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STARLIGHT, 
 
 OR 
 
 NOTES ON THE WORLD AND THE 
 WORLD'S FAIR AT ST. LOUIS; 
 
 RELIGION 
 
 AND THE 
 
 RACE PROBLEM. 
 
 BY 
 
 CLAY DANDRIDGE, 
 of Ripplemcad, Va« 
 
 •39 a kjP UL A £j 
 
 8T. LOUIS: 
 1903. 
 
STARLIGHT, 
 
 OR 
 
 NOTES ON THE WORLD AND THE 
 WORLD'S FAIR AT ST. LOUIS; 
 
 RELIGION 
 
 AND THE 
 
 RACE PROBLEM. 
 
 BY 
 
 CLAY DANDRIDGE, 
 of Ripplemead, Va* 
 
 ST. LOUIS: 
 1903. 
 
The article entitled, “Lincoln and the Emancipation Proc¬ 
 lamation ” was copyrighted, 1899, by the 
 S. S. McClure Company. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 A little more than a century ago Patrick Henry, with 
 his hand raised to his ear and his eyes turned toward the 
 mighty forests and plains to the west of him, stood in a 
 listening attitude on the Alleghany mountains in dear 
 “Ole” Virginia. “ What do you hear, sir?” inquired his 
 companion. “I hear the tread of the mightiest nation 
 the world has ever seen — out yonder,” said Henry. He 
 had a vision. It is now a reality. From the top of the 
 same mountain I look across the wild Atlantic to Africa, 
 the coming rival of America, and behold a mighty nation 
 of free blacks. It is a vision. It may be a reality. 
 
 When people cease to have visions they begin to retro¬ 
 grade. To help whites and negroes alike to see my 
 vision I present in this little pamphlet a few of the best 
 thoughts of people who have had visions. 
 
 A short time ago the Louisiana Purchase Exposition 
 existed on paper and in the minds of men only. Soon it 
 will appear like a great book with thousands of beautiful 
 illustrations, opened wide before the eyes of the world. 
 It will be a grand reality. 
 
 Our religion will deepen and broaden with the coming 
 ages. The grandest vision of all — one race of men on 
 earth, with one religion, one nation, and one language — 
 will become a reality in the hereafter. It may grow out 
 of the ashes of Germany, Great Britain and America, it 
 may be white, yellow or black, who can say? 
 
 On a peace basis it would no doubt be yellow, but on a 
 war basis we can make it white. This is the time for 
 the different branches of the white race to begin to 
 fraternize in earnest. 
 
 Some time I hope to publish a paper, “ The Sons of 
 Lee and Grant,” in which the women and the young men 
 of the North, the South and the East and the West may 
 discuss the “ race problem ” in all its phases. 
 
 ( 3 ) 
 
4 
 
 The G. A. R.’s and the U. C. V.’s must “ go ’way back 
 and sit down.” Bless their old souls, they fought like 
 lions, but they did not dispose of the negro properly. 
 
 When the women of America render their decision the 
 negroes will be sent to Africa. C. D. 
 
NOTES ON THE WORLD. 
 
 Tbe following is a letter to my father written in re¬ 
 sponse to inquiries on several subjects, Dec. 14, 1902: — 
 
 Dear Father — Socrates the Pagan Greek died fora 
 principle. You have fought and lived, and will die for a 
 principle. Have no fears. Follow on in the steps of 
 Lee. There is some innate something in man that 
 shines brighter, that is clearer and better than Chris¬ 
 tianity. It was shown conspicuously to the world 
 in the li\es of Confucius, Socrates, Darwin, Washing¬ 
 ton and Lee. Christianity appeals to the feelings: the 
 lives of the world’s great men appeal to reason — cold, 
 fearless, and clear cut. 
 
 After sixteen years of study and observation in both 
 hemispheres, I have come to the conclusion that there 
 is but one God—the Great Spirit of the Indian. He 
 seems to be infinite; we are finite. How can the finite 
 comprehend the infinite? That the world has been 
 shackled from time immemorial by this religion or that 
 religion is a mystery to me. I believe that, in the whole, 
 one God only has predominated in the minds of men. 
 
 Christianity and the various other forms of religion, 
 that have been foisted on the masses by a few shrewd 
 men, have kept this old world of ours bathed in blood. 
 Religion or “ humanity ” is now being used as a pretext 
 upon which to start wars. The masses are kept — by 
 religions chiefly — in a state of confusion continually. 
 They know not what to do. What a pity it is that they 
 are led to misunderstand one another! Why is this 
 done? Why, to supply good jobs for a class of trades¬ 
 men whom we call priests, preachers, etc. 
 
 How many more centuries, I wonder, must roll by 
 before all men can look at this beautiful world, with its 
 mysterious forms of life, its towering mountains, its 
 rolling seas, and agree that one great God controls all 
 
 ( 5 ) 
 
G 
 
 things? When that time comes men will quit wasting 
 time and means in the propagation and dissemination of 
 this or that religion, and education proper will begin. 
 
 To be good and live right, as the great God has 
 given to each of us the light — the reason — to see 
 the right should be the chief aim of every man. 
 But, the child’s reason has been, and is being, 
 dwarfed by the prejudices of teachers and parents. 
 Let all the priests, teachers, and preachers come to one 
 common level and confess their ignorance on matters 
 relative to the future state of man — Ct Honesty is the 
 best policy.” For the sake of posterity we should be 
 honest and express freely in words our honest convic- 
 tions. As an humble teacher I bow reverently before the 
 Almighty and confess my ignorance to him. Of course 
 all orthodox churchmen will very readily see (?) my 
 ignorance on the question of religion. They saw (?) 
 Thomas Pain’s ignorance. 
 
 To me Jesus Christ is the best of all the Jews and a 
 great teacher — that and nothing more. Confucius, 
 Plato, Newton, Galileo, Jefferson, Darwin and many 
 others have been my teachers also, but I refuse to yield 
 my right to think to any other creature. When I was a 
 child, nestled in nature’s lap on the bosom of the Alleg- 
 hanies my thinking began, and the religions and preju¬ 
 dices of other men interfered but little with it. A child 
 of nature I am, as you know. To young people I say: 
 Think, think, think for yourselves! There is no tariff 
 on brains, thank God. The poorest man can think. 
 
 Good living and prosperous times are the arch enemies 
 of good thinking. The sterile spots of earth produce 
 thinkers — Switzerland, Scotland, New England, Vir¬ 
 ginia, all mountainous regions. Talmage says: il Show 
 
 me a great man and I will show you that he came down 
 
 — • 
 
 from the mountains.” 
 
 Wars and hardships call out a nation’s thinkers, and 
 in other ways their effects are beneficial. Commercial 
 wars like all other wars are disastrous to some and ben¬ 
 eficial to others. If all of us could be in the trusts I 
 would be in favor of trusts. Even though competition 
 
7 
 
 at home might be destroyed we would still have, as a 
 nation of trusts, sufficient competition with the rest of 
 the world to keep the rust off of us. 
 
 When the white race of Europe, America, and Aus¬ 
 tralasia have borne the “ white man’s burden ” till they 
 see the foolishness of it they will unite in one great 
 world power and throw it off, i. e., they will colonize 
 alien races and give yellows, blacks and browns self- 
 government. 
 
 Sooner or later this dreamt-of world power, whose 
 head will not be president, king or kaiser, but a repre¬ 
 sentative assembly and court of the best and wisest men 
 on earth, wearing the crown of olive leaves and the title 
 of Friend to Country, will be engaged in a struggle 
 with the yellow race for the supremacy of the world, and 
 perchance, negotiating treaties with the inhabitants of 
 Mars. We underestimate, I fear, the great dormant 
 forces in China, and as Wu says, we may awaken her all 
 too soon. Napoleon said in reference to China: “ Yon¬ 
 der lies a giant sleeping; let him sleep.” Remember, 
 the Chinese invented gunpowder, and they may invent 
 some compound extract of radium that will blow the 
 white race to heaven. 
 
 We must iC do them ” by the use of our inventions and 
 might, for, on a peace basis and with equal rights, they 
 wou’d crowd us to the wall. 
 
 This is why we have a Chinese Exclusion Act. They 
 were crowding our laboring men on the Pacific coast to 
 the wall. I have witnessed the same thing in the Phil¬ 
 ippine Islands. The recent unjust claims and exactions 
 made on China by the Christian (?) nations are enough 
 to quicken the dead. c( China, her head hoary with the 
 snows of four thousand, five huudred years” will cer¬ 
 tainly bestir herself. Jesus Christ as my teacher has 
 told me not to force his religion on any creature. Oh> 
 that I could lift the shackles from the brains of my fellow- 
 men! that I could show them the beauties of a God that 
 surpasses the God of Israel a thousandfold! 
 
 Why talk on the question of religion? People must 
 grow, through long centuries, I fear, up to the point 
 
8 
 
 where a few now stand. Men are too prejudiced to read 
 Pain’s Age of Reason. 
 
 Yes, education is good. If to be ignorant means to 
 be in a state of bliss, why not be a cow? Does the cow 
 blush? Is it the blush on the man’s face that shows his 
 spiritual side? Yes, I suppose. 
 
 But, I am inclined to the views of Epictetus, the stoic 
 of Rome. The spiiitual side of man, the soul, if you 
 please, is only a finer grade of muscle, blood, and bone. 
 
 Let the forces, the waves, set in motion by us be for 
 the right and they will bear ships filled with precious 
 treasures to the people of that dreamt-of world power. 
 
 The life of our Republic depends upon the proper 
 solution of several grave questions. 
 
 The first, in magnitude, is the Race Problem. You, my 
 dear father, fought — with Lee for a principle— to pre¬ 
 serve your lawful rights and properly, to preserve the 
 white race in all its integrity, to keep the greatest good 
 at the front to guide the ship. Socrates said: t( I will not 
 put the question, because it is against the law.” 
 
 For trying to enforce the law Socrates drank the poi¬ 
 son hemlock and died. The administration that attempts 
 to enforce the law, as it relates to negroes, in this 
 country of ours must drink the “ poison hemlock ”— pop¬ 
 ular condemnation — and die. It will find itself unable 
 to enforce the law which a partisan political jumble of 
 sentiment and nonsense erected for the benefit of the 
 blacks and yet, not so much for the benefit of the blacks, 
 as to cudgle certain white people in this country. 
 
 It has been said that where a people hold a great 
 prejudice a great principle is at the core of it. So it is: 
 the preservation of the white race is paramount to 
 English common law 7 and American constitutions. The 
 Jews made a white God. I commend them for it. Is 
 His Majesty, Uncle Sam, to be a white man or a mottled 
 dwarf — a compound of white, Negro, Filipino, and 
 Chinese? 
 
 Here is my remedy for the Race Problem: “And 
 Abram said unto Lot, Let there be no strife, I pray thee, 
 between me and thee, and between my herdmen and thy 
 
9 
 
 herdmen; for we be brethren. Is not the whole land 
 before thee? Separate thyself, I pray thee, from me: if 
 thou wilt take the left hind, then I will go to the right; 
 or if thou depart to the right hand, then I will go to the 
 left.” 
 
 Abraham ought to be a patron saint to all of us, for, so 
 far as I know, he was the first to propose arbitration. 
 We, blacks and whites, may be brothers, but the white 
 man refuses to recognize his black brother. 
 
 Oh, there are one or two rare exceptions, but they are 
 full of idiosyncrasies. 
 
 When we have colonized the negroes we should give 
 them autonomy and independence as soon as possible; 
 the Filipinos and Chinese should be dealt with in like 
 manner. 
 
 Independence for negroes, independence for Filipinos; 
 two birds with one stone. 
 
 This act will purify and elevate the white race, for by 
 it justice will have been meted out to inferiors. 
 
 Then the alien races will have a better opinion of us, 
 and will adopt some of our customs. In colonies they 
 would be our wards for a time but, unlike the Indians, 
 they will be self-supporting. 
 
 Any attempt to incorporate another race or races into 
 our body, social and politic, will fail. We hold too much 
 prejudice against them. 
 
 Since looking back at the Filipinos from this land of 
 the free (?) and since my soldier-anger has cooled down 
 I have changed from a desire to crush them to a desire 
 to free them. If they can't govern themselves, at least, 
 let them have the satisfaction of trying to do it. No 
 race is good enough to govern another race. Australians 
 and Canadians live peaceably under the British because 
 they are of the same race. 
 
 The Monroe Doctrine should be more clearly defined 
 and better understood by both Europe and the Americas. 
 Some day we’ll be called upon to fight and we won’t 
 know where we are “at.” For lack of a big navy we 
 may pay out billions. 
 
 What does the Democratic party need in 1904? The 
 
10 
 
 sagacity of a Jefferson, the justice of a Marshall, the 
 goodness of a Lee, and the bulldog tenacity of a Cleve¬ 
 land. And may the chief characteristics of the rank and 
 file of our party be patience, peace aud sanity, is the hope 
 of your son, Clay. 
 
 P. S. Summary. — One God; the triumph of right, 
 justice and truth; the federation of Anglo-Saxon and 
 Saxons; colonization and police duty for alien races; 
 co-operation on the socialist plan amongst the federated 
 ivhite people; no president, king, or emperor, but a 
 council of good, wise men; the Bible to be used as an 
 untrustworthy history of the Jews but to be studied on 
 account of the wisdom it contains from such men as 
 Solomon and Jesus Christ. 
 
 The taproot of our religion is gradually growing 
 downward to a soil that will give it more life and beauty. 
 May stagnation never come to our race. C. 
 
 A short talk made on the Fourth of July, 1903: Fellow- 
 citizens: To-day we are six score and seven years old. 
 The flame of love for liberty is now burning in every true 
 American heart. We delight to recall to memory the life- 
 work of our great and good ancestors. Brave and un¬ 
 selfish were the men and women who fought for and 
 founded this nation of liberty-lovers! Many of us are 
 cognizant of the fact that questions equally as grave and 
 momentous as those which moved our forefathers to per¬ 
 form great deeds in 1776 confront us at this very moment. 
 Then, while our hearts are aglow with patriotic ardor on 
 account of the deeds of our ancestors, let us resolve to 
 meet the oncoming crisis with the common sense of a 
 Franklin, the astute genius of a Jefferson, the honesty, 
 candor, aud unselfishness of a Washington. 
 
 Sober thought is the greatest need of the hour. 
 
 We have mingled with inferior beings so much that our 
 thoughts as well as our songs savor of the u rag-time.” 
 We must cast out those destroying twin devils — Greed 
 and Immorality. We must have more faith in one 
 another, more forgiveness for one auother — more trust 
 and less distrust. Jesus Christ of Nazareth, and George 
 
11 
 
 Washington of Virginia, the lives of whom we cannot 
 interpret otherwise than as gifts to us from the Most 
 High, ought to be chieftains amongst our exemplars. 
 Except the strife that must come where the bad is being 
 supplanted by the good no strife must be permitted to 
 enter into our affairs. If it is not congenial for us to 
 live in the same house with our brother Rastus, if we 
 can no longer give him freedom and justice then it be¬ 
 comes our duty to build for him a new house and to work 
 out for him a new salvation. If Europeans cannot con¬ 
 form to our peculiar institutions and to our standard of 
 living the gates should be shut for a time, and “ benevo¬ 
 lent assimilation n should go on on the inside only, other¬ 
 wise the government that our forefathers established and 
 that we love may pass away into a state of “ innocuous 
 desuetude.” 
 
 We do not care to be Europeanized, but we would 
 Americanize Europe. As a result of immigration greater 
 dangers threaten us from within than from without. 
 
 This day our President has flashed ahnessage around the 
 world within a few hours of time. 
 
 We are a people possessing marvelous powers. 
 
 God grant that these powers may be used for the bet¬ 
 terment of mankind, and grant that this country may 
 continue to produce such men as Ben. Franklin and Geo. 
 Washington. 
 
 Here is Carnegie at Barrow-in-Furness, England: “In 
 all matters of iron and steele the child has been borne 
 upon the shoulders of the parent. If the Atlantic Ocean 
 had been prairie land, there would have been little left 
 in the world but the conquering old lady and her family, 
 all under one roof, under one flag, a self-sustaining em¬ 
 pire under free trade, with probably 200,000,000 of our 
 English-speaking race, and a home market so big as to 
 give control of neutral markets. No question of protec¬ 
 tion or preferential tariffs then to disturb us. 
 
 Besides all this, we should have been able to enforce 
 peace among nations. 
 
 Gentlemen, unfortunately an ocean exists where we 
 should have preferred prairies, but it is traversed in 
 
12 
 
 about the same time as the 3,000 miles of land between 
 Montreal or New York on the Atlantic and San Francisco 
 and Victoria on the Pacific. Who so bold as to predict 
 that never is our race to succeed in converting the ocean, 
 hitherto a barrier to your branches, into the pathway to 
 reunion of the two once-united branches? Not I! 
 
 My faith is unshakable that some day this will be 
 accomplished, and that instead of being two small islands 
 here, alien to the European Continent, you will look 
 across the sea to your own children in Canada and the 
 United States and become once more the mother member 
 of the dominant power of the world.” 
 
 Mr. Carnegie’s dream may be brought about quickly 
 through co-operation on the part of Great Britain and 
 the United States in the colonization of their negroes. 
 Grant that it may. 
 
 The Chinese are scavengers — maggots,— and they may 
 yet whip the world; not with shot and shell but with 
 dirt and smell. * * * 
 
 Parents and teachers should instruct boys and girls 
 when they are young in the “ unwritten chapter ” of 
 physiology, give them a few good, clean papers, maga¬ 
 zines and books to read, and help them in every way 
 possible to develop a well-rounded, beautiful form of 
 person. What on earth is more beautiful than a perfect 
 man or woman? 
 
