thority for the earliest period of mission history. I have copied his map of Upper California.? The missions had a narrow escape from ruin or from what the friars believed would result in ruin, in the form of their erection into a custody. Sonora and the Californias had been formed into a bishopric in 1779, and Bishop Reyes came in 1783, with full authority 247 to 688, in 50 chapters, and covering the period from 1769 to 1773; Part III. is a collection of original documents on events of 1773-4, not arranged in chapters, and filling 211 pages of tom. ii.; and Part IV. continues the narra- tive in 41 chapters, pages 213-396, from 1775 to 1783. At the beginning of tom. i. the author gives the following prefatory notice: ‘Jesus, Mary, and Joseph. Summary (of the annals) of Old California during the time that those missions were administered by the missionaries of the Regular Ohserv- ance of Our Seraphic Father San Francisco of the Apostolic College of San Fernando in Mexico—and of the new missions which the said missionaries founded in the new establishments of San Diego and Monterey, written by the least (the most unworthy) of said missionaries, who worked in Old Cali- fornia from the time it was intrusted to said College down to its delivery to the reverend fathers of the sacred religion of Our ‘‘ Cherubic” Father Santo Domingo, and who later with other missionaries of the same College of San Fernando went up to Monterey, having no other aim in this material work which I undertake than that allowed me by the apostolic ministry, which is to leave on record all that has happened and may happen while God gives me life and health to work in this new vineyard of the Lord, so that when the chronicler of our apostolic colleges may demand from that of San Fernando notes of its apostolic labors I may have them compiled in a volume, or more should there be enough to note, leaving it to the skill of the chronicler to put them in the style for publication, and to his prudence and ‘‘ religiosity” to leave to the secrecy of the archives those which are written only because they may be needed to shut the mouth of those rivals in the apostolic ministry who are never lacking in new conversions, so that if they should talk some day of missionary achievements there may be had in readiness all the events as they really occurred in California, both old and new, all of which with all sincerity and truth I will narrate in this summary, divided into four parts,’ ete. This gives an idea of the author’s purpose, but hardly of his style, which was tol- erably good. The book has many typographical defects, but few or none which may not be corrected in substance from the archives. . I have referred constantly to this original edition, using for convenience tom. i. and li., instead the tom. vi.—vli. of the Collection. In 1874-5, Mr John T. Doyle issued in San Francisco a reprint of Palou’s Noticias in four Svo volumes, one volume to each part, well printed on good paper, and with a few corrections of typo- graphical errors. The prefatory notice just quoted is omitted in ihe reprint; there is a transfer of a diary from one part to another; some photographs of mission buildings and other Californian scenes are added; and the whole is prefaced by a long and ably written note by Mr Doyle on Palou’s life, the mis- sion system, the pious fund, etc. *Californias. Antiquay Nueva. ..Longitude reckoned from San Blas. Diego Francisco, sc., Mexico, 1787. Many strange inaccuracies will be noticed, especially in the location of Santa Clara, San Antonio, and the Colorado missions. For map see p. 408, this vol. CUSTODIES PROPOSED. 421 from the king and the Franciscan commissary general to make the change, which though it was to leave the friars in control and give the bishop but little if any increased authority, was doubtless intended as a step toward secularization. By it the connection between missions and the colleges was to cease; the missions were to become hospices and pueblos de visita, the president would be replaced by a custodian, who with his council of definidores took the place also, in a cer- tain sense, of the college guardian and discretorio; and the system was to be supported largely by the beg- ging of alms. The colleges naturally protested against the change, claiming that new friars would have to be brought from Spain at great expense, since the old missionaries would not sever their connection with their colleges; that the new system made no provision for new conversions; that, in California particularly, there were none to give alms; and that there were many of the custody regulations which it would be absolutely impossible to enforce in these provinces. These pro- tests were of no avail so far as Sonora was con- cerned, where the custody of San Carlos was formed in October 1783; but the college of San Fernando succeeded in postponing action in the erection of San Gabriel de California until the practical result else- where could be known. As the system proved to work very badly in Sonora, California escaped the experi- ment which would almost certainly have proved de- structive of mission prosperity. I hear nothing of the scheme in California aiter 1787.’ For a full account of the experiment in Sonora sce Arricivita, Cron. Serdf., 564-75. The royal order in favor of custodies was dated May 20, 1782. Aug. 17, 1792, after numerous petitions, the king, on advice of general, gov- ernor, bishop, and audiencia, issued an order which restored the old sysicm, Jan. 8, 1783, the guardian sends to Serra the brief and laws for custodies with the remark that they contain many falsehoods and impossibilities, saying, ‘we work here with all our might to overthrow these projects in the begiuning, real- izing that merely to attempt them will cause great mischief.’ The bishop will try the experiment in Sonora, and we shall be left in peace for a while at any rate. If you get orders from the bishop you must reply that your superior is to be consulted. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xii. 156-8. Feb. 3, 1783, the guardian of San Jernando and agents of Santa Cruz and Guadalupe colleges unice in a protest to the viceroy. /d., xii. 212-138. Jan. 14, 1784, Galvez informs the 422 DEATH OF SERRA; MISSION PROGRESS. Not only did the missions escape separation from the control of San Fernando, but their number was increased by the founding of two new establishments, Santa Barbara and Purisima, the long-talked of mis- sions of the Channel. In 1782 these establishments had been suspended as will be remembered because of a plan of the secular authorities to break up the old system and take from the friars the management of temporalities, and the consequent refusal of the friars to serve. The matter was referred to the king, but I find no record of definite action thereon. The guar- dian instructed President Serra and his successor Lasuen not to allow any new establishments except on the old basis;" a good excuse was accordingly ready whenever any suggestion was made by governor or general; and finally by the tacit agreement of their opponents the friars were allowed to have their own way. In April 1786 the guardian informed the pres- ident that friars will come to California this year, and Santa Barbara may be founded, if the old system be allowed, but not otherwise.” viceroy that notwithstanding the opposition it is the king’s will that the cus- todies be promoted. April 12, 1785, guardian informs Lasuen that there is nothing for it but to be silent and cautious. /d., 214-15. It seems that gen- eral Neve had favored the custody in California. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 13-14. March 21, 1787, the king ordered that if there were not enough friars of San Iernando for the California missions, others might be taken from Michoa- ean. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., x. 287; Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 32. 1 April 1, 1784, the general wrote to Fages authorizing the founding of a mission at Montecito near the presidio of Santa Barbara. The governor notified Pres. Serra on July 27th from San Francisco. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., vi. 194, xi. 5. No notice seems to have been taken of this. March 9, 1785, Gen. Rengel, presuming that the padres sent for have arrived, orders Fages to pro- ceed at once to found a mission at Montecito. Instructions have been given to pay the $1,000 allowed each new mission. St. Pap., Sac., MS., iv. 34-5. Sept. 30th Fages notifies Lasuen that in company with P. Santa Maria he has explored the Montecito site three fourths of a league from the presidio and found it suitable for a mission. He has informed the general who orders an immediate foundation. Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 55. The same day Fages also writes to Lasuen that as the two padres (Noboa and Rioboo) have arrived, he hopes he will proceed at once to found the mission. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 386-7. Lasuen replies that the padres are destined elsewhere and there can be no foundation yet. Id., 389-90. PP. Mariner and Giribet came in 1785, but still nothing was done. 22 Guardian to Lasuen April 1, 1786, in Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., viii. 133- 4; xi. 214. On the same date he forwarded instructions, not extant, and directs Lasuen to show them to the governor if necessary, but on no account to allow FOUNDING OF SANTA BARBARA. 423 President Lasuen went down to the presidio at the end of October with two of the newly arrived friars, and superintended active preparations for the new mission which was to be formally dedicated the 4th of December.” On that day the cross was raised and blessed, and that day, the festival of Santa Bdrbara Virgen y Martyr,” is regarded as the day of the mis- sion’s regular foundation, though the ceremonies were not completed on account of the governors absence and his order to suspend operations until his arrival. Possibly Fages had some thought of insisting on the innovations which had caused so much controversy, but if so he changed his mind, for after his arrival on December 14th the friars were allowed to go on in their own way. - On the 16th the first mass was said by Father Paterna, a sermon was preached by La- suen, and thus the foundation was completed.” Fathers Antonio Paterna from San Luis, and Cris- tébal Ordmas, one of the new-comers, were the minis- tros fundadores, the latter being replaced in 1790 by José de Miguel.” The rainy season did not permit any infringement on the old system, or any experiments like those on the Colorado River, which he fears are still intended. Jd., xii. 24-5. April 9th he communicates the royal orders that older missions are to contribute stock and grain for Santa Barbara. /d., xi. 6. The new padres, six in number, were Arenaza, Arroita, Ordémas, Santiago, Sola, and Torrente. 18 Oct. 27, 1786, the commandant writes to Fages asking him to be present at the ceremony, and stating that the president and padres are about to arrive. Noy. 13th, he writes that timber has been cut and preparations have been made for sowing. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 51, 58. 14 Santa Barbara, the virgin and martyr, is a saint whose existence is tra- ditionary and very doubtfully authenticated. She was the daughter of one Dioscoro who lived once upon a time in Asia Minor, a cruel idolater who gave his daughter to be tortured for her adherence to Christianity, and cut off her head with his own hand after she had borne unflinchingly the most cruel tor- ments. She was and still is the patron saint of artillerymen in the Spanish army, and the powder-magazine on men-of-war often bears her name. > Title-pages of mission-books signed by Lasuen in Sta. Barbara, Lib. de Mision, MS., 48; Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xii. 3, 4, 15-17. In the first annual report of the mission the date of the first mass is given as Dec. 15th, and the site is called Pedragoso, one fourth of a league from the presidio. /d., v. 3, 4. Dec. 11th Lasuen writes to the general about the governor’s order suspending the foundation. Jd., xi. 7. April 11th the general acknowledges receipt of news of founding, and in June of progress. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 43, 58-9. 16 See lists of padres at Santa Barbara from the beginning, compiled from the records by E. F, Murray, in Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., vii. 8-10, 25-9, 39-43, 68-70, 75-7. 424 DEATH OF SERRA; MISSION PROGRESS. the erection of buildings at first, and the first bap- tism on December 31st was administered at the pre- sidio. On account of the proximity of the presidio only the ordinary guard of six men was allowed.” By the end of 1787 there had been 188 baptisms, ‘ which number was increased to 520 in 1790, with 102 deaths, leaving 438 existing neophytes. At this time large stock numbered 296 and small stock 503 head, while products of the soil amounted to about t,500 bushels. A church 18 by 90 feet was completed in 1789, and by the end of 1790 other mission buildings of adobes with tile roofs were sufficiently numerous and in good condition.* Respecting the founding of the third Channel mis- sion little material is preserved in the archives. Company rosters, containing the names of all officers and men, were made out monthly for each presidio. In the early years only a few of these rosters for each year have been preserved; but in later times they are nearly complete. The reglamento gave San Diego $13,000 per year; but the aver- age annual expense as shown by the company accounts was about $16,000. The average pay-rolls were $12,000); Mexico memorias, $8,000; and San Blas, $3,500. In 1786 supplies to the amount of $3,653 were bought of the mis- sions. Between $400 and $500 were retained from soldiers’ pay each year for the fondo de retencion. Military accounts in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., i. 21; ili. 14; vi. 4; v. 9; viii. 3-5; xx. 6,7; St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 169-70; Monterey Co. Arch., MS., vii. 6. For lists of arms and ammuni- tion see St, Pap., Sac., MS., ii. 26-7, v. 25; Prov. Si. Pap., MS., v. 17C-9. BUILDINGS AND INDIAN AFFAIRS. 453 Respecting the presidio buildings during this period the records are silent; but in view of Governor Neve’s efforts in this direction, of the fact that the work of collecting foundation stones was begun as early as 1778, and especially because the correspondence of the next decade speaks of extensive repairs rather than original construction, I suppose that the pali- sades were at least replaced by an adobe wall enclos- ing the necessary buildings, public and private. Here on the hill lived about one hundred and twenty-five persons, men, women, and children. Hach year in summer or early autumn one of the transport vessels entered the harbor and landed a year’s supplies at the embarcadero several miles down the bay, to be brought up by the presidio mules. Every week or two small parties of soldier-couriers arrived from Loreto in the south or Monterey in the north with ponderous de- spatches for officials here and to the north, and with items of news for all. Hach day of festival a friar came over from the mission to say mass and otherwise care for the spiritual interests of soldiers and their families; and thus the time dragged on from day to day and year to year, with hardly a ripple on the sea of monotony. There was an occasional rumor of intended hostili- ties by the natives, but none resulted in anything serious, most of the trouble occurring south of the line in Baja Californian territory and requiring some attention from Fages during his southern trip in the spring of 1783. Here in the south, as in fact through- out the country, the natives were remarkably quiet and peaceful during Fages’ rule. This is shown by tlie meagre records on the subject in connection with the well known tendency of the Spaniards to indulge in long correspondence on any occurrence that can possibly be made to a#pear like an Indian campaign.° 6 June 30, 1783, Fages to Padre Sales, in Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 218, says that he has ordered a sally against the Colorado Indians; and Oct. 26, /d., 201, he orders Sergt. Arce with a guard of 4 or 5 men to watch those Indians, 454 LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS. Neve’s instructions on leaving California had included a recommendation to open a new and safer route from San Diego to the peninsula. The exploration seems to have been made, and the result, saving ten or twelve leagues of distance and avoiding some danger- ous bands of coast natives, was approved by General Rengel in 1786.’ At the end of May 1783 Alférez Velasquez made a reconnoissance eastward from San Diego with a view to examine a new route to the Colorado River recommended by Lasuen. He went no farther than the summit of the mountains, found _ the route impracticable, and returned by another way after an absence of four days.* In October of the same year Velasquez had instructions from Fages to visit the Colorado, to examine a ford said by the natives to exist near the mouth, to recover as many horses as possible without using force, and to keep a full diary of the trip;? but it seems that no such ex- ploration was made. In 1785, however, Fages in person made a similar reconnoissance accompanied by Velasquez, whose diary has been preserved.” This trip was made from the frontier where Fages had been searching for a mission site, the outward march being in what is now Lower California, but a portion the guard to be relieved every 15 days. Aug. 21st, Zufiiga to Fages stateg that the Serranos have killed a neophyte and threaten to attack the mission. He has taken steps to keep them in check. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv. 77. Nov. 15, 1784, governor to general, that a deserter, Hermenegildo Flores (an Indian probably) has been killed by the Indians. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 181-2. Oct. 7, 1786, Zuniga to Fages, that he has sent 7 men to reconnoitre Tomga- yavit. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 88. Dec. 21, 1788, the soldier Mateo Rubio seriously injured while loading a gun. Jd., viii. 68. 7 Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 131-3; Jd., Ben. Mil., MS., iv. 18; vi. 113-14. Some details respecting the new route are given. 8 Velasquez, Diarioy Mapa de un Reconocimiento desde 8. Diego, 1783, MS., with a rude sketch of the route, which although the earliest map of this region extant, I do not deem worth reproducing. ® Prov. Rec., MS.., iii. 188-90. 10 Velasquez, Relacion del Viaje que hizo el Gobernador Fages, 1785, MS. A continuation of the title explains the document: ‘Diary made by order of Gov. Fages of the exploration made by hinf& in person from the frontier, crossing the sierra, wandering from the mouth of the Colorado River to the gulf of California, passing through the country of the Camillares, Cucupaes, Guyecamaes, Cajuenches, and Yumas; and his return across said sierra to this presidio.’ Dated San Diego, April 27,1785. The trip lasted from April 7th to 20th. SAN DIEGO MISSION. 455 of the return north of the line across the sierra to San Diego. There was one fight in which the natives were punished for having killed a horse as well as for previous offences with which they were charged. The narrative is long and filled with petty details, without value for the most part, but which might be of some geographical interest if presented in full and studied in connection with an accurate topographical map, did such a thing exist. It may be noted here that Fages in 1782 had crossed directly from the Colorado to San Diego, the first recorded trip over that route. I ap- pend a chart made by Juan Pantoja in 1782, which was copied by La Pérouse in substance.” At the mission six miles up the river there was a total change in the missionary force about the middle of the decade, caused by the death of one of the ministers and promotion of another. Juan Figuer after seven years of service in this field died Decem- ber 18, 1784," and was buried in the mission church next day. For about a year Fermin Francisco de Lasuen served alone, until in November 1785 the duties of his new position as president called him to San Carlos, and his place was taken by Juan Mariner. Juan Antonio Garcia Rioboo was associate until Oc- tober 1786, and was then succeeded by Hilario Tor- 1 Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, Atlas; La Pérouse, Voy., Atlas. I omit the soundings. “San Diego, Lib. de Mision, MS., 80, containing his partida de entierro signed by Lasuen. Figuer was a native of Anento in Aragon, and became a Franciscan at Zaragoza. Of his coming to America and to San Fernando col- lege I have found no record. With 29 companion friars for the Californias he arrived at Tepic from Mexico at the end of 1770, and with about 19 of the number sailed for Loreto in February 1771. The vessel was driven down to Acapulco and in returning was grounded at Manzanillo. Most of the padres returned to Sinaloa by land, but Figuer and Serra intrusted themselves again to the sea, when the San Cdrlos was got off, and after a tedious voyage reached Loreto in August 1771. Figuer was assigned to the Baja Californian mission of San Francisco de Borja. In November 1772 he was sent up to San Diego by Palou in company with Usson, both being intended for the proposed mission of San Buenaventura; but that foundation being postponed Figuer became minister of San Gabriel in May 1773. He served at San Gabriel 1773-4; at San Luis Obispo Oct. 1774 toJune 1777; and at San Diego until his death in Dec. 1784. He was buried in the mission church on Dec. 19th, by his associate Lasuen. In 1804 his remains, with those of the martyr Jaume and of Mariner, were transferred with all due solemnity to a new sep- ulchre under an arch between the aitars of the new church. 456 LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS. rens. The three last named friars were new-comers, Rioboo having been sent up by the guardian in the vessel of 1783 at Serra’s request for supernumeraries, and the other two having arrived in 1785 and 1786, Mission de.S8.Diego é ‘2 Ro.y Pancheria de las =—- Choyas =) P.Sn.Agustin — ra — == === ae x e( \ = 0. 4 72) de 2. da 2B,” , % ; Pa.de Arena Map or San Drieco, 1782. doing their first work at San Diego. Rioboo is not heard of after he left this mission, and I suppose him to have retired to his college at the end of 1786.” % Juan Antonio Garcia Rioboo, who should properly be spoken of as Garcia-Rioboo, whose last name should perhaps be written Riobd, and of LASUEN’S REPORT. 457 In June 1783 Lasuen sent to Serra a report on the mission of San Diego, which included an outline of its past history, already utilized in the preceding chap- ters, and a statistical statement of agricultural prog- ress, intended to show that the place was wholly unfit for a mission, although the spiritual interests of the converts made it necessary to keep up the establish- ment, there being no better site available. A de- scription of the mission buildings then in existence accompanied the other papers.“ There were at this _ time 740 neophytes under missionary care, and Lasuen estimated the gentiles within a radius of six or eight leagues at a somewhat larger number. In 1790 the converts had increased to 856, of this number 486 having been baptized and 278 having died. Large stock had increased from 654 to 1,729 head, small stock from 1,391 to 2,116, and the harvest of 1790 had aggregated about 1,500 bushels. In his general report of 1787 on the state of the missions Fages, repeating the substance of Lasuen’s earlier statements respecting the sterility of the soil, affirms that only about one half of the neophytes live in the mission, since they cannot be fed there, that the gentiles are whose early life I know nothing, came from San Fernando college to Tepic probably in the same company as Figuer (see note 12), in October 1770. He crossed over to the peninsula with Gov. Barri in January 1771, and was put in charge of the two pueblos near Cape San Liicas. In May 1773 he sailed from Loreto on his way to his college. We hear nothing more of him until he was assigned to the Santa Barbara Channel missions, but refused to serve under the new system proposed. Later, however, he was sent up with Noboa as supernumerary, arriving at San Francisco June 2, 1783, and spending his time at San Francisco, San Juan, and San Gabriel until he came to San Diego in 1785. It is probable that even here he was not regular minister. 14 Lasuen, Informe de 1783, MS.; Hayes’ Mission Book, 89-98. The report was first dated May 10th, but Serra having ordered it kept back—probably in the fear that he might have to show it to the secular authorities—the author made some additions under date of June 2lst. The buildings were: Church, 30 x 5.5 varas; granary, 25 x 5.5 varas; storehouse, 8 varas; house for sick women, 6 varas; house for men, 6 varas; shed for wood and oven; 2 padres’ houses, 5.5 varas; larder, 8 varas; guest-room; ato; kitchen. These were of adobe and from 8 to 5.5 varas high. With the soldiers’ barracks these buildings filled three sides of a square of 55 varas, and the fourth side was an adobe wall 3 varas high, with a ravelin a little higher. Outside, a fountain for tanning, 2 adobe corrals for sheep, etc., and one corral for cows. Most of the stock was kept in San Luis Valley 2 leagues away, protected by palisade corrals, 458 LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS. numerous and dangerous, and that it is only by the unremitting toil and sacrifice of the padres in connec- tion with the vigilance of governor and commandant that this mission has managed to maintain a preca- rious existence. He adds, however, that notwith- standing all difficulties San Diego was the first mission to register a thousand baptisms.” Of San Juan Capistrano there is little to be said beyond naming its ministers and presenting a few statistics of conversion and of industrial progress. Lands were fertile, ministers faithful and zealous, natives well disposed, and progress in all respects, sat- isfactory. F ages in his report of 1787 alludes briefly to this establishment as in a thoroughly prosperous con- dition. ‘The number of converts was nearly doubled prior to 1790, and an occasional scarcity of water was the only drawback, apparently not a serious one, to agricultural operations.“ Of the original ministers who served at San Juan from the founding in 1776, Gregorio Amurrio had left the mission and probably the country in the autumn of 1779,” and had been suc- ceeded by Vicente Fuster, who at the end of 1787 was transferred to Purisima, his place being filled by Juan José Norberto de Santiago, who had come from Mexico the year before and from Spain in 1785. 1 Fages, Informe General sobre Misiones, 1787, MS. Owing to peculiar traits of the San Diego Indians they were left more completely under missionary control than at other missions, there being no alcaldes. Id., 77-8. 16Converts in 1783, 383; in 1790, 741; new baptisms, 569; deaths, 140. Large stock had increased from 473 to 2,473; and small stock from 1,175 to 5,500. Agricultural products for 1790 were over 3,000 bushels. 1 Amurrio was one of the party who with Figuer (see note 12) was wrecked at Manzanillo in attempting to cross from San Blas to Loretoin 1771. He came back to Sinaloa by land, reached Loreto in November, and served at Santa Gertrudis during the brief occupation of the peninsula by the Franciscans. At the cession he came with Palou to San Diego in August 1773. Here he remained until April 1774, when he sailed for Monterey, subsequently serving most of the time as supernumerary at San Luis Obispo until the attempted foundation of San Juan in October 1775. The next year he spent chiefly at San Diego, was present as minister at the successful foundation of San Juan on Nov. 1, 1776; and his last entry in the books of that mission was in September of 1779. I think he sailed in the transport of that year for San Blas, retiring on account of impaired health. ANNALS OF SAN GABRIEL. 459 Pablo de Mugértegui, the other founder, left Cali- fornia at the end of 1789, Fuster having returned in September to serve with Santiago during the last year of the decade.” At San Gabriel, the third mission of the San Diego military jurisdiction, Antonio Cruzado and Miguel Sanchez served together throughout this decade as in the next anda large part of the preceding, the former having begun his service in 1771 and the latter in 1775, while both died at their posts after 1800. They had José Antonio Calzada as a supernumerary asso- ciate from 1788 to 1790. They baptized on an average a hundred converts each year, half of whom soon died. In neophyte numbers San Gabriel was second only to San Antonio, while in live-stock and farm products this mission had in 1790 far outstripped all the rest.>. The governor alludes to it as having often relieved the necessities of other establishments in both Californias, and as having enabled the government to carry out important undertakings that without such aid would have been impracticable. Prosperity did not however carry in its train much excitement in the way of local events, and the calm of this mission of 18 Pablo de Mugartegui came to California with Serra on that friar’s return from Mexico, arriving at San Diego March 13,1774. Being in poor health he remained for some time unattached to any mission, first serving as super- numerary at San Antonio from January to July 1775. He was minister at San Luis Obispo from August 1775 until November 1776, and at San Juan as we have seen from November 1776 until November 1789. He writes to Lasuen on Jan. 30, 1794, from the college, that he had been very ill but was now out of danger. From Aug. 16, 1786, he held the office of vice-president of the California missions, having charge of the southern district. Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, July 24, 1863, says, erroneonsly I suppose, that he died on March 6, 1805, at San Buenaventura, 19 Much of the information respecting the friars in charge I have obtained . from San Juan Capistrano, Lib. de Mision, MS. Among the visiting padres who officiated here during the period and before were Serra, Oct. 1778; Figuer, June 1780; Miguel Sanchez, May 1782; Lasuen, Oct. 1783; Rioboo, Feb. 1784; Mariner, Oct. 1785; José Arroita, Dec. 1786; José Antonio Calzada, April 1788; Torrens, Cct. 1788; and Cristébal Ordmas, Dec. 1788 to Jan. 1789. Thus we see that San Juan for some not very clear reason was much less_ isolated in respect of visitors than San Diego. 20 Neophytes in 1783, 638; in 1790, 1,040. Baptisms during period, 818; deaths, 466. Increase of large stock, 860 to 4,221; small stock, 3,070 to 6,018. Harvest in 1790, 6,150 bushels. 460 LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS. the great archangel on the river of earthquakes was disturbed only by one or two slight troubles, or rumors of trouble, with the natives. In October 1785 the neophytes and gentiles were tempted by a woman, so at least said the men, into a plan to attack the mis- sion and kill the friars. ‘The corporal in command prevented the success of the scheme without blood- shed, and captured some twenty of the conspirators. Fages hurried south from the capital, put the four ringleaders in prison to await the decision of the commandant general, and released the rest with fifteen or twenty lashes each. Two years later came General Ugarte’s order condemning one native, Nicolas, to six years of work at the presidio followed by exile to a distant mission. ‘The woman was sent into perpetual exile, and the other two were dismissed with the two years’ imprisonment already suffered.” Again in July 1786 a gentile chieftain was arrested on a charge pre- sented by the chief of another rancheria that he had threatened hostilities, but the accusation proved to have little or no foundation.” The annals of the adjoining pueblo, Our Lady, Queen, or Saint Mary, of the Angels on the Rio de Porciincula have already been brought down in a general way to the distribution of lands in the autumn of 1786.% By the end of the decade the number of settlers had been recruited, chiefly from soldiers who had served out their time, from nine to twenty-eight, who with their families made up a total population of one hundred and thirty-nine.* All of the original pobladores who received a formal grant of their lands in 1786 remained except Rosas.” Sebastian Alvitre "1 Fages to Gen. Ugarte Dec. 5, 30, 1785, in Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 131-2; Ugarte to Fages, Dec. 14, 1787, in Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., vi. 116-17. 2 Zuniga to Fages, Aug. 15, 1786, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 35-6. 23 See chapter xvi., this volume, 4 An estado of August 17, 1790, makes the total 141. Males, 75; females, 66. Unmarried, 91; married, 44; widowed, 6. Under 7 years, 47; 7 to 16 years, 33; 16 to 29 years, 12; 29 to 40 years, 27; 40 to 90 years, 13; over 90 years, 9. Europeans, 1; Spaniards, 72; Indians, 7; mulattoes,22; mestizos, 39. Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix. 152. * The 20 new settlers were: Domingo Aruz, Juan Alvarez, Joaquin Ar- HAPPENINGS AT LOS ANGELES. 461 had proved unmanageable at San José and after four or five years of convict life at the presidio had been sent to Angeles for reform. The settlers were not a very orderly community, but they seem to haVe given some attention to their fields, since the pueblo pro- duced in 1790 more grain than ‘any of the missions except San Gabriel, its neighbor. Their dwellings, twenty-nine In number, were of adobes, like the public town hall, barrack, uard- house, and granaries; and all were enclosed within an adobe wall, there being also a few buildings outside the wall.” Vicente Félix was at first corporal of the pueblo guard furnished by the San Diego presidio; but he soon developed special ability and interest in general management and was made a kind of director before 1784. Though some complaints were made against him by the settlers, and Zufiga at one time favored his removal, the governor’s confidence was not shaken, and he finally made him comisionado, intrusting to him the management not only of the pueblo but of its alcalde and regidores,” he being responsible to the governor through the commandant of Santa Barbara for any failure of those officials to attend properly to their duties. Fages’ instructions to Félix were dated Jan. 13, 1787, and required the latter to see that the menta, Juan Ramirez Arellano, Sebastian Alvitre, Roque Cota, Faustino José Cruz, Juan José Dominguez, Manuel Figueroa, Felipe Santiago Garcia, Joaquin Higuera, Juan José Lobo, José Ontiveros, Santiago de la Cruz Pico, Francisco Reyes, Martin Reyes, Pedro José Romero, Efigenio Ruiz, Mariano Verdugo, José Villa, besides Vicente Félix, corporal and comisionado, In 1789 there had been 5 additional names: José Silvas, Rejis Soto, Francisco Lugo, Melecio Valdés, and Rafael Sepulveda, or at least lands were ordered to be granted to these men. Nine only drew pay and rations in 1789. Prov. Sé. Pap., MS., v. 29-36; ix. 120, 159-63; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., x. 2-6; St. Pap., Miss., i. 66-72, Large stock had increased from 340 to 2, 980 head; small stock from 210 to 438; and the crops of 1790 amounted to 4, 500 bushels, 26 Prov, St. Pap., Miss., MS., i. 68, 71. Aug. 10, 1785, 35 pounds powder and 800 bullets sent to Angeles as reserve ammunition for settlers. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 7. Nov. 9, 1786, Goycoechea to Fages, will take steps to stop ex- cesses. Prov. St. Pap. by MS., vi. 57. May 8, 1787, commandant general con- gratulates Fages on progress "reported, Id., vii. 41. Pueblo called Santa Maria de los Angeles. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 125. 27 Prov. Rec., MS., i. 163-4; Prov. St. Pap., Vv. 180; ix. 105, 119-20, 225-6. José Vanegas. was the first alealde:i in 1788; Tose Sinova the secontl in 1789, with Felipe ¢ rarcia and Manuel Camero as regidores; and Mariano Verdugo the third in 1790. 462 LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS, settlers performed all the duties, complied with all the conditions, and enjoyed all the privileges enjoined by the regulation; to watch and instruct and codperate with the“alcalde in his efforts to insure good order and justice and morality; and to attend to the carrying- out of some very judicious regulations which are included in the document respecting the treatment of the natives and their employment as laborers.” At the Channel presidio of Santa Barbara the force maintained was from fifty to fifty-four privates, two corporals, two or three sergeants, an alférez, and a lieutenant. Of this force fifteen men at first and later ten were stationed at San Buenaventura, fifteen at Purisima, and from three to six at Santa Bdrbara after those missions were founded, and two generally at Los Angeles. The so-called white population of this presidial district was about two hundred and twenty, or three hundred and sixty with Los Angeles.” Lieutenant José Francisco Ortega, the original commandant, retained his position together with that of habilitado, until January 1784, when he was sent to the peninsula frontier and Lieutenant Felipe de Goycoechea came up to take his place, which he held until 1804. Ortega was removed by the general at the request of Soler, who alone found fault with the lheutenant, and who as we know was a chronic fault- finder. Soler subsequently complained of the new commandant’s lack of application, and wished to put in the place Zufiiga with a stupid habilitado or Ortega 28 Fages, Instruccion para el cabo de la Escolta del pueblo de Los Angeles como Comisionado por el gobierno para dirigir al alcalde y & los regidores, 1787, MS. The Santa Barbara sitwado by the reglamento was $14,472; average pay- roll, $13,500; average memorias of supplies, $12,500; average total of habili- tado’s accounts, $26,000, of which about $6,000 was a balance of goods on hand; fondo de gratificacion, $2,000, and fondo de retencion, $1,000 in 1784; Jondo de invdlidos and Montepio, $427 in 1782. Company accounts in Prov. St. Pap., Presidios, MS., i. 2, 90; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., ii. 1, 8, 20-2, 38-9; iii. 18; iv. 22; vi. 3; viii. 13; ix. 3, 4; xiv. 6, 7. Inventories of arma- ment in Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 96-9; vii. 86; St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. 6, 7. A list of inhabitants with families, age, etc., showing 67 male heads of fami- lies, dated Dec. 31, 1785, in St. Pap., Miss., MS., i. 4-9. SANTA BARBARA PRESIDIO. 463 with an able one, but Fages could not spare Zuiliga from San Diego. In 1786, however, in consequence of the vacancy caused by the death of Moraga at San Francisco, the governor offered Ortega his choice of the presidios, and he at first chose Santa Barbara, but finally took command of Monterey. José Argiiello was company alférez from the beginning down to April 1787, when he was promoted to the command of San Francisco, leaving a vacancy not filled until after 1790. The sergeants were Pablo Antonio Cota and Ignacio Olivera, with Raimundo Carrillo after 1781,” perhaps from 1788. Work on the presidio buildings was. pushed for- ward, in the Hispano-Californian sense, throughout the period, and the commandant’s communications to Fages on plans and progress, on delays and accidents, on the making of adobes and tiles or the receipt of beams, on laborers and their wages, and on other matters connected with the structure were very nu- merous.” The building material was chiefly adobe, though mortar, or cement, was used in some build- ings, and the outer or main wall stood on a founda- tion of stone. Roofs were for the most part of tiles, supported by timbers which were brought down by the transports from the north. The laborers were 30Ortega appointed commandant of Sta. Barbara Sept. 8, 1781. Prov. St. Pap., Presidios, MS., i. 1, 2. Ortega removed for incompetency, not under- standing his own accounts. Soler, June 7, 1787, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 115. Ortega and Goycoechea ordered to change places. Soler to Fages, May 14, 1783, in Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 120-1, 182. Goycoechea’s commission sent to him Jan. 17, 1783. 7d., iii. 55. Goycoechea arrived at San Diego en route north Aug. 24, 1783. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv. 78. Ortega gave up command Jan. 25, 1784. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 162; ii. 4. Ortega thanks Fages for offer of any presidio, and selects Santa Barbara Jan. 3, 1787. Prov. St. Pap., MS.., vii. 175. Soler’s complaints against Goycoechea and suggestion of changes March and June, 1787. Jd., 114-15, 185. Argiiello left for San Francisco in April, 1787. There was some correspondence about Goycoechea giving up the habilitacion. Id., 59, 67. Ugarte to Fages Oct. 25, 1787. The viceroy will fill the vacant place of alférez. Id., 31. Hermenegildo Sal was one of the sergeants at the foundation but left ‘the company very soon. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS. It would serve no useful purpose to refer here to the hun- dreds of company rosters and similar documents scattered through different archives and which have afforded me much information. 31 Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv. 143-44; v. 155, 167; vi. 48, 50, 55, 59, 62-3, 68, 72; vii. 6, 7; vill. 90, 114; ix. 108, 168, 173; xii, 60-1. 464 LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS. the soldiers themselves, some thirty sailors obtained at different times from the San Blas vessels, and na- tives who were paid for their work in wheat. The soldiers and officers contributed about $1,200 for the work from 1786 to 1790, an amount which seems however to have been returned to them later as a ¢ q b 19] Ream - Ee a es ee Ee aracs TIC Ch PLAZA bt 4 330 Feet Square one ot | | Bide Pet Tt Meee et LR eee PLAN oF Santa BARBARA PRESIDIO, 1788. oratuity. The best description of the result is the annexed plan which was sent by Goycoechea to Fages in September 1788. At that time the western line of houses were not roofed and the outer walls were not yet begun; but before the end of 1790 at least three sides of the main wall had been built. The natives 321, chief entrance, 12 ft.; 2, storehouses, 16 x 61 ft.; 3, 18 family houses, 15 x 24 ft.; 4, false door, roofed, 9 ft.; 5, church 24x 60 ft.; 6, sacristy, 12 x a EVENTS AT SANTA BARBARA, 465 as hired laborers worked well, and the grain raised at the presidio to be dealt out in wages was so abundant that in 1785 orders came from the general not to sow any that year.* The discovery of a so-called volcano in 1784 was the source of some local excitement, and was duly reported to Mexico and Arizpe. The volcano was a league and a half west of the presidio at a bend or break in the shore line, and about a thousand varas in circumference. The ground was so hot that the centre could not be approached; fire issued from thirty different places with a strong fume of sulphur; and the heat of the rocks caused the water to boil when the spot was covered at high tide. There was no crater proper, or rather it was covered up with frag- ments of rock and with ashes. Fages went in person to examine the sulphurous phenomenon and learned from the natives that the volcano had been long in operation.” The aborigines in this district gave the Spaniards very little trouble beyond the occasional theft of a cow or sheep from the mission herds, engaging in hostilities among themselves, or rarely committing outrages on neophytes which called for Spanish inter- ference. In August 1790 Sergeant Olivera with eight men went in search of an Indian deserter, and were « instructed also to prospect for mines. While the force was scattered somewhat in the search for minerals, they were attacked by a large number of Indians of the Tenoqui rancheria and driven away with the loss of two soldiers killed, Espinosa and Car- lon. Goycoechea was blamed by Fages for having 15 ft.; 7, alférez’ suite, 3 rooms; 8, commandant’s suite, 4 rooms; 9, 15 family houses, 15 x 27 ft.; 10 chaplain’s 2 rooms; 11, sergeant’s. house, 16 x 45 ft.; 12, quarters and guard-room; 13, corrals, kitchen, and dispensa of alférez; 14, corrals, kitchen, and dispensa of commandant; 15, chaplain’s corral; 16, western bastion; 17, eastern bastion; 18, corrals, 83 Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 244; Prov. Rec., MS., i, 171, 185. In 1787, however, the wheat crop was destroyed by rain and snow, which caused the seedl to rot. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 65, §4 Prov. Ree., MS., i. 181; ii. 119-20; St. Pap.,. Sac., MS., xv. 19. Hist. CaL., VOL. 1. 30 466 LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS. engaged in mining operations at the risk of his sol- diers’ lives.* At San Buenaventura, the southernmost of the Channel missions, Dumetz and Santa Marfa, the first regular ministers, served with much zeal and success throughout the decade, increasing the list of neophytes from 22 to 388, baptizing 498, and losing 115 by death. Large stock increased from 103 to 961; small stock from 44 to 1,503; and the crops of 1790 were over 3,000 bushels. The surrounding gentiles were always friendly, but on account of their large numbers a larger guard was stationed there than at other mis- sions, 15 men at first, and later only 10. Sergeant Pablo Antonio Cota commanded until the end of 1788, when on complaint of the padres Sergeant Raimundo Carillo was put in his place.® The missions of Santa Barbara and Purisima, be- longing to this military district, as new establishments have been disposed of in the preceding chapter. The regulation called for a presidial force at Monterey of fifty-two men under a lieutenant and 35Goycoechea to Fages, Sept. 2, 1790, in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS.., ix. 6-8; Fages to Romeu, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 148. Sept. 17, 1783, Attack on Conejo and Escorpion rancherias, who have stolen cattle, to be deferred. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 130. Indian Captain Chico killed by captain , of Najalayegui rancheria and others May 27, 1785. Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 157. July 1787, Four neophytes fled and with pagans attacked a rancheria, killing 5 in retaliation for the killing of 13 of their kinsmen. Jd., vii. 92. July 26th, Playanos have killed some cattle at Angeles, but sickness in the company prevents chastisement at present. Jd., 68. Oct. 30th, When Lieut. Gonzalez passed through Espada rancheria a woman was cut in pieces—or perhaps in several places—for refusing to yield to the wishes of a soldier. Jd., 70-1, 91. In August 1787 there was an expedition to punish pagans for out- rages on neophytes. Several arrests were made and some fugitives brought in. The Calahuasat rancheria was the principal one involved. /d., 76-7. Jan. 1788, Sergt. Cota went to the Tachicos rancheria in the mountains to catch a neophyte thief, but was attacked and had to kill 3 and wound 8. Jd., Viti. iz. 6 Pages in his report of 1787 refers to San Buenaventura as having made very satisfactory progress in all respects except that the church is a very poor affair. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 133-5. Seven houses for families completed by May 12, 1788. Prov. St. Pap., MS., viii., 109. Olivera replaced by Carillo, Oct. 1788. Id. 118, 122. See 8. Buenaventura, Lib. de Mision, MS., for names of soldiers, children, etc. ® ANNALS OF MONTEREY. 467 alférez, and the number during this decade never fell below fifty, though, including invalids, it was sometimes as high as sixty-two; and there were, besides, a surgeon and two or three mechanics. A guard of six men was kept at each of the three missions of San Carlos, San Antonio, and San Luis Obispo; and four men were furnished for San José pueblo beyond the limits of the district, which had in 1790 a population of gente de razon numbering two hundred. At the same time the presidio herds numbered four thousand head of live-stock great and small.*” Lieutenant Diego Gonzalez, like Zuifiga one of the new officers who came under the regulation of 1781, was commandant until July 1785, when he was sent to San Francisco. The commandant at Monterey played a less prominent part in history, or at least in the records, by reason of the governor’s presence, and little is known of Gonzalez’ acts here save that he was arrested at the governor’s orders for insubordina- tion, gambling, and smuggling; but we shall hear of him again. The alférez of the company, and also habilitado, was Hermenegildo Sal, who had come to California as a private with Anza in 1776. Sal became acting commandant on the departure of Gonzalez, and held that position until 1787. He would probably have kept the command had it not been for his quarrels already alluded to with Captain Soler, whose ill-will he incurred and who claimed to have discovered a serious deficit in his accounts. It was in August 1787 that the charge was made, and Sal was placed under . arrest by order of the governor, his property being attached and two thirds of his pay being kept back at first, and later all but two reals per day. Corre- spondence on this matter was quite extensive, and 37 Situado allowed by reglamento, $17,792; pay-roll, about $13,000; total of habilitado’s yearly accounts, $35,000. Company accounts in Arch. Cal., passim. 38 Letters of Sal, Soler, and Fages in Prov. Sit. Pap., MS., vii. 60-1, 120, 130, 143, 167-8; viii. 41-2, 54-5; ix. 140-1; x. 162-3; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., x. 10, 11; iii. 9; Prov. Rec., MS., i. 33-4. 468 LOCAL EVENTS AND STATIS'TICS. shows that though Sal was personally somewhat involved in debt, the charge of defalcation in con- nection with the company accounts was unfounded. Instead of owing the company $3,000, the company owed him about $600. It required three years to set Don Hermenegildo right, and in the mean time Ortega, whom it had been intended to restore to his old pre- sidio of Santa Barbara, came to take the command and the office of habilitado at Monterey instead, from September 1787.% The sergeant of the company was Mariano Verdugo until 1787, succeeded by Manuel Vargas. The surgeon was José Davila.” Beyond matters connected with the government, with the visit of La Pérouse, and with other events of general interest recorded in preceding chapters there is nothing to be said of this presidio except to note a conflagration that occurred August 11, 1789. In firing a salute to the San Cérlos on her arrival in port the wad of the cannon set fire to the tule roofing, and about one half of the buildings within the square were destroyed. Repairs were far advanced by the end of 1790." At the three missions of this presidial district, San Carlos, San Antonio, and San Luis Obispo, there is nothing in the way of local events to be noted during the period covered by this chapter; but the statistics Ortega gave up his command on the frontier to Gonzalez May 34, left San Miguel in May, was at San Diego on June 5th, arrived at Santa Barbara June 27th, and started north Aug. 2]st. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 71, 76, 78, 81, 105-6. After his accounts were settled Sal did not resume the place of habilitado at Monterey, but was sent to San Francisco in April 1791, Argiiello coming to the capital. 40Surgeon Davila came to San Diego in July 1774 and to Monterey in December. As early as 1781 Gov. Neve favored granting his petition for leave to quit the country as being incompetent and captious. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 68. The exact date of his departure does not appear, but it was before Decem- ber 1783. Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 57-8. Davila’s first wife, Josefa Carbajal, died at San Francisco in November 1780. San Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 12, 64, and in January 1782 he married Maria Encarnacion Castro, a daughter of Isidoro Castro, Sta. Clara, Lib. de Mision, MS., 40. *t Prov. St: Pap,, MS.) 1x1) 2) xo 1606p. 191s xxii. 87; Wid Ben, AGL, i. 9. The old presidio chapel stood in the middle of the square, and April 14, 1789, Fages had ordered adobes male for a new one. MISSIONS OF MONTEREY DISTRICT. 469 as given in connection with other missions are as follows: At San Carlos Junipero Serra and Matias Antonio de Santa Catarina y Noriega served until August 1784, when the former having died, the latter served till October 1787,” and José Francisco de Paula Sefian from that time on, having Pascual Mar- tinez de Arenaza as associate from 1789, and Lasuen as president from 1790. The friars named were the regular ministers so far as the records show, but other priests arriving by sea from San Blas or coming in from other missions often spent some time here, so that there were nearly always two and often more.“ At San Antonio de Pddua the founders of 1771, Miguel Pieras and Buenaventura Sitjar, served throughout this decade, having at its close 1,076 neo- phytes under their charge—the largest mission coin- munity in California.“ At San Luis Obispo José Cavaller served continuously from the foundation in 1772 to his death on December 9, 1789.* His asso- ciate was Antonio Paterna until December 1786, when he went to found Santa Barbara, and Miguel Giribet came in December 1787. Between the two I find that Faustino Sola had charge of the mission 42 Matias Antonio de Santa Catarina (written also Catharina and Catalina) y Noriega, who was best known by the name Noriega, came up as chaplain on the transport of 1779, and took Cambon’s place at San Francisco. He re- mained there until 1781, and then served at San Carlos until 1787, when he retired to his college. 48 Increase of converts 1783 to 1790, 614 to 733; baptisms, 639; deaths, 425; large stock, 628 to 1,378; small stock, 245 to 1,253. Cropsin 1790, 3,775 bushels. Fages in his general report of 1787 alludes to the climate with its sudden changes of heat and cold, as having something to do with the great mortality. Crops have been good, though arrangements for irrigation have not yet been completed. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 139-40. *4 Increase in neophytes, 585 to 1,076; baptisms, 773; deaths, 333; large stock, 429 to 2,232; small stock, 466 to 1,984; crops in 1790 onty 1,450 bushels. Fages says the soil is tolerably good though irrigation is difficult, and the mission has raised enough for her own use andasurplus for sale. San Antonio had the best church in California excepting, perhaps, Santa Clara. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., i. MS., 145-7. 5 José Cavaller was a native of the town of Falcet in Catalonia. He left the college in Mexico in October 1770, sailed from San Blas in January 1771, reached San Diego in March and Monterey in May, remaining there as super- numerary until he went to found San Luis in Sept. 1772. His remains were buried in the mission church, and he left the reputation of a zealous and suc- cessful missionary. S. Luis Obispo, Lib. de Mision, MS., 38; autograph in S. Antonio, Doc. Sueltos, MS., 4. 470 LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS. for a few months, but am unable to completely fill the vacancy even with one padre.” Lieutenant José Moraga was commandant and habilitado of San Francisco until his death, which occurred on July 18, 1785, from which date Gon- zalez, transferred from Monterey, became comman- dant for two years, and José Ramon Lasso de la Vega, the alférez, served as habilitado. Durmg the two years there was trouble with both these officials. Before leaving Monterey Gonzalez had once been put under arrest for insubordination, gambling, failing to prevent gambling, and for trading with the galleon. At San Francisco his irregular conduct continued in spite of warnings and re-arrest; and in 1787 the gov- ernor was obliged to send him to the frontier. He never returned to California. *6Tncrease in neophytes, 492 to 605; baptisms, 332; deaths, 130; large stock, 815 to 3,810; small stock, 960 to 3,725; crops for 1790, 2,840 bushels. Want of water was the chief drawback according to Fages’ report. 7Of José Joaquin Moraga, or as he always signed his name, Josseph Moraga, little is known beyond what has been told in the text. He came with Anza in 1776, and was commandant of San Francisco from the first, founding the presidio, the two missions, and the pueblo of San José. He was godfather of the tirst neophyte at San Francisco, who received his name; and he was secular sponsor at the laying of the corner-stone of the mission church still standing, as also at the dedication of the Santa Clara church. His record as an officer was an honorable and stainless one. His wife was Maria del Pilar de Leon y Barcelé, who died in October 1808 and was interred in the San Francisco cemetery, her husband’s remains resting in the church. He brought a son Gabriel to California who afterwards became a lieutenant, a famous Indian fighter, and the ancestor of a family still surviving. Don José’s niece, Maria [gnacia, was the wife of José Argiiello. The commandant is described as having been 5 ft. 2 inches and 2 lines in height; but there is reason to suppose that the pié del rey used in measuring the height of soldiers was bea than the ordinary Spanish foot, which was 8 per cent shorter than our foot. ‘8 Gonzalez’ arrest at Monterey in August 1784. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 186; ii. 102-3; Prov. St. Pap., Ben., MS., i. 41. Soler alludes to his mucha ridicules Nov. 14, 1786, and proposes Argiiello as a successor. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 198; vii. 114-16. Gonzalez arrested at San Francisco by Lasso at Soler’s order Feb. 4, 1787, and sent south to meet Fages March 18th. Jd., vii. 93-9; Piov. Rec., MS., iii. 39. Fages tells the story to his successor, Romeu, Feb. 26, 1791. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 162-3. General approves measures against Gonzalez. Jd., vii. 50. Gonzalez was born at Ceste del Campo in Spain, and enlisted as a private at about the age of 26 in 1762. He served 3 years as a private, 2as corporal, 10 as sergeant, and a little over one year as alférez. Having seen much service in Indian campaigns in the Provincias Internas, he was promoted to be lieutenant for California service in December 1779. //oja de Servicios, in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., ii. 12-18; iv. 15. Fages says of SAN FRANCISCO OFFICIALS. 471 Lasso the habilitado was a stupid fellow, though neither dishonest nor dissipated, always in trouble with his accounts, and always recommended to the executive clemency. During his first brief term in 1781-2 he managed to leave a deficit of about $800; and early in 1787 Captain Soler discovered a still more _ serious and inexcusable defalcation. His usual excuses of forgetfulness, stealing by soldiers and convicts, and the melting-away of sugar during transportation would no longer save him; he was suspended from office, _ placed under arrest, and obliged to live on twenty-five cents a day, the rest of his pay as alférez being reserved to make up the deficit in his accounts. This state of things continued for over four years, and then, the amount having been in great part repaid, he was dis- missed from the service; but the king subsequently granted him retirement and half-pay.” José Argiiello was taken from Santa Barbara and promoted to be him after he was sent to the frontier ‘no tiene narizes ni asiento.’ Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 148. In Nov. 1791 the king’s permission was,sent to the gov- ernor to put Gonzalez on the retired list. /d., 94. He retired as invdlido to Rosario in Sonora, and his name was dropped from the company rolls after Jan. 1, 1793. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 157. #9 On Lasso’s San Francisco troubles see correspondence in Prov. Rec., MS., li. 136-9; iii. 35-7; Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 93-4; vil. 114-17, 121-3, 128, 141-2; viii. 7-9; xi. 179; xxi. 157; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii. 10. Sept. 16, 1786, Fages speaks of the appointment of Sergt. José Perez Fernan- dez as alférez of San Francisco; but it was not done before 1790. On same date he orders the deficit charged to the company. July 6, 1787, Fages blames Soler for not having been more strict in Lasso’s case. Soler went up to straighten out Lasso’s accounts, but himself made a blunder, probably in 1782. Aug. 9, 1788, the general orders Lasso’s dismissal when the deficit is paid. Dec. 1, 1791, Gov. Romeu suspends him from rank and pay. Lasso was commissioned alférez Feb. 10, 1780. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., iv. 14-15. In 1790 he was 34 years old and single. St. Pap. Miss., MS., 1. 84, though he had wanted . to marry in 1781, and Gov. Neve had been ordered to dismiss him from the service if he persisted in his intention. Prov. Rec., MS., ii., 84. Again in 1787 in the midst of his troubles he wished to take a wife, but his petition for- warded by Lasuen was refused. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xii. 8364-5. The royal order of retirement was forwarded by the viceroy, applied for in 1794, viceroy to Fages in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 179, April 11, 1795, and by the governor Aug. 24th. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 105; Prov. Rec.. MS., v. 61; and Aug. 27th the governor writes to Arrillaga ‘our poor Lasso has received his retirement with halt-pay as alférez, as petitioned by you, for which may God reward you.’ Prov. Rec., MS., v. 320-1. Though ‘quiso la naturaleza negarle una precisa parte de espiritu’-—Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 114—yet by birth he was enti- tled to be called ‘Don.’ He was of Spanish blood and anative of Chihuahua. He was school-master at San José in 1795-6, as late as Aug. 19, 1797, is urged to pay a balance still due, Prov. I’ec., MS., v. 266, and he died Nov. 30, 1821, at the age of 64, Leing buricd at San Lafael, Arch. Misiones, MS., i. 965. 472 LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS. lieutenant from June 1787, taking charge at the same time of the accounts.” Juan Pablo Grijalva was the company’s sergeant until 1787, when he was sent as alférez to San Diego, and Pedro Amador was promoted to fill his place. The presidial force was thirty-four men besides the officers, from fifteen to twenty of whom served in the garrison while the rest did guard duty at the mission, at Santa Clara, and at San José. With their families they amounted to a population of about one hundred and thirty. Of the presidio buildings there is noth- ing to be said beyond the fact that from want of tim- ber, bad quality of adobes, and lack of skilful workmen no permanent progress was made during the decade. Some portion of the walls was generally in ruins, and the soldiers in some cases had to erect the old-fash- ioned palisade structures to shelter their families.* Local events as recorded were neither numerous nor very exciting. The natives gave no trouble save by the rare theft of a horse or cow, for which offence they were chastised once or twice in 1783; and in 1786 neophytes were arrested and flogged for ravages among the soldiers’ cattle.” These cattle became so numerous as to be troublesome, and slaughter was begun as early as 1784 to reduce the number to eight or nine hundred.* Captain Soler complained much of the bad climate of the place, and even advocated, as we have seen, its abandonment; but in the eyes of higher officials the importance of the location on San Francisco Bay, and the duty of protecting the mission, outweighed the peculiarities of the peninsula climate.” 50 Argiiello’s commission was forwarded by the general Feb..9, 1787. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 45. He left Santa Barbara April 12th. Jd., 67. Took possession of office at San Francisco June 12th. 51 Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 166; xi. 53. In January 1784 the corner of the presidio was blown down in a gale. Jd., v. 69. 6? Prov, St. Pap. MS.j ives 21) 30 fF aeenec,, MS. . 41, 134. 8 Sergeant Grijalva had over 50 head, and was ordered to remove the sur- plus where they would not interfere with the mission herds. Prov. Rec., MS., 1.173, 181. January 23, 1788, Fages says that he will send men to build a corral at San Mateo and there to gather stock from San Bruno to Santa Clara if pasturage grows scarce. /d., iii. 40. 54 Prov. St. Pap.) MS., vii. 117; v. 4, 5. AFFAIRS AT SAN FRANCISCO. 473 There was some trouble about the performance of a chaplain’s duties at the presidio, and for over two years the soldiers heard no mass unless at the mis- sion; but in February a chapel was completed, aftcr which time the friars made occasional visits. San Francisco was honored by several visits from the gov- ernor, and in August 1784 was the birthplace of his daughter. A sailor from the Princesa, who had served out his time, remained at San Francisco in 1784, intending to establish a school; but it does not appear that he succeeded.” The mission of San Francisco in respect of neophytes was the smallest of the old establishments, having increased in the eight years from 215 to 438. Bap- tisms had been 551, and deaths 205. The increase of herds was, of large stock from 554 to 2,000, and of small from 284 to 1,700. Notwithstanding the small area and barren nature of the soil, which, as Tages states in his general report, had yielded but small crops, we find that the yield in 1790 was 3,700 bushels, excelled by only four in the list of missions. It ap- pears, however, that the sowing was done mostly at a spot ten or twelve miles distant down the penin- sila.” In the ministry Pedro Benito Cambon, the founder, served throughout the whole period; and Francisco Palou, also a founder, until 1785, when he retired to his college at a ripe old age.” Miguel Giribet was 55 Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 99; Prov. Rec., MS., i. 192. 56S. Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 20-1. 57 Prov. Rec., MS., i. 183. 58TIn 1784 the governor reports it also as having one of the poorest churches. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 145-7. 599¢. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 148. 6° Francisco Palou, sometimes written with an accent Palovi, without any good reason so far as I know, was born at Palma in the Island of Mallorca, probably in 1722. Mr Doyle in his introduction to the reprint of Palou, Noti- cias, 1. ili., infers that the date was about 1719; butin a letter dated 1783, Ifist. Mag., iv. 67-8, the padre calls himself 61 years of age. Taking the habit of San Francisco he entered the principal convent of the city, and in 1740 became a disciple of Junipero Serra, with whom and with Juan Crespi of the saine convent he contracted a life-long friendship. With his master he volunteered for the American missions in 1749, left Palma in April, Cadiz in August, and landed at Vera Cruz in December. Joining the college of San 474 LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS. stationed here in 1785-7; Santiago in 1786-7; Sola and Garcia in 1787-90; and Danti from 1790. Before leaving San Francisco I present a map which belongs to the period under consideration, being a copy of a Spanish chart published in La Pérouse’s atlas and probably obtained by that voyager at Mon- terey in 1786. At Santa Clara Mission the new adobe church was dedicated on Sunday, May 15, 1784, by Serra, Palou, and Peiia, in the presence of Fages and Moraga, the Fernando, he was assigned to the Sierra Gorda missions, where he served from 1750 to 1759, subsequently living at the college for 8 years. Appointed to Baja California he arrived at Loreto in April 1768, took charge of San Francisco Javier; and in 1769 after Serra’s departure for the north became acting presi- dent. In May 1773 he surrendered the missions to the Dominicans and soon started north, arriving at San Diego at the end of August and at Mon- terey in November of the same year, sending in the first annual report on the missions, and acting as president until Serra’s return at the beginning of 1774. For two years and a half he served at San Carlos, and in June 1776 went to found the San Francisco establishments, having previously visited the peninsula twice, in Nov. 1774 and Sept. 1776. His first entry in the mission registers bears date of Aug. 10, 1776, before the mission was form- ally founded, and his last was on July 25, 1785, and not July 20, 1784, as Doyle says. See S. Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 2. There is another entry of July 13, 1785. About 1780, by reason of ill-health, he asked leave to retire, which was granted; but which he could not profit by at first for want of transportation, then for want of a substitute, and finally on account of new instructions connected with the foundation of a custody; but in 1783, fearing by longer delay to be incapacitated for so long a voyage, he wrote to Don José de Galvez to obtain from the king new permission to retire. Letter of Aug. 15, 1783, in Hist. Mag., iv. 67-9. The result was a royal order of Oct. 5, 1784, and a corresponding decree of the audiencia of Feb. 18, 1785, that Palou return to his college. /d., 69. Meanwhile Serra died in Aug. 1784 and Palou as senior missionary was obliged against his own wishes to serve as acting president, residing part of the time at San Carlos, but chiefly at San Francisco engaged in writing his Life of Serra, until Lasuen received the appointment in Sept. 1785. Palou was now free to go, and sailed, I sup- pose, on the Yavorita late in September, which touched at Santa Barbara with a load of lumber, Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 166, and arrived at San Blas on Nov. 14. Gaceta de Mex.,i. There is, however, a difficulty; for the Favo- rita touched at Santa Barbara Oct. 1st, and Fages in Monterey wrote on Oct. od, wishing the padre a pleasant voyage. Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 55. There may be an error in one of these dates, or else possibly Palou departed in the Manila galleon San José which touched at Monterey in November. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 95. In any case he reached the college on Feb. 21, 1786. Arch. Sta. . Barbara, MS., xii. 29; and on July 1st was elected guardian. /d., xi. 214-15. Sometime before Jan. 12, 1787, he presented a report to the government on the state of affairs in California. Id., viii. 39. Nothing further is known of him, but he seems to have lived only a few years. I think he died before 1790. The guardian in 1798, mentioning the death of Viceroy Galvez, which occurred in Nov. 1786, says that Palou died ‘a little later,’ and implies that it was before Romeu’s rule which began in 1790. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 48. The earliest communication that I have seen signed by his srecessor as guardian is dated November 1792, though it is of course possible that SAN FRANCISCO AND VICINITY. 7 La PrRovse’s Map or SAN FRANCISCO. 476 LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS. former serving as padrino, with all the solemnities prescribed by the Roman ritual.” This church was the finest yet erected in California; yet its dedication was a sad occasion, since under the edifice lay the body of its architect and builder, the founder of the mission, Father Murguia, who had died only four days before, a missionary well beloved and mourned by all.” His companion founder, Tomas de la Pena, served until 1794, although there were com- plaints against him for cruelty to the neophytes under his charge.* Murguia was succeeded by Diego de Noboa, and President Lasuen seems to have resided Palou resigned. Taylor, Discov. and Founders, ii. No. 28, 171, says he seems to have died about 1796. For a sample of his handwriting with autograph signature see S. Antonio, Doc. Sueltos, MS., 13. It is chiefly through his writings, the Vida de Juntpero Serra and the Joticias de Califoruia, both of which have been noticed fully in a preceding chapter, that Palou’s fame will live; yet as a missionary and as a man he deserves a very high place among the Californian friars. I regard him as but little inferior to Serra in executive ability and in devotion to his work, while in every other respect, save possibly in theological and dogmatic learn- ing, he was fully his equal. His views as expressed in his writings are nota- bly broad, practical, and liberal. Palou, Serra, and Crespi presented three good types of the missionary. Their friendship did not result from similarity of character, but rather from opposite qualities; and ‘their reciprocal confi- dence and zeal for a common object,’ as Doyle remarks, ‘could not fail to prove most beneficial to the enterprise in which they all felt the greatest interest.’ 1 Santa Clara, Arch. Parrog., MS.,12. Roof of beams ‘labradas y curiosa lo posible.’ Fages to general, in Prov. Rec., MS., i. 172; Hall’s Hist. S. José, 418-20; Levett’s Scrap Book. The date has been incorrectly givenas May 16th. 2 Joseph Antonio de Jesus Maria de Murguia was born Dec. 10, 1715, at Domayguia, Alava, Spain. He came to America as a layman, but became a Franciscan at San Fernando college June 29, 1736; was ordained as a priest in 1744; and was assigned to the Pame missions of the Sierra Gorda in 1748. Here he toiled for 19 years and built the first masonry church in the district; that of San Miguel. Transferred in 1767 to Baja California he reached Loreto April 1, 1768, and was assigned to Santiago mission, where he served until March 1769. In June he was at San José del Cabo waiting to embark for Cal- ifornia; but sickness saved his life by preventing him from sailing on the ill- fated Sun José. He subsequently served at San Javier, but in July 1773 joined Palou at Santa Maria and accompanied him to San Diego, arriving Aug. 30th. Residing for a while as supernumerary at San Antonio, he became minister of San Luis Obispo in October 1773, and in January 1777 founded Santa Clara where he served continuously until his death. He died while pre- paring for dedication the church on which he had worked so hard as architect, director, and even laborer. He was buried on May 12th in the presbytery of the new edifice by Palou, Santa Clara, Lib. de Mision, MS., 33-4, Ly whom as by Serra and others he had been regarded as a model friar. Palou, Vida, 265-6. °§ Fages ina report to the general in 1786 speaks of these complaints, stating that one or two Indians have died from the effects of his severity, and that he will be retired to his college. Prov. St. Pap., MS., ii. 136. PUEBLO PROGRESS AT SAN JOSE. 477 here much of the time from 1786 to 1789. There were no serious troubles with the natives, though the neophytes were sometimes inclined to take part in the petty wars of the gentiles.“ In agricultural advan- tages Santa Clara was deemed superior to any other mission except San Gabriel, and crops of grain and fruit were usually large, although in 1790 the harvest of 2,875 bushels was less than that of San Francisco. Large stock had increased since 1783 from 400 to 2,817, and small stock from 554 to 836 head. Baptisms had been 1,279, many more than elsewhere, but deaths had been 639, a proportionally large figure; yet with an increase from 338 to 927, Santa Clara stood third in the list in respect of the number of converts. Of the nine settlers of San José to whom lands were formally distributed in 1783, but who had be- come settlers in 1780 or earlier, the term of the last one, Claudio Alvires, expired in August 1785, and no rations were subsequently supplied by the govern- ment. Sebastian Alvitre had been expelled for bad conduct; but in 1786 eight of the original nine re- mained, and ten new names had been added as sol- diers or agregados. ‘Ten more were added before 1790. This latter class was composed of discharged soldiers who became settlers, differing from the pobla- dores in receiving no pay or rations. The soldiers of the guard were practically settlers from the first, men being selected for the duty usually whose time of dis- charge was near, and who intended to remain perma- nently at the pueblo. In 1790 the total population 6! Two or three neophytes were chastised by the padres for being present at a gentile fight, and Sergt. Amador was sent to warn the pagans not to tempt the converts. A pagan laborer of San José was flogged and imprisoned for inciting hostilities. This in 1786. Argiiello to Fages, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., viii. 76-7. Sergt. Cota ordered to explore from Santa Clara to Santa Rosa on the other side of the sierra, May 2, 1785. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 7. 6 The ten names of 1786 were: Manuel Butron, Ignacio Castro, Manuel Higuera, Ignacio Linares, Seferino Lugo, Hilario Mesa, Nasario Saez, Ignacio Soto, Felipe Tapia, Atanasio Vazquez. Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 24-5, 27-8. Four received rations during the year, doubtless as invalids. See also Sé, Pap., Sac., MS., i. 36. Manuel Valencia was a settler who died in 1788. Prov. 478 LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS. was about eighty. Agricultural products amounted to about 2,250 bushels; while large stock had increased from 417 to 980, and sheep had decreased from 800 to 600. San José was less prosperous than Los Angeles, at least during the first half of the decade. Several causes contributed to this result, one of which was inefficient management and local government. The regulation allowed the governor to appoint alcaldes the first three years, after which time they were to be elected by the people. Fages, however, permitted an election, Ignacio Archuleta was chosen for 1783, and Mesa, corporal of the guard, was removed in Septem- ber of that year for inharmonious relations with the alcalde. Who held the position of alcalde in 1784 the records fail to show; but by reason of irregularities and slow progress the governor was obliged to resume the power of appointment, naming Manuel Gonzalez as alealde for 1785 with Romero and Alvires as regidores, and also appointing a comisionado to man- age these officials. Corporal José Dominguez, the successor of Mesa, was at first made comisionado but died probably before the appointment reached him.” Ionacio Vallejo, who had been sent to San José in January to make a survey for a new dam or reservoir, remained as corporal to succeed Dominguez, and in May was appointed comisionado by Fages, with duties St. Pap., MS., viii. 71. Mesa, Tapia, Higuera, and Lugo were soldiers in 1784 and the question came up whether they ought like the original settlers to be exempt from tithes since they cultivated lands like the rest. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 163-4. July 30, 1788, Argiiello reports having gone to San José to put Ignacio Castro and Seferino Lugo in possession of lands, but did not do so because they claimed pay and rations, only allowed to the original settlers. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 50-1. In the list of 1790 the name of Tapia disappears and there appear those of Joaquin Castro, Antonio Alegre, Antonio Aceves, Ignacio Higuera, and Pedro Cayuelas, agregados; Gabriel Peralta, Ramon Bojorges, and Juan Antonio Amézquita, invdlidos; and Macario Castro, corporal of the guard. Argiiello’s report in St. Pap., Miss., MS., i. 18, 60-3. 6 Fages to general Feb. 1, 1785, in Prov. Rec., MS., i. 187-8. He announces the changes mentioned in my text, and asks if he cannot reappoint Gonzalez the next year. The records do not show if this was permitted, the next alcalde mentioned being Antonio Romero in 1790. Dominguez died on Jan. 31st, the day before the date of Fages’ letter. Sta. Clara, Lib. de Mision, MS., 35. OFFICIALS AND EVENTS AT SAN J OSE. 479 like those of Vicente Félix at Angeles.” Vallejo had some special fitness for directing agricultural opera- tions, was allowed to cultivate vacant lands on his own account, and held his position for seven years though not without opposition. To him, or rather to the wise | instructions given him, Fages attributed the pueblo’s later prosperity.® The ‘pueblo did not make much advance in the matter of buildings, since nothing but palisade struct- ures with roofs of earth were erected; but there was good reason for this. The site at first selected for the house-lots proved to be too low, and exposed to inundation in wet seasons. There was a proposition in 1785 to move the town a short distance to a higher spot. In 1787 General Ugarte authorized the trans- fer, and it was made soon after, certainly before 1791, the slight nature of the buildings making the opera- tion an easy one.