*£&* ' ■ -‘ • {*’ '\v. .-.' ■ J .,. Wj . -4 .« t i t'V V-.; , .?.?. ' ■- -« v ' k# ! \^ ‘ ,s ■ :%i§.Iili ■ ''i'r ' MR. O’CONNELL’S h MANCHESTER, NEWCASTLE, EDINBURGH, AND OTHER TOWNS IN THE NORTH OF ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. WITH HIS VARIOUS RECEPTIONS AND SPEECHES, AND THOSE OF THE OTHER DISTINGUISHED PATRIOTS, WHO TOOK A LEADING PART IN THIS INTERESTING AND IMPORTANT MISSION. COMPILED WITH ACCURACY FROM THE MOST AUTHENTIC SOURCES. In Two Numbers,—Price Sixpence each. CORK: W. FERGUSSON, 108 , PATRICK-STREET, October, 1835, % OOUr 320 - 04 -? VAG'Ol t oi TO THE PEOPLE OF EDINBURGH. 43 Herald {cheers'). He succeeded in his attempt in England, for there was a majority of 27 in the English and Welsh members against human liberty. But Scotland stood by her colours well, the flag of freedom floated over her cities, her counties, and her towns ; and Scotland sent a majority against the Duke of 18 out of 53. That, however, would not answer—there was still a majo¬ rity of 9 against liberty. But—hurrah for poor Pat—( laughter )—• Pat drove into the thick of the fight {cheers), It’s a custom he has, and really, gentlemen, he cannot help it {continued laughter and cheers). He would be braver than either the English or the * Scotch, if braver than either of these brave nations could be found ; but he well deserves to stand along with them (loud cheers). — Well, Paddy sent a majority of 33 for liberty ; and here am I as large as life, one of them— {and welcome) —and, though all the 33 cannot talk as loud and as long as I can, yet they are all equally devoted to the amelioration of our institutions, and to the ultimate triumph of freedom {cheers). Well, we gained the victory, but though the Commons are with us, the House of Lords are against us, and they have determined that they will not concede a portion of freedom which they can possibly keep back. They have stood upon the limits of abuse, and have declared with respect to improve¬ ment— u Thus far shalt thou come, and no farther.” They have assumed the prerogative of the Creator ; and as the Almighty has set bounds to the ocean, so the evil principle of Manichaeism has entered into the Lords, and they have said to human improvement — 46 There is your boundary, and the Lords won’t permit you to pass it.” But we have burst many stronger barriers than this, and this also shall be broken down— {loud cheers) —and it will not be endured that one hundred and seventy men will have the controul of millions {cheers). Oh ! but say some, it is an ancient institu¬ tion. Now, I should be glad to know, if 170 damsels of the court of George the IV., faded and toothless as they must now be, were to be allowed to stop the progress of useful measures, and prevent liberty from extending in a country where the arts, and sciences, and manufactures are extending on every side, what would you do with the old ladies ? I suspect that, notwithstanding your respect for the ladies, you would hand them out (cheers). Now, 1 like the old women in pantaloons much less than the 170 old women in petticoats {loud cheers and great laughter). I have come on a mission to rouse Englishmen, and animate Scotchmen to put their shoulders to the wheel, and help us to dismiss the 170 pantaloon wearers—as we have turned out the old corporators—every man of them, and, substitute a principle of common sense in their room. Sir Robert Peel—the greatest humbugger that ever lived, and as full of political and religious cant as any man that ever canted in this canting world {cheers) —Sir Robert Peel, feeling himself quite safe on his own hill, says that we want but one chamber—one House of Radical Reformers. He knew that in saying this he was saying what was not true, We knew too well the advantage of a L 561 3 I/O \1 v ■ 44 MR. O'CONNELL’S SPEECH. double deliberation not to support two houses; but they must be subject to popular controul—they must be the servants, not the masters of the people ( loud and continued cheers'). The Hon. Gentleman then alluded to the remarks of Sir Robert Peel regard¬ ing Lynch’s Law in America, and referred that Hon. Baronet to the Manchester massacre—the sacrifice of blood at Rathcormac and other places as more than a parallel to that occurrence in America. He also alluded to Sir Robert Peel’s vivid eulogiums on Louis Philip the tyrant of France, which he described as un- 0 commonly impudent and audacious, as indicatory of foregone