tf : c#l=^. ■s^: m w^ /%, \ .J^'. Jl ^ THE RELIGIOUS FOUNDATIONS OE PRIMARY EDUCATION A LECTUEE DELIVERED IN THE TOWN HALL, MANCHESTER Deo. 7, 1876 Under the Auspices of the Manchester Church Committee BY EOBEKT GEEGOEY, M.A. CANON OF ST. PAUL'S [Ids^ted hy the Mancliester Church Gommlttee.'] MESSES. PARKINS AND SON 2 CHUKCH STKEET, WESTMINSTER 1877 Price One Shilling LONDON : PRISTKU BY SPOTTISWOOUK AND CO., N KW-STRKKT SQUAIIE AND PAUI.IAMICKT STKliET THE EELIGIOUS FOUNDATIONS OF PRIMARY EDUCATION, Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Grentlemen, — I feel that the question of primary education may be regarded by a great number of people as a well-worn topic — as a question about which we have heard pretty much all that there is to be said. If I were to attempt to deal with the subject I have chosen for my lecture from the standpoint of modem controversies, I should despair of being able to say anything which is not already perfectly familiar to you. But it seems to me that there has been one great omission with regard to the con- troversy about education. Whilst people have argued, each in favour of the system to which he is wedded, there has been very little attempt made to lay down the broad, general principles that underlie the several systems. We have been imited to look at the immediate points in dispute and not at the divergences from which such disputes have originated. It has been seldom that the question has been treated as a whole, as a matter of principle, and not as a matter of detail. My object this evening then will be, not to deal any more than is absolutely necessary with the controversies of the present moment — with the questions which divide party from party as these points are popularly presented — but rather to try and A 2 bring before you the principles upon which the three systems of education now contending for the mastery in this country severally rest, in order that we may see what may be said for and against each of them. Without further introduction, therefore, I will pass at once to the subject upon which I propose to speak to you to-night. At the very outset it is necessary that we should have a definition as to what we mean by education. For it seems to me that many people might be found in substantial agreement who are now found in opposition camps, if only they would define what they mean when they speak of education. All who are familiar with the subject know well that in judging of the efficiency of a school there are two distinct heads under which the teacher's skill has to be judged, and con- cerning which there are separate reports. Her Majesty's Inspector deals with the instruction given in the school, and with the discipline of the school ; and it not infrequently happens that while the teaching in the school is good, the discipline is bad ; while, on the other hand, there are some schools in which the discipline is good, but the instruction given is far from being what it ought to be. We may see, therefore, from this that there are these two points with respect to education given in all schools which must be kept separate in our minds ; there are these two elements which have to be distinguished when we are discussing what education should be. It seems to me that the whole question of what is meant by instruction, and what is included under discipline, must be accepted as parts of the great subject of education. If we limit our view to what instruction can accomplish, without 1 aking into account discipline and the motives by which it is to be secured, we shall have a very inadequate notion of education. I will try to make clear wliat I mean by an illus- tration. I will tell you what happened when I was a boy, with respect to a matter Avhich was at the time notorious. There was a cricket clul) in the town in which I lived. UIUC. I and in that cricket club tliere was a very distinguished member. He was the most wonderful bowler that perhaps any cricket club in England ever possessed. He had the great skill of being able to take one stump out of the -gTound three times out of four consecutively for as long as he chose to continue the attempt. This man was the honour, and glory, and pride of the cricket club, and he used for a long time to bring victories to the club of which he was a member. But it so happened that he was not a man of high character, of good moral character, and after a time he took to drinking. His fellow-players were unwilling to turn him out of the club, and so lose the benefit of his great skill; but during every cricket match they had to set a policeman to watch him, to prevent him from drinking more than he should do. This precaution was found to succeed only for a time ; for, becoming very dis- solute, he went a step further, and ^sold' the matches — that is to say, he accepted money, took a bribe from the other side to bowl badly, and so lost the victory to his own club. It seems to me this case exactly illustrates what we mean by education. What we want is not simply that a man shall be a learned man, in the sense that the man I have mentioned was a good bowler, but that he should also have such discipline over himself, be so able to control himself, that he should not need a policeman to look after him to see that he behaved himself properly. Education, to be complete, should make a man not only a good cricket player, but also a good moral man ; or, in other words, the intellectual education given at school should not be looked upon as something separate and distinct by itself; but that, to be really valuable, it must include that moral power which enables a man who possesses literary talents to put those talents to the highest and best possible use. We must therefore accept the idea of education in this broad and comprehensive sense. Starting, then, from this point, that education means something more than mere literary culture, let us considei- 6 what the factors are with which education has to deal. First of all, What have we to educate ? Here it is very necessary for us to observe that we have not a certain number of feet or inches of humanity to educate, all of which lengths are exactly alike the one to the other ; but we have in every individual child that comes under instruction a somewhat different mate- rial on which to work ; each child has some qualities or charac- teristics different to those which are found in its neighbours. Some children possess more talents, others possess fewer talents ; some possess special gifts that require cultivation, and others are without those special gifts, and therefore they cannot be cultivated. For, you must understand, all that education can do is to make the most of the talents which have been given to the child. Education cannot make a stupid child a clever child ; education cannot give to a child faculties with which nature has failed to endow it. But what it can do is, that if nature has endowed a child with talents or faculties, it can cultivate — it can make the most of them. If