 When our present crop of rich men die a portion —25 
 per cent of the wealth of all those worth a million — 
 ought to go to Uncle Sam, and be used to drain the fifty 
 thousand square miles of swamp land along the Missis¬ 
 sippi River, to preserve forests, fUh, and game to beau¬ 
 tify our land as Greece was beautified in the Age of Peri¬ 
 cles, and to help educate, refine aud lift up the poor. 
 Why should any one man have more than a million 
 dollars? 
 
 Why, my countrymen, I believe our rich men — most 
 of them — are mad. We should, by ballot, relieve them 
 of the burden that is crushing out their souls. It would 
 be a godsend to them. The government should gradually 
 
13 
 
 acquire control of all public utilities and compel capital 
 and labor to arbitrate. 
 
 Strikes and riots, overwork, underpay, and oppression 
 are a disgrace to our civilization. Let us go to little 
 New Zealand and learn a lesson. 
 
 We must alter, abolish, and make laws as our conditions 
 change. Think of it! Our good forefathers wrote the 
 Constitution of the United States and neglected to abolish 
 slavery, or even to provide for the gradual discontinu¬ 
 ance of slavery. If they could have seen the dreadful 
 war that rent the land and the tenderest ties of a common 
 people would they have left slavery alone? Would they 
 have left the negro in this country? It would have been 
 comparatively easy to settle then. 
 
 It will be easy to settle yet if all white people will hang 
 together. 
 
 I stand in wonder before the beauty and majesty of 
 things about me; others “ weep and wail” in the 
 “ presence of the Almighty.” For sixteen years I’ve 
 wandered and wondered about the world, I’ve read about 
 it, I’ve run ’round it, I’ve examined it closely. I’d like 
 to go up in a balloon and look back at it. It’s the most 
 wonderful toy a boy ever played with. 
 
 Once it was large, oh, very large, now it is small — too 
 small for the people it holds. We’d like to go to new 
 worlds. How I’d like to go to such a country as Ken¬ 
 tucky was when Daniel Boone was young. Houston, 
 Crockett, and Boone; Webster, Clay and Calhoun — my 
 sestette. The higher we climb on the Mountain of 
 Knowledge the more pleasing the landscape becomes, the 
 deeper our perceptions grow. The accomplished brain 
 carries sweet music to the soul. It says, u peace, be 
 still.” 
 
 As the culture of Greece was overcome by the u Mace¬ 
 donian Phalanx ” so was the culture of the “ Old South ” 
 overcome by the Yankee Phalanx. The Constitution was 
 disregarded, Virginia was robbed of one-third of her 
 territory — clearly an unconstitutional act — and now 
 the love for liberty in the hearts of the Filipinos must 
 succumb to Yankee greed, And yet, in the face of all 
 
14 
 
 this, Yankees will presume to dictate to the South rela¬ 
 tive to the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. We 
 can only laugh at them. 
 
 Father Ryan, like Demosthenes, has pronounced the 
 funeral of the “ Old South.” Lee did not, like Isocrates, 
 end his useful life, but lived and proved to us that the 
 “ pen is mightier than the sword.” Reason, not might, 
 is the highest court. Such an eminent man as Charles 
 Francis Adams says: “The North won by might and not 
 by right.” 
 
 Lincoln and McKinley, both good men, were, like 
 Philip of Macedon, assassinated because they stood for 
 principles that were fundamentally wrong. Lincoln is 
 one of my patron saints; McKinley got my first vote. 
 Lincoln and McKinley were right; their party was wrong. 
 Who will deny this? 
 
 Alexander’s attempt to found a world empire with Hel¬ 
 lenic forms of life failed. His soldiers perished in India 
 from malaria and dysentery, as ours have in Cuba and 
 the Philippines. 
 
 As Oriental habits spoiled and destroyed Alexander so 
 will Oriental habits spoil and destroy us. Let’s throw 
 them to the winds. 
 
 The pen of Jefferson loosened the shackles on all 
 Europe; it conquered where the sword of Napoleon 
 failed. I beg for a return to the ideas and simplicity of 
 Jefferson in this, his and our beloved land of the free. 
 
 We are aping royalty; we are fast drifting away from 
 the ideas of the fathers. Perhaps nothing but a good 
 threshing will bring us to our senses. 
 
 Every American father should hold his daughter’s 
 honor in as high esteem as did Virginius that of Virginia. 
 Some men are too coarse to pass a woman on the streets 
 in a respectful manner. 
 
 Better that fathers drive daggers through the hearts 
 of their daughters than give them over to the company of 
 lecherous devils who are disguised in sheep’s clothing — 
 “ society men ” we call them sometimes. 
 
 The mingling of three elements in England — the 
 Jewish, the Roman-Greco, and the Teutonic, produced 
 
15 
 
 the hardiest and the brainiest men and women the world 
 has ever seen — the Greeks not excepted. Shakespere, 
 Newton, and Darwin outshine any half dozen Greeks 
 you can mention. 
 
 Away with the Hamilton idea of centralization! It 
 has almost destroyed our Republic. “We will be great 
 only when we stand for liberty in the fullest sense of the 
 word, and not because of our army and navy.” It was 
 Roman oppression that destroyed the liberties of Greece. 
 What destroyed our liberties? I answer, immigration 
 and the enforcement of the Hamilton idea upon us by 
 the sword. If a man of family has a good “patch of 
 ground ” should he say to Europeans: Come and take 
 it? — or should he give it to his children? 
 
 “Charity begins at home.” America needs no longer 
 to depend upon European maternity for a population. 
 When we rid ourselves of alien races and begin to breed 
 up we can grow our own population, on our own little 
 patch — the United States. 
 
 The native-born American, if he is born poor, is to-day 
 the most helpless citizen in our country. He can’t 
 compete with foreigners in the field of labor; he can’t 
 live like a foreigner. 
 
 Stop immigration! Put up the bars! Bolt the gates! 
 In twenty years’ time we can rid the country of alien 
 races and “benevolently assimilate” the Europeans 
 amongst us. The only hope for the one million Jews in 
 the United States is amalgamation with Gentiles. If 
 they refuse to mix with us they will eventually fare here 
 as they are now faring in Russia. 
 
 If Gentiles acquire mentality through amalgamation 
 with Jews they will also acquire that damnable greed 
 which is a characteristic of the Jew. 
 
 For the sake of peace and homogeneity the Gentiles of 
 the United States can afford to “ absorb ” the number 
 of “ God’s own ” now in the country, but for God’s 
 sake let Russia keep the five million that she now has. 
 On a Sunday morning I looked over Petticoat Lane, 
 London, and decided that when God chose the Jews he 
 
16 
 
 showed very poor taste. Still I pity the desolate poor 
 among them. 
 
 While the head of the British Empire — Great Brit¬ 
 ain— is kept right, all will go well with that great 
 empire. 
 
 If govern other races in colonies we must, our head — 
 the United States proper — must be kept right. Boodlers 
 and boodling must go to Boodlejara. 
 
 Nature’s monstrosities have no attraction for me; 
 never have I paid a cent to see the two-headed calf. I’m 
 a Greek. I will study the beautiful iu nature; I would 
 save the best plant, the best animal, the best race of men. 
 
 Are not the rich of America and the degenerate noble 
 of Europe forming an aristocracy that will be more in¬ 
 solent and oppressive as time grows? Do you “ bank 
 on” the patriotism of the rich men of America? They 
 will deliver you, “ bag and baggage,” into the hands 
 of an oligarchy. American dominion is increasing. Is 
 American virtue, American patriotism, increasing? Our 
 usurers and tax-gatherers may keep some Mithridates — 
 some Aguinaldo — in the field continuallv. 
 
 Crassus the richest man in Rome, chose Syria for its 
 treasures but he was defeated, killed, and had his pallid 
 mouth stuffed with gold. What will happen to our 
 greedy Crassuse?? 
 
 If I were a millionaire I’d rather give away all but one 
 hundred thousand and live in peace, without fear of the 
 assassin’s bullet. 
 
 The Germans fought in the Roman ranks, in the 
 English ranks, in the Yankee ranks. 
 
 Hirelings against freedom sometimes. Americans, 
 don’t do it. 
 
 It was the Romans who conquered the Jews, burnt 
 their temple built by Solomon to Jehovah, and scattered 
 them to the four quarters of the earth. 
 
 How many millionaires were there in the United States 
 prior to the civil war? 
 
 The Yankees and their hirelings fell on the Old South 
 like a lot of hungry wolves, and, on account of cheap 
 labor, spoliation, and rascality, they have fattened as 
 
17 
 
 people never fattened before. No desire to stir up strife. 
 I simply record history. 
 
 There are no Yankees and no rebels now. We are all 
 Americans, and are soon to be, I hope, white Americans. 
 
 The Indian said: u The white man was not good enough 
 to kill us.” 
 
 Were the Babylonians, the Romans, the Crusaders, the 
 Spaniards, the English, the Russians, good enough to kill 
 the Jews? I fear that Americans too, will kill them un¬ 
 less they get wise and intermarry with Gentiles. 
 
 They say: “All we ask is to be let alone.” That was 
 all that Jefferson Davis asked for the Old South, that was 
 all the Boers asked in South Africa, but it did no good. 
 
 The farmers of America are be'ween two millstones — 
 labor and capital. A peaceful solution of the difficulties 
 between the laborer and the capitalist is wanted. The 
 farmers ought to study the question and by their votes 
 bring about a peaceful and just solution. 
 
 The laborers want more of the fruits of their toil, more 
 than 29 per cent of what they produce, and less slavery; 
 the capitalists want more humanity, more security and 
 less profit on their investments. 
 
 In order to get the right to fish and to hunt, to cut 
 wood in the forests, to bring about the abolition of serf¬ 
 dom, of feudal service, of tithes, and to get the right to 
 choose their preachers and have the free preaching of the 
 gospel, the Germans killed and burnt. 
 
 We commend them for it. But it is not necessary, at 
 all, for the laborers in this country to kill and burn to 
 get their rights. They have the ballot in their hands. 
 
 The farmers will stand by them and help them out in 
 all matters of justice. 
 
 I have implicit faith in the honesty of the average 
 farmer. The city has not corrupted him. 
 
 Many laborers are not honest and they cannot win 
 when they present dishonest claims. Another way for 
 them to win is to educate and quit wasting their earn¬ 
 ings. 
 
 Agitators brought on the civil war. The Abolitionists 
 were the biggest set of fools this or any other country 
 
 2 
 
18 
 
 ever saw. They were not only fools, but knaves, 
 hypocrites, and thieves. I speak of them as a body. 
 Of course, there were some good people among them, but 
 very few. 
 
 There is only one way, so far as I can see, in which the 
 Philippines can be made a paying colony. 
 
 Let our rich men have full play and let them take over 
 all the Chinamen they want for labor. 
 
 This means to crowd the Filipinos out of existence 
 and to enslave the Chinamen. Better turn the Philippines 
 loose, and get out of Oriental entanglements. Java and 
 Sumatra are profitable colonies because the Dutch are 
 hard, cruel masters. Why should we establish a pro¬ 
 tectorate over the Philippines? When we are done with 
 them let Germany, England or any other country take 
 them up if they like. Let others bear the “ white man’s 
 burden ” if they like, our Uncle Samuel wants none of 
 it. Yes; more than two hundred thousand of us have 
 come back from the Philippines to “ drag out miserable 
 lives” or “ worse for the wear.” That climate takes 
 the vim, the snap of life out of a man. 
 
 Like produces like. Americans were tortured; Fili¬ 
 pinos were tortured. 
 
 Personally, I never abused a Filipino and they were 
 always friendly to me. 
 
 When I was sick the teacher and the priest of the 
 village carried me good things to eat and would have no 
 pay for it. When I left the islands they gave me 
 “ goodies ” to eat while en route home, and their best 
 wishes. One gentleman in Manila showed me a picture 
 of his home at Pasig. It was wrapped in flames. He 
 said: “ The Americanos did it.” He was intelligent, and 
 had an intelligent family of three daughters and two 
 sons. They had been reduced from plenty to a state of 
 poverty by Yankee greed. I could sympathize with the 
 man, and pointed out to him the fact that my own people 
 in the Old South had been reduced in like manner. The 
 Filipinos were never so cruelly treated as were the people 
 of our Southern States. When my comrades fell at the 
 ping of the bushwhacker’s rifle my will was good to kill all 
 
19 
 
 the Filipinos, and I openly advocated the policy which was 
 later carried out by my dear old Gen. Jacob H. Smith. 
 Gen. Smith was a fair-play man, and I don’t believe he 
 ever ordered his men to kill women and children. 
 
 War is not a Sunday-school business, and, if we must 
 have it, we had just as well kill quick and lively and be 
 over with it. I want no more Ci humane ” wars in mine. 
 They are the most inhuman of all wars. A few more 
 generals like James Franklin Bell and Jacob H. Smith 
 would have settled the fighting part of it in the Philippines 
 in half the time, with a half less suffering, and less than 
 half the cost. One word more in regard to our latest 
 unpleasantness. Citizens of America, why do you con¬ 
 demn the soldiers who went out to see the Philippines? 
 You know we wanted to travel. We wanted to make the 
 circuit of the globe. 
 
 Rather blame the Peace Commissioners who formulated 
 the Treaty of Paris, and the Senate that ratified it. It 
 was our statesmen, or rather our lack of statesmen, that 
 got us into trouble. 
 
 Call us “ tramps, dead beats, and hobos” if you will 
 Some day you may “ get up against the real thing” 
 with a strong nation and you will be glad to have tramps, 
 dead beats, and hobos to do your fighting. Hirelings 
 never fight well. Great Britain honors her soldiers 
 whether they fight in the right or in the wrong. And 
 English soldiers are better for it. 
 
 Who will give us a great drama of the world’s history? 
 All history should be epitomized — the Bible included. 
 Only the short bends and the sharp curves in history 
 should be preserved. The child-mind is confused and 
 retarded in its development by such a pile of rubbish. 
 
 If the “ cosmic lessons of nature ” are to be our basis 
 of religion, Senator Beveridge, we must have every 
 schoolhouse in the land supplied with microscopes and 
 instructors in Biology and Geology. Pain’s “ Age of 
 Reason ” will be a good text-book for advanced pupils. 
 Speed the day when we shall arrive at such a solid foun¬ 
 dation upon which to rest our religious wars and babblings. 
 One of the best preachers I ever knew said that he never 
 
20 
 
 would have been a preacher if he had read church his¬ 
 tory first. We want to get rid of ignorance, bigotry 
 and superstition just as soon as possible. 
 
 The Romans looked upon a suicide as a soldier who 
 had deserted his post. Must a soldier stay on post for¬ 
 ever without relief? Ill-health and crushed ambitions 
 are the chief causes of suicide. If people of means will 
 offer a kind word, a little encouragement to the struggling 
 mass, they will prevent suicides. 
 
 There are three great elements in the world-geosphere, 
 the solid masses, hydrosphere, the liquids, and atmos¬ 
 phere, the air. When examined with the microscope all 
 three are found to be literally teeming with life, death 
 and decay. This explains iC out of death comes life,” 
 the great resurrection. So far as we can think the 
 material part of man will always exist. 
 
 The fishes live near the surface of the sea of water; 
 we live at the bottom of the sea of air; the birds live 
 high in the air. Birds are angels of sweet song. 
 
 Why did the Jews put wings on angels and sweet songs 
 in their mouths? Are the birds and the bees nearer per¬ 
 fection than we are? Who knows? 
 
 If our civilization continues at the present rate what 
 will man be a thousand years hence? A delicate bunch 
 of brain wrapped in flannels and silks and waited upon 
 by chemicals, electricity, liquid air, radium and other 
 natural forces. Wouldn’t you like to see the world one 
 thousand years from now? 
 
 There is a little something on the inside of every one 
 of us which says, Don’t do that, do this. If every one 
 will be guided by it the world will go right all the time. 
 
 The chief object of the Company of Jesus was to hinder 
 the enlightenment of the people and to oppose all inno¬ 
 vations and reforms, but thank God, Adam Weisshaupt 
 lived and founded the society of the Illuminati. 
 
 The Russian, Gen. Suwaroff, conquered Poland. As 
 Kosciusko fell from his horse, he cried: “This is the 
 end of Poland! ” Thus perished the once famous and 
 mighty Poland, a sacrifice to domestic discord and to 
 foreign violence — the very things that the United States 
 
21 
 
 has most to fear. My countrymen, we must hang to¬ 
 gether! What is the history of all Europe but a bulletin 
 recounting the acts of bloody, cruel tyrants? 
 
 Why do so many of our rich men build libraries and 
 universities? Chiefly as monuments unto themselves. 
 They like to see their names inscribed on the buildings. 
 One who still lives has placed a marble statue of him¬ 
 self in his place of business. He makes beer. In case 
 a professor attempts to teach anything in our endowed 
 universities that would be detrimental to capitalists what 
 happens to him? He gets fired. If our rich men really 
 w T ant to do something philanthropic why don’t they found 
 places where boys and girls can learn how to make a 
 living? 
 
 My model school is a great amphitheater, far back 
 from our so-called civilization in the forest at the foot 
 of a great mountain. It is full of paintings, statuary, 
 and select books. A half dozen wise men like Ben 
 Franklin constitute its faculty. It has a large stage and 
 the best dramas may be seen there. 
 
 Learned men from all parts of the earth are invited to 
 lecture there on all manner of questions. Microscopes, 
 telescopes, and stereopticons are much used there; the 
 “ cosmic lessons of nature ” are studied. The students 
 spend much time in the forests of the mountain. 
 
 A model gymnasium and a machine shop stand near 
 by. Sweet music may be luard almost every day. 
 