® One of Fages ae acts on taking command was to march in January 1783 against the gentiles of the San José region who had stolen some horses from 67 'Vallejo’s appointment dated July 18,1785. Instructions in Prov. Pec., MS., ii. 121-5. Jan. 24th, Vallejo named to make explorations for the reser- voir. Dept. St. Pap., 8S. José, MS., i. 2. 6 Faces to Romeu, Feb. 26, 1791, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 153. In October 1787 Capt. Soler went to San José to investigate certain charges of the people against the comisionado. All that the fault-finding inspector could find against Vallejo, in his official capacity at least, was a mando instpido, whatever that may be. He recommended that he be put to personal labor in the fields; but nothing was done in the matter. Jd., vii. 132. eo Hall, Hist. San José, 46-50, erroneously states that there wasa long cor- respondence on the subject i in 1797, and that the removal was effected in that year; but the quarrel of that year was about boundaries between mission and pueblo, and in the correspondence the site of the ‘old town’ is mentioned; moreover Fages in his instructions of 1791 to Romeu speaks of the change as already effected. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 152. Vallejo first urged the removal on Feb. 20, 1785, in a communication to Moraga. The latter found it dificult to decide because the land on the proposed site had already been distributed to settlers. He accordingly addressed Fages on April Ist. Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 26. On March 9th Fages writes to Vallejo approving the scheme. "Dept. St. Pap., S. José, MS., i. 25; and on July 7th he assures the people of San José that they shall be at no expense in the removal, and that the pueblo shall lose no land—for it seems there was a fear that to move the pueblo would also move the boundary between the pueblo and mission lands. Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 30-1. Fages refers the matter to Ugarte on Aug. Sth, Ld., ii. 126; and that official on June 21, 1787, grants the petition of the settlers, and orders that there be no change i in the boundary lines. St. Pap., Miss. and Colo... wp DL das 2a. 480 LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS. the settlers. The warlike governor killed two of the enemy, frightened the rest into complete submission, and for years after attributed to this campaign the prevailing quiet among gentiles. But again in 1788 it was necessary to place fifteen natives, including three chiefs, at work in the presidio, for hone stealing.” There is little more to be said of local happenings at San José for this period. Some of the settlers were imprisoned and put in irons for refusing to work on a house for the town council, Tonacio Archuleta, ex-alcalde, being ringleader. The river broke through the old dam and the governor resolved to build a new one of masonry. Two boys drowned an Indian to amuse themselves, but in con- sideration of their tender years were dismissed with twenty-five lashes administered in presence of the natives. All this in 1784; the tithes for which year amounted to $428.7 7 Palou, Not., ii. 392; Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 98; 7d., iii. 98, 170. Thirty- five lbs. powder, 800 bullets, and 100 flints sent to San José as reserve ammu- nition in August 1785. Id., iii. 31. 11 Prov. ec., MS., i. 168, 172; iii. 22-3. A wooden granary had been completed in December 1782. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 166-7. A settler put in the stocks in 1788 for assaulting his corporal, and corporal reprimanded for his violence. /d., vii. 134. CHAPTER XXIII. RULE OF ROMEDU. 1791-1792. RESIGNATION OF PEDRO FAGES—TRANSFER OF THE OFFICE AT LORETO— INSTRUCTIONS TO THE NEW GOVERNOR—LAST AcTS oF FaGEs—LIFE AND CHARACTER—ARRIVAL OF RoMEU—FAILING HEALTH—J OURNEY TO Mon- TEREY—POoLicy WITH THE F'RIARS-—RomMEv’s DEATH—VIsIT OF MALAS- PINA IN THE ‘DESCUBIERTA’ AND ‘ATREVIDA’—THE Frrst AMERICAN IN CALIFORNIA—PREPARATIONS FOR NEw Misstons—LASUEN’s Errorts— EsTABLISHING OF ‘SANTA CrRUZ—ANNALS OF First DEcADE—INDIAN TROUBLES—STATISTICS—CHURCH DeEDICATED—FLovRING Mit~t—Muis- FORTUNE—QUARRELSOME PapRES—ALONSO IstpDRO SALAZAR—BALDO- MERO LoPEZ—MANUEL FERNANDEZ—FOUNDING AND EARLY ANNALS OF SoLEDAD Miss1on—ImMMorAL FrRIARS—MARIANO RvuBi—STArTISTICs. Prpro Fagess, worn down by work, and more by the anxieties imposed on a nervous temperament growing out of the responsibilities of his position as governor, asked to be relieved of the office and to be eranted leave of absence that he might revisit Spain. In May 1790 his resignation was accepted by Viceroy Revilla Gigedo, and he was ordered to Mexico to receive twelve months’ advance pay as colonel with which to defray his expenses in Spain; José Antonio Romeu was named as his successor. This informa- tion reached Fages at Monterey in September, and was all the more agreeable from the fact that Romeu was his personal friend. In February 1791 Fages, who had awaited letters announcing his successor’s coming to Monterey, received orders from the viceroy by which, after setting the commandants and_habili- tados at work upon their respective presidio accounts, he was to proceed to Loreto and there make formal Hist. Cau., Vou. I. 31 (481 ) 482 RULE OF ROMEU. delivery of his office to Romeu; or, if not able to do this, he was to send orders to Arrillaga, the command- ant at Loreto, to surrender the office in the governor’s name. As the state of Fages’ health would not per- mit a journey overland to the peninsula, he forwarded the necessary orders to Arrillaga, lieutenant governor of the Californias, who accordingly transferred the command to Romeu at Loreto on April 16, 1791, which is therefore the date when Fages ceased to rule.? With his orders to Arrillaga under date of Febru- ary 26th, Fages transmitted the instructions which it was customary for a retiring governor to prepare for the use of his successor, outlining the country’s past history and present condition, and embodying the results of his own experience in recommendations re- specting future policy. The historical portions of this important document have already been utilized largely in the preceding chapters; but a brief consideration of the paper as a whole, will throw light on the con- dition of affairs at the time of Romeu’s accession. The development of the two pueblos, says the retir- ing governor, and the settlement in them of retired soldiers, has received and still merits the deepest attention. ‘Their products are purchased by the pre- sidios and paid for in goods and drafts. The distribu- 1 The viceroy’s order granting Fages’ request and appointing Romeu, dated May 16, 1790. Prov. St. Pap., Ben., MS., i. 8-10. May 27th seems to have been the date of the viceroy’s communication to king; but of the king’s approval and confirmation of Romeu we only know that it reached Mexico before May 18, 1791. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 139. September 1, 10, 13, 1790, the viceroy instructs Fages about the transfer. IJd., ix. 308, 346-7. September 14, 1790, Fages to Romeu, expressing his pleasure at the latter’s appointment, describing the presidio, saying something of the condition of the country, and saying: ‘ You will find in this casa real, which is sufficiently capacious, the necessary furniture; a sufficient. stock of goats and sheep which I have raised; and near by a garden which I have made at my own expense, from which you will have fine vegetables all the year, and will enjoy the fruits of the trees which I have planted.’ He asks for information as to when and by what route Romeu will come. Prov. St. Pap., Ben., MS.,i. 8-10. Romeu takes possession April 16, 1791. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 124; St. Pap., Sac., MS., v. 86-7; Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 414-15. February 26, 1791, Fages notifies Romeu that he has ordered Arrillaga to make the transfer, and has directed presidial accounts, etc., to be made ready. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 144-5, FAGES’ FINAL INSTRUCTIONS. 483 tion of lands has been made in due form, and—together with certain changes at San José rendered necessary by the moving of the houses—approved by the superior authorities. It was intended at first to remove the pueblo guards after two years, but they are to be maintained as long as necessary. In the first years, on account of bad management, San José made little progress; but the appointment of a comisionado as at Angeles and the subjection of the alcalde to him, have restored prosperity; and these measures were approved in 1785-6. In the missions great care must be taken to guard against the increase of veneral diseases which are causing such ravages in the peninsula. The sending of soldiers for escaped neophytes is extremely dan- gerous, and should be avoided, being resorted to only after other means—the best being for the friars to send other natives with flattery and trifling gifts to enlist the-services of chiefs—have failed, and then with every possible precaution. The granting of escorts whenever asked for has also proved dangerous and inconvenient, since only two men could be spared, leaving the mission exposed and the friar only slightly protected. It has therefore been restricted, and the soldiers are not allowed to pass the night away from the mission. This policy, notwithstanding protests, and in consequence of Neve’s confidential reports, has been approved by superiors and by the king. In the case of mail-carriers and escorts passing from one presidio to another, careful orders have been given to prevent disaster and at the same time to insure humane treatment of the gentiles. Each presidio has in its archives properly indexed the orders that have been issued for its government and the prevention of all disorder. The abundance of products in proportion to consumers has led to a reduction of some of the prices affixed by Neve to grain and meat. Cattle belonging to the crown are kept from excessive in- crease and consequent running wild by annual slaugh- 484. RULE OF ROMEU. ters for the supply of presidios and vessels with beef. The breeding of horses and mules, just beginning to prosper, should be encouraged. The friars often wish to buy these animals, but have been uniformly refused. All trade with the Manila ship is strictly prohibited; but trade with San Blas is free for five years from October 1786, and subject to only half duties for five years more—a trade which is bad in its effects, lead- ing to ‘immoderate luxury,’ for the inhabitants can buy all they really need at cost prices from the memo- vias. To provide the wasting of clothing and other useful articles in barter with the sailors, Fages has forbidden the opening of the bales ufitil the vessel leaves the port. In articles 21-3 of his papel, Fages tells the tale of three or four incorrigible rogues, Alvitre and Na- varro of Angeles, Avila of San Jose, and Pedraza, a deserter from the galleon, whose scandalous conduct no executive measure has been able to reform. Arti- cles 24-7 are devoted to past troubles between Cap- tain Soler and the habilitados, with which the reader is already familiar; and finally, after devoting some attention to the condition of the different presidios, the author closes by alluding to the charges of cruelty pending against Father Pefia of Santa Clara, and to the orchard of six hundred fruit-trees, besides shrubs and grape-vines, to which since 1783 he has given much of his attention.’ ? Fages, Papel de varios puntos concernientes al Gobierno de la Pentnsula de California é Inspeccion de T'ropas, que recopila el Coronel D. Pedro Fages al Teniente Coronel D. José Antonio Romeu, 26 de Febrero 1791, MS. On May 28th Fages wrote again to Romeu a most interesting letter in which he gives his opinion of various persons with whom his successor will come in contact. He speaks very highly of Arrillaga, Zuniga, and Argiiello, deems Goycoechea somewhat prone to carelessness, says nothing of Ortega, and pronounces Gonzalez fit only for his present position on the frontier. None of the ser- geants are suitable for habilitados, though Vargas is faithful and can write. With the Dominicans there has been no serious trouble, and President Gomez is disposed to sustain harmonious relations; but with the Fernandinos quar- rels have been frequent, since they are ‘opuestésimos 4 las mdximas del regla- mento y gobierno’ and insist on being independent and absolute each in his own mission. Fages doubts that Romeu will be able to endure their inde- pendent way of proceeding. The priests at San Francisco and Santa Clara are forming separate establishments at some distance from the mission, which Pal dad LIFE AND CHARACTER OF FAGES. 485 Don Pedro sent his wife and children southward in advance of his own departure, probably on board the San Carlos, or Princesa, which left Monterey for San Blas in the autumn of 1790.° He remained at Mon- terey, though he made a visit to San Francisco in May,* and still exercised by common consent a kind of superintendence over the actions of his former sub- ordinates, though now addressed as colonel instead of governor. There are letters of his in the archives dated at Monterey July 13th.° His intention was to remain until October or November, and I suppose he embarked on the San Carlos for San Blas November 9, 1791, though possibly his departure was a month earlier.© In 1793 he made a report on the California presidios, and in October 1794 was still residing in Mexico. Of Pedro Fages before he came to Califor- nia in 1769 and after his departure in 1791 we know little; with his career in the province the reader is familiar,’ and will part with the honest Catalan, as I do, reluctantly. matter needs looking after. Mission stock is increasing too much, and the neophytes are becoming too skilful riders and acquiring ‘ Apache insolence.’ Some advice is given about the journey north. A promise is made of more letters, and Fages closes by making a present of his famous orchard, well pleased that the fruits of his labors and expenditures are to be enjoyed by his friend. ages, Informes Particulares al Gobr. Romeu 28 de Mayo 1791, MS. On May Ist he had written to Romeu that he was permitted to take away with him six mules and as many horses if the commander of the vessel had no objections. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 147. There are also communica- tions of Fages to Romeu on matters of trifling importance dated May 26th, 30th, June Ist, July 4th, 13th. /d., 141-70. 3 In his letter of May 28, 1791, Fages expresses his pleasure that Romeu on his journey—probably at San Blas or between there and Mexico—had met his family. He states his intention of staying at Monterey until October or November. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 148, 150. Ffd.; x, 44. 5 Jd., x. 142-3, 169. In one of the letters he says that, suffering in his foot, he is unable to review the troops at Santa Barbara. 6 Sailing of the San Carlos Nov. 19th. St. Pap., Sac., MS., v. 91. Accord- ing toa letterin Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 184, however, the schooner Saturnina from Nootka was at Monterey on Oct. 14th and ready to sail for San Blas, so that Fages may have sailed in her; yet if there is no error it is strange that while the arrival of the San Carlos was announced to Gen. Nava on Nov. 30th, that of the Saturnina was not announced until Dec. 22d. St. Pap., Sac., MS., iv. 3. 7 Pedro Fages, a native of Catalonia, and first lieutenant of a company of the 1st battalion, 2d regiment, of the Catalan Volunteer Light Infantry, probably left Spain with his battalion in May 1767, and soon after his arrival in Mexico 486 RULE OF ROMEU. He was a peculiar man; industrious, energetic, and brave, a skilful hunter and dashing horseman, fond of children, who were wont to crowd round him and rarely failed to find his pockets stored with dulces. Of fair education and executive abilities, hot-tempered was sent with Col. Elizondo’s expedition against the Sonora Indians. In the autumn of 1768 by order of the visitador general, Galvez, he was sent over from Guaymas to La Paz by Elizondo with 25 men of his compania franca for the California expedition. In January 1769 he embarked with his men on the San Carlos and arrived at San Diego May Ist. Fages was military chief of the sea branch of the expedition, and commandant on shore from May Ist to June 29th, thus being California’s first ruler. After Portola’s arrival on June 29th, he was second in command and Capt. Rivera’s superior. With seven of his men, all that the scurvy had not killed or disabled, he accompanied the first land expedition from San Diego to Monterey and San Francisco from July 14, 1769, to Jan. 24, 1770. He started north again April 17th with Portola and reached Monterey May 24th. When Portola left Monterey July 9th, Fages was left as commandant of the Californian establishments, a position which he held until May 25, 1774. His commission as captain was dated May 4, 1771, and in the same year he went down to San Diego by water, returning by land. In March and April 1772 he led an exploring expedition up to what are now Oakland, San Pablo Bay, Carquines Strait, and the mouth of the San Joaquin. In May 1772 he proceeded to the San Luis region and spent some three months hunting bears to supply the Monterey garrison with meat. Perhaps it was here that he gained the sobriquet of El Oso often applied to him in later years, though there is a tradition that the name Old Bear was given him for other reasons. He went to San Diego in August, and there: incurred Padre Serra’s displeasure by refusing a guard for the founding of a new mission. The object of Serra’s journey to Mexico was chiefly Fages’ re- moval. The friar represented him as a man hated by all the soldiers, incom- petent to command, and a deadly foe to all mission progress. The charges were largely false, but they served Serra’s purpose whether believed or not, for the government could not afford at the time a quarrel with the mission- aries; and Rivera was sent to supersede Fages, taking command on May 25, 1774. Subsequently Serra wrote a letter to the viceroy in which he expressed . regret at Fages’ removal, commendation of his services, and a desire that he be favored by the government. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 379-80. The friars regarded this as a praiseworthy return of good for evil; others might apply a different name. Fages sailed from San Diego Aug. 4, 1774, on the San Antonio with orders to join his regiment at Pachuca. On the way to Mexico at Irapuato, Guana- juato, he was robbed of a box containing his money, by his own servants as it seems. Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 190. He reached Mexico before the end of 1774 in poor health. He dated in Mexico, Nov. 30, 1775, a report on Cali- fornia, addressed to the viceroy, and devoted chiefly to a description of the province, its natives, animals, and plants; but also giving a tolerably complete sketch of the first expeditions and the condition of the missions at the author’s departure. This document, of great importance and interest, was translated from the original in the library of M. Ternaux-Compans and published as ages, Voyage en Californie, in Nouv. Ann. des Voy., ci. 145-82, 311-47. At the beginning the author says: ‘Ayant été chargé du commandement militaire du poste de Monterey, depuis le commencement de l’année 1769, et mon chef don Diego Portola qui s’embarqua le 9 de Juillet & bord du paquebot le San Antonio, m’ayant fortement recommandé de m/’occuper des établissements situés dans la partie septentrionale de la Californie, je m’y suis livré pendant plus de quatre ans. J’ai rassemblé le plus de renseignements qu’il m’a été THE OLD AND NEW GOVERNOR. 487 and inclined to storm over trifles, always ready to quarrel with anybody from his wife to the padre pres- idente, he was withal kind-hearted, never feeling and rarely exciting deep-seated animosities. He was thoroughly devoted to the royal service and attended with rare conscientiousness to every petty detail of his official duty; yet his house, his horse, and above all his garden were hardly second in importance to his office, his province, and his nation. He possessed less breadth of mind, less culture, and especially less dig- nity of manner and character than Felipe de Neve, but he was by no means less honest and patriotic. The early rulers of California were by no means the characterless figure-heads and pompous nonenti- ties that modern writers have painted them, and among them all there is no more original and attrac- tive character than the bluff Catalan soldier Pedro Fages. j José Antonio Romeu, a native of Valencia, Spain, had served in the Sonora Indian wars with Fages in and before 1782 as captain. As we have seen, he took part in the campaigns following the Colorado possible sur ces provinces ¢loignées, sur les nations qui les habitent, la nature de leur territoire, ses productions, les moeurs et coutumes de la population, et beaucoup d’autres sujets dont je traiterai dans le cours de cette relation.’ Capt. Fages was in garrison with his company at Guadalajara, when he was ordered, perhaps in 1777, to the Sonora frontier; and there he served in the wars against Apaches and other savages for five years, receiving in the mean time a lieut. colonel’s commission. In 1781-2 he made several expedi- tions from Sonora to the Colorado to avenge the death of his former rival, Rivera; and visited California twice in 1782 before he came as governor, mak- ing the first trip from the Colorado direct to San Diego. He was in the Colo- rado region when on Sept. 10th, by an appointment of July 12, 1782, he took possession of his office as governor, and reached Monterey in November. 1783 was spent chiefly in a journey to Loreto whence he brought his wife, Doiia Eulalia de Callis, and son to the capital. He had at least two children born in California, In 1785 he had trouble with his wife, which does not seem however to have outlasted the year. From August 1786, by Gen. Ugarte’s order of Feb. 12th, Fages became inspector of presidios. His com- mission as colonel was dated Feb. 7, 1789. His governorship ended April 16, 1791, and he sailed from Monterey in the autumn of the same year. ‘Taylor, Discov, and Founders, ii. 179, says he died in Mexico before 1796, but it is by no means certain that he had any authority for the statement. Aug. 12, 1793, he makes a report on Monterey Presidio buildings at Mexico. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 191; and in Oct. 1794 he resided in the city of Mexico. Cos- tansdé, Informe, MS. : 488 RULE OF ROMEU. disaster. In May 1790, when appointed governor he was major of the Espatia dragoon regiment, also hold- ing the rank of lieutenant colonel. He was probably i in Mexico at the time of his appointment and proceeded to his province by way of San Blas, since he met the family of his predecessor and friend on their way from California. Accompanied by his wife, Josefa de Sandoval, and daughters Romeu arrived March 17, 1791, at Loreto by the schooner Santa Gertrudis. On April 16, as already stated, he took formal possession of the governorship, Captain Arrillaga representing Fages in the transfer of the necessary papers.* The reason why the new governor was ordered to assume his office at Loreto instead of proceeding directly to the capital was that he might attend to his duties as inspector of presidios in the south, thus avoiding a useless repetition of the journey, and that he might make certain investigations of presidial accounts. These Californian accounts had been in some confusion since 1769. Details it is undesirable as well as im- possible to explain; but many men had unsettled ac- counts running back to the earliest period of Spanish occupation. The treasury officials in Mexico, attrib- uting the prevalent confusion to the incompetence of habilitados, were themselves greatly puzzled,’ and Romeu seems to have been selected with a special view to his fitness for unravelling past financial com- plications and effecting a final adjustment. Whatever may have been his abilities in this special direction, he had very slight opportunity to show them; for from the moment of embarking on the Santa Gertrudis his health failed; indigestion, sleep less nights, and an oppressive pain in the chest left 8 See references in note 1 of this chapter. Also letter of Arrillaga to Fages March 21,1791, announcing Romeu’s arrival. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 38. * The Informe sobre los ajustes de Pobladores de la Reina de Los Angeles y demas de las Provincias de Californias, MS., a report of the contador mayor dated Mexico, Dec: 30, 1789, and filling above 60 pages, is a specimen of the many wordy communications on the subject which are extant in the archives. I have made no attempt to reach the bottom of this financial puzzle. Vice- roy’s orders to Romeu on this subject Sept. 1, 1790. Prov. St. Pap., ix. 313-19. tie. DEATH OF ROMEU. 489 him but little opportunity of attending to public duties. Yet he did not lose courage, and late in the summer, after communicating his instructions to presidal officers and satisfying himself of Arrillaga’s entire competence, he proceeded north, reached San Diego in August," and arrived at Monterey October 13th, doubtless before the departure of his prede- cessor.” Through the winter his ill-health continued, and he was barely able to attend to the routine duties of his office. His official communications in the archives are few, brief, and unimportant. His cor- respondence with President Lasuen both at Loreto and Monterey, though containing httle more than the formal expressions required by courtesy, indicate a desire on his part, such as most rulers entertained when they first came to California, to preserve har- monious relations with the missionaries. In fact either by natural disposition or by reason of feeble health he was evidently more fraiero than Fages or Neve. On December 1st he received the royal con- firmation of his appointment as governor.” Late in March 1792 Romeu’s condition became critical, and after a series of convulsions it became evident that he had but a few days to live. The sur- geon, Pablo Soler, made a written report to this effect on April 5th, and the last rites of religion were ad- ministered by the friars in attendance. He died at Monterey April 9th and was buried at San Carlos 10 Romeu,Carta al Virrey, 21 de Nov. 1791, MS., in St. Pap., Sac., v. 91-2. 1 He was at San Diego from Aug. 20th to 31st if not longer. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 40-3. 12Nov. 28, 1791, the viceroy acknowledges the receipt of his letter of Oct. 14th, announcing his arrival on the 13th. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 184. 13 Romeu, Cortas al Presidente Lasuen, 1791, MS. On July 16th from Ro- sario he writes: ‘Aunque mi caudal de mérito no es otro que el tener unos buenos y constantes deseos de llenar el cumplimiento de mi obligacion, y ser Util y sin embargo de carecer de aquellas apreciables circunstancias condu- centes 4 su logro de que la bondad de V. R. me supone acompafado, espero merecerlo de la piedad del Altisimo al verme auxiliado de las fervientes oraci- ones de V. R. y de esos RR. PP. misioneros 4 los que de nuevo me en- comiendo correspondiendo con iguales 4 las expresiones finas conque me honran.’ 14 St. Pap., Sac., MS. v. 92. The confirmation was dated Feb. 15th. 490 RULE OF ROMED. the day following. By his will the widow was made executrix of his estate and guardian of their daugh- ters. Dota Josefa embarked for San Blas in Octo- ber. Alférez Sal in a letter says that California was not worthy of a governor like Romeu. At his funeral all who knew him displayed deep grief.” Local annals as well as certain general topics of commercial, industrial, and mission development, I shall treat collectively for the decade from 1791 to 1800, in subsequent chapters. Besides such topics the visit of a scientific exploring expedition and the founding of two new missions are to be noted during Romeu’s short rule. The expedition referred to was that of Alejandro Malaspina in command of the royal corvettes Descubierta and Atrevida,” the latter being S under the immediate command of José de Bustamante 'y Guerra, and the scientific corps including Bauza and Espinosa.” Malaspina sailed from Cadiz in July 1789, for a tour round the world, and after making explorations on both coasts of South America, and from Panama to Acapulco, left the latter port in May 1791 for the Northwest Coast, which he struck a little above 60° and carefully explored southward, sighting 15 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxii. 7-9, 14; x. 139; xxi. 71, 89; St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi., 76; Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 152; San Carlos, Lib. de Mision, MS.; Tay- lor’s Discov. and Founders, ii. 179; Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 96-7. 16 The vessels had, like nearly all in the Spanish navy, each a double name, being called respectively Santa Justa and Santa Rujina. St. Pap., Sac., MS., v. 96. 1 A full list of officers made at Monterey, is as follows: Captains Alejan- dro Malaspina and José de Bustamante y Guerra; lieutenants Dionisio Gali- ano,* José Espinosa, Cayetano Valdés, Manuel Novales,* Fernando Quintano, Juan Bernaci, Secundino Salamanca, Antonio de Tova, Juan Concha, José Robredo, Areaco Zeballos, Francisco Viana, and Arcadio Lineda;* alféreces Martin Olavide,* Felipe Bauzd4, Flavio Aleponzoni, and Jacobo Murphy; con- tadores Rafael Rodriguez de Arias and Manuel Esquerra; chaplains José de Mesa and Francisco de Paula Afiino; surgeons Francisco Flores and Pedro Gonzalez; pilotos Juan Diaz Maqueda, José Sanchez, Gerdénimo Delgado, Juan Inciarte y Portu, and Joaquin Hurtado; apothecary Luis Nee* and Tadeo Haenek; pintor de perspectiva Tomas Suria; disecador y dibujante de plantas José de Guio.* The names marked with a star remained behind in Mexico. Malaspina, Nota de Oficiales de Guerra y Mayores, Naturalistas, Botdnicos, Dibujantes, y Disecadores, que tienen destino en las corbetas de S. M. nombra- das Descubierta y Atrevida, que dan vuelta al Globo...que salieron de Cadiz en 30 de Julio de 1789, MS. MALASPINA’S EXPEDITION. 491 Cape Mendocino September 6th, being off San Fran- cisco the 10th,” and anchoring the 13th at Monterey, where his vessels remained till the 25th, thence con- tinuing the survey down to Cape San Liicas, San Blas, Acapulco, and returning to Spain by the Phil- ippines and Cape Good Hope.” Of the stay at Monterey, of scientific observations there, of Malaspina’s impressions of California and its people we know little. The archives contain only the merest mention of the arrival and of courtesies exchanged between the visitors and Lasuen, who aided in gathering specimens,” Malaspina seems entitled to the honor of having brought to Cali- fornia the first American who ever visited the country, and he came to remain, his burial being recorded on the mission register under date of Sep- tember 13th, and name of John Groem, probably Graham, son of John and Catherine Groem, Presby- terians, of Boston. He had shipped as gunner at Cadiz.2 The reports of this expedition were never published. The commander was imprisoned for cer-. tain crimes or irregularities, and it 1s only through Navarrete’s brief résumé, and an abridged narrative by one of the officers, that anything is known of results.” As early as 1789 it was determined to found two new missions, in honor of ‘our lady of solitude’ and 18 At least 4 or 5 shots were heard from a fog-hidden vessel on that date. Bustamante, in Cavo, T’res Siglos, iii. 106-7, says he left Nootka August 25th, and anchored at Monterey September 11th. 19For account of Malaspina’s explorations in the north, see Hist. N. W. Coast, i. 249; and Hist. Alaska, this series. 20 Sept. 21, 1791, Malaspina and Bustamante to Lasuen thanking him for aid. Lasuen in reply gives thanks for presents. The letters are full of flat- tering expressions, and the voyagers promise to make the king and the world acquainted with their favorable impressions of California and with the suc- cess and zeal of the padres. Malaspina and Bustamante—Carta al P. Lasuen y respuesta de dicho Padre, Sept. 1791, MS. March 27, 1792, Gen. Nava has learned of Malaspina’s visit. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 19. 7 4 Taylor, in Pacific Monthly, xi. 649-50, from San Carlos, Lib. de ision. 22 Navarrete, Viages Apdcrifos, 94-8, 268-70, 313-20; Id., in Sutil y Mexi- cana, Viaye, Introd., cxxii.-iii. Taylor, in Pacific Monthly, xi. 649, and L. Cal., 492 RULE OF ROMEU. of the holy cross. The necessary preliminaries were arranged by correspondence between president, guar- dian, and viceroy, and four new friars were selected to take charge, or enable others to do so, of the new establishments.” The information reached California at the end of July 1790 together with the friars, Danti, Miguel, Rubi, and Tapis; and all the necessary effects except the church vestments and utensils. This omission caused delay, for the priests were not disposed to take anything on trust in dealing with the government, and it was not until July 1791 that a positive assurance came from the viceroy that the sacred utensils would be sent, together with an order to proceed at once, borrowing the needed articles from the other establishments.* Subsequent preliminary work is best described in the words of Lasuen, who writes the 29th of September: “In view of the superior order of his excellency I at once named the missionaries. J asked and obtained from the com- mandant of this presidio the necessary aid for explor- Ing anew the region of Soledad, and there was chosen a site having some advantages over the two previously considered. I applied to the missions for vestments ‘and sacred vessels; and as soon as the commander of the Aranzazu furnished the sirvientes allowed for the new establishments I proceeded to Santa Clara in order to examine anew in person the site of Santa Cruz. I crossed the sierra by a long and rough way, 41, says that Malaspina, through the jealousy of Godoy, was imprisoned for 14 years and finally liberated when Marshal Soult took Corufia in 1809. *s Guardian Noriega to viceroy, Sept. 22, 1789; viceroy to guardian, Oct. 31; guardian to Lasuen, Dec. 10, in Arch. Sta. Bérbara, MS., vi. 280-2. Two thousand eight hundred dollars was to be paid to the sindico, $1,000 for each mission, and $200 for travelling expenses of each friar. April 1, 1790, the sindico, Fr. Gerénimo de Sampelayo, sends provisions and tools for Santa Cruz to value of $1,021. Sta. Cruz, Lib. de Mision, MS., 3. 74 Aug. 3, 1790, Lasuen to Fages, announces arrival of padres; nothing lacking but for the government to deliver the sacred vessels; he is ready. Arch. Arzobispado, MS.,i. 10; Jan. 20, 1791. Viceroy to Lasuen and to gov- ernor, orvamentos, etc., will be sent; let the old missions lend. July 15th, Lasuen replies: all right. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 8-10; Prov. St. Pap., Ms., x. 1388. July 22, 1791, Lasuen issues a circular to the padres making known viceroy’s orders; let each padre mark on the margin the articles that he can lend. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., ix. 316-17. PREPARATIONS FOR MISSIONS. 493 and I found in the site the same excellent fitness that had been reported to me. I found, besides, a stream of water very near, copious, and important. On the day of San Agustin, August 28th, I said mass, and a cross was raised in the spot where the establishment is to be. Many gentiles came, large and small, of both sexes, and showed that they would gladly enlist under that sacred standard, thank God! I returned to Santa Clara by another way, rougher but shorter and more direct. I had the Indians improve the road and was perfectly successful, because for this as for everything else the commandant of San Francisco, Don Hermenegildo Sal, has furnished with the greatest activity and promptness all the aid I have asked for. I ordered some little huts made, and I suppose that by this time the missionaries are there. I found here in Monterey the two corvettes of the Spanish expedi- tion, and the commander’s power of pleasing obliged me to await their departure. I endeavored to induce them to transport the Santa Cruz supplies by water, but it could not be accomplished. Day before yester- day, however, some were sent there by land, and with them a man from the schooner which came from Nootka under Don Juan Carrasco.* The plan is to see if there is any shelter for a vessel on the coast near Santa Cruz, and there to transport what is left. To-morrow a report is expected: This means is sought because we lack animals. To-day eleven Ind- ians have departed from here with tools to construct a shelter at Soledad for the padres and’ the supplies. I and the other padres are making preparations, and my departure thither will be, by the favor of God, the day after San Francisco, October 8th, at latest.” The preliminaries having been thus arranged Alférez Sal started from San Francisco September 22d with 25 This schooner was the Horcasitas, which under Narvaez had taken part in Elisa’s northern explorations. See //ist. N. W. Coast, i. 244-250. The Aranzazu had also made a trip to the north, under Matute. ' 26 Lasuen, Carta al Sr. Gobernador Romeu, sobre fundacion de Misiones, 29 de Sept. 1791, MS. : 494 RULE OF ROMEDU. Corporal Luis Peralta and two privates, arriving at Santa Clara in the afternoon.” Next morning he proceeded to Santa Cruz, his force being increased by fathers Alonso Salazar and Baldomero Lopez, while the rest of the mission guard with six or seven servants were left to bring supplies and cattle. On the 24th some Christian Indians of Santa Clara were set at work cutting timber and building a hut for the friars, who busied themselves seeking a spot for sowing twenty-five fanegas of wheat. A fine plain was found well adapted for the purpose, capable of irrigation from a small stream called by the explorers of 1769 Arroyo de San Pedro Regalado. The mission site was about five hundred yards from the Rio San Lorenzo, also named in 1769. The chief Sugert came in with a few of his followers, and promised to become the first Christian of his tribe, Sal agreeing to be godfather. On Sunday, September 25th, as soon as the soldiers and horses arrived from Santa Clara, Sugert and his people having been fortified by assur- ances against the noise of exploding gunpowder, and the friars having donned their robes, Don Hermene- gildo took formal possession as he says, “in such words as my moderate talent dictated,” and at the conclusion the guns were discharged. Five more salutes were fired while the padres said mass and chanted a te 27 Sept. 17, 1791, Sal to Romeu, excusing himself for sending, without having awaited Romeu’s arrival or orders, at Lasuen’s request, a guard and mule train for the new mission. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vii. 18-20. The corporal of the mission guard was fully instructed respecting his duties under date of Sept. 17th. Sal, Instruccion al Cabo Luis Peralta al cargo de la Escolta de la Mision de Santa Cruz, 1791, MS. The general purport was, constant pre- cautions, kindness to gentiles, harmony with padres, strict performance of religious duties, and the details of routine. The details were much the same in all missions. It is to be noticed, however, that in the matter of escorting the priests the soldiers were strictly limited, and were not allowed to pass the night away from the mission. If a priest desired to go to a distant mis- sion, word must be sent to San Francisco and a guard obtained from the presidio. On the 29th or 30th of each month a report to Sal must be sent by two soldiers to Santa Clara, where the two must wait till two Santa Clara men carried the despatch to San Francisco and returned. As the rainy season was drawing near, the gentiles. might be induced to work on the warehouse ng guard-house by presents of food, etc., even against the wishes of the padres. FOUNDING OF SANTA CRUZ. 495 deum, and thus the mission of Santa Cruz was founded.” Local annals of Santa Cruz to 1800 are best pre- sented here and may be briefly recorded. Often there were apprehensions of trouble with the natives, but the fears of the friars rested for the most part on nothing more solid than rumor, the occasional flight of a neophyte, or the loss of an animal. To keep the soldiers of the guard on the alert they were once ordered to hunt bears for target practice.” The neo- phytes numbered 84 at the end of the year 1791. They had increased to 224 in another year; in 1796 the number was 523, the highest ever reached, and in 1800 they were 492. There had been 949, according to the registers, baptized, 271 couples married, and 477 _buried. Large stock increased during the decade from 202 to 2,354 head; small stock from 174 to 2,088. Agricultural products in 1792 were about 650 bushels; Sal, Diario del Reconocimiento de la Mision de Santa Cruz, 1791, MS. Certificate on foundation of the mission, dated Sept. 25th, and signed by Sal, Corp. Peralta, and soldier Salvador Higuera. St. Pap., Sac., MS., ii. 187. Sal returned to Santa Clara Sept. 26th, and San Francisco Sept. 27th. Sept. 25th, the padres announce the foundation to-day in a letter to Romeu; site fine and prospects flattering. Lopez and Salazar, Carta de los Padres de Santa Cruz al Gobernador, 1791, MS. Title-pages of mission registers. Santa Cruz, Lib. de Mision, MS., 28. Santa Clara furnished for Santa Cruz 64 cattle, 22 horses, 76 fanegas of grain, and 26 loaves of bread; San Francisco, 5 yoke of oxen, 70 sheep, and 2 bushels of barley; San Carlos, 7 mules and 8 horses, The guard furnished the padres $42.50 worth of provisions, to be repaid. A list of the church vestments and sacred vessels is also given. Copy from mission records in Vallejo, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., xxviii. 102-3. See also Willey’s Centennial Sketch of Santa Cruz, 11, 12. Santa Cruz Sentinel, Aug. 12, 1865. Another record makes the contribution of Santa Clara 151 cattle, 19 horses, 18 fanegas of grain; San Francisco, 6 yoke of oxen, 100 hogs, 12 mules; and other missions 8 beasts of burden. Salazar, Condicion actual de California, 1796, MS. 29'This was in 1797. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 106. Jan. 1794, Mission guard increased to 8 men, but reduced to 5 before May 1795. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii, 231; xii. 77, April 1798, 90 fugitives gathered in by Corp. Mesa. Zd., xxii. 101. Road from Monterey threatened; a soldier nearly attacked in 1792, St. Pap., Sac., MS. vi: 70-1. Feb. 1793, 9 neophytes brought in 9 pagans. Mountain Indians said to be making arrows. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 152-3. Dec. 1793, the corporal and a soldier wounded; two parties sent from San Francisco to punish the natives. Jd., xxi. 176. Jan. 1795, Sergt. Amador sent to capture 2 Indians who were making trouble on the Rio Pajaro. Prov, St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., i. 47. March 7, 1796, P. Sanchez asks for aid. Indians threatening, St. Pap., Sac., MS., viii. 3. Feb. 29th, Amador sent to investigate a rumor that the Indians would rise and kill the padres. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 18. 496 RULE OF ROMEU. 3,400 in 1796, and 800 in 1799; in 1800 were 4,300 bushels; total yield of the decade, 17,590 bushels. The church, whose corner-stone had been laid with due ceremony on February 27th of the preceding year, was formally dedicated to its holy use the 10th of May 1794, by Father Pefia from Santa Clara, with the aid of Gili and Sanchez, besides the ministers of the mission. Alférez Sal was present and as godfather of the church received its keys. All the ceremonies prescribed by the Roman ritual were solemnly per- formed in presence of neophytes, servants, and troops, and next day a mass was celebrated in the new edi- fice.’ The church was about thirty by one hundred and twelve feet and twenty-five feet high. The foundation walls to the height of three feet were of stone, the front was of masonry, and the rest of adobes.*° ‘There is some evidence that the site of the mission had been slightly changed in 1792 to avoid danger from inundation.** About the mission build- ings but little is recorded except that the last two sides of the square were completed in 1795; and a flouring-mill was built and began to run in the au- tumn of 1796, but was badly damaged by the rains of 30 A full account of the ceremony and of the building, signed by the six persons named and by Francisco Gomez, José Maria Lopez, Ignacio Chuma- zero, and José Antonio Sanchez, is given in Sta. Cruz, Lib. de Mision, MS., 38-40. Mr Willey, Centennial Sketch Sta. Cruz, 12, gives the date as March 10th, and this may possibly be correct, as it is often difficult to distinguish in old Spanish manuscript Marzo from Mayo. Progress made on church in 1793, and it was finished in 1794. St. Pap., Miss., MS., i. 122; ii. 17. Being dam- aged by rains in 1797. Id., ii. 122. Account of dedication in Sta. Cruz Sen- tinel, Aug. 12, 1865. According to a scrap in Hayes’ Mission Book, i. 130, some coins and relics deposited in the corner-stone gave rise to rumors of treasure for which search was made when the building fell in 1856; but not even the stone was found. 31 Sept. 12, 1792. Letter of the governor in Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 139. Inhabitants in 1795: Corporal José Antonio Sanchez; soldiers Joaquin Bernal, José Acéves (whose marriage with a neophyte woman was the first recorded at Santa Cruz on March 3, 1794, Sta. Cruz, Lib. de Mision, MS., 29), Ramon Linares, Joaquin Mesa, and José Vizcarra; sailor sirvientes, Lopez, Carrillo, Arroyo, Barajas, Rodriguez, and Soto; and the artisan Antonio Henriquez. All but the sailors had families. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 234. Nov. 1, 1794, the padres complain that the sailor laborers know nothing of their work and should be transferred to the presidio. Jd., xii. 40. Supplies to presidios in 1795-6, about $2,000. Id., xvi. 203, 206; Prov. Rec., MS., v. 76. Due from presidio to mission in 1800, $183. Sta. Cruz, Lib. de Mision, MS., 19. EARLIEST ANNALS OF SANTA CRUZ. 497 December.” The annual election of mission alcaldes, which was required by the regulation, but had been for a long time neglected here as elsewhere, began by Borica’s orders in 1797." In these later years the mission prospects were far from encouraging, if we may judge from the tone of missionary correspondence. At the beginning of 1798 Fernandez writes that everything is in a bad way. A hundred and thirty-eight neophytes have deserted, leaving only thirty or forty to work, while the land is overflowed and the planting not half done. The church has been damaged by the flood; the live-stock is dying; and a dead whale on the beach has attracted an unusual multitude of wolves and bears. The es- tablishing of Banciforte across the river, of which I shall speak in another chapter, had much to do with the friars’ despondency. | The missionary founders, Lopez and Salazar, served here, the latter till July 1795 and the former to July 1796, at or about which dates they departed from the country to seek the retirement of their college.® 82 In March artisans were sent to build the mill and instruct the natives. In August a smith and miller were sent to start the mill. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 224, 232; v. 50, 58, 65-6, 98, 115; vi. 68; Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., ii. 78; St. Pap., Sac., MS., vii. 30. Four millstones were ordered made at Santa Cruz for San Carlos. A house for the mill was also built; and in 1793 a granary of two stories and a house for looms had been finished. St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. BY, 75. 33 Santa Cruz, Parroquia, MS., 15, 16. 3t Fernandez, Carta del Padre Ministro sobre la condicion de Santa Oruz, 1798, MS. Aug. 1, 1798, Engineer Cérdoba reports that Santa Cruz has 3,435,600 sq. varas of irrigable lands of which 1,120,000 are sin abrir. Pas- tures 1.5x8 or 9 leagues with seven permanent streams. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 99. 3>Of Alonso Isidro Salazar we know nothing till he became minister of Santa Cruz in Sept. 1791, having probably arrived from Mexico a little earlier in the same year. He and Lopez did not get along amicably together, and the archives contain an order of the guardian to the president to send Salazar to some other mission since he and his confrére would not ‘listen to reason,’ and in order ‘ to reduce their pride.’ Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 251-2. He never served at any other mission, and his license to retire, dated by the vice- roy Jan. 23, 1795, reached him before June 10th of the same year. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 47. St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. 50. Noreason for his retirement is given. He doubtless sailed in the transport of that autumn; and on May 11, 1796, he wrote at the college of San Fernando a long report on California, of which T shall have something to say elsewhere. Condicion Actual de Cal., MS. Baldomero Lopez, like Salazar, came to California in 1791, like him served Hist. Cau., Vou. I. 32 498 — RULE OF ROMEU. They were succeeded by Manuel Fernandez and José de la Cruz Espi, the latter being replaced in May 1797 by Francisco Gonzalez, while the former left the country in October 1798 and was replaced by Domingo Carranza. We come finally to the other new mission of 1791, Lia Soledad. True to the condition expressed in the name, ‘Our Lady of Solitude’ has left but a meagre record either of foundation or subsequent career. As we have seen, Lasuen had personally selected a site. The 29th of September a party of natives departed from San Carlos to erect a shelter.’ The friar, delayed by Malaspina’s visit, intended to go to Soledad again by October 9th at the latest.” He did go on that date or perhaps the day before, for on the 9th with the aid of Sitjar and Garcia, and in the presence of Lieu- tenant José Arguello, the guard, and various natives, he sprinkled holy water on the site, blessed and raised the cross which all adored, and performed all the nec- essary rites by which the mission of Nuestra Senora de la Soledad was ushered into existence. The site was called by the natives Chuttusgelis,and the region only at Santa Cruz, and like him was ill-tempered to such an extent that his constant bickerings with his companion received the reproof of his superiors. His temper was, “however, largely the result of ill-health. He was the vic tim of hypochondria which unfitied him for missionary duties and he retired in August 1796. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., vi. 228, xi. 56-7; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 163. In Mexico it seems his health was restored, for on Aug. 8, 1818, he was elected guardian of San Fernando. 36 P, Manuel Fernandez was a native of Tuy in Galicia, Spain, born in 1767, who became a Franciscan at Compostela in 1784, and joined the college of San Fernando in 1793, being sent to California in 1794. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 248. He was one of five priests who came recommended by Mugiar- tegui as of a different kind from several who had exhausted Lasuen’s patience, these being in fact model missionaries. Mugdrtegui, Carta al P. Lasuen 30 de Enero 1794, MS. An original letter. He was impetuous, violent, cruel, and a bad manager of neophytes. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 103; or at least over-zeal- ous in converting pagans, and was admonished by the ‘president to moderate his zeal. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 125-32. This was at Santa Clara where he served in 1794. He was much at San Francisco in the early part of 1795. During his service at Santa Cruz in 1795-8 we hear no complaint against him, and in October 1798 he obtained license to retire on account of sickness. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 52. 37 See p. 493, this volume. 2 ae FOUNDING OF SOLEDAD. 499 had been known to the Spaniards as Soledad since the first occupation of the country.” Beyond the names of officiating missionaries and the usual statistics Soledad has no recorded history for this first decade. One entry in the mission books however deserves mention, by which it appears that on May 19, 1793, there was baptized a Nootka Indian, twenty years of age, ‘“Iquina, son of a gentile father, named 'Taguasmiki, who in the year 1789 was killed by the American Gret (Gray) captain of the vessel called Washington belonging to the Congress of Bos- ton.” *° Fathers Diego Garcia and Mariano Rubi were the | first ministers of Soledad, the former being present at the founding and the latter arriving shortly after. Rubi left the mission in January and the country in February or March 1793. Garcia left Soledad in February 1792, but he returned, serving there from December 1792 to March 1796, when he was trans- ferred to San Francisco. These two were of the class alluded to by Mugdrtecui as having exhausted the president’s patience. They were even worse than Salazar and Lopez at Santa Cruz, for Rubi was an immoral man, while Garcia, if not partially insane, was unpopular and disobedient.” After the terms of 38 Soledad, Lib. Mision, MS., 1, 2. Narrative signed by Lasuen. Romeu to viceroy Dec. 1, 1791, in St. Pap. Sac., MS., v. 93. The first baptism of an aboriginal was on Nov. 23d. The following names from the mission records are those of the soldiers and sirvientes during the decade: Soldiers, Macario Castro, corporal in 1792, Ignacio Vallejo, corporal in 1793, José Dionisio Ber- nal, Leocadio Cibrian, Teodoro Gomez, José Ignacio Mesa, Antonio Buelna, Marcos Villela, Manuel Mendoza, Salvador Espinosa, Miguel Espinosa, Ca- yetano Espinosa, Marcos Briones, Bartolomé Mateo Martinez, José Maria Soberanes, Juan Maria Pinto, and Manuel Rodriguez. Servants: Antonio Santos, Leocadio Martinez, Matias Solas, Pedro Bautista Leonardo, José Bernardino Flores. 39 Soledad, Lib. Mision, MS., 4. *°Mariano Rubi was one of the four padres who arrived in California in July 1790 sent expressly for the new establishments. He served at San Antonio 1790 to Sept. 1791, and from Oct. 1791 to Jan. 1793. He retired under a provisional license, being in ill-health. Arch. Arzobispado, MS.., i. 33; Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 160. In Oct. 1793 and again in Feb. 1794 the guardian wrote to the president asking for detailed reports on Rubi’s conduct and excesses, and an official certificate on the nature of his disease, which was doubtless venereal. He was to be expelled for the honor of the college. Arch. 500 RULE OF ROMEU. these first ministers the following missionaries served for brief periods: Father Gili, like Rubi more muge- riego than was well for his reputation and health, ir 1793, Espi in 1794-5, Martiarena in 1795-7, and Car- nicer in 1797-8. At the end of the decade the min- isters were Antonio Jaime and Mariano Payeras, since March 1796 and November 1798 respectively. In neophyte population Soledad counted eleven converts only at the end of 1791, but 493 in 1800, the baptisms having aggregated 704, deaths 224, and marriages 164. Large stock gained from 194 to 1,383 head; small stock from 213 to 3,024. Agriculture yielded 525 bushels in 1792; 350 in 1794; 2,000 in 1797, and 2,600 in 1800. Total yield of decade 14,800 bushels. In 1797 this mission possessed an adobe church with roof of straw.* Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 229-31, 255. Of Garcia’s shortcomings I shall have more to say hereafter. At Soledad he once neglected to sow grain on some frivolous pretext, and the neophytes were near starving in consequence. “1 St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 120. Supplies to the presidio in 1796 $418. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 203. 2m CHAPTER XXIV. RULE OF ARRILLAGA—VANCOUVER’S VISITS. 1792-1794. Counci, AT MonTEREY TO APPOINT A TEMPORARY GOVERNOR—ARRILLAGA’S ACCESSION—ARRIVAL AT MOoONTEREY—CALIFORNIA SEPARATED FROM Provincias INTERNAS—ARRILLAGA’S Poticy AND AcTts—THE JORDAN CoLony—MARITIME AFFAIRS AND FOREIGN RELATIONS—NORTHERN Ex- PLORATIONS—SPANISH PoLicy—THE NooTKA QUESTION— VOYAGE OF THE ‘SuTIL’ AND ‘ MExIcCANA’—BOUNDARY COMMISSION—VANCOUVER’S First VisIT—RECEPTION AT SAN FRANCISCO, SANTA CLARA, AND MonTEREY— EneGuisH DESERTERS—THE GOVERNOR IN A DILEMMA—PRECAUTIONS AGAINST FOREIGN VESSELS—REVILLA GIGEDO’S REPORT—ATTEMPTED OccUPATION OF BODEGA—VANCOUVER’S SECOND VIsIT—A DisGustED ENG- LISHMAN—SUSPICIONS OF ARRILLAGA—HOSPITALITIES IN THE SoUTH— END OF THE NooTKA SETTLEMENT—VANCOUVER’S Last VisIt—His Os- SERVATIONS ON CALIFORNIA. In view of the governor’s illness a council was held at Monterey April 5, 1792, by call of Lieutenant Argiiello,’ to decide on whom the command should fall in the event of Romeu’s death, which Surgeon Pablo Soler pronounced to be near. The council con- sisted of Argiiello, Ortega, Goycoechea, and Alférez Sal. The decision was that according to the regula- tion the governorship ad interim would belong to Captain José Joaquin de Arrillaga, commandant at Loreto and lieutenant-governor of the Californias; that the provincial archives should be kept tempo- rarily by the council, and that Arrillaga should be notified at once of the state of affairs. Goycoechea and Sal should return to their presidios, and Ortega ? Argiiello had succeeded Ortega in the spring of 1791, and Alférez Sal had been put in command at San Francisco, ( 501 ) 502 RULE OF ARRILLAGA. on Romev’s death should proceed directly to Loreto.? This decision was communicated on the same day to Arrillaga and to the commandants not present at the council. The date of Arrillaga’s accession may there- fore be considered as identical with that of Romeu’s death the 9th of April. On May 4th Arrillaga an- nounced his succession to the viceroy, and on the 7th to the officials in California, who acknowledged the receipt in June.® Arrillaga chose to take a modest view of his own abilities and a rather exalted one of his new duties, asking for counsel and suggestions from his subordi- nates. “From this moment I unload my conscience upon each,and hold him responsible for results,” writes the new ruler, “since an officer must be directed in his acts more by his own honor then by fear of authority.” Viceregal authority for his exercise of the chief command bore date of the 8th of July. It was his intention to remain at Loreto; but on Sep- tember 28th he was ordered to Monterey, where he arrived early in July 1793, soon visiting San Fran- cisco and returning to the capital the 17th of Sep- tember.* Arrillaga’s attention was given almost exclusively, during this first term of office and long after, to the inspection of the presidios and to the adjustment of the old presidial accounts in continuation of the task that had been intrusted to Romeu. He worked diligently 2 Junta de & de Abril de 1791 en Monterey, MS. Argiiello’s letters to com- mandants Zuiiga and Gonzales, same date. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxii. 138-15. 3 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 4, 7, 8. May 4th, Arrillaga to viceroy. Jd., xxi. 71. May 7th, Id., to Goycoechea and Argiiello. Jd., xi. 25; St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. 115. May 7th, Jd., to Lasuen, and the padre’s congratulations on June 25th. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 27-8. May 10th Gen. Nava sends to the governor a copy of Neve’s previous instructions to Fages; but this document was probably intended for Romeu since Nava first announces knowl- edge of Romeu’s death on June 17th. St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. 72-3; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 59. ‘June 8, 1792, Arrillaga to commandants in St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 76-8. Viceroy to governor, July 8, 1792, in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xx. 3. Sept. 28, 1792, Arrillaga ordered to Monterey. Jb. At San Diego in March 1793; at Monterey, before July 8th; went to San Francisco July 27th; returned Sept. 17th. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi, 92-3, 101, 109, 116. His last communication from Loreto is dated Dec. 29th. i es a A NEW GOVERNOR. . 603 at the complicated task and with much success, though many years passed before it was completed. Beyond the details of this adjustment, and the ordinary routine of official correspondence with commandants, general, or viceroy—for early in 1793 California became by royal order separated from the Provincias Internas and subordinate directly to the viceroy°—the archives contain but little on this administration, which con- tinued until 1794. Arrillaga carried out conscientiously the imstruc- tions of general and viceroy on the strengthening of coast defences and assistance to north-coast establish- ments. He met the English navigator Vancouver on his second visit to Monterey, leaving a not very favor- able impression on the mind of his visitor, and urged the viceroy to put the presidios under captains, who should have nothing to do with the financial accounts.° He granted lands provisionally to three or four men in the Monterey region,’ issued in the interests of agriculture a proclamation forbidding the natives to kindle fires in the fields, and in the direction of public works opened a new road and ford at the Pajaro River. By Arrillaga’s advice the proposition of the clergy- man, Alejandro Jordan, to found a colony in Califor- nia for the supply of San Blas with products at cheaper rates, was declined by the king in 1794.° Besides ’ The king resolved in council of Sept. 7, 1792, on making the Provincias Internas independent of the viceroy; but the Californias and some eastern provinces were excepted in military and political matters. Revilla Gigedo, Bandos, 63. Feb. 12, 1793, viceroy gives corresponding orders to the gov- ernor. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 106. 6 July 18,1792. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 108-9. In 1791 the office of habili- tado general of the Californian Presidios had been created with Manuel Car- caba as first incumbent. Jd., x. 136-7. 7 Arrillaga says that his predecessors had not granted any lands, he favors it and has granted ranches to several invalids on the river 3 or 4 leagues from Monterey. Prov. St. Pap., xii. 45-7, 189; xxi. 132. It was in his rule, 1793, that General Nava’s order, allowing commandants of presidios to grant lands within 4 leagues, was approved by the viceroy. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 320-1, 341-2. 8 Arrillaga to viceroy, November 8, 1792, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 85-6. Jordan is said to have spent 8 months in Alta California at some previous time, and to have caused some dissatisfaction by his intrigues, though I find no other record of his presence than Arrillaga’s statement. Jordan asked for 504 RULE OF ARRILLAGA. ordering the appropriate manifestations of rejoicing at the queen’s happy delivery in 1793, the governor con- tinued the collection of alms for the Capuchin nuns of Granada authorized before his accession, and in 1794 had the pleasure of forwarding California’s contribu- tion of $154 for so pious an object.? From what has been said it will be apparent to the reader that little occurred to distract Arrillaga’s atten- tion from his figures. ‘The period was one of quiet prosperity for the missions, and no new establishments were founded. The governor was liked by the friars, with whose management he made no attempt to inter- fere. He had no quarrels; introduced no reforms; met with no disasters, but regarding himself as merely an accidental and temporary ruler he was content with the performance of routine duties until a successor could be selected. We shall hear more of him later. Local events during this and the preceding and _ fol- lowing administrations I shall group into the annals of a decade. General topics of provincial progress I shall group practically in the same way by attaching the little that belongs to Romeu and Arrillaga to the much that is to be said of Borica’s time. Maritime affairs and foreign relations, or the dread of foreign relations and consequent precautions, form the only general topic of Arrillaga’s term which de- mands extended notice. The subject is somewhat closely connected with the annals of the Northwest Coast, fully recorded in another volume of this work, $4,000 salary, 18 men, and a supply of implements. Arrillaga thought that the expense of a colony would outweigh its advantages, since the supply- ships might take south produce obtained from the settlers. August 7, 1794, the viceroy communicates to the governor the king’s decision against the pro- posal, on the ground that free trade with San Blas would of itself accomplish quite as satisfactory results. Jd., xi. 192-3; Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 145. The king’s order was dated March 7, 1794. Nueva Espafia, Acuerdos, MS., 179. *May 8, 1793, order for te deum on queen’s delivery. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 210; Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 34. December 1, 1791, authorization of Capuchin collection by general. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 23. June 6, 1794, viceroy acknowledges receipt of $154 collected at Monterey and San Fran- cisco. /d., xi. 172-3; $32 at San Francisco. Jd., x. 14, 40; xxi. 116, 132, 164; Prov Rec., MS., i. 213. THE NORTHWEST COAST. 505 and therefore briefly referred to here.’? Spain no longer attached the same importance as in former years to her exclusive claims in the far north, now that the geographical relations of America and Asia were approximately known, and the occupation of Cal- ifornia had furnished suitable ports for the Philippine trade. After the explorations of 1774—9 to latitude 60° nothing was done for a decade. Had it not been for the possible existence of an interoceanic strait and the ever present fear of foreign encroachment from the north, the Spaniards would have given no more thought to these far-off coasts. New rumors came, however, that the Russians were advancing south- ward, rumors proved to be of no serious importance by the expedition of 1788; but this expedition brought the more alarming report of a British plan to occupy Nootka. Therefore Martinez was sent in 1789 to pre- vent this step and establish a Spanish post at that place. In the execution of his duty Martinez seized several Iinglish vessels as prizes. This led to complications between the two nations which nearly: plunged Europe in war, but were settled by a treaty of 1790. By this treaty Spain virtually relinquished all her claims to exclusive sovereignty on the Northwest Coast, the right of navigation, fishery, and settlement being made common to both nations. | The establishment at Nootka was kept up, however, from the spring of 1790, before the date of the treaty, and was regularly supplied from San Blas by the Cal- ifornia transports which often went direct to the northern post and touched at Monterey on the return. Nootka was simply an extension of the Californian establishments. Spain had, as already explained, no desire for northern possessions, but she maintained the post for five years for two reasons—first, because if astrait or an inlet leading to New Mexico could be found it would be important to hold it, and to that end exploration was zealously prosecuted; and second, 10See Hist. Northwest Coast, i. chap. v.-ix. 506 “RULE OF ARRILLAGA. because if there were no strait the position could be used in diplomatic negotiations to secure a favorable boundary further south, such as the strait of Fuca, the main object being to secure a broad frontier be- tween San Francisco and the first foreign post. It is only certain voyages connected with the explorations and negotiations referred to that have a bearing on California history. The touching on the coast of several Nootka vessels connected with the expedi- tions of Elisa, Fidalgo, Quimper, Saavedra, Matute, and Malaspina in 1790-1 has already been noticed. In the spring of 1792 three vessels sailed from San Blas for Nootka, one of them bearing Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Cuadra as Spanish commissioner to settle certain questions still pending with England. At Nootka he met Vancouver, the British commis- sioner. By the treaty Spain had agreed to restore all lands of which England had been dispossessed. Cuadra claimed, as was indeed the fact, that there were no such lands and therefore proposed to fix a boundary, offering to give up-Nootka and make Fuca Strait the line. Vancouver demanded the unconditional surren- der of the port, and declined to treat on the boundary question at all. The commissioners not being able to agree, left the matter to be settled by their respective governments, and soon all the vessels, Spanish and English, sailed for the south. ; The Sutil and Mexicana had been sent from Aca- pulco in March under captains Dionisio Galiano and Cayetano Valdés to explore the strait of Juan de Fuca and:the coast to the south. After exploring the sound in company with Vancouver's fleet the two ves- sels returned to Monterey" where they arrived Sep- tember 22d and remained till the 26th of October. For northern explorations see Hist. N. W. Coast, i. 270, etc. Previous arrivals of 1792 had been the Concepcion, Captain Elisa, from Nootka, leaving supplies at Monterey July 9th, at Santa Barbara, Sept. 8th, and at San Diego, Oct. Sth; the Santa Gertrudis, Capt. Torres, from Nootka, touching at Monterey Aug. 11th to Oct. 26th, en route for San Blas; and the Saturnina, which arrived from San Blas at San Francisco Sept. 10th and at Monterey Oct. 17th. For arri- ‘SUTIL’ AND ‘MEXICANA.’ 507 The author of the diary devotes two chapters to Cal- ifornia, which contain a description of Monterey and its surroundings, a somewhat extended account of aboriginal manners and customs, and a superficial but not inaccurate view of the provincial establishments, including a table of mission statistics. He speaks highly of the country and of the missionaries; but there is nothing in his observations on California that possesses any special value as throwing new light on her condition or institutions. He presents, however, the following not very well founded complaint: “These deserving soldiers, and not less useful colonists, live with the affliction that when with failing strength they can no longer support the fatigues of their profession, they are not permitted to settle there and devote themselves to agricultural occupations. This prohi- bition of building houses and tilling lands near the presidio seems directly opposed to all the purposes of utility, security, and prosperity of those establish- ments, and contrary perhaps to what good policy should dictate. Were the soldiers permitted while in the service to employ their savings and moments of leisure in forming a hacienda and raising cattle, both for their families’ convenience and as a resource against poverty...it is very likely that within a few years there would be planted a flourishing colony most useful for its inhabitants and of great service to Span- ish navigators.” After leaving Monterey Galiano and Valdés sailed’ down the coast, making some obser- vations without anchoring, and communicating with the transport Concepcion as they passed San Diego. Most of their stay in California had been spent in— preparing their reports and charts of northern re- gions.” I reproduce the general map of the Califor- nia coast. vals and departures of vessels see Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 75-6, 88-9, 159, 162-3; St. Pap., Sac., MS., iii. 17; vi. 68, 72; ix. 82-3; Prov. Ree., MS. oul: 141, 157; Nawarrete, Introd., xxiii. -xxxi, There is some confusion respect- ing duties. 2 Sutil y Mexicana, Relacion del Viage hecho por las goletas Sutil y Mexicana en el ato de 1792 para reconocer el Estrecho de Fuca; con una Introduccion, 508 RULE OF ARRILLAGA. Co. Perpetua fPo.de Sidman PC.Redondo =} C,Toledo ——— <? Dec. 3, 1794, governor says that Vancouver left on the shore $505 worth of iron-ware. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 32. He left well supplied and contented. Id:, vi. 31.. Dee. Ist, Argiiello certifies a list of goods including 24 blankets left in spite of governor’s excuses. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxi. 5.’ Dec. 1794 and Feb. 1795, some not very clear communications of the com- mandant of Santa Barbara about the gifts made. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 87; xill. 23. Dec. Ist, gov. to Sal, repeats the old orders forbidding intercourse with foreign vessels. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 26-7. Feb. 23, 1795, viceroy to gov., approving “the restrictions imposed. ‘Vancouver should regard his admission as a special favor. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 11, April Lia 1795, viceroy for- wards royal decree commending the governor’ s acts in not allowing Vancouver to examine the country or to take breeding cattle for English colonies. Van- couver is alluded to as having visited Santa Barbara and San Diego ‘under pretence’ of wanting wood and water. Jd., xiii. 103-4. ~° VANCOUVER’S OBSERVATIONS. 527 iess extensive in California than in the far north, need no further attention here.® His persistence in ignoring the name California and extending New Albion down beyond San Diego by virtue of Drake’s so-called ‘dis- covery isan amusing and harmless idiosyncrasy. His ignorance of the Spanish language and the peculiarly delicate position in which he was placed on account of international jealousies led him into many errors respecting matters with which he became acquainted by conversation with the Spaniards, his narrative in this respect presenting a marked contrast with that of La Pérouse; yet his errors are mostly confined to names and dates and minor details, and his general statements are more accurate and comprehensive than might have been expected. With the natural advan- tages of the country he was favorably impressed, and of them he left a fair record. Of the Spanish people with whom he came in contact, always excepting Arrillaga with whom he was unjustly but naturally offended, he speaks in kind and flattering terms, though criticising their inactivity and indisposition to take advantage of the possibilities by which they were surrounded. The natives, except some in the Santa Barbara Channel, seemed to be a race of the most miserable beings ever seen possessing the faculty of human reason, and little if any advantages had attended their conversion. Yet he testified to their affectionate attachment to their missionary benefac- tors, whose aims and methods, without attempting a discussion of the mission system, he approves, look- ing for gradual success in laying foundations for civil society. For the friars personally he had nothing but enthusiastic praise. What was needed to stimulate true progress in California was a friendly commercial intercourse with foreigners, to create new wants, introduce new com- 53Vancouver’s atlas contains a carefully prepared map on a large scale, better than any of earlier date, of the whole California coast, which I repro- duce. There are charts of Trinidad Bay, San Diego, and the entrance to San Francisco, and seven views of points along the coast. . é 528 - RULE OF ARRILLAGA. pore 2 | i —————— =PieAne Sao aa = = Baie dEaMirrer Si eieion Png, Presidio : I . E Sa Sn. Antonio == UAT i I | i i t HA ! ! TTT TTT HE VANCOUVER’S Map, 1794. & AN ENGLISH VIEW OF CALIFORNIA. 529 forts, give an impetus to industries and a value to Jancs and produce; this and a proper degree of atten- tion from the court of Madrid. For with California considered as a Spanish possession the English navi- gator was greatly disappointed. The actual condition of the people “ill accorded with the ideas we had con- ceived of the sumptuous manner in which the Spaniards live on this side of the globe.” “Instead of finding a country tolerably well inhabited and far advanced in cultivation, if we except its natural pastures, flocks of sheep, and herds of cattle, there is net an object to indicate the most remote connection with any Euro- pean or other civilized nation.” At the weakness of Californian defenses Vancouver was particularly sur- prised. ‘The Spanish monarchy retains this extent of country under its authority by a force that, had we not been eye-witnesses of its insignificance in many instances, we should hardly have given credit to the possibility of so small a body of men keeping in awe and under subjection the natives of this country; with- out resorting to harsh or unjustifiable measures.” The soldiers “are totally incapable of making any resistance against a foreign invasion, an event which is by no means improbable.” “Why such an extent of territory should have been thus subjugated, and after all the expense and labour that has been bestowed on its colonization turned to no account whatever, is a mystery in the science of state policy not easily to be explained.” I shall chronicle in the succeeding chapters a series of efforts, not very brilliantly, or at least permanently, successful, to remedy the evils complained of by Vancouver. 54 For general remarks, in addition to those scattered through the narra- tive, see Voyage, ii. 486-504. Hist. Car., VoL. I. 34 CHAPTER XXV. RULE OF BORICA, FOREIGN RELATIONS, AND INDIAN AFFAIRS. 1794-1800. DiEGo DE Bor1cA—ARRIVAL AT LORETO—BRANCIFORTE VICEROY—BORICA’S °* JOURNEY TO MONTEREY—ARRILLAGA’S INSTRUCTIONS—CHARMS OF CaLI- FORNIA—RESUME OF Events IN Borica’s TERM OF OFFICE—COAST DEFENCES— PROMISED REENFORCEMENTS—F'RENCH WAR CONTRIBUTION —ForREIGN VESSELS — PRECAUTIONS—THE ‘ PH@NIx’— BROUGHTON’S Visir—TuHeE ‘OTTER’ oF BostonN—A YANKEE TRICK—ARRIVAL OF ALBERNI AND THE CATALAN VOLUNTEERS—ENGINEER CORDOBA’S SUR- VEYS—WAR WITH ENGLAND—COASTING VESSELS—W AR CONTRIBUTION— DISTRIBUTION OF ForcES—Map oF CALIFORNIA—THE ‘ ELIzA’—THE ‘Betsy’—Wak WITH RusstA—INDIAN AFFAIRS—MINoR HostTILITIES— CAMPAIGNS OF AMADOR, CASTRO, AND MorRaGaA. “THE new governor whom his Majesty is to ap- point in place of the deceased Lieutenant-colonel Don José Romeu must have the advantages of good talent, military skill, and experience, robust health for the oreatest hardships, prudent conduct, disinterestedness, energy, and a true zeal for the service; since all these . he needs in order to traverse frequently the broad ter- ritories of the peninsula, strengthen defences, regulate the presidial troops, prevail by skill, or if that suffice not by force, over the ideas and aims and prejudicial introduction of the English, and contribute to the advancement of pueblos and missions.” Such were the — views of Viceroy Revilla Gigedo;’ such were the qual- ities sought in Romeu’s successor, and believed with much reason to have been found in Lieutenant-colonel Don Diego de Borica, adjutant-inspector of presidios in Chihuahua, who early in 1794 was appointed gov- 1 Revilla Gigedo, Informe de 12 de Abril 1793, 152-3. rok ( COMING OF THE GOVERNOR. 531 ernor, political and military, and commandant-inspector of the Californias, He took possession of his office at Loreto the 14th of May, having arrived two days before by sea from San Blas accompanied by his wife and daughter. On the same day he communicated his accession to officials in Alta California and sent Arri- llaga instructions to continue acting as governor until he should arrive at Monterey.? Shortly after Borica assumed office his friend the viceroy, to whom proba- bly he owed the appointment, was replaced by the Conde de Branciforte, who on July 12th took posses- sion of the office. His succession was announced in California in November.’ Borica remained two months and more at Loreto, attending as may be supposed to affairs of state, but in the mean time by no means neglecting the friends left in Mexico, to whom he wrote long epistles narrating in a witty and jocose vein, for he .was “a fellow of infinite jest,” the details of his journey to California with its attendant sea-sickness, which had rendered the mere mention of the ocean a terror to the ladies. At Loreto, where the governor represented himself as “haciendo en esta Barataria mas alcaldadas que Sancho Panza en la suya,” health was regained and all went well. The Ist of July he sent to the king a petition for a colonel’s commission, which he received in the autumn of 1795.4 [twas his intention as announced in several letters to complete the journey to Monterey by land, but as the ladies regained their health and ? Letters of Borica in May 1794 to various persons in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxl. 196, 198-205; xii. 174; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 115-16; vi. 23. There seems to be little or no doubt about May 14th as the date of taking possession; but the day of arrival is given by Borica himself in different letters as May 11th, 12th, and 13th. May 31st, Lasuen from Santa Barbara congratulates the new gov- ernor. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 36. July 31st, Commandant of San Diego has received the announcement and proclaimed it in his district. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 20. Arrillaga to.same effect Aug. 4th. /d., xxi. 196. Vice- roy has received the news Aug. 5th. fd., xi. 190-1. Aug. 2d, Argiiello orders Borica proclaimed as governor at San José. San José, Arch., MS., iii. 23. 3 July 5, 1794, Revilla Gigedo announces the arrival of his successor. He will be glad to keep up a private correspondence with Borica. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 183. July 12th, Branciforte announces his accession. Id., xi. 189. * Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi: 197; xiii. 553;)xiv. 29; Prov. Ree., MS., v. 71); Wi 26; St. Pap., Sac., MS., xvii. 2. 532 RULE OF BORICA—FOREIGN RELATIONS. courage, and were made acquainted with the prospec- tive difficulties of the peninsula route in time of drought, the plan was changed. All went on board the Saturnina, July 20th, and four days later set sail for San Luis Bay far up the gulf. The winds and other circumstances seem to have been unfavorable, for on the 28th the governor decided to land at Santa Ana and make his way to San Fernando and across the frontier by land.© With the exception of some correspondence about the furnishing of escorts and animals by the different commandants along the way we know nothing of the journey until he reached San Juan Capistrano in the middle of October.® Here he met Arrillaga, who had left Monterey in September, and spent four days in consultation with that officer, starting northward the 17th of October.’ Here I suppose were delivered by Arrillaga the instructions left by each retiring governor for the guidance of his successor, though the document as preserved bears no date. It was intended to acquaint the new ruler with the condition of affairs in the province; but it is devoted almost entirely to local and minor details, containing nothing of general in- terest with which the reader is not already acquainted, 5 On embarkation and voyage, see Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 75; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 134. July 10th, governor writes to viceroy on the difficulties of the land journey. Jd., vi. 26. I think the name Santa Ana may be an error, or that there may have been a locality of that name north of Loreto; for it seems hardly probable that the vessel was ‘driven far south, or that Borica visited Loreto again on his way north. Vancouver, Voyage, iii. 330-1, tells us that Borica had come all the way from Mexico on horseback. 6 July 28th, Borica to P. Calvo, asks for 24 mules and 24 natives, for his journey to San Fernando. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 184. August 6th, Grajera to Borica, Has sent 29 mules, 35 horses with 8 soldiers under Corporal Olivera from San Diego. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 19. Sept. 8th, ‘N.’ from San Fer- nando to commandant at Sta Barbara, asks for 10 men and 54 animals to be sent at once; similar demand enclosed for commandant at Monterey for escort to be sent to San Luis. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 1. Sept. 15th, Goycoechea wishes a pleasant journey and a safe arriyal to Borica and his wife and daughter. ‘C. P. B.’ Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 102. Oct. Ist and 2d, Ar- giello to Borica and to Arrillaga, Has sent 60 animals with 10 men to San Luis. Id., xii. 147. ’ Arrillaga was at Monterey Sept. 16th, and left before Sept. 22d. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 152-8. Oct. 16th, Borica to viceroy announcing conference with Arrillaga and intention to start next day. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 28. Dec. 17th, viceroy’s acknowledgment of above. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 207. A CONVIVIAL RULER. 533 therefore I do not deem it necessary to reproduce it here even en résumé.’ - Arrillaga proceeded to Loreto to resume his duties as lieutenant-governor; while Borica continued his journey northward to the capital where he arrived the 9th of November.2 With Mon- terey the new ruler was delighted, deluging his friends and relatives with letters in praise of the country immediately on his arrival. “To wvir mucho and without care come to Monterey,” he tells them. “This is a great country; climate healthful, between cold and temperate; good bread, excellent meat, tolerable fish; and bon humeur which is worth all the rest. Plenty to eat, but the most astounding is the general fecundity, both of rationals and irrationals. The climate is so good that all are getting to look like Englishmen. This is the most peaceful and quiet country in the world; one lives better here than in the most cultured court of Europe.” He was busy with routine duties at first, but he found time for convivial pleasures with Vancouver, Puget, Alava, and Fidalgo, all jolly good fellows, and not one of whom was more than a match for Borica ‘before a dozen of Rhine wine, port, or Madeira.””° The Spanish authorities were now somewhat aroused to the importance, of strengthening Californian coast defences, and this subject was therefore still more prominent in Borica’s term of office than it had been during Arrillaga’s administration. ‘To compensate the soldiers for labor begun on the presidio buildings in Fages’ time an appropriation of $5,200 had been made from the royal treasury to be expended in sup- plies." In the middle of 1793 some guns:and work- 8 Arrillaga, Papel de Puntos para conocimiento del Gobernador de la Peninsula, 1794. MS. ®In three letters Borica says he arrived on Nov. 9th. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 207-8; but Vancouver, Voyage, iii. 330-1, affirms it was on the llth. It is difficult to understand how either could mistake. 10 Borica’s Letters in Nov.—Dec. 1794. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 207-12. 1 Oct. 26, 1791, viceroy to governor, Has ordered the $5,200 paid to the habilitado general; $1,600 for Monterey, and $1,200 for each of the other 534 RULE OF BORICA—FOREIGN RELATIONS. men had been brought up from San Blas, and at Borica’s arrival in the autumn of 1794 work had been going on for over a year on the San Francisco defences, besides some slight preparations at Monterey and San Diego. Details of progress at the different presidios may be more appropriately given in connection with local annals in another chapter, and it is only in a general way that I propose to treat the subject here.” Viceroy Revilla Gigedo earnestly recommended the fortification of the coast in his instructions of 1794 to his successor Branciforte,” who called upon Colonel Costansé, the same who had visited Califor- nia with the first expedition of 1769, for a report on the subject. Costansdé’s report was rendered Octo- ber 17th of the same year, and was to the effect that the difficulties in the way of adcquate fortification were insuperable. The author had no faith in forts situated in-a distant province without home resources. The only way to protect the country was to encourage settlement and commerce.“ In this report, however, presidios. Jan. 15, 1792, V.R. to gov., Gen. Carcaba says that $5,200 is not enough, since Fages had estimated $12,000 for three presidios.. The V. R., however, claims that Fages’ estimate was on the basis of 150 per cent advance on goods, or $5,200 without that advance; though Fages later raised the esti- mate to $12,000, but this had no approval of general and king. He therefore refuses to give more than the $5,200 with $400 for package and freight. St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. 46-7; Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 112. Some details about the distribution of the amount among the presidios, Id,, xi. 54, 57; xii. 57-9; Prov. Rec., iv. 3, 4. 12 Beginning of work at San Francisco announced in August 1793. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 113. March 18, 1793, commandant of San Blas writes that he has ordered fortification of Bodega and the presidios (except Sta Bar- bara, supposed to be already in good condition). The vessels will bring the needed aid and the work is to begin at San Francisco. July 8th, governor has heard of the viceroy’s approval and order for vessels to carry material. Prov. St. Pup., MS., xxi. 106-7 Jan. 22, 1794, V. R. to gov., says the Junta Superior, after consulting the fiscal determined on Dec. 28, 1793, to conclude’ the presidio works, the cost to be paid from the tobacco revenue. The gov- ernor must form estimates and finish the work as solidly and economically as _ possible. Jd., xii. 180-1. The document of Dec. 28th, in Nueva Lspaia, Acu- erdos, MS., 13, 14. June 9th, V. R. to gov., has ordered supply-vessels to transport timber from Monterey for the southern defences. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 175-6. Arrillaga, Papel de Puntos, MS., 192, explained his plan that the workmen at San Francisco should come to Monterey to prepare timber © for that place and for the south. 8 Revilla Gigedo, Instruccion, MS. i. 530. 14 Costansd, Informe sobre el Prot yeclo de fortificar los Presidios de ea Nueva Calijornia, 1794, MS. This officer seems to have been prominent in his pro. 7 J Me , on COAST DEFENCES. 535 and in another of July 1795 made by a committee composed of Costansé, Fidalgo, and Sanchez, bat- teries of eight twelve-pounders were recommended with eighty gunners for the ports, with a view solely to protection against corsairs. Defence against a hos- tile squadron was pronounced impracticable, and in case of attack nothing was to be done but to withdraw the people and live-stock to the interior. Vessels should, however, be furnished for coasting service, for which purpose three very small ones were available at San Blas.” As we shall see it was decided to send reén- forcements. During 1795 while some shght progress was being made with the fortifications, the war in France was inciting the government in Spain and Mexico to still. further measures of defence. Borica had asked early in this year for armorers, guns, and munitions for the bat- teries being constructed; and on July 25th the viceroy replied, promising not only what had been asked but also a strong reénforcement of troops. He announced that a company of seventy-two Catalan volunteers under Lieutenant-colonel Pedro Alberni would soon embark from San Blas, picked men, robust, well behaved, and for the most part married, with the best arms and outfit obtainable. With this compania Jranca there were to be sent seventeen or eighteen artillerymen and three armorers. The commandant general had orders to furnish needed aid from Sonora and the commandant of San Blas to send up the re- quired armament. Moreover two small vessels were to run up and down the coast to bring news every six months. The viceroy concluded by a repetition of the old orders respecting foreign vessels visiting the coast, English ships to be treated more hospitably than fession. I have before me several original reports on government works in different parts of Mexico from 1788 to 1800. He is mentioned by Viceroy Azanza. Ynstruecion, MS., 159. He reported on the fortifications of Vera Cruz as late as 1811. A/exico, Mem. Guerra, 1840, 26. % Sanchez, Fidalqo, and Costansé, Informe sobre ausxilios que se propone enviar d la Cu ijoruia, Ld Julio, L795, MS. 536 RULE OF BORICA—FOREIGN RELATIONS. others, but none to be permitted a long stay or any inspection of the country.” The news that war had been declared between Spain and France came to California in October 1793, with a decree of the viceroy calling on faithful sub- jects of Carlos IV. for a contribution. The decree being duly published the Californians responded with $740, as was announced by Borica in March 1794; but the amount was declined with thanks by the viceroy in June, and thereupon redistributed to the donors.” In April 1795, however, things in Europe assuming a darker aspect for Spain, Branciforte again changed his mind and indicated his willingness to accept the Californian donation, and even urged in June a special effort on the governor's part to increase its amount. Borica published the appeal, and calling on officers, friars, soldiers, and neophytes to assist, headed the list himself with $1,000. The missionaries still professed their inability to give any but spiritual aid; but other classes responded generously, and con- tributions reached $3,881. In the early spring of 1797 the return of peace was made known in Cali- fornia.” 16 Branciforte d Borica sobre fortalecer las Batertas de San Francisco, Monte- rey, etc., 1795, MS. Onsame date, July 25th, viceroy to governor, of same pur- port, mentioning the sending of an engineer, and also declaring it impossible to fortify and defend the whole coast against superior forces. In emergen- cies aid must be sought from Sonora. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 53-4. The actual force in California was 225 men; Arrillaga’s plan called for 271; and Borica’s, 335. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. ALil., MS., xix. 3, 4. Sept. 22, 1795, the V. R. announces that the company of volunteers was inspected at Mexico on Sept. llth by Col. Salcedo, and found in good condition. Prov. St. Pap., xiii. 83; Nov. 11th, he speaks of the artillerymen, and says the royal treasury at Vera Cruz pays the expense to the end of 1795. Jd., xiii. 74; St. Pap., Sac., MS., vii. 44-5. 17 June 22, 1793, viceroy’s decree. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 129. Oct. 9th, Arrillaga to commandant of Monterey, mentioning decree of June 19th. St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. 113. Oct. 28th, Lasuen says the padres will contribute what they can—that is their prayers. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 36. Dec. 7th, decree has been published in Loreto. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 149. March 4, 1794, Gov. to V. R. announces $740 as the amount. Jd., xxi. 133; xii. £38; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 31; Gaceta de Mex., vi. 578. June 26th, V. R. declines with thanks in the king’s name. Jd., xii. 35; xi. 180, 182; Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 144. Nov. 11th, Gov. announces the restitution. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 120. 8 April 4, 1795, viceroy to governor, accepting the donation. Proy. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 114-15. June 17th, V. R. to gov. and other later corre- THE ‘PHGiINIX,’ CAPTAIN MOORE. 537 The orders respecting precautions against foreign vesscls were duly promulgated ;” but opportunities for carrying them into execution were rare in 1795. The visit of the English merchant vessel Phanix, Cap- tain Moore—if that may be taken as a satisfactory average from the Mor, Mayor, Moor, Murr, and Morr of the archives—was the only sensation of the year, and was indeed a mild ene. She touched at Santa Barbara in August from Bengal for supplies, affording the provincial authorities an excellent opportunity to repeat the old orders, and the local powers to carry out the hospitable but strict policy in such cases pre- scribed. They were fortified with the treaty of 1790 and other formidable material for a discussion on inter- national obligations; but the Phenix was content to receive a few needed supplies and sail away. Moore left with Goycoechea a Boston lad who desired to re- main in the country and ‘become a Christian;’ but he was sent to San Blas afew months later.” Six letters spondence on subject. St. Pap., Sac., MS., v. 99-105. July 19th, Oct. 12th, 16th, Gov. to commandants and padres. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 830-1, 135, 137; vi. 151. Oct. 18th, Lasuen to gov. explaining the poverty of the padres, the great services they are rendering the king, and their inability, with the best wishes, to give anything but their prayers for the victory of Spanish arms. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii. 234; St. Pap. Sac., MS., ix. 88-93. March 12, 1796, announcement of results, showing that San Francisco gave $707; Monterey and San José, $554; Santa Barbara and Angeles, $980, and San Diego, $639. St. Pap., Sac., MS., v. 98;.viii. 75; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 153. Jan. 17, 1797, viceroy’s thanks for aid, including the prayers. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii. 234; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 181. Peace announced by V. R. Nov. 29, 1795, and solemn mass of thanksgiving ordered. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 73. Published by gov. Feb. 29, 1796. Prov. fec., MS., iv. 144. Original letter of Lasuen asking padres to say mass at each mission. Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 55-7. General amnesty and pardon on account of peace, and of marriage of princesses. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 82; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 40. 19 Jan. 6, 1795, governor orders that even in the case of San Blas vessels, the first persons landing must be closely examined to be sure they are really Spaniards. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 16-17. Nov. 2d, Sal to comisionado of S. José urging strict compliance with the V. R’s orders of J uly 25. S. José Arch., MS., iv. 26. Nov. 14th, Goycoechea to Borica. No foreigners will be allowed to visit the country on horseback or to get breeding animals. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 29-30. 20 Portrait of Thomas Murr sent to viceroy (?). Prov. Rec. MS., viii. 166. Sept. 5th, Goycoechea to Borica, Says the boy’s name was Bostones and he was of good parentage, a pilot and carpenter. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 69- 70. Capt. Matute is asked to carry the young Bostonian to San Blas. Td. eRRt, 230. His name was Joseph O’Cain, an Irishman, and he went in the Aranzazu (perhaps in 1796). Prov. ec., MS., iv. 22-3,30-1. ‘This Englishman isa native of Ireland and his parents live now in Boston,’ Prov. Sé. Pap., Ben. Mil., 538 RULE OF BORICA—FOREIGN RELATIONS. with English addresses were taken from the mail this d fe ded to the vi by Borica’s order.”* year and forwarded to the viceroy by Boricas order. Throughout the year 1796 precautionary orders against foreign vessels continued to be issued, pre- senting no variation in matter or manner from those of former years, yet it may be well to notice an order of Borica to the effect that large war-ships, able to seize San Diego, were not to be permitted to enter the port, supplies being sent out in boats. Just how they were to be kept out does not clearly appear, since no such ship came to that harbor.” In July a report reached Monterey, coming from an American captain at Nootka, who received it from an English captain at Botany Bay, that the Englishmen had orders to attack Spanish vessels; but the report did not receive much credit, and the viceroy’s orders dated November 30th to make reprisals on all English craft entering the ports, did not reach California till the next year.” Only two foreign vessels made their appearance on the coast this year. The first was the English man- of-war Providence, under Captain Broughton who had visited California before with Vancouver. She anch- MS 4 tod ll. There is a José Burling also mentioned as an Irishman who arrived in or about this year. St. Pap., Sac., MS., xix. 8,9. See also on the visit of the Phenix. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 17-68; xiv. 67; St. Pap., Sac., MS., xvii. 1; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 22-3. Another English vessel, the Resolution, Capt. Lochi (Locke?), was reported by Grajera of San Diego as having touched at Todos Santos Bay in August. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 66-70. *t Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 175. The only Spanish vessels of the year seem to have been the Concepcion, Melendez, and the Aranzazu, Matute, with the memorias. 22, Jan. 1796, viceroy to governor, no person from a foreign vessel to be admitted into California. Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 158; St. Pap., Sac., MS., xvii. 7. March 30th, Sal to Borica, for supplies furnished a receipt to be taken and sent to gov. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 104. No goods to be taken in return for supplies. St. Pap., Sac., MS., iv.69. April 7th, Borica to commandant of San Diego, war-vessels not to be admitted into the ports. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 242, April 18th, Indians to be sent to Bodega to look out for foreign vessels. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxiv. 11. Nov. 2d, Borica to V. R. St. Pap. Sac., MS., iv. 61. June 18th, viceroy orders strict precautions. Prov. St. Pag. MB Sivas 3 July 15, 1796, governor to commandant, private. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 149. Aug. 25th, Grajera to gov. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 115. Nov. 30th, viceroy to gov. Id., xiv. 173. Oct. 19th, a courier arrived at Monterey from { er x . . Y 1 TCN - San Diego, announcing that 18 sail had been sighted. S¢. Pap.,Sac., MS., vi. 89. n 7 ‘4 i THE ‘OTTER,’ CAPTAIN DORR, 539 ored at Monterey, obtained some needed supplies, left some instruments which had been intended for Bodega y Cuadra, but which Borica received and paid for, and then sailed away. It is recorded not very clearly, that Broughton after raising his anchor attempted in boats some exploration of the Rio San Antonio, or Salinas, and that his boats were fired at.* The other vessel, the first from the United States to anchor in a Californian port, was the Otter of Boston, commanded by Ebenezer Dorr.” She carried six guns and twenty- six men, arriving at Monterey on October 29th, after having cruised in the vicinity for nearly a week. Having obtained wood and water, freely supplied by the Spaniards on sight of her passport from General Washington signed by the Spanish consul at Charles- ton, she sailed on the 6th of November. Dorr asked permission to land some English sailors who had secretly boarded his vessel at Port Saxon.” His re- quest was refused, but he landed five men on the beach at night, and the next night five more and a woman on the Carmelo shore, forcing them from the boat, they said, by the use of a pistol. Dorr’s conduct naturally seemed to the Spaniards ungrateful; but his position was doubtless a difticult one, and the nec- essity of getting rid of his convict passengers was urgent. Governor Borica regarded it as a dishonor- able trick on the part of the Yankee; but he had to 44Sept. 10, 1796, viceroy to Borica, approves of his having fired at the boats, suspecting that the aim was to explore the salinas, and he will senda vessel to prevent such attempts. St. Pap., Sac., MS., viii. 74. The Providence fired a salute of 11 guns on entering and the battery responded. According to Jd., vi. 85-6, she sailed June 18th; but according to Prov. St. Pap., Ben. AMil., MS., xxiii. 3, 5, itwasJuly 8th. The instruments left were worth £250. According to Id., xxiv. 6, the vessel appears to have been at San Francisco on June 10th. Alberni is ordered not to let Broughton land. Orders were sent to other ports not to permit a landing or to furnish any more supplies. Prov. Iec., MS., iv. 67. Supplies furnished amounted to $308, the bill being sent to Mexico. Jd., iv. 206. The instruments were sent to.San Blas. Prov, St. Pap., MS., xxi. 242. *5 She is called by the Spaniards the Otter Boston, E/ otro Boston, and Loter Boston; and their captain, Dow, Dour, Dor, Daur, Door, and Dore. *6 Herbert C. Dorr, son of this captain, a well known litéérateur residing in fan I'rancisco, tells me that these men were convicts from Dotany Bay, and that he has often heard his faihcr tell the story of this voyage and of his 540 RULE. OF BORICA—FOREIGN RELATIONS. provide for the new-comers. They were set at work as carpenters and blacksmiths at nineteen cents per day, and they proved so industrious and well behaved that. Borica would fain have retained them in the country; but in obedience to royal orders he was obliged to send them the next year to San Blas en route for Cadiz.” On March 23d and April Ist the Valdés and Sun Carlos arrived at Monterey and San Francisco re- spectively with most of the compatifa franca, and of the artillerymen, the rest coming up the following spring, and the military force in California being thus increased by nearly one hundred inen.* Lieutenant- troubles with these reckless men who used the Otter as a means of escape. The Dorr family furnished several masters and owners of vessels engaged in the fur-trade in northern waters, as will be seen in the fist. N. W. Coast, this series. 27 Nov. 5, 1796, Borica to viceroy, announcing arrival and stating that no irregularities have been committed by the Americans. St. Pap., Sac., MS., iv. 62-3; vi. 86-8. Nov. 10th, Borica to V. R., describing the subsequent ‘irregularities.’ Jd.,iv. 63-4. Dec. 6th, Has received order to send the Irish- man Burling and all other foreigners to Cadiz, will therefore send by first vessel the men left by Dorr. Jd., iv. 68-9. Dorr obtained supplies to the value of $187. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 288. Five Englishmen kept as prisoners until the Aranzazu arrives. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 244. Aug. 1796, V. R.’s order to send Burling and foreigners to Cadiz. Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 165; iv. 147. I suppose this Burling and the Boston boy, and O’Cain to have been possibly the same person. Oct. 6, 1797, Borica to V. R., sends the 11 to San Blas. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 56. Oct. 19th, Borica asks Capt. Caamaiio to take them. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 270. Feb. 3, 1798, V. R. approves, Jd., xvii. 17. Oct. 23d, a strange vessel anchored off Santa Cruz. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 94. Doubtless the Oiter. The Spanish vessels of the year were the Valdés and San Carlos which brought troops, etc., from San Blas in April, touching at San Francisco, Monterey, and Santa Barbara; the Sutil, Capt. Tobar, from a tour in the north; the Concepcion, Capt. Salazar from Manila at Santa Bir- bara in April; and the Aranzazu, Capt. Cosme Bertodano, with the memorias at Monterey and San Francisco in July, and at Santa Barbara in September. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 60-1, 74, 77, 148; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 24, &6, 133; xxi. 236; St. Pap., Sac., MS., xvii. 6. According to the Relacion de las Embarcaciones que han conducido los Situados de los 4 presidios de la Nueva California, con espresion de los nombres de sus comandantes, desde el aio de 1781, hasta 1796, MS., it appears that since 1788 only one vessel each year had come especially with the regular memorias of supplies, though as we have seen several vessels arrived for one purpose or another. 28 Arrival of the vessels. St. Pap., Sac., MS., xvii. 6. Arrival of Concep- cion, 1797, with Lieutenant Suarez and 4 privates. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 148. The compania franca of Catalan volunteers consisted of captain, 2 lieu- tenants, 3 sergeants—Joaquin Ticd, Francisco Gutierrez, and Juan Inigues— 8 corporals, 2 drummers, and 59 privates—75 men in all. Full list of names in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxiv. 1-4. The artillery detachment con- sisted of a sergeant—José Roca—8 corporals, and 14 privates—18 men in all, Total 03. Jd., xxiii, 11. REENFORCEMENTS FROM MEXICO. 541 colonel Pedro Alberni, captain of the Catalan volun- teers, became at once commandant at San Francisco, where twenty-five of his men were stationed. Twen- ty-five were sent to San Diego under Lieutenant José Font, and eight under sub-lheutenant Simon Suarez remained at Monterey, a sergeant and thirteen men being scattered in various duties. The artillery de- tachment under Sergeant José Roca was also distrib- uted between the three presidios.” With the troops came the lieutenant of engineers, Alberto de Cérdoba, who proceeded to make an inspection of the coast de- fences. In September he reported to the viceroy, chiefly on the works at San Francisco, which he found exceedingly defective and well-nigh useless. The bat- tery at Monterey was also useless so far as the de- fence of the port was concerned, since vessels could easily anchor and land men out of range of the guns. Cordoba believed that effective forts and enough of them could not be erected except at an enormous expense, and he favored rather an increase of troops and one or more cruising vessels on the coast. He subsequently visited the south, and found the defences not more effective than those in the north, as the governor informed Branciforte at the beginning of 1797. Borica, however, found some comfort in the thought that the foes from whom attack might be feared were probably ignorant how weak the fortifi- cations really were.” 29 July 8, 1793, the presidios had 161 muskets, 59 pistols, 177 swords, 223 lances. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 150-3. July 10th, received from San Blas 158 muskets, 142 swords, 96 lances—value $2,650. Jd., xxi. 194; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxv. 1. Sept. 15, 1795, 170 cwt. powder sent. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 81. Dec. 1796, Feb. 1797, 200 muskets, 200 pistols, 2C0 cartridges, 200 musket-cases, 16,000 flints. Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 170, 173; iv. 157; vi. 58; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 223; xvi. 240; xvii. 146; xxi. 253. 80 Cérdoba, Informe al Virey so! re defensas de California, 1796, MS. Dee. 27, 1796, viceroy to gov. has received Cordoba’s plans of San Francisco, Mon- terey, and Santa Cruz, has ordered the fitting-out of two cruisers, and has taken measures for the proper strengthening of San Francisco. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vii. 32-5. Jan. 20, 1797, Borica to V. R. Prov. Rec., MS. vi. 78. Cérdoba’s first report was sent to Mexico by Borica with his communication of Sept. 21st, enclosing five plans and approving Coérdoba’s suggestions. Sé. Pup., Sac., MS.,iv. 56-7. Borica’s instructions to Cér“oba for his southern trip, Oct. 8, 1796. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 246-7. He was to gather material for 542 RULE OF BORICA-—-FOREIGN RELATIONS. The transport San Carlos, Captain Saavedra, arrived at San Francisco March 11,1797, and probably brought the news of actual war with England, though the communication of the viceroy does not appear in the archives;” for the 13th of March despatches began to circulate throughout the province, ordering the seiz- ing of English vessels, instructing commandants to redouble their precautions, and calling upon friars to ate not only prayers but Indians if needed. On the rst alarm of invasion notice was to be sent to Mon- terey, the military forces were to concentrate at the threatened point, and live-stock was to be driven inland. Men were drilled in the use of arms; messen- gers were kept in constant motion; Indians were harangued on the horrors of an English invasion; sentinels were posted wherever an anchorage or land- ing was deemed possible; able-bodied men were gathered at the presidios, while the disabled ones were detailed to protect women and children; and strict economy was practised, since a non- arrival of the supply-ship was feared. This state of things lasted several months, but the popular excitement was considerably allayed by the arrival of the Con- cepcion and Princesa in April and May, and by the delay of the English invasion, nothing more alarming having occurred in the mean time than the rumored finding of some bodies of white men in the surf at Point Reyes.* a general map of California. Dec. 11th, Cérdoba arrived in San Diego. St. Pap., Sac., vii. 53. 31 Arrival of San Cdrlos, Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 249; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xvi. 62. There is a letter of the viceroy to Borica dated Jan. 25th, in which he alludes to some vague rumors of trouble with England, and recommends precautions. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 218-19. 32 March 13th, Borica to Lasuen, Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 183. Borica to com- mandants. Jd.,iy.155. March 13th to 14th, Lasuen to padres ordering prayers, litany on Satur days, mass once a month, and exhortations such as Maccabeus gave during the campaign against Nicanor. Arch. Sta Barbar a, MS., xi. 141-4; Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 88-4. March 17th, Borica to commandants. Prov. ftec., MS., iv. 155-G. March 19th, 24th, Sal to B. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 220-22, March 22d, B. to commandant S. F. Cautious with strange vessels, war-ships to be menaced. Prov. Rec., MS. v. 82-3. March 28th, April 10th, 2d, Goycoechea to B., Santa Barbara defences in a very bad state to resist attack. Is suspicious ‘of the Indians to whom the British have given beads. ALARMING RUMORS. 548 During the months of July, August, and Septem- ber all seems to have been quiet,* but in the middle of October there came a report from the peninsular mission of San Miguel that five, ten, or even sixteen vessels had been seen making for the north. The falsity of the report was ascertained before a week had passed, but not before it had been published with all the precautionary orders of old throughout the province, and had been sent to Mexico.* This emer- gency elicited from Governor Borica peremptory in- structions which went all the rounds, to the effect that in case he were taken prisoner by the English no attention was to be paid to any orders purporting to come from him, whatever their nature; but the commandants were to go on in defence of California as their duty and circumstances might dictate.™ A Families to be gradually removed to Angeles. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 40, 43-5, 188-9. March 3lst, Sal to B., all care taken. Provisions to be destroyed and not allowed to fall into the hands of the foe. Jd., xvi. 220. March 31st, April Gth, May llth, Grajera to B., a sentinel on the beach at San Juan Capistrano, Invalids of Angeles, San Gabriel, and Nietos rancho ready. If the Presidio has to be abandcned, shall it be destroyed or not? Id., xvi. 267-9, 211-12. April 5th, Fidalgo to B. from San Blas. The Con- ecpcion, Captain Manrique, and the Princesa, Captain Caamaiio, will protect the California coast. [d., xvii. 147. April 24th, B. to Goycoechea, 'Target- shooting every Sunday. Indians must be imbued with anti-English senti- ments, taught that the foe are hostile to religion, violators of women. Prov. Rec., MS., 1v. 88. April 25th, B. to commandants, economize, for the supplies of 1798 cannot come. Jd., iv. 158. April 30th, Alberni to B., Indians refuse to go to Bodega from fear. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 152. May 25th, Princesa at Sta Barbara with supplies. Will remain as a coast- guard. Jd., xxi. 261-2. June 8th, B. to commandants. If Presidio is aban- doned, guns to be spiked and powder burned. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 254-5. Finding of bodies at Pt Reyes in April. Prov. St. Pap., MS.. xv. 116. Two years later it was learned that San Diego Bay had been surveyed by the English in 1797 on a moonlight night. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii. 20. 33 Oct. Ist, Vallejo, writing from San José, mentions the arrival of an English ship at Santa Cruz, Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 155, but nothing more is heard of the matter. 34 Oct. 15th, Grajera to Borica. Oct. 20th, contradiction. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 190-1. Oct. 19th, B. to all, Spread the news in all directions & mata-caballo. Vigilancia!! Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 160; v. 259. Dec. 3d, 4th, viceroy to B. He doubts the accuracy of the report, since the Concepcion and Princesa came down the coast without seeing any vessels. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 272-9. 35 Oct. 20th, Borica to commandants. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 161. Oct. 22d, Alberni to comisionado of San José. San José, Arch., MS., v. 28. Nov. 3d, Goycoechea to B. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 100. Nov. 9th, Grajera to B. Id., xvi. 195-6. 544 RULE OF BORICA—FOREIGN RELATIONS. large war-ship arrived at Santa Barbara on Dec. 17th, but she proved to be the Spanish Magallanes, Cap- tain Espinosa, from Manila, and had come to protect rather than to invade the country. Finding no foes in California waters, she sailed for the south, as the Concepcion and Princesa had done a little earlier.” The only subsequent events of the war, so far as California was concerned, were the contribution for the relief of his Majesty’s exchequer, called for by Viceroy Azanza through bishop and governor in the fall of 1798 and paid in the summer of 1799,” and a new fright, also in 1799, resulting in the usual precau- tionary orders, and caused by the report of from fifteen to nineteen English frigates in and about the gulf of California. 36 Of the San Cdrlos we know nothing beyond her arrival on March 11th at San Francisco. The Concepcion left San Blas in March with $1,088 of provisions; she brought also 9 settlers, 2 smiths, 4 soldiers, and 11 padres, having on board Alférez Lujan and Lieut. Suarez; arrived at San Francisco April 14th; was at Monterey June 28th; left Monterey Sept. 4th; left San Diego Nov. 8th; arrived 8. Blas Nov. 22d. The Princesa arrived at Sta Barbara May 27th with 160 men, many sick with scurvy; was at San Diego from June to October; and sailed with the Concepcion. The Alagal'anes re- mained only a few days at Sta Barbara and sailed for Acapulco. The only other vessel of the year was the Activo, Captain Salazar, from Manila, which arrived at Monterey Sept. 27th, and sailed Oct. 7th. The vessels of 1798 were the Concepcion, Caamafio, and the Activo, Leon y Luna. The former arrived at Santa Barbara in May with 8 padres and 24 convicts, and left Monterey in June. The latter arrived at San Francisco in June. On move- ments of vessels: Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 90-1, 94, 105, 157, 162; vi. 52, 54, 56, 76, 87, 92-4, 104, 256; St. Pap., Sac., MS., viii. 76; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 52, 68, 1138-14; xvi. 54, 62, 175, 192, 197; xvii. 1; xxi. 249, 253-5, 281. 37 Oct. 20, 1798, viceroy to gov. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 82. Nov. 13th, bishop to padres, and Lasuen’s refusal. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., x. 67-72; xii. 235-7; vi. 296-7. Jan. 31st, Borica to V. R., sends $1,000 as a personal contribution. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 118. Same date to commandants. Jd., iv. 170. June 26, account of results. Settlers and Indians of the missions (per- haps an error for Monterey including Borica’s amount?) $1,853; San Fran- cisco, $242; Angeles, $175; Santa Barbara, $375; San Diego, $519; Catalan volunteers, $257; artillery, $39; total, $3,460. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxvii. 7. Another account makes $1,853 the total. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 128. 38 July 4, 1798, Borica to commandants, 19 frigates in the Pacific. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 172. July 12th, 15th, Sal to comisionado of San José, for- warding orders and 1,000 cartridges. S. José, Arch., MS., vi. 48-9. July 19th, B. to commandant Sta Barbara, a place to be prepared at San Fernando for archives, reserve arms, and church vessels. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 112. Aug. 3d, V. R. to B., the Manila galleons must remain at Monterey until tue way is cleared of privateers. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 237. Governor’s orders in accordance. Prov. Rec., MiS., iv. 176; vi. 131. Sept. 18th, two Spanish vessels reported as captured, not in Cal. Jd., iv. 173. - ry —— AMERICAN SAILORS. 545 From 1797 to 1800 the military force and distribu- tion remained practically the same as in 1796 after the arrival of the Catalan volunteers and the artil- lery. In April 1797 Borica asked for twenty-five recruits per year to fill vacancies and for an increase of thirty infantry and fifty cavalry, besides three war- vessels. At the beginning of 1799 the total expense of the military establishment as given by the gov- _ ernor, was $73,889 per year. In March Borica urged an increase of $18,624 in the annual expense, by the addition of three captains and an adjutant inspector, and the substitution of one hundred and five cavalry for the Catalan volunteers. Nothing was accomplished, however, in these directions until after 1800. In the mean time some slight progress was made on local fortifications, and the engineer Cordoba, having com- pleted his surveys and made a general map of Cali- fornia, had returned to Mexico in the autumn of oe. At the end of 1798 four sailors who had been left in Baja California by the American vessel Gallant were brought up to San Diego and set to work while awaiting a vessel to take them to San Blas.“ In May 1799 James Rowan in the Hliza, an American ship, anchored at San Francisco and obtained’ supplies un- der a promise not to touch at any other port in the province.” In August 1800 the American ship Letsy, 39 Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 86-8; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 180, 188-9. 49 Oct. 17, 1795, viceroy to Borica, speaks of Cérdoba’s appointment. He is able, well behaved, and energetic. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 46. Jan. 1797, Cordoba at work on a map of California. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 78. Nov. 26, 1797, Borica forwards the map to the viceroy; received in March (or eave L798 7di, vi. G2; vii. “189; Prov. "St Pap., MS., xy¥ii.'3: Nov. 27, 1797, Cérdoba ordered by V. R. to return to Mexico. He sailed in October 1798. Id., xv. 272-3; xxi. 286. 41 Prov. Rec., MS., v. 283, 285; vi. 111; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 197-202. They were examined carefully but no information of importance was elicited. Wm. Katt, Barnaby Jan, and John Stephens were natives of Boston ‘in the American colonies.’ Gabriel Boisse was a Frenchman. “May 27, 1799, Rowan to commandant. Gives the promise required; will pay cash; would sail to-day if it were less foggy. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvil. 206-8. June 3d, Borica to viceroy. The Hiliza had 12 guns; gave'a draft on Boston for $24. Prov. Iec., MS., vi. 125-6. Aug. 3d, V. R. to B., Approves _ his course; names John Kendrick as supercargo, aud says he wisied *o winter at Montercy. Hist. Cau., Vou. I. 35 546 RULE OF BORICA—FOREIGN RELATIONS. Captain Charles Winship, obtained wood and water at San Diego.” In October there anchored a large vessel, of suspiciously English appearance and carry- ing twenty-six guus, off the mouth of the Rio San Antonio in Monterey Bay; but she sailed without committing hostilities.“ In the spring of 1800 there had come news of war between Spain and Russia. This brought out the usual orders for precautionary measures and non-inter- course, but it failed to arouse even a ripple of excite- ment. An invasion from Kamchatka seems to have had no terrors for the Californians after their success in escaping from the fleets of Great Britain. Precautions taken to guard against invasion by a foreign foe having thus been narrated, it is necessary to give some attention to the dangers that threatened from within at the hands of the natives. Although this subject of Indian affairs, in this as in most other periods of California history, is prominent in the archives, I do not deem it necessary to devote much space to it here. The Spaniards, few in number and surrounded by savages of whose numbers and disposition little was known, were peculiarly situated. 8 Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 1382; xii. 6; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 44; St. Pap., Sac., MS., ix. 12, 13. She arrived on the 25th and sailed Sept. 4th; she had 19 men and 10 guns; she asked aid later at San Blas, but was frightened away by the approach of Spanish vessels, leaving her supplies, papers, captain, su- percargo, and some sailors. 44 Nov. 30, 1800, governor to commandant. Prov. Ree. .. MS., xi. 146-7. Gov. to viceroy. Prov. St. Pap,, MS., xviii. 67. Dec. 18th, V. R’s orders to look out for returning whalers. S¢. Pap., Sac., MS., ix. 50. The Concepcion brought the memorias with nine padres to San Francisco in May 1799, being kept in quarantine 13 days, and not leaving California until January 1800. Coming back she arrived at Monterey in August 1800 with supplies, padres, and children, convoyed by the armed. Princesa, Capt. Vivero. They were at Santa Barbara in September, and left San Diego in November. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 9, 69; xxi. 30, 43-4, 48, 54; Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 12; xi. 84, 144; St. Pap., Sac., MS., iii. 20; vii. 76-7. 45 Dec. 21, 1799, viceroy to Borica. Newspapers announce war. St. Pap., Sac., MS., ix. 54. Feb. 8, 1800, B. to commandants. War not certain; but the province must be ready for an invasion from Kamchatka. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 23; Prov. Rec., MS., x. 5. March 31st, declaration of war known at Monterey. Intercourse with Russia forbidden. Id., ix. 2, 7. ‘Oct. 9, 1802, mass ordered for peace. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vii. 1. | INDIAN AFFAIRS. 547 They fully realized the dangers to which they would be exposed in case of a general uprising among the natives; and the consequence was that any unusual action on the part of the aborigines, the rumor of impending hostilities, gave birth to long investiga- tions and a mass of correspondence out of proportion to the cause. Nine tenths of the rumors investigated proved to be groundless, and the few that had real foundation rested for the most part on petty events of no interest save in the mission or pueblo where they happened. Therefore I shall have something to say of these matters in connection with local annals, but in this chapter shall enter but slightly into the details either of events or correspondence. In September 1794 fifteen or twenty neophytes of San Luis Obispo and Purisima were arrested .with some gentiles for making threats and inciting revolt at San Luis. Five of the culprits were condemned to presidio work. Throughout the year there was some apprehension of trouble at San José and Santa Clara, caused mainly by the natives suddenly leaving certain rancherias. Lieutenant Sal went in person to make investigations, and the natives disclaimed any idea of revolt, but Father fernandez was admonished ‘to be somewhat less zealous, not to say cruel, in his treatment of the natives. In March 1795 a party of neophytes were sent from San Francisco across the bay northerly in search of fugitive Christians. After marching two nights and a day in that direction they were attacked by the gentiles and eight or ten slain. The friars were blamed for having sent out the party, and the gov- ernor deemed it unwise to avenge the loss and make enemies of these warlike and hitherto friendly tribes. In the south Alférez Grijalva had some trouble with the natives on the frontier between San Diego and San Miguel. This was in June and one or two sav- ages lost their lives. Near Santa Barbara there was 46 Prov, St. Pap., MS., xii. 33, 49-53, 100-4, 124-32, 194, 548 RULE OF BORICA—FOREIGN RELATIONS. a fight in October between pagans and neophytes in which lives were lost on both sides. In June 1797 thirty neophytes were sent across the bay from San Francisco, in a direction not clearly indicated, in search of fugitives, and they were rather roughly treated by a tribe of Cuchillones though none were killed. This affair caused a long correspondence and finally brought positive orders from the viceroy forbidding the friars to send out such parties. In July after many preliminaries Sergeant Amador made an expedition against both the Cuchillones and the Saca- lanes, who had committed the outrage of 1795. He brought in nine of the gentile culprits and eighty- three fugitive Christians. The savages are said to have dug pits which prevented the use of horses, and obliged Amador to fight on foot hand to hand, seven or eight of them being killed. At San Luis Obispo a neophyte was murdered by a gentile and there was a temporary excitement and fear that the mission would be attacked. Depredations continued on the southern frontier and San Diego as usual was deemed in danger.* In 1798 the savages are said to have surrounded San Juan Bautista by night, but they retired after killing eight Indians of an adjoining rancherfa. In the resulting expedition to the sierra under Sergeant Macario Castro, one chief was killed, four captives were taken, and a soldier was badly wounded. There was a false alarm of impending attack.on San Miguel, San Luis, and Purisima by the Tulare and channel Indians. Around San Francisco Bay and especially at San José Mission there were: constant rumors of preparations for hostilities that never occurred.” “ Prov. Rec., MS., v. 227-8; iv. 35-6; vi. 48-50, 56, 146; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 82, 1y7e 8, 215-16, 241-2, 275-6; xvi. 71. According to Calleja, Respuesta, MS., 12, ‘the ranchos of four men in the Monterey district were destroyed by Indians this year. © Provost, are MS., xv. 19-27, 122-5, 173-8, 282-3; xvi. 70-3, 90, 239, 249; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 88; v. 206-7, 267. 49 Prov, Rec., MS., iv. 285; v. 210; vi. 106-7, 100; ix. 9; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 97, 100, 106-7. INDIAN AFFAIRS. 549 The only recorded event of 1799 was an expedition of Macario Castro in June to the various rancherias of the Monterey district. His object was to collect fugitives from San Carlos, Soledad, and San Juan Bautista, and also to warn the gentiles against har- boring runaways. Fortified by long and _ explicit instructions from Borica, and accompanied by thirteen soldiers and as many natives, Castro was successful. In May 1800 Pedro Amador made a raid from Santa Clara into the hills. He killed a chief, broke many weapons, and took a few captives andrunaways. The natives again committed some depredations at San Juan Bautista, and in July Sergeant Moraga, march- ing against them, captured fourteen.” From the pre- ceding paragraphs it appears that Borica’s rule was a period of peace so far as Indian hostilities against the Spaniards are concerned. Naturally there were con- flicts between neophytes and pagans, especially when bands of the former were sent out by the friars to scour the country for fugitives, and here and there a theft or other petty depredation was committed; but the natives were not yet hostile, though they resisted the soldiers on several occasions in the hills, and showed that in case of a general war they might prove formidable. 50 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 325-30; xviii. 33; Id., Ben. Mil., MS., xxviii. 10-12; Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 9,10; St. Pap., Sac., MS., viii. 70-1. CHAPTER XXVI. RULE OF BORICA~EXPLORATIONS AND NEW FOUNDATIONS. , 1794-1800. SEARCH FOR MIssrton S1ITES—EXPLORATION OF THE ALAMEDA—SAN BENITO— Las Pozas—ENcINo—PALE—LASUEN’S REPORT—FOUNDATION oF MIs- sIon SAN Jost AT THE ALAMEDA—LOCAL ANNALS TO 1800—Misston San JUAN BAUTISTA AT POPELOUTCHOM—EARTHQUAKE—MISSION SAN MIGUEL AT VAHIA—PADRE ANTONIO DE LA CONCEPCION HorraA—MIssIon SAN FERNANDO ON REYES’ RancHo, oR ACHOIS COMIHAVIT—MIssion SAN Luis Rey at TacayME—A New PuEBLO—PRELIMINARY CORRESPOND- ENCE—SEARCH FOR A SITE—REPORTS OF ALBERNI AND CORDOBA—SAN FRANCISCO AND ALAMEDA REJECTED IN Favor oF Santa CRUzZ—AR- RIVAL OF COLONISTS—FOUNDING OF THE VILLA DE BRANCIFORTE—PRO- TEST OF THE FRANCISCANS—PLAN TO OPEN COMMUNICATION WITH NEW MExico—CoLorabo RovutE TO SONORA. Ir had long been the intention to found a series of new missions, each equidistant from two of the old ones, or as nearly so as practicable, and all somewhat farther inland than the original line. The friars of course were familiar with the general features of the country, and had made up their minds long ago about the best sites. In 1794—5, however, explorations were made by the priests, assisted in each instance by a military officer and guard of soldiers. In some cases this was a real search for new information; in others it was a formality, that the choice of sites might be offi- cially confirmed. This matter settled, the necessary correspondence between governor, president, viceroy, and guardian took place in 1795-6, and in 1797-8 the new missions, five in number, were put in operation. In 1794 the eastern shores of San Francisco Bay were almost a tierra incdégnita to the Spaniards. It ( 550 ) SS SG THE ALAMEDA SHORE. 551 would perhaps be too much to say that those shores had not been visited for nearly twenty years, since the time of Anza; but there is no record of any pre- vious raid against the gentiles in that region, much less of any exploring expedition. In November of this year, four natives were sent across to work with the pagans, but one of the two tule-rafts composing this armada was swept out and wrecked on the Fara- llones, where two of the navigators were drowned. In the same month the friars wished to go with a small guard up the eastern bay-shore from Santa Clara to conquer the gentiles, taking advantage of their short supply of food resulting from drought, but the com- mandant at San Francisco refused, because the coun- try was “almost unknown,” the natives perverse, and the adventure too hazardous.’ Before June Sergeant Pedro Amador visited the southern part of this ter- ritory, and in his report used the name of Alameda, still applied to county and creek. ” November 15,1795, in accordance with Borica’s orders of the 9th, AL férez Sal and Father Danti set out from Monterey. On the 16th they explored the San Benito region, on the stream of the same name, where they found all that was required for a mission; and next day they found another suitable location on the edge of the San Bernardino plain near Las Llagas Creek, or what is now the vicinity of Gilroy. Having arrived at Santa Clara on the 21st, they were joined by Alférez Raimundo Carrillo, and started next day to examine the Alameda previously explored by Amador, whose diary they had. The river of the Alameda was also called by Danti Rio de San Clemente. The explorers continued their journey up toa point which they state to have been opposite or in sight of San Francisco 1 Nov. 30, 1794, Sal to Governor, in Prov. St. Pap. , MS., xii. 28-9. ? Amador’s report is not extant, but the governor’s acknowledgment of its receipt is dated June 2, 1795. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 54. i suppose he applied the name, or it had been applied before, toa grove on the stream, since it is so applied a little later. Alameda was subscquently used for the southern section as was Contra Costa for the northern, though much less commonly. 552 EXPLORATIONS AND NEW FOUNDATIONS. Mission and Yerba Buena Island, nearly or quite to the site of the modern Oakland perhaps, and then turned backward, discovering some important salt- marshes, and finally erected a cross at a spot some- what south of the Alameda and called San Francisco Solano, arriving at Santa Clara, well soaked with the rain, on the 25th of November. Both commandant and friar kept a journal of this expedition. The docu- ments still exist and contain many interesting local details, but are somewhat vaguely written. At all events I have no space for their reproduction, and the still longer explanation that would be required.° In August 1795 Father Sitjar of San Antonio made an examination of the country between his mission and San Luis Obispo, finding no better place for a mis- sion than Las Pozas, where farming-ground for three hundred fanegas of seed might be irrigated from the arroyos of Santa Isabel and San Marcos. He was accompanied on his trip by Macario Castro and Ig- nacio Vallejo.‘ 3 Sal, Informe que hace de los Parages que se han reconocido en la Alameda, 1795, MS. Dated San Francisco, Nov. 30th. Left San Francisco, Oct. 16th. St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 60-1. Dantt, Diario de un Reconocimiento de la Ala- meda, 1795, MS. Dated San Francisco, Dec. 2, 1795. It may be noted that Macario Castro, of San José, had a herd of mares at this time in the Ala- meda. Also that one of the northern streams visited was called San Juan de la Cruz. Sal, Informe en el cual manifesta lo que ha adyuirido de varios suyetos’ para comunicarlo al gobernador, 81 de Enero 1796, MS., contains the follow- ing geographical information about the great interior valley—unintelligible for the most part: About 15 leagues north from Santa Clara is the Rio del Pes- cadero where salmon are caught. A quarter of a league further the Rio San Francisco Javier still larger. Two leagues beyond, the Rio San Migucl, larger than either. These three have no trees where they cross the tularvs valley. Five leagues farther is the Rio de la Pasion. Letween the last two is an encinal in that part of the Sierra Madre which stretches north and is called the Sierra Nevada. Keeping in the encinal and leaving the tulares to the left there is a region of fresh-water lakes. The four rivers run from east to west and empty into the ensenada of the port of San Francisco, tide- water running far up. The Sierra Madre is about eight leagues from Rio de la Pasion. Before coming to the rivers, on the right is the Sierra of San Juan, a short distance from the Sierra Nevada, and in sight from the presidio. The four rivers were named by Captain Rivera in December 1776. An Indian said his people traded with a nation of black Indians who had padres. Another spoke of the Julpones, Quinenseat, Taunantoe, and Quisitoe nations, the last ba!d from bathing in boiling lakes. An Indian woman said that five days beyond the rivers there were soldiers and padres. Lovers of mystery will find food for reflection and theory in the preceding remarks. *Sitjar, ReconocimientodeSitio parala Nucva MisiondeSan Miguel, 1795, MS. Dated Aug. 27th, andaddressed to Lasuen. Nee also St. Pap., Miss. ,MS., ii. 56-7. ees Eee a een a Pp ea Se heed aetna se SOE A. AS ada oe 2 a NEW SITES IN THE SOUTH. 553 The region between San Buenaventura and San Gabricl was explored in August 1795, in accordance with the governor’s instructions of July 23d, by Father Santa Maria, Alférez Cota, and Sergeant Ortega with four men. The Encino Valley, where Francisco Reyes had a rancho, was the spot best suited for a mission among the many visited, but the gentiles being attached to the pueblo of Los Angeles or to the private ranchos, showed no desire for mis- sionaries.” In the preceding June Sergeant Ortega had explored the country northward from Santa Barbara and found a fertile valley on the Rio Santa Rosa, probably near where Santa Inés was founded in later years.£ In the southern district Father Mariner with Alférez Grijalva and six men started from San Diego on August 17th to search for a mis- sion site between San Diego and San Juan Capis- trano. His report was in favor of the valley of San José, called by the natives Tacopin, a league and a half beyond Pam6 toward the sierra.’ The results of the various explorations were summed up by President Lasuen in a report of January 12, 1796, which was incorporated by Governor Borica in a report to the viceroy in February.® The sites ap- 5 Santa Marta, Registro que hizo de los Parages entre San Gabriel y San Buenaventura, 1795, MS. Dated Feb. 3, 1796. The padre visited in this tour Cayegues rancheria, Simi Valley, Triunfo, Calabazas, Encino Valley with rancherias of Quapa, Tacuenga, Tuyunga, and Mapipinga, La Zanja, head of Rio Santa Clara, and Mufin rancheria. The document is badly _ written, and also I suspect badly copied, and the names may be inaccurate. In some spots the pagans cultivated the land on their own account. Corporal Verdugo owned La Zanja rancho. Governor’s order of July 23d, in Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 19. In St. Pap., Aliss., MS., ii. 55-6, it is stated that Santa Maria made an unsuccessful survey. S Ortega, Diario que forma Felipe Maria de Ortega, Sargento de la Com- panta de Santa Barbara en cumplimiento a la comision que obtuvo de D. Felipe de Goycoechea saliendo con tres hombres a reconocer los sitios por el rumbo del norte en el dia 17 a las 8 de la mafiana del mes de Junio, y es como siyne, 1798, MS. The same diary includes an examination of the Mojonera region on June 26th to 28th. Some explorations in 1798 will be given later in connection with the foundation of Santa Inés. 7July 23, 1795, governor’s order. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 229-30. Aug. 14th and 28th, Sept. Ist and 9th, communications of Mariner and Grajera. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 19-20; St. Pap., Miss., MS., 8 Lasuen, Informe sobre Sitios para Nuevas iisiones, 1796, MS.; Borica, Informe de Nuevas Misiones, 26 de Feb., 1796, MS. 504 EXPLORATIONS AND NEW FOUNDATIONS. proved were San Francisco Solano, seven or eight leagues north of Santa Clara; Las Pozas, equidistant between San Antonio and San Luis Obispo: and Palé, fourteen leagues from San Diego and eighteen from San Juan. ‘The other two required additional exam- ination, since two sites had been recommended be- tween San Carlos and Santa Clara, and that between San Buenaventura and San Gabriel was not altogether satisfactory. Borica hoped that by means of the new missions all the gentiles west of the Coast Range might be reduced and thus $15,060, the annual ex- ense of guards, might be saved to the royal treasury. He did not deem it safe to expose the friars with a small guard of soldiers east of the mountains. The viceroy if he consents to the foundations should send friars and the $1,000 allowed to each new establish- ment; but no increase of military force will be needed, since the presence of the volunteers and the artillery- men will release some soldiers, and the guards of some old missions may be reduced. The saving of $15,060 and the unusual circumstance that no additional force was needed, were strong arguments in Mexico, and on the 19th of August 1796 the viceroy, after con- sultation with the treasury officials, authorized the carrying-out of Borica’s plan.° On September 29th Nogueyra, the guardian, announces that he has named the ten friars required. He asks for the usual allow- ances, and begs that a vessel may sail with the mis- | sionaries as soon as possible, but protests against any reduction of the guards at the old missions. Borica received the viceroy’s orders before the end of the year, and on May 5, 1797, Lasuen announced that the friars were coming and all was ready.” ® Branciforte, Autorizacion del Virrey para la fundacion de cinco nuevas mis- tones, 1796, MS. Sept. 29th, guardian consents. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 128-9. 0 Dec. 23, 1796, Borica to viceroy, St. Pap., Sac., MS., iv. 71-2. May 5, 7935 Lasuen to B., Jd., vii. 28-31. Lasuen says it will be hard for the old missions to contribute for so many new ones at the same time; yet he will. do his best. San Carlos, Santa Clara, and San Francisco will be called upon to aid the two northern establishments and to lend Indiansand tools. Live- stock must be given outright. Santa Cruz certainly and Soledad probably must be excused. cat > eri rr Sr Reta Ol Acer a i omental te. Pret as in le Pe SS FOUNDING OF MISSION SAN J OSE. 555 Preliminaries being thus arranged, I come to the actual founding of the five missions, chronological order in this instance agreeing with that of localities from north to south. Desiring to avoid any unneces- sary scattering of material I shall join to the estab- lishing of each mission its local annals to the end of the decade, as I have done before in the case of new establishments. Borica sent orders to the commandant of San Fran- cisco, the 15th of May, to detail Corporal Miranda and five men for the mission of San José to be founded at the Alameda. On June 9th the troops under Amador and accompanied by Lasuen started for the spot, where next day a temporary church, or enramada, was erected. The native name of the site was Oroy- som, and the name of the mission, San José, in honor of the patriarch husband of the virgin Mary, had been included in the orders from Mexico. On June 11th, Trinity Sunday, the regular ceremonies of foundation—blessing the ground, raising the cross, litany of all saints, mass, sermon, te deum, and the burning of one pound of gunpowder—were performed’ by or under the superintendence of Father Lasuen, the only friar present. The same day all returned to Santa Clara leaving the new mission to solitude and the gentiles. Five days later Amador and his men came back to cut timber and prepare the necessary buildings. By the 28th this work was so far advanced that the guard, as was thought, could complete it. Water was brought to the plaza, and the soldiers, all but Miranda and his five men, retired to the presidio. The same day the ministers, Isidoro Barcenilla and Agustin Merino, arrived and took charge.” 1 Amador, Diario de la Expedicion para fundar la Mision de San José, 1797, MS.; Amador, Prevenciones al Cabo de la escolta de Sun José, 1797, MS. Dated June 28th, San José, Lib. de Mision, MS., title-pages. May 15th, governor’s order to commandant. Prov. Iec., MS., v. 107. June 11th, Lasuen to gov. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., vi. 21-2; St. ‘Pap., Sac., MS., xviil. 29-30; Prov, Rec., MS., vi. 1990. July 2d, Gov. to viceroy. Id., vi. 94. June 29th, Miranda to ‘commandant. Pro. St. Pap. Was, XL, 91, The Indian name of the site is also written Oroyjon, Oroyson, and ‘Oryson. Contributions 556 EXPLORATIONS AND NEW FOUNDATIONS. In July 1797 there were rumors of impending attack by the savages, and such rumors were prevalent to the end of the decade; but there was no disaster, and I shall have occasion elsewhere to speak further of Indian troubles round San Francisco Bay.” The first baptism was administered September 2d by Father Catalé. By the end of 1797 there were 33 converts, and in 1800 the number had increased to 286, the baptisms having been 364 and the burials 88. Mean- while the large stock came to number 367, and there were 1,600 sheep and goats. Crops in 1800 were about 1,500 bushels, chiefly wheat. Total for the three years 3,900 bushels. Padre Barcenilla, a man who, by reason of ill-health as was believed, was extremely irascible and always in a quarrel with somebody, particularly with the corporal,” remained at San José till after 1800. Merino was replaced in 1799 by José Antonio Uria. All three were new-comers, and none remained long in the country. A wooden structure with grass roof served as a church. Miranda was replaced by Luis Peralta in 1798." from the three northern missions for San José were 12 mules, 39 horses, 12 yoke of oxen, 242 sheep, and 60 pigs. Arch. Misiones, MS., i. 57. 12 See Chapter xxxi. of this volume. July 3, 1797, Corp. Miranda to com- mandant, says that on account of the danger, the padres wished to abandon the mission, but he has dissuaded them. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 90. Aug. 17, 1797, Amador to Borica. Some gentiles want to come near the mission to live because the Sacalanes threaten to kill them for their friendship to the Christians. [d.,xv. 173-4. April 6, 1798, Argiiello to B., Indians making arrows to attack the mission. Reénforcements sent. The corporal has orders not to force Indians to come to the mission. Jd., xvii. 97. April 17th, Amador says 26 Indians consented to come and be made Christians. /d., xvii. 101. The making of arrows seems to have been for hunting purposes. Jd., xvii. 100. June 6th, Gov. to Corporal Peralta ordering great caution and prudence, but the Indians must be punished if fair words have no effect. Jd., xvii. 106-7. 13 Sept. 27, 1797, Barcenilla writes to the commandant that the soldiers will not lend a hand even in cases where ‘the most barbarous Indian would not refuse his aid.’ Private Higuera does nothing but wag his tongue against such as assist the padres. Corp. Miranda is much changed and will not work even for pay. Miranda explained that the padres were angry because the soldiers would not act as vaqueros. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 47-8. Details of the trouble in Jd., xvi. 35-8, 46-7. 48t. Pan. Miss., MS., ii. 122. Soldiers of the guard before 1800, accord- ing to S. José, Lib. de Mision, MS., Juan José Higuera, Salvador Higuera, Juan Garcia, Cornelio Rosales, Rafael Galindo, Juan José Linares, Ramon Linares, Francisco Flores, José Maria Castillo, Miguel Salazar, Hilario Mi- randa, and Hermenegildo ‘Bojor ges, aca we @ ee et Bo ale i Ne ee me = OF, ie FOUNDING OF SAN JUAN BAUTISTA. 557 For the second mission Borica instructed the com- mandant of Monterey on May 18th to detail Cor- poral Ballesteros and a guard of five men.” Next day were issued Borica’s instructions to the corporal, simi- lar in every respect to documents of the same class already noted in past chapters. It is to be noted, however, that the matter of furnishing escorts to the friars is left more to the corporal’s discretion than before, the absence of soldiers at night being declared inexpedient but not absolutely prohibited. Sending soldiers after fugitive neophytes was, however, still forbidden. These instructions, though prepared espe- cially for this new mission, were ordered published at all the missions.”® The site chosen was the southernmost of the two that had been examined, called by the Spaniards for many years past San Benito, but by the natives Popeloutchom.” Here as early as June 17th, Corporal Ballesteros had erected a church, missionary-house, granary, and guard-house,” and on June 24th, day of the titular saint, President Lasuen with the aid of fathers Catalé and Martiarena founded the new mis- sion of San Juan Bautista,” the name having been 15 Prov, St. Pap., MS., xvii. 144-5. A list of supplies furnished the escolta is given as follows: 12 fan. maize, 4 fan. beans, 1 butt of fat, 1 barrel, 1 pot, 1 pan, 1 iron ladle, 1 metate, 1 earthern pan, 1 frying-pan, 2 knives, 5 axes, 3 hoes, 1 iron bar, 1 machete, 6 knives for cutting grass and tules, 10 hides, 2 muskets, 1,000 cartridges, No. 14, 1,000 balls, 200 flints, 50 Ibs. pow- der, 1 pair of shackles, 2 fetters, 1 door, 1 padlock, weights and measures, List also in St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 51-2... May 19th, Borica gives some gen- eral orders about the two new missions. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii, 137. 16 Borica, Instruccion para el Comandante de la Escolta destinada & la fun- dacion de la Mision de San Juan Bautista, 1797, MS. 1 Written also Poupeloutehun and Popelout. The 23 rancherias belong- ing to this mission were Onextaco, Absayruc, Motssum, Trutca, Teboaltac, Xisca, or Xixcaca, Giguay, Tipisastac, Ausaima, Poytoquix, Guachurrones, Pagosines or Paycines, Calendaruc, Asystarca, Pouxouoma, Suricuama, Ta- marox, Thithirii, Unijaima, Chapana, Mitaldejama, Echantac, and Yelmus. 18 Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 190-1. 19Lasuen both on the title-page of S. Juan Bautista, Lib. de Mision, MS., and in a letter of June 27th, to the governor, Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., vi. 22-3, commits the strange error of making the foundation on June 2Ist. In another letter dated June 27th, he gives the date correctly. St. Pap., Sac., MS., xviii. 28-9. July 2d, governor announces the founcation to viceroy. Prov. lec., MS., vi. 94. See also Jd., iv. 250; Arroyo de la Cuesta, Gram. Mutsun, p. vii.-viil. 558 EXPLORATIONS AND NEW FOUNDATIONS. indicated in the orders of the viceroy, and the day having been selected as appropriate. José Manuel Martiarena and Pedro Adriano Marti- nez were the first ministers, both new arrivals of 1794 and 1797 respectively, the latter serving at San Juan until the end of 1800, the former leaving the mission in July 1799, and Jacinto Lopez coming in August 1800. The first baptism took place on July 11th, and before the end of the year 85 had received the rite, as had 641 before the end of 1800, 65 having died in the mean time, and 516 remaining as neophytes. Live- stock increased to 723 large animals and 2,080 small; agricultural products for 1800—much the largest crop that had been raised—amounted to about 2,700 bush- els. A mud-roofed wooden structure was the mis- sion church before 1800. Beyond the statistics given there is nothing to be noted in the local annals of San Juan Bautista except certain Indian troubles and the earthquake of 1800. The Ansaimes, or Ansayames, were the natives who caused most trouble. They lived in the mountains some twenty-five miles east of San Juan. In 1798 they are said to have surrounded the mission by night, but were forced to retreat by certain prompt measures of the governor not specified. In November another band known as the Osos killed eight rancherfa Ind- ians, and Sergeant Castro was sent to punish them. They resisted and a fight occurred, in which the chief Tatillosti was killed, another chief and a soldier were wounded, and two gentiles were brought in to be educated as interpreters. In 1799 the Ansaimes again assumed a threatening attitude and killed five Moutsones, or Mutsunes, who lived between them and the mission. Acting under elaborate instructions from Borica, Castro visited several rancherias, recov- ered over fifty fugitives, administered a few floggings 0 The soldiers named in the mission-books before 1800 were Corporal Juan Ballesteros, Antonio Enriquez, José Manuel Higuera, José Guadalupe Ramirez, Matias Rodriguez, Manuel Briones, Liicas Altamirano, Isidro Flores, and José Ignacio Lugo. FOUNDING OF SAN MIGUEL. ' 559 with no end of warnings, found some of the prevalent rumors of past misdeeds to be unfounded, and brought in a few captives for presidio work. Again in 1800 the Ansaimes killed two Mutsunes at San Benito Creek, burned a house and some wheat-fields, and were with difficulty kept from destroying the mission. Sergeant Gabriel Moraga marched with ten men and brought in eighteen captives including the chieftains of the Ansaime and the Carnadero rancherfas.”* There were shocks of earthquake from the 11th to the 31st of October, sometimes six in a day, the most severe on the 18th. Friars were so terrified that they spent the nights out of doors in the mission carts. Several cracks appeared in the ground, one of considerable extent and depth on the banks of the Pajaro, and the adobe walls of all the buildings were cracked from top to bottom, and threatened to fall. The natives said that such shocks were not uncom- mon in that vicinity, and spoke of subterranean fis- sures, or caverns, caused by them, from which salt water had issued.” : The site of the third mission, between San Antonio and San Luis Obispo, was called Las Pozas by the Spaniards and Valid by the natives.” ‘ Here,” says 21 Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 9-11; vi. 106-7; Borica, Instruccion al Sargento Castro sobre recorrer las Rancherias de Gentiles, 1799, MS., in Prov. St. Pap., xvii. 325-8. Dated Monterey, June 7th. Castro, Diario de su Expedicion & las Rancherias, 1799, MS. Dated June 29th. It seems that the Spaniards were in the habit of going to the Ansaime country after ¢equesquite, or salt- petre. Besides those named in the text the Orestaco and Guapo rancherias are mentioned. Seealso St. Pap., Sac., MS., viii. 80-1; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 33. In 1800 the San Juan Indians sent 3 wagons, 9 yoke of oxen, 9 horses, and 15 Indians to Monterey when an attack from foreign vessels was feared. For this they were remunerated by order of the viceroy to encourage zeal in like cases. Id, xix. 7. 22 Comandante Sal. to governor, Oct. 31, 1800, in St. Pap., Miss. and Colon, MS., i. 40-2. Nov. 29th, governor acknowledges receipt. Prov. Rec., MS., xi. 147. Dee. 5th, governor to viceroy. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi., 51. Feb. 10th, V. R. to gov. Id., xviii. 69. is earthquake has been noticed also in Randolph's Oration; Val’ ejo, ITist. Cal., MS., i. 107; Tuthill’s Hist. Cal., 116; Trask, in Cal. Acad, Nut. Science, iii. 134. On Nov. 22d a shock was felt i in the extreme south. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 54. *8 There is much doubt about this aboriginal name. Different copyists from Lasuen’s original letters and cntries in the mission-books make it: Vatica, Savage, in title-page of S. Miguel, Lib. de Mision, MS.; Vahca, another from 560 EXPLORATIONS AND NEW FOUNDATIONS. Lasuen on July 25, 1797, ‘with the assistance of the Reverend Padre Apostolic Preacher, Fr. Buenaven- tura Sitjar, and of the troop destined to guard the new establishment, in presence of a great multitude of gentiles of both sexes and of all ages, whose pleas- ure and rejoicing exceeded even our desires, thanks to God, I blessed water, the place, and a great cross, which we adored and raised. Immediately I intoned the litany of the saints, and after 1t chanted the mass, in which I preached, and we concluded the ceremony by solemnly singing the te deum. May it all be for the greater honor and glory of God our Lord. Amen.” Thus was founded the mission of San Miguel, in honor of “the most glorious prince of the heavenly militia,” the archangel Saint Michael, for which Sitjar and Antonio de la Concepcion Horra, a new-comer of 1796, were appointed ministers. José Antonio Ro- driguez was corporal of the guard.” A beginning of missionary work was made by the baptism of 15 children on the day of foundation; at the end of 1800 the number had increased to 385, of whom 53 had died and 362 were on the registers as neophytes.” The number of horses and cattle was 372, while small animals numbered 1,582. The crop of 1800 was 1,900 bushels; and the total product of the three years, 3,700 bushels.” Sitjar left San Miguel and returned to his old mission of San Antonio in same original; Vahid, Murray, from Lasuen’s letters of July 25th, in Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., vi. 23-4; Vahea, Pivia, from Borica, July 31st, in Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 94-6. 44 San Miguel, Lib. de Mision, MS.; Rodriguez’ letter of July 25th. St. Pap., Sac., MS., xviii. 27-8; Lasuen’s letter of Aug. 5th, referring to the un- usually favorable disposition of the natives, but suggesting caution. Jd., vi. 96-7; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 193. See also references of preceding note. Con- tributions from San Antonio, San Luis, and Purisima were 8 mules, 23 horses, 8 yoke of oxen, 128 cattle, 184 sheep. Arch. Misiones, MS., i. 201. 2° | give the figures as they stand on the records. The sum of the deaths and existentes is rarely the same as the baptisms. When less, the deficiency may be attributed to runaways; but when greater it is inexplicable save on the theory of an error in the register. *6 The soldiers of the guard were José Antonio Rodriguez, corporal, Man- uel Montero, José Maria Guadalupe, and Juan Maria Pinto, according to the mission-book. According to the report of 1797-8, the bell at San Micuel was tis after its hanging found to be cracked and worthless. Arch. Sta Barbar a, IS., xii. 66. il FOUNDING OF SAN FERNANDO. 