we look through the kind of gifts with which different children are endowed, we can range them under more classes than one. There is first of all what we may call literary ability — the power to learn. Some children learn very easily : some are possessed of an extraordinary memory, like the late Lord Macaulay who was able with little or no trouble to repeat a long list of names or dates. That which it would take most of us hours or days to learn by heart, he could remember by reading once over. Again, some children have a natural faculty fo'r learning languages, and so on in other branches of study. All possess more or less of this faculty of being able to learn ; but some possess it more largely, and others possess it in a less degree. If we look a step further we see another class of natural gifts — I mean gifts that may be cultivated so as to make one child a good artist, another a good musician, another a good singer ; and so on through the various arts. It is quite impossible to make a good singer of a child who has not a good voice ; neither can a child who does not possess naturally a good ear for music become a good musician. That is a second class of gifts. Then there is a third class — that which enables people to be skilful at athletics or gymnastics, or to become rapid runners or better jumpers than others. If people have a natural gift for any of the arts or acquirements I have named, they cultivate them easily with considerable success ; and with some of them — not all, but with some of them — a certain amount of pro- ficiency can be obtained by every one who will take trouble. We may look, therefore, upon these as gifts which there is nothing to hinder us from cultivating ; but the possession or non-possession of natural or latent power largely determines the extent to which they are brought to perfection. But when we turn to another part of our being — to what answers to the requirement of discipline in a school — we find three distinct phases of our existence that have to be dealt with, and that require a more difficult training. Man contains within himself, besides the capacities of which I have just spoken, certain appetites, inclinations, and passions. Now, if a person has any faculty whatever for learning, he has to study the subject with which he is occupied, and to understand it, and the task is complete. But you all must be aware that something very much more than knowing how a person should regulate his appetites is needed to enable him to regulate them. You must be well aware, e.g., that there are many persons who are drunkards to whom you may preach very often indeed about the advantages of sobriety, and who are always ready to say, ' We know that it is much better to be sober than to indulge as we do,' but who, in spite of this knowledge, when the temptation comes in their way, do what they know to be wrong, and fail to do that which they know to be right. So, again, there are persons who are naturally covetous, who are over eager to possess money. They may recognise the superiority of self-sacrifice, of in- difference to gain ; they may acknowledge the evil of the over-eager pm'suit of wealth, but yet, when the temptation or opportunity of obtaining what they desire comes within their reach, they are never able to resist it. And so with regard to the passions by which a man's soul is swayed. How many there are who, wliilst they know and approve of what is best, find it extremely difficult to practise it. You must see at once that there is something quite different in moulding a man's passions, and appetites, and inclina- tions, from what is required to make him a scholar, to make him a proficient in music or in any of the arts, or to enable him to excel in any gymnastic exercise. We may therefore begin by dismissing from our con- sideration the matters that relate to the first three points about which I have spoken to-night. We may assume that it is desirable for every one to cultivate every gift with which God has endowed him, for him to become as learned as he is able, whether it be in music, in art, or in science. We may dismiss all further consideration of education in such subjects, for in regard to it we should all be agreed. I will now turn to the moral side of the question. Is it sufficient for us to try and cultivate the moral part of our being, as we call it — I mean that which relates to the government of the passions, the appetites, and the incli- nations — is it, I ask, sufficient for us to deal with them as we do with the literary capacities of our nature ? In the early ages of the world it seems to have been recognised that there was no great difference. It was held that whilst instruction as to what was good and right was necessary, and whilst it was essential to instil the habit of doing what was good and right by discipline and practice, nothing more was required. It was held that as a person obtains the habit of playing upon a musical instru- ment, or of drawing, or of running, or of jumping, so, by teaching a child what is good and right, and then endea- vouring by discipline to mould him into good and right habits, the result required would be produced. The earliest people to whom we can refer in proof of this are the Grreeks. The Greeks were a remarkable nation in many ways. They were not one great people moulded by one central government ; but instead of that, Grreece was composed of a large number of small independent States, each of which was jealous of its neighbours, and each of which also had its own special and peculiar characteristics. The idea prominently brought before the Grreeks, to what- ever part of Grreece they belonged — the idea prominently brought before them from their cradle to their grave — was that they formed an integral part of the State ; that it was their business to subordinate everything to the advancement of the State ; that they were to look upon themselves, their lives, their personal desires and preferences, as subordinate to what the State needed, and that they were to do for the State whatever it required. If, therefore, we would fairly look for the effect of this kind of education upon the in- habitants of Greece, we must examine what were the moral principles by which the several States of Greece were ruled in their relations to each other. I will read a short extract from a book that may be familiar to some of you, in which this is clearly shown. It is written by the cele- brated German professor, Dr. Dollinger, who sums up in one of the chapters of his book the result of this kind of education. Now, remember that Greece produced Plato, it produced Socrates, it produced Aristotle. It produced these three great teachers of moral science ; and their names still stand amongst the highest authorities on moral science that the world possesses. For at our Universities their books are still read, and are still regarded as the best text books on the subject that can be put into the hands of young men. Well, now, what does Dr. 10 DoUinger