 The study of Engli>h and the requirements of good 
 citizenship are emphasized. Lessens in patriotism are 
 regularly given. 
 
 Men from the fields and women from the homes and 
 gardens attend the school evenings and Sundays. No 
 man, no woman, no child will be overworked. 
 
 The Puritans of New England kept King Philip’s head 
 stuck up on a pole in Plymouth for twenty years. They 
 sold Philip’s wife and daughter into slavery. They were 
 the most religious people this country has ever seen. 
 
 When men are interested in what they are doing, their 
 work becomes a song. Hirelings are seldom interested 
 in what they do. Work for yourself, man. 
 
22 
 
 Men should think more about their work and less 
 about beer and bad women. They might very properly 
 use more of Shakesp3re and less “ Buschbeer.” 
 
 Great cities, factories, and commerce, said Jefferson, 
 “ tend to corrupt the people.” The gross immoralities 
 of our cities are gradually being carried to the country 
 districts, where dwell the life of the nation, and when 
 any considerable number of the country folks imbibe the 
 evils of cities the nation will go down. 
 
 Pat says: More than two hundred thousand men 
 have been spoiled by the Philippine racket.” 
 
 They are diseased in both body and mind. They can’t 
 settle down to good old humdrum living and so they 
 continue to roam and dissipate or they commit suicide. 
 
 American officials must be taught that they are the 
 servants of the people and not the masters of the people. 
 
 Too many petty tyrants amongst us. We met with 
 them in the army of the Philippines. We see them here 
 every day. 
 
 Clinging to an antiquated religion, and the dissemina¬ 
 tion of her blood amongst inferior people, along with 
 greed for gold, caused the downfall of Spain. These same 
 things may cause the downfall of our own country. 
 
 Let us beware. 
 
 White women who must work for a living ought to be 
 respected just as white men who must work for a living 
 are respected. One is as good as the other. Both are 
 better than the so-called a four hundred.” 
 
 Jimmy says: “ The best thing the Raypublican party 
 has given the country is free schools, the worst thing is 
 free Nagers.” 
 
 But the “ Nagers ” are not free, Jimmy. 
 
 Mike says: u In case the Dimmecrats nominate a bad 
 man, and the Raypublicans nominate Theodore Washing¬ 
 ton and Booker Roosevelt I will vote for George Wash¬ 
 ington for President and Abe Lincoln for Vice-President. 
 I’d make McKinley Secretary of State, and Jos. W. Folk 
 Attorney-General. When I’m offered two bad eggs I’ll 
 suck nather of them.” 
 
 On September 22d, 1903, the Jews were 5,654 years old. 
 
23 
 
 Jesus Christ, their best man, lived about 1900 years ago. 
 Nearly all religions start in the East — Far East — where 
 the people are ignorant and superstitious. 
 
 Mormonism and Zionism look to the ignorant classes 
 for food and followers. 
 
 The most heinous crimes can’t be reached by the law. 
 
 The Great Shepherd does not always protect the lambs 
 of his flock. The command “Thou sbalt not kill” 
 ought to forbid other crimes besides murder. 
 
 Let the social pot in this great Republic of ours boil, 
 and when the skim, the dregs, come to the top we must 
 skim them off and throw them away. Purification of the 
 body, social and politic. 
 
 Congress should take up the “ Monroe Doctrine ” and 
 define it in such a way that we will know where we are 
 u at ” when some European nation attempts to grab 
 something in South America. 
 
 As that doctrine now stands we are too apt to get into 
 another “ war for humanity’s sake.” 
 
 We had a war in the West Indies for humanity’s sake 
 and another in the Philippines for humanity’s sake. 
 What did we get? A lot of dregs in the social pot. 
 What would the population of any Central or South 
 American republic be to us? A lot more dregs in the 
 social pot. 
 
 Divorces should be granted to married people when it 
 has been proven that one or the other has become un¬ 
 faithful. The Catholics and the people of old South 
 Carolina are right on the divorce question. When it has 
 been shown that two rotten eggs are living in wedlock 
 make them continue to live together. A man should be 
 as true to his wife as he would have his wife be true to 
 him, and in case he is not the woman has a right to a 
 divorce. Some of the worst old reprobates have virtu¬ 
 ous women tied to them. 
 
 When a man’s fidelity to church or to a secret organi¬ 
 zation exceeds his fidelity to his country there is some¬ 
 thing wrong. The man who will take from his country 
 to build up his church or his secret society or his politi¬ 
 cal party is mean or narrow-minded. 
 
24 
 
 Secret societies are good only for those who belong to 
 them. Who has not seen the more capable man turned 
 away for the member of some secret society, or for some 
 member of a church? Our Americanism ought to be 
 above all churches, above all secret societies. 
 
 The man who joins a secret organization most gener¬ 
 ally seeks to get the advantage, the pull — rather than 
 to benefit his fellow-man. If the churches had done their 
 duty there would have been no need for secret societies; 
 if this government does its duty there will be no need for 
 secret societies in the future. Our Americanism will be 
 above every other ism. 
 
 The followers of Mormonism, Zionism, Spiritualism, 
 have as much right to their beliefs as have the members 
 of any other church sect or secret society to their beliefs. 
 All are misguided or they are misguiding others. 
 
 For beautiful descriptions of sights and sounds in the 
 grand divisions which I have visited — Asia, Australia, 
 Africa, Europe, and Noith America — I must refer my 
 readers to more imaginative minds and more facile pens. 
 
 To me all nature laughs, but the laugh is often marred 
 by the fierce antagonisms of the animal kingdom. The 
 end of wars is not in sight. Indeed the world is riper for 
 war to-day than it has ever been before. 
 
 iC He that would be free must himself strike the blow.” 
 
 THE WORLD’S FAIR AT ST. LOUIS, MO., 
 OR THE “ IVORY CITY." 
 
 What a pity that such magnificent buildings and such 
 splendid educational facilities must pass away in a few 
 short months! It is the grandest thing attempted in the 
 shape of a Fair in the world! Come, see, and you will be 
 convinced. Processes as well as products are to be 
 shown. ‘-'Motion means money,” on the railway, said 
 Yoakum. At the Fair motion will mean beauty, and the 
 impartation of knowledge. Think of it! Twelve hundred 
 and forty acres of grouud wriggling with life, vegetable 
 life, animal life, steam life, electrical life. 
 
Here, in truth, boys and girls, will be a city worth 
 tnousands of miles of travel. It will represent the joy¬ 
 fulness of youth. The New Jerusalem, as described by 
 the Jews, will not be “in it.” The “ Ivory City” will 
 not have walls of jasper and streets of gold but walls of 
 glittering natural phenomena, and streets made cool and 
 delightful by living trees and flowers and gushing 
 waters. There will be more than twenty-five miles of 
 roadway inside the grounds, and the boulevards will be 
 shaded by a great forest of various kinds of trees, among 
 which will frisk the pretty gray squirrels and from 
 which will be heard the songs of native birds. Verily it 
 will excel the New Jerusalem! Nobody but the birds 
 will wear wings here but there is to be a tournament of 
 airships. 
 
 I fancy I can see the men and women, boys and girls, 
 sailing through the air; isn’t it a delightful sight? 
 
 “ Presume not God to scan; the proper study for man 
 is man.” “ All are but parts of one stupendous whole 
 whose body nature is and God the soul.” How much 
 soul have you? The more soul you have the more* you 
 can see and feel in the “Ivory City.” Good people 
 will see more than bad people. 
 
 When you come to see the Fair ride around the 
 grounds on the Intramunal Railway, get a picture of the 
 whole, then go through all the big palaces in a system¬ 
 atic way. 
 
 Here is oue route begining west of the Grand Court, 
 at the main entrance : Varied Industries building, four- 
 teen acres; cost, $604,000; Palace of Transportation, 
 covers fifteen acres, cost, $700,000; Machinery building, 
 covers twelve acres, cost, $600,000; Electricity building, 
 covers nine acres; cost, $399,940; Education and Social 
 Economy building, covers nine acres; cost, $319,399; 
 Mining and Metallurgy building, covers nine acres; cost, 
 $500,000; Fisheries building; U. S. Government building; 
 covers nearly four acres; cost, $450,000; Liberal Arts 
 building, covers nine acres; cost, $160,000; Manufac¬ 
 tures bail ling, covers fourteen acres; cost, $845,000, 
 End of first day. 
 
26 
 
 On the second day visit the foreign government build¬ 
 ings west of Skinker Road, and the Washington University 
 buildings. Don’t miss the Olympic games and the air¬ 
 ship tournament. Take in our insular possessions’ 
 exhibit, then visit the Forestry, Fish and Game building 
 which covers four or five acres. The great Palace of 
 Agriculture, the largest building on the grounds, covers 
 twenty acres; cost $800,000, will stand on a hill amid a 
 mass of flowers. Immediately south of the Palace of 
 Agriculture you will see one of the prettiest sights on 
 earth, the Horticulture building. It covers seven or 
 eight acres and cost $200,000. Put in the remainder of 
 the day around the Live Stock Pens, then take a good 
 snooze and be ready for the third day of sight-seeing. 
 
 On the third day go to see Japan’s pavilions, the 
 Illinois and California State buildings, the Temple of 
 Fraternity, Jerusalem, Festival Hall, and the Cascades, 
 Terrace of States and the magnificent Palace of Fine Arts 
 on the Art Hill. See here in a building that cjst more 
 
 than one million dollars the work of the masters. Next 
 
 « 
 
 go to see Gen. Grant’s cabin, Germany’s Castle, Stirling 
 Castle, and Burns’ Cottage. Read the “ Cotter’s 
 Saturday Night” once more. It is the best poem in the 
 English language. Now you may run over the Plateau 
 of States hurriedly, look at the birds in their large cage, 
 then sleep again. 
 
 If you wish to see the great shows on the “ Pike ” 
 you must put in several days there before you go home. 
 You must stay a week, you ought to stay a month, and, 
 if you can afford it, stay six months and make a study of 
 the whole show. 
 
 No ten universities on earth can give you the same 
 amount of information in so short a time. 
 
 Do you want to study sculpture, painting, machinery, 
 electricity, educational methods, architecture, agricul¬ 
 ture, horticulture, languages, mythology, engineering, 
 floriculture, railroading, navigation, manufacturing, 
 stock raising, forestry, pisiculture, anthropology, the 
 different races of men, their religions, governments, 
 manners and customs? 
 
27 
 
 Come to the Louisiana Purchase Exposition, May 1st to 
 December 1st, 1904. The greatest event, perhaps, in our 
 nation’s history will be most splendidly celebrated. Vir¬ 
 ginia will reproduce Monticello, the home of Jefferson, 
 and will no doubt keep it filled with Virginia’s great men, 
 dead and yet alive , “ C ? ” Jerusalem will be a reproduc¬ 
 tion of the city of Jerusalem. England will reproduce the 
 Orangery of Kensington Castle, Queen Anne’s flower 
 garden. France will reproduce the Graud Trianon, the 
 French Government building at Versailles. Louisiana 
 will show us the old Cabildo, and Mississippi, the home 
 of Jefferson Davis — Beauvoir. Japan and Germany will 
 reproduce royal castles. And what will Missouri do, you 
 ask? Why, she will “ show ” the rest of the world what 
 a great empire she is. You will see a streak of Missouri 
 running through the Fair from start to finish. 
 
 A good guide will be indispensable to those who have 
 but a few days in which to see the World’s Greatest 
 Fair. 
 
 RELIGION. 
 
 i( Way back on the horizon of Celestial history, stands 
 that quaint old philosopher, Confucius; a character 
 revered by four hundred millions of people and honored 
 by every one who knows anything about the venerable 
 saint. Said Confucius: “ Do not do anything to another 
 that you do not wish to be done to you.” 
 
 On the hills of Palestine two thousand years ago, a 
 man teaching his disciples said: “Do unto others as 
 you would have others do unto you.” 
 
 The tombs of Egypt have given up the gospel of Osiris, 
 the Book of the Dead. Lying in these Egyptian tombs 
 for two thousand five hundred years, is found substan¬ 
 tially the same doctrine, taught by the priests of Isis 
 along the banks of the Nile. 
 
 In the mountains of India, so far back in historv that 
 the mind of man staggers in its contemplation, 
 Gautama, that son of an Indian prince, that father of 
 
28 
 
 a religion which to this day counts its devotees by the 
 millions, preached the same principle of ethics. 
 
 And the sacred Yeddas, those holy Aryan songs 
 chanted by the ancient peoples who came from Persia to 
 people the then new world of India, before Confucius, 
 before Gautama, before Isis, before Osiris, before 
 Jupiter, before Noah: these people held aloft the same 
 torch, this same doctrine, this same teaching of the 
 Brotherhood of Man. 
 
 There is not a religion on the face of the earth that is 
 worthy of respect or consideration which does not rec¬ 
 ognize and teach the same idea. 
 
 Whatever has set man against man, whatever has 
 pushed people into so-called “holy wars,” whatever 
 has impelled man to fly at his brother’s throat for 
 religion’s sake, has not had its birth in the fundamentals, 
 the ethics of any faith; it has had its origin directly in 
 the hair-splitting questions of abstract theology raised 
 by preacher or priest. Where is the man who can say 
 that Jesus would have indorsed the Crusades, taken 
 part in the Inquisition, would have slaughtered the 
 saints of St. Bartholomew, or hung the Quakers of 
 Salem? 
 
 For thousands of years, the flames of Hate have been 
 kept alive by the teachers of the faiths founded by 
 merciful, peaceful men. The day, we trust, is at hand 
 when men cease to delegate to preachers a power of 
 attorney to do their thinking. The hour is at hand when 
 the human mind considers for himself these problems of 
 existence, these questions of man’s relation to man. So 
 far as questions of the future life are concerned, these 
 matters may well occupy the time of professional 
 preachers of Faith. They know nothing about them, 
 and we don’t either. 
 
 Most of us are, nominally at least, of the Christian 
 faith. Let us quote the following words from Ecclesi¬ 
 astes, words written by Solomon, who has the reputation 
 of being the wisest man that ever lived : “ For that which 
 oefalleth the sons of men befalleth beasts: even one 
 thing befalleth them: as the one dieth, so dieth the 
 
29 
 
 other; yea, they have all one breath: so that a man have 
 no pre-eminence above a beast, for all is vanity. All go 
 to one place: are all dust, and all turn to dust again. 
 Who knoweth the spirit of man that goeth upward, and 
 the spirit of the beast that goeth downward to the earth? 
 Wherefore, I perceive that there is nothing better than 
 that a man should rejoice in his own works: for who 
 shall bring him to see what shall be after him?” 
 
 If our Scriptures are inspired these words are as much 
 inspired as any other portion. If Solomon knew what 
 he was talking about, if the wisest man of history, who 
 was inspired to boot, was compelled to declare that he 
 knew nothing of the beyond, how are we to know who 
 are not particularly wise and who are not inspired? 
 
 But Solomon knows of a rule of conduct best tofollow; 
 that a man should so live as to be able to i( rejoice in his 
 own works,” the teaching of sages of all the ages. 
 
 We now come to the application and its results. 
 Does it not fill the heart of a man with gladness who 
 has been able to snatch a drowning man from the river? 
 There is but one happier man than the rescued one, and 
 that is the rescuer. Only the soldier who has had the 
 opportunity to save the life of a fellow can realize the 
 pleasure to be derived from the deed. Let a man have 
 a chance to save a helpless woman from a drunken 
 bully who is beating her to death, and he will properly 
 brag about it all the rest of his life. The man who 
 saves another from bankruptcy is a cold-blooded wretch 
 if he does not reap a harvest of joy from the deed. 
 
 Who has resuscitated a half frozen man and dragged 
 him to a cabin in the mountain to thaw out, but has ex¬ 
 perienced a season of pride and joy which has lasted 
 him to the end of his life? 
 
 In this very thing lies the true philosophy of life. 
 Doing good to one’s fellow r s without hope of remuner¬ 
 ation is the highest possible ideal of human conduct. 
 This idea of dealing out beneficent works through hope 
 of heaven or fear of hell, is not attractive to one whose 
 heart throbs with human sympathy. It is a low order 
 of creature who has to be bribed with reward of eternal 
 
 % 
 
30 
 
 life, or threatened with prospect of damnation in order 
 to induce him to be decent. 
 
 Let us get back to the ethics of Jesus, of Confucius 
 and every great teacher of the world’s history worth 
 listening to, that each of us is responsible for our 
 brother’s welfare, that each of us is our brother’s 
 keeper; that what does him good does us good, that an 
 injury to one is the concern of all. 
 
 In that teaching lies the essence of all systems of 
 ethics ever devised. That teaching is the very summit 
 of human conduct of which the mind of man can con¬ 
 ceive. There is no higher plane of life; there is nothing 
 that will bring you greater satisfaction. Follow this 
 idea and you will be saved; saved from the scorn of your 
 own soul. Follow 7 it and every pulsation of your heart 
 will beat its warm approval. No matter to what court 
 you are called after your life is ended, you can challenge 
 an examination of the record. There is no God in the 
 skies who will deal harshly with such a soul.”—Edito¬ 
 rial in Manila Freedom. 
 
 Dr. Andrew D. White in his u History of the Warfare 
 of Science with Theology in Christendom,” has shown 
 that, from the Assyrian researches as well as from other 
 sources, it has come to be acknowledged by the most 
 eminent scholars at the leading seats of Christian learn¬ 
 ing that the accounts of creation with which for nearly 
 two thousand years all scientific discoveries have had to 
 be (l reconciled ” — the accouuts which blocked the way 
 of Copernicus, Galileo, Newton and LaPlace — were 
 simply transcribed or evolved from a mass of myths and 
 legends largely derived by the Hebrews from their an¬ 
 cient relations with Chaldea, rewrought in a monothe¬ 
 istic sense, imperfectly welded together, and then thrown 
 into poetic form in the sacred books which we have in¬ 
 herited. As to creation and evolution, Darwin’s theory 
 of natural selection is now adopted by leading universi¬ 
 ties, and conceded in sermons of high ecclesiastics in En¬ 
 gland, and in Professor Drummond’s Chautauqua lectures 
 in 1893. 
 