con¬ clusions. People never praised what they were not permitted to imitate. He then proceeded—Gentlemen, I have detained you too long—( cries oj u no , no,”) I have delighted myself with u thinking aloud” in your presence. From you my thoughts wander to the oppressed land of my birth. I remember her ro¬ mantic vallies and her splendid hills ; the evergreen verdure of her plains ; the sound of her mountain streams fall on my ear ; the rush of her waves against the cliffs, announcing with the voice of eternity that that nation is not to be enslaved nor degraded— (cheers). My countrymen will hear with delight the manner in which I was received in England and in Edinburgh ( loud cheers ), That shout shall reach from one end of Ireland to the other—and many a true hearted Irishman will feel his heart animated and up¬ lifted within him when he hears how Scotland has received the humble individual now before you. Many an Irish mother, while she hugs her babe to her breast, and sings it to repose with an Irish air, will mix the noble strain with u Auld Langsyne” or Scots wha hae wi’ Wallace bled,” and as the accents lull her babe to sleep, will raise her prayer to God to bless the generous people who stood by. 3 Ould Ireland in her days of need—( great applause ). Mr. Aytoun then came forward and said, they had listened to such a magnificent display of eloquence from him who might now be styled the first orator of the British empire, that he would not presume to detain them above a few moments. Mr. Aytoun then made a few remarks on the welcome which Mr. O’Connell had j ust received in Scotland, and concluded by proposing three cheers for that gentleman, a call which was loudly responded to by the multitude. Mr. O’Connell then returned to the Waterloo Hotel, at the door of which a great crowd was waiting to receive him, and, in¬ deed, the whole way from the hustings to the hotel was thronged in the same manner as before. The Trades left the ground, and marched to their respective stations, where they dispersed. DINNER IN EDINBURGH TO MR. O'CONNELL. The Dinner took place in the large hall of the Portable Gas Company, the di¬ mensions of which are 120 feet by 71. This place was very tastefully and com- modiously fitted up, under the direction of Mr. Alston, joiner. The pillars which supported the roof being 16 in number, were decorated with laurels, as was also a large representation of Mr. O’Connell’s crest and arms, which was placed imme¬ diately behind the Chairman. The whole was brilliantly lighted by 21 gas lustres. The tables ran across the room, that of the chairman and croupier being placed in the centre of each side, and elevated above the rest. A gallery was fitted up at the south end for the ladies, and calculated to contain about 150 1 . There were also two galleries erected on each side of the ladies’ gallery for those who could not find accommodation in the area of the building. The number of tickets issued were 1400, but 1500 must have been present during the evening. Mr. O’Connell entered the room at half past five, and was received with loud cheers, w hich continued for a considerable time. Mr. Aytoun, the chairman w as supported on the right by Mr. O’Connell, Mr. Tait, Dr. Bow r ring, M.P., Dr. Browne. LL. D., Dr. Epps,of London,the Rev. Mr. Nisbett, Councillors Russeli, Richardson, Meudell,and Councillor Mitchell, of Leith, &c. &c. Upon the left by Mr. Ruthven, M. P., Dublin, the colleague of O’Connell, Mr. Gillon, of Wallhouse, M. P., Mr. Kinloch, of Kinloch, &c. Councillor Jameson, Deacon Fenwick, and Mr. R. Millar, officiated as croupiers* Grace was said by the. Rev. Mr. Nisbett, and thanks were returned by the Rev. Mr. Halley. The cloth being removed, the Chairman successively gave—The King—the Queen—The Princess Victoria, and the rest of the lloyal Family—all which were drank with great cheering. The Chairman then gave t6 The People, the only source of legi¬ timate power,” which was received with great applause. This was followed by the u Army and Navy,” the band playing the appro¬ priate tunes of Rule Britannia and the British Grenadiers. The Chairman —Gentlfemen, the next toast I have to propose is the health of Lord Melbourne and his Majesty’s Ministers ( great and Ions continued cheers .) The Chairman rose and spoke as follows Gentlemen, I now rise to give the toast of the evening—( great cheering) —the health of our honoured and distinguished guest—the