say with respect to the moral results of this system ? He writes as follows : — * ' There were no recog- nised equitable relations between the several Greek states, and, in their intercourse with one another, " might makes right " was the real order of the day, and no circumlocution was needed to envelop the plain maxim, that man's real mission was the subjugation of his fellow-man to prevent his own ; or, as Pericles put it to the Athenians, that one may confidently despise the hatred of others only when one is dreaded by them. The gods themselves, as the Athenians said to the Melians, had given men the example of the stronger turning his power to account in keeping down the weaker. Yet in the second century the rhetorician, Aris- tides, gave the name of sophists and pedants to those who pretended to doubt this law of nature, that the strong man should use his power to trample on his inferior. Now the Greeks, in their international dealings, carried out this law, the only one that they knew and acknowledged, with a hard- ness of heart and mercilessness sufficient to make one who is acquainted with their history ask the question, if deceit and cruelty were not deeply graven traits of tlie Greek national character ? Wholesale executions, the exterminating of en- tire populations, the sale of women and children as slaves, were all practised by Greek on Greek, not in the transient madness kindled in combat, but in cold-blooded deliberation after victory, and on a calculation carefully made beforehand ; and democracies and aristocracies, Athens and Sparta, rivalled one another therein.' Here, then, we have the effects of this kind of education on the Greeks, and we do not find the result encouraging. Let us next turn to the Romans, who were, as you know, a very different people from the Greeks. Greece was broken up into a number of small states; Eome was one great empire that extended its iron sway over the larger part of * 'The Gontile and the Jew ' (translated by N. Darnell), ii. 219, 220. i 11 the then known world. It, too, had its systems of morality, high in theory, but their fruits and effects were not such as to tempt us to follow their example. I quote my de- scription of the result of their system from a writer (Mr. Lecky) who, for my present purpose, must be looked upon as impartial, for he has little or no faith in revelation. What does Mr. Lecky say with respect to the result of Eoman education and Eoman civilisation ? In his ' History of European Morals,' he writes as follows : — * ' The sketch I have now drawn will, I think, be sufficient to display the broad chasm that existed between the Eoman moralists and the Eoman people. On the one hand we find a system of ethics of which, when we consider the range and beauty of its precepts, the sublimity of the motives to which it appealed, and its perfect freedom from superstitious elemoDts, it is not too much to say that, though it may have been equalled, it has never been surpassed. On the other hand we find a society almost absolutely destitute of moralising in- stitutions, occupations, or beliefs, existing under an econo- mical and political system which inevitably led to general depravity, and passionately addicted to the most brutalising amusements. The moral code, while it expanded in theore- tical Catholicity, had contracted in practical application. The early Eomans had a very narrow and imperfect standard of duty, but their patriotism, their military system, and their enforced simplicity of life had made that standard essentially popular. The later Eomans had attained a very high and spiritual conception of duty, but the philosopher with his group of disciples, or the writer with his few readers, had scarcely any point of contact w^ith the people. The great practical problem of the ancient philosophers was, how they could act upon the masses. Simply to tell men what is virtue, and to extol its beauty, is insufficient. Something more must be done if the characters of nations are to be moulded, and * Vol. i. 308-9. 12 inveterate vices eradicated.' Here, then, we have the two greatest peoples of antiquity, both of whom tried this system, this double system of teaching on the one hand and discipline on the other, and we have these records of the result of their experiment ; and certainly, if we take the character of the Grreeks as given to us by Dollinger, or if we take the character of the Komans as set before us by Lecky, we are equally struck with the complete failure of their system of education in moulding a high moral being. It must seem to every one of us, that if this is all that education can compass, if this is all that instructing men's moral faculties in this way can accomplish, it is worth very little indeed. But let us look a little further before we leave this part of the question ; let us examine what has been accomplished by a somewhat similar system — in fact, by a precisely similar system — in our own day in other parts of the world. Most of you are aware that one of the most educated coun- tries of the present day is China : that in China everybody is encouraged to learn to the uttermost of his power. In China, every person filling a high office is required to have passed successfully certain competitive examinations. In fact, it may be said that there is a competitive examination for every place in the Empire, up to that of being prime minister. Now in China, every third year, there are some 2,000 young men chosen from every part of the country, who undergo a public examination, and the place they occupy in that public examination goes very far to determine the position which they will fill in after-life. Those who achieve the highest distinction are soon transferred to high offices in the State, with every chance of rising to the highest places. On the other hand, those who obtain lower positions amongst the favoured 2,000 still gain situations of honour and trust, where they can earn incomes as teachers in public colleges. There is therefore set before the Chinese every 13 possible inducement to learn as miicli as possible ; and a recent writer has told us the effect of this general principle of competition upon the whole population of China. He says : — * ^ It is easy to conceive how great must be the stimulus which this Chinese system gives to learning. There is no difficulty in inducing parents to send their children to school. Even the poorest find money to do this, hoping that their son may show such an amount of talent as will put him in the position either of a schoolmaster or private tutor ; or that he may even rise above the first grade of academical distinction, and become by successive steps a magistrate, a judge, a secretary of state, or even a prime minister. The children, too early susceptible of praise, are urged on by many graphic stories of men, great in their country's history, who have raised them- selves to positions of eminence by application and perse- verance.' Here, then, we have the value of education