 “ Dr. A. P. Peabody once said that Tyndall’s deistical 
 
31 
 
 work, ‘ The Gospel a Republication of the Law 7 of 
 Nature,’ admits in its title the strongest ground — nay, 
 the only ground — on which we can believe or defend 
 Christianity. To suppose it a divine afterthought — a 
 supplementary creation, ao excrescence upon nature — is 
 to dishonor it under shelter of a pretended advocacy. 
 Nay, more, it is to impugn the divine immutableness, 
 the integrity of those attributes that underlie all relig¬ 
 ion. The highest view of Christianity is that which 
 regards it as the religion of nature, as the constitu¬ 
 tional law of the spiritual universe, as corresponding to 
 the mathematical laws w r hich are embodied in the ma¬ 
 terial universe, — absolute, m cessary, eternal truth, that 
 which always was and ever will be. Revelation did not 
 create it any more than Newton created the law of gravi¬ 
 tation, or Kepler the law of planetary motion.” 
 
 “ One’s individual religion may be too sacred to be 
 Pharisaically flaunted, yet on the evolutionist’s banner 
 may still be inscribed: The Fatherhood of Gcd, the 
 Brotherhood of Man, the Leadership of Jesus, Salvation 
 by Character, and the Progress of mankind onward and 
 upward.” — Benj. F. Burnham. 
 
 “The medieval notion that man has mind, and animals 
 only instincts, that every animal has certain inborn 
 instincts, is now exploded. Instincts are only a develop¬ 
 ment of mind by selection and heredity, as Darwin 
 showed. Comparative psychology has proved during the 
 last forty years that animals have minds just as well as 
 men. The difference between the minds of Goethe and 
 Darwin and an Australian or a Patagonian is far greater 
 than that between these savages and the higher species 
 of apes. Behind the greatest minds lies all the long line 
 of evolution out of the perceptions of the simplest cells, 
 and it is especially important to remember that the 
 law T s of adaptation to environment and heredity have had 
 all to do with this great evolution. 
 
 All sorts of misty ideas prevail on the subject of 
 immortality of the individual soul. Some speak of it 
 as being a sort of ethereal being, some as if it were made 
 of thin matter; some merely hold that in some unknown 
 
32 
 
 Way it continues to exist. If the old theory of man 
 having a soul separate and distinct from his body is true, 
 then many animals also have immortal souls. 
 
 And then these theorists have trouble in stating exactly 
 where the soul came from; was it in heaven, and when 
 was it put into the child? After a study of all these 
 fantastic theories science is unsatisfied with any, and is 
 forced to state its conclusions. The belief in the 
 immortality of the human soul is a dogma in utter con¬ 
 tradiction to the facts which investigation has proven 
 to be true. 
 
 The only immortality for man is that of the transmission 
 of his character to later generations through his 
 children, or the influence which he exerts on the world of 
 thought while alive. If, as science proves, mind, soul, 
 consciousness, are only properties of soulplasm, the 
 cell itself, when that cell dies thought must cease, 
 save as it has passed its thought on to others ” — Dr. 
 Ernst Haeckel. 
 
 After sixteen years of earnest study and travel includ¬ 
 ing a circuit of the globe via Japan, Philippine Islands, 
 Australasia, Africa and Europe, my conclusion concerning 
 the Bible is this: It is a big book of tales interwoven with 
 many noble truths. 
 
 f Jefferson, Randolph and other great Americans be¬ 
 lieved in one great God. The Indians of America believed 
 in one Great Spirit. 
 
 Of all the “ Sheeny ” games that have been worked on 
 the world the game of religion is the biggest. 
 
 Why can’t we decide on one God and quit wrangling 
 over religious matters forever? 
 
 We need no preachers but good teachers, such as Plato, 
 Solomon, Bacon, Copernicus, Galileo, Newton and Dar¬ 
 win, are, and will always be, a great necessity. 
 
 What if all the money and time that has been wasted 
 on religious matters had been spent in teaching nature’s 
 laws to men? We, like the waters of the earth, the leaves 
 of the trees, the flowers of the fields, travel the rounds of 
 natural laws. 
 
 There was no heretofore for me, I have no conscious- 
 
33 
 
 ness of a pre-existence, therefore I believe there will be 
 no future existence for me except in material form. 
 
 The great Gcd before whom I reverently bow is, I be¬ 
 lieve, infinite in His character. I am finite. How can 
 the finite fathom the infinite? 
 
 If we speculate on the future state of man we ought to 
 do it in a good-natured way, for none of us can speak 
 authoritatively. 
 
 Let us be moral and do good works. 
 
 Some Hawthorne is needed to take up the Bible and 
 write a Wonder-Book from its tales for the children. 
 
 Read (t The Cotter’s Saturday Night ” every Sabbath. 
 It might very well supplant two-thirds of the Bible. 
 
 Epitomize and simplify the Bible so that children may 
 understand it when they read it or hear it read. An 
 honest confession on the part of preachers and priests is 
 what the Christian world needs. Why can’t honest Jews, 
 honest Catholics, and honest Protestants get together and 
 agree to tell the truth? Let them unfurl the banner of 
 the Great Spirit, of the Great Unknown, all of us can 
 agree on that, and be happy, good, and peaceful. 
 
 The frail insects of a moment; “we are such stuff as 
 dreams are made of.” 
 
 Helen Gould, bless her,, how can an ex-soldier turn 
 down her religion? She lives it. I hope she will never 
 think that we would, if we could, destroy the good les¬ 
 sons taught by the Babe of Bethlehem. 
 
 To me the world is ringing with music and all is 
 tending toward perfection. The animal that picked up a 
 stick or rock and began to use it on other animals has 
 ever been the ruling animal. All other animals are 
 scared of him. 
 
 The animal that invents and uses the most ingenious 
 tool — machine gun — whether it be white, yellow, or 
 black, will in the ages to come exterminate or subdue all 
 others. The time will come when there will be but one 
 religion, one language, and one race of men on earth. 
 
 Way back, millions of years ago, when the crust of the 
 earth was forming, there was perhaps but one little, uni¬ 
 cellular animal, and out of this little animal, through the 
 
 s 
 
34 , 
 
 long ages, has come a sunburst of life that has assumed 
 many forms, colors aud sizes. Insects, birds — the 
 angels of earth — reptiles, mammalia, man included, have 
 come out of this sunburst — this evolution of animal life. 
 “ Growth and decay are natural.” Life and death are 
 natural. 
 
 Plato and other great minds of ancient times had dim 
 notions of evolution, but it was left for Charles Darwin 
 to point out the ways of evolution clearly .to men. 
 
 Darwin was greater than Moses, and Haeckel is Dar¬ 
 win’s Joshua. 
 
 A religion more deeply rooted in science and right 
 conduct is the need of the hour. We don’t know it all; 
 “ there are more things in heaven and earth than we 
 have ever dreamed of,” but we do know more than the 
 Jews knew in the olden days. The men who wrote the 
 Bible were inspired in the same sense that Copernicus, 
 Newton and Darwin were inspired. Did Christ ever say: 
 I am the Son of God? No. He was the greatest and 
 best of all Jews, nothing more. 
 
 Did the Bible tell us about geology, electricity, circu¬ 
 lation of the blood, the law of gravitation, anesthetics, 
 or this goodly land we live upon — America? What did 
 Moses, or Solomon, or Jesus. Christ tell us concerning 
 the shape of the earth or the solar system? They simply 
 did not know of these things any more than George 
 Washington knew of telegraphy, phononographs and 
 automobiles. 
 
 The Jewish Bible is nothing to me but a bit of history, 
 a mere incident in the development of the human race. 
 English and American historians are more trustworthy 
 than the authors of the Bible. 
 
 We can believe in Moses some, in Christ more, in 
 Darwin most, yet I believe that other “ inspired ” men 
 will come and teach this race of men things that 
 Moses, Christ, and Darwin never dreamed of. 
 
 “ The wise alone are flexible in mind.” Let us be 
 open to receive the nuggets of truth as they come. 
 The truth won’t hurt us, though it will knock out some 
 of the false props on which we stand to-day. 
 
35 
 
 What the future will disclose we do not know. 
 
 All men should strive to live in harmony with nature’s 
 laws and to improve their race mentally, morally and 
 physically. Thus may a heaven be made on earth for 
 our posterity. 
 
 The God that I adore is a more majestic potentate than 
 the God of the Jews. 
 
 To discard the fabulous in Judaism aud accept the 
 truths, laid bare by modern scientists as they dig them 
 out of nature’s great book, does not call for a wild 
 revolution and bloodshed. 
 
 It simply says, “ Ring out the false, ring in the true.” 
 
 There are many nuggets of wisdom in the Bible, 
 e ■ § ■ • 
 
 “Whoso loveth understanding loveth his own soul.” 
 Cl Honor thy father and thy mother.” “Blessed are the 
 pure in heart.” “ After a proud and boasting spirit comes 
 a fall.” “It is more blessed to give than to receive.” 
 “ Be thoughtful.” “ Be good to the poor, the widow 
 and the orphan.” 
 
 One of the truest things-in the Bible readsWe are 
 of the earth and we are earthy.” 
 
 There is no such thing as a spirit or ghost, else my 
 good mother would come and tell her boy something of 
 the beyond. 
 
 Why can’t all Christians unite? There should be 
 unity in church work, if for no other reason for the 
 sake of economy. No Catholics, no Protestants. All 
 one. There is oneness in the whole of God’s creation. 
 Why are laborers uniting? Why are capitalists uniting? 
 
 Is it not more important that the followers of Christ 
 unite? 
 
 I would not destroy the good that is in our religion (I 
 say our religion because I am nominally a Christian), 
 but I would supplant the myths with facts, the Garden 
 of Eden story with the cosmic lessons of the earth, I 
 would extend the taproot of our religion, whether we 
 be Jew or Gentile, Moslem or Christian, downward and 
 upward to truths. The good that Jesus, who iocis called 
 the Son of God, showed by example, should be kept by 
 
36 
 
 all of us. We, too, are the sons of God, every one of us. 
 When Judaism fell short Christianity came as an appendix. 
 
 Another appendix is needed; Darwin has supplied it. 
 
 Moses is a dim star twinkling in the distance; Darwin 
 is a luminous sun shining all about us. 
 
 Moses scratched on the surface; Darwin dug into the 
 earth’s mysteries and brought to our sight the true origin 
 of man. 
 
 ‘‘Every mark on man shows unmistakable signs of his 
 lowly origin.” 
 
 Did man ever utter a nobler sentiment than Thomas 
 Pain when he said: — 
 
 “The world is my country, to do good is my relig¬ 
 ion?” Jefferson was called, “Infidel” and elected 
 President. Could an infidel be elected President at this 
 time ? 
 
 Is it possible that, at the age of one hundred and twenty- 
 seven years, this Republic has less of religious freedom 
 than it had when it was twenty* one years old ? 
 
 It is true, I fear. Aud yet I remember that this Re¬ 
 public was founded by lovers of religious freedom, and 
 made a refuge for those who were oppressed by religious 
 tyranny in Europe. 
 
 I am weary of religious wranglings. I’ll join the in¬ 
 visible church, and serve my maker to the best of my 
 ability by serving my fellow-creatures. 
 
 I would be a Ben Abou, and love my fellow-man. 
 
 We will all grow in knowledge, and especially in 
 knowledge of religions, as the years roll by. “ Servus 
 Servorum Sum.” Light is welcomed into my windows. 
 
THE RACE PROBLEM* 
 
 LINCOLN AND THE 
 EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION 
 
 By IDA M. TARBELL, 
 
 Author of 4i The Early Life of Lincoln,” 
 
Copyright 1899 by the S. S* McClure Company and here 
 presented through the courtesy of McClure's Magazine* 
 
Story of the Progress of the Idea of Emancipation 
 in Lincoln's Mind, Told in Hitherto Unpub¬ 
 lished Reminiscences by Charles Sumner, 
 
 Carl Schurz, and other Close 
 Friends of Lincoln* 
 
 “ The first year of Abraham Lincoln’s Presidential 
 career closed on March 4, 1862. Practically all of this 
 period he had spent in an effort to crush insurrection in 
 the Southern States. There were many people who felt 
 that he was farther now from this end than he had ever 
 been before, and he himself realized that he had under¬ 
 taken a task so gigantic that with the one weapon he 
 had employed so far, the army, he could finish it only 
 after years of struggle. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln had another weapon against the South,— 
 the emancipation of the slaves. He did not want to use 
 it. Throughout his political life he had disclaimed any 
 desire to meddle with slavery in the States where the 
 Constitution recognized it. He had undertaken the war 
 not to free men, but to preserve the Union. For many 
 months, however, he had been coming to the conclusion 
 that he must do something with his weapon, and he had 
 been examining it much as a man in a desperate situa¬ 
 tion might a dagger which he did not want to unsheath, 
 but feared he might be forced to. He was seeking a 
 way to use it, if the time came when he must, that 
 would accomplish all the ends he had in view and still 
 would not drive the border States from the Union. 
 The plan upon which he finally settled was a simple 
 just, and impractical one — he would ask Congress to 
 set aside money gradually to buy and free the negroes 
 in those States that could be persuaded to give up the 
 institution of slavery. Having freed the slaves, he pro¬ 
 posed that Congress should colonize them in territory 
 bought for the purpose. 
 
 ( 39 ) 
 
40 
 
 According to Charles Sumner, Mr. Lincoln had this 
 plan of compensated emancipation well developed by De¬ 
 cember 1, 1861. The Senator reached Washington onthat 
 day, and went in the evening to call on the President. 
 Together they talked over the annual message, which 
 was to be sent to Congress on the 3d. Mr. Sumner was 
 disappointed that it said nothing about emancipation. 
 
 He had been speaking in Massachusetts on “ Emanci¬ 
 pation as our Best Weapon,” and he ardently desired 
 that the President use the weapon. The President ex¬ 
 plained the plan he had developed, and Mr. Sumner 
 urged that it be presented at once. Mr. Lincoln declined 
 to agree to thi^, but as he rose to say good-bye to his 
 visitor, he remarked: “Well, Mr. Sumner, the only 
 difference between you and me on the subject is a differ¬ 
 ence of a month or six weeks in time.” 
 
 “Mr. President,” said Mr. Sumner, “if that is the 
 only difference between us, I will not say another word 
 to you about it till the long set time you name has 
 passed by.” 
 
 “Nor should I have done so,” continues Sumner in 
 telling the story, “ but about a fortnight after, when I 
 was with him, he introduced the subject himself, asked 
 my opinion on some details of his plan, and told me 
 where it labored his mind. At that time he had the hope 
 that some of the border States, Delaware, perhaps, if 
 nothing better could be got, might be brought to make 
 a proposition which could be made use of as the initia¬ 
 tion to hitch the whole thing to.” 
 
 Sumner could not keep still after this about the plan. 
 Almost every time he saw Lincoln he put in a word. 
 Thus, when the “ Trent ” affair was up, he took occasion 
 to read the President a little lecture. “Now, Mr. Pres¬ 
 ident,” he said: “if you had done your duty earlier in 
 the slavery matter, you would not have this trouble on 
 you. Now you have no friends, or the country has none, 
 because it has no policy on slavery. The country has no 
 friends in Europe, excepting isolated persons. England 
 Is not a friend, France is not. But if you had commenced 
 your policy about slavery, this thing could and would 
 
41 
 
 have come and gone and would have given you no 
 anxiety. 
 
 “ Every time I saw him I spoke to him about it, and 
 I saw him every two or three days. At one time I 
 thought he would send in the message on New Year’s 
 day; and I said something about what a glorious day it 
 would be. 
 
 u But he stopped me in a moment. ‘[Don’t say a word 
 about that,’ he said; C I know very well that the name 
 which is connected with this act will never be forgotten.’ 
 Well, there was one delay and another, but I always 
 spoke to him, till one day in January he said sadly that 
 he had been up all night with his sick child. I was very 
 much touched, and I resolved that I would say nothing to 
 the President about this or any other business if I could 
 help it till that child was well or dead. And I did 
 not. * * * I had never said a word to him again 
 about it — one morning here before I had breakfast, 
 before I was up, indeed, both his secretaries came over 
 to say that he wanted to see me as soon as I could see 
 him. I dressed at once and went over. ‘ I want to read 
 you my message,’ he said : c I want to know how you like 
 it. I am going to send it in to-day.’ ” 
 
 It was on the morning of March 6, 1862, that Mr. 
 Lincoln sent for Mr. Sumner to read his message. A 
 few hours later, when the Senator reached the Capitol, 
 he went to the Senate desk to see if the President had 
 carried out his intention. Yes, the document was there. 
 
 As Mr. Sumner’s history of the message given to Dr. 
 Hale shows, Mr. Lincoln had been quietly preparing the 
 way for his plan. One of his most adroit preparatory 
 maneuvers, and one of which Mr. Sumner evidently 
 knew nothing, was performed in New York City, through 
 the Hon. Carl Schurz, who at that time was the American 
 minister to Spain. 
 