561 August 1798. Juan Martin began a very long term of ministry in September 1797, and Baltasar Car- nicer a short one in May 1799. Horra, better known by the name of Concepcion, served only about two months, when, being charged with insanity, he was enticed to visit Monterey on some pretended busi- ness of importance and sent to his college by order of Lasuen and consent of the governor, sailing on the Concepcion or Princesa, which left Monterey in Sep- tember.” He is said to have been a very able and worthy friar before he came to California; and in proof of his insanity nothing more serious is recorded than baptizing natives without sufficient preparation and neglecting to keep a proper register. There is no special reason to doubt, however, that the charge was well founded. After his return to the college, on July 12, 1798, he made a long report in which he charged the California friars with gross mismanage- ment, with cruelty to the natives, and with inhuman treatment of himself. This report I shall have occasion to notice more fully elsewhere. In the mission-books of San Miguel this padre’s signature appears but once—on the title of the death-register, where his statement that he was one of the founders was sub- sequently struck out. The original mud-roofed wood- en church was not replaced by a better structure until after 1800. For the fourth mission, between San Buenaventura and San Gabriel, additional exploration revealed no better location than that of Reyes’ rancho in Encino Valley, called by the natives Achois Comihavit. A quarrel between Reyes and the friars respecting the ownership of the land would be an appropriate intro- duction to the narrative of this foundation; but no 77 Aug. 20th, Lasuen to governor in Sé. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 93-4. Sept. 4th, governor to viceroy. Id., vii. 4. Sept. 2d, Gov. to Lasuen. Prov. Ree. oy DLS, vi. 196. Horra seems to have been transferred subsequently to the Queré taro col'ege, for which the guardian thanks God in a letter to. Lasuen, nay 14, Vi89. Arch. Sta B érbara, MS., xi, 280-1. Hier: tan, Vou L, 36 62 EXPLORATIONS AND NEW FOUNDATIONS. or such controversy 1s recorded, though the ranchero’s house was appropriated as a dwelling for the mission- aries. Lasuen had gone down from San Miguel to Santa Barbara, whence he started at the end of August. with Sergeant Olivera and an escort. With the aid of Father Francisco Dumetz, on the 8th of September, in the presence of the troops and a great crowd of natives, he performed the usual ceremonies, and dedicated the new mission, as required by instructions from Mexico, to San Fernando, Rey de Espajia.** Francisco Javier Uria was the associate of Dumetz, and both served — until the end of 1800 and later. Ten children were bap- tized the first day, and thirteen adults had been added to the list early in October. There were 55 neophytes at the end of 1797, and 310 at the end of 1800, bap- tisms having amounted to 352 and deaths to 70. Five hundred and twenty-six was the number of cattle, mules, and horses; and 600 that of sheep. Products of the soil in 1800 were about 1,000 bushels, though they had amounted to 1,200 bushels the year before, the total yield for three years being 4,700 bushels. The fifth and last of the new establishments was not founded until the next year. In October 1797 a new — exploration was made between San Juan Capistrano and San Diego by Corporal Lizalde, with seven sol- diers and five Indians, escorting fathers Lasuen and 8 St Ferdinand was Fernando III., King of Spain, who reigned from 1217 to 1251, under whose rule the crowns of Castile and Leon were united. He was canonized in 1671 by Clement X. Aug. 28th, Goycoechea to Borica an- nouncing Lasuen’s departure for Reyes’ rancho. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 82. Sept. 8th, Lasuen’s report of foundation. St. Pap., Sac., MS., xviii. 26-7; Arch, Sta Barbara, MS., vi. 24-5. Sept. 8th, certificate of Sergt. Olivera; he calls the site Achoic. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 92; vi. 191,196. Oct. 4th, Goycoe- — chea to Borica, sends Olivera’s diary. Guard-house and store-house finished. Two houses begun, church soon to be begun. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 246-7; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 92. Contributions from Santa Barbara, San Buenaven- tura, San Gabriel, and San Juan were 18 mules, 46 horses, 16 yoke of oxen, 310 cattle, 508 sheep. Arch. Misiones, MS., i. 202. The mission-books of San. Fernando I examined at the mission in 1874, They consisted of baptismal register 1 vol., 1798-1852, Ist entry April 28, 1798, signed by Dumetz; mar- riage register, 1 vol. 1797-1847, first entry, Oct. 8; 1797; and the Libro de Patentes y de Inventarios. In the legal difficulties that followed the death of coe Pico the books disappeared and could not be found by Mr Savage in 877. FOUNDING OF SAN LUIS REY. 563 Santiago from San Juan. The party separated to return north and south at the old Capistrano, which they doubtless selected at the time, October 6th, as the best mission site, for we hear no more of the Palé of former expeditions.” During December there was a correspondence between Borica and Lasuen on the subject, by which it appears that the large number of docile natives was the chief inducement to found a mission in this region, but that agricultural and other advantages were believed to be lacking. The gov- ernor insisted on the foundation, and prophesied that difficulties in the future would be less serious.” The governor issued orders the 27th of February 1798 to the commandant of San Diego, who was to furnish an escolta and to require from the soldiers ersonal labor in erecting the necessary buildings | ae Uo se ea without murmuring at site or work, and with implicit obedience to Lasuen.* The records show no subse- quent proceedings till the 13th of June. On that date at the spot called by the natives Tacayme, and by the Spaniards in the first expedition of 1769 San Juan Capistrano, or later, Capistrano el Viejo, in the presence of Captain Grajera, the soldiers of the guard, a few neophytes from San Juan, and a multitude of gentiles, and with the aid of fathers Santiago and Peyri, President Lasuen with all due solemnity, sup- plemented by the baptism of fifty-four children, ushered into existence the mission of San Luis, Rey de Francia, it being necessary hereafter to distinguish 29 Lisalde, Reconocimiento de las tierras para situar la Mision de San Luis, 1797, MS. The places named are Las Animas, Las Lagunitas, Temeca ran- cheria, Pauma, Pullala, and San Juan Capistrano. In Grijalva, Informe sobre las ranchertas que se hallan en las tierras exploradas por el Padre Mari- ner, 1795, MS., there are named the following rancherias: Mescuanal, To- napa, Ganal, Mocoquil, and Cuami, in a little valley called Escha; Tagui, Gante, Algualcapa, Capatay, Tacupin, Quguas, Calagua, Matagua, and Atd, in another valley three leagues distant; Curila, Topame, Luque, Cupame, Pdume, and Palé, three leagues from former valley, and speaking language of San Juan; Palin, Pamame, Pamua, and Asichiqmes, lower down; Chacape pot Pamamelli in Santa Margarita Valley; Chumelle and Quesinille in Las lores. 30Lasuen to Borica. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 44; to Lasuen, Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 201. 31 Prov. Rec., MS., v. 273-4. 564 EXPLORATIONS AND NEW FOUNDATIONS. between the establishment of San Luis, king, and San Luis, bishop.” All was prosperity at first. In a week Antonio Peyri, the energetic founder, had seventy-seven cnildren baptized and twenty-three catechumens under instruction. By the first of July he had six thousand adobes made for the mission buildings. In July he was joined by José Faura, who was succeeded in the autumn of 1800 by José Garcia. José Panella was assigned to this mission, and served for a short time in 1798, during the ab- sence of one of the ministers, who went to the baths of San Juan Capistrano for his health. Panella made himself unpopular by his harsh treatment, and so oreat was the discontent of the natives and the clamor for a change, that Lasuen was obliged to send him away and promise the return of the other padre, probably Peyri, who was greatly beloved.” The bap- tisms in 1798 were 214; before the end of 1800 there were 337 neophytes, 371 having been baptized, and 56 being the number of burials. There were 617 horses, mules, and cattle in 1800, besides 1,600 sheep. Products of the soil were 2,000 bushels of wheat, 120 of barley, and six of maize, the latter being just the amount sown, while eight bushels of beans produced nothing. The mission-books of San Luis Rey are the only ones in California which I have not exam- ined. Their whereabouts is not known. It had long been deemed desirable to promote colonization in California, and the prevalent fears of foreign aggression did much to cause definite action 82 Saint Louis was Louis IX., king of France, who reigned from 1226 to 1270, and earned his reputation for piety both at home and in the crusades. June 13th, Lasuen to Borica reporting the foundation. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., vi. 25-7; xi. 11; Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 47-9. July 12th, B. to Lasuen. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 218-19. Aug. Ist, B. to viceroy. Jd., v. 279; vi. 98-9. Contributions of Santa Barbara, San Gabriel, San Juan, San Diego, and San Luis Rey: 64 horses, 28 yoke of oxen, 310 head of cattle, 508 sheep. Arch. Misiones, MS., i. 202. °3'The governor in a communication to Lasuen on the subject calls the ab- sent missionary Juan Martinez, but there was no such padre in California. Prov, Rec., MS., vi. 222-8. Dec. 7, 1798, Borica also writes a letter of warn- ing and advice to the friar. Id., 227-8. A NEW PUEBLO. 565 _to be taken at this epoch. The completed line of missions as planned was rapidly to civilize the natives, but a larger Spanish population was desirable and new pueblos of gente de razon were to be founded as well as new missions. This subject was doubtless included in a general sense in Borica’s original instructions; but the first definite action is seen in a report of the royal tribunal of accounts to the viceroy, dated November 18, 1795. In this document it is recommended as a most important measure for the welfare and protection of the Spanish possessions in California that the gov- ernor, with the aid of Engineer Cordoba and other officers, proceed to select a site and to found a pueblo, | or villa, to be called Branciforte in honor of the viceroy. This establishment as a coast defence should be put on a military basis, securely fortified, and settled with soldiers as pobladores. The site must be selected and the lands divided according to existing pueblo regulations and the laws of the Indies. Lach officer and soldier is to have a house-lot, and between those of the officers lots are to be assigned to chieftains of rancherias who may be induced to live with the Span- lards; thus assuring the loyalty of their subjects. Live-stock and implements may be furnished by the government as hitherto. Instead of an _habilitado there is to be a town-treasurer; and Alberni may com- mand, acting as lieutenant-governor. As the time \ of the infantry soldiers expires they are not to be reénlisted, but new recruits obtained from New Spain will ereate an immigration without the heavy so of bringing in settlers 3 as such.* It is to be supposed that the viceroy approved this plan in its main features at least, and sent correspond- ing orders to Borica, though no such order appears in the archives.® It had been indicated in the plan 34 Branciforte, Informe del Real Tribunal sobre fundacion de un pueblo que se llamard Branciforte, 1795, MS. This report was prepared by Beltran on Nov. 17th, and approved by the tribunal Nov. 18th. 85 The order dated Dec. 15, 1795, and enclosing the auditor’s report given above is alluded to by Borica on June 16, 1796. “St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 364. 566 EXPLORATIONS AND NEW FOUNDATIONS. that the new establishment should be on or near San Francisco Bay, and in the spring of 1796, on receipt of the viceroy’s instructions, whatever they may have been, the governor began to move in the matter, though in January 1795 he had instructed the com- mandants to ‘report on suitable sites for new pueblos, and though Sergeant Amador seems to have explored with the same view as early as July of the same year the coast region from San Francisco to Santa Cruz. On May 21st Borica requested Alberni and Cordoba with an escort of six men to meet him at Santa Cruz on the 28th. During the next few weeks, the three made some personal explorations not described in detail, and June 16th the governor asked the others to report on the best place for the town, and to give ecu =. 7 ati: Syren Geer ae ere, (Pee are bart wk their ideas generally in connection with the plan of — foundation. Private letters of similar purport were written on the 17th and 18th. Alberni’s report was dated at San Francisco July — Ist, and that of Cordoba the 20th, the two being in substance identical. Three sites were considered: the — Alameda, San Francisco, and Santa Cruz. The first — was pronounced unsuitable for a pueblo, not only be- cause the bed of the creek was so low as to prevent — irrigation, but because there was no wood, timber, stone, or pasturage, except at a great distance. San francisco was declared to be the very worst place in 36 Jan. 9, 1795, Borica to commandants. Prov. Rec., iv. 126-7. Amador, — PReconocimiento de Terreno desde Santa Cruz hasta San Francisco, 1795, MS. Dated July 4th, he describes particularly four fertile spots with more or less — advantages for settlements at distances of 8, 12, 153, and 20 leagues from San T'rancisco, the last being 5 leagues from Santa Cruz. July 23d, has received the report of July 4th, and orders Amador to improve the road with the aid © of commandants at Santa Cruz and Santa Clara (San Francisco?). Prov. Rec., MS., v. 57-8. May 11, 1796, Salazar in his report to the viceroy mentioned ~ a spot suitable for a pueblo about midway between San Francisco and Santa | Cruz where there is an anchorage. San Benito was also a good site, but there were many Indians requiring a mission, as there were not at the former spot. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ii. 75-7. 37 Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxiv. 6,7; St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., — MS., i. 364-5, 374-5; Translation in Sta Cruz, Peep, 51; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 241. In his letter to Cérdoba, Borica says that the viceroy cannot entertain the request of the Catalan volunteers to have lands granted them, but instead will found a new town and give them lands therein as a recom- — pense when their term expires. A SITE FOR THE VILLA. 567 all California for the purpose in view, since the pen- insula afforded neither lands, timber, wood, nor water, nothing but sand and brambles and raging winds. The Santa Cruz site, across the river from the mis- sion, had all the advantages which the others lacked, and had besides proximity to the sea, affording facili- ties for export, plenty of fish, with an abundance of stone, lime, and clay for building. The establishment of a town here could moreover do no possible harm to the mission. The settlers should be practical farmers from a cold or temperate climate, and should have houses and a granary built for them at expense of the government in order that they might apply them- selves at once to agriculture. The soldiers and inva- lids are entitled to more assistance than other settlers by reason of their past services. The scheme of add- ing Indian chiefs to the town is impracticable, since there are no chiefs; some mission Indians, however, might be profitably attached to the settlement to work and learn in company with Spaniards.* August 4th Borica transmitted these reports to the viceroy with his own enthusiastic approval, pronounc- ing the Santa Cruz site the best between Cape San Liicas and San Francisco, and giving some additional particulars about the anchorage. He recommends that an adobe house be built for each settler so that the prevalent state of things in San José and Los Angeles, where the settlers still live in tule huts, being unable to build better dwellings without neg- lecting their fields, may be prevented, the houses to cost not over two hundred dollars each.” On Sep- tember 23d another communication of the governor 38 Alberni, Parecer sobre el sitio en que debe fundarse el nuevo Pueblo de Branciforte, 1796, MS. A part is translated in Dwinelle’s Col. Hist. S. Fran- cisco, App. 18. Cérdoba, Informe acerca del sitio de Branciforte, 1796, MS. Very inaccurately translated, and dated July 2d, in Sta Cruz, Peep, 53-5. Brief mention of the decision against San Francisco in Randolph's Oration, 309; Tuthill’s Hist. Cal., 105; Elliot, in Overland Monthly, iv. 337-8. 39 St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 258-60. The vclunteers should have a year’s pay, and as a reintegro, 2 mares, 2 cows, 2 sheep, 2 goats, a yoke of oxen, plough, harrow, hoe, axe, knife, musket, and 2 horses; other vecinos. besides the house, stock, tools, etc., ane $10 per month for a year, 568 EXPLORATIONS AND NEW FOUNDATIONS. to the viceroy contained suggestions of similar pur- port, and asked for four classes of settlers: first, robust country people from cold or temperate climes; second, carpenters, smiths, stone-cutters, and masons; third, tailors, tanners, shoemakers, and tile-makers; and fourth, shipwrights, and a few sailors, to take advan- tage of the abundance of whales.” Having received Borica’s report and also the opinion of the legal adviser of the royal treasury, the viceroy on January 25, 1797, in accordance with that opinion, ordered Borica to proceed immediately with the foundation. He had already sent a list of eight men who had volunteered at Guadalajara as settlers.“ The begin- ning was to be made with such settlers at San José or Angeles as had no lands and might be induced to change their residence to Branciforte. New settlers and artisans were to be sent as soon as possible; in fact, orders had already been issued for the collection of vagrants and minor criminals to be shipped to Cali- fornia. The president of the missions was ordered to render all possible assistance; and Borica must for- ward at once an estimate of cost and a memorandum of needed implements and other articles.” The receipt of the viceroy’s orders was acknowledged by Borica on April 29, 1797, and three days later he sent the necessary orders to the commandant of Santa Barbara and the comisionado of San José in order that recruits for the new establishment might be ob- tained from the settlers and rancheros at and near the. two old pueblos. At the same time Lasuen directed his friars to afford the required aid, though he had received no instructions on.the subj ect from his college, and deemed it strange that the king should have per- mitted the foundation of a villa so near a mission 40 St. Pap., Sac., MS., iv. 57-8. “1 Oct. 24, 1796. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 169. *” Branciforte, Dictdmen del Fiscal de Real Audiencia sobre la fundacion de la Villa de Branciforte, Aprobado por el Virrey en 25 de Enero 1797, MS.; inaccurate translation of copy certified by Borica May 9th in Sta Cruz, Peep, 57. Mention in Dept. St. Pap., S. José, MS., i. 76-7. FOUNDING OF BRANCIFORTE. 569 established with royal approval.“ The Concepcion arrived at Monterey May 12th with a party of col- _onists on board in a pitiable state of destitution and ill-health.“ It was necessary to provide some kind of a home for them; and before the end of May Ga- briel Moraga was sent as commissioner to erect tem- porary shelters at Branciforte, since Cérdoba, who was to superintend the formal establishment, had other duties which would keep him busy fora time. It is impossible to give the exact date when Moraga began his work, when the first settlers took possession of their new homes, or when the formal foundation oc- curred.* The 17th of July, possibly at or about the time that the settlers left Monterey for Branciforte, Borica issued instructions to Comisionado Moraga for the internal management of the villa. The townsmen must be made to live in peace and harmony; no concubin- age, gambling, or drunkenness, which offences, like #3 April 29th, Borica to’ viceroy. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 91-2. May 2d, B. to commandant. Jd., iv. 89-90. B. to comisionado S. José. Jd., iv. 211-12. May 5th, Lasuen to B. Sé. Pap., Sac., MS., vii. 27-8. +t They were José Antonio Robles, Fermin Cordero, José Vicente Mojica (or Morico), wife and five children, José Maria Arceo, José Barbosa and wife, José Silvestre Machuca and wife, José Acevedo, José Miguel Uribes, José Agustin Narvaez. The different lists of arrival, departure, and settlement differ somewhat. The first lacks the last four names and has Gallardo and Guzman which never appear again. The nine colonists with their families, 17 persons, were of the vagabond and criminal class, but they differed from the first settlers of the other pueblos in being for the most part so-called Spaniards. They included 2 farmers, 2 tailors, 1 carpenter, 1 miner, | mer- chant, 1 engraver, and 1 with no trade. St. Pap. Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 384- bs, Prov. Rec., vi. 92;, Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 223-4; xiii. 277-8; xvii. 31, 89-90; xxi. 256. * May 12, 1797. Borica to commandant. When the settlers go to Branci- forte, cattle, implements, etc., will be furnished, an account being opened with each. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 31. May 15th, B. to Cordoba. Directs him after completing the work at 8. Francisco, the survey of the Sta Clara boun- dary, and that for a. removal of 8. José, to go to Sta Cruz and make careful surveys and plans for the town of Branciforte and its buildings public and private, with an estimate of expenses. /d., xxi. 260-1. May 26th, B. to Moraga. Instructions to build some temporary huts for himself and the guard and to take his family there to live; then to build some large huts to accommodate 15 or 20 families each, also temporary. The soldiers must work and the colonists also if they arrive before the work is done. Implements, stock, etc., will be sent by Sal. Cérdoba is to be obeyed when he comes. Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 67-8; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 247; Sta Cruz, Peep, 3, 5. May 27th, Sal acting as secretary for Borica forwards blank-books, paper, and ma- terials for making ink. Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 69. 570 EXPLORATIONS AND NEW FOUNDATIONS. neglect of public work, must be punished. Mass must be attended on holidays, on penalty of three hours in the stocks; prayers and the rosary must close the day’s labor; and certificates of compliance with the annual communion and confession must be forwarded regu- larly to the governor. All intercourse with the mis- sion Indians and gentiles was prohibited; and the most friendly relations must be maintained with the friars of Santa Cruz. The greatest precautions must be taken to insure proper care of the colonists’ clothing, implements, and other property, and to prevent sales, which were to be void. And finally all labor, before Cérdoba’s arrival, was to be directed to the preparation of the needed shelters for men and animals, monthly reports of progress being sent to the governor.” By August 12th Cordoba was on the spot, had surveyed the lands, done some work on the temporary houses, begun an irrigating canal, and was in search of suit- able stone and timber for the permanent edifices. He also furnished Borica with an estimate of cost, $23,- 405, which early in October was forwarded to the vice- roy, and a little later by order of October 24th, the work at Branciforte was suspended for want of funds, Cordoba retiring to the presidio.” — Thus the proposed greatness of the Villa of Bran- ciforte was indefinitely postponed; but there remained the temporary huts, the nine pobladores, the comi- sionado, and the military guard. The colonists, though not convicts, were of a class deemed desirable to get rid of in and about Guadalajara whence they came. ‘They had been aided at the beginning to the extent of from $20 to $25 each; and they were to receive from the government $116 annually for two years, *6 Borica, Instruccion de dirigir la fundacion de la Nueva Villa de Branci- Forte, 1797, MS. 47 Aug. 12th, Cérdoba to Borica. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 149; xxi. 265-6. The irrigable lands were 1,300 x 1,500 varas; those depending on rain 2,000 to 3,000 varas. Oct. 7th, Gov. to viceroy with estimate of cost. Prov. Rev., MS., vi. 56. Oct. 24th, to Cordoba ordering suspension of works, though he is to leave the mission mill in good shape. Prov. St. Pap., xxi. 272. Aug. 22d, Borica orders a ‘model fence’ to be erected at Branciforte. Jd.. xxi. 266. i PROGRESS AT BRANCIFORTE. 571 and $66 for the next three years,* besides the live- stock and implements for which they were obliged eradually to pay. They were thus enabled to live after a fashion, and they never became noted for devotion to hard work. There was no change in the number of regular pobladores down to 1800, though half a dozen invalids and discharged soldiers were added to the settlement,” perhaps more, for the records on the subject are meagre. Corporal Moraga remained in charge until November 1799, when Ignacio Vallejo was ordered to take his place as comisionado, arriving about the 20th.” The settlers raised in 1800 about 1,100 bushels of wheat, maize, and beans; and their horses and cattle amounted to about 500 head. I append in a note a few minor items which make up all that Branciforte has of history down to the end of the decade and century.” Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 31, 41, 89-90. #2 Feb, 1,°1798, ain governor states to the viceroy that there were, besides the 9, two invalids and one discharged soldier. Prov. I’ec., MS., vi. 65. In a list of 1799, Prov. St. Pap., xvii. 264, six invalids; Marcelino Bravo, Mar- cos Briones, Marcos Villela, José Antonio Rodriguez, Juan José Peralta, Joa- quin Castro. The population tables make the number of men in 1800, 17, or 66 persons in all; but I suppose this may have included besides those just mentioned from 3 to 5 soldiers of the guard with their families. Yet 21 set- tlers, one an Indian, are reported by Vallejo on Dec. 31, 1799. St. Pap., Miss., MS., iii. 6. - ! 50 Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 302; Santa Cruz, Arch., MS., 65. 51 The work called Sta Cruz, A Peep into the Past, The Early Days of the Village of Branciforte, should be noticed here. It is a series of articles pub- lished in the. Sta Cruz Local Item from July 1876 to Aug. 1877, which I have collected in a scrap-book. Each of the 42 articles contains the translation of an original document from the archives with preliminary remarks of consider- able interest by the translator, Mr Williams, an old resident of Santa Cruz. The plan of this work is so praiseworthy, and the result so far superior to what newspapers usually furnish in the way of local history, that the numer- ous inaccuracies of detail may almost be pardoned. In the following I omit many items of no importance or interest. Dec. 14, 1797, Sal to Moraga, Sends 6 varas of jerga for each settler for bedclothes. Sta Cr uz, Arch., MS., 69. Jan. 28, 1798, Borica to Moraga, Must teach the Guadalajaretios ’ agriculture and strive against their natural laziness; treat them with charity and love, but punish grave faults and malicious failure to work. Jd., 71; Sta Cruz, Peep, 7-9; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 264. March 3d, Bo- rica says the community must till the ficld of Narvaez if he is ill. dds; iv. 266, May 30th, cows and sheep promised. Each settler got three cows. Jd., iv. 271, 274. July 27th, a settler to attend to no other work than tilling his own fields. Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 70; Sta Cruz, Peep, 11. Oct. 29th, Cordero and Arceo, runaways, if caught must work in irons. Jd.,71 and 13. Oct. 28th, Borica orders Moraga to inspect the wardrobe of settlers’ wives and report what is nceded. Prov. Ree. , MS., iv. 282. Expense for wages and rations to end of 1798, 572 EXPLORATIONS AND NEW FOUNDATIONS. Meanwhile in Mexico August 30, 1797, the San Fernando college sent to the viceroy a protest against the choice of a site so near that of the mission. The utility of the new establishment was not to be ques- tioned; but the villa site was on the pasturage-ground of the natives; troubles would surely result; the laws allowed aiission at least one league in every direction; and, according to a report by Father Sefian, there were good lands nearer San Francisco. The only result of this protest before 1800 seems to have been a reply of the governor dated February 6, 1798, in which he gave statistics to show that the mission had more land and raised more grain than could be attended to; that the neophytes were dying off and there were no more pagans to convert; and there was no better site between Santa Cruz and San Francisco than that at Branciforte.” $1,720. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 41. Feb. 4, 1799, a close watch to be kept on the coast. Sta Cruz, Peep, 13. Moraga must go on with his duties, for his chance of promotion depends on it. Better times coming if the wheat crop is cared for. The king will send his troops where they are needed, not where they wish to go. StaCruz, Arch., MS., 62-3. March 6th, Borica wants information about a site fora rancho for horses and cattle near the villa. March 27th, if the settlers object, let nothing be done; the only object was to aid them. Id., 61-2, 66; Peep, 15,19. April 8d, Borica consents to dividing of sowing- lands. Will hold Moraga responsible for remissness of any settler in caring for his land. Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 62. May 12th, the settlers’ two years at $116 per year expire to-day. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 380-1, 383. Oct. 16th, two settlers may go to San José and return on a fixed day. Stu Cruz, Arch., MS., 65-6; Peep, 23. Nov. 21st, Sal notifies Moraga that Vallejo will supersede him as comisionado. /d., 25. Dec. 26th, Sal to Vallejo, guns of the battery at Monterey to be fired. Don’t be alarmed. Jd., 25,27. Dec. 31st, Sal assures Borica that Vallejo will perform his duties faithfully. Prov. Sté. Pap., MS., xvii. 289. Settlers must not make pleasure trips to San José. San José, Arch., MS., iii. 59; Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 18. Jan. 3, 1800, set- tlers in need of corn and beans. The comisionado of San José to make a contract with some person to furnish these supplies at the expense of the gov- ernment. San José Arch., MS., ili. 55. Feb. 10th, Sal to Vallejo, at the end of 1799 the settlers owed the treasury $558; the appropriation fur 1800 is $540, so that receiving nothing they would still be in debt. The delivery of cigarritos and other articles not rations and tools has been suspended. Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 63. Oct. 9th, aid to be furnished to the padres if asked for. Sta Cruz, Peep, 31. Dec. 5th, governor to viceroy, the Branciforte settlers are a scandal to the country by their immorality, etc. They detest their exile, and render no service. Daily complaints of disorders. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 50-1. Dec. 11th, death of Comandante Sal announced at Branci- forte. Sita Cruz, Peep, 45. The nine pobladores received in 1800 rations at ¢60 each. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxvi. 16. 2 Branciforte, Ll Discretorio de San Fernando al Virrey sobre el sitio de la Nueva Villa, 1797, MS., Feb. 6th, Borica to viceroy, in Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 70. Py ee Dat ue COMMUNICATION WITH NEW MEXICO. 573 Independent of the explorations made with a view to new establishments, Borica had a scheme of open- ing communication ut New Mexico, where, as he had heard from Governor Concha through General Nava, there were fifteen hundred gente de razon with neither lands nor occupation. He sent to Mexico early in 1795 for copies of Garcés’ diary and map. Having obtained these he instructed Goycoechea of Santa Barbara at the end of the year to make inqui- ries about the eastern country and to suggest some way to send a letter across to the governor of New Mexico by the natives, who could at the same time explore the route. In January 1796 Goycoechea sent to the governor such vague and unreliable rumors as he could gather from the natives of the channel re- specting the country beyond the Tulares; and in February he informed Borica that he had made arrangements with the native chief, Juan Marta, and four companions to carry the letter, but that Father Tapis had forbidden their departure, at least until an order could be obtained from Lasuen.” This state of the matter was reported to the vice- roy in Borica’s communication of October 2d,°* and the attorney-general having reported favorably on the scheme of intercommunication as useful to Califor- nia’s commerce, development, and defence, the viceroy requested Borica to send to Mexico the maps and papers on which his project rested; that the project be also sent to the commandant general for his in- spection; and that Lasuen forward his views about the employment of the Santa Barbara Indians. This was in January 1797, and in April Lasuen answered, 53 April 29, 1795, Borica to viceroy. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 44. Dec. 14th, Borica to Goycoechea. Id., iv. 41, 46-7. Jan. 18th, Goycoechea to Borica. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 16, 17. Feb. 16th, Id. toId., St. Pap., Sac., MS., iv. 74-7. Sept. 28th, Borica orders the padres to use ‘gentle measures with the Tulare Indians so that there may be no difficulty on the proposed route. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 174. Sal’s report of Jan. 31st, already alluded to, was probably in answer to similar i inquiries sent him by the governor. 5+ Borica, Informe sobre comunicacion con Nuevo Mexico, 1796, MS. A similar cominunication dated October Sth is given in Arch. Sta. Ldrbare, BMi>., x. 73-6. 574 EXPLORATIONS AND NEW FOUNDATIONS. arouing that it was dangerous to send a party of natives so far among foreign and hostile tribes, since on one side or the other excesses would surely be committed. Moreover the chief it was proposed to send was very useful to the mission and any accident to him would lead to trouble with his people; and finally Tapis had not forbidden the expedition, but had simply refused to urge the neophytes to undertake it.” Here, so far as the archives show, correspondence on this matter ceases. It is probable that more was written, but not likely that any actual expedition was made, and certain that communication was not opened with New Mexico. Neither was there anything accomplished toward opening the Colorado River route. between California and Sonora, a subject slightly agitated during this period.” 55 Jan. 11, 1797, viceroy to Lasuen. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., x. 76-7. April 25th, Lasuen to V. R., /d., 77-83. Feb. 14, 1798, V. R. calls for Arri- llaga’s ideas on the project and the best way to execute it. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 9. 56 April 16, 1795, Borica to viceroy, asks to have Fages send his papers relating to his expedition to the Colorado. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 44. Sept. 4, 1797, Borica thinks no party of less than 35 can safely pass to Sonora. Jd., vi. 58. Dec. 22, 1797, refers to Arrillaga’s report and schemes of Oct. 26, 1796; Ist, a presidio of 100 men at Sta Olaya with 20 at S. Felipe and 20 at Sonoita; 2d, a presidio on California side at mouth of Colorado, to be crossed in canoes. Borica prefers the latter, and advises that all attention be given at present to pacification of the Indians between Sta Catalina and the Colo- rado. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 65-6. April 24, 1798, Amador says that the padre of San José went to the Colorado, and that the Indians fled, fearing enforced baptism. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii 123. Reference to the general topic in Azanza, Ynstruccion, MS., 90. CHAPTER XXVII. MISSION PROGRESS. 1791-1800. ARRIVAL AND DEPARTURE OF PADRES—GENERAL STATISTICAL VIEW—THE PRESIDENCY—EPIScoPpAL PowERS—THE INQUISITION—REVILLA GIGEDO’s REPORT—VIEWS OF SALAZAR—CARMELITE MoNnastTERY—Pious Funp HacIENDA—CONTROVERSIES—THE OLD QUESTIONS DiscussED ANEW— RepvcTion IN NUMBER OF FRIARS—RETIREMENT—TRAVELLING Ex- PENSES—CHAPLAIN Duty—Guarps—Runaway NEoPHYTES—MISSION ALCALDES—INDIANS ON HoRSEBACK—LOcAL QUARRELS—CHARGES OF CoNCEPCION DE HoRRA—INVESTIGATION—BoRICA’S FIFTEEN QUESTIONS— REPLIES OF COMANDANTES AND FRIARS—PRESIDENT LASUEN’S REPORT— THE MISSIONARIES ACQUITTED—ECCLESIASTICAL MISCELLANY. At the beginning of this decade the missions were eleven in number; at its end they had been increased by new establishments, as recorded in the preceding chapters, to eighteen—within three of the highest number ever reached.’ In 1790 there were twenty- six friars on duty. Before 1800 there came up from the college thirty-eight new missionaries; twenty-one retired—some on the expiration of their regular term of ten years, others on account of failing health, four virtually dismissed for bad conduct, and four sent away more or less afflicted with insanity; while three died at their posts. This left forty still in the ser- vice, or two ministers for each of the eighteen missions and four supernumeraries. Six of the old pioneers _who had come before 1780 were still left.? 1 The seven new missions in the order of their founding were: Santa Cruz, Soledad, San José, San Juan Bautista, San Miguel, San Fernando, and San Luis Rey. There were subsequently founded Santa Inés, San Rafael, and San Francisco Solano. For a general statistical view of the missions in 1790 see chapter xix. of this volume. 2 The original 26, the names of pioneers being italicized, were: Arroita Arenaza, Calzada, Cambon, Cruzado, Dumetz, Danti, Fuster, Garcia, Giribet, (575) 576 MISSION PROGRESS. The average of integrity, zeal, and ability among the new friars was lower than in the case of Junipero Serra’s companions, since a dozen or more were either refractory, immoral, inefficient, or insane; yet the list included such eminent names as Peyri, Payeras, Via- der, Martinez, and Catala, together with many faithful and efficient Christian missionaries. The eleven old missions in 1790 had in round num- bers 7,500 converts; in 1800 they had 10,700, a gain of 3,200 for the decade, 320 a year on an average, or about 30 a year for each mission. During the period the priests had baptized 12,300 natives, and buried 8,300, leaving 800 to be regarded as approxi- mately the number of deserters and apostates. Mean- while in the seven new establishments baptisms had been 3,800 and deaths 1,000, leaving 2,800 converts on the rolls. Thus for old and new missions together Lasuen, Mariner, Miguel, Noboa, Ordmas, Paterna, Petia, Pieras, Rubi, Sanchez, Santa Maria, Santiago, Sefan, Sitjar, Tapis, and Torrens. The new-comers, 38 in number, were: Abella, Barcenilla, Barona, Car- nicer, Carranza, Catal4, Catalan, Ciprés, Cortés, Espi, [stévan, Faura, Fernandez (3), Garcia, Gili, Gonzalez, Horra, Iturrate, Jaime, Landaeta, Lopez (2), Martiarena, Martin, Martinez, Merelo, Merino, Panella, Payeras, Peyri, Pujol, Salazar, Uria (2), Viader, and Vinals. The deaths were Mariner, Paterna, and luster. There left California, 21: Arroita, Arenaza, Catalan, Danti, Ordmas, Espi, Fernandez (2), Garcia, Rubi, Salazar, Gili, Giribet, Horra, Lopez, Torrens, Cambon, Noboa, Peiia, Pieras, Merino. Lists of friars in different years, with general statements of numbers, in St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 4, 77-8, 100-2, 107-8; iii. 3-5; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii. 55-6, 61, 66, 68, 235; St. Pap., Sac., MS., iv. 14-17; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 83-4. These lists, however, afford but a very small part of the data from which I have formed my local tables and bio- graphies of padres, data which I have had to collect little by lttle from a thousand sources. Arrivals in 1791 were Gili, Landaeta, Baldomero Lopez, and Salazar, in- tended for Santa Cruz and Soledad, or to replace others who were to be sent to those new missions while Cambon retired. In 1792 came Espi; and in 1793 Catala, the latter.as chaplain on a Nootka vessel. This same year Ordmas and Rubi—the latter a black sheep of the Franciscan flock—departed, and Paterna, an old pioneer, died in harness. In 1794 five new priests were sent to California—nren of a different stamp, it was thought, from those who had given the president so much trouble., Mugdrtegui, in Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 39-40. These were Martin, Martiarena, Estévan, Manuel Fernandez, and Gregorio Fernandez. The departures were Noboa, Pieras, Pefia, and Gili— the latter another source of scandal—who sailed on the Concepcion, Aug. 11th. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 157, 175, 202; xxi. 142, 146-7; Arch. Arzobisnado, MS., i. 389. Viceroy’s license dated Jan. 10th; governor’s, May 3lst. In 1795 Jaime, Ciprés, and Pu/ol came; while Salazar and Sefian retired, the latter temporarily. St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. £0; Prov. Iec., MS., vi. 47; Prov. Si. Pap., MS., xxi. 230. Danti, Lopez, Calzada, and Arroita sailed in July _ STATISTICS. 577 we have a total population of 13,500, a gain of 6,000 in ten years, during which time the baptisms had been 16,100 and the deaths 9,300. There is no doubt that the deaths were largely in excess of the births, though there are no available means of accurately estimating the latter.’ The mission herds and flocks multiplied about three- fold during the decade. Horses, mules, and horned cattle increased from 22,000 to 67,000; small stock, almost exclusively sheep—goats having diminished very rapidly and swine being comparatively few— from 26,000 to 86,000. Agricultural products had been 30,000 bushels in 1790, the smallest subsequent crop being also 30,000 in 1795, and the largest 75,000 in 1800. About three fifths of the whole crop in 1800 was wheat, which was less proportionately than usual, one fifth corn, and one tenth barley, the remainder _ being beans, pease, and various grains. Wheat yielded or August 1796. Other priests wished to retire, but the guardian thought, as they had been eager to come to California, it was best not to permit them to leave without the most urgent reasons. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 56-7, 274; St. Pap., Sac., MS., xvii. 8; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 246; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 163. The new-comers of 1796, arriving in June by the Aranzazu, were: Payeras, José Maria Fernandez, Peyri, Viader, and Cortés. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 139; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxiv. 7; also Catalan and Horra. In April 1797 the Concepcion is said to have brought 11 priests. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 145-6; xxi. 254; but there were really only 7. Barcenilla, Carnicer, Gonzalez, Martinez, Merino, Uria, and Panella. The same vessel carried back to San Blas in September, Garcia and Arenaza, who were ill and had served out their term; and also the insane priests José Maria Fernandez and Concepcion de Horra. Prov. Iec., .AS., vi. 94, 98, 192; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 264; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 57-8; St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 107-8. On her next trip the Concepcion brought to Santa Barbara in May 1798 Senan and Calzada, returning from a visit to Mexico, and also the six new friars: Barona, Faura, Carranza, Abella, Martinez, and Vifiales. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 47; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 73-6; Prov. St. Pap., MS., ete toy xxi. 2795, 86 Pap., Sac., MS., viii. 13. Manuel Fernandez and Torrens retired this year, as did PP. Landaeta and Miguel temporarily. Arch. Sta Barbara, xi. 60; St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 107. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 2,3. In 1769 Merelo, Jacinto Lopez, and José Uria arrived; while Espi, Giribet, Merino, and Catalan, the last two afilicted with insanity, obtained leave to retire, sailing in January 1800. This last year of the decade Fuster and Mariner died; Landaeta and Miguel came back; and Garcia and Iturrate were added to the force, some of them apparently against their wishes. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 127-9, 243; ix: 12: xi, 144:. xii. I; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 30, 44, 292; St. Fan, Sac. . MS., 0a a i Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS. wie 2A Ke 61-2; 281-2, 284. 3 The governor ina report of 1800 states that the number of deaths is al- most double that of births. Bandini, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., No. 3. Hist. Cau., Vou. 1. 37 578 MISSION PROGRESS. on an average fifteenfold, barley eightcenfold, and corn ninety-threefold for the ten years. Fermin Francisco Lasuen remained at the head of the Franciscan community as president, performing his duties to the satisfaction of all classes, loved and respected by friars, officers, soldiers, settlers, and neophytes. He received no pay for his services, being a supernumerary friar, and no stipend being allowed except to the two regular ministers of each mission. The duties of the supernumeraries were as arduous, and those of the president more so, than those of the ministers, yet though petitions were made and the viceroy was disposed to grant them in Lasuen’s favor, the attorney general always interposed objections. Dumetz and Pefia held patents after Mugirtegui’s departure to assume the presidency in case of acci- dent. The power to administer the sacrament of confirmation, granted by the pope in May 1785, expired May 4, 1795, although Lasuen had actually exercised it only since 1790, or half the full period. The privilege was never renewed, and there were no more confirmations until California possessed a bishop of her own.’ The ordinary episcopal powers of ad- ministering sacraments other than confirmation were conferred on the president by the bishop of Sonora. As vicario foraneo Lasuen exercised those powers toward the civilians, and as vicario castrense toward the military; that is to say, as a kind of chaplain * Arch. Sta Bdrbara, MS., xi. 220, 260-3. Viceroy Revilla Gigedo in his report of 1793, St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 18, 24, implies that missionaries are often removed unnecessarily by their prelate; but it does not clearly appear that he refers particularly to California, where he says the friars perform their duties in a most commendable manner. See pope’s de- crees of July 8, 1794, and Dec. 12, 1797 on qualifications, duties, honors, etc., of friars of the Propaganda Fide colleges, in Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., x. 109- 36; ix. 37-40; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 272-3. *Sept. 9, 1792, pope’s license forwarded from Mexico. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., x. 289; yet Lasuen says he received the power on July 13, 1790. S. Diego, Lib. de Mision, MS., 45. Expires May 4, 1795. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 233; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xx. 284. April 3, 1795,-Borica to Lasuen, learns that the president is hurrying through the province to use his privilege while it lasts. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 144-5. VICEROY’S REPORT. 579 general. The new bishop renewed the concession in 1796, and Lasuen subdelegated the authority to his subordinate missionaries.®° Lasuen was also com- issary of the holy inquisition for California after 1795, but so far as the records show his only duties in this capacity were to receive and publish an occasional edict on general matters.’ In an exhaustive report on the missions of New Spain Viceroy Revilla Gigedo presented to the king in 1793 an historical, descriptive, and statistical view of the Californian establishments, which is an inter- esting and important document, though expressing only en réswmé what I have presented in detail from the same original papers on which this report was founded. An effort was made also about this time by the Spanish and Mexican authorities to insure greater regularity and thoroughness in reports of missionary progress.* Iather Salazar having returned 6Sept. 30, 1796, bishop to Lasuen, confirming faculties. Dec. 16th, Lasuen to bishop, expressing thanks. March 20, 1797, Lasuen takes the oath as vicario foraneo before P. Arenaza. June 19th, bishop reserves the right of granting divorce and some other episcopal faculties. Arch. Sta Bar- bara, MS., xii. 192-8. Dec. 18, 1796, Lasuen’s circular to the padres. /d., xi. 1389-41. March 20, 1797, Lasuen notifies Borica. Is only awaiting the license and blessing of the guardian. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 45. March 22d, B. to Lasuen, will proclaim him juez vicario eclesidstico in the pre- sidios. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 184-5. June 20th, B. says the title of vicar must be presented to the government. /d., vi. 192-3. It appears that cas- trense powers were conferred by Lasuen on only seven friars. Arch. Sta Bar- bara, MS., xi. 145-6. 7Oct. 15, 1795, Lasuen’s patente de Comision del Santo Oficto sent from Mexico. Arch. Sta Bdrbara, MS., xi. 56. Several edicts of 1795, 1797, and 1800 in Arch. Misiones, MS., i. 187-8, 228; Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 67-8. In offences of which the inquisition had cognizance the natives were not directly subject to that tribunal but to the provisor de Indias, who, with the knowledge of the inquisition, acted as judge. Privilegios de Indios, MS., 6. Some additional items on ecclesiastical matters are given later in this chapter. 8 Revilla Gigedo, Carta sobre misiones de 27 de Diciembre de 1793, in Dice. Univ., v. 427-30; also MS.,i. See also chap. xxiv. of this volume. Oct. 22, 1794, viceroy to governor, urging compliance with royal order of March 21, 1787, which required attention to mission welfare and reports every two or three years on mission progress. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 203. July 28, 1795, Branciforte sends Borica a copy of his predecessor’s report of 1793 to serve as a guide for new reports; and also calls for suggestions. St. Pap., Miss. and Col., MS., i. 1. Jan. 2, 1795, Lasuen in a circular says the council of the Indies have read the mission reports and thank us in king’s name for progress made, which is great compared with other missions with better advantages, The guardian sends the thanks of the college. A~ch. Sta Barbara, MS., ix. 320-1. 580 MISSION PROGRESS. from California was called upon by the viceroy for a report on the condition of the country, which was rendered May 11, 1796, but contained little of value respecting the missions. Salazar estimated the wealth of the Franciscan establishments at $800,000 in build- ings and chattels; but he complained that progress was impeded by the excessive labors imposed upon the friars; also by the preference shown to settlers in the purchase of supplies.? On the subject of secularization, not referring par- ticularly to California, Revilla Gigedo expressed his dissatisfaction with the condition of such missions as had been given up to the clergy. He would take no steps in that direction without a better prospect of success. Curates could do no better than friars in the instruction and improvement of the natives.” Ina letter of 1796 Governor Borica says that according to the laws, the natives are to be free from tutelage at the end of ten years, the missions then becoming doctrinas; “but those of New California at the rate they are advancing will not reach the goal in ten centuries; the reason, God knows, and men know something about it.” Two special projects for the advancement of Cali- fornian interests were devised in Mexico during the decade; and both, being opposed by the Franciscan authorities, seem to have been given up at the end of 1797. The first was to establish a Carmelite monas- tery at San Francisco, which was to consist of twelve friars, and cost from $25,000 to $30,000. It was to be supported by an agricultural establishment, become the nucleus of a settlement, and thus promote both the colonization of the country and the civilization of the natives, to say nothing of the usefulness of the monastery towers to navigators as landmarks. This matter was referred to two friars who had been in ® Salazar, Condicion Actual de Cal., Informe General al Virey, 11 de Mayo 1796, MS. 10 Revilla Gigedo, Carta de 1793, MS., 25. 11 Aug. 3, 1796, Borica to Alberni. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., xxiv. 7, 8. : ee PROJECTS DEFEATED. 581 California and who reported adversely. The second project was to establish a hacienda of the pious fund in Jacopin Valley near San Diego, but the guardian of San Fernando pronounced the scheme impractica- ble if not absurd. The general argument of the Franciscans on these questions was, that so far as the conversion of the natives was concerned the old methods were sufficient, and any innovation would be dangerous; and that for the promotion of settlement by gente de razon the new establishments would have no advantages over the old, which were far from pros- perous.” The regulation of 1781, as we have seen, provided for the gradual reduction of the ministers to one at each mission. Until this was effected friars retiring or dying were not to be replaced. This regulation was disregarded by the friars and the secular author- ities made no attempt to enforce it. The subject came up and was discussed during this decade, but nothing was effected. The law remained unchanged, and was practically disregarded as before.” Respecting the re- 2 Dec. 4, 1795, viceroy to governor, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 34; Mugdrtegui and Pefia, Parecer sobre el Establecimiento de un Convento en el Puerto de San Francisco, 28 de Enero de 1797, MS. These padres declare that aid from the Carmelites in founding new missions would be acceptable. Ca- lleja, Respuesta del Guardian al Virey sobre Proyectos de California, 1797, MS. This report, dated Oct. 23d, is chiefly devoted to another subject, of which more anon. It is noticeable that the guardian speaks very ironically of the ‘domesticated’ gentiles whose services it was proposed to utilize in the new establishments, greatly exaggerating the danger of the old missions and pueblos from the natives, and implying without intending to do so that not much had been effected by nearly 30 years of missionary work. Borica also disapproved of the hacienda because there would be no market for produce. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 61. 13 Revilla Gigedo, Carta de 1793, 24, disapproves the reduction, among other reasons because it would favor immorality on the part of the friars. April 30, 1796, the guardian writes to Lasuen that the fiscal wants to know the reasons for non-compliance with the reglamento; consequently all the docu- ments on the subject are needed, only one or two being in the college archives. . Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 275-6. Nov. 16, 1797, Borica to viceroy, thinks the matter should be settled, as there is a deficit of $52,142 in the mission fund. He suggests that two padres be allowed to each mission, but that only one sinodo of $400 be divided between them, since they now spend no more than that on themselves. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 60-1. Sept. 3, 1699, Padre Lull, Hzposicion del Guardian sobre la reduccion de Misioneros en California, 1799, MS., presents the usual arguments against reducing the number of mission- aries, and also opposes Borica’s scheme of reducing the sinodo, not only because it is contrary to the king’s intentions, but because, while, as Borica says, the ¥ 582 MISSION PROGRESS. tirement of friars to Mexico there was now no contro- versy between the secular and Franciscan authorities, because the latter were considerably troubled to keep the missionaries at their posts, and welcomed even secular interference to aidin the task. In 1795 there came a royal order that the governor and president might grant license to retire for due and certified cause without waiting for a report from Mexico; but before the end of this decade this rule seems to have been modified. Since 1787 and down to 1794 friars coming to or returning from California were allowed two hundred dollars for travelling expenses on land and ninety-five cents per day while on the water. Subsequently their stipends were allowed to cover the time consumed on the journey provided there were no unnecessary delays.” two priests spend less than $400 on themselves they spend the remainder for the natives, and this is practically the only way of obtaining necessary arti- cles since there is no market for mission produce. In 1800, or perhaps later, Lasucn in a letter to the guardian argues the same side of the case most earnestly, speaks rather bitterly of any scheme to economize on the pay of poor over-worked friars when the king is so liberal in other expenses, and re- peats his old determination to retire if the change be insisted on. Lasuen, Cor- respondencia, MS., 329-33. 141793, a priest retired on a provisional license of the comandante at Mon- terey. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 33. 1794, the 10 years of service to count from the date of embarking from Spain. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., vi. 294—- 5. Royal orders referred to in my text dated Sept. 16, 1794. Sent from Mex- ico June 8, 1795. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 124-5. Just before the receipt of this order Borica refuses Danti’s petition to retire until leave is obtained from Mexico. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 149. Dec. 9, 1797, viceroy to the guar- dian, friars must not go to Mexico to solicit license to retire to Spain. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 59. Sept. 1, 1800, governor to viceroy, understands that no leave to retire is to be given, even on expiration of term, until substi- tutes arrive. The priests are not pleased at this. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 42. 15 Qn measures adopted 1786-8, see Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., x. 267-70; xi. 52-3, 241-2; xii. 40-1; Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 202-3; viii. 1-3. It seems that the $200 was to be paid, like the stipend, from the pious fund, which in 1787 was charged with $3,944 for friars’ travelling expenses for the past 20 years. In December 1793 the guardian attempts to secure travelling expenses for supernumerary friars going to California, and succeeds after some corre: spondence in getting an advance of their stipend to pay these expenses, though their stipend would cease on arrival until assigned toa mission. From this correspondence it appears that by royal order of April 20, 1798, the sti- pend began on the date of departure from Mexico. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., - xi. 246-51. By order of Sept. 16, 1794, the stipend was extended to date of arrival in Mexico on return and all gratuities for travelling expenses were abolished. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 124-5; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ix. 324-5; Vallejo, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., xxviii. date July 20, 1795. The friars subsequently had much trouble on account of the naval authorities who demanded $2.25 per day instead of 95 cts. Moreover the government in some MISSIONARY ESCORTS. 583 Many of the old matters of dispute still remained open, but as a rule they gave rise to no very bitter controversy during this period. No regular chaplains were appointed, though Borica made an effort to secure such appointments; neither does it appear that the friars got any pay for attending to the spiritual interests of soldiers and settlers.* In the matter of mission escorts and their duties there were no radical changes and few disputes. The soldiers were in- structed to treat the padres always with respect and evidently did so, the chief complaint being that they would not always serve as vaqueros and servants of all work, a refusal the padres could never quite un- derstand. ‘The guard furnished to a friar engaged in his several duties abroad was still regulated by the governor's or commandant’s instructions, or in some cases left to the corporal’s discretion. The friars desired discretionary powers, but submitted. The strict rule of Fages that no soldier on escort duty should sleep away from the mission was relaxed some- what in urgent cases by the viceroy’s orders; but the order that no soldier should be sent after fugitive natives or allowed to visit the rancherias of gentiles without superior command was strictly enforced, and the friars, now that their temper had cooled a little, doubtless recognized the necessity of such a rule. The instructions of Borica to the guards show an earnest desire to maintain harmonious relations with the missionaries, as well as a prudent and wise policy toward the gentiles. Doubtless the patience of the friars was often sorely tried by the indolence cases when the return voyage was very long by no fault of the priests refused a pay the full stipend as per royal order. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ix. 41-5, —5. 16 Sept 26, 1793, governor to viceroy asking for a friar for each presidio, as the missionaries have too much to attend to. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 117. June 18, 1794, viceroy must have more information before deciding. /d., xi. 181-2. November 28th, gov. circulates nine questions on the performance of chaplain’s duties by padres; and April 3, 1795, explains more fully to the V. R. asking again for chaplains at a salary of $400. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 122; Vi. 41-2. _ Nothing more is heard from Mexico. June 17, 1796, Comandante Goycoechea complains of the padres having declined to hear confessions. S¢. Pap., Sac., MS., ix. 73. 584 MISSION PROGRESS. and insolence of individual soldiers, but of the govern- ment they had no cause to complain. The guards were reduced in most of the old missions on the estab- lishing ef new ones, and this brought out a protest from the Franciscans, which was in some instances successful.” , Desertion of neophytes became prevalent, especially in the northern missions, the pretended motive of the fugitives, and in some instances the real one, being ill-treatment, overwork, and hunger; but oftener the true cause of apostasy was a longing for the old free- dom and dread of the terrible death-rate in the mis- sion communities. As we have seen, the soldiers of the guard were not allowed to pursue runaways; neither was the practice of sending neophytes after them, approved by Fages, allowed during Borica’s rule. Gentiles might be bribed to bring them in; Borica, Instruccion para la Escolta de San Juan Bautista, 1797, MS. This document was ordered to be posted in every mission for the guidance of the corporal. Sal, Instruccion al Cabo de Sta Cruz, 1791, MS.; Fages, Instruc. para la Escolta de Purtsima, 1788, MS.; Id., Instruc. para S. Miguel, 1787, MS. Prohibition of escorts for long distances, approved by king, Jan. 13, 1790. Fages, Papel de Puntos, MS., 155. 1794, soldiers to be alternated in escolta and presidio service. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 8; Prov. Rec., MS., v. 48. Muskets to be fired and reloaded once a week. Some complaint of failure to keep watch at night. No escorts for long distances. Arrillaga, Papel de Puntos, MS., 196-7. May 15, 1795, escorts of padres must return to mission same day. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 183. June 3d, Borica to viceroy. The padres still ask for escorts to visit rancherias; but I attribute present tranquillity to the measures of my predecessor and refuse. We must not risk our peace in the hands of a careless soldier. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 52. Oct. . 5th, approval of V. R. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 42-8; but on Nov. 7th the V. R., on petition of the guardian, recommends concessions in urgent cases, always with due prudence. Jd., xiii. 65-6. On this ground, Lasuen, March 5, 1796, informs the padres that the old restriction has been removed, the matter never having been properly understood in Mexico before. Doc. //ist. Cal., MS., iv. 56; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 137. Corporal at Soledad had to give monthly reports on manufactures, etc. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 179. Must keep a diary of events to be sent in every month. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 1. Escoltas to build themselves houses to save paying rent. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 175. June 9, 1796, padres to have escorts on journeys, or on going to confess, etc., but not to pursue fugitives. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 64; v. 86. No aid to padres to punish Indians unless two agree; but to alle- viate suffering the request of one to suffice. Jd., v. 89. April 29, 1797, Argiiello reprimandsa corporal for having furnished only one soldier to escort seven padres. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 57. Lasuen, Jnforme Bienal, 1797-8, MS., 67-8, objects to the reduction of the guard in the old missions. Oct. 11, 1799, the guardian complained to the V. R. that the escoltas were too small; and the report was sent to Borica on Dec. 17th. Prov. St. Pap., MS., XVili, 148-9, REGULATIONS. 585 and occasionally an expedition of presidio soldiers was sent out to make a wholesale collection of apostates, but such raids were not yet very frequent. Kind treatment of returned fugitives was required by the governor, and was to a large extent enforced. Neo- phytes sometimes stowed themselves away on the San Blas vessels, or escaped by land to Sonora.” The laws required an alcalde and several regidores to be elected annually in each mission, a policy which had in earlier times met with considerable opposition from the padres, who insisted that the natives were by no means fitted for self-rovernment even to this sheht extent. After 1792 these elections ceased alto- gether until Borica brought up the matter in 1796 and insisted with the viceroy’s approval on the en- forcement of the law. President Lasuen obcyed, but in his instructions to the padres he clearly indi- cated that the election was to be a mere formality and the authority of the native officials merely nom- inal, the whole system being intended simply for the instruction of the neophytes in the forms of civil government with a view to the time when the missions should be secularized. After 1796 the elections were regularly reported to the governor each year, and the padres sometimes caused the choice to fall on a trusty neophyte who could be allowed to exercise slight authority as a kind of overseer. The govy- 181791, Fages’ policy of sending neophytes. Fages, Papel de Puntos, MS., 154-5. Jan. 15, 1794, governor to viceroy. Progress has been made in the reduction of gentiles and fugitives by gentle measures. A chief has even brought in fugitives voluntarily. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 131. 1795, Bo- rica approves sending pagans after fugitives. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 69. 1796, fugitives to be treated well. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 176. 1797, viceroy forbids any Indian being taken to Mexico. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 195. 1798, ninety fugitives of Santa Cruz recovered by soldiers. Prov. St. Pup., MS., xvii. 101. Nov. 8, 1798, viceroy to Lasuen, disapproves the sending of neophytes after fugitives, except in extreme cases after consultation with the governor. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., vi. 75. Mar. 4, 1799, Lasuen instructs the padres accordingly. Jd., xi. 146-7; Lasuen’s original order in Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 71-3. July 22, 1799, governor to padres of San Juan. ‘They may send Indians after fugitives to peaceful rancherias. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 242. Flight of Indians to San Blas and Sonora. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 209; xxi. 185; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 58. On fugitives from San Francisco where the most trouble occurred see chapter xxxi. of this volume. 586 MISSION PROGRESS. ernment did not choose to interfere so long as the prescribed formalities were complied with.” The sec- ular authorities still found fault because the neophytes were permitted to ride and thus fitted to be formi- dable foes in the future; but the friars, while appreci- ating the danger and admitting that one white man was ‘equal to six or eight Indians to care for their herds, claimed that as there were no Spaniards to be had even if the missions were able to pay for their services, they must necessarily employ natives as vaqueros.” In two local controversies elsewhere narrated, that is to say at Santa Clara respecting boundary lines be- tween mission and pueblo and at San Francisco respecting the establishment of the rancho del rey, the friars were victorious in the first and defeated in the second, receiving strict justice at the hands of the authorities in California as well as in Mexico. Indeed, throughout this decade there was an evident disposition on the part of viceroy and governor to promote friendly relations; while guardian and presi- dent, especially the latter, were much more disposed than formerly to conciliatory methods.” 19 Qn mission alcaldes before 1790 see Prov. Rec., MS., i. 120; iii. 71, 170; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., x. 94-6. Sept. 22, 1796, Borica to Lasuen and to the padres, requiring compliance with the law. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 173; Sta _ ; Cruz, Parroquia, MS., 16; Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 44. Nov. 2, 1796, Lasuen’s circular to the padres. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 138-9; vi. 118- 19. Nov. 19, 1796, Borica to viceroy stating his action in the matter. St. Pap., Sac., MS., iv. 66-7. Dec. 20, 1797, viceroy to Lasuen. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., x. 90-8. Dec. 2, 1796, Borica to Lasuen, approving the election of neo- phyte alcaldes and regidores who are to act generally under the padres’ direc- tion, but in criminal matters under the corporal of the escolta. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 178-9. Jan. 7, 1797, Borica orders padres of San Diego to depose a bad alcalde and elect a new one. Jd. March 30, 1798, Borica tells padres of Soledad they were wrong in changing alcaldes without submitting the case to the government. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 210. 2» This matter was pretty well settled before 1796 so far as the missions were concerned. Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 64-5, 87; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 392- 6; vii. 63. May 28, 1791, the governor says the Indians are getting too much meat to eat, are becoming too skilful riders, and are acquiring the insolence of Apaches. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 150. Strict orders against any gentile or. any Indian servant of soldier or settler being allowed to ride or to have arms. S. José, Arch., MS., ii. 86; iii. 65. 21 For the controversies at Santa Clara and San Francisco see chapter xxxl., this volume. Revilla Gigedo, Carta de 1793, MS., 24-5, dwells on the importance of promoting harmony with the friars. J. an, pt 1795, Lasuen in a circular orders the padres to forward to him all consultations of the gov- HORRA’S CHANGES. ; 587 The leading controversy of the decade in Franciscan circles resulted from certain charges made against the missionaries by one of their own number, though in subsequent investigations the secular authorities be- came involved. The results of these investigations present the best information extant respecting the de- tails of the mission routine in certain of its phases, and they will be used elsewhere in a chapter devoted to the subject; but here I present the matter only in a general way as a prominent historical event and as illustrating the missionary policy of the time. In 1797 Padre Antonio de la Concepcion Horra, who had come to California the same year, was sent back to Mexico by President Lasuen on a charge of insanity. Back at the college on July 12, 1798, Horra addressed a memorial to the viceroy in which, besides complain- ing bitterly of the treatment to which he had been personally subjected on a false charge of insanity, he made some serious charges against the Californian friars of cruelty and mismanagement. There was nothing in the document to indicate that the writer was of unsound mind, unless it was his closing request to be sent away because his life would be in danger if it were known that he had revealed prevalent abuses to the viceroy.” ernor. Arch. Sta Barbara, xi. 135. Catald’s reported hostility to settlers rebuked. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 169-70. In case of innovations the padres to be cautious and consult the president. Laswen, Correspondencia, MS., 318-19. Dec. 14, 1796, Borica to Goycoechea, he must give the padres all needed aid by viceroy’s order. Prov. Rec., MS. iv. 86. Jan. 1797, corporals a raga and Vallejo forced to apologize to Catala for their rudeness. J., 179- 80; iv. 204-5. A padre must settle his troubles with a Sonniian c or appeal to the prelate; the governor will not interfere in such matters. /d., vi. 197. 22 Horra, Representacion al Virey contra los Misioneros de California, 1798, MS. Sitjar, Lasuen, and Miguel were the particular objects of Horra’s wrath. Sitjar, offended at Padre Concepcion’s criticisms, went to his inti- mate friend Lasuen, who believed the absurd story of insanity, and sent - Miguel who treated him as a maniac, even laying violent hands on him and maltreating him all the way from San Miguel to Monterey where he was thrown intoa fever, all of which could be proved by Peyri, the soldiers, and the surgeon. He cites many witnesses including Gov. Borica to prove that he is not mad, and others to prove his past services; but he can get no jus- tice at the college because all there are friends of Lasuen. See also chapter XXVl., on Padre Horra’s life and experience in California. 588 MISSION PROGRESS. On August 31st the viceroy sent the representa- tions of Horra to Borica, who was ordered to investi- gate and report on the truth of the charges. Borica accordingly despatched private instructions to the four commandants to send in answers to fifteen ques- tions propounded on the manner in which the friars were discharging their duties.” 3d, and before the end of the month the required reports were made by Argiiello, Goycoechea, Sal, and Acting Comandante Rodriguez; while Grajera sent in his reply in March 1799. These replies, especially those of Goycoechea and Sal, went far to support some of the mad friar’s accusations.“ The report which Borica probably made to the viceroy on receipt of his subor- dinates’ statements is unfortunately not extant.” It was not apparently until this report, including those of the commandants, reached Mexico that anything whatever was known at the college of Horra’s repre- sentation against the friars or of the resulting investi- gations. In February 1799 the guardian sent Lasuen a statement of the charges,” and a little later copies of other documents which were lost in crossing the oulf of California, and Lasuen did not receive the fifteen questions and the commandants’ replies until September 1800. In October Tapis and Cortés of Santa barbara sent in to the president a long and complete reply to Goycoechea, whose statements had been more full than those of the others and slightly 23 Aug. 31st, viceroy to Borica, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 49; Borica, Quince Preguntas sobre Abusos de Misioneros, 1798, MS. *4 Argiello, Respuesta a las Quince Prequntas sobre Abusos de Misioneros, i798, MS. Dated San Francisco, Dec. 11th, and more favorable to the padres than the others. Goycoechea, Respuesta, etc., MS., Sta Barbara, Dec. 14th; Sal, Respuesta, etc., MS., Monterey, Dec. 15th; Rodriquez, Respuesta, etc., MS., San Diego, Dec. 19th; Grajera, Respuesta, etc., MS., San Diego, March 4 WS Wh OS >On Oct. 30, 1798, however, Borica in a letter to the viceroy expresses his opinion that the best way to insure the advancement of the natives was to form a reglamento for the whole mission routine, including instruction, food, dress, dwellings, care of sick, labor, punishments, and amusements, and to hold the president responsible for exact compliance with the rules; for at present his authority is sometimes disregarded. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 105-6. mie: Feb. 6, 1800, guardian to president, in Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. This was on December | LASUEN’S REPORT. 589 less favorable to the friars.” And finally president Lasuen devoted himself from November 12, 1800, to June 19, 1801, to the preparation of a comprehensive exposition of the whole subject, which is not only the leading production of the venerable author’s pen, but the most eloquent and complete defence and present- ment of the mission system in many of its phases which is extant.* It is in a chapter on the mission system and routine that the details of all these docu- ments must be chiefly utilized as already intimated; but it seems necessary to present here a general view of the questions at issue, which difficult task I pro- ceed to perform as briefly as possible. It was the policy of the government and the duty of the friars to introduce the Spanish language in place of the vernacular, thus fitting the natives “for future citizenship. Padre Concepcion accused the friars of an almost total neglect of this duty. According to the commandants religious services and some teachings of Christian principles were conducted daily in the north in Spanish; in the south the natives were taught in their own language, though the doctrina was often repeated to them in Spanish. In general intercourse the vernacular was used wherever the friars had learned it, and in some missions exclusively. Nowhere were the natives compelled to learn Spanish, and every- where the friars were more or less indifferent on the subject. Padres Tapis and Cortés affirmed that at Santa Barbara the doctrina at mass was taught in Spanish and in the afternoon either in one language or another; but they admitted that the natives were not required, only persuaded, to use the Spanish. And finally Lasuen, while maintaining that 1t was use- 27 Tapis and Cortés, Réplica de los Ministros de Sta Barbara a la Respuesta que did cl Comandante Goycoechea & las quince preguntas de Borica sobre abusos de Misioneros, 1800, MS. Dated Oct. 30th. Other padres, not unlikely one from each mission, sent in similar reports on the subject, but I have found none of the documents except this. 8 Lirsuen, Representacion sobre los Puntos representados al Superior Gobierno por el P. rr. Antonio de la Concepcion ({iorra) ecntra los misioneros de esta Nueva California, 1800, MS., with autograph signature. 590 MISSION PROGRESS. less to preach to the natives in a language they did not understand, claimed that an honest effort was nade to teach Spanish, that exercises were conducted in that language once a day, that the natives were com- pelled to use it in their petitions, that premiums were offered for acquiring it, and moreover that the natives were inclined to learn it.” Respecting Horra’s statement that natives were baptized without sufficient instruction in the faith, and then often allowed to return to the forest, to be re- baptized perhaps at a later date, the commandants thought the preliminary teaching of eight days or- more and rarely less might be sometimes too little, some padres being more careful than others, and that rebaptism might occur, though they knew of no in- stances where it had occurred. The padres claimed that eight days was the minimum, that the instruction was ample, and that a second baptism could never happen under their system of registers. Lasuen knew of but three cases of rebaptism out of 27,000 con- verts. All but Goycoechea agreed that neophytes were never allowed to return to the woods and moun- tains except for definite periods and purposes. In answer to the charge of insufficient food many details were given of the rations actually served, which though insipid and unvarying in quality seem to have been sufficient in quantity. Sal and Goycoechea deemed the amount of food too small for laboring men; but Lasuen affirmed most earnestly that the natives had all they wanted, not only of the everlast- ing atole and pozole, but regular allowances of meat and milk, with fish occasionally, and always a plate Revilla Gigedo understands that the natives permanently settled use Spanish; but the friars learn the vernacular to advance their instruction. Carta de 1793, MS., 14, 15. Feb. 19, 1795, Borica to president, enclosing royal order that natives be taught Spanish. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 143. Feb. 23d, circular of president requiring padres to promote learning Spanish and forbid the use of vernacular. Arch. Sta Bdrbara, MS., xi. 120. Dec. 1798, Borica says that Sitjar of San Miguel teaches in the vernacular. Prov. Pec., MS., vi. 115. March 21, 1799, Grajera says the natives at San Diego are taught the doctrines in their own language by educated Indians, no effort being made to teach Spanish. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 192. TREATMENT OF INDIANS. 59] from the padres’ table if asked for. The mission Indians were always fatter than the gentiles, their work was easier than that required to gain a subsist- ence in the old way, and the gentiles greatly preferred the Spanish grains to their wild seeds and fruits. Still, as the president admits, the neophytes did desert and plead hunger, and they were always glad to get permission to go to the monte for a time to live in the old way. Such permissions were given more freely in times of short supplies; but no Indian was ever compelled to go. As to the clothing of the neophytes there was a substantial agreement on the one or two blankets, breech-clouts or petticoats, and shirts given to each native every year or two, and no expression of opinion that the supply was not adequate to their wants, except by Sal. The dwellings of the neophytes were, as Lasuen admitted, in many places like those of the gentiles, but cleaner, better on the Channel than elsewhere, and in some missions already replaced by adobe houses with tile roofs. These dwellings like the presidios and other buildings went through successive stages, and were improved as fast as possible. Unmarried females it was found necessary to lock up at night and to watch closely, but they were given generally the best room in the mission, and subjected to no hard- ships. In only a few missions were bachelors locked up or forced to sleep in the mission. On these points Horra had made no special charges except as they were included in the general one of ill-treatment. On the subject of labor there was a radical differ- ence of opinion. According to the commandants the working hours were from six to nine hours per day, varying with the season, with extra work on special occasions as in harvest-time. Task work was also common, but the tasks were so heavy that the time was not materially reduced. Women must carry adobes, stones, and bricks, and when with child or giving suck their tasks were not sufficiently dimin- 592 MISSION PROGRESS. ished. Children were employed at driving away birds © or at other lighter labor; the aged and sick were exempt. The friars on the contrary affirm that work- ing hours were from four to six hours; that not more than half the natives worked at the same time, the rest escaping on some reason or pretext, for they were always excused even when their plea was doubtful; that many did little even when pretending to work; that tasks were assigned whenever it was possible, and so light that the workers were usually free in the afternoon or a day or two in every week, and finally that all proper allowances were made for women in their various conditions. Lasuen compares the mis- sion tasks with those imposed on such natives as were sent to work at the presidios where they were obliged to toil from morning till night; and he ventures to doubt the sincerity of the commandants’ compassion for the poor overworked neophytes. The commandants in answering Borica’s questions, and indeed the governor in asking them, touched on several points not included in Horra’s accusations. One complaint was that too short a time was allowed to the neophytes for gathering wild fruits. The answer was that at Santa Barbara one fifth of the whole number were allowed every Sunday to go to the monte for a week or two, and elsewhere a similar sys- tem was adopted. If the converts are to be freed from every restraint. like the pagans, says Lasuen, when are they to become civilized? Another charge of Sal and Goycoechea was that the natives were carefully restricted from all intercourse with the gente de razon, and were not allowed to visit the presidios or to afford any aid to the soldiers, the missionaries being afraid of losing their services. These state- ments the friars denied as false and calumnious. There was no effort to restrict intercourse except in special cases with vicious persons; any neophyte was free to visit the presidio on holidays or with leave of absence, and none had ever been punished for helping ol . Meet y CRUELTY TO NEOPHYTES. 593 the soldiers, except sometimes for absconding. More- over the presidios had always been supplied with servants of all kinds for no compensation save what the employers chose to pay, and neither missions nor natives had ever been benefited by this intercourse. The aborigines did not lke to work at the presidios, where they were ill-treated and often cheated out of their pay; yet most of the work on the presidios had been done by laborers furnished from the missions. “The treatment shown to the Indians,” says Padre _ Concepcion, ‘is the most cruel I have ever read in history. or the shghtest things they receive heavy floggings, are shackled, and put in the stocks, and treated with so much cruelty that they are kept whole days without a drink of water.” The commandants, without expressing an opinion as to the propriety or undue severity of the punishments inflicted, simply _ specify those punishments, administered by the padres at will, as flogeing, from fifteen to fifty lashes, or sometimes a novenary of twenty-five lashes per day for nine days, stocks, shackles, the corma—a kind of hobble—and imprisonment in some of the mission- rooms, for neglect of work or religious duties, over- staying leave of absence, sexual offences, thefts, and quarrelling among themselves. Rarely or for serious offences were the natives turned over to the military, or assistance asked from the soldiers. The friars ad- mitted all this, except that they denied that more than twenty-five lashes were ever given,” affirming more- over that only at Santa Barbara were women put in the stocks, and that they were very rarely flogged. They claimed that according to the laws they stood in loco parents to the natives, must necessarily re- strain them by punishments, and inflicted none but proper penalties, pardoning first offences, and always inclining to mercy and kindness. The soldiers were 30 Sept. 26th, 1796, Borica says to a padre that only 25 lashes may be given; beyond this the matter belongs to royal jurisdiction. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 174. Hist. Cau., Vou. I. 38 594 MISSION PROGRESS. not asked to render aid because Governor Neve had opposed it; and natives were not sent to the presidio because there they were ill-treated, used merely as peons, could easily escape, and always came back worse than ever. Lasuen admits that there may have been instances of undue severity, and that one mis- sionary had been removed; but he denies the charges of cruelty at San Francisco, which had had most weight with Borica, and insists that for every instance of apparent severity there have been many where the commandants have blamed the friars for excessive tolerance and yielding.* Father Concepcion renewed the old complaint that the padres in selling mission products to the presidios disregarded the tariff of prices established by the government, Although the president indignantly de- nied any variation from the legal rates, and although the different statements are somewhat confusing in detail, yet from the testimony of the officers and from the admissions of Tapis and Cortés it is evident enough that, except in the articles of wheat and corn in ordinary years, and in the more ordinary qualities of animals, little attention was paid to the price-lists either by missionaries or any other class in California. It was easy for the friars by pleading the needs of the neophytes or the choice quality of the article desired, to avoid selling or obtain an extra price; but grain and ordinary live-stock they were almost always glad to sell, and sometimes at less than the legal rates. That wines and liquors were bought by the friars at high prices in addition to the quantities obtained in Mexico, was unsupported by any evidence. Finally the missionaries were accused of having accumulated wealth, though they pleaded poverty. To this the commandants replied that they knew nothing of the 31 See chapter xxxi. of this volume for the charge of cruelty at San Fran- cisco, which Borica believed to be well founded; also Prov. Rec., MS., v. 266; vi. 97-8, 115, 172, 176; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 88; /d., Ben. Mil., xxiv. 8-10. Instructions of the viceroy in 1 (738 and 1797, in favor of kindness and mercy to the Indians so far as justice and caution may allow. St. Pap., Miss. and Col., MS., i. 23-4. . THE PRESIDENT’S CONCLUSIONS. 595 mission wealth, because the friars kept the matter secret,and simply gave some figuresrespecting amounts paid and due for mission supplies to the presidios during the past year or two. The padres made no reply to the main charge, though announcing their readiness to reply when required to do so by their superiors; but they indignantly repelled the insinua- tion that there was anything in their financial manage- ment or condition kept secret from the government.” Such was the controversy and such the statements presented on the leading points by both parties, though the résumé does but scanty justice to the subject, and especially to Lasuen’s report, many of the minutiz being necessarily omitted. The author manifests some dissatisfaction that the charges of a man who left Cal- ifornia under such peculiar circumstances should have been made the basis of this investigation without a preliminary taking of testimony as to the state of his mind. He is indignant at the commandants, not only for what he regards as misstatements on certain details, but chiefly for what they failed to say and for what their silence implied. They had failed to refute 5? Of the supplies furnished by missions to presidios the accounts preserved are very meagre and fragmentary, some of them being presented with local annals. Perhaps an average of $1,200 per year for each mission during this decade would be a fair estimate. This amount and the stipend of $800 for each mission was all the revenue of the padres to support themselves and keep their churches in order. So far as can be judged from the partial accounts of the procurador extant, the annual memorias of supplies ordered by the friars were fully equal to their credits. I think there was little foundation for the charge that the padres were accumulating money either at the missions or in Mexico in these early years. Balance against the missions Sept. 6, 1800, $11. Procurador’s accounts in Sta Cruz, Parroquia, MS., 18. May 11, 1796, Salazar estimates the mission wealth, in buildings, etc., at $800,000. Salazar, Condicion actual de Cal., MS., 66-7. Dec. 1798, Borica to viceroy, he never interferes in mission finances, and is merely informed at end of each year of produce existing. Both he and the commandants believe the padres to have large surpluses at Mexico and in the coffers at San Diego, San Juan, Capistrano, and San Gabriel. He advises investigation in Mexico. The president aids new missions abundantly. There are com- plaints of not following the tariff, but Borica expresses no opinion. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 116-17. Aug. 16, 1795, Lasuen to Borica, representing the injustice of keeping grain at the same low prices as in years of plenty. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., vi. 97-101. In 1793, Pedro A. de Anteparaluceta, canon of Puebla, left a legacy of $500 to the California missions, $36 apiece with $40 for Sta Barbara and Soledad, and $60 for Sta Cruz. /d., xi. 235. On mission trade for this period see next chapter. Lists of increase in church vestments, etc., 1794-5. St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 15-27, 78-9. 596 MISSION PROGRESS. the statements of ever-complaining neophytes whom their own observations must have shown to be unre- liable witnesses; and because of certain petty quarrels about the services of the natives as’peons at the forts, they had given weight to the charge of a madman and had done great wrong to the missionary cause. Lasuen claimed that he and his band of friars were working honestly for the conversion of the natives according to the well known rules of their order and the regulations of the Spanish government, by which they stood in the position of parents to the aborigines. He admits that, being but men, they differed from one another in judgment and patience, and conse- quently that errors were committed; but he affirms most earnestly that the natives were shown all the kindness that was consistent with the restraint implied in the missionary and parental relation. The vener- able friar’s words and manner impress the reader most forcibly, and a close study of the subject has convinced me that he was right; that down to 1800 and considerably later the natives were as a rule most kindly treated. We are by no means to conclude that the friars were now free from all blame in their quarrels with the secular authorities, or that they had lost the arbitrary spirit that had distinguished them in the days of Serra and Fages. Neither are their protestations of a scrupulous regard for the reg- ulation in the details of business management to be implicitly credited; but in the matter of neophyte labor at presidio, pueblo, and rancho the friars here as elsewhere were usually right and the military wrong; and so far as they touched this point, cruelty to natives, or accumulation of wealth, Horra’s charges must be regarded as for the most part unfounded. After reference to the fiscal and the usual delays, in April 1805 the viceroy rendered his decision, com- pletely exonerating the missionaries.” 53 April 19, 1805, viceroy to governor, the padres are cleared and are to continue in the same course of zeal and brotherly love, etc. Commandants — ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS. 597 There are a few miscellaneous topics connected with the ecclesiastical administration of the province that may appropriately receive brief notice here. There were as yet no regularly appointed chaplains, and the friars continued to care for the spiritual interests of soldiers and settlers, apparently without any compen- sation, An income was, however, derived from the saying of masses for souls in purgatory, some soldiers leaving a large part of their small property to be thus expended, or during their own life paying fees for members of their families.** Most of the missions are urged to promote harmony. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 2, 3. Same date, V. R. to guardian to same effect, the good name of the padres is nowise tar- nished by P. Concepcion’s charges—the emanations of an unsound mind. (Original document in my collection, reference lost.) A fragment of the fis- cal’s opinion is also extant. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 1-8. He advises that there be no sweeping decision because a few points may be proved. There is a natural conflict of interests between padres and commandants, since the latter have to come to the former for supplies, and the careful management and strict dealings of the friars are attributed to meanness or spite. Moreover there are dissensions between the Indians and soldiers, and on the reports of corporals punishments are inflicted which seem to the padres too severe. It is difficult to obtain testimony from disinterested parties in California. It is a pity the poor Indian has to be all his life in the service of others, never owns anything, and is fed on rations, yet it cannot now be helped. It appears that early in the decade there had been an attempt to take from the padres the management of the temporalities, originated by some of the friars themselves. Jan. 30, 1794, P. Mugartegui, formerly of California, writes to Lasuen expressing in strong language his opposition to the proposition advocated by some members of the college to give up the temporalities. It would be a pity ‘for the disconnected reasonings of two Mallorcan charlatans to stop the work begun by a holy Mallorcan.’ Fortunately, however, the projects of the would-be reformers meet with but little encouragement, and the same may be said of the complaints of two other padres, Gili and Rubi, who have spoken against the California missionaries. Mugdrtegui, Carta de 1794, MS. April 30, 1791, the bishop of Sonora calls Lasuen’s attention to the royal order of March 6, 1790, granting an ecclesiastical tax on all reve- nues, including those of missionaries; and asks him to collect 6 per cent. for four years on the stipends of all the friars and all other revenues. Lasuen replies that the California padres have no revenue, except the stipend of $400 each, given as alms, and even with that they have nothing to do except to name the articles needed for the churches. A séndico at the college collected the stipends and with them paid for the invoices. If the king wants to reduce the stipend by a tax, let the matter be arranged at the college; Franciscan friars have nothing to do or say about revenue matters. He sends a sworn statement, though regretting that his word does not suffice. Arch. Sta Bdr- bara, MS., x. 61-8. Ihear no more of this matter. Sept. 19, 1799, Borica says that a royal order decides that temporalities are to be incorporated in the royal hacienda. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 174. 1795, 1798, director-general of temporalities (for America) appointed. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 232, 289. 1792, 1796, governor signs certificates for the padres to get their stipends. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 28; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 168. 34Santa Barbara Mission received alms for 757 masses said from 1794 to 1800. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ii. 134. The friars had also masses to say 598 MISSION PROGRESS. had now a palisade or adobe enclosure serving as a cemetery. No pueblo, and of the presidios only San Diego, had a cemetery. It was customary to bury gente de razon in the churches or chapels, but the friars made an effort to break up the practice.” » Both soldiers and natives often escaped a flogging by taking advantage of their right of church asylum, and occa- sionally this taking refuge in the sacred edifice led to petty misunderstandings between the officers and friars, though there were no notable instances during this decade.” The performance of religious duties by the people was rigidly enforced, as is shown by many orders in the archives.” Papal bulls or indulgences were sent to California every two years, and such as were ‘not sold were burned at the end of a specified time. The habilitado of Monterey was general administrator of this branch after 1797, and each commandant attended for members of their order abroad. Oct. 22, 1795, Lasuen says in a circular that the numercus deaths of friars at San Fernando and other colleges and en route, have burdened the community with over 7,000 masses. Each padre is to say how many he can take. Jd., ix. 323-4. Dec. 7, 1800, Lasuen orders mass and te deum on the accession of Pope Pius VII. /d., xi. 148-9. 35 Dec. 20, 1792, Lasuen to Arrillaga. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 28-9. 1790, Sefian refuses to bury Maria del Carmen Alviso in the presidio chapel. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xx. 5, 6. Two soldiers buried in the chapel at San Diego. Prov. St. Pap., Presidios, MS., i. 53, 60. 86 July 29, 1794, governor orders an Indian culprit to be taken out of the church at Santa Clara by force since his offence was not subject to ecclesias- tical immunity. Prov. Rec, MS., ii. 150. Dec. 6, 1798, Lasuen certifies that he found a soldier in the church claiming asylum for having struck a woman. He was ordered on guard, and as there was no one to replace him Lasuen gave him a papel de iglesia to protect hisrightof asylum. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 53. Mar. 29, 1800, commandant of Monterey orders a soldier to be given up for trial on bail. /d., ii. 5-6. *7 March 28, 1793, Arrillaga to commandants. All officers and men by 3d day of Pentecost are to show certificates of having complied with church rules. St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. 113. April, 1795, Padres of Sta Cruz, Sta Clara, and S. Francisco certify to those who have complied with the annual precept of confession and communion. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 234-8, 242-4, Sept. 29, 1795, Sal to comisionado of San José. Tobar is sent to the pueblo; if he does not confess within 15 days he is to be sent to Monterey in irons. He must also go to work. San José, Arch., MS., iv. 27. Jan. 14, 1798, Lasuen in a circular regrets the carelessness of many. All must commune on easter and be examined in the doctrina. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 144-5. June 6th, Corporal Peralta is to arrest any of the San José Mission guard and keep them so until they perform their duties. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 107. Roman, the tailor, must be kept handcuffed until he complies. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 110. Arrellano to be shackled. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxii. 24. IMAGE OF THE VIRGIN. 599 to his own district. Some statistics on the subject are given in connection with local annals. So far as can be determined from the records the annual revenue from this source was from fifty to a hundred dollars.*® A. sacred image of our lady of Guadalupe sent to California in 1795 was by license of the highest ecclesiastical authorities allowed t» be touched by the original picture. In one instance the soldiers estab- lished a kind of rancho where was raised a herd devoted to decorating the image of the virgin.” . 588 Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 148, 296; Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix. 241; xv. 42-3, 48, 77-8; xvi. 98, 220; Id., Ben. Mil., MS., xxviii. 9; St. Pap. Miss., MS., ii. 65; S. José, Arch., MS., vi. 42. The bulls sent sold from 2 reals, or 25 cents, to $2 each. The different kinds were vivos, laticinios, composicion, and difuntos. 39 Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix. 194-5; xiii. 79. CHAPTER XXVIII. PUEBLOS, COLONIZATION, AND LANDS—INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. 1791-1800. PoErBLo PRocRESS—STATISTICS—JORDAN’S PROPOSED CoLONY—EFFORTS OF GOVERNMENT—MARRIAGE ENCOURAGED—INNS—VIEWS OF SALAZAR, SENAN, AND CostansOé—WomEN WaNnNTED—Convicts—FouNDLINGS— TENURE OF LANDS—PUEBLO AND MIssIon SITES—CHRONOLOGICAL STATE- MENT, 1773-90—PRESIDIAL PUEBLOS—PROVISIONAL GRANTS—LAND- TITLES AT END OF CENTURY—LABOR—INDIAN LABORERS—SAILORS— ARTISAN INSTRUCTORS—MANUFACTURERS— MINING—AGRICULTURE— Fiax AND HemMP—STOCK-RAISING. THE missions, as may be seen from the preceding sketch, if we regard only the primary object for which they were founded, were successful and prosperous. Given a band of earnest and able missionaries, a friendly native population, and a military force for protection if needed, there was nothing to prevent success and prosperity in a land so blessed by nature. The government had nothing more to do in the matter. If the towns were less successful in their efforts at colonization and progress it was not because they were deemed of less importance or received less attention. Nor was it because the colonization system was less judiciously managed by the crown than the mission- ary system by the Franciscans. It was because this problem was more complicated than the other. It would not solve itself, and faithful provincial officers with wise regulations could not solve it. It is not necessary to claim that the king’s officers were as devoted to the welfare of the towns as the friars to ( 600 ) PUEBLOS NOT PROSPEROUS. 601 that of their missions, for they had other duties and lacked the incentive of holy zeal; but had their oppor- tunities, their authority, and their enthusiasm corre- sponded to and exceeded those of the missionaries, they never could have made the pueblos prosper. Two fatal obstacles to success were the worthless character of the original settlers, most of them half-breeds of the least energetic classes of Nueva Vizcaya and Nueva Galicia, and the lack of provincial commerce to stimulate industry; for before 1800 the settlers could not have sold additional products of their fields. _ I give elsewhere the local annals of the three Cali- fornian pueblos, San José, Los Angeles, and Branci- forte—the latter honored with the title of villa—during this decade." The united population of the three towns in 1800 was about 550 in something over a hundred families, including a dozen or fifteen men who raised cattle on ranchos in the vicinity and whose families for the most part lived in the pueblos. About thirty families had been brought from abroad as set- tlers and had been paid wages and rations and other- wise aided for a term of years; while the increase came from children who grew to manhood and from soldiers who had served out their term of enlistment and retired, often with pensions. These, although generally old men, were as a rule the most successful farmers. The only industries of the settlers were agriculture and stock-raising. They had 16,500 head of cattle and horses, about 1,000 sheep, and they raised about 9,000 bushels of grain each year, surplus products being sold to the presidios. Hach settler had his field which he was required to cultivate, and he had to contribute a certain quantity of grain each year to the common fund from which municipal ex- penses were paid. Each pueblo had a small guard of soldiers, who were practically settlers also; and each in addition to its alcalde and regidores had a comi- 1 See chapter xxix. of this volume for Angeles; chapter xxxii. for San José, and chapter xxvi. for Branciforte. 602 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. sionado, generally corporal of the guard, who repre. sented the governor and reported directly to the commandant of the nearest presidio. Labor was largely done by hired gentiles. Los Angeles was more populous and prosperous than either of the others, while Branciforte was as yet but a burden to the government. A. Spanish visitor in 1792 stated in his narrative that soldiers in California when too old for service were not allowed to settle as farmers, and he criticised this state of things very unfavorably; but needlessly, for no such conditions existed. Many of the invalids went to live in the pueblos, a few obtained ranchos, and others remained at the presidios, performing a certain amount of military service. It was even per- mitted them to settle near the presidio but outside the walls, though it does not appear that any did so at this early period.” Alejandro Jordan’s project for a colony to be established in the interests of trade under govermental protection and with somewhat ex- travagant emoluments for himself, was disapproved by the king on Arrillaga’s advice, as already noted, after negotiations lasting from 1792 to 1794.2 Revilla Gigedo in 1793 favored the settlement of some Span- ish families at the missions, though he admitted the great difficulty of finding families possessing the re- quired moral qualifications. Costansé in his report of 1794 says: “The first thing to be thought of, in my opinion, is to people the country. Presidios to support missions are well enough for a time, but there seems to be no end of them. Some missions have been for a hundred years in charge of friars and pre- sidial guards. ‘The remedy is to introduce gente de razon among the natives from the beginning. Cali- 2 Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, 162-3. Oct. 24, 1792, governor orders that no Sie vecino is to be prevented from settling at the presidio of Monterey. -rov. Jtec., MS., ii. 156. Vancouver gives a rather superficial and inaccurate account of the pueblos, which he did not visit. Voyage, ii. 495-6. 3 See chapter xxiv., this volume. * Revilla Giyedo, Carta de 1793, 23-4. SPECIAL PROJECTS. 603 fornians understand this, and clamor for industrious citizens. Hach ship should carry a number of families with a proper outfit. The king supplies his soldiers with tools, why not the farmer and mechanic as well? They should be settled near the missions and mingle with the natives. Thus the missions will become towns in twenty-five or thirty years.”° In 1795 Borica made some special efforts to pro- mote marriage among soldiers and settlers by favorable regulations, and he even discouraged the enlistment of the sons of settlers in the presidio companies; but an absurd proposition from Mexico to establish inns for the convenience of travellers at ten suitable spots in California met.with no favor from Borica and the project died a natural death.°® In 1796 a special agitation of this subject of colo- nization began in Mexico, with the founding of Bran- ciforte as a result, as elsewhere narrated. Father Salazar, lately from California, was called upon for his views on the condition of the country. His report on the pueblos was not an encouraging one. ‘The in- habitants were idlers, paying more attention to gam- bling and playing the guitar than to tilling their lands and educating their children. The pagans did most 5 Costansd, Informe, 1794, MAS. 6April 13, 1795, Borica to commandants, marriages to be promoted by all honorable means. Soldiers to be aided with arrears of pay, with what they have in the fondos, or even by an advance of $40. Parents of contract- ing parties to be aided with such effects as can be paid for from their crops in a year. Hstudillo, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., i. 11; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 129-30; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 227-8. Goycoechea’s reply, May 15th. Id., xiv., 76. Nov. 19, 1796, B. directs the commandant of San Francisco to try and prevail on Maria Simona Ortega, a widow, to remain in the country; for sooner or later some soldier or ‘civilian willask her hand in marriage. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxiv. 10,11. Feb. 14, 1795, Grajera has received B.’s order not to accept any recruit from Angeles, ‘in order that the population may not be lessened.’ /d., xxi. 7. March 12, 1795, B. to viceroy, explaining that the population of California, which he gives as 1,275, is much too small for the 10 inns proposed; also that travellers have to sleep out of doors to care for their animals, etc. St. Pap., Sac., MS., xvii. 3-6. Oct. 5th, the tribunal de contadurta advises the V. R. to submit the scheme, recommended by Bel- tran, to a council before adopting it. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 197-9. Oct. 15, 1796, B. asks for a list of settlers living on ranchos and for an opinion whether they should be allowed to do so. Dec. 29th, he decides that unless the rancheros will keep sheep they must live at the pueblo. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 79, 86. » 604 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. of the work, took a large part of the crop, and were so well supplied thereby that they did not care to be converted and live at the missions. The friars attonded to the spiritual needs of the settlers free of charge, and their tithes did California no good. Young men grew up without restraint, and wandered among the rancherias, setting the Indians a bad example and indulging in excesses that’ were sure sooner or later to result in disaster. The great remedy was to build up commerce and give the colo- nists an incentive to industry. Now they could not sell all their produce; they obtained a small price for what they did sell, and often they could not get the articles they wanted in payment, or had to pay exces- sive rates for them. Without the encouragement of trade the country could never prosper; but other reforms were also needed. There should be a settlers’ fund similar to the military funds, in which each settler should de- posit annually a sum varying according to the size of his family. In the sale and purchase of supplies an officer should stand between the settlers and the habilitados; each pueblo should moreover support a priest and a teacher." Father José Sefian was tem- porarily in Mexico, and a report was also obtained from him which agreed with that of Salazar in most respects. This writer, however, attached special im- portance to the introduction of a better class of set- tlers. He would appoint to each pueblo a director, or comisionado, of better abilities and not related to the inhabitants, and he would enforce residence of all settlers in the towns, and not on distant ranchos out of reach of spiritual care and exposed to dangers. Above all, towns should not be placed too near the missions.® T Salazar, Condicion Actual de Cal. 1796, MS., 73-82. The author also advocates the transfer of the San Blas naval station and ship-yards to San Francisco or Monterey. This would be for the interest of tne department, since wages and food would be cheaper than at San Blas, and it would develop the industries of California. 8 Serian, Respuesta del Padre al Virey sobre Condicion de Cosas en Califor- nia, 1796, MS. Dated at college of San Fernando May 14, 1796. March 19, CONVICT SETTLERS. 605 In his correspondence of 1797, Borica still urges colonization, substantially approving the ideas of Sal- azar and Sefian, and issuing orders which compelled retired soldiers to live in the pueblos.° We have seen _ that nine persons, though rather of a worse than bet- ter class compared with the rest, were obtained from Guadalajara and settled at Branciforte. In 1797- an effort was made to obtain a reénforcement of mar- riageable women, in which the governor was seconded by the viceroy, but in which he does not seem to have been successful.” There was another class of colonists much more easily obtained and by no means beneficial to the country. Unfortunately California was from this time. to a considerable extent a penal colony for Mexico. Governor F'ages was perhaps responsible for the be- ginning of the plague. In 1787 he proposed that artisans imprisoned in Mexico and Guadalajara should have their sentence commuted to exile to California on condition of working out their term at the presi- dios or missions, and subsequently remaining as set- tlers. Nothing was done on this proposition; but in 1791 three presidiarios, or convicts, were sent up to 1797, Borica to viceroy, refers to voluntary enrolment of settlers at Guada- lajara. Prov. Rec., vi. 83. 9Nov. 16, 1797, Borica to viceroy, favoring commerce and admitting that the pueblos have a surplus of 2,000 fanegas of grain for which there is no market. Twelve sailors from the Concepcion and San Carlos have volunteered to remain at Monterey. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 61-2. Oct. 15th, B. to com- mandant at Monterey, invalided or discharged soldiers must live in the towns and not on ranchos nor in the presidio, unless they wish to continue military service. Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., i. 109-10. May 1799, Settler Rosales petitions the viceroy for permission to leave California with his family. Prov. Ree., MS., vi. 125. Branciforte in his Instruccion, MS., 32-8, speaks of Cali- fornia’s need of colonists, and of his efforts in her behalf. 10Sept. 17, 1797, Borica to viceroy, wants good wives, strong young spin- sters, especially for criminal settlers, since the padres objected to the native women marrying such husbands. Besides good health the girls must bring good clothes, so that they may go to church and be improved. A sine qua non of a California female colonist must be a serge petticoat, a rebozo cor- riente, a linen jacket, two woollen shifts, a pair of stockings, and a pair of strong shoes. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 55-6. Jan. 25, 1798, viceroy says orders have been given to procure young, healthy, single women for the pobladores, but the task presents some difficulties. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 19-20. June 1, 1798, Borica says one hundred women are wanted. Prov, Rec., MS., vi. 75. 606 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. Monterey to labor with shackled feet for rations; and the same year we hear of a convict blacksmith teach- ing the natives at San Francisco." In 1798 the Con- cepcion brought twenty-two convicts, of various grades of criminality, some of them merely vagrants lke those formerly destined for Branciforte. They were set at work by Borica to learn and teach trades, a saving of nine thousand dollars being thereby effected as the governor claimed.” Three convicts had arrived the year before, and subsequently such arrivals were of frequent occurrence. Some artisan instructors sent to the country by the government will be noticed a little later. In 1800 nineteen foundlings were sent from’ Mexico under the care of Madre Maria de Jesus, nine boys under ten years of age, and ten girls some of them already marriageable, who were distributed in respectable families in the different presidios.” 11 There was a royal order forbidding convicts from settling in pueblos until their sentences were served out. /’rov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 98. Fages’ propositicn in his Informe Gen. de Misiones, MS., 154. The three presidiarios of 1791 were Ignacio Saenz, Rafael Pacheco, and Felipe Alvarez, sent up by Romeu from Loreto. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxii. 15. Smith at San Francisco, PR age 12°'The three of 1797 were Rafael Arriola, Tomas Escamilla, and José Franco. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 134. Correspondence on the 22 sent in 1798, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 249-50; xvii. 7, 88-9, 182; xxi. 275, 280, 285; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 91-2, 101-2; St. Pap., Sac., viii. 11-13, 68-9; ix. 75-6. Four or five lists are given, the following being the names: José de los Reyes, José Maria Perez, José Vazquez, Juan Hernandez, José Velasquez, Cor- nelio Rocha, José Chavez, José Salazar, Antonio Ortega, Juan Lopez, José Balderrama, Pedro Osorno, José Calzado, José Avila, José Hernandez, José Igadera, José Ramos, José Rosas, José Chavira, Casimiro Conejo, Pablo Franco, Maria Petra Aranda, José Barcena, Felipe Hernandez, Rafael Gomez, Juan Blanco, 26 in all, though the number is spoken of as from 17 to 24, and 22 are said to have landed. They arrived in August. The expense of sending them was $405. There were 3 hatters, 3 miners, 1 shoemaker, 1] silversmith, 1 trader, 3 bakers, 1 tailor, 1 blanket-maker, 1 laborer, 1 overseer, 3 without trade, and 1 woman. There were 4 Spaniards only. There were a saddler and 2 carpenters, not convicts, perhaps included in the list I have given. Several friars also came on the same vessel. After the arrival of these con- victs all persons not having passports were ordered to be arrested. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 166. Feb. 26, 1799, Borica publishes a series of rules for the con- duct of the convict workmen. They were subjected to strict surveillance and allowed few privileges. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 248-4. August 1800, Her- nandez allowed to earn wages by his trade as saddler. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 13. Nov. 1800, José Cris. Simental sentenced to 6 years as settler in California, to be accompanied by his wife. St. Pap., Sac., MS., ix. 57-8; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 53-4. 13 Twenty-one children left Mexico for San Blas and one died on the sea- voyage. ‘The expense is said to have been $4,763. There was a plan to send TENURE OF LANDS. 607 The tenure of lands is an interesting topic of Cal- ifornia history, both in itself and especially in view of the litigation of later times. In its earliest phases the subject falls more naturally into the annals of this decade than elsewhere, though a general statement with but few details is all that is required here. As soon as the territory was occupied by Spain in 1769 the absolute title vested in the king. No individual ownership of lands, but only usufructuary titles of various grades, existed in California in Spanish times. The king, however, was actually in possession of only the ground on which the presidios stood and such adjoining lands as were needed in connection with the royal service. The natives were recognized as the owners, under the king, of all the territory needed for their subsistence; but the civilizing process to which they were to be subjected would greatly reduce the area from that occupied in their savage state; and thus there was no prospective legal hinderance to the establishment of Spanish settlements. The general laws of Spain provided for such establishments, and the assignment to each of lands to the extent of four square leagues.“ Meanwhile neither the missions, nor the friars, nor the Franciscan order, nor the church owned any lands whatever. The missionaries had the use of such lands as they needed for their object, which was to prepare the Indians to take possession as individuals of the lands they now held as communities. When this was accomplished, and the missions had become pueblos, the houses of worship would natu- rally become the property of the church, and the friars would move on to new spiritual conquests. Each mission and each presidio was at the proper time to become a pueblo; other pueblos were expected to be 60 boys and the same number of girls. Two of the girls were married before the end of the year. St. Pap., Sac., MS., iv. 74; vii. 74-6; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 9, 18, 31; xxi. 34, 47; Zd., Ben. Mil., MS., xxviii. 22; Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 11, 12; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii. 307; Bustamante, Suplemento, 181; Azanza, Instruccion, MS., 88-9. 14 Recopilacion de Indias, lib. iv. tit. v. ley. vi., x. I intentionally avoid conditions and details in this chapter. 608 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. founded from time to time; and four square leagues of land was the area to be assigned under ordinary circumstances to each; but the fixing of boundaries was tacitly left until the future increase in the number of establishments should render it a necessity, noth- ing in the mean time being allowed to interfere with the area to which each pueblo would be entitled, though the missions in their temporary occupation were not restricted. : In his instructions of 1773 Viceroy Bucareli author- ized Captain Rivera to make a beginning of the future pueblos by distributing lands to such persons, either natives or Spaniards, as were worthy and would dedi- cate themselves to agriculture or the raising of stock.” Rivera did grant a piece of land in 1775 to Manuel Butron, a soldier who married a neophyte of San Carlos; but the land was subsequently abandoned, and if any other similar grants were made by Rivera there is no record of the fact. In November 1777 the pueblo of San José was founded and a somewhat in- formal distribution of lands to settlers was made by order of Governor Neve. In 1781 Neve’s regulation went into effect, and one of its sections regulated the distribution of pueblo lands; prescribed the assign- ment to each settler of four fields, each two hundred varas square, besides a house-lot; specified the lands to be devoted to various uses of the community; and made provision for the gradual extension of the town by the granting of new lots and fields. Under this regulation the pueblo of Los Angeles was founded in the same year of 1781. The formal distribution of lands, however, and the giving of written titles took place for San José and Los Angeles in 1783 and 1786 respectively. These titles were the nearest approach to absolute ownership in California under Spain; but _ the lands were forfeited by abandonment, failure to cultivate, and non-compliance with certain conditions, 1 Bucareli, Instruccion de 17 de Agosto de 1778, MS. 16 On foundation of San José and Angeles and the distribution of lands, see chapters xiv. and xvi. of this volume. PRIVATE RANCHOS. 609 They could not be alienated; and one instance is recorded of lands being taken for hemp culture from a settler, who was given others in their place. New grants of pueblo lands to new settlers were of con- stant occurrence hereafter. Neither in the regulation nor in the proceedings under it was any attention paid to exterior pueblo limits, save the vague establishment of a boundary, at San José at least, with the adjoin- ing mission. This matter was practically and natu- rally left to be agitated by the crown should there ever in the distant future be danger of the town exceeding its four leagues, or by the pueblo itself in ease of encroachments by other towns or by indi- viduals. In 1784 application was made to Fages by private individuals for grants of ranchos. He granted written permits to several men for temporary occupation of the lands desired,” and wrote to the commandant gen- eral for instructions. General Ugarte replied in 1786, on the recommendation of his legal adviser, Galindo Navarro, by authorizing the granting of tracts not to exceed three leagues, always beyond the four-league limits of existing pueblos, without injury to missions or rancherias, and on certain other conditions includ- ing the building of a stone house on each rancho and the keeping of at least two thousand head of live- stock.!* The instructions required the immediate as- signment by clear landmarks of the four leagues to each pueblo; but there is no evidence that any such survey was made, that any documents were given in place of the temporary permits, or that the few pro- visional grants subsequently made differed in a respect from those permits. 17 The ranchos since known as Los Nietos and San Rafael were thus granted to Manuel Nieto and José Maria Verdugo in 1784. In the case of Nieto his long possession until 1804 and that of his children after him was urged as affording presumption of a complete title; but the supreme court held that Fages’ written permit destroyed this presumption. The land commission had already taken a similar view. Nieto vs. Carpenter, 21 Cal. 456. ** Pages’ report to Ugarte Nov. 20, 1784, Navarro’s opinion, Oct.:27, 1785. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 8325-7. Ugarte’s order June 21st. /d., i. 343, Hist. Cab., Vou. in 39 610 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. In 1789 a series of instructions was issued with royal approval for the establishment of the Villa of Pitic in Sonora since called Hermosillo, instructions which were to be followed also in the founding of similar establishments throughout the northern prov- inces. Omitting details unimportant to my present purpose, each pueblo was to have assigned to it with definite bounds four square leagues of land in rectan- gular form; the land given to each settler to depend somewhat on his character and needs, but might be fifty per cent larger than that already given in Cali- fornia; and after four years the ownership might be- come absolute. I do not find that this regulation ever had any effect at Los Angeles or San José 6 Tn 1790 a pensioned corporal, Cayuelas, who had married a neophyte of San Luis Obispo, asked in the name of his wife for lands at Santa Margarita belonging to that mission; but the grant was opposed, probably with success, by the friars, on the ground that the land was needed for the community, to which the neophyte in question had rendered no service.” A. beginning of the presidial pueblos was made by General Nava in 1791, when he authorized com- mandants of presidios to grant lots and fields to sol- diers and settlers desiring them within the prescribed four square leagues,” but there is no clear evidence 19 Pitic, Instruccion aprobada por S. M. que se formé para el establecimiento de la nueva Villa de Pitic, y mandada adaptar a las demas nuevas poblaciones proyectadas, 1789, MS. Dated Chihuahua, Nov. 14, 1789. 20 Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 398-9, 400-2; Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix. 163-6. This instance and that of Butron are the only ones recorded of land being asked for by neophytes before 1800. In fact only 24 neophyte women had married gente de razon since 1769. Lasuen, in Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ii. 192, 1 Nava’s decree, dated Oct. 22, 1791, at Chihuahua, and approved provi- sionally by the viceroy.before Jan. 19,1793. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 320-2, 341-2; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 27-8. This decree has been often translated and referred to in legal reports, sometimes erroneously under the date of March 22d. According to the Ordenanza de Intendentes of 1786, the royal intendentes had been intrusted with the distribution of royal lands; but this order shows that the four leagues belonged to the pueblo and were not included in the king’s lands. Dwinelle’s Colon. Hist. S. F., 34-5. In U.S. Sup. Court Repts., 9 Wallace, 639, itis stated that the words ‘the extent of 4 leagues | measured from the centre of the plaza of the presidios in every direction,’ found in an order of Nava of June 21, 1791, and in other papers, caused Los Angeles to claim before the land commission 16 square leagues LAND GRANTS. 611 that any such grants were made. Arrillaga reported to the viceroy in 1793 that no grants had been made by his predecessors under the order of 1786, and that on account of this failure to act, and because of the ultimate right of the natives to the best sites— although he was constantly asked for ranchos and believed that it would be well for the country to grant them—he would not act without further in- structions.” Yet early in 1794 he reported that he had permitted several persons to settle on the Rio de Monterey from three to five leagues from the pre- sidio, the permission being only provisional.* In April 1795 Borica sent to the viceroy his views on the subject. He did not know why his predecessors had failed to grant sites for cattle-raising, but he did not favor such concessions. It would be difficult to tell what lands the missions really needed, since new converts were constantly made. Troubles between the owners of ranchos and rancheria Indians would lead to excesses and war; the animals of the settlers would do injury to the food-supply of the gentiles; the rancheros would be far removed from spiritual care and from judicial supervision; and finally the province had already live-stock enough, there being no export. Borica therefore proposed that no ranchos should be granted for the present, but that settlers of good character be allowed to establish themselves provisionally on the land asked for near a mission or pueblo, to be granted them later if it should prove best. In fact several ranchos already existed under those conditions.” instead of 4. This would literally be 64 square leagues; but the original ‘41, measured from the centre of the plaza, 2 in each direction,’ might—like the corresponding definition in the Recopilacion de Indias—be interpreted naturally 16 square leagues. It is a curious complication; but that an area of 4 square leagues, either in square or rectangular form, was what was intended, and in hundreds of cases actually surveyed for each Spanish pueblo, there can be, I suppose, no doubt. 22 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 45-7. This report was sent back to Borica for his opinion on Aug. 25, 1794. Arrillaga recognizes the four-league limit even in the case of missions. . 43 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 132; xii. 189. 24 April 3, 1795, Borica to viceroy. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 39-41. 612 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. There was certainly a degree of force in some of Borica’s arguments, though most of them were quite as conclusive against his substitute for land-grants. Indeed there is something mysterious about the pref- erence of successive governors for provisional permits of occupation over the regular concessions authorized by superior authority. I suspect that the preference may have been largely on the part of the settlers them- selves, who did not like to comply with the conditions attached to a regular grant. There were some sixteen . ranchos in the regions of Los Angeles and Monterey thus provisionally held by some twenty men in 1795. Two and doubtless more similar permissions were given before the end of the decade.” In 1796 a part of the land which Fages had allowed Nieto to occupy was taken from him, on the claim of San Gabriel mis- sion that it was needed by the natives. In 1797 the Encino Rancho, held by Francisco Reyes, was taken from him, and both land and buildings were appro- priated by the new mission of San Fernando. This same year the Villa de Branciforte was founded, pre- sumably on the plan of Pitic, though there is no posi- tive information extant respecting the distribution of lands in that famous town. In 1798 Borica gave some kind of a confirmation to the title of Verduge at San Rafael, but we know nothing of its nature. The condition of land matters in California at the end of the decade and century was then briefly as follows: There were eighteen missions and four presidios, each without settlers,“ but each intended to become a pueblo, and each entitled to four square leagues of land for distribution to settlers in house-lots and sow- ing-lands, or for other pueblo uses; three pueblos of Spaniards already established, entitled like the pros- 25 See chapters xxx. and xxxi. for lists of the ranchos with additional de- tails. Borica, whatever may have been his real motives, oppose even the provisional concessions in several instances, 6 It is noticeable, however, that some of the tracts occupied near Monte- rey under the provisional permits were probably within the limits of the prensa presidio-pueblo, where there was no legal authority for granting ands for stock-raising. MANUFACTURES AND LABOR. 613 pective ones to four leagues of land, though like them as yet without fixed boundaries, inhabited by over one hundred settlers, each of whom held about four acres of land still subject to conditions and not to be alienated or hypothecated; and finally twenty or thirty men raising cattle on ranchos which they occu- pied temporarily by permission of the authorities, without any legal title, though some of them or their children subsequently became owners of the land. Besides the missions and pueblos, conversion and colonization, there are various institutions and indus- tries of the province whose progress during this pericd merit brief notice here; though in most respects that progress was great only in comparison to that of other epochs of California history. The order in which the several topics are treated being a matter of no mo- ment, I begin with that of manufactures and labor. At the first occupation of Upper California some Christian Indians from the peninsula, the only per- sons for many years who were honored with the name of Californians, were brought north as servants of all work in the new missions. The presidial companies usually had a few smiths, armorers, and carpenters whose services were available at times, as well for the friars as for the soldiers; the soldiers themselves were obliged to render assistance in building and some other kinds of work. Gentiles were hired from the first, especially on the Channel coast. After 1773 men were enlisted and paid as sailors to serve in Cal- ifornia as laborers, and among the settlers at the pueblos were persons of various trades, on which, however’ none seem to have depended for subsist- ence. This was the condition of mechanical indus- try down to 1790. Besides the repairs executed on arms, implements, and articles of clothing, there were rude attempts at tanning and various other simple and necessary processes suggested by the needs of the soldiers and ingenuity of the friars; but 614 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. progress in this direction was slight and is but vaguely recorded. During the last decade of the century all the classes of laborers mentioned continued to be employed, except that no new natives were brought from Baja Calli- fornia. Neophytes were extensively hired from the friars for all kinds of presidio work, the mission and not the Indian receiving the pay, and there were few Spanish families without a native servant. This ques- tion of neophyte labor was, as we have seen, a fruit- ful source of misunderstanding between friars and officers. Gentiles were also hired in large numbers to work both at presidios and pueblos, being paid chiefly in grain, but also with blankets and other articles of clothing. Negotiations for laborers were made for the most part with chiefs who contracted to supply the required number. It is not improbable that the chiefs were already so far advanced in civilization as to make a profit on the contracts. Spanish regula- tions required kind treatment and fair compensation to all Indian laborers, and any notable or habitual abuses in this respect would in these early times have largely cut off the supply. The friars complained that the gentiles earned so much grain and clothing that one of their chief incentives to become Christians was -: lost.” The sailor servientes, several of whom were 7 Nov. 10, 1791, Sergt. Ortega wanted men to build a house, etc., at San Gabriel; but the padres refused to furnish any even for wages. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 4,5. The gentiles, though lazy, offer themselves to work for a manta and daily rations of meat and boiled maize. The best are chosen, who take their blankets, lay down their arms, and go to work bringing building-mate- rials. Sutil y Mex., Viage, 164-5. Great care taken in employing Indians, and a daily sum of money paid. Vancouwver’s Voyage, ii. 497. May 7, 1794, governor to Sal, if padres want a gratuity for Indians above wages it must be refused. At Sta Barbara they get 19 cents per day, and an almud of corn per week. San Antonio Indians at the Rancho del Rey get.a coton and manta per month. Even if content with little they should be given all they deserve. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 147-8, 163. Dec. 1794, at San Diego Indians got one real and rations. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 7. Indians must be treated well and work equally. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 15, 16. April, 1796, Indian laborers not to be obtained without governor’s permission. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 176. 1796, Sal sends 30 blankets to San José with which to hire 30 Indians. They will be treated well. Any capitanejo helping to get them may be given a gratificacion. ‘Travelling expenses paid. Later some invalids are sent to look after the 30; who were to be treated with alguna comiseracion. 8. José, ARTISANS FROM MEXICO. 615 furnished to each of the new missions, did not in many instances give satisfaction. There was also some diffi- culty about their wages being paid by the royal treas- ury, and they were all sent back to San Blas in 1795, though sailors were subsequently allowed to remain in California as workmen at the presidios and as settlers.” In the promotion of manufactures, however, a de- cided effort was made in this decade, and with consid- erable success. The plan adopted was to send skilled artisans from Mexico under government pay to teach their trades to neophytes and to white apprentices. About twenty of these artisan instructors were sent to California, chiefly in 1792 and 1795, a few of whom remained permanently as settlers, but most retired on the expiration of their contracts before 1800.” Arch., MS., ii. 75. . Wages paid to mission, not to Indians. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 158. 1800, mission Indians get two reals per day, one in extra food and one in cloth, or sometimes money from presidios. Private persons pay in corn or meat. Arch. Sta Ldarbara, MS., ii. 119. 8 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 193-4; xiii. 69, 123-4; xvi. 2; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 232; v.5. The sailor sirvientes got $10 per month and 19 cents for rations. One slave is mentioned during the decade. He was owned by Col. Alberni, and was tried for robbery in 1798. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 102. #® Their names were: Santiago Ruiz, Manuel D. Ruiz, Toribio Ruiz, Salva- dor Rivera, Joaquin Rivera, and Pedro Alcdntara, masons: Mariano Tapia, potter; Cayetano Lopez, mill-maker; José A. Ramirez and Salvador Véjar, car- penters; Miguel Sangrador, tanner and shoemaker; Joaquin Avalos, tanner; Mariano Tapinto and Joaquin Botello, tailors; Pedro Gonzalez Garcia, José Arroyo, and José F. Arriola, blacksmiths; Antonio Dom. Henriquez and Mari- ano José Mendoza, weavers; Manuel Mufioz, listonero, ribbon-maker; José de Los Reyes and Antonio Hernandez, saddlers. One or two of these names may have been those of settlers who had trades; and one or two of convicts. A few of the maestros got $1,000 per year, and the journeymen from $300 to $600. The contracts were for four or five years. Sept. 10,1790, Fages speci- fies 51 mechanics needed, besides teachers, millers, and a surveyor. St. Pap., Sac., MS., xv. 138; St. Pap., Miss., MS.,i. 82. 1790 and 1792, lists of trades existing. Jd., i. 96, 98, 101-2. Salvador Rivera, the stone-cutter, was at first left at Nootka in 1791. St. Pap.; Sac., MS., v. 95. Four mechanics arrived in Dec. 1791. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xv. 6. Viceroy says a carpenter must teach his trade to at least 12 Indians in the four years. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 137. In 1791 tailor at Monterey did $135 worth of work for private parties. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii. 3. June 20, 1792, opinion of the fiscal on the project, including provision for granting the artisans land and making permanent settlers of them. The engineer Miguel Costansé appears as one of the advisers in the matter. St. Pap., Sac., MS., ix. 62-8. March 1793, three artisans sent back as useless. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 163. Jan. 1794, no visible progress made though the artisans work well. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 178-9. Of the value of work done by the artisans half goes to the treasury, one third to apprentices, and one sixth to artisans. Jd., xi. 158; Prov. Rec., MS., vill. 140. April 29, 1795, V. R. wonders that though wages have ‘been paid, -$10,000 is yet due the artisans. Jd., iv. 227. July 19, 1795, new opinion of 616 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. At first the artisans were distributed in the missions and presidios, or in some cases travelled from one place to another giving instruction. The friars were of course pleased, for they thus received almost without cost instructions for themselves and their neophytes which in the future must contribute largely to the prosperity of their establishments. But they were deeply grieved when they found that the king’s mechanics were by no means disposed to regard them- selves as mere mission servants to be utilized according to the orders of the padres, and at the necessity of pay- ing something for the work done by the artisans in the course of their teaching. As usual they wanted all the benefits of the enterprise and its management, but pleaded poverty when payment was asked. The government was not willing to do so much for the missions, and after 1795 the friars were obliged to pay for the work done, to pay the artisans’ salaries, or to. send their neophytes to the presidios to be taught. In many cases they refused to do either, and quite a controversy ensued. But the difficulty settled itself as the terms of contract expired, and before 1800 the neophytes had acquired a stock of instruction which it was thought would suffice for the mission needs.” the fiscal on details. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 56-60. Aug. 24, 1795, B. says V.R. has ordered work of artisans to cease at missions. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 61. Pay began when artisans left Mexico. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vii. 41-3. Fifty dollars advanced for travelling expenses. The married ones to be given in California a male and female Indian servant for each family, to be fed and edu- cated. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 202-4; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 184. Dec. 4, 1795, fiscal’s report, with details of contracts. dd.. xiii, 34-42, Jan. 1796, the missions must be asked to support the new artisans expected. Prov. ec., MS., v. 78. 1796, effort to obtain white apprentices. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 53-4, 72-3; v. 249; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 16. July 1796, lands ordered granted (in pueblos) to several artisans. Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 164. 1797, the basis of pay was changed in later years, one eighth ‘of the value of work done going to the artisan, and seven eighths to the treasury. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 90-1 (and many other references). See also for voluminous correspondence on this sub- ject—chiefly on the names, salaries, engaging, distribution, arrival and depart- ure of the artisans—Proo. St. Pap., MS., x. 41; xii. 192-3; xiii, 40-2, 52-3, 60, 107, 126-7; xiv. 6; xvi. 202, 213; xvii. 40, 135; xxi. 36-7, 44, 73-4, 89-90, 229, 236, 238, 253, 280, 287; Id., Ben. Mil., 'MS., Xxi. 9; xxiit. of d., Pre- sidios, MS. a bia 5, §2--3; St. Pap., Sac., MS. vad, 9, 10; iv. 2, 62; vii. "47-9; xvii. 8; Prov. Rec., hers vy ba UBT 3 Avi 190, 210; v. 14; vi. 32, 35, 76; Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 50Dec. 21, 1792, petit to Arrillaga, some of the artisans show a ten- WEAVING AND TANNING. 617 Some white apprentices were obtained and taught, though instances were not wanting where parents deemed it degrading to put their sons to a trade. The results of all these efforts were that before 1800 rude looms were set up in many of the missions, on which by Indian labor the wool of the country was woven into blankets and coarse fabrics with which the neophytes were clothed ;* hides were tanned and made into shoes, some of the coarser parts of saddles and other leather goods being also manufactured, though dency to act as officers rather thaninstructors. The tailorsdon’t amount to much, in fact tailors are not much needed in a country where each native is tailor for himself. It is not well to send the natives to the presidios for instruction; but it would be a good idea to let certain artisans travel from mission to mis- sion. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 30-2. 1793-4, several San Carlos Indians instructed in stone-cutting, bricklaying, ete. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii. 59. Dec. 1795, Borica orders missions to send each four or five Indians to presidios, They will be supported and will have a soldier to teach them religion. Prov. Tec., MS., v. 235-6. July 28, 1796, Lasuen in a circular regrets the restric- tions, but orders the padres to send the neophytes to the presidios, not how- ever expecting any good results. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 138. Aug. 8, 1796, B. says to Lasuen seven eighths of products of work must go to treas- ury and one eighth to artisan. An Indian boy and girl must be supplied, as servants, or appeal will be made to the viceroy. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 166-7, 163-4. Dec. 20, 1796, V. R. says that the artisans are engaged to teach the natives and not to serve at missions. The missions must pay. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ix. 167-8. April 26, 1797, Lasuen to V. R. protesting against giving the artisans one eighth of the value of their work when the mission furnishes all the material, and also against sending Indians to the presidios as being subversive of all subordination. Jd., ix. 169-72; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 281-2. Nov. 12, 1798, B. has given a mission the free use of a smith and carpenter for a year. Prov. Iec., MS., vi. 226. Sept. 21, 1799, V. R. to gov. and president, asking them to come to some conclusion how best to instruct neophytes without risk to Christian duties. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ix. 173- 4; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 339; Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 1938. Jan. 22, 1800, Lasuen to V. R., neophytes ought not to be sent to the presidios where they are used as peons and often run away; still something may be effected by sending docile youth and requiring a strict watch over them. The objection to the artisans coming to the missions, is the required payment for the articles made by them which the mission cannot afford, especially after furnishing servants and material, and as the objects made are not sold. Arch. Sta Bur- bara, MS., ix. 175-80. 31 For items about weaving see Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 162-6; iv. 98-9, 251, 300; v. 206. 245-7; vi. 3, 79, 81, 117, 230; ix. 5; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 24; xv. 67-8; xvi. 233, 261-2; xviii. 18, 19; xxi. 189; Jd., Ben. Mil., xxv. 14; St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 100; St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 108-5; Arch. Sta Bar- bara, MS., ii. 68, 96-7; ix. 168-9; Vancouver’s Voyage, ii. 11-13. No blankets were brought from Mexico after 1797. A little cotton cloth was woven from material brought from San Blas. The Indians had some natural skill at dye- ing. The ribbon-maker was found to be of no use. There was a proposition in 1797 to make the learning of a trade obligatory. Weaving was a failure at Monterey. Some hemp was used for neophytes’ garments. P. Espi wanted to establish a fulling-miil, but the governor disapproved the scheme. The pueblos got none of the instructors, but some weaving was done there. 618 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. not enough as yet toavoid importation from Mexico.” Soap was made of suitable quality and quantity to supply home needs after 1798;* coarse pottery was produced at San Francisco and several other places ;* and water-power flouring-mills were built at Santa Cruz and San Luis Obispo, possibly also at San Gabriel and San José, which with the tahonas worked by horse or man power and the metates of the neo- phyte women, supplied the province with flour.® Some details of these different branches of manufac- tures will be found in local annals of the different towns, missions, and presidios.* In the way of public improvements, repairs were several times ordered to be made on the roads, espe- cially at the crossings of streams where couriers were liable to be delayed. There were several supposed discoveries of rich mineral deposits, including one of quicksilver in the black mud at Santa Barbara in 1796. In fact Father Salazar reported that the province was supposed to be very rich in metals, which were not developed for fear that foreigners would rush in, but actual mining operations were confined to an occasional trip after teguesquite, or saltpetre, and the extraction of brea, or asphaltum, from the pitch-wells of the Channel coast, used to some extent for roofing.” 32 St. Pap., Ben., MS., i. 46-7; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 50, 220; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ii. 72-3, 129. Some 2,000 hides were tanned at Santa Claraas early as 1792, but very few of them could be sold. At Sta Barbara the cor- poral of the guard was paid $150 per year to attend to the tanning. 83 Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 33, 48, 50, 95, 105, 303; v. 211; ix. 5; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 110. About $1,000 worth of soap was required each year. There was a manufactory of this article at the rancho del rey in Monterey. 34 Prov, St. Pap., MS., xvi. 25; xviii. 259; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 75; v. 88; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ix. 313. 85 Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 162-3; iv. 177, 187-8, 224, 232, 253, 283; v. 50; vi. 6, 68; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii. 59; Los Angeles Hist., 7. Hall’s Hist. S. José, 114. 36 See also general communications on the progress of the various industries between governor and viceroy in Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 67-8, 89-90, 117; S¢. Pap., Miss. and Col., MS., i. 79; Dept. St. Pap., S. José, MS., i. 46; St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 6. 37 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 107, 175; xxi. 176-7; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 57-8; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ii. 64-5. The only ship-building industry recorded is the building of a large boat by the sailors left by Capt. Dorr in 1796. Prov. fec., MS., vi. 79. AGRICULTURE. 619 Agricultural statistics are given elsewhere in chap- ters devoted to missions, pueblos, and to local prog- ress; but it is well here to give the grand total of production, which was on an average 56,000 bushels of grain per year during the decade. Of this yield 36,000 bushels were wheat; 11,700 bushels, corn; 5,400 bushels, barley; 1,800 bushels, beans; and 1,200 bushels, miscellaneous grains such as pease, lentils, etc. Of other crops no statistical records were kept, though each establishment had a vegetable garden, a fruit- orchard, or a vineyard, most having all of these in a prosperous condition supplying the wants of the country. There have been some interesting discus- sions in modern times respecting the dates ‘at which grapes, oranges, and other fruits were introduced in California; but there are no records which can throw light on the matter. Many varieties of fruit, includ- ing probably grapes, were introduced from the penin- sula by the earliest expeditions between 1769 and 1773; nearly all the varieties were in a flourishing condition on a small scale before Junfpero Serra’s death in 1784; and very few remained to be introduced after 1800.8 Borica gave and required his commandants to give much personal attention to the advancement of agri- cultural interests, using various expedients of reward and threat to accustom the settlers—for there was rarely any occasion to interfere with the friars and their subjects—to habits of industry and to precau- tions against possible famine in years of drought. 38 Information on these matters is very meagre and of a general nature. Vallejo has heard from his father and others of the fundadores that vines were brought up in 1769, and planted at San Diego. Vallejo, Doc. List. Cul., MS., xxxvi. 288. Palou, Vida de Juntpero Serra, 199, 220, etc., mentions grapes, vegetables, fruits, etc., as flourishing in 1784. Yield of Monterey garden suflicient to pay for a gardner in 1784, Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 54. La Pérouse left the first potatoes in California in 1786. There are some traili- tions of wild grapes found in the country near San Antonio, and improved by cultivation. Gomez, Lo que sabe, MS., 105-6. Fages’ garden in 17$3-91 with 200 fruit-trees, vines, etc. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 167. Vancouver names many kinds of fruit raised in 1792. Wine manufactured in the southern missions in 1797-8. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii. 66, 70, 1798. The culture af vines and olives must be encouraged. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 106. 620 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. Regular weather reports were insisted on, though very few of them have been preserved.” The hardest years for the province were 1794 and 1795; but even in those years the drought did not extend over all the territory, so that more than half the average crop was produced. In 1793 the governor seconded by Presi- dent Lasuen prohibited the kindling of fires by neo- phytes and gentiles which had in ‘several instances caused considerable damage in the grain-fields.” In 1795 owners of gardens were required to fence them, or at least to make no complaints of ravages by cat- tle." The chief enterprise, however, of an agricult- ural nature in which the government took an inter- est was the attempt to introduce the cultivation of flax and hemp. The establishment of this industry in the American colonies of Spain had been ordered by the king in 1781, and the orders had been promul- gated in California as elsewhere, without receiving any practical attention; but in 1795 special orders and a package of seed having been sent up to Monterey, the experiment was undertaken in earnest by Borica’s directions, San José being selected as the spot and Tenacio Vallejo as the superintendent, with the aid of a soldier who knew something of flax-culture. Some details of the experiment will be found in connection with the local history of San José for this period. There were some failures of crops, and others result- ine from inexperience in the various processes to which. the product was subjected; but several lots of the staple sent to Mexico gave satisfaction, and in 1800 the prospects of the new industry were consid- ered encouraging, and preparations were made to send Joaquin Sanchez to superintend it in California.” 89 Minor communications of the governor on agriculture. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 52-3, 69-186; v. 63; vi. 67, 80; Dept. St. Pap. 8. José., MS., i. 52. Borica offered a premium of G05 for the largest crop in 1796. 9 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 187-8; /d., Ben. Mil., xx. 5; Arch. Arzobis- pado, MS., i. 34; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., vi. 210-14. eta Rec., 'MS., iv. 16, 17, 29, 33-4, 272, 293; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 77. “” Nov. 13, 1781, royal orders published by Neve. Prov. St. Pap., MS., STOCK-RAISING, 621 The companion industry to agriculture, and the favorite occupation of Californians from the first, as requiring less hard work than tilling the soil, was stock-raising. California had in 1800 in round num- bers 187,000 animals in her herds and flocks: 74,000 cattle, 24,000 horses, 1,000 mules, and 88,000 sheep, not to mention the comparatively few asses, goats, and swine. Of the total number the missions had 153,000; the presidios 18,000; and the pueblos 16,000. The increase had been uninterrupted from 1769 except in the year 1794—5 when there was a slight decrease. The king’s rancho at Monterey with branches at San Irancisco and San Diego furnished to the presidial companies a very large part of the meat consumed and nearly all the cavalry horses employed in the service, the proceeds of sales on royal account varying from $1,000 to $3,000 per year. The missionaries always looked with much hostility on these establish- ments as depriving the missions of the best and almost the only market for their produce; but having founded iii. 247-53. 1785, other orders of the audiencia published. Jd., v. 250-1. Sept. 13, 1785, José de Galvez to Fages on aiding the enterprise. St. Pap. Sac., MS., iv. 35. Sept. 6, 1793, viceroy orders flax-culture to be promoted in all the missions. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 263-4. Sept. 7th, guardian also recommends the matter, saying that a wild flax is found on the Cali- fornia coast. /d., xii. 14,15. Aug. 13, 1794, two fanegas of hemp-seed sent to Lasuen. /d., xi. 267-8. Instructions for hemp-culture. Instruments sent 1795. St. Pap., Sac., MS., xv. 15-17; Dept. St. Pap., S. José, MS.,i. 53-6; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 140. See chapter xxxii. for experiments at San José. May 21, 1796, flax and hemp to be free of duty, and implements free from taxes. Gaceta de Mez., viii. 95-8; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 194. Dec. 19, 1796, Borica to V. R., 30 fanegas of seed harvested. Missions as a rule will not be able to raise hemp. No success yet in working the material. St. Pap., Sac., MS., iv. 70. Hemp exported in 1796-7 of nouse. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 272. 1798, samples sent to Mexicoand approved. Jd., vi. 103; vili. 189-90. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 272, 287. May 3, 1798, hemp sent to P. Viader to try experiments in spinning. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 213. 1799, 25 arrobas of hemp sent to Mexico. Price $350. Prospects favorable’ Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 83-4; xvii. 213. Culture must be introduced at Branciforte. /d., xvii, 314-15. San Cérlos using hemp for ordinary cloth for neophytes. Prov. Rec., vi. 117. 1800, crops not good. Jd., ix. 15; S. José Arch., MS., iii. 70. Arrangements in Mexico to continue to encourage the new industry and to send Joaquin Sanchez to California. S. José, Arch., MS., v. 20; St. Pap., Miss. and Col., MS., i. 55-7; St. Pap., Sac., MS., ix. 102-4. By these arrangements the memoria ships were to take flax and hemp in good condition and pay for it in cash. Sanchez did not sail for California. Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 176-9. Vague indications that cotton was also tried. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 108; vi. 209; ix. 6 622 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. the ranchos at a time when the missions had no live- -stock to sell, the government was not disposed to abandon them later; and indeed it was claimed that only by means of the rancho del rey and of the fixed tariffs of prices were the friars kept from maintaining an oppressive monopoly.* In 1796-7 Borica made a special effort to promote the raising of sheep in connection with the manufac- ture of cloth. Statistical reports do not show that the increase in the mission flocks was much greater in those than other years, though it was uniformly rapid; while in the pueblos, to which Borica gave his attention more particularly, very little was accom- plished.“ The Californian cattle were very prolific, and, under the early regulations forbidding the slaughter of cows, multiplied with wonderful rapid- ity. The pueblos were not allowed to let their large stock increase beyond fifty head to each settler; the rancheros had no very large herds before 1800; and in the missions during the last decade efforts were directed rather to restrict than encourage further increase; yet in spite of all restrictions, and of the ravages of bears, wolves, and Indians, and of the constantly increasing slaughter for meat and tallow, cattle were becoming too numerous for the needs of 4 Prov. St. Pap., MS. x. 91; xii. 30, 97; xvi. 92; xvii. 14-16; Jd., Ben. Mil., xiii. 1-7; xvii. 1; xviii. 4, 5; xxv. 2-4; Prov. Rec., MS., i. 208; iv. 16, 117, 134, 255-6, 273, 285; v. 64, 68, 85, 269; vi. 100, 104, 109; St. Pap., Miss., MS., i. 73-4; Sé. Pap., Miss. and Col., MS., i. 68-78. See also chapters xxx. and xxxii. for local items respecting the rancho del rey. 1795, cattle lost on the road were charged to the consumption of the troops. 1790, 4,000 cattle belonging to the real hacienda, from which many private persons were sup- ei 1795, each soldier might have two milch cows. ‘There seem to have een some sheep on the rancho. After 1797 an account was made of the hides, which before had been left to the soldiers. 4 Efforts at Sta Barbara. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 66. Rancheros must keep sheep or live in the pueblos. Jd., iv. 86. Introduced at Angeles, 8. José, and San Francisco. Jd., vi. 79. Every settler should have at least 11 sheep, for which they may pay in grain. Jd., iv. 147. Breeding-sheep to be pur- chased and sent to Monterey. Jd., iv. 62. Six hundred and fourteen. sheep at 7 reals, wethers $2, received from San Diego. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 6. Wool at S. Gabriel 20 reals per arroba. Jd., vi. 6. Two hundred sheep dis- tributed at Angeles August 1796. Jd., vi. 1. Every settler at San José must keep 3 sheep for every larger animal. Dept. St. Pap., S. José, MS., i. 73-4. The breed at San Francisco was merino, and better than elsewhere. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 8, 9. HORSES AND MULES. 623 the country. Horses, not being used for food, nor as yet stolen extensively by Indians, were largely in excess of all demands at four or five dollars each. Mules at fifteen dollars were generally in demand, comparatively few being yet raised. ‘Tithes of all live-stock except in the missions were branded each year in October or November and added to the rancho Rael rey.” 451791, mission stock should be reduced to prevent dispersion. The Indians eat too much meat. Missions not allowed to buy animals from the troops. The raising of horses and mules should be promoted. Yearly slaughter for meat ordered. Fages to Romeu, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 150, 157, 170. 1792, no more fat to be shipped from San Blas, and 200 cows to be killed each year. It is better to make monthly distributions of meat. Arrillaga, in Id., xi. 87-8; Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 156. Vancouver took some cattle away for Botany Bay and the Sandwich Islands. Vancouver's Voy., ii. 99; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 122. 1794, no market for horses. Mules promise better. Pueblo stock much exposed to Indians. Soldiers allowed only three or four cows. King’s stock not much affected by the removal of females. Adobe houses built for soldiers guarding stock, in place of huts of hides. Arriliaga, Papel de Puntes, MS., 189-91. 1795, rancheros have but little stock and it must not increase. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 269, 219, 224-5. 1796, wild beasts troublesome, preventing the increase of tithes. A lion attacked a cor- poral, soldier, and Indian woman at Rancheria Nueva. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 6, iv. 63. 1797, no settler to have over 50 head of large stock, for each of which three head of small stock must be kept. /d., iv. 204, 284; Dept. St. Pap., S. José, MS., i. 73-4. Two reals to be paid on each head of cattle killed. S. José, Arch., MS., v. 31. Tithe cattle to be branded with royal rancho brand applied crosswise to prevent confusion. /d., v.31. Over 12,000 horses on the Monterey ranchos in 1800 (evidently an error). Arrillaga, Estado de 1800-1, MS., in Bandini, Doc. Hist. Cal., 3, 4. CHAPTER XXIX. INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. 1791-1800. CoMMERCE—TRADE OF THE TRANSPORTS—OTTER-SKINS—PROJECTS OF MAR- QUEZ, MAMANELI, INCIARTE, PoNCE, MENDEZ, AND OVINETA—PROVINCIAL FINANCES—HABILITADOS—FAcTOR AND COMMISSARY—COMPLICATED ACCOUNTS—SUPPLIES AND REVENUES—TaAaxEsS—ToBacco Monorpoty— TitHEes—MiuiTtary ForcrE anp DISTRIBUTION—CIVIL GOVERNMENT— PPoPposED SEPARATION OF THE CALIFORNIAS—ADMINISTRATION OF JUS- TICE—A CAUSE CELEBRE—EXECUTION OF RosaS—OFFICIAL CARE OF Morats—USE oF Liquors—GAMBLING—EpucaTION—Borica’s EFFORTS —TuE First SCHOOLS AND SCHOOL-MASTERS. Cauirornia had as yet nocommerce. Nota trading- vessel proper touched on the coast before 1800, though there had been some little exchange of goods for meat and vegetables on several occasions between the Cal- ifornians and such vessels as arrived for purposes other than commercial. “It is sad not to see a single ship- owner on the Pacific coast,” wrote Costansé in 1794; no trade in the South Sea, and therefore no revenue, a lack of population, and great expense to the crown. The Cadiz merchants from mistaken motives stifled the coast trade in its infancy. A grand commerce | might be developed, affording California colonists a market for their products, including fish and salted meats... The Spanish laws strictly forbade all trade not only with foreign vessels and for foreign goods, but with Spanish vessels and for Spanish-American goods except the regular transports and articles brought by them. At first the transports were for- bidden to bring other goods than those included in the regular invoices to the habilitados, and great pre- 1 Costansé, Informe de 1794, MS. ( 624 ) TRADE WITH THE TRANSPORTS. 625 cautions were insisted on to prevent smuggling by friars, soldiers, and sailors. After 1785, however, trade was free on the transports except that from 1790 to 1794 one half the regular rates of duties must be paid, and that at no time could foreign goods be introduced. The methods of conducting this traf- fic are not clearly indicated, but apparently the offi- cers and even sailors of the transports brought up from San Blas on private speculation such articles as they could barter with the soldiers. In the absence of money this trade could not have assumed large pro- portions; but the soldiers formed the habit of exchang- ing the regularly furnished goods needed by their fam- ilies for liquors, bright-colored cloths, and worthless trinkets. To prevent this the governor sometimes delayed opening the regular supplies till after the ves- sel had departed. The supply-ships continued during this decade as before to take an occasional small quan- tity of salt or salt meat to San Blas, besides receiving the needed supphes for their return trips. The im- portation of mission produce from Lower California was allowed, but naturally little was done in this direction, though one or two lots of brandy, figs, and raisins for the friars were sent up overland.’ 2 Feb. 26, 1791, Fages disapproves the free trade with San Blas because the soldiers sacrifice useful articles in barter for luxuries and liquor. Papel de Puntos, MS., 158-9. 1793, the viceroy thinks no branch of commerce is likely to succeed unless it may be the shipment of grain toSan Blas. MRevilla Gigedo, Carta de 1793, MS. 1794, Gov. allows importation from Baja Cali- fornia, except of mescal and other liquors. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 110-11. Nov. 1794, publication of the king’s renewal of license (of Feb. 18, 1794), for free trade with San Blas for 10 years. Jd., xi. 186-7; xii. 9, 10, 177-8. May 27, 1795, V. R. has learned that the habilitados have paid the half duties on San Blas imports down to Nov. 21, 1794. This would indicate perhaps that this duty was paid on the regular memorias, as well as on extra goods. Iu., xiii. 91-2; xii. 1385. June 8, 1795, all foreign goods except such as are in- cluded in the regular invoices of the habilitado general are to be confiscated by V. R.’s order. /d., xiii. 208; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 47; S. José, Arch., MS., iv. 31. July 7, 1795, Perez Fernandez of San Francisco wants instruc- tions how to carry out this order. St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. 21-2. 1796, royal order not to admit goods from foreign vessels. Prov. Rec., MS., vill. 165. Aug. 17, 1796, V. R. transmits royal order of May 5th approving certain restrictions imposed on the leaving of cloth, etc., in payment for supplies by captains Moore and Locke. English cunning and pretexts for trade must be watched. ‘¢. Pap., Sac., MS., v. 30-1. 1798-9, brandy, figs, and raisins ‘sent up from Paia California. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 216, 238. Hist. Cau., VOL. 1. 40 626 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS: Within the limits of California trade consisted in the delivery of goods from the presidio warehouse to the soldiers for their pay and rations and to the set- tlers in payment for grain and other supplies, the ha- bilitados being required to purchase home productions rather than to order from Mexico. Money was paid but rarely, but goods were delivered at cost. For the benefit of the pueblos Borica urged not only the exportation of grain that the settlers might have a market, but the sending by the government of special invoices of goods to be sold to them atasmall advance on cost, in order that they might not be compelled to purchase inferior articles at exorbitant prices from the San Blas vessels.* The missions also sold supplies to the presidios, and sometimes received goods in pay- ment; but they preferred as a rule to keep an open account which was settled once a year by a draft of the habilitado on Mexico, with which special invoices of articles needed by the friars for themselves or their neophytes or their churches were purchased and sent to California free of all duties. The friars still sent a few otter-skins to Mexico, and an occasional cargo of tallow found a market at San Blas.* 31794, orders to try all possible home products, paying in goods at cost. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 163-4; xii. 91, 99; xiv. 76-7; Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 127-8; iv. 118. 1796, care must be taken to prevent the settlers selling too much of their grain, and keeping none for seed. S. José, Arch., MS., ii. 73-4. Correspondence between governor, viceroy, and habilitado general about the project of special invoices of goods for the pueblo trade. The matter was taken under consideration. St. Pap., Sac., MS., ix. 18-29; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 7, 103-4. The settlers were disposed to cheat the government by selling damp flour. S. José, Arch., MS., vi. 46. ‘The only communication which I find respecting the fur-trade in a decade is a somewhat remarkable circular of President Lasuen dated July 22, 1791, in Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ix. 314-15, 317, in which he says that advices from Mexico promise better prices for otter-skins, which may there- fore be accumulated. They can be sent to the Mission sindico so packed and — mixed with other goods that the contents of the packages may not be appar- ent; but the guardian or procurador should be notified as to the details of marks, etc.! Lasuen in the same circular, Jd., ix. 315-16, says that too much tallow has been sent to San Blas and the price is lower; therefore the remainder may be disposed of to private persons. 1794, the guardian gives the bad quality of the tallow as the reason why the ships have refused it. ‘| hey will take 500 or 600 arrobas yearly at $2.50if well prepared. He sends directions for preparing it. Doc. Jlist. Cal., MS., iv. 51-2; Arch. Sta Bar- bara, MS., xi. 258, 264-7, 271-3. Salazar complains that pueblos have the preference as sellers, and also of the long time that the missions have to wait. COMMERCIAL PROJECTS. 627 In 1793 the king granted to Roman Marquez of the Comercio de Indias license to make an experi- mental trading voyage from Cadiz to San Blas and California, with the privilege of introducing Spanish goods free of all duties, though foreign goods must pay seven per cent. Californian products exchanged for these goods might also be exported free of duties. Due notice was forwarded to the viceroy, and by him to Borica and Lasuen, who notified friars and com- mandants to be ready for the expected commercial visitor. It was announced in November 1794 that the vessel, the Levante, had actually sailed. A year later came the notice that as Marquez had failed to carry out his enterprise it would be undertaken by Jonacio Inciarte. Here the matter seems to have dropped out of view.° Meanwhile the king and vice- roy in 1794-5 approved the petition of Nicolds Ma- maneli who proposed to make a trading voyage from California and return; but nothing more is heard of the scheme.® Permission was also granted to Antonio Ponce to build a schooner and open a trade between San Blas and California.’ I have alluded to Borica’s recommendation in favor of the sending of special invoices by the government for pueblo trade. In May 1797 the habilitado gen- eral made a long report in favor of the project, ex- plaining that nothing but a market for produce could arouse Californian industries from stagnation to pros- perity; enumerating the facilities for a profitable exportation of furs, hides, fish, grain, flax, oil, and wine, and especially sardines, herring, and salmon, and insisting that the government must take the initiative in opening this provincial commerce, since the pros- Condicion Actual de Cal., MS., 71-3. 1799, contracts not to be made with Mission majordomos without consent of padre. S. José, Arch., MS., vi. 40. 5 Viceroy’s communication of April 2, 1794, enclosing royal order of Oct. 1, 1793, and other papers. Prov. Si. Pap., MS., xi. 168, 188-9; xii. 21-2; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 116-17, 119, 140; Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 40; Cedu- lario, MS., i. 249. 6 Feb. 28, 1795, viceroy to governor, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii, 12. 1 Nueva Espatia, Acuerdos, MS., 92-3. . 628 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. pects at the first were not sufficiently flattering to attract private companies. He urged the sending of an experimental invoice of $6,000, and gave many details respecting the management of the business. Here so far as the records show the matter ended without practical benefit to Los Angeles and San José.* Two other commercial schemes in behalf of California were devised in 1800 and were still in abeyance at the end of this decadé. Juan Ignacio Mendez, who had brought some goods to California for sale on the supply-ship in 1798 and had worked in the country” as a carpenter, asked for a license to export California productions on private account by the same vessels. Juan Bautista Ovineta asked for the approval of a contract which he had made with the settlers of San José and Branciforte for one thousand fanegas of wheat each year at two dollars and a half a fanega. The- viceroy and fiscal were disposed to favor both projects, but called on the governor for his opinion.’ 8Carcaba, Informe del Habilitado General sobre la remision de memorias de Efectos para los Pueblos de California, 1797, Ms. ® Oct. 3, 1800, viceroy to governor, on the Mendez proposition. St. Pap., Sac., MS., ix. 104-6. Dec. 18, 1800, fiscal to V. R., on Ovineta’s contract. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 72-5. Viceroy Azanza in his Ynstruccion, MS., 91-2, speaks of a proposal of Tepic merchants to supply California with mer- chandise. On prices I append the following items: Feb. 26, 1791, Fages sug- gests a reduction in some of the tariff prices for grain and meat. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 156-7. Prices at Sta Barbara and 8. Buenaventura, 1794 to 1821. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., vii. 44-66, 80-111; ix. 485-7. Sept. 22, 1795, Borica gives a list of articles which could be advantageously sold in California, including hats costing $22 and selling at $30 per dozen; stockings, $9-$12 per dozen; handkerchiefs, $13-$18 per dozen; gold lace, $28-$50 per pound; chocolate, 1.75 reales to 3.5 reales per pound. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxii. 2. 1796, cojinillos, saddle-pads, 50 cents a pair. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 160. Wheat, $3 per fanega. Dept. St. Pap., S. José, MS., i. 69. Freight on grain from Angeles to Sta Barbara 7 reals. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 82-3. 1797, wool 18 reals per arroba (9 cents per pound). Jd., iv. 91; $3 at Monterey. Dept. St. Pap., S. José, MS., i. 78; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 214. Lambs offered, 7 reals; asked by padres, $1. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 86. 1798, tiles $20 per thousand. Jd., xvii. 97. Bulls, $4. /d., xvii. 103. Calves, $4; cows, $5. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 102, 105. 1799, blankets $4.50; brandy, $1.07 per cwartillo; figs, 830 cents per pound; olive-oil, 40 cents per pound, Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 110; vi. 233. Chickens, 50 cents per dozen. S. José, Arch., MS., vi. 41. June 26, 1799, Borica favors reduction in price of horses from $9 to $7; mares, $4 to $3; and colts, $5 to $3.50. Other tariff prices fair enough. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 126-7. Soap, 15 cakes for $1. Tithe wheat ee Ae sold for 13 reals for cash or on 4 months’ time. S. José, Arch., MS., vi. PROVINCIAL FINANCE. 629 - The matters of provincial finance, presidial supplies, and habilitado’s accounts are closely allied to that of commerce, since the distribution of supplies consti- tuted for the most part the traffic of the country. There were no radical changes in the system of finan- cial management during this decade. Hach year an appropriation from the royal treasury was made in Mexico to cover all Californian expenses, according to the pay-roll of officers, soldiers, artisans, and settlers. Before 1796 it was about $64,000; subsequently by reason of the reénforcements of Catalan volunteers and artillerymen, of artisan instructors, and of the settlers of Branciforte, the ainount was raised to about $81,000. Hach year in March or April a list was sent from California of all the articles which would be needed for the following year and which could not be purchased in the province. From the appropria- tion was deducted the amount of drafts on Mexico with which supplies obtained in California had been paid for, and also the amount of various royal revenues retained in California and represented by drafts. Then there was added the amount of supplies furnished in California to vessels or by due authority to native laborers, or otherwise properly disposed of. Finally, the memorias of needed articles were purchased at Mexico and San Blas and shipped regularly to the north. The accounts of each presidial company and of the volunteers and artillery were kept separate, and there was usually a balance of a few hundred or a few thousand dollars for or against each company, accord- ing as the memorias were less or greater than the net appropriation. ‘The habilitados were not allowed to include in their lists articles of luxury. Some coin wax sent with each invoice, enough to pay the salaries 10 For separate presidial accounts see chapters xxx.-xxxii. The following references are somewhat general in their nature, embracing accounts and frag- ments relating to all the presidios: St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. 47-8; ii. 35, 38; vi. 115; ix. 48, 58-60, 74-6; xv. 10-12; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiv. 8; xix. 5, 7-9; xxvi. 5; xxvii. 5,6; xxviii. 21-2; Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 160; v. 6,7, 10; vi. 120-1; Prov. St. Pap, MS., xvii. 35-43: Prov. St. Pap. Ms Presidios, MS., i 76-88. 630 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. of the governor and one or two other officers, with a — small amount for the soldiers. There was at one time ~ an order that all balances due the companies be sent in coin, but I find no evidence that anything of the © kind was ever done.” | Until 1791 the purchase of supplies and general management of California business in Mexico was in — the hands of a factor, Pedro Ignacio Ariztegui being ~ the last to hold that position, preceded by Ramon ~ Manuel de Goya from 1776, and his place taken by _ José Avila from 1785 for several years. Francisco — Hijosa as commissary attended to the business at — 11¥yom the voluminous correspondence on the topics treated in thisand the next paragraph I present the following items: 1790, full details on forms of accounts. Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix. 289-99, 305. Viceroy’s orders for reports, etc., to aid Romeu in his investigation of presidial accounts. /d., — ix. 313-19. Sept. 26, 1790, Revilla Gigedo’s letter to court recommending the __ appointment of Carcaba as habilitado general, and explaining the desirabil- __ ity of the new office. Hstudillo, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., i. 8,9. May 14, 1791, royal order creating the office. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxv. 2. Oct. 3, 1791, viceroy communicates royal approval of Carcaba’s appointment to — governor. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 136-7. Sept. 20th, habilitado’s deficits to be charged to the company pro rata, and he is to live on 25 cts per day under © 4 arrest, his property also being sold. /d., x. 76. Some clerical fees had tobe paid from California on statements of account. Jd., xii. 105. Damaged effects — charged to the factor; expenses to company. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 158, Jan. 4, 1793. Sending of supplies suspended until accounts are cleared up. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xx. 4. Jan. 23, 1794, habilitado general, his appoint- ment, accounts, etc. Nueva Espatia, Acuerdos, MS., 40-3. May 12th, gov. complains to V. R. of lack of system in the accounts. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 138-40. 1794, Col. Alberni was refused 50 arrobas of flour, because it could be bought in California. St. Pap., Sac., MS., ix. 41-2. Articles of lux- ury not to be included in memorias. Balances in coin, one fourth in small change. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 124-5; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 182-3. Dec. 7 1795, 10 per cent advance to be charged on goods distributed to Indians. Jd. — The habilitados had to send with their memorias an account of the condition of arms, dress, and other kinds of property. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 91. Jan. 1, 1795, Borica to Carcaba, complaining of the inefficiency of his officers especially as habilitados. Grajera is namedas an exception. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 213-14. April, $6,000 in silver coin sent to California. Prov. St. | Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxi. 10. Report of Feb. 19, 1795, on the accounts of — the expedition of 1769-74. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 5-9. Habilitado gen- eral considered as agent and apoderado of the California Indians. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 2. Company accounts must bear the signature of commandant and alférez besides that of the habilitade. St. Pap. Sac., MS., vii. 40. 1797, precautions against counterfeit money, with indications that some of it was — | in circulation in California. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 154; vi. 78; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 245. March 19, 1797, Borica asks for a release of habilitados from some duties, and the appointment of administrators. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 83-4. Gov. still at work on the accounts of 1781-92. Jd. Cadrcabasucceeded by Columna. Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 168-9: Prov. St. Pap., MS., Xvii. 209, 322-3; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 112; viii. 224. Arrears of pay at San Diego. Prov. St. Pup., MS., xxi. 34, 60-3. , HABILITADOS. 631 San Blas until 1795 and perhaps throughout the decade. In 1791 Manuel Carcaba, at the recommen- dation of Revilla Gigedo, was put in possession of the newly created office of habilitado general with the rank of captain and the pay of $1,200 a year. He was to devote his whole attention to California busi- ness as the factor had not done. The office was to be elective; and in 1799, Carcaba obtaining leave of absence, Eucario Antonio Columna was appointed to succeed him ad intervm in May, and the choice was duly ratified by the presidial companies in August and September. It is not certain that Columna ever took possession of the office, there being some indica- tions that Carcaba held it again in 1802. Through want of skill on the part of the habilitados the ac- counts were always in confusion. Deficits during this decade are noticed in local chapters. In 1793 the forwarding of supplies was once suspended till the accounts could be adjusted. In 1795 the final orders were issued for settling the old accounts of the first expeditions of 1769-74. Manyof the soldiers were now dead and their descendants scattered. Whenever the sum due was large, the heirs were to be sought; otherwise the money was to be spent in masses for the souls of the dead pioneers. In 1797 Borica in the north and Arrillaga at Loreto were still at work on the accounts of the past decade. There had been $12,000 due the presidio of Santa Barbara in 1792, and in 1801 the governor expressed doubts whether a settlement would ever be reached. Truly there was little inducement to the soldiers to live economically and to leave large balances in the hands of the gov- ernment. The procuradores at San Fernando college, charged with the transaction of business for the Cali- fornia missions, were José Murguia and Tomas de la Peiia, whose duties were simply to collect the friars’ stipends and drafts sent from California, and with the proceeds to purchase supplies for shipment accord- - ing to the orders received. Of the pious fund, source 632 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. of the stipends, nothing in particular is known pertain- ing directly to this epoch; but Revilla Gigedo in his re- port of 1793 represents the fund as rapidly running to decay, and predicts that the royal treasury will have to make new sacrifices in behalf of the missions.” The Californians were free from alcabalas, or excise tax, on articles bought and sold for five years from 1787 to 1792, and again for ten years from 1794. I’rom 1792 to 1794 one half the regular tax of six per cent was paid, but statistics are insufficient to show the revenue from this source, which was very small. There was also a tribute of one fanega of corn per year paid by the settlers, which yielded to the king something over $100.% From $100 to $200 a year resulted from the sale of papal indulgences, an ecclesiastical revenue, but managed by the treasury officials.* Another ecclesiastical revenue belonging to the bishop of Sonora, but by him sold to the royal treasury, was that of diezmos, or tithes. This tax of ten per cent on all products must be paid by settlers after five years and by the rancho del rey, only the missions being exempt. The treasury gained five per cent by the purchase from the bishop, the habilitados received ten per cent of gross receipts for collection, and it was customary to sell the tithes for a year in advance at auction whenever a purchaser could be found, the price being the probable proceeds, and the purchaser making his profit by a more careful collection than the officials would enforce. This tax was collected in kind for grain and even for live-stock when the animals could be used at the presidios. The net proceeds, paid by drafts into the branch treasury at Rosario, or at Guadalajara after 1795, were over $1,200.¥ 12 Revilla Gigedo, Carta de 1793, MS., 18, 19. 138 Prov. St. Pup., MS., x. 178; xi. 8, 9; Fd., Ben. Mil., xviii. 6, 7; xxv. 6, 7; S. José Arch., MS., iii. 21. Tributes paid at Monterey in 1793, were ee a dite: $22. In 1797, 24 men paid $97. Alcabalas at Monterey in 14 See chapter xxvii.; also local items in chapters xxx.—xxxii. this volume. ©1794, tithes paid into real caja de Rosario. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xil. REVENUES. 633 The largest item of royal revenue in California, as in all other Spanish provinces where no rich mines were worked, was that produced by the sale of tobac- co, always monopolized by the government. The net product of cigars, cigaritos, and snuff, little or no tobacco being used for chewing or smoked in pipes, was not less than $6,000 a year on an average.” Postal revenue amounted to about $700 a year, the habilitados serving as post-masters at their respective presidios, and receiving eight per cent of gross re- ceipts as a compensation for their services.” The management of all branches of the revenue was 135. Sta Barbara tithes for 1794 were $328. The governor authorizes the commandant to sell them for two years at $400. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 9, 10, 20. Capt. Ortega bid $200 (per year) on condition that the presidio purchase grain and cattle at tariff prices. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 173-4. Oct. 1795, tithes and quicksilver revenue of California transferred to Guadalajara. Jd., xili. 44-5;-xiv. 5; Prov. Itec., MS., iv. 143; St. Pap., Sac., MS., xvii. 2. 1706, items showing that the tithes on live-stock, when paid in money or grain, were from 10 to 25 cents per head, or for mules 50 cents. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 178, 244; Id., Presidios, i. 8; S. José Arch., MS., v. 29. Habilitados allowed 10. per cent. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 178. No offers to rent the tithes of Sta Barbara in 1799. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 109. Jan. 22, 1800, Sal to comisionado of San José, urging him in no gentle terms to hasten the brancing. Excommunication is the penalty for failure to pay tithes. 8. José, Arch., MS., ii. 57. Twenty-five ewes claimed out of every thousand killed. St. Pap. Mis. and Colon, MS., i. 38. Tithe cattle sold at $1.25 each. S. José, Arch., MS., iii. 66. 16 Product in 1789, $6,019. Consumption in 1790, 7,751 pckgs. cigars, 71,323 pcekgs. cigaritos, and 13 lbs. of snuff. St. Pap., Sac., MS., ui. 3, 5, 7. Revenue in 1793, $4,018. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 183; xxi. 186. In 1796, $7,918. Prov. St. Pap,, Presidios, MS., ii. 89-90. In 1800, $7,981. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxviii. 8. The habilitados received 5 per cent on gross sales, and the habilitado of Monterey as administrator got $545 a year. i. XVI. 8: 17 In the numerous communications in the archives respecting the manage- ment of the mails during this decade there is very little matter of interest or value. 1790, $250 paid for a special express from Nootka. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xix. 10. 1792, couriers to leave San Francisco on Ist of each month. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 152. 1793, a courier sent from Monterey Nov. 16th, arrived at San Diego Nov. 23d, and at Loreto Dec. 7th. The day and hour of arrival and departure at each mission are given. The stay at each station was generally an hour. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 77-80. In 1794 a change was made in route, mails going via Chihuahua and Buenavista instead of Alamos and Guadalajara. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 25; viii. 145-6; Prov. St. Pap.,, MS., xi. 194. English letters taken from the bags and sent to Mexico in 1794-5. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 9, 121; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 134; xiii. 175. 1795, mails leave Monterey on 3d of each month for south. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 304. Net proceeds in 1796-7 were $758. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxv. 14. New mail-bags in 1797. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. -. 193. Administrators of P. O. got 8 per cent. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Muil., MS., xxviii. 14. Vessel carrying the mail across the gulf lost in 1800. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 86. 634 INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS. in the hands of the habilitados for their respective jurisdictions, the accounts being sent to Monterey for transmission to Mexico; until in 1799 Hermene- gildo Sal, as: habilitado of Monterey, was formally appointed administrator general of royal exchequer revenues for New California.” The military force maintained in California during this decade was 280 men of the presidial companies, besides governor and surgeon, and 90 Catalan volun- teers and artillerymen after 1796. There were 12 commissioned officers, 35 non-commissioned officers, 260 private soldiers, 60 pensioners, and four or five mechanics. Grades and salaries | append in a note.” In 1799 an effort was made by the officers, supported by the governor, to obtain an increase of pay to the extent of $150 per year. It was claimed that the sum received was insufficient to supply food and cloth- ing to the officer’s family, his children going barefoot and in rags, while his wife had to take in washing and sewing. No immediate result is recorded. With their pay the cavalry soldiers must buy food, clothing, arms, and horses; but the latter were taken back and 18 Nov. 7, 1799, Sal declared administrator. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 176; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 285, 315. 1795, tobacco accounts sent to habili- tado of Monterey, as also cattle accounts; tithes to Rosario; mail accounts to administrator general at Mexico; bulas to the respective branch of the treas- ury. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 26; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 133. 19 Salaries paid were as follows: governor (lieut.-col.), $4,000; captain Cat. vol., $840; alférez or sub. -lieut., $400; alférez Cat. vol., $384; sergeant, $262.50; sergeant artillery, $240; sergeant Cat. vol., $192; soldiers, $217.50; soldiers Cat. vol., $132; soldiers artillery, $180; invalid alférez, $200; invalid corporal, $96; surgeon, $840; lieutenant, $550; lieutenant Cat. vol., $480; bleeder, $360; corporal, $225; corporal artillery, $204; corporal Cat. vol., $156; mechanics, $180; drummer Cat. vol., $144; armorer, $217; invalid sergeant, $120; invalid soldier, $96. Nov. 5 , 1792, Arrillaga to viceroy, urging a provision for send- ing the soldiers’ pay in advance, as was done in some other presidios, though contrary to the reglamento. The delays, especially in fitting out new re- cruits and in paying off soldiers whose term had expired, caused great hard- ship. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 80-4. Oct. 2, 1793, viceroy orders two pay- ments in advance to lieutenants Graj jera and Parrilla for travelling expenses. St. Pap., Sac., MS., ix. 71. 1797, sailors employed in defensive duty get 25 cents per day. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxl. 256. 1799, correspondence be- tween commandants, governor, and viceroy respecting an increase of pay for a presidial officers. St. Pap., Sac., MS.,i. 123-4; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 113; . 120-1, MILITARY FORCE. 635 credited at the expiration of the term. The Catalan volunteers received less pay, and had no horses to buy. or them and for the artillerymen separate in- voices of effects were sent from Mexico, to the amount of about $15,000 per year. This infantry company was not deemed a very useful addition to the forces of the country, and it was hoped that most of the members at the expiration of their term might be induced either to reénlist in the cuera companies or remain in the country as settlers.” I explain elsewhere the military and presidio sys- tem. Here it is my purpose to note briefly the con- dition of military affairs and the slight modifications that occurred during the decade. The regular term of enlistment was ten years,” but at least eighteen years’ service was required for retirement as an in- valid on half-pay pension, and the pensioners were often retained a long time in the service for want of recruits to fill their places. From the pay of each 20 The compafifa de voluntarios de Catalufia was also called the compaiiia de fusileros de montafia. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 186. Dec. 1795, the peti- tion of the volunteers for travelling expenses denied. Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 158; St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 363. June 1797, volunteers may enlist in the companies on expiration of their term, but not before, and enjoy the advantages of their previous services. They were encouraged to marry christianized natives as a means of retaining them in the country. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 252-3;.Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 175. July 1, 1796, Alberni argues that the volunteers desiring to become settlers should receive double allowances, on account of their 15 or 20 years of service and because it is hard for an old soldier to bend his body to the axe, hoe, and plow. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 368-9, 379. March 1799, Borica favors an increase of cavalry in place of infantry. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 121-2. Aug. 1799, B. says the artillery-men live at thé batteries and alternate with the infantrymen in their duties. When free they promenade about the presidios. No com- plaints of injustice heard. Jd., vi. 128. 21 There are no records that any recruits were obtained from abroad dur- ing this decade—certainly there were but very few; neither do the archives show how many recruits were obtained in California to keep the companies full; but many of the young men chose a military career. ‘There was no bounty paid. Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix. 192-3; Vallejo, Doc. Hist. Cal. MS., xy. 3-66, 69, 72,85, 92. Jan. 15, 1794, governor says he found many useless men at the presidios and tried to promote recruiting so as to fill the vacancies with good men. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 1382. March, 1795, Gov. orders commandant of Fronteras to enlist 15 or 20 young men. Prov. Ltec., MS., v. 310. Dec. 1797, corporal sent to Angeles to recruit 6 youths so that as many invalids may be released. /d., v. 261; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 184. June 1799, Sal wants a healthy robust man from San José to fill a vacancy. Not a widow’s son. S. José, Arch., MS., vi. 47. 636 INDUSTR&IES AND INSTITUTIONS. soldier was kept back a certain sum constituting the fondo de retencion, to be paid him on his discharge. This was fifty dollars till 1797, when it was raised to one hundred dollars, to be made up in four annual retentions.” In military discipline there was nothing salty: at this time.” In 1793 the governor recommended that San Francisco, Santa Barbara, and San Diego be commanded by captains who should have nothing to do with the presidial accounts,* but the suggestion was not followed, though several of the lieutenants were brevetted captains before 1800. In 1794 the presidios were reported to have no flags and no mate- rial with which to make them; accordingly one flag for each establishment was sent from Mexico the next year.” In the matter of uniform and equip- ments buckskin chupas, or jackets, and breeches were allowed to be worn on active duty, and anqueras, heavy leather coverings for horses’ haunches, were prohibited in 1794.% In 1795 the royal tribunal, #2 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 63, 223; xv. 50. The other military ‘funds’ were the fondo de gratificacion, an allowance of $10 for each man in the companies per year for miscellaneous company expenses; the fondo de invd- lidos, a smail discount on soldiers’ wages, 8 maravedis on a dollar, for the payment of pensions; and the fondo de montepio, a discount of officers’ pay for similar purposes. Feb. 1795, the king ordered $5 per month as alms paid to the old carpenter Lorenzo Esparza. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxv. 16. ‘This sum was paid to Esparza until his death. April 1795, 70 persons in the four presidios entitled to retirement but no recruits to replace them. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi, 221-2, Dec. 6, 1796, royal order regulating de- tails of pensions. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 151-2. Oct. 1797, invalids declining to live in the pueblos must stand guard at the presidios. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 86-7, 184; xv. 99-100; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 159-60. Oct. 1798, retired officers who held government positions get no half-pay. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 104. 31795, Sergt. Ruiz reports that the soldiers at San Buenaventura have to be treated with severity. Their insubordination has reached such a point that they have to be threatened with kicks. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 45. But Ruiz was arrested for offensive language to private Lugo. Id., xui. 14, Albino Tobar sent out of the country for bad conduct. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 62. Two soldiers given two hours of extra guard duty per day, wearing their cueras, for eight days, having allowed some Indian prisoners to escape. Prov, St. Pap., MS. xvi. 173. 24 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 108-9. A captain also proposed for Santa Barbara in 1799. Prov. Rec. . MS., vi. 121. Pre. Bi Paps bie Su 200; xiv: 58; xxi. 190. 26 Prov, St. Pap., MS., xii. 28, 148; xvii. 98. S. José, Arch., MS., ii. 795 Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 8; V. 24, GOVERNMENT. 637 through Contador Beltran, reported to the viceroy that the California soldiers had too many duties not belonging to their profession, serving as vaqueros, farmers, couriers, artisans, and butchers, so that but little time was left for rest or for their proper duty of protecting and advancing the spiritual conquest.” The governor also urged the necessity in 1795, and again in 1799, of appointing an adjutant-inspector to relieve him of some of his duties.* In connection with the apprehensions of attack by foreigners in 1797, ashight attempt was made to organize the militia of California, and a distribution of arms and ammuni- tion was made among the settlers, the employment of the natives as auxiliary forces being also contem- plated.” Civil and political government had but a nominal existence at this epoch, consisting mainly in the facts that the comandante de armas was also political gov- ernor of the province and that each pueblo had its alcalde. This is not the place to attempt an analysis of the relations between military and civil authority, in which there was substantially no change from the beginning down to the end of Spanish power in Call- forma. The only topic that requires notice in the annals of this decade is the proposed separation of the two Californias hitherto forming a single province under one governor. This separation was recom- mended in March 1796, by Beltran of the court of exchequer in Mexico, who based his argument on the great distance between Loreto and Monterey, and the consequent delays in the transaction of all public business. Tenacio Rafael Alvarado, not an ancestor of the later governor, enlisted in 1773 at the age of 23. He came to San Diego in 1774, was made a corpo- ral in 1781, and sergeant in 1783. In 1795 the governor complained of his lack of resolution, and in 1797 his cédula de invdiido was received. He was still on the list of pensioners in 1805. 6 The Lower Californian mission of San Miguel belonged at this period to San Diego, as did Los Angeles as late as 1796, at least so far as the military guard was concerned, though in other respects the pueblo was subject to San- ta Barbara. San Gabriel had its guard from San Diego throughout the dec 648 LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH. twenty-seven to thirty-three men were constantly detached to form the five or six guards of the juris- diction. After 1796 Lieutenant Font with twenty- five Catalan volunteers of the new reénforcements was stationed here, as were six artillerymen under Sergeant José Roca, increasing the effective. force to nearly ninety men.?. The white population of this southern, district, consisting of the soldiers and their families, was about three hundred at the end of the decade, or two hundred and fifty exclusive of San Gabriel and Los Angeles, more conveniently classed with the Santa Barbara district.2 About one hun- dred and sixty lived at the presidio; and the rest were scattered in the missions, or lived as pensioners at the pueblo. Hight foundling children from Mexico were sent to San Diego to live in 1800.° The native neophyte population, “excluding that of San Gabriel and San Miguel, was not quite three thousand. There is no record of any agricultural operations whatever at or near the presidio, nor were there any private ranchos in the whole region before 1800. That some of the soldiers came down from Presidio Hill and cultivated small patches of Vegetables would seem not unlikely, but the archives contain nothing on the | subject. There were kept here, however, from 900 to 1,200 head of live-stock, including the company’s horses, from 30 to 50 mules, two or three asses, pos- sibly a few milch cows by the soldiers, and from 300 to 700 horned cattle in a branch of the rancho del rey ade. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 192. Feb. 1, 1796, Borica ordered escoltas to be as follows: San Miguel, 8; San Diego, 3; San Juan Capistrano, 8; San Gabriel, 4; Los Angeles, ~4, Prov. [ee., MS., v. 240. San Luis Rey, founded in 1798, probably had 6 men at first. "According to orders, Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 8, it was customary to have soldiers serve alternately in escoltas and pr esidio, though it caused much inconvenience on account of their families. 7Company rosters and statements of force and distribution scattered in the archives, chiefly in Prov, St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii.-xxvii., and St. Pap Sde., Mist. i Wie 8 In the various reports on the population of the southern district in 1799 and later, the escorts and families are credited to the missions instead of the presidio as before and as in other parts of the country. List of rank and file of the presidial company in 1798, in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xvii. 14-16s ° Prov. St. Pap,, Ben. Mil., MS-., xxviii, 22: AFFAIRS AT SAN DIEGO. 649 maintained here during the last half of the decade.” Each year in Mexico an appropriation was made from the royal treasury for the presidio expenses, varying from $14,000 to $15,000; and invoices of goods, based on the habilitado’s estimate of needs, were sent with a small amount of coin by the transports from San Blas, varying in amount from $11,000 to $17,000 per year. San Diego usually had a credit balance of from $1,000 to $3,000 in its favor. The sztuado, or allow- ance, for the volunteers and artillery was not included in the amounts above mentioned. Supplies to the amount of about $15,000 per year were sent to Cali- fornia for them, and San Diego received not quite one third." There are no records of the annual supplies obtained from missions, but during the last three years of the decade the presidio was indebted to the mis- sions about $10,000. “The Presidio of St Diego,” says Vancouver, who visited it in November 1793, ‘‘seemed to be the least of the Spanish establishments. It is irregularly built, on very uneven ground, which makes it liable to some inconveniences, without the obvious appearance of any object for selecting such a spot. With little difficulty 10The records are fragmentary and contradictory. Statistical reports sometimes include the king’s cattle and sometimes not. There is no evi- dence that the rancho at this period included any horses; in fact it had been established to avoid driving cattle from the north. In 1797 it contained 681 cattle; increase for the year 137; sales, 30; killed by natives and wild beasts, 27; proceeds of sales, $125; tithes paid, $26; net profit to treasury, $99. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxv. 4. The totalamount of tithes in the jurisdic- tion was $34. Prov. St. Pap,, MS., xvi. 178; and this difference of $8 is the only indication I find of the possible existence of a private rancho. Cattle at end of 1798, 531; proceeds of sales, $539. Jd., xvii. 1. 1800, cattle, 690; proceeds, $342. Jd., xviii. 5. 11 San Diego Company accounts in Prov. St. Pap., MS.. xiv.-xxxiii.; S¢. Pap. Sac., MS., i. ii. vi. ix. Loss sustained on the government forge and carpenter’s shop for 1797, $70. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 179. Fondo de gratificacion for 1797: income $3,075, expended $2,641. Prov. St. Pap. Presil., MS., i. 102-3. Londo de Retencion for 1800: $3,750. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxviii. 18. Inventory of effects in warehouse 1798, $13,992. Id., xvii. 4. Papal bulls on hand Nov. 1795, $4,339. Jd., xiii. 5, received from Ziiliga with the office by Grajera. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 227. Bulls needed for 1796-7, 100 at 25 cents for vivos; 100 at 25 cents for difuntos; 50, lacticinio; 2 or 3 composicion. Prov. St. Pap., Ben., MS., i. 12. Net revenue of San Diego post-office for 1794, $71; for 1796, $95. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxi. 2; xxiii. 8. Accounts of presidio with missions 1797-1800. Jd., xxxiii, 13; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 265; xvii. 195. . 7 ——— 650 * LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH. : : ~~ a, Mision Vieja -§. JUAN cXelerma ne © | Temecula a ee en Tie ra Seine SA 4 | @ “lq La i oya : a 3 Agua Caliente |j % S.José del/Valle : Sta.Isabel ‘ t u §.Felipe plo PRESIDIO ims a Agua Duleg Jamul Potrero im] Descanso LA FRONTERA D } i st En Map or San Dizco Disrrictr, 1800. a PRESIDIO BUILDINGS. 651 it might be rendered a place of considerable strength, by establishing a small force at the entrance of the port; where at this time there were neither works, . -guns, houses, or other habitations nearer than the Presidio, five miles from the port, and where they have only three small pieces of brass cannon.”” In August of the same year Borica had informed the viceroy that three sides of the presidio walls were in a ruinous condition, owing to the bad quality of the timber used in the roofs, though $1,200 had been spent in repairs since the establishment. The ware- house, church, and officers’ houses forming the fourth side of the square were in good condition. Workmen were at once set at work to cut timber at Monterey which was shipped by the Princesa in October to be used in repairs and also in the construction of some new defensive works in connection with the old ones. What progress was made in these improvements on Presidio Hill we only know by a vague record that esplanade, powder-magazine, flag, and houses for the volunteers were blessed by the friars and dedicated by a salute of artillery November 8, 1796." At the end of 1794 the viceroy expressed a desire to have a fort built similar to the one just completed at San Fran- cisco, but without cost to the king. ‘Perhaps he wishes me to pay the expenses” writes Borica to a friend. Early the next year Point Guijarros, Cobble- stone point, was selected as the site of the fort whose absence Vancouver had noticed, and preparations were at once begun. Two or three workmen, and the nec- essary timber, were sent down by the transports from Monterey. Santa Barbara furnished the axle-trees and wheels for ten carts, while bricks and tiles were 12 Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 495, 501. 18 Aug. 20, 1793, governor to viceroy. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 115. August 18th, timber to be cut at Monterey and taken south by the Princesa. Id., xxi. 112; Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 165. Oct. 14th, the vessel has sailed with timber. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 157. Sept. 16, 1794, governor to Argiiello, ordering him to send timber in the Aranzazu for esplanade and bastions; but none were sent. Jd., xii. 150, 152-8. Nov. 17, 1796, governor to the friars, blessing of the works. Prov. Jtec., MS., v. 247b. 652 LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH. hauled from the presidio to the beach and taken across to the point in a flatboat. In December 1796 the engineer Cérdoba arrived to inspect the San Diego detences, in which he found no other merit than that an enemy would perhaps be ignorant of their weak- ness. But the fort had evidently not been built yet, for early in 1797 Borica approved Cérdoba’s idea that the form should not be circular. Nothing more is known of this fortification till after 1800, save that it was intended to mount ten guns; that on battery, magazine, barrack, and flatboat $9,020 had been ex- pended before March 1797; and that in 1798 there was a project under consideration to open a road round the bay to connect Point Guyarros with the presidio.** The natives gave the commandant and people of San Diego but little trouble, the few depredations committed being chiefly directed against the Domini- ean establishment in La Frontera. In 1764 three na- tives were held as prisoners, one of whom, a neophyte, had been leader in a proposed attack on San Miguel. Several bands had approached the mission by night, but finding the guard mounted and ready had re- treated.” In May or June 1795 Alférez Grijalva while returning from San Miguel with three natives arrested on a charge of murder was attacked by some two hundred savages, one of whom was killled and two were wounded in the skirmish, Grijalva having a M Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 69, 165; xiv. 168; xvii. 9, 10; xxi. 212, 216-17, 248; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 20-1; v. 238, 272, 278; vi. 46, 79. Water had to be carried from the presidio, where a well long abandoned was reopened. One hundred and three planks, 22 feet long, were among the timber shipped from Monterey. A few industrial items are as follows: For a time after May 1793 there was no armorer, the old one having left after a service of 20 years. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 56-8. In 1795 the missions of this district were requested to send each four or five Indians to the presidio to learn stone- cutting and bricklaying. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 235-6. Jan. 1796, a weaver was to go to San Diego to teach. J/d., v. 78. The comandante tried to induce Spanish youth to learn trades, but without success, some of them deeming the request an insult. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 16. The forgeand carpenter shop did $93 worth of work for soldiers and missions in 1797; but as expenses, including two apprentices, were $163, the king’s exchequer was not perceptibly benefited. Jd., xvi. 179. ® Arrillagn, Papel de Puntos, 195, MS. ‘FOREIGN VISITS. 653 horse killed under him. This affair caused some fear and precautions at San Diego, redoubled a few days later on rumors of new hostilities; but Grijalva went south and found all quiet. Raids on the cattle of San Miguel again required the attention of a sergeant and eight men in April 1797." San Diego did not come much into contact with the outside world. The first foreign vessels that ever entered this fine harbor were those of the English navigator Vancouver, which remained at anchor some three miles and a half from the presidio from Novem- ber 27th to December 9th 1793. Vancouver was courteously received by Grajera and Zutiiga, who, however, on account of Arrillaga’s “severe and inhos- pitable injunctions” were not able to allow the for- eigners such privileges as were desired. The English- man, though he visited the presidio, spent most of his time on board in preparing journals and despatches to be sent to England by way of Mexico, having little opportunity for observations.” In the early part of 1797 an English invasion was supposed to be immi- nent, and all possible preparations were made by Gra- jera. Great reliance was placed on- the battery at Point Guiarros; but Grajera was also careful to obtain instructions respecting what was to be done should the enemy succeed in entering the bay, or should it be necessary to abandon the presidio. In case of such disasters it was decided to spike the guns and burn the powder and provisions, but to leave the buildings intact. A reserve of ammunition was stored at San Juan, whither the sacred vessels, archives, and other valuables were to be carried if necessary. The English did not appear; the armed frigate Princesa lay in port from June to October; and San Diego Hai destruction.“ At the end of 1798 the port was second time visited by foreigners, this cime by foun 16 Prov. Rec., MS., v. 227-8; iv. 88; vi. 50; Prov. S». Pap., MS., xiii. 215-16; xvi. 249, 11 Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 469-76. 18 Prov. Rec., MS., v. 254-5; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 197, 211-12, 267-9. 654 LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH. Boston sailors who had been left on the lower coast and were put to work in the presidio to earn their living until a vessel came to carry them to San Blas.” Yet once more was the port visited by the Americans during this decade, when in August 1800 the Betsy, Captain Charles Winship, obtained wood and water here, remaining ten days in the bay. Later, on No- vember 22d, there came an earthquake which in six minutes did more damage to the adobe buildings than had been done by either the British or Yankees.” At San Diego mission Juan Mariner and Hilario Torrens served as associate ministers until the last years of the decade. The latter left California at the end of 1798, dying early in the next year; while the former died at San Diego on January 29, 1800.™ Their sucessors were padres José Panella and José Barona, both recent arrivals who had lived at San Diego, the former since June 1797, and the latter 19 Prov, Rec., MS., v. 283, 285; vi. 111; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 197- 202. Their names were Wm. Katt, Barnaby Jan, John Stephens, and Ga- briel Boisse. The captors of a Spanish vessel in 1799 claimed that some of their men, being on the coast in 1797, as part of the crew of two (English) ships had entered San Diego and made soundings by moonlight. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii. 20. 20 Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 182; xii. 6; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 44, 54; xvili. 67; St. Pap., Sac., MS., ix. 12,18. The earthquake occurred at 1:30 Pp. M., and the soldiers’ houses, warehouse, and the new dwelling of the vol- unteers were considerably cracked. The drought of 1795 and an epidemic diarrhcea in 1798 are the only other natural afflictions noted. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 4; xvii. 69. 1 Hilario Torrens—thus he signed his name, but by his companions it was more frequently written Torrente or Torrent, to say nothing of several other variations—was a native of Catalonia, where he was for a long time predica- dor, for three years guardian, and also.vicar. He came to California in 1786 with the highest recommendations from his college for talent, experience, and circunstancias. Serving at San Diego from November 1786 to November 1798, he had but slight opportunity to distinguish himself save by a faithful per- formance of his missionary duties. His license to retire was signed by the viceroy March 17, 1798. He sailed in the Princesa on Nov. 8th, and May 14, 1799, the guardian wrote that he had died in a convulsion. Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., xi. 281; xii. 26-7; Prov. St. Pap., xvi. 187. Of Juan Mariner still less is known. He came to California in 1785, served at San Diego from November of that year, made a trip with Grijalva in July 1795 to explore for the new mission site of San Luis Rey. He died Jan 29, 1800, and was buried in the presbytery by Padre Faura on Jan. 30th. Finally April 26, 1804, his remains were removed and placed, together with those of Jaume and Figuer, in a sep- ulchre constructed for the purpose under the small arch between the two altars of the new church. San Diego, Lib. de Mision, MS., 81, 89. SAN DIEGO MISSION. 655 since May 1798. Another supernumerary was Pedro de San José Estévan, from April 1796 to July 1797. The only one of the missionaries with whose conduct any fault was found, so far as the records show, was Panella, who was accused of cruelty to the neophytes and was reprimanded by President Lasuen, who de- clared that he would not permit one of his subordi- nates to do injustice to the natives.” During the decade the neophytes of San Diego increased from 856 to 1,523. There had been 1,320 baptisms and 628 deaths. San Diego had thus passed San Gabriel and San Luis Obispo, and now was the most populous mission in California. In the number of baptisms for the ten years it was excelled only by Santa Clara. The baptisms in 1797 were 554, the largest spiritual harvest ever gathered in one year with one exception, that of the year 1803 at Santa Barbara, when 831 new names were added to the register. The deaths moreover at San Diego were less in pro- portion to baptisms than elsewhere except at Purisima and Santa Barbara, though the rate was frightfully large, over fifty per cent, even here. The greatest mortality was in 1800 when 96 natives died.* This comparative prosperity was, however, more apparent than real in some respects, since the San Diego con- verts were left more at liberty in their rancherifas 42Sept. 30, 1798, Lasuen to Borica. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 51. July 14, 1799, Lujan instructed to report confidentially on the treatment of the natives. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 247. July 17, 1797, Grajera explains his treatment of the natives. Does not allow them to have much intercourse with those of cther missions, to prevent illicit intercourse. [d., xvi. 172. 1796, padres to depose misbehaving alcaldes and appoint others. Prov. fec., MS., vi. 178-9. Jaime Samop and Antonio Pellau were alcaldes in 1799. Arch. Arzobisbado, MS., i. 220. Three neophyte stowaways: were found on the Concepcion eight days out of port in 1794. They did it, they said, in sport, and were sent back from San Blas. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 216-17; Prov. Rec., MS., v. 226; xi. 209. Again in 1798 a runaway neophyte was sent back from Tepic. Prov: St. Pap., MS., xxi. 289. In the mission registers appear the names of fathers Cayetano Pallas, Mariano Apolinario, José Conanse, and Ramon Lopez, Dominicans from the peninsula who officiated here at different times; also presbyters Loesa and Jimenez, chaplains of San Blas vessels, and a dozen Franciscans from different missions. San Diego, Lib. de Mision, MS. 23 Lasuen confirmed 656 persons between 1790 and 17938. S. Diego, Lib. de Mision, 45. 656 LOCAL ‘EVENTS IN THE SOUTH. than in other establishments, Christianity being therefore somewhat less a burden to them. Mean- while the mission herds multiplied from 1,730 to 6,960 head, and its flocks from 2,100 to 6,000. ‘The harvest of agricultural products in 1800 was 2,600 bushels, the largest crops having been 9,450 bushels in 1793 and 1799, surpassed only by those of San Gabriel and San Buenaventura in 1800, and the smallest 600 bushels in 1795, a year of drought: average crops 1,600 bushels. Respecting material improvements in and about the mission we have but fragmentary data. In 1793 a tile-roofed granary of adobes, ninety-six by twenty- four feet, was built. In 1794, besides some extensive repairs, one side of a wall which was to enclose and protect the mission was constructed, and a vineyard was surrounded by five hundred yards of adobe wall. In 1795 work was begun on a newly discovered source of water-supply for irrigation.“ Whether this was the beginning of the extensive works whose ruins are still to be seen, and which Hayes supposes with some plausibility to have been constructed before 1800, I know not, for there are no further records extant.” Of manufacturing and other industries during this period nothing is known, nor are there any means of ascertaining if the teachings of the artisan instructors sent by government to California penetrated to this southern establishment. In respect to commerce nothing further appears than that there was due the 4 9t. Pap., Miss., MS., i. 113; ii. 26, 29. The neophytes’ huts at San Diego as late as 1798 were like those of the gentiles of wood and grass, con- sidered by the comandante as sufficient protection against the weather, if not against fire. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 73. Names of rancherias in the Lib. Mision, MS., 3, 4: Cosoy, San Francisco, Soledad, S. Antonio or Las Choyas, Santa Cruz or Coapan in San Luis Valley, Purisima, or Apuoquele, S. Miguel, or Janat, San Jocome de la Marca or Jamocha, San Juan Capis- trano or Matamo, and San Jorge or Meti. > Hayes’ Emigrant Notes, 153, 477, 603. Hayes gives from personal ob- servation a most interesting description of this dam and aqueduct, which I shall notice in a subsequent chapter, as I am inclined to think without having any very strong evidence that the works were built or completed in the next decade. Ina report of March 1799 Grajera speaks of an attempt to bring in water, at which the Indians had been overworked, but which was not a suc- cess. Grajera, Respuesta, MS., 193-4. SAN JUAN CAPISTRANO, — 657 mission at the end of each of the later years about $3,500 for supplies to the presidio.” San Luis Rey, a new establishment of 1798, where Padre Peyri was at work building up one of the randest of the Californian missions, has been disposed of for this period in a preceding chapter.” At San Juan Capistrano, next northward Fuster and San- tiago were the associate ministers until 1800, when the former died,” and José Faura from San Luis Rey took his place. These missionaries baptized in the decade 940 converts and buried 668, the community being increased from 741 to 1,046. Horses and cattle from 2,500 became 8,500, San Juan being third in the list, while in sheep with 17,000 it was far ahead of any other mission. Crops in 1800 were 6,300 bushels; the average, 5,700; the best crop, in 1792, 7,400, and the smallest, in 1798, 3,700 bushels. In 1797, there was due San Juan for supplies furnished to San Diego and Santa Barbara presidios over $6,000.” In 1794 there were built at San Juan two large: adobe granaries roofed with tiles, and forty houses for neophytes, some with grass roofs and others tiled. In: 26 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 195, 197, 265. 27 See chapter xxvi. of this volume. *8 Vicente Fuster was a‘native of Aragon, who had originally left Mexico : in October 1770, arrived at Loreto in November 1771, served at Velicata, and came up from the peninsula with Palou, arriving at San Diego August 39, 1773, where he served until 1776. He was with Jaume on the terrible night of November 5, 1775, when the mission was destroyed and his companion was murdered. His pen has graphically described the horrors of that night. After living at San Gabriel and other missions as supernumerary he was minister of San Juan Capistrano from November 1779 until December 17387, when he founded Purisima and remained there till Aug. 1789. Then he returned to San Juan and served until his death on Oct. 21, 18C0. He was buried by Estévan, Santiago, and Faura in the mission church. He had received the last sacrament, writes Estévan, ‘with the most perfect corformity to the divine will, giving us even to the last moment of his life the most illus- trious example of the resignation and love to God our Lord and his holy law which he had preached in his life, both by works and words.’ Sept. 9, 1806, with all due solemnity Fuster’s remains were transferred to their final resting-place in the presbytery of the new church on the epistle side. San Juan Capistrano, Lib. de Mision, MS., 28, 39-40. *9 Due San Juan from Sta Barbara $1,628. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 80-1. From San Diego in 1797, $4,785; in 1798, $4,553. Jd., xvi. 195, 265. Mar. 15, 1797, draft on Mexico in favor of the padres for $3,000. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 184. July 1794, draft drawn by Grajera for $2,000. Prov. St. Pap., MS... xu. 17: Hist. Cau., Vou. I. 42 658 LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH. February 1797 work was begun on a new stone church which was to be the finest edifice in California. A master mason was obtained from Culiacan and the structure rose slowly but steadily for nine years.” Mariano Mendoza, a weaver, was sent from Mon- terey in the summer of 1796 to teach the natives. If he neglected his business, he should be chained at night, for he was under contract with the govern- ment at thirty dollars a month.. A loom was set up with other necessary apparatus of a rude nature, with which by the aid of natives coarse fabrics and blankets were woven. larly in 1797 the friars were notified that if they wished the services of Mendoza for a longer time they must pay his wages; but they thought his instructions not worth the money, espe- cially now that they had learned all he knew, and the weaving industry had been successfully established. Besides home manufactures San Juan supplied from its large flocks quantities of wool for experiments at other establishments.” Vancouver, sailing down the coast in the autumn of 1793, noted San Juan as “erected close to the water-side, in a small sandy cove; very pleasantly 80 St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 26. A mason sent up by Arrillaga, who reports to the viceroy Jan. 11, 1799. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 15. Lasuen in report of 1799-1800 says the church has been building four years. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii. 128. Date of beginning, 8. Juan Cap., Lib. de Mision, MS., 26. Dec. 1797, church of masonry with arches being built 53 x 10 varas. St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 110. 31 May 1796, a weaver (tejedor de ancho) sent. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 79, 245, 247. April 16, 1797, Pedro Pollorena’s report to Grajera. Blankets, wide woollen cloths, mangas for vaqueros, 30 yards of manta, 30 yards of baize successfully woven. Not so perfect as Mexican goods, but good enough for this country. The native women spin and pick wool and cotton, and also dye tolerably well. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 261-2. April 17th, report of padres on progress. The weaver’s attempts at dyeing with vinegar, etc., not equal to what the natives could do with Campeche, Brazil, and Zacatastal woods. St. Pap., Suc., MS., vi. 103-5. April 28th, Grajera to Borica, the carpenter Gutierrez the only man who can put up looms. Prov. St. Pap., Ms., xvi. 261. April 29th, Borica to padres. May 31st, Fuster to Borica. Men- doza’s services in the past not worth much, but he will pay what Lasuen deems just. June 26th, Borica to commandant of Monterey. Make an arrangement with Lasuen and pay one eighth to Mendoza and seven eighths to royal treasury. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxv. 15; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 185-6, 189. Wool purchased for Monterey and Santa Barbara. Jd., ix. 0; St. PAD., Sac, DiS. Vie 2. LOS ANGELES. 659 situated in a grove of trees, whose luxuriant and diversified folage, when contrasted with the adjacent shores, gave it a most romantic appearance; having the ocean in front, and being bounded on its other sides by rugged dreary mountains, where the vegeta- tion was not sufficient to hide the naked rocks. ‘The buildings of the mission were of brick and stone, and in their vicinity the soil seemed to be of uncommon and striking fertility. The landing on the beach in the cove seemed to be good.” In the fear of Eng- lish invasion which agitated the whole country in 1797 a sentinel was posted on the beach at San Juan to watch for suspicious vessels, since it was not doubted that England had her eyes upon the cove anchorage. Whether a four-pounder was mounted here as recom- mended by Captain Grajera does not appear. The arrest of a neophyte Aurelio for the murder of his wife in 1797, and the earthquake of November 22, 1800, which slichtly cracked the rising walls of the new church, complete the annals of the decade.* Respecting the pueblo of Los Angeles from 1791 to 1800, the information extant is exceedingly slight. The number of families residing here increased from thirty to seventy, and the white population from 140 to 315, chiefly by the growing-up of children and the ageoregation of invalids from the different presidios. Horses and cattle increased from 3,000 to 12,500, a larger number than is accredited to any other Cali- fornian establishment. Sheep numbered 1,700 only, though a special effort had been made since 1795 to increase the pueblo flocks with a view to the industry 32 Vancouver’s Voyage, il. 467. This description seems to locate the mis- sion much nearer the shore than it really is, but it could hardly have been moved before 1797 when the new church was begun, and certainly not later. See chapter xiv. this vol. 33 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 155-6, 170, 249-50; xxi. 54. The Indian Aurelio was not severely ‘punished. In a fit of jealousy he proceeded to administer some conjugal discipline, and in his zeal overdid the duty as he frankly confessed. He had no intention of killing her. The authorities de- cided it not a matter for criminal process. 660 LOCAL EVEN'IS IN THE SOUTH. of weaving. Crops in 1800 were 4,600 bushels, the largest having been 7,800 in 1796, and the smallest 2,700 in 1797. Seven eighths of the entire harvest was usually maize, though the inhabitants offered in 1800 to contract for the supply of 3,400 bushels of wheat per year at $1.66 a bushel for the San Blas market. : yar Mojave Desert RS Sy ps 4 FR Ae F Te ee Ste-Paula, Sg ~y a4 “~é : 4 Triunide/ Pf Eo iu ay P y @ ie a oe Genres S.Bernardino x» Maliba ; sare S La Puente » Simi Jurupa Sauzal S.Pedro a? ~ Coyotes y ged Fe = Palos BY, ee = Pta-Vicente Verd 2 PtaVicentex Verdes == PS Sta. Anae™ Die Sees === =S=Pedr-0=B; Temescal : = Pieri rmin = = = NS —— : y 7 Trabuco = = w= —™ silat Map or Los ANGELES REGION IN 1800. 84 From 9 to 12 pobladores in 1793. Expense of pay and rations $1,528, Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., iii. 16. List of 42 names of male settlers in 1799. St. Pap., Miss., MS., iii. 9,10. Two hundred sheep distributed in August, 1796. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 74; vi. 79; St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 1. 1796, Borica orders that land be given to heads of families who have none, but they must cultivate it. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 44-5. 1795, correspondence and orders requiring seeded lands to be fenced. In one case a willow fence is mentioned. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 12, 16, 17, 29. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 77. The same year especial effort was made by the governor through Commandant Goycoechea to encourage the settlers to raise good crops in view of the general Sen tin pai: AFFAIRS AT THE PUEBLO. 661 Vicente Félix remained in charge of the pueblo as comisionado throughout the decade, except perhaps for a brief period in 1795-6 when Javier Alvarado seems to have held the office. The successive alcaldes were Mariano Verdugo, elected in 1790; Francisco Reyes, 1793-5; José Vanegas, 1796; Manuel Arellano, 1797; Guillermo Soto, 1798; Francisco Serrano, 1799; and Joaquin Hignera for 1800. The pueblo was in the jurisdiction of Santa Barbara, the comisionado receiving his orders from the commandant of that presidio, though as we have seen the small military guard was furnished by the San Diego company. Of local events from year to year there is practically nothing in the records.” It is in connection with the pueblo of Los Angeles that the most interesting topic of early land-grants in this southern central region may most conveniently be noticed. In February 1795 there were five ranchos in private possession, held under provisional grants and supporting several thousand head of live-stock.® The first was San Rafael, granted by Fages October 20, 1784, to the retired corporal of the San Diego company José Maria Verdugo. It was also known as drought. Id., xix. 38-40; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 15. Proposal to furnish wheat for the San Blas market. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 50. 1787, grain sold to Santa Barbara, $358. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., ix. 4. Each settler must give annually two fanegas of maize or wheat for a fondo de proprias to be spent for the good of the community. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 98-9. 35 Arrillaga reported that Los Angeles was in quiet in 1792, but certain unruly persons were ordered to leave, and though they did not go, the warn- ing proved effective. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 188. Oct. 11, 1795, Borica to comandante, if the comisionado is not active enough he must be removed. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 29-80. Alvarado comisionado 1795-6. Id., iv. 39; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 234; Id., Ben. Mil., xv. 7. 