acknow- ledged, and the practice of it earnestly pursued by a whole race, by a whole people numbering probably 400,000,000. Here we have a country where the people are perhaps as universally educated as they are in any of the countries of Europe, and where, owing to the great pressure of an enormous population, there are great difficulties in the way of ordinary people obtaining a sufficiency of the good things of this life. Now, what is the effect of this sort of education in China ? Some of its results are good ; some of its results are bad. The intellectual results appear to be not unpromising ; its moral results, from the account we have from. one who certainly admired the system, do not appear to be encouraging. Mr. Davis, in his account of the Chinese, gives us the following account of the results of their education. He says : — f '" The advantageous features of their character^ as mildness, docility, industry, peace- ableness, subordination, respect for the aged, are accom- * Cobbold's 'Pictures of the Chinese,' 186-188. t ' The Chinese,' i. 241. u panied by the vices of specious insincerity, falsehood, with mutual distrust and jealousy. Lying and deceit, being gene- rally the refuge of the weak and timid, have been held in Europe to be the most disgraceful vices ever since the exis- tence of those feudal institutions under which strength and courage were the things most valued. The Chinese do not at any time attach the same degree of disgrace to deceit, and least of all do they discountenance it towards Europeans at Canton. A true calculation of their own interest makes most of the merchants of the place suffi- ciently scrupulous in their commercial engagements, but on all other points "the foreign devil," as they call him, is fair game.' The result, therefore, of the moral part of the teaching in China, judging from this account, certainly is not satisfactory ; and if we look at the stories which come home to us with respect to the Chinese, I think we shall find a very great number of other vices which we abomi- nate commonly practised among them. There is that grie- vous fault of which English people are not guiltless — I mean the enormous use of opium — by which a great number of persons throughout the whole of China are being con- tinually degraded to the very lowest point. We have there intoxication of a description far more fatal in character than intoxication as it is practised in England ; because when once a person becomes an opium eater, or rather an opium smoker, the very necessities of life seem to de- mand that he shall continue to carry on that which he has begun, and whilst the vice is contracted in a week, or in a fortnight, it needs years of patient perseverance before it can be really given up without serious injury to health. In China, therefore, we have this system of regarding morals simply as a matter of instruction and discipline carried out, and that with a result which must appear to all of us very far from satisfactory. I have yet one other nation to refer to with respect to 15 instruction of this kind, and I am sorry to find that the results of it there also are painfully unsatisfactory. You are all probably aware that in India the Grovernment has estab- lished a system of secular schools. From a variety of reasons, it does seem well nigh impossible that the English Grovernment could have established schools of any other kind. The Hindoos are beginning to feel, throughout the length and breadth of the land, the very great importance of their children being educated ; for education is a necessary introduction to Grovernment employment, and to all offices of honour o] trust. The consequence is that the G-overnment schools are well attended, and it might have been hoped that the result of the instruction given in these schools, superintended and partially taught, as they frequently are, by teachers sent from England, would have been such as to improve the morality and raise the general character of the people of India. Now, with respect to this matter I am extremely anxious to quote only from authorities about which there can be no dispute. Some of you may know that annually there is a return issued, in the shape of a Parliamentary ' Blue Book,' in which we are told about the moral and material progress of India. What I am about to quote is from this return, as it appeared in the Times of October 12, 1876. It says as follows: — * One effect of education upon the young men and even boys in Calcutta and other large centres is ascertained to be an increase in the vice of drinking. The mass of the people are still distinguished for sobriety, but among some sections of the educated classes this is no longer a characteristic trait. Some zealous gentlemen, both Euro- pean and native, alarmed at these practices, have memo- rialised the G-overnment to close the public distilleries and liquor shops, and to withhold licences for the sale and pro- duction of intoxicating drinks. Sir Richard Temple, how- ever, points out that this would tend to greater evils than it is intended to check. The manufacture, which is now 16 licensed and controlled, would still be carried on, but in an illicit manner. There would be no check upon it, while new evils, inquisitorial proceedings on the part of Grovernment officials, and persistent evasions on the part of the people, would arise, and would directly conduce to their utter de- moralisation.' Without further comment upon the result, we cannot but feel disappointed that, considering the large amount of money the Grovernment has spent and is spending upon education in India, and notwithstanding the great results which are undoubtedly following from the in- troduction of that education in breaking down old supersti- tions, improved morality is not also secured. Secular educa- tion suffices to overthrow the superstitious reverence of idols, but it is powerless to elevate the morals of those whom it instructs, and we are assured of the melancholy fact that along with education there is a growing increase of the vice of drunkenness. We have looked, then, through a number of places in the ancient world and in the modern world, and we certainly have not been able to trace any successful moral results from education of the kind of which I have spoken. Let us, therefore, look next at education that owns some connection with Christianity. We know that the morality of the New Testament is far higher and purer than any morality of which the world has ever heard as springing from any other source. We know that what our Divine Lord and Master taught con- cerning man's duty to his neighbour — concerning the way in which he is to rule his passions, and appetites, and inclinations — is a law of self-denial that will lead on to the perfect man, if only carried out as He has bidden. There are two ways in which this may be attempted. There are two ways in which man may seek to fulfil the moral law which Christ has laid down for our guidance in the New Testament. One way is giving