 Mr. Schurz, who had gone to Madrid in 1861, had not 
 been long there before he concluded that there would be 
 great danger of the Southern Confederacy .being recog¬ 
 nized by France and England unless the aspect of the 
 situation was speedily changed, either by a decisive 
 
42 
 
 military success, or by some evidence on the part of the 
 Administration that the war was to end in the destruc¬ 
 tion of slavery. If the conflict were put on this high 
 moral plane, Mr. Schurz believed the sympathy of the 
 people in Europe would be so strong with the North that 
 interference in favor of the South would be impossible. 
 All of this he wrote to Mr. Seward in September of 1861, 
 but he received no reply to his letter other than a formal 
 acknowledgment. 
 
 After a little time, Mr. Schurz wrote to Mr. Lincoln 
 saying that he wanted to come to Washington and per¬ 
 sonally represent to the Administration what he con¬ 
 ceived to be the true nature of public opinion in Europe. 
 Mr. Lincoln wrote to him to come, and he arrived in 
 Washington in the last week of January, 1862. He went 
 at once to the White House, where he was received by the 
 President, who listened attentively to his arguments, the 
 same he had made by letter to Mr. Seward. When he 
 had finished his presentation of the case, Mr. Lincoln 
 said that he was inclined to accept that view, but that he 
 was not sure that the public sentiment of the country 
 was ripe for such a policy. It had to be educated up to 
 it. Would not Mr. Schurz go to New York and talk the 
 matter over with their friends, some of whom Mr. Lincoln 
 named? 
 
 Mr. Schurz assented, and a few days afterwards re¬ 
 ported to Mr. Lincoln that the organization of an 
 “Emancipation Society,’’ for the purpose of agitating 
 the idea, had been started in New York, and that a 
 public meeting would be held at the Cooper Union, on 
 March 6th, 
 
 “ That’s it; that is the very thing,” Mr. Lincoln replied. 
 “You must make a speech at this meeting. Go home 
 and prepare it. When you have got it outlined bring it 
 to me, and I will see what you are going to say.” 
 
 Mr. Schurz did so, and in a few days submitted to Mr. 
 Lincoln the skeleton of his argument on “Emancipation 
 as a Peace Measure.” 
 
 “ That is the right thing to say,” the President declared 
 
43 
 
 after reading it, “ and, remember, you may hear from me 
 on the same day.” 
 
 On March 6th the speech was delivered, as had been 
 arranged, before an audience which packed Cooper 
 Union. No more logical and eloquent appeal for eman¬ 
 cipation was made in all the period. The audience re¬ 
 ceived it with repeated cheers, and when Mr. Schurz sat 
 down “the applause shook the hall,” if we may believe 
 the reporter of the New York “Tribune.” Just as the 
 meeting was adjourning, Mr. Schurz did hear from Mr. 
 Lincoln, a copy of the message given that afternoon to 
 Congress being placed in his hands. He at once read it 
 to the audience, which, already thoroughly aroused, 
 now broke out again in a “tremendous burst of ap¬ 
 plause.” 
 
 The first effect of the message was to unite the radi¬ 
 cal supporters of Mr. Lincoln with the more moderate. 
 “ We are all brought by the common-sense message,” 
 said “Harper’s Weekly,” “upon the same platform. 
 The cannon shot against Fort Sumter effaced three- 
 fourths of our political lines; the President’s message 
 has wiped out the remaining fourth.” But to Mr. Lin¬ 
 coln’s keen disappointment, the border State repre¬ 
 sentatives in Congress let the proposition pass in silence. 
 Although the message failed to arouse the border States, 
 it did stimulate the anti-slavery party in Congress to 
 complete several practical measures. Acts of Congress 
 were rapidly approved forbidding the army and navy to 
 aid in the return of fugitive slaves, recognizing the inde¬ 
 pendence of Liberia and Haiti, and completing a treaty 
 with Great Britain to suppress slave trading. One of the 
 most interesting of the acts which followed close on the 
 message of March 6th emancipated immediately all the 
 slaves in the District of Columbia. One million dollars 
 was appropriated by Congress to pay loyal slaveholders 
 of the District for their loss, and $100,000 was set aside 
 to pay the expenses of such negroes as desired to emi¬ 
 grate to Haiti or Liberia. 
 
 The Administration was now committed to compensated 
 emancipation; but there were many radicals who grew 
 
44 
 
 restive at the slow working of the measure. They began 
 again to call for a more trenchant use of the weapon in 
 Lincoln’s hand. The commander of the Department of 
 the South, Gen. David Hunter, in his zeal, even issued 
 au order declaring: ( Slavery and martial law in a free 
 country, are altogether incompatible; the persons in 
 * * * Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina heretofore 
 held as slaves, are, therefore, declared forever free.’ 
 
 Mr. Lincoln’s first knowledge of this proclamation 
 came to him through the newspapers. He at once pro¬ 
 nounced it void. At the same time he made a declara¬ 
 tion at which a man less courageous, one less confident 
 in his own policy, would have hesitated — a declaration 
 of his intention that no one but himself should decide 
 how the weapon in his hand should be used. 
 
 ‘ I further make known that, whether it be competent 
 for me, as commander-in-chief of the army and navy, to 
 declare the .slaves of any State or States free, and 
 whether, at any time, in any case, it shall have become a 
 necessity indispensable to the maintenance of the gov¬ 
 ernment to exercise such supposed power, are questions 
 which, under my responsibility, I reserve to myself, and 
 which I cannot feel justified in leaving to the decision of 
 commanders in the field.’ 
 
 It was a public display of a trait of Mr. Lincoln of 
 which the country had already several examples. He 
 made his own decisions, trusted his own judgment as a 
 final authority. 
 
 In revoking Hunter’s order, Mr. Lincoln again ap¬ 
 pealed to the border States to accept his plan of buying 
 and freeing their slaves, and as if to warn them that the 
 unauthorized step which Hunter had dared to take might 
 yet be forced upon the Administration, he said: “ I do not 
 argue. I beseech you to make arguments for yourselves. 
 You cannot, if you would, be blind to the signs of the 
 times. I beg of you a calm and enlarged consideration 
 of them, ranging, if it may be, far above personal and 
 partisan politics. This proposal makes common cause 
 for a common object, casting no reproaches upon any.” 
 
 It acts not the Pharisee. The change it contemplates 
 
45 
 
 would come gently as the dews of heaven, not rending 
 or wrecking anything. Will you not embrace it? So 
 much good has not been done, by one effort, in all past 
 time, as in the providence of God it is now your high 
 privilege to do. May the vast future not have to lament 
 that you have neglected it.’ 
 
 The President’s treatment of Hunter’s order dissatis¬ 
 fied many who had been temporarily quieted by the 
 message of March 6th. They were made still more crit¬ 
 ical by the slow advancement of McClellan and his army 
 toward Richmond. Again they besought the President 
 to emancipate and arm the slaves. The authority and 
 magnitude of the demand became such that Mr. Lincoln 
 fairly staggered under it. Still he would not yield. 
 
 He could not give up yet his hope of a more peaceful 
 and just system of emancipation. But while he could 
 not do what was asked of him, he seems to have felt that 
 it was possible that he was wrong, and that another man 
 in his place would be able to see the way. In a remarka¬ 
 ble interview held early in the summer with several 
 Republican senators, among whom was the Hon. James 
 Harlan, of Mt. Pleasant, Iowa, the President actually 
 offered to resign and let Mr. Hamlin, the Vice-President, 
 initiate the policy. 
 
 The senators went to Mr. Lincoln to.urge upon him 
 the paramount importance of mustering slaves into the 
 Union army. They argued that as the war was really to 
 free the negro , it was only fair that he should take his 
 part in working out his own salvation. Mr. Lincoln 
 listened thoughtfully to every argument and then 
 replied.— 
 
 6 Gentlemen, I have put two hundred thousand muskets 
 into the hands of loyal citizens of Tennessee, Ken¬ 
 tucky, and Western North Carolina. They have said 
 they could defend themselves if they had the guns. I 
 have given them the guns. Now, these men do not be¬ 
 lieve in mustering in the negro. If I do it, these two 
 hundred thousand muskets will be turned against us. 
 We should lose more than we should gain.’ 
 
 The gentlemen urged other considerations, among 
 
46 
 
 them that it was not improbable that Europe, which was 
 anti-slavery in sentiment, but yet sympathized with the 
 notion of a Southern Confederacy, preferring two nations 
 to one in this country, would be persuading the South 
 to free her slaves in consideration of recognition. 
 After they had exhausted every argument, Mr. Lincoln 
 answered them: — 
 
 “ Gentlemen,” he said, “I can’t do it. I can’t see it 
 as you do. You may be right and I may be wrong; but 
 I’ll tell you what I can do; I can resign in favor of Mr. 
 Hamlin. Perhaps Mr. Hamlin could do it.” 
 
 The senators, amazed at this proposition, ‘‘which,” 
 says Senator Harlan, “ was made with the greatest 
 seriousness, and of which not one of us doubted the 
 sincerity,” hastened to assure the President that they 
 could not consider such a step on his part; that he stood 
 where he could see all around the horizon; that he must 
 do what he thought right; that, in any event, he must 
 not resign. 
 
 As the spring passed into summer the military situation 
 in Virginia grew more and more serious. Finally McClel¬ 
 lan, after spending April and May in working his way 
 up the Peninsula from Fort Monroe to within a few miles 
 of Richmond, and spending June in heavy and disas¬ 
 trous fighting, fell back to Harrison’s Landing, on the 
 James River. 
 
 “ When the Peninsula campaign terminated suddenly 
 at Harrison’s Landing,” Mr. Lincoln said once to a friend 
 who asked him if he had ever despaired of his country, 
 “I was as nearly inconsolable as I could be and live.” 
 McClellan’s telegrams from Harrison’s Landing were so 
 discouraging that the President finally, early in July, 
 visited the army there, to satisfy himself of the condi¬ 
 tion of things. He came away convinced that he was 
 not going to have any military encouragement very soon 
 to offer to his supporters. But he must show them 
 some fruits of their efforts, some sign that the men 
 and money that they had poured into “ McClellan’s trap,” 
 as it was beginning to be called, were not lost; that the 
 new call for 300,000 men just made was not to be in 
 
47 
 
 
 vain. There was nothing to do but to use emancipa¬ 
 tion in some way as a weapon, and he summoned the 
 representatives of the border States to the White House 
 on July 12th, and made an earnest, almost passionate, 
 appeal to them to consider his proposition of March 6th. 
 
 It is doubtful if Mr. Lincoln in all his political career 
 ever had a measure more at heart than his scheme for 
 compensated emancipation. Isaac Arnold, who knew him 
 well, says that rarely, if ever, was he known to manifest 
 such solicitude as over this measure. 
 
 “Oh, how I wish the border States would accept my 
 proposition,” he said to Arnold and Owen Lovejoy one 
 day; “ then you, Lovejoy, and you, Arnold, and all of us 
 would not have lived in vain. The labor of your life, 
 Lovejoy, would be crowned with success. You would 
 live to see the end of slavery.” 
 
 “ Could you have seen the President,” wrote Sumner 
 once to a friend, u as it was my privilege often — while he 
 was considering the great questions on which he has 
 already acted —the invitation to emancipation in the 
 States, emancipation in the District of Columbia, and the 
 acknowledgment of the independence of Haiti and 
 Liberia, even your zeal would have been satisfied.” 
 
 i( His ivhole soul was occupied , especially by the first prop¬ 
 osition, which was peculiarly his own. 
 
 In familiar intercourse with him, I remember nothing 
 more touching than the earnestness and completeness 
 with which he embraced this idea. To his mind it was 
 just and beneficent, while it promised the sure end of 
 slavery.” 
 
 His address to the border State representatives on 
 July 12th is full of this conviction, but the majority of 
 the representatives rejected the President’s appeal. 
 (Fools they were, big fools.) 
 
 Mr. Lincoln never came to a point in his public career 
 where he did not have a card in reserve, and he never 
 lacked the courage to play it, if he was forced to do it. 
 “ I must save this government if possible,” he said, now 
 that his best efforts for compensated emancipation were 
 vain. “What I cannot do, of course I will not do; but 
 
48 
 
 it may as well be understood, once for all, that I shall not 
 surrender this game, leaving any available card un¬ 
 played.” Just w 7 hat his.“ available card ” was, he hinted 
 to Secretary Seward and Secretary Welles the very day 
 after his interview with the border State representatives. 
 He had about come to the conclusion, he said, that he 
 must free the slaves by proclamation or be himself sub¬ 
 dued. 
 
 It was probably very shortly after this that a curious 
 interview took place between Mr. Lincoln and his old and 
 intimate friend, Leonard Swett, which shows admirably 
 the struggle in the President’s mind. The story of this 
 interview Mr. Swett used to tell often to his friends, and 
 it is through the courtesy of one of them, the Hon. Peter 
 Stenger Grosscup, U. S. Circuit Judge for the Seventh 
 Judicial Circuit, that it is given here: — 
 
 One day, during the course of the war, when Mr. Sw r ett 
 was at his home in Bloomington, Illinois, he received a 
 telegram asking him to come immediately to the Presi¬ 
 dent. The second morning afterwards found him in 
 Washington. Thinking that something unusual was at 
 hand, he went to the White House upon arrival, and be¬ 
 fore eating his breakfast. Mr. Lincoln asked him im¬ 
 mediately into the cabinet room, and after making a few 
 inquiries about mutual friends in Illinois, pulled up his 
 chair to a little cabinet of drawers. Swett, of course, 
 awaited in silence the developments. 
 
 Opening a draw r er, Lincoln took out a manuscript 
 which he said was a letter from William Lloyd Gar¬ 
 rison, and which he proceeded to read. It proved to 
 be an eloquent and passionate appeal for the immediate 
 emancipation of the slaves. It recalled the devotion 
 and loyalty of the North, but pointed out, with some¬ 
 thing like peremptoriness, that unless some step was 
 taken to cut out by the roots the institution of slavery, 
 the expectations of the North would be disappointed, 
 and its ardor correspondingly cooled. It went into the 
 moral wrong that lay at the bottom of the war, and 
 insisted that the war could not, in the nature of things, be 
 ended until the wrong was at an end. 
 
 4 
 
49 
 
 The letter throughout was entirely characteristic of 
 Garrison. 
 
 Laying it back without comment, Mr. Lincoln took 
 out another which proved to be a letter from Garrett 
 Davis, of Kentucky. It, too, treated of emancipation; 
 but from the border State point of view. It carefully 
 balanced the martial and moral forces of the North and 
 South, and pointed out that if the border States, now 
 divided almost equally between the belligerents, were 
 thrown unitedly to the South, a conclusion of the war 
 favorable to the North would be next to impossible. It 
 then proceeded to recall that slavery was an institution 
 of these border States with which their people had grown 
 familiar and upon which much of their prosperity wa3 
 founded. Emancipation, especially emancipation with¬ 
 out compensation, would, in that quarter of the country, 
 be looked upon as a stab at prosperity and a departure 
 from the original Union purposes of the war. It begged 
 Mr. Lincoln to be led by the Northern abolition senti¬ 
 ment into no such irretrievable mistake. 
 
 Laying this back, Mr. Lincoln took out another, which 
 turned out to be from a then prominent Swiss statesman, 
 a sympathizer with the Northern cause, but whose name 
 I cannot recall. It breathed all through an ardent wish 
 that the North should succeed. The writer’s purpose was 
 to call attention to the foreign situation and the im¬ 
 portance of preventing foreign intervention. This he 
 summed up as follows: The governing classes in England 
 and Napoleon in France were favorable to the success of 
 the Confederacy. They were looking for a pretext upon 
 which to base some sort of intervention. Anything that, 
 in international law, would justify intervention would be 
 quickly utilized. 
 
 A situation justifying such a pretext must be avoided. 
 The writer then pointed out that from the earliest times 
 any interference with the enemy’s slaves had been re¬ 
 garded as a cruel and improper expedient; that emanci¬ 
 pation would be represented to Europe as an equivalent of 
 inciting slave insurrection, and would be seized upon, the 
 writer feared, as a pretext upon which forcibly to inter- 
 
 4 
 
50 
 
 vene. The letter went over the whole, foreign situation, 
 bringing out clearly this phase of the consequences of 
 emancipation. 
 
 Laying this letter back, the President turned to Mr. 
 Swett, and without a word of inquiry, took up himself 
 the subject of emancipation, not only in the phases 
 pointed out by the letters just read, but every possible 
 phase and consequence under which it could be con¬ 
 sidered. For more than an hour he debated the situa¬ 
 tion, first the one side and then the other of every 
 question arising. His manner did not indicate that he 
 wished to impress his views upon his hearer, but rather 
 to weigh and examine them for his own enlightenment in 
 the presence of his hearer. 
 
 It was an instance of stating conclusions aloud, not 
 that they might convince another, or be combated by him, 
 but that the speaker might see for himself how they 
 looked when taken out of the region of mere reflection 
 and embodied in words. 
 
 The President’s deliverance was so judicial, and so 
 free from the quality of debate, or appearance of a wish 
 to convince, that Mr. Swett felt himself to be, not so 
 much a hearer of Lincoln’s views, as a witness of 
 the President’s mental operations. The President was 
 simply framing his thought in words, under the eye of 
 his friend, that he might clear up his own mind. 
 
 When the President concluded, he asked for no com¬ 
 ment and made no inquiry, but, rising, expressed his 
 hope that Mr. Swett would get home safely, and intrusted 
 to him some messages to their mutual friends. The 
 audience thus ended.’ 
 
 Mr. Lincoln had, no doubt, determined at this time on 
 the Emancipation Proclamation, perhaps had in his 
 drawer with the letters he real to Mr. Swett, the origi¬ 
 nal draft which, as he afterwards told Mr. F. B. Carpenter, 
 he prepared “ without consultation with, or the knowledge 
 of the cabinet.” It was on July 22d that, “after much 
 anxious thought,” he called a cabinet meeting to con¬ 
 sider the subject. 
 