1796, Francisco Avila drowned in the tulares. Suspicions of murder proved groundless. Prov. Rec, MS., iv. 66, 71. Dec. 7, 1797, the settlers Avila and Arellano must be chastised and turned out if they continue to disturb the pueblo. Jd., iv. 93-4. 1798, allusions to speedy completion of a jail. Prov. Rec., iv. 108. Padre Salazar relates that when he was here in 1795 a man who had 1,000 mares and cattle in proportion came to San Gabriel to beg cloth for a shirt, for none could be had at pueblo or presidio. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., Meds 36 Feb, 24, 1795, Goycoechea’s report to Borica in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., xxii. 7, 8. April, 1795, Borica to viceroy. Prov. Rec., vi. 40-1. The former important report seems not to have been seen by either writers or lawyers in the past. 662 LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH. La Zanja, described as across the river and four leagues from Los Angeles, and was confirmed by Borica January 12, 1798.” The second rancho was that of Manuel Nieto, held under [’ages’ permission of No- vember 1784, the largest and best of all, supporting 1,100 head of cattle and large enough for a pueblo, since well known as Los Nietos, and formerly granted in several tracts to Nieto’s heirs by Kigueroa in 1834.* The third was the famous San Pedro, or Dominguez, rancho, occupied by Juan José Dominguez with about a thousand head of cattle under a permission given very likely by Fages, but the date of whichis not known. It was regranted by Sola in 1822, and is one of the few Californian ranchos that have remained in the possession of the original grantees and their de- scendants.” Fourth in the list was the rancho at Por- tezuelo,smaller but fertile and well watered and stocked with cattle on a small scale, situated about four leagues from Los Angeles on the main road, and occupied by the old veteran Sergeant Mariano de la Luz Verdu- go.” The fifth and last was the Encino rancho, where 37 According to Reg. Brands, MS., 32-3. Fages permitted Verdugo on Oct. 20th to keep his cattle at Arroyo Hondo, one and a half leagues from San Gabriel on the road to Monterey, on condition that no harm was done to mis- sion or pueblo, and care taken with the natives. Jan. 12, 1798, in answer to petition of Nov. 4, 1797, Borica permitted him to settle with his family, rela- tives, and property, under like conditions, and the new one of raising sheep, at La Zanja. This rancho was visited in August 1795 by the party seeking a mis- sion site. Sta Maria, Registro, MS. 38 In 1795-6 the mission of San Gabriel laid claim to Nieto’s land, called at the time La Zanja. After an investigation Borica allowed Nieto to retain what land he had actually under cultivation and in use, the rest to be used by the mission without prejudice to Nieto’s legal rights. Prov. fec., MS., iv. 45, 51-2, 61-2. It would seem that other persons besides Nieto were living here in 1797, when the inhabitants were called on to be ready to resist English invasion. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 249-50. This grant came before the U. 8. land comission in later times in five separate tracts: Los Cerritos, Los Coyotes, Las Bolsas, Los Alamitos, and Santa Gertrudis, aggregating 33 sq. leagues. LToffman’s Land Cases. 8° Granted by Sola Dec. 31, 1822, to Sergt. Cristébal Dominguez as nephew and heir of Juan José. Leg. "Brands, MS., 35. The author of Los Angeles, Liist., 8, 9, supposes this grant to have been originally made before 1800, chiefly on the testimony of Manuel Dominguez and otker old settlers. No one has until now shown any documentary proof. *0 Verdugo enlisted at Loreto on Dec. 15, 1766, serving as private, corporal, and sergeant, seven years in each capacity. He came “with Capt. Rivera y Moncada in the first expedition of 1769, and served in several Indian cam- paigns. His name appears among the godfathers at the first baptisms in San i . a 7 EARLY LAND-GRANTS. 663 Alcalde Francisco Reyes had a house and where he kept his own live-stock as well as that of Cornelio Avila and others. This was where San Fernando was established in 1797, the friars taking possession of Reyes’ house, a fact that illustrates the slight tenure by which these early grants were held. Between 1795 and 1800 there were perhaps granted two other ran- chos within this jurisdiction, San José de Gracia de Simf to Javier, Patricio, and Miguel Pico in or about 1795; and El Refugio to Captain José Francisco Ortega or his sons a year or two later.“ San Gabriel, belonging throughout the decade to Diego, and he commanded the guard at San Luis Obispo in 1773. He was temporarily in command at San Diego in November 1775 at the time of the massacre, being the first to reach the mission and report the terrible event. He accompanied Gov. Neve to the Colorado in 1782. His wife, Dota Maria Guadalupe Lugo, was buried by Lasuen at San Diego April 15, 1780, and he subsequently married Gregoria Espinosa. From about 1780 he was sergeant of the Monterey company till 1787 when he was probably retired as an invalid. Prov, St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., ii. 14; viii. 8,9; xiv. 1, 2; xxii. 7; Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 2, 4, 5; S. Diego, Lib. de Mision, MS., 10, 77; San Luis Obispo, Lib. de Mision, MS., 29. 41 The Simi Rancho, according ta Reg. Brands, MS., 33, and Hoffman’s Land Cases, was granted by Borica in 1795, being regranted, or at least petitioned for, in 1821, and also by Alvarado in 1542. According to Leg. Brands, MS., '32, El Refugio was granted by Borica, therefore betore 1800, to Capt. Ortega, therefore before 1798 when Ortega died. I think there is room for doubt about one or both of these grants. “Respecting both it may be said that Borica does not seem to have favored such grants. As to Simi, when an exploring party visited the valley in August 1795 they did not men- tion any rancho as they did Reyes’ and Verdugo’s; and not only this but in April 1796 Borica expressly refused to grant Pico (no given name) permission to leave the pueblo and settle on a rancho. As to El Refugio, we know that Ortega in 1796 was in trouble about a deficit in his Loreto accounts, Prov. Rec., MS8., iv. 68, 72, 81-2, 86; his son José Maria wished to take a land-grant on which to work and pay his father’s indebtedness, and although Borica advised him against the scheme, still a grant was ordered to be made to him of the Zanja de Cota lands if unoccupied. The author of Los Angeles, Hist., 8, 9, thinks that Santiago de Santa Ana was one of these early grants. His reasonsare: A popular belief that this was one of the oldest ranchos; testimony in the district court that the original occupant was Grijalva; the probability that the grant to Yorba in 1810 was a regrant to Grijalva’s son-in-law; and finally a recognition by the court of the Peraltas’ claims as descendants of the original occupant. This is an ingenious but probably erroneous argument. Lieut. Grijalva was a pensioner of the San Diego company after 1796 as was Sergt. Yorba, his son-in-law, after 1798; but Grijalva, dying at San Diego in 1806, named no land in his will though he did name cattle; and moreover he refused to give his daughters anything, on the ground that they had been pro- vided for at their marriage—one with Yorba in 1782 and the other with Peralta in1785. Peralta’s claims resulted from the fact that Arrillaga’s grant of July 1, 1810, was to Yorba and Peralta in company. In his petition of Noy. 24, 1809, Yorba says nothing of any previous occupancy by himself or others. Leg. Brands, Mis., 34. 664 LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH. the jurisdiction of San Diego, was one of the most flourishing of the missions, but its annals may be very briefly disposed of. Cruzado and Sanchez still toiled together as ministers. Calzada remained until 1792. Cristébal Ordmas served here in 1792—3;" Juan Mar- tin in 1794-6; Juan Lope Cortés in 1796-8; and Pedro de San José Estévan to 1800 and later, so that the mission had always three padres. They baptized 1,267 natives, but they buried 1,124,“ so that the com- munity was increased only from 1,040 to 1,140, stand- ing now third instead of second in the list. In large stock San Gabriel stood fourth, with a gain from 4,220 to 7,090 head; while in sheep it was second to San Juan only, its flocks having increased from 6,000 to 12,360. In agricultural products San Gabriel was a tie with San Buenaventura in 1800, with a crop of 9,400 bushels, the smallest having been 3,600 in 1793, and the average about 6,400. José Maria Verdugo, owner of a rancho in the vicinity, was corporal of the mission guard much of the time down to 1798, and his successor was Pedro Pollorena. José Miguel Flores, a discharged soldier, was majordomo down to his death in 1796.4 A stone church was half finished in 1794, but in 1800 it had not yet been completed. There is no record of manufacturing industries save that a little cotton obtained from San Blas was woven; but I suppose that a beginning of weaving woollen stuffs or of some # Of Cristébal Ordmas we only know that he had been for five years assistant curate and became a friar only a year before coming to California, whither he brought in 1786 a most flattering reputation from the guardian for genius and exemplary conduct. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xii. 26-7. He served at Santa Barbara, of which mission he was a founder, from December 1706 to December 1789; at Purisima until November 1792; and at San Gabriel until September 1793, when broken down in health he retired to the college. This death-rate of 90 per cent of baptisms and doubtless 500 per cent and more of births was not caused by any great epidemic in one year, for the a run quite evenly as follows: 104, 84, 98, 65, 80, 87, 92, 96, 138, and ** San Gabriel, Lib. de Mision, MS., passim. The mission-books contain but little beyond the names of padres and of persons baptized, married, or buried. The original registers are also imperfect, parts of several books having disappeared. ‘ D4 % ay a Se a ee ME SANTA BARBARA DISTRICT. 665 other branch of primitive manufactures must have been made at this period, for San Gabriel, so flourish- ing and so prominent in later years, would naturally have been among the first to make experiments. Events important or petty there are none to record. San Fernando, the new establishment in Encino Val- ley belonging to the jurisdiction of Santa Birbara, I have already noticed in another chapter.* Santa Barbara presidio remained under the able command of Lieutenant Felipe de Goycoechea, who was also habilitado, and was in 1798 promoted to be brevet captain. Pablo Antonio Cota was promoted to fill the vacant post of alférez, and served throughout the decade, dying at the end of 1800. José Maria Ortega, son of the lieutenant, took Cota’s place as ser- geant with Olivera and Carrillo; and when the latter went to Monterey in 1795 he was replaced by Fran- cisco Maria Ruiz. The presidial force was fifty-nine men, from which number guards were supplied to San Buenaventura, San Fernando, Santa Barbara, and Purisima missions. The number of pensioners in- creased from one to seventeen, and all, with their families, constituted a population de razon which in- 5 Church-building. St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 5, 29,100,110. Cotton-weav- ing. Jd., ii. 6, 100; Arch. Arzodispado, MS., i. 30-2. July, 1796, 200 arrobas of wool can be had at 20 reals. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 6. Due mission from presidio of San Diego, 1797, $2,881. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 265. For 1798, $2,597. Id., xvi. 195. Due from Santa Barbara, 1797, $3,311. /d., xvii. 78-81. Two runaway neophytes from San Gabriel brought in by the Papagos to Tucson. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 58. 46 Pablo Antonio Cota was born in 1744, and enlisted in 1768, coming to California probably in 1769, and certainly before 1774. He seems to have commanded the guard at San Buenaventura from its foundation in 1782 until 1787, when he was removed on complaint of the padres. He subsequently commanded at Purisimia until replaced by Corporal Ortega in September 1788. During this time he was engaged in one or two minor explorations and Indian campaigns. His commission as alférez was signed in Mexico Jan. 13, 1788. St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. 55. His wife was Dofia Maria Rosa de Lugo, who died Jan. 10, 1797. S. Buenaventura, Lib. de Mision, MS., 2, 5, 9; Sta Barbara, Lib de Mision, MS., 30. In August 1795 he commanded the party exploring for the mission site of San Fernando. Sta Marta, Registro, MS. He died Dec. 30, 1800, Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 87; xxi. 56, of pleurisy, which during this cold rainy winter attacked many persons at Santa Barbara. Prow. St. Pap.,; Ben. Mil.; MS., xxix. 3. 666 LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH. creased from 200 to 370. The total white popula- tion of this district, including Los Angeles and the -ranchos, was 675, and neophytes, including San Gabriel and San Fernando, numbered almost 4,000. Having no fort,“ Santa Barbara obtained no part of the reénforcement of artillerymen and infantry sent to California in 1796, and was garrisoned by cuera cavalrymen only. The annual appropriation for this presidio from the royal treasury did not vary much from $15,000.” It has been seen that new presidio buildings had been completed or nearly so by 1790; but some of the roofs were constructed of tules; some of the timbers supporting tile roofs were bad; the family kitchens were inside the houses and not detached as was best; a fire did considerable damage in August 1789; and it seems that no new chapel had been built. Fages in 47 Company rosters in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii.-xxvi.; St. Pap., Sac., MS., i.-iii. List of about 100 persons in 1797 who have com- plied with religious obligations. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 89-93. List of 14 young men fit for military service, but whose parents need their care. Jd., xv. 102-4. Full list of officers and men in 1798. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xvii. 20-1. Four foundlings came here to live in 1800. Jd., xxviii. By Borica’s order each mission escolta was reduced by one man in 1795. Prov. ftec., MS., iv. 252 Proe, St. Pap., MS, xiiei7 i: 48 One brass 6-pounder and three smaller iron pieces at the presidio with four iron guns at the three coast missions were the armament in 1798. Prov. “St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xvii. 5. Paper supplied to school and collected again for cartridges. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 32. #9 Company accounts in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xv. xvii.—-viii. xxi. Rxill. xxviii.; St. Pap., Sac., MS., ii. iv. The memorias of supplies were from $13,000 to $17,000. Account of 1794, credit, $39,737; debit, $38,634. Prov. St. Pap., Presid., MS.,i. 3. Id. for 1797, cr., $42,377; dr., $43,095. St. Pap., Sac., MS., ii. 68. Id. for 1798, cr., $40,520; dr., $40,658. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xvii. 9-11. Total receipts of supplies in 1795, including $6,830 from missions, $22,057. Id., xxi. 9. Waste in last memoria 1796, $690. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 80. Mission supplies in 1797, $4,623; in 1798, $756. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xvii. 10,11. Inventory of goods on hand. Dec. 31, 1798, $9,758. Id., xvii. 9. Account of 1799, cr., $45,728; dr., $467148. Prov. St. Pap., Ben., MS., ii. 18,19. Postal revenue from $56 to $105. Prov. St. Pap.,- Ben) Mil., MS,, xxi. G).93 xxl. 8; xxv. 14: St. Pap, Gace MS., vi. 61. Tithes collected from $200 to $800 per year, the expense of col- lecting being from 15 to 20 per cent. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xix. 4; xxi. 6; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 45-6; vi. 2; Dept. St. Pap., MS., x. 3, 4;Sé. Pap., Sac., MS., i. 124. In 1792-3, the papal bulls sold amounted to $62. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxi. 6. From 1790 to 1795, only $8 out of $1,177 worth sent. /d., xiii. 4; xxi. 9. In 1797, $87 worth sold, and those remain- ing ordered burned. Prov. Pec., MS., iv. 87. It seems that this sale was a special one of bulls of the holy crusade. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 79-80. ae wa a a re ae x + SANTA BARBARA. 667 his instructions to Romeu of February 1791 reported this state of things and hoped all would be completed that year. In August 1793 the governor pronounced the presidio buildings the best in California owing to Goycoechea’s activity, but still some roofs needed re- pairs. All would be done that year except the new chapel and a cemetery outside the square. Van- couver in November found here ‘‘the appearance of a oPURISIMA IX, / ision o STAJINES |. Wiej oe ° ¢ ey: as ae ‘s 7 i ~ ¥ te x S Z f * BYR, : Se Map or Santa BARBARA District, 1800. far more civilized place than any other of the Spanish establishments had exhibited. The buildings appeared to be regular and well constructed, the walls clean and white, and the roofs of the houses were covered with a bright red tile. The presidio excels all the others in neatness, cleanliness, and other smaller though essential comforts; it is placed on an elevated part of the plain and is raised some feet from the 668 LOCAL EVENTS IN THE SOUTH. ground by a basement story, which adds much to its pleasantness.” In October 1794 the commandant certified that to complete the buildings fifteen laborers for six months were necessary at a cost of $561. Thereupon work was stopped except upon the church and the most necessary repairs; and at the end of 1796 the viceroy declared that the sailor-workmen could no longer be employed at royal expense; but the chapel was blessed on Guadalupe day in 1797." Though Santa Barbara seems to have had as yet no branch of the rancho del rey like those at the other presidios, yet it is credited in statistical reports with from 1,000 to 4,000 horses and cattle, and from 200 to 600 sheep. This live-stock is not to be confounded with that, of the mission, but it was probably identical to some extent with that of the rancheros within the jurisdiction already referred to. There were also agricultural operations carried on by the soldiers dis- tinct from those of the mission neophytes. Records of results are very meagre, but in 1797 they reached 1,650 bushels of wheat, corn, and beans.** Of mechan- ical industries there is nothing to record save that the attempt to obtain white apprentices was more 50 Fages, Papel de Puntos, MS., 166. Aug. 20, 1793, governor to viceroy. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 115; Vancouver’s Voyage, ii. 451, 495. Oct. 11, 1794, 15 men at 18 cents per day and 34 fanegas of maize at 13 reals, neces- sary to complete the buildings. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 62. Oct. 24th, build- ing expenses to stop. Jd., x1i. 98. Dec. 13th, Borica says the church is to be enlarged at cost of the fondo de gratificacion. Id., xii. 58. HKxpenses from 1784 to 1794, $2,256. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxi. 12. Dec. 16th, viceroy to governor, the 8 ship-boys and other workmen can no longer be paid from treasury of San Blas. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vii. 57-8. Chapel to be blessed on Guadalupe day. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 87. The $2,256 charged to fondo de gratificacion by order of April 26, 1797. Zd., iv. 89. °! Jan. 15, 1794, governor orders that each soldier be allowed only four cows. These to be branded and the rest slaughtered. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 208. 1794-5, commandant asks for and obtains from governor 200 steers for rations, Jd., iv..163;iProv,. St, Pap., MS. xi. 97. “Oct. 122;:1795, &\ SOLEDAD e\O 1aqwoyl f or Mar or MontvEREY, Ne : S.Jsidro “@~ Animas \S YS aS WwW Se Pc Sian Tulares 691 CHAPTER XXXII. LOCAL EVENTS AND PROGRESS—SAN FRANCISCO JURISDICTION. 1791-1800. San Francisco OrrictaLts—Mi.itary ForcE—PopuLaTIoN—FINANCE—PRE- SIDIO BuILDINGS—PLAN—CASTILLO DE SAN JOAQUIN AT Fort Point— Cérposa’s Rerport—RavacGEs oF ELEMENTS—REPAIRS—BATTERY OF YERBA BUENA AT BLACK POINT—VANCOUVER’S VISITS—CAPTAIN BROWN— MinEs DiscovERED—ALBERNI’S COMPANY—WRECK OF THE ‘SAN CAR- Los "—THE ‘ ELizA’—RANcHO DEL REY—MISSION VERSUS PRESIDIO— InpIAN AFFAIRS—RuNaway NEOPHYTES—AMADOR’S CAMPAIGNS— PapRE’s CRUELTY—SAN FRANctsco Mission—Fatuers Campon, Espt, Danti, GARCIA, AND FERNANDEZ—BUILDINGS, STATISTICS, INDUSTRIES— PUEBLO OF SAN JOSE—INHABITANTS AND OFFICIALS—STATISTICS—HEMP CuLTURE—LOocAL EvENTS—PROPOSED REMOVAL—BounbDaARY DIspuTE-— Santa CLARA—PENA AND NoBoA—POPULATION, AGRICULTURE, BUILD- INGS, AND MANUFACTURES. . Tue official list of San Francisco for this decade is confused, though the minor complications are hardly worth recording. José Argiiello was the lieutenant, brevetted captain in 1798, of the company,and properly its commander throughout the period; but he was absent in Monterey from 1791 to 1796, during which absence Alférez Hermenegildo Sal of the Monterey company was acting comandante until the middle of 1794, and Alférez José Perez Fernandez from that time till the spring of 1796. The same persons acted as habilitados, except that Raimundo Carrillo served in 1796-7.1. It must be noted, however, that Lieu- 1 These brief statements are made from a careful study of the 65 distinct references to different archives which are before me, but which it would serve no good purpose to print. About the date of Argiiello’s return there is some confusion. May 2, 1795, viceroy’s order that Argiiello rejoin his company. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 85, 91. Ordered by governor in January 1796 to (692) * a ay PRESIDIAL COMPANY. 693 tenant-colonel Pedro de Alberni, captain of the Cata- lan volunteers, by reason of his superior rank in the army, was commandant of the military post from April 1796. The alférez of the presidial company was Ramon Lasso de la Vega until the end of 1791, José Perez Fernandez from 1792 until 1797, and Manuel Rodriguez from 1797 to 1800, although he never served at San Francisco, and the place was practically vacant. The position of sergeant was held throughout the decade by Pedro Amador. The company was composed of thirty-one privates, besides the sergeant and four corporals. After the middle of 1796 the military force was augmented by detachments of twenty-five Catalan volunteers and seven or eight artillerymen. There were also from three to eight pensioners, making 79 men in all, who with their families constituted a population, not includ- ing San José and Branciforte, of 225 within the juris- diction. With the two pueblos the population was 460, and the christianized natives numbered 2,670. Not less than twenty of the soldiers were usually scattered in the mission and pueblo guards, so that before the infantry reénforcement came the presidio had but a very small force, and when parties had to be sent with despatches, or against the natives, or for turn over command at Monterey and go to San Francisco. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vii. 38-9; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 178. Took command in April. /d., v. 85. But there are indications that Argiiello went again to Monterey to com- mand for a short time in the spring of 1797. He returned to San Francisco April 18th. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 57,212. Sal gave uv the command to Perez on June 30, 1794. Id., xvi. 84; Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 149. Perez retained the command until November 1795, when Sal seems to have resumed it for a few months until Argiiello’s arrival. Jd., iv. 237; v.75. But Sal did not resume the habilitacion, which Perez gave up to Carrillo in April 1796, accord- ing to orders dated Nov. 8, and Dec. 11, 1795, transferring him to Monterey. Id., iv. 237; v. 74. Carrillo gave up the habilitacion to Argiiello on Sept. 1, 1797. Id., vi. 7. Carrillo’s accounts at the end of August showed a deficit of $1,823. Figures given Prov. St. Pap., Presid., MS., i. 81-2, 84-7. Also stated to have been $1,425, and $1,946. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 265, 267; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 80-1. This amount was charged to the company, until it could be repaid from half of Carrillo’s pay as alférez. It was a great hardship to the soldiers and their families; and Argiiello thought it particularly unjust that the presidal company should have to bear the whole burden while the volun- teers and artillerymen were exempt, and also while Lasso de la Vega was re- ceiving half-pay and was not required to pay up his old indebtedness. Jd., xvi. 40-1. 694 LOCAL EVENTS—SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT. supplies, the post was left almost deserted.? From the fragmentary company accounts that have been preserved we learn that the annual appropriation for pay-roll and contingent fund of San Francisco was a little less than $10,000; supplies from Mexico amounted on an average to about $7,000; and sup- plies from the missions about $3,000. At the end of each year an inventory showed from $11,000 to $16,- 000 worth of goods in the presidial warehouse.’ The subject of presidio buildings received a large share of attention and correspondence between 1791 2 March 4, 1792. Nov. 1, 1794, complaints of commandant. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 51-2, 56; xii. 42. Thirty soldiers were left at San Francisco in April 1797 as a temporary expedient, /d., xxi. 255-6; Prov. Rec., MS., viil. 178; and there were also workmen left at other times not included in the statistics of population. The guard at San Francisco mission was four men. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 25,77; xiii. 231. List of the cuera soldiers and their families in 1795. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 236-7, 242-4. List of the artillerymen. Id., xiii. 75. List of volunteers. Jd., Ben. Mil., xxiv. 1,2. List of presidial company in 1798. Jd., xvi. 16,17. Company rolls and statement, in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil;, MS. xi. aarvil; SiPap:, Sac Mists ty. 3’ Company accounts in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii.-xviil. passim; St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. 52; ii. 36; v. 60, 73-4; vi. 120. Argiiello’s account as habilitado for 1800 is as follows: charges himself with effects on hand Dec. 31, 1799, $14,748; supplies from Mexico and San Blas, 1800, $10,876; balances due soldiers, $3,299; funds of montepio, invdlidos, and retencion (amounts held for the soldiers), $604; proceeds of tobacco, post-office, and tithes, $1,403; debt to presidio of Monterey, $881; supplies received from missions, $3,417; draft on habilitado general, $680. Total, $35,748. Credits himself with: pay-roll of company and pensioners, $9,504; amount paid company on old . account, $3,573; other sums paid, $565; paid debt of 1799 to Monterey, $2,593; paid missions for supplies of 1799, $3,776; amount charged by habili- tado general, $3,081; effects on Dec. 31, 1800, $12,885. Total, $35,977. Balance in favor of Argiiello, $229. The fondo de retencion (money held back from a soldier’s pay to be given him at discharge) amounted in the early years to about $1,200, but later, when added to the fondo de invdlidos (percentage on pay reserved with which to pay pensions), and the fondo de montepio (per- centage on officers’ pay for their widows), it amounted to only about $709. St. Pap., Sac., MS., v. 60, 73-4; Prov. Sé. Pap., MS., xvi. 202-3. In 1795 the habilitado reports only $3,490 to pay for the next year’s supplies. St. Pap., Sac., MS.,i.52. Of $1,122 in coin sent up in 1796, $266 was paid to soldiers, $300 to the mission, and $400 to Argiiello; so that the sergeant applying for money was told to wait. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. i. In 1798 the presidio got $6,404 in supplies from the missions. Jd., Ben. Mil., xvii. 12, 13. In 1797 the amount was $8,973. Jd., xxv. 9,10. In 1799 it was $3,776. Jd., xxvi. 7,8. In 1800 it was $3,417. Jd., xxviii. 18,19. Accounts of tithes are neither complete nor altogether intelligible. Forsome years the proceeds are given as $500 and in others $80, some reports perhaps including the whole jurisdiction and others not. Papal bulls yielded in 1797 only $2. The net proceeds of the post-office averaged $83 per year for the decade. Revenuesfrom tobac 20 sales were from $500 to $1,500, averaging $1,100. Prov. St. Pap., MS., XXL) 193: id, (Ben, MuloxinGsxive Psyvaliosl4enixile Xue. Ae ewig tos XXL LS RXV. Os KWL, 7 REV Oe Reo, ee Pe eae —s . ee ee ee. ee a> PS a —_ oe ae MATE ae i a EES ERE AE I OS papel ots sie PRESIDIO BUILDINGS. 695 and 1800, with but meagre results so far as the presidio proper was concerned. On March 4, 1792, Comandante Sal sent the governor a description accompanied by a plan which I reproduce. Three sides of the square of 120 yards were occupied by adobe walls and houses, both of adobes and of rough stones laid in mud; and the fourth side was protected by a primitive palisade fence. All the structures were roofed with straw and tules, exposed to fire and at the mercy of the winds. All, except the com- PLAN oF SAN Francisco, 1792. mandant’s house lately completed and two or three of the soldiers’ houses, were, through the poor quality of materials and want of knowledge and care on the part of the builders, liable to fall at any moment, the church being in a particularly precarious condition. None of the structures were those originally built; each year some of them had fallen and been restored in the same faulty manner with the same perishable 4 Sal, Informes sobre los Edificios de San Francisco, 1792, MS. 1. Com- mandant’s house, 4 rooms and yard, 37 x 6 varas, of adobes. 2. Sergeant’s house, of stone, without mortar. 3. Chapel 19 x 8 varas. 4. Barracks, guard-house, and calabooses, of adobe and stones. 5, 6. Warehouses for food and clothing, of stones and mud. The other structures are the soldiers’ 696 LOCAL EVENTS—SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT material. Timber had to be brought thirty miles, and tules nine miles. The garrison was so small and its duties so many that Sal deemed it impossible to accom- plish the necessary repairs. At the end of the year the same condition of affairs existed, and Sal urged the government to send eight or ten sailor-workmen and a bricklayer; otherwise an appropriation of $3,000 would be required to hire Indian laborers. Mean- while Vancouver visited and described the presidio in November, and he describes it as a “square area whose sides were about two hundred yards in length enclosed by a mud wall, and resembling a pound for cattle. Above this wall the thatched roofs of their low small houses just made their appearance.” One side was “ very indifferently fenced in by a few bushes here and there, fastened to stakes in the ground.” The wall was “ about fourteen feet high, and five feet in breadth, and was first formed by uprights and hor- izontal rafters of large timber, between which dried sods and moistened earth were pressed as close and hard as possible, after which the whole was cased with the earth made into a sort of mud plaster, which gave it the appearance of durability.” The church had been whitewashed and was neat in comparison to the rest. The floor in the commandant’s house was the native soil raised about three feet above the original level. The windows were mere holes in the thick walls, without glass.° In 1793-4 complaints and calls for aid continued, but attention was given almost exclusively to new fortifications on the shore to the neglect of the presidio 5 Vancouver’s Voyage, ii. 7-9. There is a communication from Sal to Arrillaga dated Nov. 29th, stating that work on the building was finished, tile roofs on the church, warehouses, and nine new houses for soldiers; but this does not agree with the other records, and I am at a loss to know why such a letter was written. St. Pap., Sac.,MS.,i.118. August 20, 1793, the gov- ernor informs the viceroy of the bad condition of the buildings, although $1,400 have been spent on repairs since the foundation. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxl. 114-15, Dec. 29th, Sal to Borica, the $1,200 gratuity for the troops for building the presidio not yet received; nor are there any lists. Hints that the other presidios get $4,000. /d., xi. 54, 57. eS ee ae ee * ss xx: Sl PROGRESS IN BUILDINGS. 697 square.® Late in 1794 Sal proposed removal to a better site near Fort Point. Borica would not consent until he had made a personal examination; but in June 1795 he reported in favor of the scheme and esti- mated the cost of the new presidio at $11,716. The viceroy disapproved so large an outlay for buildings of doubtful utility, the matter was dropped, and the rains and winds continued their ravages,’ the drifting sand contributing to the devastation by covering the powder-magazine, notwithstanding the soldiers’ efforts. Quarters of some kind must have been built for the volunteers and artillerymen,’ but I find no evidence that there was any material improvement within the presidio square from the date of Vancouver's visit to 1800. Still there was some building done in the way of fortifications. In the general movement already 6 Aug. 8, 1794, Perez Fernandez and others state that nothing has been done, and the soldiers are overburdened with work. The buildings should be solidly constructed to avoid later repairs, and he and the commandant will guarantee to complete the work economically and well if a few mechanics can be furnished. St. Pap., Sac., MS., v. 108-10. Arrillaga informs Borica of the needs of San Francisco in 1794. Papel de Puntos, MS., 192. Jan. 31, 1794, commandant to governor; house of 2d officer in a bad state; adobes and tiles melting away; will try to save the timbers. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 66. Feb. 1, 1794, rain came near spoiling the powder, but hides and tiles were arranged to save it. Id., xii. 56. 7 Nov. 1, 1794, commandant to governor. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. -35-6. Dec. 3, Borica’s reply. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 28, 54-5. June 27, 1795, B. to viceroy, old buildings ready to fall; total expenses since 1776, $8,188; presi- dio, 2,889 varas from fort; new one, 481 varas. Jd., vi. 51. Dec. 4, 1795, V. R. to B., advises that the new structures be not undertaken, but wants addi- tional information. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 832-6. Jan. 22, 1796, a heavy gale did much damage to church and one house. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxiii. 6,7; Prov. Rec., MS., v. 81. June 16, B. calls for a report from Alberni. Prov, St. Pup., Ben. Mil., MS., xxiv. 7. June 30th, Alberni to B., he disapproves the removal, because the San Joaquin hill has no water and is less sheltered; but the coming rains will bring the old buildings down, and a new presidio should be begun. Cordoba agrees with Alberni. St. Pap., Sac., MS., iv. 36-7. July 20, 1797, Argiiello to B. The old complaints. Nothing done yet. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 11,12. Aug. 8, Id. toId. Warehouses badly built and in great danger from fire. Jd., xvi. 389. Aug. 19, B. orders’ Argiiello to have warehouses of stone or adobe built. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 267. In January 1800 a huricane tore off several roofs; $1,799 were spent in repairs during the year; and complaints continued. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 24-7; xxi. 31. 8 One hundred and ninety-two dollars spent on quarters for volunteers. Expenditure approved by viceroy Feb. 28, 1798. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 10, 11 698 LOCAL EVENTS—SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT. noticed towards the strengthening of coast defences San Francisco could not be neglected, since it was recognized as the strongest and most important natu- ral position in California. Vancouver as he entered the bay was saluted by a brass three-pounder lashed toa log at Fort Point, and he found another mounted on a rotten carriage before the presidio. There had been two guns here, but one had burst shortly before in firing a salute on a saint’s day. No wonder the Englishman was surprised at the unprotected condi- tion of so important a point. When he returned in 1793, eleven brass nine-pounders were lying on the beach, and a number of natives were. erecting what seemed to be a platform or barbette battery at Fort Point; but this was intended by the Spaniards to be a much more formidable work, the Castillo de San Joaquin, to command the entrance to San Francisco Bay. The guns had been sent from San Blas in the Aranzazu, and a gunner’s mate, master-carpenter, and one or two workmen ‘had begun work on the fort in August.° Thirty neophytes were hired from the mission, and as many more gentiles from San José. Choppers were sent to the distant forests down the peninsula; twenty-three yoke of oxen were employed in hauling the timber; adobes, bricks, and tiles were rapidly prepared, and the work was pushed: forward until interrupted by the rains. Soon after its resump- tion in the spring of 1794 there came an order from the viceroy that the works here and elsewhere were to be constructed of fascines, to avoid heavy expenses; but so much progress had been made that it was deemed best to complete the fortification as begun, ° Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 9, 500. Sept. 30, 1792, Sal reports the bursting of the gun into 10 pieces, nobody hurt. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 74; i. 117. Although Vancouver says a gun was fired, Sal reports to the governor that the Chatham got no salute for want of a cannon. Jd., iii. 23. Oct. 31st, Sal to Arrillaga. Only one cannon, and that burst several years ago. Cuadra gave some powder and promised four or five guns. So it seems that the presidio gun was not so effective even as Vancouver supposed. Jd., i. 119. Aug. 20, 1793, Arrillaga to viceroy, announcing that work had been begun on a fort. After completing it the men will go to Monterey. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 113. Dec. 31, 1793, statement of munitions. St. Pap., Sac., MS. v. 61. CASTILLO DE SAN JOAQUIN. 699 especially as earthworks and fascines were thought to be useless here. The fort was completed and blessed under the name of San Joaquin on December 8, 1794, the eight guns of the battery being mounted, the sentry-box, casemate, and other necessary buildings being attached, and nothing more being required but a garrison to prevent any hostile vessel from entering CASTILLO DE SAN JOAQUIN the port—so at least Arrillagva believed. We have no detailed description of this fort, but its main walls were of adobes, faced in the embrasures with bricks. The annexed plan is from an original in my possession. 700 LOCAL EVENTS—SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT. The castillo was of horseshoe shape, about one hundred ‘by one hundred and twenty feet. Its cost was $6,000, which was paid with some reluctance by the royal treasury.” The elements had now another object on which to exert their destructive power, and repairs kept pace as nearly as possible. The San Carlos brought some new guns in April 1796, and the Concepcion left twenty-four sailors. Cdérdoba examined the fort on his arrival, and in September reported unfavorably. The structure rested mainly on sand; the brick-faced adobe walls crumbled at the shock whenever a salute was fired; the guns were badly mounted and for the most part worn out, only two of the thirteen twenty- four pounders being serviceable or capable of sending a ball across the entrance of the port. The whole work, protected by an adobe wall with one gate, was commanded by a hill in the rear, and the garrison of 10 Jan. 30, 1794, Sal to governor, has begun to fell timber; guns on the esplanade. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 47-51. Jan. 31st, 6 guns in the battery facing the harbor. Jd., xii. 67. The padres endeavored to obtain an extra blanket and pair of breeches for each neophyte laborer per month but failed; 1,500 adobes being made daily. April 30th, a sergeant and four soldiers in charge of the laborers. Jd., xii. 74. Twenty-two Indians ran away in April. Id., xii. 53. June 9th, viceroy acknowledges receipt of advices on measures taken to complete the provisional esplanade. /d., xi. 174. Jan. 10th, vice- roy’s orders to use fascines and reduce expenses. June 12th, governor’s reply. Jd., xxi. 143-4; xii. 120. res STA. CLARA Cal: veras Tn i AN JOSE SS a VA pond [o} 1 De 0 Hitt Dp =e =e © fo oO U nll adn? MI Ls t, , > Fh, OzUALOT SS Wy IL =Pta-Ano-Nue v= én BRANGI OR: E Aptus- Corralitos. \\ ie 0 “Salsi uedes Lag in SANTA=CRi.at 5 Ae NL any ing 123'= & Map or San FrRAncisco District. 704 " LOCAL EVENTS—SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT. was here that he had the best opportunities to make observations respecting the institutions of the country, and as his visit was one of the chief interruptions of the dull monotony of San Francisco life during the decade, I deem the subject worthy of brief additional mention here in connection with local annals. As Vancouver entered the port at nightfall Nov- ember 14, 1792, he looked in vain for the lights of the town which he supposed to be planted here, and next morning the only sign of civilization was the herds seen in the distance. After a quail-shooting expedition on the hills where the city now stands he caine into contact with Commandant Sal and was entertained at the presidio, where the wife of Don Hermenegildo received him “decently dressed, seated cross-legged on a mat, placed on a small square wooden platform raised three or four inches from the ground, nearly in front of the door, with two daughters and a son, clean and decently dressed, sitting by her; this being the mode observed by these ladies when they receive visitors.” Then he was invited to the mission and was most kindly treated by fathers Landaeta and Danti. He saw all that was to be seen on the peninsula, much more than it was prudent to let him see, and though greatly surprised at the weakness and poverty of the Spanish establishment and the Jack of ‘‘those articles. which alone can render the essentials of life capable of being relished,” yet for the kindness and hospitality of the people he had nothing but words of praise. The Spaniards as is their wont placed everything at his disposal, and he interpreted their offers somewhat too literally, making a visit to Santa Clara that gave Sal many forebodings. He made no survey of the bay, but found Yerba Buena a better anchorage than the usual one nearer the pre- sidio. Every facility was afforded him for obtaining wood, water, and supplies, though the carts placed at the disposition of the sailors were found to be a more clumsy and useless contrivance on land than the rude a ee eS a ee ee ee na ee ee a eS j 4 P i . a * 4 f FOREIGN VISITORS. 705 balsas of the natives as water craft. Vancouver sailed for Monterey on the 25th of November. He came back in October of the next year, but was obliged to put up with the ordinary courtesies allowed to for- eigners in Spanish ‘colonial ports, and so great was the contrast that he left in disgust after a few days’ stay at anchor.” The 18th of March 1793 a strange vessel was an- nounced at the entrance of the port. A guard was posted and the live-stock driven in. A boat came to land in the afternoon, with six men who said the vessel was English and the captain’s name Brown, in need of water, wood, and meat, for which he would send the next day. The vessel anchored beyond Point Almejas, opposite San Pedro rancho, fired a gun, and displayed the English flag. On the 15th she was seen near the Farallones, and on the 16th Sal reported these facts with his opinion that the foreign craft meant mischief, though pretending to be bound for Nootka." In 1795 three mines were discovered somewhere within the jurisdiction of San Francisco, called San Diego, Carmen, and San José, with the respective aliases of Descubridora, Buenavista, and Hsperanza. One of them was expected to yield gold, and the others silver or quicksilver. Specimens of the ore were sent by Perez Fernandez to the governor, but Monterey experts failed to discover metal except in one speci- men.” The coming of Alberni and his company of volunteers was the event of 1796, but beyond a bare mention and the enrolment of the reénforcements on the military records it left no trace in local annals; yet as almost doubling the population of San T'ran- 138 Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 1-27, 433-4. For further account of this voy- age, and a map published in Vancouver’s work, see chapter xxiv., this vol- ume. 14 March 16th, Sal to Borica, in Sé. Pap., Sac., MS., ii. 131-2. 15 Sept. 28, 1795, Perez Fernandez to Borica. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vii. 66-7. Sept. 30th, B."s Peay authorizing ore to be sent to San Blas for assay- ing. Prov. [ec., MS.. v. 70 HIst. ‘Cab, VOL, Le 45 706 LOCAL EVENTS—SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT. cisco it merits mention.” In 1797 there was a propo- sition to establish a Carmelite convent and hospice at San Francisco, but it was disapproved by both the guardian and the fiscal, and consequently was aban- doned.” The leading event of this year was the wreck of the transport vessel San Carlos in the bay on the night of the 23d of March. No details are known except that little of the cargo was lost.* The Concepcion as a coast guard spent a large part of the year in this port. At the end of May 1799 the American ship Lhza of 136 tons and carrying twelve guns, bound for Boston with hides, under James Rowan, obtained supplies under the prescribed re- strictions.” There were two topics of local interest at San Fran- cisco during the decade which affected the mission not less than the presidio. These were the establishment of the rancho del rey, and Indian affairs. The royal rancho had been founded here in 1777, with 115 head of cattle, which were pastured on the hills about the presidio. The animals multiplied rapidly notwith- standing annual slaughters in the later years and the 16Tt is implied by Borica, Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 241, that Alberni’s men had lands granted them at San Francisco and the Alameda; but such was probably not the case. Alberni and his company arrived May 7, 1796, on the San Carlos. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxiii. 83. M1 Arch, Sta Barbara, MS., iv. 186-93; ix. 10-14; xiii. 84. 18 Prov, St. Pap., MS., xvi. 57-8, 181; xvii. 242; xxi. 251, 268; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 86, 92, 95. This was not the original San Carlos of 1769, but her successor surnamed H/ Filipino. The crew were obliged to remain for some time in California. The only stores specially named as lost are 4 boxes of cigars and 151bs. of powder. April 26th, Capt. Saavedra says to Argiiello that most of his men lost their clothes, tobacco, and soap in the wreck. He asks for them the advance of a month’s pay, which was granted to the amount of $1,026. ‘The troops with 55 natives worked to save the cargo. April 24th, the padres answer the complaint that they failed to render aid, by stating that Fernandez was absent, but Landaeta sent all his disposable Indians, who worked waist-deep in water for three days and nights. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 108-9. April 14th, the finding of a white man’s body in the surf at Pt Reyes is reported, and the mission majordomo had seen a vessel off the Fara- llones shortly before. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 116. Alberni at the same time wished to send natives to see if there were any vessels at Bodega; but they refused from fear of their enemies. Jd., xvii. 152. 19May 27th, Rowan to Argiiello, will obey the governor’s orders to sail as soon as possible and not to enter any other port. Prov. St. Pap., xvii. 206-8, 238; xvill. 26. June 3d, Borica to viceroy, Rowan left a draft for $24 on Boston. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 125-6. . =i. SS ee ee ee ee ee a L [a - RANCHO DEL REY. 707 ravages of wild beasts,” so that in 1791 they numbered over 1,200. At the end of March of this year the cattle were transferred to Monterey, except a few milch cows which the soldiers were allowed to keep. This change seems to have been made by order of the comandante general at the petition of the padres who represented that injury was done to the interests of the mission. Subsequently the garrison was obliged to obtain meat from Monterey.% In 1796, at the suggestion of Sal, Borica determined to reéstablish a branch of the rancho del rey, and this was accom- plished in September 1797, two, hundred and sixty-five cattle being purchased from the missions and placed at Buriburi between San Bruno and San Mateo.” When the news reached Mexico it brought out a protest of the guardian, in which he narrated the past history of the rancho, claimed that Borica had acted in opposition to the king’s wishes that the mission lands should not be encroached upon, and demanded an order to remove not only the rancho but the cattle owned by the soldiers. The pasturage it was claimed was all needed for the mission herds, which now must be driven far down the peninsula; and the natives were suffering great injury in their 20 In the cattle account of 1782 appears an item of three arrobas of yerba de Puebla with which to poison wolves. Prov. Rec., MS., iil. 115. April and May 1790, commandant refers to ravages of bears and savages. Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix. 213-14. Bears numerous in 1798. Jd., xvii. 103. 21 Cattle of the rancho in 1790, 1,174 head. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii. 6,7. Net proceeds of sales, $91. Zd. Sales in 1791, $81. Jd., xv. 5. Number of cattle at transfer on March 31, 1791, 1,215 head. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 68. The rancho was moved by order of Fages, Id., or by order of commandant general at request of padres. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 14-16. Statistical reports show that the soldiers had from 96 to 147 cattle down to 1797 and then the number increased to 500 or 600, not including the king’s cattle. In 1793 the number was 115, and the names of 14 owners, 23 credited to Juan Bernal being the largest number, are given from an old inventory in //alley’s Centennial Year Book of Alameda County, 27. There is quite a mass of information from the archives given in this work, but there are nearly as many blunders as words in the translation, copying, and printing. In 1794, 75 cattle for food were sent up from Monte- rey. Prov. St. Pup., MS., xii. 30. 22 Borica to commandants April 30, 1796, Aug. 15, Sept. 1, 1797. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 85, 269; iv. 255-6. Argiiello to B. Sept. 29th. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 92. . 708 LOCAL EVENTS—SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT. natural and legal rights.* Borica, being called upon for an explanation, asked Argiiello for a report in which the governor’s eleven question were clearly answered. According to this report the mission was in no respect injured by the king’s cattle at Buriburi, feeding on the hills westward to the Caiiada de San Andrés and south-westward for two leagues, nor would it be injured even should its cattle greatly in- crease, for it still had several large sitios: San Pedro, five leagues southward on‘the coast, where horned cattle were kept; another two leagues to the south, where were the herds of mares; El Pilar,“ where there was abundant pasturage for the oxen; San Mateo, five leagues from the mission, stretching to Santa Clara on the south-east and to San Pedro on the west; besides the smaller and nearer tracts of La Visitacion, San Bruno, and Lake Merced. Argiiello also proved that the mission had been accustomed to sell to the presidio and the vessels cattle about one third smaller than those of Monterey at prices ex- ceeding those of the tariff, besides obliging the pur- chaser to go long distances after the animals.” His arcuments seemed conclusive to the viceroy, who in March 1799 ordered the rancho maintained, notwith- standing the opposition of the friars.” The natives, Christian and gentile, caused more trouble in the region of San Francisco than in any other part of California, the troublesome gentiles being chiefly those inhabiting what is now known as 73 Feb. 5, 1798, guardian to viceroy, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 14-16. Horses were kept 10 leagues distant; sheep under a salaried man six leagues away; and the oxen not actually at work were also pastured at a long dis- tance. 4 But according to Prov. Rec., MS., v. 103, Argiiello himself had received a provisional grant of El Pilar in 1797. *° June 14, 1798, Borica to Argiiello. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon, MS., i. 68-70. Argiiello, Informe sobre el Rancho del Rey y su influencia y relacion con la Mision de San Francisco, 24 de Julio 1798, MS. Salazar speaks of S. Pedro or Punta de Almejas. Arch. Sta Barbara, ii. 75. 26 March 13, 1799, Viceroy Azanza to Borica. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 220. June 5th, to commandant. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 298. Dec. 3lst, num- ber of cattle in the rancho, 879. Net yield from sales, $179. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxviii, 5. INDIAN AFFAIRS. 709 ‘Alameda and Contra Costa counties, acting in con- junction with deserters from San Francisco mission, but threatening more seriously Mission San José. “All was quiet, however, until 1795." In March of that year Father Danti sent a party of fourteen neo- phytes to the rancherfas of the Chaclanes, or Sacal- anes, to bring in some fugitives, but they were attacked by gentiles and Christians combined, and at least seven of the number were killed. The affair was reported to Borica, who informed the viceroy, but ordered no retaliation as the Sacalanes were a brave people and would be troublesome as foes, and the friars were directed to send out no more such parties.* In Sep- tember of the same year over two hundred natives deserted from San Francisco, different parties in different directions, the number including many old neophytes who had always been faithful before. In the correspondence which followed, Borica indicated his belief that the disaster was due largely to cruelty on the part of the padres. He ordered a strict inves- tigation; instructed the soldiers to afford no aid in the infliction of punishments unless at the request of both padres, for it seems that Danti was much more severe than his associate, and finally protested to the presi- dent that rigorous steps must be taken to insure better *7 In February 1793 a new convert named Charquin ran away and waged war on all aborigines who favored christianity, holding 20 women and chil- dren captives in the mountains. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vii. 24-5. In February 1795 the governor reported the prospects for new converts excellent at San Francisco and Santa Clara, on account of a scarcity of seeds. Prov. Iec., MS., vi. 37. 28 March 3, May 3, May 29, 1795, commandant to Borica. June 23d, B. to ,viceroy. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 241-2, 275-6; Prov. Rec., MS., v. 50, 56; vi. 48-50. I suppose the Sacalanes lived in what is now Alameda County, somewhere between Oakland and Mission San José. The messengers are said to have travelled two nights and one day before reaching the rancherias. Borica says the Chimenes did the killing and lived 30 leagues from Bodega on the coast. Subsequent expeditions show, however, that the Sacalanes, the guilty parties, did not at any rate live north of the bay. The commandant charges Danti with having at first pronounced the story of the survivors a lie, and with attempting later to keep it from the knowledge of the officers. July 6th, Borica to friars, regrets that they continue sending Indians to the ‘other side of the bay. It must be stopped. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 146. Sept. - 18th, V. R. approves B.’s policy of avoiding war. Prov. St. Pap. eg SS Fee a 82. 710 LOCAL EVENTS—SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT. treatment and better food, to which Lasuen gave as- sent.” In June 1797 a new mishap occurred. A large part of the fugitives belonged to the Cuchillones across the bay. Notwithstanding the governor's orders the missionaries sent one Raimundo, a Califor- nian—a name still applied exclusively to the natives of Baja California—with thirty natives to bring back the runaways. ‘They crossed in balsas and fell into a difficulty with the Cuchillones which is not clearly described, though it appears that no life was lost and no fugitive recovered. This affair gave rise to a new correspondence and to earnest protests from the friars, who were inclined to think that the quarrel, if any occurred, had been greatly exaggerated. Now the Sacalanes assumed a threatening attitude toward Mission San Jose, and Sergeant Amador was sent to investigate. He found that the gentiles were threat- ening to kill the Christians if they continued to work, and the soldiers if they dared to interfere. He ac- cordingly recommended to Borica that an expedition _be sent to punish them, to collect fugitives, and to dispel the idea of the Sacalanes that the Spaniards were afraid of them. orica assented and ordered Amador to take twenty-two men and fall upon the rancheria at dawn, capturing the head men and desert- ers, but avoiding bloodshed if possible. They set out July 13th, and on the 15th the troops under Amador and Vallejo reached the hostile camp. The Sacalanes would listen to nothing; they had digged pits, so that the Spaniards were forced to dismount and attack with sword and lance. In the fight two soldiers were’ 8 Correspondence on the subject during 1795-6. In Prov. St. Pap., MS., xili. 147-8; xiv. 176; Id., Ben. Mil., xxiv. 8-10; Prov. Rec., MS., v. 69, 80, Dlg uve 172, 17 be ‘ 30 Letters of Argiiello, Espi, Fernandez, and Landaeta in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 19-25. July 16th, Argiiello assembled the natives and made known to them the governor’s orders that they were not to go after fugitives even if told to do so by the padres. Then the padres received a lecture on the evils that might have resulted. Landaeta insisted that the natives had gone of their own accord and had not been sent. Argiiello to Borica, in Id., xv. 25-7. eo lh “ea Dein Sica a a = tugs aes — a, = de 3g ie eres a Ree 31 a % AMADOR’S EXPEDITION. 711 wounded and seven natives killed. The Cuchillones were subsequently attacked and retreated after one had been killed. On the 18th Amador returned to San José with eighty-three Christians and nine gen- tiles, including five Sacalanes implicated in the affair of 1795 and three Cuchillones in that of Raimundo.” The testimony and confessions of fourteen of the captives were taken the 9th of August, and nine of them having been proved guilty, were subsequently sentenced by Borica to receive from twenty-five to seventy-five lashes and to work in shackles at the presidio from two months to a year.” In this exam- ination and in another held the 12th of August with a view to learn why the neophytes had run away, nearly all the witnesses gave as their reasons exces- sive flogging, hunger, and the death of relatives.* Borica subsequently announced that in consequence of his efforts and especially of the kindness of Father Fernandez, the natives were treated better than be- fore; but Lasuen declared that the charges of cruelty were unfounded, as proved by the large number of conversions. The neophytes fled, not because they were flogged or overworked, but because of the rav- 31 Amador, Expedicion contra los gentiles Sacalanes, con Correspondencia perteneciente al asunto, 1796, MS.; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 176-8; xvi. 38-9, 70-1, 88, 90; Prov. Rec., MS., v. 206-7. The diary is dated San José, July 19th, and the papers include: July 6th, Argiiello to Borica; July 8th, Amador to B.; July 10th, B. to A.; July 19th, A. to B.; July 21st, B. to A. Christians not to be punished, but gentiles kept at work on presidio; July 26th, receipt of Espi and Landaeta for 79 returned neophytes. Return- ing natives have never been punished. July 30th, Argiiello to B., has given up the neophytes and will try the gentiles. 32 Argiello, Relacion de lo que declararon los Gentiles Sacalanes, 1797, MS.; Borica, Castigos que han de sufrir los Indios, 1797, MS. 33 Argiiello, Relacion que formé de las declaraciones de los Indios Cristianos huidos de la Mision de San Francisco, 1797, MS. Tiburcio was flogged five times by Danti for crying at the death of his wife and child. Magin was put in the stocks when ill. Tarazon visited his country and felt inclined to stay. Claudio was beaten by the alcalde with a stick and forced to work when ill. José Manuel was struck with a bludgeon. Liberato ran away to escape dying of hunger as his-mother, two brothers, and three nephews had done. Otolon was flogged for not caring for his wife after she had sinned with the vaquero. Milan had to work with no food for his family and was flogged because he went after clams. Patabo had lost his family and had no one to take care of him. Orencio’s niece died of hunger. Toribio was always hungry. Magno received no ration because, occupied in tending his sick son, he could not work. 712 LOCAL EVENTS—SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT. ages of an epidemic.* No further troubles occurred at San Francisco, but the Sacalanes-and other gentiles continued their hostile influence at San José mission, several times requiring the presence of Amador, who in April 1800 made another raid, killing a chief, cap- turing twenty fugitives, and breaking all the bows and arrows of the foe.” Something remains to be said of San Francisco Mis- sion, where we left Cambon and Danti in charge as ministers at the end of 1790. Cambon, one of the few remaining pioneer missionaries, and a founder of San Francisco, retired to his college entirely broken down in health at the end of 1791, and was succeeded by Martin Landaeta, a new-comer, who however was absent from October 1798 to September 1800, Espf serving in 1797-9, and Merelo in 1799-1800. Diego Garcia remained until October 1791, and returned in 1796-7. Danti retired in the summer of 1796; Padre Fernandez took his place in 1796-7 with Garcia as a supernumerary, and Rémon Abella came in July 1798. Padre Martiarena was also supernumerary from August 1800, and the names of several others appear on the mission-books as having officiated here at dif- ferent dates.™ 34 July 1, 1798, Borica to viceroy, in Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 97-8; Lasuen, Representacion, 1801, MS., in Arch. Sta Baérbara, ii. 202-5, 35 Amador, Salida contra Indios Gentiles, 1800, MS. Alsoon slight previous troubles at San José. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 173-4; xvii. 97, 100-1, 106-7. 36 Pedro Benito Cambon, a native of Santiago in Galicia, Spain, was ordered to California from the college in August 1770, setting out in Oct., sailing from San Blas in January 1771, and arriving at San Diego March 12, and Mon- terey May 21st. He was a founder of San Gabriel in September 1771, and served there until April 1772. He then spent several years at Velicata in Baja California for the benefit of his health, and to look after Franciscan property. He went to San Francisco in Oct. 1776, but was absent from Oct. 1779 until May 1782, during which time he made a trip from San Blas to Manila as chaplain of the San Carlos, devoting his pay to the purchase of sup- plies for his neophytes, and also founded San Buenaventura in March 1782. He was a zealous and able man, but his health repeatedly broke down, and finally in November 1791, at the request of Lasuen, and on a certificate signed by three surgeons, he was permitted to depart without waiting for the vice- roy’s license. His last signature on the mission-books was on Sept. 10th. S. Francisco, Lib. Mision, MS., i, 61, 69; Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 18, 19. 37 José de la Cruz Espi, possibly Espi as written by himself, a native of Valencia, came to Mexico in 1786, and two years later went to Nootka’as chaplain with the expedition of Martinez, which touched on the California MISSION STATISTICS. 713 During the decade 1,213 natives were baptized, 1,031 were buried, 203 of them in 1795, and the neo- phyte population as registered grew from 438 to 644, from which it would appear that most of the fugitive cumarrones had been recovered before 1800. Large stock increased from 2,000 to 8,200, and sheep from 1,700 to 6,200.% Crops in 1800 amounted to 4,100 bushels, one half wheat, the largest yield having been coast. He came to California as a missionary in 1793, serving at San Antonio from September of that year until September 1794; at Soledad until Decem- ber 1795; at Santa Cruz until 1797; and at San Francisco from June 1797 until August 1799) when he obtained leave to retire and sailed from San Diego Jan. 16, 1800. He had served 10 years and refused to remain longer. His signature appears on the San Francisco books until Aug. 19, 1799. S. Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 44; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 60, 220; Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 57. Of Antonio Danti we only know that he was minister at San Francisco from October 1790 until July 1796; that he had a fiery temperament—genio de pélvora, as Borica termed it—and was disposed to be unduly severe to his Indians; and that he was finally allowed to retire, suffering from some trouble with his legs and with inflammation of the eyes threatening blindness. San Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 41; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., vi. 227; xi. 56-7; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 149, 157, 163. Diego Garcia came to California in 1787, serving at San Francisco from September of that year until October 1791; at Soledad until February 1792; at San Antonio until November 1792; again at Soledad until March 1796; and again at San Francisco until May 1797. He was generally a supernumerary and his services as minister were not in great deinand. One year on some frivolous pretext he neglected to sow any grain; he made himself obnoxious to each successive associate; and once when assigned to San José refused obedience. Naturally no objection was made to his retiring at the end of his term of 10 years, the coming of which probably saved him from dismissal by Lasuen. His license was dated July 8, 1797; his last signature at San Fran- cisco was on May 18th. San Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 40, 61; Soledad, Lib. de Mision, MS.; Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 227-8; Prov. Iec., MS., vi. 11d. José Maria Fernandez left his college in February and arrived at San Francisco in September 1796, serving until May 1797 as minister, receiving his license in July, and leaving California a little later. He was a.very kind- hearted man, and as we have seen Borica gave him great credit for having secured better treatment for the natives at San Francisco; but a blow on the head accidentally received affected his health and especially his mind to such an extent as to incapacitate him for missionary labor. San Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS.; Arch. Sta Barbara, xi. 57-8; Prov. Rec., MS. vi. 98. 38 May 28, 1791, Fages informed Romeu that the padres of San Francisco had formed a new establishment seven leagues away, where they kept most of their neophytes. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 149; but we hear no more of the subject. The controversies between mission and presidio about pasturage, and the alleged inferiority of San Francisco cattlé, have been already noticed. In Prov. Kec., MS., vi. 79, it is stated that sheep-raising was introduced in 1796, but no special increase appears in the statistics for that year. May 19, 1797, Argiiello says the San Francisco sheep being of Merino stock may be a little better than elsewhere. He wanted to me 100, but Landaeta refused to sell. Prov. St. eae MS., xv. 8, 9. 714 LOCAL EVENTS—SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT. 5,800 bushels in 1796; the smallest 1,200 in 1792,” ane the average 3.600 bushels. The mission bald ings were described by Vancouver as forming two sides of a square, without any apparent intention of completing the quadrangle, the architecture and ma- terial being as at the presidio, but the apartments larger, better constructed, and cleaner. At this time all roofs were of thatch, and the dwellings of the Ind- ians were huts of willow poles, basket-work of twigs, and thatch of grass and tules, about twelve feet high, six or seven feet in diameter, and ‘‘abominably in- fested with every kind of filth and nastiness.” In 1793 nineteen adobe houses were built, which number was subsequently increased until in 1798 there were enough for most of the married neophytes. In 1794 a new storehouse 150 feet long was built and roofed with tiles as were some of the old buildings, and half a league of ditch was dug round the potrero and fields. In 1795 another adobe “building 180 feet long was erected; and tile roofs were completed for all the structures, including the church, about which from the laying of the corner-stone in 1782 nothing more is recorded down to 1800. At the time of Vancouver’s visit one large room was occupied by manufacturers of a coarse sort of blanketing, made from wool pro- duced in the neighborhood. ‘The looms, though rudely wrought, were tolerably well contrived, and had been made by the Indians. The produce is wholly applied to the clothing of the converted Ind- ians. I saw some of the cloth, which was by no 89 Where the cultivated fields were situated at this time does not appear. In 1795 supplies furnished to the presidio amounted to $2,831. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 26. In January 1795 cold weather prevented the padres from say- ing mass. Id., v. 40-1. From 1797 to 1800 regular weather reports were rendered at the end of each year. 1797 was cold, windy, and foggy. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 100. In 1798 the summer began with ‘terrible and continu- ous wind’ and fog, and the winter with frost, heavy rains, and roof-damaging winds. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xvii. 22-3. In 1799 little rain, heavy north winds, and much frost. Id., xxvii. 2. 1800, heavy rains, some frost, strong winds. /d., xxviii. 12-13. 40 Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 10-14; St. Pap., Miss., MS., i.. 124; ii. 15, 78; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 59-60. Fages states that in 1787 there was but a suplemento de iglesia, a temporary affair. Lages, Informe Gen., MS., 146. ee a | we = Se ge ee ge i ee a ee oe =e a er ray Ra ee ws eee) ANNALS OF SAN JOSE. 715 means despicable; and, had it received the advantage of fulling, would have been a very decent sort of clothing.” In 1797 Borica ordered that mission blankets should be used at the presidio, and no more obtained from Mexico; but in 1799 he disapproved the friars’ scheme of building a fulling-mill. In 1796 a manufacture of coarse pottery was established un- der Mariano Tapia.“ The new establishments of Branciforte, Santa Cruz, and Mission San José having been elsewhere noticed, there remain the annals of Santa Clara and the pueblo of San José, the former within this northern jurisdic- tion, and the latter most conveniently included in it, though it really belonged to the military jurisdiction of Monterey. At the pueblo population increased in general terms from eighty to one hundred and sev- enty, though the variation from year to year is so *! White apprentices were to come to San Francisco to learn to make pot- tery. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 53-4: v. 78, 206; vi. 230. Some cotton from San Blas was woven before 1797. St. Pap., Aiss., MS., ii. 100. In 1798 the mis- sion contracted to furnish tiles to the presidio at $20 per thousand. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 97; xvi. 25, 42. Such are the facts briefly stated in 23 pages that I have to present respect- ing San Francisco from 1791 to 1800. Most of the facts are in themselves not very startling or important, but they constitute the annals for ten years of what is now a great city; and they have been recorded not diffusely, I believe, but with due condensation. As I write, a History of the City of San Iran- cisco comes from the press. It was written in accordance with a resolution of congress calling for a historical sketch of each town from its foundation, as a centennial memorial; it was written by a pioneer, an editor, the author of several good works, the historian of the Society of California Pioneers; in fact by a man generally supposed, and with much reason, to be better qualified _than any other for the task, for which he was paid by the city. Being a his- tory of a town the work might naturally be expected to deal largely in local details whose absence in a history of California would be excusable. The work has received no unfavorable criticism, except for its rendering of modern events involving personal and political prejudices. For the Spanish period there is nothing but praise. The leading journals of the city credit the author with immense research among the records of the past, and with an exhaustive treatment of his subject. Naturally, therefore, it was with some trembling that I compared the results with those of my own labors; but I breathe more freely and am encouraged, when I see that respecting this dec- ade the work alluded to contains the following, and nothing more: ‘Cambon was soon superseded by Danti, and he by Avella, who served 20 years, com- mencing in 1797;’ the mission had in ‘1793, 704 Indians, 2,700 cattle, 2,300 _ sheep, and 314 horses.’ For four decades, from 1780 to 1820, all that the work contains will barely fill one page of foolscap manuscript. Thisis but a sample of the record of early California events hitherto called history, and yet the work to which I refer is one of the best of its class. 716 LOCAL EVENTS—SAN FRANCiSCO DISTRICT. ereat and inexplicable as to inspire doubts of entire accuracy.” fe) left in 1797, the latest complete report extant, and about fifty new names of settlers, pensioners, and sol- diers appear during the decade. Ignacio Vallejo held the office of comisionado until November 1792, and from May 1797 to November 1799; Macario Castro from 1792 to 1794, and from 1799 to 1807; and Gabriel Moraga from 1794 to 1797, the same men being corporals of the guard. Marcos Chabolla was alealde in 1796, José Maria Martinez in 1797, Jacobo Velarde in 1798, Ignacio Castro in 1799, and Fran- cisco Castro in 1800. Cattle and horses increased from less than 1,000 head to 6,580, while sheep, notwithstanding Borica’s efforts, decreased to less than 400.% Agricultural products were 4,300 bushels in 1800, the largest crop having been 6,700 bushels in 1797, and the smallest * According to the statistics the population in 1791 was 82; in 1792, 122; in 1794, 80; in 1795, 187; in 1796, 208; in 1798, 152; and in 1800, 171, from 10 to 20 natives being included in each number. Of the 26 names given in a former chapter (xvi.) for 1790, there disappeared before 1797, Antonio Romero and Francisco Avila (sent away in 1792) of the pobladores; Juan Antonio Amézquita, invalid; and Higuera, Cayuelas, and Joaquin Castro, agregados. The new names that appear during the decade, most of them on the list of 1797, are as follows: Francisco Alvires, Javier Alviso, Francisco Alviso, José Aguila, Francisco Arias, Justo Altamirano, José Avila, Nicolas Berreyesa, Pedro Bojorques, José Maria Benavides, Antonio Buelna, Francisco Béjar, Marcos Chabolla, Francisco Castro, Macario Castro, Leocadio Cibrian, Pablo Cibrian, Ignacio Cantua, Nicol4s Camareno, Bernardo Flores, Bernardo Gon- zalez, Francisco Gonzalez, Nicolis Galindo, Bernardo Heredia, Salvador Higuera, Ramon Lasso de la Vega, José Larios, José Maria Martinez, Leo- cadio Martinez, Dolores Mesa, Joaquin Mesa, Gabriel Moraga, Juan Mejia, Miguel Osuna, Ignacio Pacheco, Miguel Pacheco, Luis Peralta, José Pliego, Pedro Romero, José Maria Ruiz, Juan Rosas, José Saez, Miguel Saez, Justo Saez, José Antonio Sanchez, Albino Tobar, Rafael Villavicencio, Jacobo Velarde, Antonio Soto. List of 1793, in Prov. Rec., MS., v. 410-14. Lists of 1797, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 130-1; Id., Ben. Mil., MS., xxv. 6, 7. 43'Three thousand three hundred and forty-seven cattle, horses, and mules, the number for 1799, would probably be a fairer estimate, for the statistics are very irregular. An increase from 945 cattle in 1799 to 3,311 in 1800 is inexplicable, the number given for 1801 being 1,841. Sheep-raising intro- duced in 1796, according to Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 79. May 18, 1796, Sal to comisionado, transcribing Borica’s orders. Many vecinos have not a single sheep. This is bad and contrary to the reglamento. Each settler must at once obtain aram and 10 sheep, and the government will at once advance the means to the poor. S. José, Arch., MS., i. 87. A settler must not keep more than 50 cattle, and should keep sheep in the proportion of three to one. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 204; Dep. St. Pap., S. José, MS., i. 73-4. s Of the nine original settlers six were still ° Se a eS — —<—— = Se a a ee eS PRIVATE RANCHOS. "17 1,800 in 1799. These figures include wheat, corn, and beans, but not hemp, the culture of which was. introduced into California in 1795, San José being selected as the place for the experiment, and Ignacio Vallejo as the man to superintend it. Small crops of this staple were raised nearly every year during the last half of the decade. Some rude machinery was constructed for its preparation, and several small lots of the prepared fibre were sent to Monterey for ship- ment to San Blas.* Outside of the pueblo limits, there is no evidence of any agricultural or stock-raising operations in this region or in the San Francisco jurisdiction, where no land-grants even of a provisional nature had been made, except perhaps EH] Pilar on the peninsula to José Argiiello in 1797, about which there is some uncer- tainty.“© The slight structures of the town had, as 44 Jan. 15, 1795, Borica urges increased attention to agriculture and prom- ises preference in the purchase of supplies. Dept. St. Pap., S. José, MS., i. 45-6. March 29, 1796, Borica is glad to know the reservoir is finished and he offers a premium of $25 to the man who shall raise the biggest crop. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 186. Sept. 1796, Borica congratulates San José on her wheat crop. In May he had soundly rated the comisionado for not planting more . corn. /d., iv. 188-9, 196, 202. May 2, 1796, 10 sacks seed-corn sent from Monterey. S. José, Arch., MS., ii. 87. Sept. 15, 1797, complaints of bad quality of San José flour. /d., v.32. May 30, 1798, Borica orders the settlers to enclose their fields. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 272, 298. Aug. 31, 1799, Vallejo to B., very poor wheat crops caused by chahuiste. Asks for time to pay loans and tithes. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 229. 4 Dec. 23, 1795, Borica to Moraga ordering him to afford Vallejo aid in the way of grain with which to pay native laborers. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 241. Dec. 4th, Argiiello to Moraga, transcribes B.’s note of Dec. Ist, with viceroy’s order of Aug. 26th, in reply to Borica’s of Feb. lst, with instructions on prep- aration of hemp, and promise of instruments. S. José, Arch., MS., iv. 28. Lands of Linares taken and others given him. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 177-80. July 3, 1796, B. regrets loss of first crop; but five fanegas of seed were saved. Id., iv. 192, 199. August 13th, B. to Vallejo, carpenter Béjar to make machin- ery. Grain to be sown for rations of native laborers. /d., iv. 197. About 30 fanegas of seed harvested in 1796-7. Twenty-five arrobas (625 lbs.) sent to San blas in 1798. Jd., vi. 103; Sé. Pap., Sac., MS., iv. 70. Numerous minor communications on the subject during 1797, showing great interest on the part of Borica and even the V. R. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv." Seven bales , shipped in September 1800. Crop in 1800-1 not good. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 15; S. José, Arch., MS.., iii. 59, 66, 70. 46 Application and grant recorded in Prov. Rec., MS., v. 103; but in 1798 Ar- giiello himself names Kl Pilar as belonging to the mission. Argiiello, Informe sobre Rancho del Rey, MS. In his report of 1794 Arrillaga says that the settlers of San José formerly did not possess their lands in property, and the land annu- ally assigned them by the comisionado was not properly cultivated because liable next year to fall into the hands of another. ‘he comisionado was therefore or- 718 LOCAL EVENTS—SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT. we have seen, been removed before 1791 to a short distance from the original site, but there is nothing to show that the buildings on the new site were of a more substantial character; neither was there any- thing noticeable accomplished in the way of manutfac- tures.“ The settlers showed a spirit of insubordination early in 1792, owing to popular dissatisfaction with Vallejo as comisionado, but on his removal quiet was restored, not to be disturbed in the same way until 1800 under Castro’s administration. At this time a gang of idle vagabonds committed all kinds of depredations, and finally set the comisionado’s house on fire one night when a ‘‘peaceable and lawful ball’ was in progress. A detachment of soldiers was sent from San Fran- cisco to restore order, which it is to be presumed they accomplished, though we have no particulars.” Mean- while in 1794 there had been fears of an Indian out- break which gave rise to much correspondence and caused unusual precautions. Tather Fernandez of Santa Clara was accused of undue severity in connec- tion with this affair, a charge not fully sustained when Alférez Sal was sent to make investigations. No out- dered to-distribute four suertes to each on condition of paying a fee of reconoci- miento to the king, and of not selling without consent of the authorities. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 188-9. Dec. 29, 1798, governor to comisionado, each lot to be 200 yards square, for which half a fanega of maize must be paid. New settlers must pay same as old pobladores, and will get a title. Aftera year and a day they may hold office. He who abandons his land loses all improvements. Retired soldiers pay no reconocimiento, but their heirs must pay. Jd., xxi. 177-8. Feb. 7, 1800, some settlers disposed to abandon their lands or part of them. This must not be allowed. S. José, Arch., MS., iii. 63. » 47 Sept. 25, 1797, reference to a bridge over the creek. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 257. April 3, 1799, if the people want a chapel they may use the commu- nity grain to build it. Jd., iv. 292. #8 Jan. 1795, Borica urges the people to tan hides and make saddles, boots, and shoes, etc., which will be purchased at fair prices if of good quality. He will have no idleness. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 220. Leocadio Martinez, carpen- ter, was exiled-here in 1796. San José, Arch., MS., ii. 79. Oct. 28, 1798, Larios and Ballesteros allowed to build a water-mill, Prov. Rec., MS. Ae af 283. July 1799, reference to Villavicencio’s weavery at San José. Jd., iv 300. ” Arrillaga, Papel de Puntos, MS., 188. Sept. 30, 1800, Castro to Sal, with certificate of alcalde and Ramon Lasso. Oct. 2d, Sal to Arrillaga transmit- ting the complaint. Dec. 13th, governor’s orders to Sal and Alberni, Prov, St. Pap., MS., xviii. 4-8, 16. ae I a i ae PUEBLO VS MISSION. 719 break occurred.” After 1797 a large part of the military guard was withdrawn to provide for the new foundations. In 1797 there was a proposition to move the pueblo to the western bank of the river, with a view to escape the danger of inundation. It was favored by Moraga, Vallejo, Alcalde Chabolla, and in fact by all the settlers except four. Borica ordered Cérdoba to examine the proposed site and make a plan for the town, and the change seemed likely to be effected; but after September the whole subject was dropped,” probably in consequence of a controversy between the ueblo and mission about boundaries. This quarrel was the most notable local event of the decade. In April 1797 Father Sanchez of Santa Clara complained that the townsmen were encroaching on the mission lands. Borica thereupon sent the engineer Cérdoba to make a survey and establish the boundaries, taking into account the views of both friars and vecinos and also the former survey of Moraga. Cérdoba reported in August that the bound, so far as it could be deter- mined from Moraga’s rather vague survey by meas- uring 1,950 varas down the river from where the old dam was said to have been, was within the mission potrero, and that the padres refused to accept it in a representation enclosed in the report. In this docu- ment, addressed by Catalé and Viader to Borica, great stress was placed on the rights of the natives, and to the fact that some time in the future the lands must be divided among the 5,000 native owners. It 5° Correspondence between Moraga, Argiiello, and Sal in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 33, 49-53, 124-32, 189-91. May 16, 1797, guard to be withdrawn. Prov. Rec., MS. ., iv. 213. Aug. 2, 1794, troops ordered to be drawn up under arms, and all citizens to Saeanhie with officials to formally recognize Borica as governor. S. José, Arch:, MS., iii. 23. May 20, 1797, Moraga to Vallejo, statement of armament and ammunition. There was one mounted cannon. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 168-9; S. José, Arch., MS., iii. 48-9. 5! Jan. 8, 1797, Moraga to Borica. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 4. Jan. 10th, Chabolla to B. Id., xvi. 24. May 11th, B. to Cordoba. Id., xxi. 257. Sept. 7th, Vallejo to B. Id., xv. 145. Sept. 26th, Vallejo says the alcalde has directed the people to build across the river. Id., xvii. 241. No date, José Maria Martinez says the settlers did not desire the removal. Id, xvii. 241, 720 LOCAL EVENTS—SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT. was claimed that the mission had been in actual pos- session of the lands in dispute for twelve years, and instances were cited where controversies with individ- uals had been decided by Moraga and others in favor of the mission. Moreover, the natives, both Chris- tian and gentile, were beginning to complain that they were robbed of their lands. Nothing more is heard of the matter for a year.” In July 1798 the guardian of San Fernando college, who was no other than Padre Tomds de la Peiia, for- merly minister of Santa Clara, and to whom the mat- ter had naturally been referred by the missionaries, addressed a petition to the viceroy. In it he states that Moraga founded the pueblo nearer the mission than Neve had intended it to be. Neve had subse- quently admitted this and promised to move the town; but as during his administration no lands were as- signed, no landmarks fixed, and no pueblo cattle sent across the river, there had been no trouble.*? When Tages came he determined to grant lands and fix boundaries, and he did so notwithstanding the friars’ verbal and written protest and Junipero Serra’s en- treaties, to which he paid not the slightest respect. From that time troubles were frequent, and Fages, the archenemy of the friars, seemed to take pleasure in annoying them. In 1786, however, Palou on his return to Mexico laid the matter-before the viceroy and obtained a promise of relief or at least of investi- gation; the river to be the boundary until a definite — settlement should be made. Owing to the death of the viceroy followed by that of Palou, the promise 52Tn the mean time, however, the padres of Mission San José complained of damage done by pueblo horses, and Vallejo gave orders to remedy the evil, though it was difficult to keep the horses off the lands where they had been born and raised. Oct. 9, 1798, P. Barcenilla to Vallejo. Oct. 18th, Vallejo to Borica. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 156-7. f °° Neve, Instruccion que dd & Fages, MS., 147, seems to have pronounced in favor of the half-way mark between pueblo and mission as the boundary. ‘ Declaro que la guardiaraya 6 lindero que divide los dos términos de Oriente 4 Poniente es la mediacion del terreno que intermedia entre las dos poblaci- ones, correspondiendo 4 la mision la parte del Norte, y al Pueblo la del Sur, donde pueden ponerse desde luego mojoneras.’ RE eit Sian as Te SAN JOSE VS SANTA CLARA. 721 was not fulfilled; but during the time of Romeu and Arrillaga, the mission had never recognized the old landmarks, and without hinderance had built their fences and used the land beyond those old bounds. Now, however, the settlers were encroaching on the lands thus occupied, and insisting on the limits fixed by Fages. The petition calls for the river Guadalupe as a dividing line, which will leave to the pueblo land enough, and with which the mission will be content, though its lands be less in extent and of inferior quality. This petition was referred to Borica, who in Decem- ber 1798 reported in favor of the padres, but suggested that a part of the mountains toward the coast should be reserved to the pueblo for a source of wood-supply. On this basis the matter was settled, after some unim- portant correspondence between local authorities, by a viceregal decree of September 1, 1800, in favor of the Guadalupe as a boundary, with a reservation of moun- tain woodland to be avreed upon and clearly marked to prevent future disputes. Captain Argiiello was appointed commissioner for the pueblo, and- Padre Landaeta for the mission, and in July 1801 the boun- daries were surveyed and landmarks fixed. Thus the missionaries were victorious.” I append in a note a slight résumé of pueblo regulations at San José as expressed in the correspondence of this decade.” 54San José, Question de Ltmites entre el Pueblo y la Mision de Santa Clara, 1797-1801. Varios Papeles tocantes al Asunto., MS. These papers include April 30, 1797, complaint of P. Sanchez to Borica; May 11th, decree of B. with instructions to Cérdoba; July 29th, examination of witnesses at San José; Aug. 7th, Cérdoba’s report; Aug. 6th, 1epresentation of Catala and Viader to B.; July 27, 1798, Petia, Peticion del I’. Guardian sobre limites de San José y Santa Clara, 1798, MS.. Aug. 7th, Viceroy Azanza to B.; Dec. 3d, B. to V. R., approving padre’s claims, in Prov. Rec., MS. vi. 110; Jan. 3d, April 1, 1800, Sal to comisionado of S. José. S. José, Arch., MS., iii. 50, 56. Feb. 9th, Gov. to Sal. Prov. Rec., MS., xi. 184. Sept. Ist, V. R.’s decree of settle- ment. St. Pap., Sac., MS., ix. 10,11. Aug. 1, 1801, Carrillo to Arrillaga, has received Argiiello’s report of July 31st. Sé. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 44. Aug. 3lst, Gov. to Carrillo, is advised of the establishment of the line and of the settlers’ discontent. Governor to president to same effect. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxxii. 3; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 15. Oct. 20, 1803, padre asks permission to mark the boundaries with trenches. S. José, Arch., MS., iv. 100. Seealso Hall’s Hist. S. José, 57-80. 56 June 12, 1792, Argiiello to governor, only soldiers, justices, and travel- lers may carry arms; boys must not go into the country without a guardian; Hist. Cau., Vou. 1. 46 722 LOCAL EVENTS—SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT. At the mission of Santa Clara Pefia and Noboa served as ministers until August 1794, when both retired to their college, the former on account of ill- health, the latter at the expiration of his term of ten years. Padre Peiia during the later years of his ail single males over 12 years old must sleep in the guard-house, for the pro- tection of family peace; severe punishment for gaming. St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. lll. 1794, troops had to take care of their animals or pay for it, the sct- tlers objecting. Arrillaya, Papel de Puntos, MS., 189. Dec. 4, 1795, Borica approves that no grain be sown in community, but each settler contribute two fanegas of wheat and two of corn each year. Prov. fec., MS., iv. 239. April 29, 1796, neither gentiles nor Christian Indians must be allowed to ride. S. José, Arch., MS., ii. 65, 86. Nov. 5, 1796, B.’s orders that no gambling, drinking, or illicit sexual relations are to be allowed, and Moraga must pre- vent them or be dismissed. Jd., ii. 72. Sept. 3, 1796, no neophyte to be allowed in the pueblo without a paper from the padre. Dept. St. Pap., S. José, MS.. i. 67. Jan. 3, 1798, three keys to community granary, one kept by comisionado, one by alcalde, and one by senior regidor. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 263. April 30, 1798, comisionado not to meddle in administration of jus- tice. Id., iv., 269-70. Dec. 13th, each invalid and settler, according to reg- lamento, must keep two horses and equipments. J/d., iv. 286. Nov. 21, 1799, Borica’s instructions to Castro on relieving Vallejo as comisionado. Details on inventories, tithes, loan of seed, and moral supervision. San José, Arch., MS., vi. 40. August 22, 1800, Sol to comisionado. No one from Branciforte to sow grain at San José. Alcalde has been instructed about those who beat children. Comisionado to look after crops which are being neglected. Mules won’t sell at any price. If Larios will not pay tithes he must not sow. San José, Arch., MS., iii. 68. Oct. 4th, patrol after 11 Pp. m. to prevent disorders and fires and arrest any one abroad without cause. A scouting party to be organized for the country. Jd., ii. 65. Oct. 7th, if Heredia refuses to aid in repairs to the depdsito, give him 40 days to leave the jurisdiction with all his family and belongings. Ji., iii. 64. Only those duly registered as vecinos can sow without special license. Jd., iii. 58. Oct. 15th, petitions can be sent only through the comisionado. Jd., ili. 48. Oct. 25th, if Hernandez is found with a knife he is to get 50 lashes; neither must he get drunk nor create scandal. id, iv, 56 Tomas de la Pefia y Saravia, a native of Spain, left Mexico in October 1770, sailed from San Blas in February 1771, was driven to Manzanillo, came hack to Sinaloa by land, and finally reached Loreto November 24, 1771, being assigned to Comondu Mission. He came up to San Diego on September 1772, serving there fora year, and subsequently as a supernumerary for short periods at San Luis Obispo and San Carlos. From June to August 1774 he made a voyage with Perez to the north-west coast, keeping a diary of the expedition. After his return he remained as supernumerary at San Carlos and neighboring missions until January 1777, when he became a founder of Santa Clara, serving there until August 11, 1794, when he sailed for San Blas in the San- tiago. In 1795 he received some votes for guardian of the college, and was subsequently elected, since he held the position in 1798. He was also sindic of the college from 1800 to Feb. 9, 1806, the date of his death. P. Pefia was an able and successful missionary, but hot-tempered and occasionally harsh in his treatment of the neophytes. He was accused before 1790 of having caused the death of two boys by his blows; but after a full investigation the charge was proven false, the Indian witnesses confessing that they had testi- fied falsely, and some evidence being adduced to show that Commandant Gonzalez, whom the padre had reproved for his immorality, had used his influence in favor of the accusation. The formal decision was not reached until 1795, after the padre had retired to Mexico; but he interceded with ANNALS OF SANTA CLARA. 723 stay in California was a prey to that peculiar hypo- chondria which affected so many of the early mission- aries, amounting at the last almost to insanity. It is possible that in his case this condition was aggra- vated by serious but unfounded charges of having killed two Indian boys by ill-treatment. The suc- cessors In the ministry were Magin Catala,” and Manuel Fernandez, but the latter served only a year, being accused of excessive severity toward the natives, and then came José Viader. For three decades I shall have no further changes in ministers to record at Santa Clara. In 1800 this mission had a larger neophyte popula- tion than any other in California, “showing a gain from 927 to 1,247, baptisms having nunibened 2,288, and deaths 1,682, so that a margin of nearly 300 is left for runaways. The baptisms in 1794 had been 500, and 235 in 1796 had been the largest number of deaths. Live-stock, large and small, had increased to about 5,000 each, Santa Clara being behind San Francisco in this respect, and barely equal in agricultural pro- ducts, which in 1800 amounted to 4,200 bushels. The best crop was 8,300 bushels in 1797, the worst 3,200 in 1792, the average being 4,600 bushels. Wheat was the authorities in behalf of his Indian accusers, who were released after pub- licly apologizing to the ministers for their attempt to bring dishonor on the order. President Lasuen in May 1794 spoke of his condition as being pitia- ble, for he had became emaciated, talked to himself, appeared constantly afraid, and showed other symptoms which caused fears that he might lose his reason. Pefia had a patent as president in case of accident to Lasuen. See Arch. Sta. Barbara, MS., x. 150, 289; xi. 52, 220, 240; xii. 436; Sta Clara, Lib. de Mision, MS.; Sta Cruz, Inb. de Mision, MS,, 10; Arch, Arzo- bispado, MS., i. 39; Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 33-5; iv. 234; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xix. 6; and Pefia, Cargo de Homicidio contra el Padre Tomés de la Petia, 1786-95, MS. Of Diego de Noboa nothing is known save that he ar- rived at San Francisco from Mexico on June 2, 1783, remained unattached at San Francisco and Santa Clara until June 1784, when he became minister of the latter mission and continued to serve there until he sailed with his asso- ciate on Aug, 11, 1794. Sept 3, 1796, Borica says that it is reported that Catala has threatened the comandante of San José to destroy the houses if he admits Christian natives to the pueblo. He does not believe any such reports. Magin is a friar, not a Robespierre. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 169-70. Jan. 7, 1797, B. orders Moraga and Vallejo to give satisfaction to Catala for their rudeness, and asks the padre to bear a little with the manners of men who were not educated ‘en el colegio de nobles ni en el Romano.’ /d., vi. 179-80. 724 . LOCAL EVENTS—SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT. the leading product, and no barley was raised as a rule.” Vancouver describes the mission buildings as on ' the same general plan as at San Francisco, forming an incomplete square of about 100 by 170 feet. The structures were somewhat superior to those of San Francisco, the church being long, lofty, and as well built as the rude materials would permit. The upper stories, or garrets, of the buildings and some of the lower rooms were used as granaries, and there were also two detached storehouses recently erected. Close to the padres’ house ran a fine stream of water, but in order to be near this stream the site had been selected in a low marshy spot only a few hundred yards from dry and comfortable eminences.” In fact this very year of 1792 the friars had ee confined for a long time to their house by a flood, and it had been resolved to move the mission buildings some five hundred yards to higher ground.® There is no further direct record of the removal, and it is not likely that the new church was ever moved, but a report of 1797 that the ministers’ houses, guard-room, storehouse, and soldiers’ dwellings had been completed indicates a transfer of such buildings as were on the lowest ground." ‘The church had a roof of tiles and had 58 Supplies furnished to Monterey in 1795, $1,439; to S. Francisco, $212; to Monterey in 1796, $2,147; in 1798, $800. In December 1797 had a draft from Argiiello for $1,648. Ordered a bill of goods of $4,000 from Mexico. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 208, 206; xvii. 62; Prov. Rec., MS., v. 76. Fur- nished supples to San Carlos in the hard year of 1795. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ii. 229-30. Bean crop failed in 1795, raising price froin $2.50 to $3.50. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 67-8. The following items are from Vanconver’s observations in 1792. Many thousand bushels of different grains in store. Hemp and flax succeed well. Wheat yields 25 and 30 fold. Barley and oats not raised because the superior grain could be produced with the same labor. In the garden were peaches, apricots, apples, pears, figs and vines, though the latter do not flourish. Immense herds of cattle; 24 oxen killed every Saturday for food. Vancouver's Voyage, ii., 19-24. 59 Vancouver’s Voyage, ii., 18, 19. June 30, 1792, Sal to Arrillaga, in St. Pap., Sac., MS., iii., 23. May 28, 1791, Fages to Romeu, the padres are forming a new establishment Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 150. 61 Aug. 17, 1796, Amador to Borica, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv., 170-1. ‘The padres’ houses had 8 rooms of 5 yds. each; guard- -house, 8 x 5; store- -house, 5 yds. square; 5 soldiers’ houses, each 54 yds, There was also a corral SANTA CLARA. | 725 been lengthened twenty-four feet in 1795. At the time of Vancouver's visit some of the natives were at work on adobe houses for themselves. Fourteen of these dwellings, thatched, were completed in 1798, nine more in 1794, and before 1798 nearly all the married neophytes were thus accommodated.” The cloth woven at. Santa Clara seemed to Vancouver of a better quality than at San Francisco. In 1792 two thousand hides were tanned, but very few of them could be sold. Miguel Sangrador was the master tanner and shoemaker; Cayetano Lopez the master carpenter and mill-maker. It does not appear that there was any water-power mill either at Santa Clara or San José before 1800.% 36 yds. square with walls 6 feet high, built of stout timbers and adobes de cajon. 62 Besides enlarging the church, a trench was dug in 1795, half a league long, nine feet wide, and five feet deep. St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 78, 122. Adobe houses for neophytes. Jd., ii. 16, 123. In 1798 they seem to have had tile roofs. Argiiello’s report in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 59-60. Guard- house finished in 1796. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 92. Vancouver was shown by Pejia a ponderous black stone which was to be used for building and for mill stones as soon as any one could be found capable of working it. Voyage, ii. 35. 63 Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., ii. 72-3; St. Pap., Sac., MS., ii. 9,10; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 128-9. Aug. 1797, rastras made at San José for grinding wheat. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 253. April 18, 1796, Borica orders Vallejo to seek suitable stones for a mill; but on May 2d he was directed to suspend the work. JId., vi. 187-8. CHAPTER XXXIITI. CLOSE OF BORICA’S RULE. 1800. END oF A DECADE AND CENTURY—Borica’s PoLticy AND CHARACTER—INDUS- TRIAL REVIVAL—FRUITLESS EFFORTS—GOVERNOR’S RELATIONS WITH Friars, SOLDIERS, NEOPHYTES, AND SETTLERS—EFFORTS FOR PROMO- TION—A KNIGHT OF SANTIAGO—FAMILY RELATIONS— LEAVE OF ABSENCE, DEPARTURE, AND DEATH—ARRILLAGA AND ALBERNI IN COMMAND—LIST oF SECONDARY AUTHORITIES ON EARLY CALIFORNIA HistoRY—LIsT OF INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA FROM 1769 To 1800. Tue rule of Diego de Borica from 1794 to 1800 was a period rather of progress, or of effort toward progress, than of events. Going beyond the routine duties of his position, the governor devoted himself faithfully and intelligently to the general advancement of his province. No one of California’s few classes of inhabitants was slighted or specially favored. Mais- sionaries, neophytes, pagans, soldiers, and _ settlers, each received sympathy, encouragement, and aid from the government. No industry or institution was neglected. Missions and pueblos, conversion and colonization, agriculture and trade, civil and military and ecclesiastical government, all received close atten- tion. The neophytes were the weakest class and received the most sympathy; the padres were the strongest and required least protection; the settlers were the most difficult to manage and received atten- tion proportionate to the magnitude of interests in- volved in the future prosperity of the country. If the results of Borica’s efforts as presented in the pre- ceding chapters were slight and unsatisfactory in ( 726 ) a a ee > pes ine * jew _- & si See “7 Se jars THE GOVERNOR’S CHARACTER. 727 many respects as viewed from an Anglo-American standpoint, this fact was due to inherent difficulties in the problems presented for solution, to the spirit of the times, to the nature of the raw material both native and foreign, rather than to Borica’s shortcom- ings or to inadequate royal provisions. Don Diego was not a genius; he was a prudent, sensible man, honest and zealous in the discharge of his public duties. _.I have already noted Borica’s arrival with his fam- ily at Loreto, and in the autumn of 1794, at Monterey. Fortunately a quantity of his private letters or blot- ters of the same, were left in California and have been preserved in the archives giving us a brief glance at the man in his private capacity, as an agreeable com- panion, a bon vivant, jovial and witty. The letters also gave us Borica’s early impressions of California, enthusiastically eulogized as the best country in the world in which to live long and well.’ Unfortunately the governor took better care of private correspond- ence in later years, and from the beginning of 1795 his individuality is well nigh sunk in the generalities of official communications, which nevertheless con- tinue to show the good-humor, kindness of heart, sympathy for all suffering, invariable courtesy, and business-like good sense which always characterized the man.? His relations with the friars were always friendly and mutually respectful. At the first he assured President Lasuen of his desire to avoid all controversy between the secular and the missionary authorities, a desire reciprocated by Lasuen,’ and sub- sequently kept in view by both parties. » Lasuen 1 See chapter xxv. of this volume. 2 Garcia, in Taylor’s Discov. and Found., No. 25, ii. 145, speaks of Borica as not liked by the people on account of his stiff and formal manners; but there is nothing in contemporary records to show that such was the feel- ing toward him. Romero, Memorias, MS., 18, speaks of him as noted for kindness and courtesy in his intercourse with subordinates, though never per- mitting neglect of duty to pass unrebuked. ' 8 Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 36. Yet in 1791 the bishop of Durango ina letter to the viceroy had spoken very bitterly and sarcastically of Borica’s mission policy in the Provincias Internas. Pinart, Col. Doc., MS., 7. 728 CLOSE OF BORICA’S RULE. often deemed Borica too much disposed to hear and credit the complaints of lying neophytes, but no noticeable coolness ensued. Still Borica’s success in maintaining harmony with the padres shovld not be compared with the failure of his predecessors to their. disadvantage; for to a certain extent that success resulted from the fact that Neve and Fages had fought the battle, and the missionaries had learned from ex- perience that it was not wise as yet to renew the conflict. I find no evidence that Borica ever left the capital during his rule of six years, though it is not unlikely that he may have visited San José and San Francisco. In July 1794, before coming north, he sent a petition to the king for promotion, and in October 1795 received his commission as colonel of cavalry. In these early years he also cherished the hope of still further pro- motion to a generalship, or at least to the governorship of Sonora, Durango, or Zacatecas. To this end he sent large sums of money to Spain to be used at court, but his agent Miranda seems to have spent the money to no purpose. He seems to have been a man of wealth, or at all events his wife, Dofia Maria Magda- lena de Urquides, had large estates in Nueva Vizcaya.® Being a knight of the order of Santiago he acted on May 5, 1796, as grand master at the initiation of the Spanish naval officer Don Ramon de Saavedra, at Monterey. President Lasuen served as prelate on 4 Prov. Rec., MS., v. 71; vi. 26; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 1973-xiti. 5d; xiv. 29; xvii. 2. Previous to his appointment as governor he had been ad- jutant-inspector in Chihuahua, his pay in that position running to May 13, 1794. Id., xii. 174. 5 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 206, 215-16, 222-4, 227. 6 Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 124. His wife and daughter, a beauty of 16, were very popular. Garcta, in Taylor’s Discov. and Found., No. 25, 11. José Maria Romero, Afemorias, MS., 18, says Borica had a son of the age of about 15, whom he knew, and whose name he thinks was Cosme. He may indeed have had a son, for he wrote to the president on July 23, 17 ‘95, that his wife was about to bear him ‘un Califérnico 6 una Califérnica,’ Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 147, but he could not have been 15 years old in California. He had a sister, Bernarda de Borica, in Victoria, province of Alava, Spain, his native place; and he sent her, April 27, 1795, a bill of exchange for 105 pounds sterling. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxl, 210, 225. ee ee ee ee, eee PREPARATIONS FOR DEPARTURE, 729 that occasion, and it was probably the only ceremony of the kind that ever occurred in California.” In April 1799 Governor Borica applied to the vice- roy for leave of absence to recuperate his health. He said he had served thirty-six years, twenty-five of which had been spent in active campaigns against Indian tribes and in tours of inspection of presidios, mining-camps, and other settlements in the Provincias Internas. Journeyings aggregating ten thousand four hundred and seventy-five leagues almost exclu- sively on horseback had given rise ‘to a malady which demanded medical treatment. Hither a leave of ab- sence or a permanent transfer to an easier position in New Spain would be satisfactory as he had no wish to return to Spain. The result was a grant of eight months’ leave signed by the viceroy in June and made known in California in September.* The document provided that Arrillaga, remaining at Loreto, should be governor ad wtervm, while Alberni, presumably by virtue of his seniority of military rank over Arrillaga, was to take the position of comandante de armas for Alta California. It was the governor’s intention to depart in October, but he was delayed by new orders from Mexico until the beginning of the next year. The viceroy instructed him, owing to the hostile atti- tude of British vessels in the Pacific, not to avail himself of his leave of absence “until the aspect of things should change.”® The 8d of January 1800 Borica announced his in- tention to depart on the 12th or 15th, and the com- mandants were notified to publish the accession of 7 St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 84-5; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxiii. 3. 8 April 1, 1799, Borica to viceroy, in Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 123-4. Sept. 19th, B. to Arrillaga, Alberni, and the commandants. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 318; /d., Ben. Mil., xxiv. 12; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 174-5. Nov. 8th, Arrillaga’s reply. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 291. 9 July 6, 1799, viceroy to Borica. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 344. Dec. 3lst, the V. R. ordered him to use his own discretion as to the need of his presence in California. St. Pap., Sac., MS8., iv., 73; but this communication could not have been received before B.’s departure, and possibly the preceding one also failed to arrive. 730 CLOSE OF BORICA’S RULE. Arrillaga and Alberni.” On the 16th of the same month he sailed on the Concepcion from San Diego with his family, Captain Grajera, and four retiring padres. Grajera, as we have seen, died two days out from port; of Colonel Borica after his departure we know only by a brief note in a subsequent communi- cation of the viceroy that he died at Durango July 19, 1800.% January 16th, the date of Borica’s de- parture from California, may be regarded as the day when Arrillaga’s third term of rule ad interim began. There were no events connected with his rule for the rest of 1800 that require mention here. A. Spanish account of California published in 1799, though relating chiefly to the peninsula, contains a tolerably complete and accurate sketch of the north- ern establishments; and the instructions left by Vice- roy Azanza to his successor in 1800 contain frequent allusions to Californian affairs and have already been cited on special topics.” It will have been noticed that my foot-notes form an index of authorities on each succesive phase of the historic record—that is of original authorities in manuscript and print; but I have not deemed it best or worth the space required to extend this indexing process to the secondary authorities. Seven eighths of the events recorded in 10 Jan. 3, 1800, Borica to commandants. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 114. March 5th, Goycoechea to Arrillaga. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 23-4. March 8th, Arrillaga and Alberni ordered to be recognized by Sal. S. José, Arch., MS., ili. 51. 11 Departure on the Concepcion. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 30; Prov. Rec., MS., xii. 1. He seems to have gone to San Diego by land after Jan. 3d, or at least such had been his plan in September, when Sal had sent an order to San José for pack-animals for the governor’s journey. S. José Arch., vi. 43. Notice of Borica’s death in V. R.’s communication of August 14th. St. Pap., Sac., MS., ix. 70; Véreyes, Instrucciones, 201. In a letter of Padre Cortés from Mexico dated April Ist, the V. R. is said to have advised the king to continue Borica in office in California for five years longer. Arch. Sta Bar- bara, MS., xii. 307. There is a vague reference to a settler who was severely punished for an attempt to take Borica’s life. Gov. to V. R., Dec. 5, 1800. Prov. St. Pap., MS.,. xxi. 50: ae California, in Viagero (Zl) Universal, 6 Noticia del Mundo Antiguo y Nuevo. Obra recopilada de los mejores viageros por D. P. HE. P. Madrid, 1799, tom. xxvi. 1-189. See also an article on California in Cancelada, Telé- grafo Mex., 99-103. ee eS es SECONDARY AUTHORITIES. | 731 this and the following volumes are here mentioned for the first time; but the other eighth have been often repeated on the authority of Palou, the old voyagers, and a few documents, by modern writers. The works of such writers I have fully studied and utilized, citing them whenever there has been any reason for so doing, but have not, as before stated, given a com- plete index in my notes. Omitting many books that contain a superficial account of early events or a mere reference to them, I append in a note a list of works that have some merit, many of them standard works of real and recognized value, as the reader will see at a glance. They are grouped here as_ secondary authorities only because on the earliest period of his- tory they add nothing to the original records in my collection.” Having thus reached the end of the decade and century, I close my first volume of California’s annals with a list containing the names of over 1,700 male inhabitants of the province down to the year 1800. The names have been collected with great care and. labor from mission registers of baptisms, marriages, and deaths; from company rosters, pueblo padrones, and from thousands of miscellaneous documents in the archives. That the list is absolutely complete and accurate I cannot pretend, for a few of the regis- ; ie) ters have been lost, and some names, especially of 1B Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS.; Bartlett’s Person. Nar.; Browne’s Lower Cal.; Bustamante, Suplemento; Cal.,. Past, Present, etc.; Capron’s Hist. Cal. ; Cronise’s Nat. Wealth; Diccionario Universal; Dwinelle’s Col. Hist. S. F.; Farnham’s Life in Cal.; Forbes’ Hist. Cal.; Frignet, La Californie; Hart- mann, Californien; Hayes’ Emigrant Notes; Hayes’ Mission Books; Hayes’ Scrap-books; [Hittell’s List. S. Francisco; Hughes’ Cal.; Humboldt, Essai Pol.; Gleeson’s Hist. Cath. Ch.; Greenhow’s Or, and Cal.; Lassépas, Baja Cal. ; Life of St. Francis; Lorenzana, in Cortés, [Hist.; Los Angeles, Hist. ; Mayer MSS.; Mofras, Exploration; Morse’s Lilust. Sketches; Payno, in Revista Cien- tifica; Randolph’s Oration; Ryan, in Golden Era; Shea’s Cath. Missions; Shuck’s Cal. Scrap-book; Soulé’s Annals of S. F.; ‘Sutil y Mexicana, Viage; Jaylor, in Farmer, and Bulletin; Taylor’s Discov. and Founders; Taylor’s Odds and Ends; Tuthill’s Hist. Cal.; Vallejo’s Hist. Cal., MS.; Vischer’s Missions of Cal. Also 40 or 50 county histories published within the past ten years; and numerous newspaper articles, especially in S. /. Bulletin, Call, and Alta, and Sacramento Union. 'There is hardly a paper in the state that has not published some valuable matter with much of no value. 732 CLOSE OF BORICA’S RULE. children, in the later years, are therefore missing. Again some of the persons mentioned in connection with the earliest expedition, especially those to whom no special occupation is assigned, never came to Alta California at all, or only came as vaqueros or escorts to return immediately. Another source of error is the uniformity of Spanish given names and the fact that men were known at different times by different names or combination of names to avoid confusion; hence there is no doubt that my list contains a certain number of repetitions. Yet it may well be doubted if so complete a list of the earliest inhabitants can be formed for any other state of the United States or Mexico. My attempts at chronology are limited to the separation of the names into four classes, putting each person in the class in which his name first appears in the records. Number 1 includes the earliest pio- neers who came in 1769-73; number 2 those of 1774-80; number 38 those of 1780-90; and number 4 those of 1790-1800. INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA, 1769-1800. Abella, Ramon, padre.‘ Acebedo, Francisco Ant., soldier.? Acebedo, José Antonio, soldier.? Acebedo, Julian, soldier.? Acedo, José, settler.* Aceves, Antonio, child.? Aceves, José Maria, child.? Aceves, Antonio Quiterio, soldier.” Aceves, Pablo, soldier.* Acosta, Antonio, soldier.’ Acosta, José, Cat. vol.‘ Aguiar, Francisco. Aguila, José, settler.* guila, Juan José, child.* Aguilar, Francisco Javier.} Aguilar, Luis Antonio.} Alanis, Antonio, child. Alanis, Eugenio Nicolas, child.® Alanis, Isidro.‘ Alanis, Maximo, soldier. Alari, José, Cat. vol.4 Alberni, Pedro, lieutenant-colonel.* Alcantara, Pedro, mason.* Alegre, Antonio, soldier.? Alegria, Norberto, soldier.® Alipds, Juan N., soldier. Altamirano, J osé Antonio, soldier.® Altamirano, Liicas Domingo, child.? Altamirano, José Marcos, child.? Altamirano, Justo Roberto, soldier,’ Altamirano, Lucas, soldier. * Altamirano, Juan, soldier.* Alvarado, Juan B.} Alvarado, Bernardino. Alvarado, Ignacio, soldier.? Alvarado, Francisco J. avier, soldier. Alvarado, Juan B., child. Alvarado, Fran. Ma. D. C., child.‘ Alvarado, José Vicente, child.* Alvarado, Juan José, soldier. Alvarado, Juan N. D., child. Alvarez, Juan, soldier.? Alvarez, Joaquin, soldier.? lvarez, Luis, soldier.? lvarez, Pedro, soldier.? Alvarez, Felipe, convict.‘ lvarez, Doroteo.* lvarez, José, artilleryman.‘ lvarez, Juan. artilleryman.* Alvarez, José, child. INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA, 1769-1800. 733 Alvires, Claudio, servant. ? Alvires, Juan, soldier.’ Alvires, Estévan. Alviso, Francisco, settler.? Alviso, Domingo, soldier.? Alviso, Anastasio Gerdénimo, child.*: Alviso, Francisco Javier, soldier. * Alviso, Francisco Solano, child. * Alviso, Gerénimo Antonio, child.‘ Alviso, Ignacio, soldier.+ Alviso, Javier, settler.* Alviso, José Antonio, child. Alviso, José Gabriel L., child. Alvitre, Sebastian, soldier. Alvitre, Juan José Ma., child.4 Amador, Pedro, soldier.! Amador, José Sinforoso, child. Amador, José Fructnoso.® Amador, Juan Pablo.® Amador, José Maria, child.4 Amador, Marcos Antonio, child. Amarrillas, Juan Angel, soldier.? Amézquita, José Gabriei, child.? Amézquita, Juan Autonio, soldier.? Amézquita, Manuel Dom., settler.? Amézquita, Florentino, settler.* Amézquita, Gregorio, settler. * Amézquita, Francisco Ma., settler.* Amézquita, José, soldier.* Amézquita, José Miguel, settler.4 Amézquita, José Reyes, settler.* Amézquita, Serafin, settler.* Amurrio, Gregorio, padre. Antonio, Manuel, servant.? Antonio, José Crispin, child.* Antonio, Macedonio, soldier.* Antufia, Manuel, soldier.? Arana, José, soldier. Aranguren, José, soldier.® Arce, José G.! Arce, Sebastian.! Arce, Joaquin, child.? Arceo, José, settler. Archuleta, José Ignacio, servant. ? Archuleta, José Norberto, child.? Archuleta, Miguel Gerénimo, child,? Archuleta, Gregorio, soldier. Arellanes, Teodoro.‘ Arellano, Man. J. R., soldier.? Arenaza, Pascual M., padre. Argiielles, Francisco, artilleryman.* Argiiello, Francisco Rafael, child.* Argiiello, José Dario, alférez.® Argiiello, José Gervacio, child.® Argiiello, Luis Antonio, child.’ Argiiello, José Ignacio M., child. Armenta, Cristdébal, settler.? Armenta, Joaquin, soldier.? Arriola, Alejandro, soldier.® Arias, Francisco, settler.* Armenta, José Ma., soldier.‘ Arriola, José Francisco, mechanic. ! Arriola, José Rafael B., child.+ Arriola, Rafael, convict. * Arriz, Ignacio.! Arroita, Francisco José, padre.® Arroyo, José Manuel, smith.? Arroyo, Juan Isidro, child.’ Arroyo, Vicente, soldier.® Arroyo, Félix, child. Arroyo, José, sailor.* Aruz, Domingo, soldier.? Aruz, Martin, settler.‘ Arvallo, Feliciano, settler.? Avalos, Nicolas.? valos, Joaquin, tanner.4 vila, Francisco. 4 vila, Adanto, child.4 Avila, Anastasio. Avila, Antonio Ignacio.4 vila, Cornelio, settler. 4 vila, Ignacio.* Avila, José, convict.4 Avila, José Antonio, settler.4 Avila, José Maria. 4 Avila, Miguel. Avila, Santa Ana, soldier.4 Avis, Fructuoso, soldier.4 Ayala, José, soldier.’ Ayala, José C. D., child.* Ayala, José Salvador, child.* Ayala, Juan José G., child. Ayala, Juan P. M., child.¢ Bacilio, Antonio, Cat. vol. Badiola, Manuel Antonio.! Balderrama, convict.‘ Ballesteros, Juan, soldier.’ Ballesteros, Juan Antonio, child.§ Ballesteros, Javier Antonio, child. Banderas, José F. de la Cruz.* Barajas, José, sailor. Barbosa, José, settler. Barcena, José, convict.4 Barcenas, Marcos, settler. Barcenilla, Isidoro, padre.* Barona, José, Padre.* Barraza, Macedonio, soldier.® Barrera, Juan Antonio, soldier. Barrientos, José, Cat. vol. Basadre y Vega, Vicente, settler.° Belen, Miguel, servant.? Bello, Mateo, Cat. vol.4 Beltran, Francisco Javier, soldier.” Beltran, Joaquin, soldier.” Beltran, Nicolas, soldier.? Benavides, José Ma., settler.4 Beranzuela, Pedro, soldier.‘ Bermudez, José, soldier.* Bermudez, José 8., child.* Bermudez, Manuel Antonio, child.‘ 734 INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA, 1769-1800. PRernal, Francisco, servant.! Bernal, José Dionisio, soldier.? Bernal, Juan Francisco, soldier.? Pernal, Manuel Ramon, soldier.? Bernal, Apolinario, child.’ Bernal, Juan, child. Bernal, Ramon, settler. Bernal, Bruno, child. Bernal, Joaquin, soldier.‘ Bernal, José Agustin, child. Gernal, José Cipriano, child.+ Bernal, José C. Cipriano, child.‘ Bernardo, José, settler.* Berreyesa, Nicolas A., settler. ? Berreyesa, Juan José, child. Berreyesa, José Nazario, settler. Berreyesa, José delos Reyes, settler.* Blanco, Juan, smith. ¢ Blanco, Miguel. Bojorges, José Ramon, soldier.? Bojorges, Hermenegildo, child.? Bojorges, Pedro Antonio, soldier,? Bojorges, Francisco H., soldier.‘ Bonnel, Ramon, Cat. vol.! Borica, Diego de, governor.‘ Boronda, Manuel, soldier.* Boronda, Canuto José, child.* Bosch, Buenaventura, setiler.® Botello, Joaquin, tailor. Bravo, José Marcelino, soldier.! Briones, Ignacio Vicente, soldier.” Briones, José Antonio, soldier.! Briones, Ignacio Vicente, child.3 Briones, José Joaquin, child. ? Briones, Felipe Santiago, child.§ Briones, Nicolas Maria, child.? Briones, Marcos, soldier.® Briones, Manuel, soldier. Brito, Mariano, artilleryman.‘ Brito, Miguel, artilleryman.* Bruno, Francisco, soldier.? Buelna, Eusebio José J., child.? Buelna, José Antonio, soldier.? Buelna, Ramon, soldier. ? Buelna, Eusebio J. J., child. Buelna, José Raim, child. Buelna, José Maria, child. 4 Bulferig, Gerdénimo, Cat. vol.! Bumbau, Francisco, Cat. vol.! Bustamante, José, soldier.’ Bustamante, Manuel, soldier.’ Butron, Manuel, soldier.? Butron, Sebastian, settler. Caballero, José, Cat. vol.4 Calixto, José, soldier. Calvo, Francisco, soldier.® Calzada, José Antonio, padre.® Calzada, José, convict. 4 Calzada, José Dionisio, settler. Camacho, José Antonio, soldier,! Camacho, Tomas M., servant.! Camacho, Juan Miguel, soldier.? Camacho, Anastasio, soldier.? Camacho, Antonio, soldier.? Camarena, Nicolas, settler.* Cambon, Pedro Benito, padre.? Camero, Manuel, settler.® Campa, Pedro, sailor.? Campa y Coz, Miguel, padre. Campo, José, Cat. vol. Campos, Francisco, soldier.’ Cafiedo, Albino, soldier. ? Cafiedo, José Manuel, settler.? Cajiedo, Juan Ignacio, soldier.‘ Cafiizares, José, piloto.} Cano, José, artilleryman.* Cantua, Ignacio, soldier.? Capinto, José Ma., tailor. Capinto, Mariano, tailor. Carabanas, Joaquin, soldier.? Carabanas, Nicolas, soldier.? Caravantes, José Salvador, soldier.® Caravantes, Ventura, settler.* Carcamo, José, Cat. vol. Cardenas, Melchor, servant.? Cardenas, Cristébal, servant.! Cardenas y Rivera, Tadeo. Cariaga, Salvador, soldier.? Carlon, Hilario Ignacio, soldier.® Carnicer, Baltasar, padre.‘ Carranza, Domingo, padre.* Carrillo, Guillermo, soldier. Carrillo, Mariano, sergeant.} Carrillo, José Raimundo, soldier.! Carrillo, Anastasio José, child.’ Carrillo, Carlos Antonio, child.® Carrillo, Domingo Ant. Igna., child,‘ Carrillo, José Antonio E., child. Carrillo, Luis, sailor. Casasallas, Simon, Cat. vol.* Casillas, Juan Manuel.! Castaiieda, José.3 Castafieda, José Ruiz, soldier.® Castelo, Agustin, soldier.! Castillo, José, phlebotomist.* Castillo, José, soldier. * Castre, Antonio, soldier.? Castro, Ignacio, soldier.? Castro, Joaquin, soldier.? Castro, José, servant.? Castro, Isidro.? Castro, José Macario, soldier.® Castro, José Simon J. N., child.® Castro, Mariano, soldier. Castro, Mariano de la Cruz, child.® Castro, Agapito, settler.* Castro, Francisco, settler. * Castro, José Joaquin, settler. Castro, José 8. T., child.* Castro, Simeon, settler. y ‘ j — ss a oa INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA, 1769-1800. Cavaller, José, padre.! Cayuelas, Francisco, Cat. vol.? Cayuelas, Francisco, soldier.’ Cayuelas, Pedro, soldier. Cervantes, Juan Pablo.! Cervantes, Guadalupe, soldier.‘ Cervantes, Pablo Victoriano, soldier.® Chabolla, Marcos, soldier.® Chabolla, Pedro R., child. Chabolla, José, child.4 Chabolla, José Luis, child. Chabol!a, Salvador.* Chamorro, smith.? Chaves, José Mateo, settler.4 Chaves, José, convict.4 Chavira, José Antonio, settler. Chavira, Jose, convict. Cibrian, Pablo, soldier. * Cibrian, Leocadio, soldier. Cibrian, Pablo Antonio, smith. Ciprés, Marcelino, padre.* Cisneros, José, servant.? Clua, Domingo, Cat. vol.? Contreras, Luis, muleteer.? Contreras, José, soldier. Cordero, Joaquin Ignacio.? Cordero, Francisco.! Cordero, Mariano Antonio, soldier} Cordero, José E., child.? Cordero, Fermin, settler.* Cordero, Manuel, soldier.? Cordero, José Dom., child. Cordero, Miguel E., child.¢ Cordero, Pedro, settler.* Cérdoba, Alberto, engineer.‘ Cornejo, Casimiro, settler.* Cornejo, Casimiro, convict. Corona, Francisco, soldier. Coronel, Juan Antonio, muleteer.? Cortés, Juan Lope, padre. Cortés, José Antonio, soldier.® Cortés, Nicolas, soldier. 4 Cortés, Nicolas Felipe, soldier.4 Costansé, Miguel, engineer.} Cota, Antonio, soldier.! Cota, Pablo Antonio, soldier.! Cota, Manuel Antonio, child.? Cota, Roque, soldier.? Cota, Guillermo, sergeant.® Cota, Juan Ignacio, soldier.® Cota, Mariano, soldier.* Cota, Nabor Antonio, child.’ Cota, Bartolomé José, child.‘ Cota, Francisco Atanasio, child. Cota, José Manuel Ma., child.‘ Cota, José Valentin, child.* Cota, Juan Francisco, child. Cota, Manuel, soldier. Cota, Pedro Antonio, child.+* Crespi, Juan, padre.! Cruzado, Antonio, padre.! Cruz, Faustino José, soldier.® Cruz y Sotomayor, Juan, soldier.® Cuevas, Luis, settler.4 Dandricu, Andrés, soldier. Danti, Antonio, padre.® Davila, José, surgeon.? Davila, Manuel, carpenter.’ Davila, J., soldier.’ Davila, José Antonio, smith.‘ Delgado, Alonzo, Cat. vol. Diaz, Joaquin, soldier.? Dominguez, Juan José, soldier.} Dominguez, José Dolores, soldier.? Dominguez, José Antonio, child.® Dominguez, José Ma. D., child.® Dominguez, Cristdbal, soldier. * Dominguez, José Antonio, child. Dominguez, José Asuncion, child.‘ Dominguez, José Francisco, child.‘ Dominguez, Remesio, setitler.* Duarte, Alejo Antonio, soldier.} Duarte, José Ma., soldier.! Duarte, Pascual.! Duarte, Francisco Javier, child. Duarte, Juan José, servant. Duarte, Leandro, soldier. * Ducil, Sebastian, Cat. vol. Dumetz, Francisco, padre.} Encarnacion, José, soldier.® Enriquez, Antonio, servant.’ Enriquez, Antonio Domingo, weaver.‘ Enriquez, Sebastian, child.* Escamiila, Antonio Santos, child.‘ Escamilla, José, soldier. * Escamilla, Tomas, convict. Escribano, Sebastian, Cat. vol. Fsparza, José Lorenzo, mechanic, Espi, José de la C., padre.* Espinosa, Antonio, soldier.? Espinosa, Joaquin, soldier. ? Espinosa, Juan, seryant.? Espinosa, Gabriel, soldier.’ Espinosa, José Miguel, soldier.® Espinosa, Salvador, soldier.’ Kspinosa, Tomas, soldier.® Espinosa, Cayetano, soldier. * Espinosa, José Gabriel 8.4 Espinosa, José Ma. E., child.* Espinosa, José Pio, Cat. vol.* Espinosa, Juan Antonio J., child. Estévan, Pedrode S. José, padre.‘ Estévan, Antonio, sailor.! Estrada, José Bonifacio, soldier.? Estudillo, José Maria, soldier.‘ Fages, Pedro, lieutenant. Faura, José, padre.* Feliciano, Alcjo, settler.? Feliciano, Hilario, child. Félix, Claudio Victor.! 735 736 INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA, 1769-1800. Félix, Anast. Ma., soldier.? Félix, Doroteo, soldier.? Félix, José Vicente, soldier.? Félix, José Francisco, soldier. Felix, Juan José Ignacio, child.® Félix, Antonio Rafael, child. . Félix, Victorino, soldier.® Félix, Fernando de la T., child.4 Félix, José, child. Félix, José Luciano, child. Félix, José Vicente Valentin, child. Félix, Juan.4 Félix, Juan Jose de G., child.4 T’élix, Leonardo Ma., child. Félix, Pedro Antonio, child. Fernandez, Gaspar Antonio, child.® Fernandez, José Rosalino, soldier. Fernandez, Pedro Ignacio, child. Fernandez, Rafael Ma. dela C., child. Fernandez, Victor, Cat. vol.4 Fernandez, Gregorio, padre. * Fernandez, José Ma., padre.* Fernandez, Manuel, padre.‘ Feyjoo, José, soldier.* Ferrer, Pablo, Cat. vol.! Figuer, Juan, padre. Figueroa, Manuel, soldier.? Figueroa, Salvador Ignacio, child. Flores, Hermenegildo, soldier.? Flores, Victoriano, servant.? Flores, José Miguel, soldier.? Flores, José Maria, soldier.® Flores, José Teodosio, child.® Flores, Bernardo, settler. Flores, Diego.* Flores, Francisco, soldier. Flores, Isidro, soldier. Flores, José Ma. de la T., child.4 Flores, Leandro José, child.4* Flores, Pedro, soldier. Font, José, lieutenant. Fontes, Luis Ma., soldier.® Fontes, Pedro, servant.? Fragoso, Luis Ma., soldier.® Fragoso, Rafael, Cat. vol.4 Franco, Juan, servant.? Franco, José, convict.4 Franco, Pablo, convict. Fuster, Vicente, padre.! Galindo, Nicolas, settler.? Galindo, Francisco A., child.? Galindo, José Rafael, child.? Galindo, Alejandro Fidel, child.® Galindo, José Leandro, child. Calindo, Juan Criséstomo, child.® Galindo, Claudio, Cat. vol. Galindo, José Carlos H., child. Galindo, Venancio, soldier. ‘rallego, Cirlos, soldier.? (salvez, Diego, Cat. vol.4 GAmez, Teodoro, soldier. * Garaicoechea, José, corporal. Garcia, Diego, padre.* Garcia, Felipe, smith.? Garcia, Francisco Bruno, soldier.? Garcia, Francisco Ma., child.? Garcia, Francisco P., soldier.? Garcia, José Reyes, child.? Garcia, Juan José, child.? Garcia, José Antonio, soldier.? Garcia, Pedro, settler. Garcia, Pedro Gonzalez, smith.‘ Garcia, Carlos Ma.* Garcia, José Antonio Inoc., child.‘ Garcia, José Hilario Ramon, child.4 Garcia, José de las Llagas, child.* Garcia, José Ma. Cancio, child.‘ Garcia, José Ma. Desiderio, child. Garcia, Julian.* Garcia, Luz, soldier.+ Garcia, Nicolas, Cat. vol.4 Garcia, Pedro Antonio, child. Garcia, Pedro Gonz., smith.* Garibay, Jose Joaquin, child.* Garibay, Vicente, soldier. * Garracino, Pedro, soldier.? Gerardo. (See Gonzalez G.) German, Cris. Ant., child.8 German, Isidro, soldier.® German, Faustin J., child. German, Manuel Ignacio, child. ‘German, Juan, soldier. German, Juan, child. Giol, José, servant.? Gili, Bartolomé, padre. Giribet, Miguel, padre.® Gloria, Jacinto, soldier.? Gloria, José Ma., soldier.? Gomez, Francisco, padre.! Gomez, Nicolas, settler.? Gomez, Francisco, soldier. Gomez, José Antonio, Cat. vol.4 Gomez, Rafael, settler.* Gomez, Rafael, convict.4 Gomez, Francisco, carpenter.$ Géngora, José Ma., soldier.} Géngora, José Antonio, child.? Gonopra, José Ma., soldier.* Gonzalez, Antonio Alejo., soldier.? Gonzalez, Inocencio, sailor.! Gonzalez, Cirilo, servant.? Gonzalez, José Antonio, soldier.? Gonzalez, José Romualdo, child.? Gonzalez, José Manuel, settler.? Gonzalez, Mateo Jacobo, child.? Gonzalez, Ramon.? Gonzalez, Nicolas, soldier.? Gonzalez, Alejandro, soldier. Gonzalez, Bernardo, soldier.” Gonzalez, Diego, lieutenant.’ INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA, 1769-1800. 737 Gonzalez, Felipe, soldier.® Gonzalez, José Eusebio, child.® Gonzalez, José Feliciano, soldier.® Gonzalez, Mateo Jacobo, child.® Gonzalez, Tomas, soldier. Gonzalez, Alejo., Cat. vol.4 Gonzalez, Francisco, soldier. Gonzalez, Francisco, padre.4 Gonzalez, José, Cat. vol.* Gonzalez, José Rafael M., child.4 Gonzalez, Man. Ciriaco, child.4 Gonzalez, Juan, soldier. Gonzalez, Pedro, mechanic. 4 Gonzalez, Rafael, child.‘ . Gonzalez Gerardo, Rafael.! Gonzalez, José Leandro, child.4 Goycoechea, Felipe, lieutenant.$ | Grajera, Antonio, lieutenant.* Grijalva, Juan Pablo, sergeant.? Guerrero, Juan José.! Guerrero, Joaquin, soldier.? Guerrero, José, servant.? Guerrero, José Antonio, soldier.? Guerrero, Julian, soldier.? Guerrero, Mateo, artilleryman.‘ Guevara, José, soldier.® Guevara, José Canuto, child.* Guevara, José Sebastian, child.4 Guevara, Sebastian, Cat. vol.4 Guevara, José Francisco, child.4 Gutierrez, Ignacio Ma., soldier.? Gutierrez, Felipe, soldier.® Gutierrez, Manuel, servant. Gutierrez, Francisco, Cat. vol.4 Guzman, Isidro, soldier.* Guzman, Juan Ma., child. Guzman, Toribio, soldier.® Guztinzar, Manuel, servant.‘ Haro, Felipe, Cat. vol.* Hechedo, José Francisco.* Henriquez, Antonio Dom., weaver. Heredia, Bernardino, soldier.? Heredia, José Bernardo, soldier:? Hernandez, José Rafael.} Hernandez, Vicente Antonio.? Hernandez, Justo, soldier.® Hernandez, Juan José Antonio, child.® Hernandez, Felipe, settler. Hernandez, Felipe, convict.‘ Hernandez, José Antonio, settler. Hernandez, José, convict.4 Hernandez, J. José de la Luz, soldier. Hernandez, Antonio, saddler.* Hernandez, Juan Maria, saddler.4 Hernandez, Juan, convict. Herrera, José, soldier. * Higuera, Joaquin, soldier.? Higuera, José Atanasio, soldier.? Higuera, José Loreto, child.? Higuera, José Manuel, soldier.” Hist. Cau., Vou, I. 47 Higuera, Juan José, soldier.? Higuera, José Ignacio, soldier.? Higuera, Bernardo de la Luz, child.® Higuera, Juan José, child.® Higuera, Salvador, soldier. Higuera, Tiburcio, child.® Higuera, Tiburcio Javier, child. Higuera, Gregorio Ignacio Ma., child.‘ Higuera, Hilario. Higuera, José 1°, soldier. Higuera, José 2°, soldier.* Higuera, José Carlos Salv., child.* Higuera, José Gerdnimo, child.‘ Higuera, José Ma., child. Higuera, José Policarpo, child.* Higuera, José Antonio.‘ Higuera, José Joaquin.* Higuera, Manuel, soldier. Higuera, Nicolas Antonio. Higuera, Salvador, soldier. Horchaga, José Hilario, child.’ Horchaga, José Manuel, child.® Horchaga, Manuel, soldier.® Hores, José, settler.’ Horra, Antonio dela C., padre.* Hortel, Juan, Cat. vol.* Ibarra, Francisco, servant.? Ibarra, Andrés Dolores, child.® Ibarra, Gil Maria, child.? Ibarra, José Desiderio, child.’ Ibarra, Juan Antonio, soldier.’ Ibarra, -Ramon, soldier.® Ibarra, Albino, soldier.* Ibarra, Antonio, child. Ibarra, Calixto José Antonio, child. Igadera, José, con'vict.* Igareda, José Gordiano, setiler.* Iniquez, Juan, Cat. vol. Islas, Miguel, soldier. Isvan, José Albino, soldier.‘ Iturrate, Domingo 8., padre. Izquierdo, José, soldier.? Jaime, Antonio, padre.‘ Jaume, Luis, padre.? Jimenez, Francisco, Cat. vol. Jimenez, Hilario, soldier.4 Jimenez, Pascual Antonio, child. Juarez, Francisco, soldier.® Juarez, José Joaquin, child.‘ Juncosa, Dom, padre.! Labra, Juan Antonio, soldier.! Ladron de Guevara, José I., soldier.* Landaeta, Martin, padre.* Lasuen, Fermin Francisco, padre.} Lara, José, settler.® Lara, José Sostenes, child.* Lara, Julian, soldier.‘ Lara, José Antonio Seferino, child. Larios, José Ma., soldier. Lasso de la Vega, Ramon, alférez.* 738 Leal, Isidro José, servant.? Leiva, Anastasio, soldier.? Leiva, Agustin, soldier.’ Leiva, José Andrés, child.’ Leiva, José Antonio Ma., soldier.? Leiva, Juan, soldier.® Leiva, Miguel, soldier.® Leiva, José Antonio.4 Leiva, José Rafael, child.‘ . Leiva, Manuel Ramon, child. Leiva, Rufino, soldier. ¢ Leon, José Ma., soldier.? Leon, José Manuel, soldier.? Lima, José, soldier.’ Linares, Ignacio, soldier.? Linares, José de los 8., child. Linares, Mariano de Dolores, child.® Linares, Francisco, settler.* Linares, Ramon, soldier. Linares, Salvador, soldier.‘ Lineza, Miguel, Cat. vol.? Lisalde, Diego.* Lisalde, Félix, soldier,* Lisalde, Juan Crisos. Antonio, child. * Lizalda, Pedro Antonio, soldier.? Llamas, Antonio, Cat. vol. Lledo, Rafael, carpenter.‘ Llepis, José Mariano, servant.? Lobo, José, soldier.? Lobo, José Basilio, child.® Lobo, Cecilio. Lobo, Pedro.4 Lopez, Baldomero, padre. Lopez, Jacinto, padre.* Lopez, Juan Francisco, soldier.? Lopez, Francisco, soldier.? Lopez, Ignacio Ma. de Jesus.? Lopez, Gaspar, soldier.? Lopez, Joaquin, soldier.? Lopez, José Ma., soldier.? Lopez, Luis, soldier.? Lopez, Pedro, servant.? Lopez, Sebastian A., soldier.? Lopez, José Antonio Gil, child.® Lopez, José Ma. Ramon, child.® Lopez, Juan José, child.® Lopez, Melchor, soldier.® Lopez, Juan, convict. Lopez, Cayetano, carpenter. Lopez, Claudio, soldier. * Lopez, Carnelio Ma., child.4 Lopez, Ignacio, soldier. Lopez, Estévan Ignacio, child. Lopez, Juan José Trinidad, settler.* Lozano, Pedro, Cat. vol.4 Lugo, Luis Gonzaga, soldier.? Lugo, Francisco, soldier, ? Lugo, Ignacio, soldier.? Lugo, José Ignacio, child.? Lugo, Seferino, soldier.? INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA, 1769-1800. Lugo, José Antonio, soldier.® Lugo, Salvador, soldier.® Lugo, Ant. Ma., soldier. Linge, José, Cat. vol.# ugo, José Antonio, child.‘ Lugo, Juan Ma., child.¢ Lugo, Juan, servant. Lugo, Miguel, soldier. * Lugo, Pablo José, child.‘ Lugo, Ramon Lorenzo, child. Lujan, José, alférez.* Machado, José Antonio, child.’ Machado, José Manuel, soldier.® Machado, José Agustin Ant., child.‘ Machado, José Hilario. Machado, José Ignacio Ant., child.‘ Machuca, José, settler. Malaret, Domingo, Cat. vol.? Maldonado, Juan, Cat. vol. Mallen, Manuel, Cat. vol.* Manrique, Sebastian, soldier. Manriquez, Luis, soldier.? Manzana, Miguel A., Cat. vol. Marin, Antonio, Cat. vol. Mariné ySalvatierra, J., artilleryman.‘ Mariner, Juan, padre.® Mario, Tomas, soldier.? Marquez, Francisco Rafael, soldier.? Marquez, José, soldier.* Marron, Rafael, soldier.® Martiarena, José Manuel, padre.‘ Martin, Juan, padre.* Martinez, Luis Antonio, padre.‘ Martinez, Pedro Adriano, padre.‘ Martinez, Luis Maria, soldier.? Martinez, Toribio, soldier.? Martinez, Dionisio, servant.§ Martinez, José Ma., soldier.® Martinez, Juan Ignacio, soldier.® Martinez, Norberto, child.’ Martinez, Antonio, soldier.* Martinez, Bartolomé Mateo.‘ Martinez, Gregorio, artilleryman.‘ | Martinez, José, Cat. vol. Martinez, José Leocadio, settler. Martinez, José Ma., settler. Martinez, Manuel, Cat. vol. Martinez, Maximo.‘ Martinez, Maximo Ramon, child.‘ Martinez, Reyes.‘ Medina, José, artilleryman.‘ Mejia, Pedro. ? Mejia, Francisco Javier, soldier.® Mejia, Juan, soldier.® Melecio, José, soldier.® Mendoza, Manuel, soldier.? Mendoza, José de los Reyes, child.‘ Mendoza, Manuel, Cat. vol. Mendoza, Mariano, tilemaker.* Mendoza, Mariano, José, weaver.‘ ~ INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA, 1769-1800. Mendoza, Miguel, Cat. vol.4 Mequias, Juan Alberto, soldier.® Mercado, Mariano, artilleryman.* Merelo, Lorenzo, padre.* Merino, Agustin, padre. Mesa, Nicolas Ma., child.? Mesa, Valerio, soldier. ? Mesa, Dolores, soldier.® Mesa, Ignacio, soldier.® Mesa, Juan Antonio, soldier.® Mesa, Luis Ma., child.’ Mesa, José Antonio, soldier. 4 Mesa, José Julian Antonio, child.4 Mesa, Juan José, servant. Miguel, José, padre.® Miranda, Juan Ma.., soldier, Miranda, Alejo, soldier.’ Miranda, Antonio, soldier.® Miranda, José Antonio, child.® Miranda, Apolinario, child.* Miranda, José Hilario, soldier.4 Miranda, José Mariano, Cat. vol.4 Miranda, José Santiago, child. Miranda, Juan Criséstomo, child. 4 Miranda, Vicente Manuel, child.* Mojica, José Ma., settler.4 Mojica, Vicente, settler.* Molas, José, Cat. vol.} Molina, Joaquin, settler.? Molina, Pedro, soldier. ? Monreal, José Antonio Nicolas, child. 4 Monroy, José, soldier.* Montaloan, Laureano, soldier.’ Montaifia, Antonio, Cat. vol.} Montafio, Antonio, soldier.® Montero, Cesareo Antonio, child.§ Montero, Manuel, soldier.‘ Monteverde, Francisco, artilleryman.* Montial, Juan Andrés, soldier.® Moraga, José Joaquin, alférez.? Moraga, Gabriel, soldier.® Moraga, Vicente José, child.® Moreno, F. S., soldier. Moreno, Felipe Santiago, smith.‘ Moreno, Felipe, settler.® Moreno, José, settler.’ Moreno, Juan Francisco, child.4 Moreno, Manuel, soldier. Morillo, José Julian, soldier.} Moumarus, Luis, Cat. vol.} Mutfioz, Manuel, mechanic.® Mugartegui, Pablo, padre.} Murguia, José Ant., padre.} Murillo, Loreto, soldier. ? Murillo, Francisco, carpenter.® Murillo, Juan, smith.’ Muruato, José, Cat. vol.4 Navarro, José Antonio, settler.® Navarro, José Clemente, child.® Navarro, José Maria, child.’ 739 Nieto, José Manuel, soldier.! Nieto, Juan José Ma., child. Nieto, Manuel Perez, soldier.’ Nieto, José Antonio Ma., soldier.4 Noriega, José Ramon, soldier.! Noriega, José Raimundo, soldier.? Noboa, Diego, padre.® Nocedal, José, padre.? Obaye, José Antonio, soldier.? Oceguera, Faustino, Cat. vol.4 Ochoa, Francisco Javier.! Ochoa, Felipe, soldier.? Ojeda, Gabriel.! Olivares, José Miguel, soldier.? Olivares, José Francisco B., child.® Olivares, Pedro Alcantara, child.® Olivas, Juan Matias, soldier.® Olivas, Cosme.‘ Olivas, José Herculano, child. Olivas, José Lazaro Ma., child.* Olivas, José Nicolas, child.4 Olivas, Pablo, settler. Olivera, José Ignacio, soldier. Olivera, Juan Marfa, soldier.! Olivera, Ignacio, servant.} Olivera, Antonio Lucas Ma., child.? Olivera, Diego Ant. de la Luz, child.§ Olivera, José Desiderio, child.® Olivera, José, soldier. Olivera, José Leonardo M., child. Olivera, José Ma. Matias, child.® Olivera, Maximo José, child.’ Olivera, Tomas Antonio, child.® Olivera, Higinio, soldier. Olivera, José Ant. Secundino, child. Olivera, Rosalina Ma., child.‘ Oliveros, Liicas. 4 Olvera, Diego, servant.? Olvera, Francisco, servant.? Ontiveros, José Antonio, soldier.! Ontiveros, Francisco, soldier.’ Ontiveros, Juan de Dios, settler.* Ontiveros, Juan Ma.# Ontiveros, Pacifico Juan, child. Ontiveros, Patricio, soldier.* Ordmas, Cristébal, padre.® Oribe, Tomas C., soldier.® Orozco, José Manuel, servant.! Ortega, José Francisco, sergeant.? Ortega, Ignacio, soldier.? Ortega, José Francisco Ma., child.? Ortega, José Ma., soldier.? Ortega, Juan, soldier.? Ortega, Juan Cap. Ant. M. H., child.? Ortega, José Ma. Martin, child.® Ortega, Juan Cap , child.® Ortega, Miguel, servant.® Ortega, Francisco.‘ Ortega, José Miguel, child.4 Ortega, José Quintin de los S., child.‘ 740 Ortega, José Vicente, soldier.4 Ortega, Antonio, convict.* Ortega, Matias. Ortega, Miguel, Cat. vol. Ortel, Juan, Cat. vol.4 Osequera, Faustino, soldier. Osio, José Ma., Cat. vol.4 Osorio, José, artilleryman.* Osorno, Pedro, convict. Osuna, Juan Ismerio.! Osuna, Juan Luis, soldier.? Osuna, Miguel, tailor.’ Osuna, José J oaquin, soldier.® Osuna, José Ma. Osuna, Juan Nepomuceno, child. Otondo, Felipe, settler.? Pacheco, Juan Salvio, soldier.? Pacheco, Bartolomé Ignacio, settler.? Pacheco, Rafael, convict. 4 Pacheco, Miguel, soldier.? Pacheco, Bartolo, soldier. Pacheco, Francisco, Cat. vol.4 Pacheco, Ignacio, child.? Padilla, Juan, soldier.® Padilla, Jacinto, Cat. vol.4 Pajarrales, settler.* Palafox, José, Cat. vol. Palomares, José Cristdébal, soldier. Palomares, José Ramirez, soldier.® Palou, Francisco, padre.} Panella, José, padre.* Parron, Fernando, padre.! Paterna, Antonio, padre.? Parrilla, Leon, lieutenant. Patron, Antonio José, soldier.? Parra, José, soldier.’ Parra, José, child.® Parra, José Antonio, settler.® Parra, José Miguel Sabino, child.’ Patifio, José Victoriano, soldier. Payeras, Mariano, padre.* Pedraza, José Antonio, settler.’ Pedro, José Antonio Ma.de8.T., child.? Pedro, José Francisco de S. T., child? Pedro y Gil, Rafael, storekeeper. * Pefia, Francisco Ma., soldier. Pefia, José Antonio, soldier.! Pefia, Gerardo, soldier.? Pefia, Luis, soldier. ? Pefia, Eustaquio, child.* Petia, José, artilleryman.* Pefia, Teodoro, Cat. vol.4 Pefia y Saravia, Tomas, padre.} Pengues, Miguel Sobrevia, Cat. vol.? Peralta, Gabriel, soldier.? Peralta, Juan José, soldier.? Peralta, Luis Ma., soldier.? Peralta, Pedro Regalado, soldier.® Peralta, Hermenegildo Ignacio, child. Peralta, Juan.4 INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA, 1769-1800. Peralta, Pantaleon, child. Perez, Juan, captain of vessel.! Perez, Crispin, soldier.? Perez, José Ignacio, soldier.? Perez, Antonio Irimeo, child. Perez, Antonio Ma., child.4 Perez, Estévan.* Perez, José Ma., soldier.* Perez, José Ma., convict. Perez, Juan Bautista, Cat. vol.4 Perez, Luis, soldier.* Perez, Manuel, Cat. vol.4 Perez Fernandez, José, alférez.* Perez de la Fuente, Pedro, settler. Pericas, Miguel, Cat. vol. Peyri, Antonio, padre.* Pico, Santiago de la Cruz, soldier.? Pico, Francisco Javier, soldier.’ Pico, José Dolores, soldier.’ Pico, José Ma., soldier.® Pico, Juan Patricio, child.8 Pico, Joaquin, soldier.‘ Pico, José Antonio Bernardo, child. Pico, José Vicente, child. Pico, Mariano.* Pico, Miguel, soldier. Pico, Patricio, servant.‘ Pieras, Miguel, padre.} Pifia, Juan Maximo, soldier.® Pifia, Mariano, servant.® Pifia, Pedro Rafael, child.® Pinto, Juan Marfa, soldier.? Pinto, Pablo, soldier.? Pinto, Marcelo, soldier.’ Planes, Gerdénimo, Cat. vol.! Plenelo, Valentin, Cat. vol.? Pliego, José, settler. Palanco, José, soldier.® Pollorena, Pedro.? Pollorena, Juan, child.* Pollorena, Rafael Eugenio, child.* Portella, Francisco, Cat. vol.} Portol4, Gaspar de, governor. Preciado, Venancio, servant.® Prestamero, Juan, padre.} Puga, Joaquin, servant.” Puyol, Francisco, padre.‘ Prat, Pedro, surgeon.! Puig, Juan, sergt. Cat. vol.! Quesada, Manuel, soldier. * Quesada, Manuel, Cat. vol.4 Quijada, Ignacio Ma., child.® Quijada, Vicente, soldier.® Quijada, José Nazario de la T., child. Quijada, José Lorenzo, child. Quijada, Simon, child. Quintero, Luis, settler.® Quintero, Clemente.* Quintero, Teodosio.* Quinto, Simon Tadeo.‘ * \ INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA, 1769-1800. Ramirez, Francisco, soldier.? Ramirez, Bernardo, soldier.® Ramirez, José Antonio, carpenter.4 Ramirez, José Guadalupe.4 Ramos, José, smith.® Ramos, José, convict. Ramos, Pablo Antonio, child. Resa, Lorenzo, sailor. ? key, Cristébal, Cat. vol.4 key, José, Cat. vol.4 Rey, Juan del, soldier.* \ Reyes, Juan Francisco.! Reyes, Martin, soldier.? Reyes, Francisco, settler.® Reyes, José Jacinto, child.’ Reyes, José, convict. Reyes, José, saddler.* Reyes, Maximo Julian, child.4 Rio, Francisco del.? Rioboo, Juan Antonio Garcia, padre. Rios, Feliciano, soldier. ? Rios, Julian, soldier.? Rios, Cayetano, child.® Rios, Silverio Antonio Juan, child. Rivera, Tadeo, soldier.? Rivera, Joaquin, stone-cutter.4 Rivera, Salvador, stone-cutter.* | Rivera y Moncada, Fernando, captain.? Roberto, Justo, soldier.’ Roberto, Matias, child.’ Robles, Juan José, soldier.! Robles, Manuel Ma., soldier. ? Robles, José Antonio, settler.* Roca, Carlos Pedro José, child.4 Roca, José, sergeant artilleryman.* Rocha, Juan Estévan, soldier.! Rocha, Cornelio, settler.* Rocha, Cornelio, convict. Rocha, José, Cat. vol.4 Rocha, Juan José Lor., child.‘ Rochin, Ignacio, soldier.’ Rodriguez, Manuel, carpenter. Rodriguez, José, servant.? Rodriguez, Pablo, settler.? Rodriguez, Vicente, soldier.? Rodriguez, Alejo Maximo, child.® Rodriguez, Inocencio José, child.® Rodriguez, Joaquin, soldier.’ Rodriguez, José Antonio, soldier.® Rodriguez, José Fran. Ant. L., child.’ Rodriguez, José Ignacio, soldier.® Rodriguez, José de Jesus [., child.® Rodriguez, José Leon, child.® Rodriguez, José Ma., child.’ Rodriguez, Sebastian, child.® Rodriguez, Alejandro, child. Rodriguez, Felipe Antonio, child.* Rodriguez, José del Carmen S., child. Rodriguez, José Brigido, child.* Rodriguez, Juan, child. 741 Rodriguez, Juan Francisco, child.! Rodriguez, Juan de Dios, child.* Rodriguez, Manuel, cadet.* Rodriguez, Matias, servant.4 Roman, José Joaquin, settler.* Romero, Antonio, servant.? Romero, Felipe, smith.? Romero, Anselmo José Ignacio, child.® Romero, José Domingo, child.* Romero, José Estévan, soldier.® Romero, José Ma. Basilio F., child.® Romero, Juan Maria, child.® Romero, Pedro, soldier.’ Romero, José Ant. Estévan, child. Romero, José Gregorio, child.4 Romero, José Man. Secundino, child.‘ Romero, Juan Ma., soldier.® Romero, Luis, soldier.* Romero, Rafael, Cat. vol.4 Rosales, Bernardo, muleteer.} Rosales, Cornelio, child.? Rosales, José Cornelio, soldier.4 Rosalio, Eugenio, soldier.? Rosas, Juan Hstévan.? Rosas, Alejo, settler.® Rosas, Baltasar Juan José, child.® Rosas, Basilio, settler.? Rosas, Carlos, soldier. Rosas, José Alejandro, settler.’ Rosas, José Maximo, settler.’ Rosas, José Maximo, child. Rosas, Gil Antonio, child.* Rosas, José Dario, settler. Rosas, José, convict.‘ Rosas, José Antonio, child.4 Rosas, José Antonio, soldier.4 Rosas, José Antonio Doroteo, child.4 Rosas, Leon Maria, child. Rosas, Luis Maria, child.*: Rubio, Ascensio Alvarez.} Rubio, Bernardo.! Rubio, José Carlos.} Rubio, Juan Antonio, soldier? Rubio, Carlos, soldier.’ Rubio, Fran. Ramon de la L., child.® Rubio, Mateo, soldier. Rubio, José Antonio, child. Rubio, Luis Ma., child.‘ Rubio, Rafael Felipe, child.‘ Rubiol, Francisco, Cat. vol.* Rubi, Mariano, padre.® Rueda, Pedro. . Ruelas, Fernando, soldier.} Ruelas, Francisco, soldier.® Ruelas, Venancio, Cat. vol.4 Ruiz, Antonio Vicente.} Ruiz, Alejandro, soldier.? Ruiz, Juan Ma., soldier.? Ruiz, Diego Ma., soldier.? Ruiz, Francisco Ma., soldier.4 742 Ruiz, Efigenio, soldier.® Ruiz, Fructuoso Ma., soldier.® Ruiz, Juan Pedro Jacinto, child.§ Ruiz, Nervo Pedro. Ruiz, Pedro José.? Ruiz, Estévan, bricklayer.4 Ruiz, Ignacio, soldier.* Ruiz, José Hilario, child. Ruiz, José Joaquin, child. Ruiz, Manuel, mechanic.* Ruiz, Santiago, mason.‘ Ruiz, Toribio, mason.‘ Saez, Nazario, settler.? Saez, Justo, soldier.’ Saez, Juan, settler.‘ Saez, Miguel.# Saenz, Ignacio, convict.‘ Sajo, José, soldier.’ Sal, Hermenegildo, soldier.? Sal, Ignacio Francisco, child.¢ Sal, Domingo, child.+ Sal, Meliton, child.* Salazar, Alonso Isidro, padre.‘ Salazar, Doroteo de la Luz, child.§ Salazar, Doroteo, soldier.® Salazar, José Loreto, soldier.® Salazar, Juan José, child.® Salazar, Miguel, soldier. Salas, Francisco, Cat. vol. Salazar, José Marcos, settler.‘ Salazar, José, convict.* Salazar, Miguel, soldier.‘ Samaniego, José Ma. Gil, soldier.® Samaniego, Pablo Ant. Nemesio, child 3 Samaniego, Tiburcio Antonio, child.® Samaniego, José del Carmen, child.* Sanchez, Francisco Miguel, padre. Sanchez, Joaquin, servant.? Sanchez, José Antonio, soldier.? Sanchez, Juan, sailor.? Sanchez, Francisco, soldier.® Sanchez, José Tadeo, soldier.® Sanchez, José Segundo, soldier. Sanchez, José Antonio, child. Sanchez, Juan, soldier. Sanchez, Juan Ma., child. Sanchez, Vicente. * Sanchez, Vicente Anastasio, child. 4 Sangrador, Miguel, tanner. Sandoval, Antonio, servant.? Sandoval, Gregorio Antonio, soldier.® Santa Ana, José Francisco, child. Santa Catarina y Noriega, M., padre.? Santa Maria, Vicente, padre.? Santiago, Juan José M., padre.§ Sarmiento, Francisco, Cat. vol.4 Sarco, José Joaquin, artilleryman. Segundo, Angel, settler.* Segura, Gregorio, smith.’ Seiian, José Francisco de P., padre.§ y 4 INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA, 1769-1800. Septlveda, Rafael, soldier.? Sepulveda, Juan José, soldier.? Septilveda, Francisco Javier, soldier.® Sepulveda, Enrique.* Sepulveda, Francisco Javier, child.‘ Septilveda, José Dolores, child.+ Sepulveda, José Enrique A., child.* Sepulveda, José de Jos Dolores, child.* Septilveda, Patricio.+ Sepulveda, Sebastian, soldier. Serra, Junipero, padre.? Serrano, Francisco, soldier.® Serrano, Leandro José, child.’ Serrano, José Maria, Cat. vol. Servin, José Isidro, Cat. vol.4 Sierra, Benito, padre.? Silva, José, setiler.? Silva, Hilario Leon José, child.? - Silva, José Manuel, servant. ? Silva, José Miguel, soldier.? Silva, Juan de Dios J. S., child.® Silva, Rafael, child.’ Silva, Hilario Leon José, child.4 Silva, José de los Santos, child. Silva, José Ma., child. Silva, José Manuel Victor, child.‘ Silva, Teodoro. * Sinova, José, soldier.? Sinova, José Francisco, servant.? Sitjar, Buenaventura, padre. Sola, Faustino, padre. Soberanes, José Ma., soldier.} Soberanes, Agustin, servant.? Soberanes, José Ma., soldier.? Soler, Juan, store-keeper.? Soler, Nicolas, captain.’ Soler, Pablo, surgeon.* Solis, Alejandro, soldier.? Solérzano, Francisco, soldier. Soldérzano, Juan, soldier.+ Solérzano, Juan Mateo, child.¢ Solérzano, Pio Antonio, child.‘ Somera, José Antonio F., padre.! Sorno, José Nolasco, settler. Sorde, José, Cat. vol.} Sotelo, Francisco Antonio, soldier.? Sotelo, José Antonio, soldier. ? Sotelo, José Gabriel, child. Sotelo, José Ma., child.’ Sotelo, José Antonio, child. Sotelo, José Ma. Tiburcio, child.¢ Sotelo, Ramon, soldier. Soto, Mateo Ignacio.} Soto, Alejandro, soldier.? Soto, Damaso, child.? Soto, Francisco José Dolores, child.® Soto, Francisco Ma., child.? Soto, Ignacio, soldier.? Soto, Isidro, child.? Soto, Francisco Rexis, soldier.® INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA, 1769-1800. Soto, Guillermo, soldier.® Soto, Ignacio Javier. Soto, José Joaquin, child.’ Soto, Mariano, servant.® Soto, Antonio, settler. +4 Soto, José Ma. Ant., child.4 Soto, Juan. Soto, Miguel, soldier. 4 Soto, Rafael. Soto, Tomas. 4 Sotomayor, Alejandro, soldier,! Sotomayor, José Criségono., Sotomayor, José Doroteo. Suarez, Simon, lieutenant. 4 Talamantes, soldier. Tapia, Felipe Santiago, soldier.? Tapia, Bartolomé, servant.? Tapia, Cristébal.® Tapia, José Bartolo, settler.’ Tapia, José Francisco, soldier. Tapia, Francisco, soldier. * Tapia, José Antonio, child. Tapia, Mariano, potter. * Tapinto, Mariano, tailor.‘ Tapis, Estévan, padre.® Tejo, Ignacio Antonio, Cat. vol.4 Ticé, José Joaquin, sergeant Cat. vol.4 Ticd, Fern. José Ma. Ign. M., child. Tobar, Albino, settler.4 Toca, José Manuel, teacher. * Toral, José Perez, cadet.* Torres, Victoriano, settler.? Yorres, Narciso, Cat. vol.4 Torres, Nicolas. Torrens, Hilario, padre.® Trasvifias, Antonio, soldier,! Trujillo, José, Cat. vol.4 Ulloa, José Santos, smith. Uribes, Miguel, settler.* Ursetino, José, carpenter. ? Uria, José Antonio, padre.4 Usson, Ramon, padre. Valderrama, José Cornelio, settler.* Valdés, Juan Bautista, soldier.? Valdés, Antonio Albino, child. Valdés, Antonio Ma. de Sta M., child.® Valdés, Eugenio, soldier.’ Valdés, José Basilio, child. Valdés, José Lorenzo, servant.® Valdés, José Melesio, soldier.’ Valdés, Juan Melesio, soldier.’ Valdés, Luciano José, child.® Valdés, Maximo Tomas, child. Valdés, Antonio.+ Valdés, Crecencio.4 Valdés, Francisco, Cat. vol.4 Valdés, Gregorio. * Valdés, José Rafael, child. Valencia, José Manuel, soldier.? Valencia, Francisco, soldier.® 743 Valencia, Ignacio.® ° Valencia, Juan Ignacio, soldier.® Valencia, Juan Vicente Cris., child.8 Valencia, Manuel, settler.® Valencia, Miguel Antonio, child.§ Valencia, José Antonio, child.4 Valencia, José Manuel, child.+ Valenzuela, Agustin, soldier.? Valenzuela, José Julian, child.? Valenzuela, Rafael, soldier. ? Valenzuela, Angel, soldier.® Valenzuela, Antonio Ma., child.’ Valenzuela, Gaspar José, child.® Valenzuela, José.’ Valenzuela, José Antonio Ma., child.$ Valenzuela, José Manuel, soldier.® Valenzuela, Antonio de Gr., child.‘ Valenzuela, Joaquin, child.* Valenzuela, José Antonio Ma., child.4 Valenzuela, José Candelario, child.* Valenzuela, José Ignacio. + Valenzuela, José Rafael, child.* Valenzuela, Juan, soldier. * Valenzuela, Juan Angel, child. Valenzuela, Juan Ma., child. Valenzuela, Maximo.* Valenzuela, Pedro, soldier.* Valenzuela, Simeon Maximo, child.4 Valenzuela, Vicente, soldier.* Valenzuela, Vicente Antonio, child. Valenzuela, José Ma., child.® Valenzuela, José Matias, child.$ Valenzuela, José Miguel, child.’ Valenzuela, José Pedro, soldier.® Valenzuela, José Ramon, child.’ Valenzuela, Segundo, soldier.’ Valero, Ignacio, soldier. * Vallejo, Ign. Vicente Ferrer, soldier,? Vallejo, Juan José, soldier.? Vallejo, José de Jesus, child. Vanegas, Cosme.* Varelas, Casimiro, settler.? Varelas, Juan, child.? Varelas, José Cayetano, child.§ Varelas, José Manuel, child. Varelas, Juan, soldier. # Vargas, Manuel, sergeant.® Vazquez, Gil Anastasio, soldier.? Vazquez, José Francisco, child.? Vazquez, Juan Atanasio, soldier.? Vazquez, Juan Silverio, child.? Vazquez, José Tiburcio, settler? Vazquez, Antonio, soldier. * Vazquez, José, convict.* Vazquez, Faustino.‘ Vazquez, Felipe. Vazquez, Félix.* Vazquez, Hermenegildo.* Vazquez, José Antonio Pablo, child.4 Vazquez, José Timoteo, settler.‘ 744 INHABITANTS OF CALIFORNIA, 1769-1800. Vazquez, Julio Ma., child.‘ Villa, José Antonio Doroteo, child. Vega, José Manuel, Cat. vol. Villa, José Francisco Antonio, child.‘ Vegas, Matias, soldier.? Villa, Pascual, soldier. * Véjar, Pablo, carpenter.‘ Villa, Rafael.* Véjar, Salv., carpenter. Villalba, Onofre, Cat. vol.4 Velarde, José Jacobo, soldier.? Villagomez, Francisco, soldier.? Velarde, José Ma., soldier.® Villalobos, José, soldier.? Velarde, Agustin.‘ Villalobos, José Ma., child.* Velarde, José Luciano.* Villasefior, José, artilleryman.‘ Vegerano, José Ma., muleteer.? Villavicencio, Rafael, soldier. Velasco, Fernando, soldier. Villavicencio, José Antonio, child.? Velasco, José Ignacio Mateo, child. Villavicencio, Antonio, settler. Velazquez, José.+ Villavicencio, Félix, settler.’ Velazquez, José Ma., convict.‘ Villavicencio, Pascual, settler.* Velez, José Miguel, settler.? Villavicencio, José, soldier.* Velis, José, Cat. vol.4 Villarino, Félix Antonio, settler,‘ Verdugo, Joaquin. Villela, Juan Manuel, soldier.? Verdugo, José Ma., soldier.! Villela, Marcos, soldier. * * Verdugo, Francisco Ma. dela Cruz. Viiials, José, padre.* Verdugo, Mariano de la Luz, soldier.! Virjan, Manuel, muleteer.? Verdugo, Florencio, soldier.? Vizcaino, Juan, padre.} Verdugo, Ignacio Leonardo Ma,? Vizcarra, José, soldier. Verdugo, Juan Diego, soldier.? Yorba, Antonio, Cat. vol.! Verdugo, Juan Ma., soldier.® Yorba, Francisco Javier, soldier * Verdugo, Leonardo, soldier.® Yorba, José Antonio.* Verdugo, Manuel José, child.® Yorba, José Domingo, child.* Verdugo, Anselmo José, child. Yorba, Tomas. * Verdugo, Joaquin. Zambrano, Nicolas, soldier.? Verdugo, José Francisco, child.* Zayas, José Salvador, soldier.® Verdugo, Juan Andrés Dolores, child.* Zuiiga, Pedro B., child.? Verdugo, Julio Antonio José, child.4 Zufiiga, Pio Quinto, soldier.? Verdugo, Meliton José. Zufiga, José, lieutenant.® Verduzco, Anastasio Javier.} Zufiiga, José Antonio, child.® Viader, José, padre.* Zuiiga, José Valentin Q., child.® Victoriano, soldier. ‘ Zufiiga, Serapio Ma., child.® Vila, Vicente, captain of vessel.} Zufiga, Guillermo A., child.4 Villa, José, settler. Zuiiga, José Manuel, child.* Villa, Vicente Ferrer, child.® Zuiiga, Ventura. * Villa, Eleuterio.* a » wy os ii ‘. Ph ae A i Mat hy. ) a - \ { sitar " ’ 7 _ y . y) 4 . i Aue ak ae if Mi hh flee AL ii ; f " y Moan yy mt Be i; op a vee ue ‘ ', aS by vay oem ene Setar aoe ors ood food SS oes = 3S Se) *,