a general idea of the morality of the New Testament; letting the pro- 17 minent idea in religious teaching be simply an account of what Christ would have us be ; teaching people, that is teaching their intellects, the higher law set down by Jesus Chi'ist : and then bidding them try to fulfil the law by the discipline of school. Such a system of teaching shrinks from all mention of supernatural agency as essential to enable us to fulfil the moral law. It denounces instruction of the kind as sectarian. I imagine that we have in the United States of America a fair specimen of teaching such as this. It is extremely well set forth in a very able report by the present Bishop of Manchester, drawn up ten years ago for the Schools Inquiry Commission. He says : — * ' For " religious instruction " in the sense which we in England attach to the words, it cannot be said that any provision at all is made under the American school system. Anything like " sectarian," which, as it is interpreted, means anything like doctrinal or dogmatic teaching — anything of the nature of a creed, or which re- quires children to utter the phrase " I believe," is implicitly forbidden in all the schools ; in some States it is forbidden in terms. It is true that everywhere — at least, / believe everywhere — under the system, provision is made for reading the Bible, and almost everywhere provision is made for open- ing the work of the day with prayer. But the disjointed, inconsecutive way in which the Bible is read — to-day a Psalm, to-morrow a section from a Grospel, the day after a paragraph from one of the letters of St. Paul — in all cases unaccompanied by a single word in the shape of note, ex- planation, or comment, cannot and does not amount to any- thing that can be called systematic religious instruction.' Now let us look at the moral effect of this kind of reli- gious instruction upon the people of the United States. It is not at all an easy matter to obtain, in a form that admits of being quoted, an account of the moral condition of any * Schools Inquiry Commission,, Kev. J. Frasers 'Report,' 160-162. people ; because, as we must all be well aware, there is in every class of society a considerable number of individuals who break loose from the restraints by which they are sur- rounded, and who are a disgrace to it. If, therefore, we were to judge from any number of immoral people who might be found in any country, and say, ' These are a specimen of the nation,' we might be guilty of great unfairness. Take an illustration : Suppose that in the course of the year you found one, two, or three clergymen guilty of drunkenness or some great vice, would it not be a most unfair thing to say, ' Here we have a specimen of the whole clergy of England ; they are all drunkards — they are all immoral,' when perhaps not a hundredth part of one per cent, were guilty of anything of the kind ? But what is a much fairer test of the moral condition of a people, is to examine what they condone, what kind of morality they look upon as absolutely necessary for public life ; what kind of persons they are willing to vote for at an election ; what kind of immo- rality seems to put a person outside the popular vote or favour ; renders him incapable of being respected, or in any way placed in a position of honour by his fellow-country- men. In aiming to give you some idea of the moral tone of the people of the United States, I wish you to keep separate in your minds these two points — that individual rascality may exist in the best country, without compromising the nation ; but that it cannot be looked over and condoned, and treated as a matter of no importance by the great body of society, without the general moral condition of the great body of society being low. I wish to be perfectly fair in what I say to-night, because my object is much more to try to place before you principles, than to argue in favour of a par- ticular theory. Well, now, with regard to America. Those of you who read the newspapers — and most of you, I have no doubt, do so — will be well aware of the enormous interest taken in all kinds of elections in the United States. Americans 19 are a far more active people at the polls than we are in England. No doubt we have a vast number of people in England, on both sides in politics, whom we should describe as apathetic. It seems to me, from what we read of America, there can be very few politically apathetic people there. Their number, at all events, is comparatively small, I will read you an extract which I made from the Times the other day, which proves what I have said. The correspondent of the Times is writing just before the recent election of the President of the United States. He says: — *'A11 these and similar causes produce that uni- versality of political excitement and sympathy which is, to my thinking, the most striking and impressive feature of American society during a presidential election. The whole social atmosphere becomes so charged with political feeling, that everybody and almost ever3rthing get at last steeped in and saturated with it. Every human being, down to young children, seems to have the same thought uppermost, nor can you walk fifty yards without seeing it stamped through some badge or emblem upon the world of things inanimate. The story of the little girl who boasted that there were only two Democrats in her class was told me by her father himself . . . There can be at this moment in the whole world but one subject to which all pronouns and predicates can refer ; all one's surroundings are, in fact, so universally and intensely political, that it seemed something quite startling, not to say improper, to get an invitation to " come and hear some good music " — a sort of American version of Nero fiddling when Rome was burning.' If that is the general feature of the country with respect to elections, you must see that the persons who are elected may not unfairly be taken to re- present the average tone of American morality. Under these circumstances, it must be a trial to admirers of the United States to notice that the election in three States has been a * American Correspondent of the Times, November 29, 1876. 