 “ I said to the cabinet,” the President told Mr. Car- 
 
51 
 
 penter, “that I had resolved upon this step, and had not 
 called them together to ask their advice, but to lay the 
 subject-matter of a proclamation before them, sugges¬ 
 tions as to which would be in order, after they had heard 
 it read.” 
 
 The gist of the proclamation which Mr. Lincoln read 
 to the cabinet was that, on the first day of January, 
 1863, all persons held as slaves within any State or 
 States wherein the constitutional authority of the United 
 States should not then be practically recognized, should 
 “ then, thenceforward and forever be free.” He called 
 his proclamation “a fit and necessary military measure,” 
 and prefaced it by declaring that, upon the next 
 meeting of Congress, he intended to recommend a prac¬ 
 tical plan for giving pecuniary aid to any State which by 
 that time had adopted “gradual abolishment of slavery.” 
 The cabinet seems to have been bewildered by the 
 sweeping proposition of the President. Nicolay and 
 Hay quote a memorandum of the meeting made by 
 Secretary Stanton, in which he says: “The measure 
 goes beyond anything I have recommended.” Mr. Lin¬ 
 coln, in his account of the meeting given to Mr. Carpen¬ 
 ter, says:— 
 
 “ Various suggestions were offered. * * * Noth¬ 
 
 ing, however, was offered that I had not already fully 
 anticipated and settled in my own mind, until Secretary 
 Seward spoke. 
 
 He said in substance: “Mr. President, I approve of 
 the proclamation, but I question the expediency of its 
 issue at this juncture. The depression of the public 
 mind, consequent upon our repeated reverses, is so 
 great that I fear the effect of so important a step 
 It may be viewed as the last measure of an exhausted 
 government, a cry for help; the government stretching 
 forth its hands to Ethiopia, instead of Ethiopia stretch¬ 
 ing forth her hands to the government.” His idea^was 
 that it would be considered our last shriek on the retreat. 
 “ Now,” continued Mr. Seward, “ While I approve^the 
 measure, I suggest, sir, that you postpone its issue, until 
 you can give it to the country, supported by military 
 
52 
 
 success, instead of issuing it, as would be the case now, 
 upon the greatest disasters of the war!” The wisdom 
 of the view of the Secretary of State struck me with very 
 great force. It was an aspect of the case that, in all my 
 thoughts upon the subject, I had entirely overlooked. 
 
 The result was that I put the draft of the proclamation 
 aside as you do your sketch for a picture, waiting for a 
 victory. 
 
 From time to time I added or changed a line, touching 
 it up here and there, anxiously waiting the progress of 
 events. 
 
 The victory Mr. Lincoln waited for was long in com¬ 
 ing. Each new delay or failure only intensified the 
 radical anti-slavery sentiment, and made the demand for 
 emancipation more emphatic and threatening. The 
 culmination of this dissatisfaction was an editorial 
 signed by Horace Greeley and printed in the New York 
 “Tribune” of August 20th, entitled “The Prayer of 
 20,000,000 ” — two columns of bitter and unjust accusa¬ 
 tions and complaints addressed to Mr. Lincoln, charging 
 him with “ ignoring, disregarding and defying ” the laws 
 already enacted against slavery. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln answered it in a letter published in the 
 “ National Intelligencer ” of Washington, August 23d. 
 
 The document challenges comparison with the State 
 papers of all times and all countries for its lucidity and 
 its courage. 
 
 As to the policy I “ seem to be pursuing,” as you say, I 
 have not meant to leave any one in doubt. 
 
 I would save the Union. I would save it the shortest 
 way under the Constitution. The sooner the national 
 authority can be restored, the nearer the Union will be 
 tC the Union as it was.” If there be those who would not 
 save the Union unless they could at the same time save 
 slavery, I do not agree with them. If there be those who 
 would not save the Union unless they could at the same 
 time destroy slavery, I do not agree with them. My para¬ 
 mount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is 
 not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save 
 the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it; and if 
 
53 
 
 I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it; and 
 if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others 
 alone, I would also do that. What I do about slavery 
 and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to 
 save the Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I 
 do not believe it would help to save the Union. I shall 
 do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts 
 the cause, and I shall do more whenever I shall believe 
 doing more will help the cause. I shall try to correct 
 errors when shown to be errors, and I shall adopt new 
 views as fast as they shall appear to be true views. 
 
 The “ Greeley faction ” as it was called, not only pur¬ 
 sued Mr. Lincoln through the press and pulpit and plat¬ 
 form; an unending procession of radical committees and 
 delegations waited upon him. Although he was at that 
 time, by his own statement, adding or changing a line of 
 the proclamation, “ touching it up here and there,” he 
 seems almost invariably to have argued against emanci¬ 
 pation with those who came to plead for it. There is 
 every indication indeed that an incessant struggle against 
 violent emancipation went on in his mind through the 
 whole period. He regarded it as the act of a dictator. 
 He feared it might be fruitless. He dreaded the injury it 
 would do the loyal people of the South. He said once 
 to a friend, that he had prayed to the Almighty to save 
 him from the necessity of it, adopting the very language 
 of Christ: ‘‘If it be possible let this cup pass from me.” 
 
 In this awful summer of 1862, beset by enemies in front 
 and rear, with failure after failure crashing upon him, 
 still sore from his great personal bereavement of the 
 spring before, the President displayed sometimes a 
 sarcasm and irritability quite unlike the almost super¬ 
 human patience which was characteristic of him. Many 
 committees which went to him with advice and warning 
 were answered with bitterness; sometimes, they 
 claimed, with sneers. The futility of their talk was no 
 doubt unendurable to the overworked, despairing man. 
 So far as documentary proof of Lincoln’s irritability at 
 this period exists, it is evident that it was aroused only 
 by useless demands and delays. In a quantity of unpub- 
 
54 
 
 lished telegrams which have been collected recently by 
 the War Department, there are a number which show 
 this; as, for illustration, the two following: — 
 
 Washington, D. C., August 12, 1862. 
 
 Governor Andrews: 
 
 Boston, Massachusetts. 
 
 Your dispatch saying “I can’t get those regiments off 
 because I can’t get quick work out of the United States 
 disbursing office and the paymaster” is received. 
 Please say to these gentlemen that if they do not work 
 quickly I will make quick work with them. In the name 
 of all that is reasonable, how long does it take to pay a 
 couple of regiments? We were never more in need of 
 the arrival of regiments than now, even to-day. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 Washington, D. C., August 23, 1862, 8 p. m. 
 
 Hon. R. Yates, 
 
 Springfield, Illinois. 
 
 I am pained to hear that you reject the services of an 
 officer we sent to assist in organizing and getting off 
 troops. Pennsylvania and Indiana accepted such officers 
 kindly, and they now have more than twice as many new 
 troops iu the field as all the other Statss together. If 
 Illinois had got forward as many troops as Indiana, 
 Cumberland Gap would soon be relieved from its pres¬ 
 ent perils. Please do not ruin us on punctilio. 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 The victory for which the President waited came on 
 September 17th. McClellan had followed Lee into Mary¬ 
 land, and defeated him. The President was at his sum¬ 
 mer house at the Soldiers’ Home when the news of An- 
 tietam reached him. He at once finished the second draft 
 of the Emancipation Proclamation, and called the cabinet 
 together on Monday, September 22d. Secretary Chase 
 recorded in his diary, that day, how, after reading his 
 
55 
 
 colleagues a chapter from Artemus Ward, the President 
 C( took a graver tone.” The words he spoke, as recorded 
 by Mr. Chase, are a remarkable revelation of the man’s 
 feeling at the moment. 
 
 I have, as you are aware, thought a great deal about 
 the relation of this war to slavery; and you all remember 
 that, several weeks ago, I read to you an order I had 
 prepared on this subject, which, on account of objections 
 made by some of you, was not issued. Ever since then 
 my mind has been much occupied with this subject, and 
 I have thought all along that the time for acting upon it 
 might probably come. I think the time has come now. 
 I wish it was a better time. I wish that we were in a 
 better condition. The action of the army against the 
 rebels has not been quite what I should have best liked. 
 But they have been driven out of Maryland, and Penn¬ 
 sylvania is no longer in danger of invasion. When the 
 rebel army was at Frederick, I determined as soon as it 
 should be driven out of Maryland, toissue a proclamation 
 of emancipation, such as I thought most likely to be use¬ 
 ful. I said nothing to any one, but I made the promise to 
 myself [hesitating a little], to my Maker. The rebel 
 army is now driven out, and I am going to fulfill that 
 promise. I have got you together to hear what I have 
 written down. I do not wish your advice about the main 
 matter, for that I have determined for myself. This I 
 say without intending anything but respect for any one 
 of you. But I already kuow the views of each on this 
 question. They have been heretofore expressed, and I 
 have considered them as thoroughly and carefully as I can. 
 What I have written is that which my reflections have 
 determined me to say. If there is anything in the ex¬ 
 pressions I use, or in any minor matter, which any of 
 you thinks had best be changed, I shall be glad to re¬ 
 ceive the suggestions. One other observation I will 
 make. I know very well that many others might, in 
 this matter, as in others, do better than I can; and if 
 
 I was satisfied that the public confidence was more 
 
 • 
 
 fully possessed by any one of them than by me, and 
 knew of any constitutional way in which he could be 
 
56 
 
 put in my place, he should have it. I would gladly 
 yield to him. But, though I believe that I have not so 
 much of the confidence of the people as I had some 
 time since, I do not know that, all things considered, 
 any other person has more; and, however this may be, 
 there is no way in which I can have another man put 
 where I am. I am here; I must do the best I can, 
 and bear the responsibility of taking the course which 
 I feel I ought to take. 
 
 The proclamation appeared in the newspapers of the 
 following morning. There was no exultation in the 
 President’s mind; indeed there was almost a groan in 
 the words which, the night after he had given it out, 
 he addressed to a party of serenaders: “I can only 
 trust in God that I have made no mistake.” The events 
 of the fall brought him little encouragement. Indeed, 
 the promise of emancipation seemed to effect nothing 
 but discontent and uneasiness; stocks went down, troops 
 fell off. In five great States — Indiana, Illinois, Ohio, 
 Pennsylvania, and New York — the elections went against 
 him. Little but menaces came from Europe. Many 
 said that the President would not dare, in the face of 
 the unrest of the country, fulfill his promise, and issue 
 the proclamation. But when Congress opened on De¬ 
 cember 1st, he did submit the proclamation, together 
 with the plan of compensated emancipation which he h^d 
 worked out. Over one-half of the message, in fact, was 
 given to this plan. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln pleaded with Congress for bis measure as 
 he had never pleaded before. He argued that it would 
 “end the struggle and save the Union forever,” that it 
 would u cost no blood at all,” that Congress could do it 
 if they would unite with the executive, that the “ good 
 people ” would respond and support it if appealed to. 
 
 i( It is not,” he said, “ f Can any of us imagine better? ’ 
 but, 1 Can we all do better?’ Object whatsoever is pos¬ 
 sible, still the question occurs, ‘ Can we do better? ’ The 
 dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate to the stormy 
 present. The occasion is piled high with difficulty, and 
 we must rise with the occasion. A s our case is new, so 
 
we must think anew and act anew. We must disenthrall 
 ourselves, and then we shall save our country. 
 
 “Fellow-citizens, we cannot escape history. We of 
 this Congress and this Administration will be remem¬ 
 bered in spite of ourselves. No personal significance or 
 insignificance can spare one or another of us. The fiery 
 trial through which we pass will light us down, in honor 
 or dishonor, to the latest generation. We say we are 
 for the Union. 
 
 “The world will not forget that we say this. We know 
 how to save the Union. The world knows we do know 
 how to save it. We — even we here — hold the power 
 and bear the responsibility. Iu giving freedom to the 
 slave, we assure freedom to the free — honorable alike in 
 what we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly 
 save or meanly lose the last, best hope of earth. Other 
 means may succeed; this could not fail. The way is 
 plain, peaceful, generous, just — a way which, if fol¬ 
 lowed, the world will forever applaud, and God must 
 forever bless.” 
 
 Nothing ever came of it, for before any of the border 
 States had become willing to accept the measure, that 
 necessity which Lincoln foresaw from the first hadforced 
 complete emancipation without compensation. 
 
 As the first of January drew near, many friends of the 
 proclamation doubted that Mr. Lincoln would keep his 
 promise. Among these was the Rev. Byron Sunderland, 
 of Washington, at that time chaplain of the Senate and 
 one of the most aggressively loyal ministers in the city. 
 Dr. Sunderland feared that there was truth in the rumor 
 that the President would withdraw, notissue, the procla¬ 
 mation on the 1st of January, and on the Sunday before 
 the new year he preached a sermon on the subject. Mr. 
 Z. S. Robbins, of Washington, a friend of Mr. Lincoln, 
 asked Dr. Sunderland to go with him to the President 
 and urge him to keep his promise. 
 
 “We were ushered into the cabinet room,” says Dr. 
 Sunderland, “ It was very dim, but one gas-jet burning. 
 As we entered, Mr. Lincoln was standing at the farther 
 end of the long table which filled the middle of the room. 
 
58 
 
 As I stood by the door, I am so very short, that I was 
 obliged to look up to see the President. Mr. Robbins 
 introduced me, and I began at once by saying: 4 1 have 
 come, Mr. President, to anticipate the New Year with my 
 respects, aud, if I may, to say to you a word about the 
 serious condition of this country? 
 
 4 4 4 Go ahead, Doctor,’ replied the President; 4 every 
 little helps,’ but I was too much iu earnest to laugh at 
 his sally at my smallaess. 4 Mr. President,’ Ij continued, 
 
 4 they say that you are not going to keep your promise to 
 give us the Emancipation Proclamation; that it is your 
 intention to withdraw it.’ 
 
 4 * 4 Well, Doctor,’ said Mr. Lincoln, 4 You know Peter 
 was going to do it, but when the time came he didn’t.’ 
 
 44 4 Mr. President,’ I continued, 4 I have been studying 
 Peter. He did not deny his Master uutil after his 
 Master rebuked him in the presence of his enemy. You 
 have a master, too, Mr. Linccdn, the American people. 
 Don’t deny your master until he has rebuked you before 
 all the world.’ 
 
 44 My earnestness seemed to interest the President, and 
 his whole tone changed immediately. 4 Sit down, Doctor 
 Sunderland,’he said; 4 let us talk.’ 
 
 44 We seated ourselves in the room, and for a moment 
 the President was silent, his elbow resting on the table, 
 his big, gnarled hands closed over his forehead. Then 
 looking up gravely at me, he began to speak: — 
 
 4 4 4 Doctor, if it had been left to you and me, there 
 would have been no war. If it had been left to you and 
 me there would have been no cause for this war; but it 
 was not left to us. God has allowed men to make slaves 
 of their fellows. He permits this war. He has before 
 Him a strange spectacle. We, on our side, are praying 
 Him to give us victory, because we believe we are right; 
 but those on the other side pray Him, too, for victory, 
 believing they are right. What must He think of us? 
 And what is coming from the struggle? What will be 
 the effect of it all on the whites and on the negroes? ’ 
 And then suddenly a ripple of amusement broke the 
 solemn tone of his voice, 4 As for the negroes, Doctor, 
 
59 
 
 and what is going to become of them: I told Ben Wade 
 the other day, that it made me think of a story I read in 
 one of my first books, “ iEsop’s Fables.” It was an old 
 edition, and had curious rough wood-cuts, one of which 
 showed four white men scrubbing a negro in a potash 
 kettle filled with cold water. The text explained that 
 the men thought that by scrubbing the negro they might 
 make him white. Just about the time they thought they 
 were succeeding, he took cold and died. Now, I am 
 afraid that by the time we get through with this war the 
 negro will catch cold and die.’ 
 
 “ The laugh had hardly died away before he resumed 
 his grave tone, and for half an hour he discussed the 
 question of emancipation. He stated it in every light, 
 putting his points so clearly that each statement was an 
 argument. He showed the fullest appreciation of every 
 side. It was like a talk of one of the old prophets. 
 And though he did not tell me at the end whether the 
 proclamation would be issued or not, I went home com¬ 
 forted and uplifted, aud I believed in Abraham Lincoln 
 from that day.” 
 
 Mr. Lincoln had no idea of withdrawing the proclama¬ 
 tion. On December 30tb, he read the document to his 
 cabinet and asked the members to take copies home and 
 give him their criticisms. 
 
 The next day at cabinet meeting these criticisms and 
 suggestions were presented by the different members. 
 Mr. Lincoln took them all to his office, where, during 
 that afternoon, and the morning of January 1st, 
 1863, he rewrote the document. He was called from 
 it at eleven o’clock to go to the East Room and 
 begin the customary New Year’s hand-shaking. It was 
 the middle of the afternoon before he was free and 
 back in the executive chamber, where the Emancipation 
 Proclamation, which in the interval had been duly 
 engrossed at the State Department and brought to the 
 White House by Secretary Seward and his son, was 
 waiting his signature. 
 
 “ They found the President alone,” writes Frederick 
 Seward, “ in his room. The broad sheet was spread 
 
GO 
 
 out before him on the cabinet table. Mr. Lincoln dipped 
 his pen in the ink, and then, holding it a moment above 
 the paper, seemed to hesitate. Looking around, he 
 said: “ c I never, in my life, felt more certain that I was 
 doing right than I do in signing this paper. But I have 
 been receiving calls and shaking hands since nine 
 [eleven?] o’clock this morning, till my arm is stiff and 
 numb. Now, this signature is one that will be closely 
 examined, and if they find my hand trembled, they will 
 say “ he had some compunctions.” But, any way, it is 
 going to be done.” 
 