liberator of Ireland — (cheers )—the champion of the people’s rights, the friend of the oppressed in every clime and every country—Mr. O’Connell— (immense cheering , long continued , and again renewed). The enthusiasm, gentlemen, which you have now manifested, an en¬ thusiasm which I never saw surpassed, I might say equalled, but faintly, feebly expresses the generous emotion with which our breasts are now animated, in having an opportunity of evincing, personally, on this occasion, our respect, esteem, and gratitude to him whom we have so long admired at a distance, whose match¬ less talents, public virtues, and invaluable services, have made him the idol of his own country, and has made Ireland, poor Ireland, unfortunate as she may be in other respects—still on account of possessing him as her son, the envy both of England and of Scotland (loud cheers) . Yes, Sir, we rejoice in having this op¬ portunity, in your presence, of manifesting those feelings which we have long entertained towards you. Edinburgh—Scotland i 46 MR. AYTOUN’S SPEECH. may say—holds out to you the right hand of welcome. From thfe day we shall claim you as an adopted son of Caledonia—we shall regard you not only as an Irishman, but as a Scotchman—and as such we shall have no hesitation for your powerful assistance, should we stand in need of it, fully assured that our appeal will never be made in vain ( cheers ). In return, we pledge ourselves to that which we know you will feel as the highest compliment to yourself, we pledge ourselves in our own name, and that of our countrymen,to strain every nerve in order to promote the prosper¬ ity of, and to see, full justice done to Green Erin, the land of your birth—that land which, notwithstanding your unparalleled exer¬ tion and success, is only but half emancipated from the tyranny of her oppressors {loud cheers). Well can we Scotchmen sympathize with our gallant friends of Ireland in their struggle for civil and religious liberty. We know from our own history what it is to suffer for conscience sake,—we too have been exposed to proscrip¬ tion and prosecution, because we did not choose to bow the knee to the Church of England,and to desert the religion of our fathers, and we can feel with the Irish Catholics who have stood by their own faith in spite of the disadvantages to which it has exposed them— who disdained the allurements of court favour, of riches and of ambition, when set in opposition to the dictates of their consciences —and w ho, in the words of the immortal Scott, 66 as soon as desert the faith of their gallant fathers, because that faith was exposed to persecution, would forsake their banner when the tide of battle pressed hardest against it, and turn like hireling recreants to join their victorious enemy”—( loud and continued cheers ). But, gen¬ tlemen, I trust, that a new era has opened for Ireland—1 trust we shall all see the day when Ireland shall not only enjoy the same rights and privileges as Britain, but when prosperity, comfort, and plenty, shall, as their necessary attendants, accompany peace, con¬ tentment, and internal tranquillity—when her fertile plains and lovely vallies will be crowned with abundance, not merely as at present, to be shipped abroad, in order to administer to the luxury and ostentation of the selfish absentee or pampered church-man— but to be consumed by the children of the soil who have raised it with the sweat of their brow, and who are certainly worthy of their hire {applause}. That such a state of prosperity is approaching no one can doubt. The Catholic disabilities have been done away with. The axe has already been laid to the root of Orange ascendancy— the fabric of which, tyranny, is now tottering to its fall—in spite even of the support of (he Duke of Cumberland himself. It is true, the measure lately introduced into parliament for the reformation of the English Church of Ireland has not yet passed into a law—but perhaps this is so much the better; for the delay occasioned by the Ilouse of Lords on this subject, will probably be the means of effecting a still more radical reform—a still more sovereign cure for the evil complained of {cheers}. As good often results from evil—so the opposition of their lordships to this measure will; there AT EDINBURGH DINNER. 