20 constant subject of controversy. It has been asserted, broadly- asserted — I cannot say how truly — but it has been asserted over and over again, that in the three States concerning which the election has been doubtful, the complication has arisen simply through one side or the other trying to cheat. On the one side it has been asserted that, by systematic terrorism and blood- shed, electors have been kept away from the poll ; on the other, that certain persons who had command of the ballot boxes have, as we should call it in England, ' doctored ' the re- turns to secure the result they desired. This may or may not be true. But still the very fact that charges of such a kind are made and believed throughout the length and breadth of America shows a somewhat low level with regard to political morality, which we in this country can scarcely understand or credit. But if we look a little further we can find, I am sorry to say, some strong proofs of what is even worse, with respect to the existence of immorality amongst highly placed persons in America. I am again going to read to you something which appeared in the Timnes — for I have tried to take my statements from what would be popularly regarded as unobjectionable sources. What I am going to read appeared some ten years ago. I happened to be struck with the paragraph at the time, and I copied it into my memorandum book. The words are as fol- lows ; — * ' The country will give a sigh of relief when Congress adjourns, for it is universally agreed that a more corrupt and fanatical body never sat at Washington. They have had before them jobs for enriching private individuals which, in the aggregate, amount to at least ;^200500050005 one half of which has gone through both Houses ; and their last exploit was their voting, with great unanimity, to add ^^4,000 to each member's pay for " arduous services during the present Congress." Scarcely has the commotion caused by one great defalcation or swindle in the United States subsided, than a * An American Correspondent of the Tinhcs, August 9, 1S66. 21 new one equally astounding is developed. Our people are so reckless, and many of th^m are such rogues, that the stealino- of half a million of dollars or the betrayal of a public trust is no longer thought a very grave offence. A short time since it was discovered that the G-overnment had been defrauded out of ^^QOOjOOO at Memphis by one of its officers, who after- wards very conveniently failed. This and similar other frauds, however, are dwarfed by painful rumours of troubles in the Treasury Department at Washington, which call loudly for investigation. It is announced that a de- ficiency of ;^30,000,000 has been discovered in the accounts of the Treasury when under General Chase's administration. It is also stated that Secretary Fessenden, Chase's successor, resigned on account of the muddle in which he found Chase's accounts, and that Secretary M'Culloch, labour as he will, cannot satisfactorily arrange them. These painful rumours have caused the American press generally to demand an investigation. Other matters equally bad are developed in connection with the Department. It has long been noticed that the most extensive counterfeiting of United States notes of all descriptions has been carried on in this country, and the amount of bogus paper is enormous.'* Now, all this with regard to America may or may not be true with respect to the particular individuals who are accused. All that 1 want to use it for is this : to show that the existence of such reports, circulated throughout the Union, and the election of persons so accused, apparently without any proof of their innocence, to the House of Eepresenta- tives, indicates that acts of dishonesty cannot be very severely condemned by the people of the United States at large. So much, then, for the results of two systems of edu- cation. Let us now come to our own system such as it still professes to be in Church schools. Here it is professedly based on a different ground. The idea is * 8ee Appendix. 22 that without supematiu'al help no person can fulfil the moral law ; that the moral law is to be inculcated, and that the person who has received such supernatural help is enabled, if he has the will to co-operate with such help, to fulfil the moral law. You may ask me what have been the results of this kind of education in England? I think first of all I may claim this as a result of our popular system of education in the past, the high moral tone, speaking generally, that pervades the country. I am far from saying, bear in mind, that there are not multitudes of individuals all over the country capable of any kind of roguery or evil ; but I do say this, that in no part of England, so far as my knowledge extends, could any man have the slightest hope of being favoured by the votes of his fellow-citizens for any public office if there could be truly alleged against him any serious moral crime. I believe that the general tone of morality in this country would absolutely forbid our sending to Parliament, for example, any person who was seriously suspected of a great fraud. And I am certain that no party would have the chance of retaining office for a single week, who placed in a prominent position a de- faulter in his accounts or a notorious swindler. We have therefore, at all events, this great result, that in this country the general tone of morality is higher than it is in the United States of America. I am of course far from saying that education taken over all this country, or in any part of this country, has produced the results that it ought to have done ; and I will presently try to show why it has not done so. Here, then, we have three systems of education, based upon three different theories, before us. The one accepts the moral part of a person's education as being precisely similar to the intellectual part. That is the way in which the G-reeks and the Romans in ancient times, and the Chinese and Hindoos in present times, sought or are seeking I 23 to educate their people. Now, what must be the underlying principle in this case which leads them to educate their children in morals in the same way as they do in literature ? It surely must be this : that they make no account of the Fall of Man ; that they are entirely ignorant of man's moral nature having been wounded through the sin of our first parents. And therefore, being ignorant of this, they can see no reason why morality should not be successfully taught in the same way that literature is. I do not propose to enter into any theological discussion, but simply to assume, as one must assume, that there is an imderlying principle in these distinctions. The people to whom I have just referred regarded man as equally able to be honest, and just, and pure, and sober, as he finds it to be a musician, or an artist, or a sculptor, or to write and read and do sums. They assumed that the same education needed for one would be sufficient for the other. They simply said — Man has certain faculties, and if you cultivate these faculties properly, either for one purpose or the other purpose, you will secure the same results, I suppose there is not one amongst us to-night who would not admit that whilst there are many men who never could make good musicians, there is not one who could not become sober, and honest, and learn to speak the truth. There is, then, this underlying difference, that whilst there is not one of us who has not received the same gifts and advantages which sufficed to make others sober, honest, and truthful, and so, by using those gifts and advantages as they did, there is not one of us who might not be sober, honest, and truthful as they were ; yet there are many of us who have not received the faculty or talent to make good musicians, and therefore, try as we