 “ So saying, he slowly and carefully wrote his name at 
 the bottom of the proclamation.” 
 
 At last the Emancipation Proclamation was a fact. 
 But there was little rejoicing in the heart of the man who 
 had framed and given it to the world. In issuing it, all 
 he had dared hope was that in the long run it would give 
 greater gain than loss. He was not confident that this 
 would be so, but he was willing to risk it. “ Hope and 
 fear and doubt contended over the new policy in uncer¬ 
 tain conflict,” he said months later. As he had foreseen, 
 dark days followed. There were mutinies in the army; 
 there was ridicule; there was a long interval of waiting 
 for results. Nothing but the greatest care in enforcing 
 the proclamation could make it a greater good than evil, 
 and Mr. Lincoln now turned all his energies to this new 
 task. 
 
 u We are like whalers,” he said one day, “who 
 have been long on a chase, we have at last got the har¬ 
 poon into the monster, but we must now look how we 
 steer, or with one flop of his tail he will send us all into 
 eternity.” 
 
 When Jefferson wrote the Ordinances governing the 
 Northwest Territory he prohibited slavery therein for¬ 
 ever. He never added a single slave to the stock he 
 inherited. He said that slavery could not always exist 
 in the United States, and that, when the negroes were 
 free, the whites and negroes could not live together in 
 peace for any considerable length of time. 
 
61 
 
 If the people had called for it Jefferson would have 
 solved the negro question for us a hundred years ago. 
 
 Forty years ago that old “ bunch of ugliness and hon¬ 
 esty.” —Abe Lincoln — had the question solved, as Ida M. 
 Tarbell shows in tC Lincoln and the Emancipation Proc¬ 
 lamation.” But the people and the Congress were 
 either too narrow-minded or too mean to accept “ Old 
 Honest Abe’s ” scheme for compensated emancipation 
 and colonization. 
 
 I wonder if the people of this country are ready now 
 to take up the negro problem and solve it in a sensible 
 way. 
 
 All the women of America with whom I have talked, 
 and four-fifths of the men are anxious to have the negroes 
 colonized. 
 
 I will now ask my reader to go back and read “ Lin¬ 
 coln and the Emancipation Proclamation ” once more 
 carefully, then read the following excerpts from speeches 
 made not long since by John Temple Graves of Georgia: — 
 
 “The mob knows its business and the mob does its 
 work. And the mob to-day is the sternest,the strongest, 
 and the most effective restraint that the age holds for 
 the control of the monstrous crime which it avenges. 
 The lyncher does not exterminate the rapist, but holds 
 him mightily in check. It is folly to protest against this 
 truth. Without the mob there would be a hundred 
 assaults where there is one. Without the mob the South 
 to-day would not be a place to live in. 
 
 “ Thousands of vicious negroes halt in terror before 
 the blazing anger and the fiery vengeance of the mob. 
 
 “Criminal? Yes. Lawless? Yes. Ought to be abol¬ 
 ished? If possible, yes. But as a sheer, cold, patent 
 fact, the mob stands to-day as the highest, strongest 
 and most potent bulwark between the women of the 
 South and such a carnival of crime as would infuriate 
 the world and precipitate the annihilation of the negro 
 race. 
 
 “ It is not a pleasant thing to say. It is not a popular 
 thing to say. But it is the only true thing to say. 
 
 “ It is necessary to speak plainly now. The mob has 
 
62 
 
 broken the barriers of section and lynching is at]last a 
 national crime. The spirit of lawlessness is clearly an 
 evil of the times. The touch of the mob has made the 
 Republic kin. For every Newman there is a Washington; 
 For Palmetto in Georgia, Kansas has its Leavenworth; 
 Sam Hose is matched by Alex. White; the Evansville 
 riots surpass the riots in Cairo. 
 
 “ The mob that shoots in Mississippi is answered by 
 the mob that slays in Danville, Ill, 
 u Akron, 0., storms a negro’s refuge in jail almost 
 within sight of Canton, where sleeps the martyr Presi¬ 
 dent— the best beloved man who has occupied the White 
 House since the Father of his Country. Pana and Carter- 
 vllle thrust their murderous Winchesters into the black 
 faces of the workmen who come to delve in the mines 
 of Illinois. 
 
 “ A mob in Chicago, ready with a rope, chases a negro 
 through the streets. New York, the metropolis and cos- 
 mopolis of our world, has its central section from 
 Thirtieth street to Thirty-first torn by a race riot as 
 fierce and as relentless as New Orleons, 
 
 “ And evenin Springfield, Mass., right in New England’s 
 noble heart, the police battalions battled half the night 
 to rescue from the jlynchers a bibulous citizen who, with 
 a swipe of a broken beer glass, had nipped from its place 
 another New England gentleman’s obtrusive nose. The 
 question has come home to the country at last.” 
 
 “ I put in evidence here the fact that the Southern 
 people have held women in peculiar and almost romantic 
 esteem. I am free by the record to assert that no 
 people in history have ever compassed with greater 
 tenderness and with more reverential chivalry the 
 females of their race.” 
 
 “ The crime which begot lynching was a crime against 
 Southern womanhood — a crime blacker than arson and 
 deadlier than assassination — a crime beside which 
 murder is a misdemeanor and death a holiday — a crime 
 that killed thrice and each death without a resurrec¬ 
 tion — a crime that blasted memory while it murdered 
 
63 
 
 reputation — a crime unspeakable and unthinkable this 
 side of hell.” 
 
 “ There is no real remedy but one ” — separation . 
 
 “ This, my countn men, is a case of surgery — surgery 
 heroic, but beneficent — the knife that severs the limb, 
 but saves the life. For no statute will permanently solve 
 this problem. No anodyne of law, no counter-irritant of 
 legislation will quiet it longer than the hour of appli¬ 
 cation. 
 
 u The evil is in the blood of races; the disease is in 
 the bones and marrow and the skin of antagonistic 
 peoples.” — From “ The Mob Spirit of the South.” 
 
 “ The prejudices of race is a pointing of providence, 
 and the antagonism of peoples is: The fixed policy by 
 which God peoples the different portions of the universe 
 and establishes the individuality of the nations. 
 
 The act that brought these peoples together on this 
 continent was a sin of the fathers, a sin of greed, an 
 iniquity of trade, and the sorrow and suffering of the 
 present is for the sin of the past — a sin against nature 
 and a sin against God. 
 
 The curse can be lifted only when nature is vindicated 
 and God is obeyed. The problem will be solved only when 
 the negro is restored to the “ bounds of his habitation.” 
 It is neither impossible nor impracticable. The elements 
 are,willing, and the way is in reach. This is not a day 
 of impossibilities. The hand of the Almighty is steadily 
 opening the way. 
 
 It may be that the islands of the sea were placed by 
 providence in our keeping to furnish an answer to the 
 problem of the time. 
 
 The negro is an accident — an unwilling, a blameless, 
 but an unwholesome, unwelcome, helpless, unassimilable 
 element in our civilization. He is not made for our 
 times. He is not framed to share in the duty and the 
 destiny which he perplexes and beclouds. 
 
 Let us put him kindly and humanely out of the way. 
 Let us give him a better chance than he has ever had in 
 history, and let us have done with him. Let us solve his 
 problem, frankly, fearlessly, nobly and speedily. Let us 
 
64 
 
 put it behind us. Let us purify our politics of the per¬ 
 plexity. Let us liberate the South to vote and to 
 think like freemen upon the mighty issues of the 
 times. * * * 
 
 We have been ready in the South for years to divide on 
 party lines. We do not dare to do it. With the white 
 race divided, the negro is held up once more to the ballot 
 box and becomes the balance of power in the policies of 
 the time. 
 
 We have our separate and divergent convictions on 
 economic issues. We crush these under the iron heel of 
 necessity. We have our varying interests that would 
 naturally be expressed in opposing politics. We sacrifice 
 these material issues to the greater stake. And the great 
 people of the South, dominated and solidified by the fear 
 of this unwholesome balance, are whipped, protesting, 
 into line behind expediency, and forced to compulsory 
 union in a single party. The education of the hustings, 
 the friction of ideas, the vigilant watchfulness of jealous 
 partisanship, and the political libeity of the thinker and 
 of the voter are all lost in the shadow of the somber 
 appehension. 
 
 In a land of light and liberty, in an age of enlighten¬ 
 ment and law, the women of the South are prisoners to 
 danger and to fear. While your women may walk from 
 suburb to suburb, and from township to township, with¬ 
 out escort and without alarm, there is not a woman in the 
 South — wife or daughter — who would be permitted or 
 who would dare to walk at twilight unguarded through 
 the residence streets of a populous town, or to ride the 
 outside highways at midday. The terror of the twilight 
 deepens with the darkness, and in the rural regions every 
 farmer leaves his home with apprehension in the morn¬ 
 ing and thanks God when he comes from the fields at 
 evening to find all well with the women of his home. 
 
 For behind the prejudice of race stalks the fiend of lust, 
 and behind the rapist thunders the mob, engine of ven¬ 
 geance, monstrous, lawless, deplorable, but under the 
 uncured defects of the law, the fiery terror of the crim¬ 
 inal, and the chief defense of woman. 
 
65 
 
 This is also a problem of justice. Fair as our designs 
 and equitable as our verdicts, as tested by the highest 
 courts, the prejudice of race inevitably poisons law and 
 tempts justice, from the jury’s box to the judge’s bench. 
 
 It is a problem of religious unity — separating brethren 
 and dividing usefulness. For more than one great relig¬ 
 ious body in this country, cherishing a common creed, 
 believing in one Lord, one faith, one baptism, are sun¬ 
 dered and set in separate and sectional camps by the 
 clash of convictions here. 
 
 It is a problem of numbers. Four million slaves were 
 freed. There are nine million negrces now. The prob¬ 
 lem grows in difficulty with marvelously increasing num¬ 
 bers and is magnified in vitality by delay. If antago¬ 
 nisms now so fundamental are not softened, if prejudices 
 now so serious are not healed, then the futuiedaikens 
 and we will enter with swollen numbers upon a period of 
 strife and wrangle in whose perils our present troubles 
 will not be remembered. Optimism is easy. Optimism 
 is popular. But the logic of conditions is ominous with 
 warning and it is braver to be honest, and wiser to be 
 prepared. 
 
 Here, then, the issues— Unity of the Republic, mate¬ 
 rial development, purity of politics, political independ¬ 
 ence,respect for the ballot, reverence for the Constitution, 
 the safety of our homes, the sanctity of our women, the 
 supremacy of law, the sacredness of justice, the integ¬ 
 rity of race, and the unity of the church. There is not a 
 phase .of our civilization, there is not a principle of our 
 race, there is not a fundamental of society, that is not 
 wrapped in the hopeless tangle which this problem 
 weaves. 
 
 These are difficulties which compass the white man of 
 the South. Heaven knows they are serious enough. 
 
 But what of the negro? It would be cruel and unkind 
 to cast up the balances of this great account without 
 considering him. I speak the representative sentiment 
 of the South when I say that we would not come to the 
 con sideralions of this tremerdous issue without a high 
 
 5 
 
66 
 
 and humane consideration for the negro. How does the 
 problem come to him, and what does the future hold? 
 
 Will the white man permit the negro to have an equal 
 partin the industrial, political, social and civil advan¬ 
 tages of the United States? This, as I understand it, is 
 the question which involves his life and destiny.’ 
 
 These words come from a negro — the wisest, the 
 most thoughtful and the most eloquent negro of his 
 time, as discreet as Washington, a deeper thinker and 
 much more eloquent man. But for one hour of the 
 Atlanta Exposition, Council of Huntsville might stand 
 to-day where Washington of Tuskegee stands—as the 
 recognized leader of his race. 
 
 This question asked by Council, as the deliberate repre¬ 
 sentative of his people, is the core of the negro problem. 
 The answer to it is in every white man’s heart, 
 even if it does not lie openly on every white man’s lips. 
 
 It may be expressed in diplomacy; it may be veiled in 
 indiscretion; it may be softened in philanthropy; it may 
 be guarded in politic utterance, and oftenest of all it is 
 restrained by ultra conservatism and personal timidity. 
 
 But whenever the answer to this vital question comes, 
 stripped of verbiage and indirection, it rings like a 
 martial bugle in the single syllable — <( No.” 
 
 This may not be right, but it is honest. It may not be 
 just, but it is evident. It may not be politic, but it is a 
 great, glaring, indisputable, indestructible fact. North 
 and South, the answer, wherever it is honest, is the 
 same. I agree with Albion Tourgee that there are not 
 ten thousand men in the Republic who can answer that 
 question in the affirmative. Council knows the answer 
 and states it with the courage of a man. Bishop Turner 
 knows it. 
 
 Bishop Holsey knows it; Bryden and Bruce and Taylor 
 knew it; the Chicago papers knew it; I think that 
 Booker Washington knows it sadly in his heart, and I 
 believe that every thoughtful gentleman who strips 
 theorv from the bare form of fact knows it here and 
 
 •r 
 
 everywhere. 
 
 This is from first to last a race problem. It is an issue 
 
67 
 
 of race and not of politics. It is a thing of skin and type, 
 and not of section or condition. It is a part of the uni¬ 
 versal problem. The history of man has been written 
 in race antagonism and in race separation. The Hebrew 
 and Egyptian, the Jew and the Gentile, the Turk and the 
 Christian, Magyar and Hungarian, Venetian and Moor, 
 Mexican and Texan, Negro and Chinaman, White Man 
 and Indian — the repulsion is the same. 
 
 Under this prejudice the negro can never, North or 
 South, be received in equal social and personal relations 
 with the families of the white race and can never, there¬ 
 fore, be a social equal with the white man. Under this 
 prejudice he can never, North or South, be permitted to 
 govern in any State or country, even where he has a 
 majority, and he can never, therefore, be a political 
 equal. If he can have, then, neither social nor political 
 equality — and every fact and all theory and all instinct 
 and every unbroken precedent declare that he cannot — 
 then he can never under these conditions reach the 
 full development of a citizen or the full stature of a man. 
 If he remains in this country he must remain as au 
 inferior, and his suffrage becomes a mockery and his 
 liberty a farce. There is not a line of light, of promise, 
 of equality, for him in any field. This is the core of my 
 contention — the basis of my argument. All our splendid 
 platitudes are wrecked on this stern fact. All our brave 
 philanthropies beat out their beautiful lives on this 
 inexorable truth: The negro fronts a hopeless and 
 unequal competition. 
 
 There he stands — that helpless and unfortunate in¬ 
 ferior. For his sake the one difference has widened 
 between the sections of our common country. Over 
 his black body we have shed rivers of blood and treasure 
 to emphasize our separate convictions of his destiny. 
 And yet, as the crimson tide rolls away into the years 
 we realize that all this blood and treasure and travail 
 was spent in vain, and that the negro, whom a million 
 Americans died to free, is in present bond and future 
 promise still a slave, whipped by circumstance, trodden 
 under foot by iron and ineradicable prejudice; shut out 
 
68 
 
 forever from the opportunities which are the heritage 
 of liberty. 
 
 Shall the great Northern section of our country always 
 turn its hand against the great Southern section of our 
 country? Shall the young American of the North steel 
 his heart against the young American of the South over 
 an alien’s cause? Shall the children of one blood aud of 
 common glorious heritage divide in bitterness over a 
 stranger in our midst? Shall the memories of Eutaw and 
 Yorktown be obliterated in the recollections of Wil¬ 
 mington and New r man? Shall the peace and harmony 
 of this great Republic be forever imperiled for the 
 sake of the negro, whose faults and whose weakness 
 so wonderfully outweigh his virtues and his gratitude? 
 Shall the black man from Africa hinder and delay 
 the work and the destiny of our imperial race? 
 
 Great God, the idea is monstrous and unthinkable! 
 The South is neither cruel nor unpatriotic, and the North 
 knows it. The North is neither immovable nor vindic¬ 
 tive, and the South knows it. If either of us is mis¬ 
 taken, and if both of us is misunderstood, we are yet 
 one people, and we must meet upon the plane of our 
 brotherhood and our destiny. 
 
 Men and women of the university, I appeal to you who 
 make the future, I appeal for Caucasian unity. I appeal 
 for the imperial destiny of our mighty race. This is our 
 country. We made it. We molded it. We control it, 
 and we always will. We have done great things. We 
 have mighty things yet to do. In the name of God and 
 of our mission, I appeal to this great, conquering Cau¬ 
 casian race to lock arms and go forward, and onward 
 and upward to its essential work.” —From “ The Prob¬ 
 lem of the Races.” 
 
 “ There is one solution, and but one. Cold and cruel 
 as it may seem, the negro must go. If not voluntarily, 
 then by force. His presence here is a perpetual menace. 
 It keeps out immigration and capital. It engenders bad 
 blood between North and South. It keeps alive bitter 
 memories. An unnamed fear fills every Southern heart 
 and unnamed dread darkens every Southern home. Go 
 
69 
 
 he must. Better for black man, better for white man. 
 We who have girl babies will rest more easily in our 
 graves hereafter, if we die in the proud consciousness 
 that this problem has not been left by cowardly policy to 
 posterity. 
 
 But the negro is a property holder; so was the Indian. 
 Civilization is above constitutions, it makes and unmakes 
 them at will. The government is amply able to deport 
 or colonize them, and all it needs is a sense of the serious 
 need for it. That sense is being deepened day by day. If 
 the money squandered in the Quixotic war with Spain, 
 in the unholy and inhuman butchery of Filipinos, in 
 gorging the greed of legislative leeches, had been devoted 
 to this paramount issue, it would have been settled. 
 Lift this incubus from the South, and she will become 
 the garden of the world.” — Wm. Ellis Abernethy, of the 
 Morganton, N. C,, Herald. 
 