may, we could never succeed. Thus we are compelled to feel that there are multitudes who never try, and never did try, under any form of gift or religion, to be the one, while if tliey had a talent for music they were generally 24 eager to cultivate it. We may dismiss the first theory, which I looked upon as representing the secular system. Those who think that secular education is all that is needed for man ought to be able to show, from some records of the past or of the present, that in nations where the system of secular education has been pursued it has produced the results that they required. My impression is that secular education will be found in all instances to resemble my friend the bowler, of whom I began by speaking, and that whilst it may make many people excellent in literature, excellent in art, excellent as musicians, it will never enable the man to keep under control his own passions, but that he will want a policeman to go with him to prevent his getting drunk or selling to wrong parties the talents with which he has been endowed by Providence. We then come to the second system, of which I took the United States of America as an example, and which seemed to me to illustrate another theory of education that unhappily prevails to no inconsiderable extent in many parts of this country. The idea underlying this system evidently is that education cannot do much towards the renewal of man's nature. It can make him familiar with the moral teaching of the New Testament ; it can imprint upon his mind a sense of duty ; it can, so to speak, plough and harrow his soul, and make it ready for the reception of the good seed, but it can do no more. It can neither sow the seed, nor help in its cultivation when sown. That must be accomplished by other means. That must be effected not through any specified channel, but must be supernaturally given by God through means and instruments which He will make known in His own good time. Thus they read the moral law; they study the New Testament; but they do not anticipate the power of fulfilling what it requires, until a sudden change takes place in their hearts by means of their being converted to God through 25 hearing a sermon, through reading the Bible, or through some forcible event of His Providence which will at once excite their attention, change their mind, engage their spiritual faculties, and enable them to be something quite different to what they were before. They depend upon a sudden, and, in a sense, capricious action of the Holy Spirit to change and convert them by an act of sovereign power, in which man has only to remain quiescent and to accept the proffered gift. In securing or perfecting such a spiritual conversion education can accomplish little. The must that it can do is to prepare for the change when- ever Grod in His mercy may see fit to work out their con- version ; but there is nothing which they can do of them- selves that can quicken or hasten its coming. I look upon this as representing what we in this country call an unsectarian system of education : a system by which men are taught their moral duty ; but it does not profess to point to a way by which they may obtain spiritual helps to enable them to fulfil that duty. There is yet a third system, which the Church of England has always upheld as its ideal of education. It recognises, first of all, that man is a fallen creature ; that his moral nature is wounded; that he is unable if left to himself to do what is good and right, and that unless supernaturally helped by God to perform the moral law, it is hopeless for him -to try in his own strength to do so. I am not going to [prove this, or to enter upon any theological argument; but 'the Church of England seems distinctly to teach that this wound of oiu nature is healed by Baptism. This appears to be the obvious and undoubted teaching of the Church Catechism and the Book of Common Prayer. In Baptism Grod restores to us much of what we lost by the Fall ; so that whilst it does not make us holy, does not make us secure of winning Heaven, does not make it certain that we shall do that which is good and right, it restores to 26 us the capacity lost at the Fall to do that which is well pleasing in the sight of Grod. Having received this capacity, we then have two counteracting forces within us : on the one hand there is the tendency to evil occasioned by the Fall, on the other the tendency to good given us through the supernatural working of Grod's grace which has been imparted to us. We are thus placed in this position : we are capable of doing what is good and right, but our doing so depends upon the use we make of the gifts and the opportunities that Grod places within our reach. If we use them aright, co-operating with the talent of grace imparted to us, then we grow in virtue and in morality just as we grow in the knowledge of music, or art, if we cultivate the capacity for music or art which Grod has given to us. In this last case, therefore, you see the religious teaching required demands from us a perpetual reference to the sources from which the power to do God's will comes. There has been a seed implanted, and it depends upon the virtue of the land and the character of the husbandry whether it grows and produces fruit. Experience convinces us that the good land will not bring forth fruit of itself, and that the husbandry cannot be performed without effort, self-denial, and perseverance. It is needful for all to know their weakness and their strength, the perils they have to fear, and the helps on which they may rely, or there is danger of their failing to do what is required from them. To tell a child to fulfil the whole moral law, when we believe that it has not received supernatural help from Grod, would be to tell it to do what we hold to be impossible ; because we believe that by natural strength, by its own innate power, not a single child of Adam could do what is needed to fulfil the law. But when we are able to say to a child, ' You have received God's help and grace, and therefore, if you will co-operate with His help and grace, you can resist tendencies to sin, you can become virtuous, you can over- 27 come temptation, if you have only the will ; therefore you, and you alone, are to blame if you fall into any kind of im- morality ' — you see we at once place education on a clearly different footing. We are able to point in every lesson to the supernatural power which Grod alone can give, and to try and stir up the grace that has been given through the visible channel.. The education which such a view of Divine truth requires would resemble what heathen phi- losophers taught except in one point : it would never forget man's natural weakness, and his need of supernatural help ; and therefore all discipline, all moral instruction, would be based upon the foundation of definite religious principle. It seems to me, then, that these are the sources of the great differences with respect to education that are current amongst us at the present time. On the one hand there are many who practically, though perhaps not consciously, deny the Fall of Man. They say, ' Grive the child secular educa- tion ; teach it what is good, and right, and virtuous, and it will follow it.' They ignore religion, and trust, as did the ancient Greeks and Eomans, to mere instruction. Then again, there is another and a very numerous party which says, ' It is quite true the child has fallen. It cannot do what is good and right without supernatural help ; but there is no certain way by which we can secure for the child such help from on high, and therefore we must give it such general instruction concerning the Eevelation of Jesus Christ as may provide for it the requisite knowledge when the moment of conversion comes ; but that moment Grod keeps in the secrets of His own inscrutable will, and it is not for us to think that we can force it on, or to imagine that we can by any act of ours secure its advent. In that case imsectarian, general religious teaching, a sort of notion of what the Bible is — of the contents of the Bible — suffices to meet the wants of the case. In the third case we have the wounded nature healed by the reception of Christ's grace through 28 a channel which He has appointed ; and then we say, ' Here, as on the one hand we believe in the reality of the Fall, so on the other hand we believe in the reality of Divine grace conferred. You now have the capacity to do what is good and right. Go and use it ; you are responsible.' I believe, then, my friends, that this is the real secret of the great differences that divide the nation of England at the present time upon the all-important question of educa- tion. I believe that underlying all our surface differences there is this fundamental difference of religious principle between the advocates of the one system and the other. We who believe in the latter system cannot for one moment think of accepting the imperfect systems which we fear will at best make men a little less criminal from a more enlightened regard for their own selfish interests, while it may make them more vicious, as it seems to have done in the case of India. We therefore con- tend, and I hope shall continue to contend, under manifold difficulties, and discouragements, and disappointments, for what we hold and believe to be essential for the true eleva- tion of every part of our fellow-countrymen. We may feel that our system has been very imperfectly tried, that many who should have heartily co-operated with us have not fully believed the principle on which our educational system is based. This may account for our very partial success ; whilst the fact of our theory being largely held may supply the reason why the moral consciousness of England is higher than that found in the United States. The contest in England is really between the three dif- ferent systems, based upon the principles I have named. And I need scarcely add that if I am correct with regard to the principles which underlie this great controversy about educa- tion, it is impossible to exaggerate the importance of the question at stake ; because, if the Church's way is Grod's ap- pointed way for making men moral and religious, none other can prosper. We cannot hope to succeed if we manufacture 29 some new scheme by which we try to show that we are wiser than Grod. His laws are true for everlasting, and He knows what is in man. If we believe that the Grospel is Grod's remedy for man's transgression, then we shall un- dauntedly cling to what we believe to be based on everlast- ing truth, and we shall never doubt that all other plans must fail and disappoint, must perish and come to nought. APPENDIX. As the quotation on pages 20 and 21 refers to a state of things which existed ten years since, it may be well to supplement it with an account somewhat more recent, to show that no im- provement has been since manifested. The quotation is again from the columns of the Times : — * The Legislature of Pennsylvania has long been denounced by the press of that State as an example of everything that can disgrace a deliberative body ; but according to the Philadelphia Ledger the adjournment of the New York Legislature on the 30th was characterised by features which almost put previous exhibi- tions in other States into the shade. It is described as having been signalised by a scene of disgraceful and riotous confusion ; and it is added that "in the midst of these orgies — insane or di'unken — the amendments of the State Constitution, carefully prepared by an able Commission, were brought to a vote, and shorn of their most vital sections." Tin horns and whistles were blasting and squeaking, as accompaniments to the roar of clamorous threats, shouting all manner of discordant noises. Missiles of various kinds — law books, document files, heavy wads of old papers soaked in water — were sent hurtling through the chambers. At one point of time the scene is described as a "bedlam," and at another as " simply brutal." During all this the clerk was reading out bills, and passing them all by himself, not a single member voting on them, the clerk simply marking every member as voting in the affirmative. The constitutional amendments were acted upon about 2 a.m., and in a way to pre- serve for future operations the rich " placers " afforded by special legislation to plunder both towns and cities. After comparing these proceedings with those which a few weeks previously had distinguished the adjournment of the sister Legislature in Penn- 31 sylvania, the Ledger remarks, with feelings of " deep humihation," that the two Legislatures in which these things have occnrred control the destinies of the two greatest, wealthiest, and most populous States of the American Union. They are the law- makers for between eight and nine millions of people — nearly three times the population of the whole United States when they became a nation. Their action affects not only the personal rights and privileges of those millions of people, but what they do operates upon no less than ^^10,000,000,000 of property. What a spectacle is presented to the world by placing such a trust in such hands ! ' — Times, June 20, 1873 — in the article on the Money Market and City Intelligence. \ LONDON : I'KINTKD DY PPom.SWOODE ANI> CO., NIvW-STKICKT SyLAllE AJJD PAKtlAMKMT STREET BY THE SAME AUTHOR ARE WE BETTER THAN OUR FATHERS? Lectures in St. Paul's Cathedral, 1871. (Jas. Parker & Co.) SOME OF THE BONDS OF SOCIETY. Lectures in St. Paul's Cathedral, 1872. (National Society's Depository.) THE COST OF VOLUNTARY SCHOOLS AND OF BOARD SCHOOLS. (National Society's Depository.) 1875. IS THE CANADIAN SYSTEM OF EDUCATION RATES POSSIBLE IN ENGLAND ? (National Society's Depository.) 1875. POSITION OF THE CELEBRANT. A Speech in Convoca- tion. 1875. THE POSITION OF THE PRIEST ORDERED BY THE EUBRICS IN THE COMMUNION SERVICE INTERPRETED BY THEMSELVES. (Simpkin, Marshall, & Co.) 1876. THE CHURCH'S NEED OF MORE WORKERS. A Sermon. (Rivingtons.) 1876. i t