 ” I doubt whether civilization was ever confronted by a 
 graver problem.”—Dr. J. L. M. Curry, Director of the 
 Peabody and Slater Funds. 
 
 “If you deport the negroes who will do the dirty 
 work? ” “ There must be a ground chunk,” says an ex¬ 
 
 carpet-bag rule man. 
 
 I answer: Let every man in this Republic do his own 
 dirty work or pay good wages to the man who does it for 
 him. 
 
 That is a low, mean order of philanthropy that would 
 keep the negro here as a “ground chunk”—a worker 
 in dirt. 
 
 Another man says: “ Certain industries in our country 
 will perish if you take the negroes away.” No, they will 
 only be crippled temporarily. White men can produce 
 cotton and sugar — work in the Southern States — better 
 than the negroes. Make the South a white man’s coun¬ 
 try and the South will prosper as no other country in all 
 the world has prospered. Northern men and women 
 will then go South to live. 
 
 f There is one outstanding objection to your plan of 
 deportation and colonization; ’ ‘the negro doesn’t want 
 it,’ says a friend. I answer, it is time for us to begin to 
 
70 
 
 teach the negro that he does want it, and wants it badly. 
 Why deceive him longer? 
 
 I wouldn’t degrade a good herd of stock by mixing 
 them with an inferior herd. Good farmers “ breed up ” 
 their flocks and herds. Are we not to consider the proud 
 race to which we belong in the matter of “ breeding up ” 
 or shall we become a lot of mangy mongrels? 
 
 Queen Victoria said in her Jubilee address: ‘‘Before 
 the onward march of the English people the negro must 
 go.” England teaches equality of races but “actions 
 speak louder than words.” I took a Portuguese negro 
 from St. Viucent, Cape Verde Islands, with me to a hotel 
 in London to see if they practiced what they preach. The 
 negro was promptly turned away. 
 
 England has no race question at ’ome, and, if she per¬ 
 sists in her policy of equal rights to all races in Australia 
 and South Africa, my word for it, she will lose those 
 colonies. Australia has raised the cry: “Australia for 
 the white man,” and, I have no doubt, she will make it 
 the white man’s country. 
 
 I have notified my friends in Sydney, Australia, to be 
 ready to admit me to citizenship as soon as they make 
 their country the white man’s country. 
 
 There ought to be a black man’s country, and the black 
 man ought to be proud of bis country when he gets it. 
 
 “The negro is the only man that is ashamed of his 
 race,” says my friend, Judge Campbell of West Virgnia. 
 This is true. Let a negro have a little blood of the white 
 man in his veins and he apologizes for the negro blood. 
 He s*ys, “ My grandfather was a white man.” 
 
 A mu’atto woman in Columbia, Mo., said, “ I’d rather 
 my daughter would marry the meanest white boy on earth 
 than to marry the best negro.” 
 
 While we must deport and colonize all who have negro 
 blood in their veins we may very properly buy enough 
 territory in Mexico or South America for such of those 
 mulattoes, quadroons, and octaroons as may not care to 
 go with the “jet blicks ” to Africa. The white men of 
 this country who are responsible for the existence of the 
 mixed breed will no doubt lend a hand to help their own 
 
71 
 
 blood. I say white men because the white women —be 
 it said to their honor and glory — are not responsible 
 for any considerable portion of the mixed breed. 
 
 Yes, sir’ee; give the “ coons ” a flag and help them 
 to take on race pride, and if there be any more of those 
 Abolitionists (the biggest set of donkeys that ever 
 afflicted any country) in this country of ours, I 3ay make 
 them go with the negroes to their new home and make 
 them stay there forever and a day. 
 
 They, the Abolitionists, fixed up a dose of u race 
 equality” for the Southern whites but the Southern 
 whites have persistently refused to take it and now they 
 very generously and kindly offer the same dose to the 
 remnant of the Abolitionists and their descendants. 
 
 With a few rare exceptions it seems that the descend¬ 
 ants of Abolitionists refuse to take the medicine. 
 
 We of the South most heartily sympathize with the 
 young people of the North. They are not held account¬ 
 able for the sins of the fathers, and we say to them, 
 come, help us to deport and colonize the negroes and we 
 will swap sisters and brothers with you, and we will 
 soon be in truth one people. We are ready to give our 
 sisters to the young white men of the North whenever 
 they can win them honorably, but, by the gods, we never 
 will give them up to the negroes! Belter let lynchings 
 continue. Every drop of the white man’s blood in the 
 South must be shed before we turn our women over to 
 the negroes or even submit to equality of races. 
 
 In case the government of this country attempts to 
 force us to equality we will fight, and there will be no 
 surrender at Appomattox. Any government that would 
 attempt to enforce such a policy does not deserve to live 
 a single day. 
 
 “ I see that one enthusiastic Southern gentleman has 
 renewed the proposition that we shall send ten million 
 negroes out of the country. This is totally impracticable. 
 Let us not delude ourselves. We have got this question 
 to meet squarely at home. The negro will stay. The 
 European and Asiatic will come. You cannot turn them 
 
72 
 
 out and you cannot keep them out.” — Sen. Hoar of 
 Massachusetts. 
 
 I wonder what the venerable Senator means when he 
 says, (t We have got this question to meet squarely at 
 home.” Does he mean to sit down and do nothing? 
 We have heard enough talking. Something must be done. 
 Talk is easy! 
 
 If the European and Asiatic can’t be kept out of this 
 country, then we will have some of the d—n lighting in 
 this country that the world has ever seen, and that 
 before long. Think of it! This year, 1903, we get one 
 million immigrants from Europe and Asia. And, strange 
 to say, native born Americans put many of these for¬ 
 eigners in as foremen and bosses to lord it over Ameri¬ 
 cans. Let a laboring man from this country go to 
 Europe and see if he gets to be a boss. He will be 
 devilish .lucky if he gets anything to do. But this is a 
 digression, I’ll go back to the negro. 
 
 As Moses led the Israelites out of Egypt so let some 
 Moses of the negro race lead his people out to Egypt. 
 
 There is no better country in the world than Egypt 
 and Central Africa in which the United States and Great 
 Britain might, working together, colonize all their ne¬ 
 groes. Australia and South Africa, also the southern part 
 of South America, ought to be made the white man’s 
 countries. 
 
 All Europe and the whole of North America should be 
 kept by white men. 
 
 Only a short while ago I saw where some organization 
 had allotted certain space to different nations, lastly 
 came negroes and women. Shall we couple the name 
 women, when it refers to our white women, with 
 negroes? Shame on the white men of this country. 
 
 Women are better morally than men (if there are 30,- 
 000 prostitute women in St. Louis, there are 90,000 pros¬ 
 titute men), and long before the negroes of our country 
 were permitted to vote the white women should have been 
 enfranchised. 
 
 The white woman of wealth, intelligence, culture^ must 
 
73 
 
 sit at home while her ignorant black coachman goes to 
 vote. 
 
 In the name of God, what sort of men were they that 
 conferred the right to vote on negroes! 
 
 Can the negro be transported? Yes. Five hundred 
 ships, carrying one thousand each will carry them away in 
 twenty trips. Time required, from five to twenty years. 
 Cost: Millions, but a d — nsight cheaper than another 
 civil war, or even the continuance of lawlessness. 
 
 Where and how get the money and ships? In London, 
 X read in “ Tid Bits ” that the British empire alone has 
 of all sorts 35,000 ships. We can build, buy and charter 
 all the ships needed. Let the government turn the Fili¬ 
 pinos loose and direct the millions that are being wasted 
 over there toward this just and necessary work. Use 
 the millions that we are about to appropriate for a Pan¬ 
 ama canal. Let the canal go temporarily. Give such 
 men as Leigh Hunt encouragement. Let all the big bugs 
 and bugesses have a chance at it. It will beat building 
 public libraries. Let every laboring white man like me 
 have a chance to contribute, and see the millions we’ll 
 roll up. Poor as I am, I’ll give fifty dollars any day. 
 The general government and individuals can buy out all 
 the negroes and give them full value for their lands and 
 property. There are ten men in New York City who 
 can buy out all the negroes and have money to spare. 
 
 The Southern whites have the grit to kill and burn 
 negroes. Have they the grit to take this bull by the 
 horns and give him a tussle? Are the wealthy people 
 of the South ready to clean up their own dirt or to pay 
 white men white men’s wages to do it? 
 
 We must depend largely upon the Northern people to 
 solve this question — the Northern people who labor for 
 a living. 
 
 There are still a lot of Yankee slave-drivers and they 
 care not what the color of their slaves may be, black, 
 Ted, white, yellow or brown. From these Lagrees we 
 must expect antagonism in the solution of this great 
 question. 
 
 Grover Cleveland, whom I admire above all other 
 
74 
 
 statesmen of recent years, thinks that education will 
 solve the question. So it will. When a sufficient num - 
 ber of the negroes come to see through education the 
 true status of the negrorace in this country, they will not 
 be satisfied with anything short of colonization. That 
 “ education ” may be brought about inside of the next 
 twenty years. With Roosevelt in the White House things 
 are beginning to boil. 
 
 With due respect to Prof. Booker T. Washington, his 
 scheme of education and industrial equality can never 
 solve the race problem. Industrial equality means event¬ 
 ually social and political equality. No such thing can 
 come about. The whites must stay above negroes or go 
 below them. 
 
 I went to Cooper Union to hear Dr. Grossman, a Jew. 
 He said: “ I never thought quite so much of our Presi¬ 
 dent as w r hen I heard that he dared to break bread with 
 a negro.” “ I rather like the character of a Washington 
 whether his name be George or Booker.” What rank 
 hypocrisy! The Jews refuse to mix with good white 
 Gentiles; do you expect them to mix with negroes? 
 
 The negroes must fight for their freedom. No man or 
 race of men ever got freedom except through either 
 mental or physical battles. 
 
 Eight hundred thousand Moors, men and women, the 
 aged and the infant, left the land of their birth, their 
 fertile fields, and their homes built by their own hands^, 
 A job ten times as big may be accomplished in these 
 days. “ In the bright lexicon of youth there should be 
 no such word as unattainable.” Ours isayouthfulnation. 
 
 When the Spanish historian — Las Casas — in order 
 to ameliorate the lot of the West Indians suggested the 
 use of negroes for the harder labor in the mines of the 
 New World, he inaugurated the cruel slave-trade with¬ 
 out benefitting the Indians. 
 
 Thus began African slavery in America. 
 
 Socialism may come about when we get rid of alien 
 races, when we become as one in religion, thought, and 
 action. An attempt to engraft socialism on the present 
 heterogeneous stock of the United States will cause all 
 
75 
 
 sorts of disorder and fighting. You can’t mix water and 
 oil, nor can you mix in the pot of social equality the pres¬ 
 ent population of these United States, for socialism in its 
 true sense means the brotherhood of man. 
 
 We must first improve the race by proper breeding, by 
 culture, then talk about socialism. 
 
 Did Nature want the negro to be white? No. Nor 
 does she want a hybrid. Look at South America. There 
 you see a hybrid race and continual disorder. 
 
 I believe in one great God, one great white race, one 
 great purpose — the preservation of the best plant, the 
 best animal, the best race of men. 
 
 What industries would perish if the negroes are de¬ 
 ported? 
 
 Lynching bees, those social crimes that wreck homes 
 and fill the land with horror, — the Cain crop generally, I 
 hope. 
 
 White men can and will do any and all the work that 
 the negroes are now doing in the South. To be sure, 
 they will want better wages. Why should n’t they? Has a 
 laboring man no right to aspire to something better? 
 Shouldn’t he educate bis children? Shouldn’t he have 
 sweet music in his home? Who wants the white man to 
 live like a Chinaman? Nobody but a few blood-sucking 
 leeches. 
 
 Booker Washington thinks that in all things pertaining 
 to business aud national welfare we can be as the hand; 
 in things social the negro, he says, can be as the finger. 
 Not much. That black finger of ours has blood-poison 
 in it. It must be amputated or the whole arm, the white 
 race, may become diseased. No fungus growths are 
 necessary to the development of the white race. 
 
 Booker has some very good ideas as to what educa¬ 
 tion should be. He got them from Gen. Armstrong of 
 Hampton Institute. He complains that, when his 
 Tuskegee school fits a man to do a et common thing in an 
 uncommon way,” and sends him out to find a job, the 
 labor unions refuse to give him a chance. White men 
 go on a strike if an employer puts a negro on. Well, the 
 
76 
 
 negroes are slow indeed if they don’t soon begin to see 
 their true condition. 
 
 “ Where there is a great prejudice there is a great un¬ 
 derlying principle.” What is it? I answer, the culture of 
 ages refuses to mix with coarse vulgarity. We want more 
 of the man and less of the beast. More of the God-like. 
 Regeneration, purification, and elevation of our race is 
 the need of the hour. When alien races have been freed 
 and set aside, the down-trodden amongst us must be 
 lifted up. Some amongst us must work more; others 
 must work less. Children must have pure air, pure 
 food, pure literature and plenty of room. 
 
 The idea given out by Ella Wheeler Wilcox that the 
 black girl is at the mercy of white men is erroneous. I 
 can only laugh at the idea of white men having to use 
 force on black women. White men usually have solici¬ 
 tations. 
 
 Most people have heard of the (l young man’s first 
 accomplishment” in the South. 
 
 I wonder how long the white women are going to 
 submit to the cheat that is being played upon them. 
 
 If I were a white woman I would no more live with a 
 man who had business with black women than I, being a 
 man, would live with a white woman who has business 
 with a black man. What is fair for the gander ought 
 to be fair for the goose.” The man or the woman who 
 has lost purity in any degree has to that extent lost 
 power to return the innocent look of the child, has lost 
 ability to teach purity of life. Washington’s strength of 
 character, f doubt not, was here. With all the brothel 
 houses of our cities, and all the thousands of negro 
 wenches running at large to tempt, to beg a chance to 
 teach the boys of our country u the first accomplish¬ 
 ment,” how many pure men have we in the country 
 to-day ? 
 
 I admire Joseph W. Folk, u the apostle of civic 
 righteousness ” in St. Louis. I believe he is a chaste 
 man, and chastity is the backbone of civilization. With¬ 
 out it we’ll go to the dogs —to the devil. 
 
 If I could line up and command in one battle array 
 
77 
 
 every blessed man and woman in this country, my first 
 command would be. About face I And the second: 
 Forward, march, toward better living! Continue the 
 march forever and earth will become a heaven! 
 
 Our boys will mix with negroes, Filipinos and Chinos 
 till they lose all self-respect. 
 
 God Almighty, the degradation of the thing! Deliver 
 us! Give us back our good taste, our high ideals. 
 
 There i3 a powder magazine in the South and a little 
 spark will touch it off. 
 
 If ever the government of the United States attempts 
 to force the whites of the South to accept the negro as 
 their equal I predict that there will be more men killed 
 in a week than can be buried in a month. Besides, the 
 government will be handicapped. The boys in the army 
 won’t kill whites for negroes, and the laboring people of 
 the North won’t do it. 
 
 A few rich men and corporations may hire men to 
 fight for negroes ostensibly but in reality for themselves. 
 These insolent rich men can’t see that they are digging a 
 pit for their posterity. 
 
 The proudest day this Republic has ever seen will be 
 the day on which it decides to colonize the negroes. 
 
 Here is a remedy for the prevention of rapes and 
 lynching bees: Castrate every man, black or white, who 
 rapes or attempts to rape a child or a woman. Let every 
 State enact such a law, and I dare say this penalty will 
 be feared more than the rope or fire. 
 
 My object in collecting information on the negro 
 question or rather the race problem is to make and keep 
 the white race purer, to breed up, and to do, as I see it, 
 the right thing for the negro. Another object is to keep 
 peace between the North and the South. 
 
 I was born astride the line between Rebels and Yan- 
 kees, and the United States are all my country. I 
 helped to win the Philippines for this country, and if I can 
 succeed in giving those islands back to the Filipinos, 
 I’ll be lucky. We often win things that we don’t want. 
 Why not give them back? 
 
78 
 
 If I am wroDg on the race problenTmy whole life is 
 wrong. My conception of the universe and the God that 
 dominates all things is wrong. 
 
 I never felt surer that I was right when I voted against 
 free silver and for Wm. McKinley than I do now, and on 
 the stand I have taken on the race problem I will stake 
 my life. I challenge any man to show me a fairer or 
 more lasting solution for the question — unless we kill off 
 all alien races. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 u The religion of.the Twentieth Century will be charac¬ 
 terized by a sense of the real presence of the living God. 
 That this is true is seen in the prominence of the study 
 of natural science in our schools increasing in the past 
 fifty years. 
 
 u The wonders of God as seen in nature stand revealed 
 to our children. The religion that acknowledges the 
 real presence of God sees him in his handiwork, in the 
 wind that cools and refreshes, in the breakfast of the 
 morning that gives strength to do the day’s work. 
 
 “ If we would preserve this Republic and foster its 
 influence as a nation we must cling to the ideals of our 
 fathers, because they were the eternal principles of the 
 personal God. Man is a gregarious animal. He cannot 
 live alone and cherish an ideal. He must have compan¬ 
 ionship with his fellows. Robinson Crusoe is impossible 
 as a fact. A man who lived so long alone would become 
 a beast. The American people must be * each for all 
 and all for each,’ and the great God over all. 
 
 “ So far as we do not want our children to know 
 whence comes our wealth, so far are we drifting toward 
 the twilight, and after that cometh the night.” — Dr. 
 Edward Everett Hale. 
 
 ( 79 ) 
 

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