47 is every reason to believe, effect a thorough reform of the Irish Church—and will probably be the means of doing away altogether with the system of tithes in that kingdom. Yes, gentlemen, the attempt—the childish attempt of the Peers to obstruct the progress of church reform, or any other reform which the people desire, and are determined to obtain, is, as if an attempt were to be made to dam up with sand the course of one of our mountain torrents. Such a plan might have a partial successduring the summer droughts. But let the mad projector recollect that the winter storms are ap¬ proaching, when the peaceful stream, will, in consequence of the obstacle opposed to its progress, be converted into a mighty lake— which, disdaining the futile attempts made to restrain its onward course, will burst headlong through the feeble barrier effected to oppose its rage—carrying along with it to destruction in its resist¬ less sweep, the foolish persons who sought protection under their puny bulwark. Such like must be the progress of popular opinion —and such too must be the fate of those who would attempt to stem with their feeble efforts the will of a mighty and united people. But, gentlemen, to return to Ireland—much has already been done to ameliorate her condition, and much more is in progress. And to whom is all this to be attributed ? Why to him who now sits among us, whose whole life, and energies, since the first dawn of his manhood, have been devoted to the service of his country, and whose patriotic breast must now be rewarded by the consciousness that the regeneration of Ireland is owing almost to his individual exertions {continued cheers). Gentlemen, l think we have reason to be proud that Edinburgh has led the van among the towns of Britain in doing honour to O’Connell. But with what eagerness has our example been followed. Why thejourney of Mr. O’Connell through the north of England and south of Scotland can be com¬ pared to nothing else than a triumphal progress; and, Sir, had your time and more important avocations permitted you to have traversed our country, you would not have found a town, village or hamlet, in broad Scotland—the inhabitants of which would not have turned out in honour of that name which is now the theme of praise in every cottage {loud cheers). Does not this, Sir, speak volumes ? Does not this prove that England and Scotland can no longer be taxed with indifference towards Ireland ?—that they no longer view her grievances with an apathetic eye—but regard her as a beloved sister entitled to the aid of her more fortunate brothers. Does not this prove that Ireland is now sure of receiving full justice —and that too without the necessity of a repeal of the Union ?— JVo, Sir, the people of Scotland are opposed, perhaps selfishly op¬ posed to a repeal—because we conceive it would be an irreparable loss to us were you and the gallant band of the Irish patriots who act with you to be withdrawn from the British parliament—no longer to fight our battles and to support the common cause of the people of Great Britain Gentlemen, I now give you the health of Mr. O’Conueli. \_Urunk with great enthusiasm and loud cheers ]. 48 Mil. O’CONNELL’S SPEECH, Mr. O’Connell then rose, and was received with great cheers. He spoke as follows :—I do not mean to make a speech—I rise rather to ask you a question—What brought you here ? ( laughter and cheers .) It seems a trivial question, yet it is not unimportant in the history of nations at the present moment. What brought you here ? Curiosity sure ! I have been too much abused and too much praised not to be the object of some interest, but did ever curiosity- draw together one thousand five hundred Scotchmen before? ( cheers and laughter.) Why that very curiosity bespeaks a foregone con¬ clusion, and the many who have not come from curiosity but from sympathy in my opinions, and from a consentaneous co-operation in my exertions, humble as they have been, those who come to evince their principles of action and mine are identical, being of course, the overwhelming majority of you whom I now address, indicates something that states may well ponder upon. Those who think they regulate the destinies of nations, may have materials for deep contemplation {hear. hear). It may be said, that this is arro¬ gance in me, but how can that be mere arrogance when there are 1500 who have come voluntarily here to meet me ? It may be said it is presumption, but I have travelled through England, passed through her manufacturing communities, and have seen her com¬ mercial wealth, aud all that intelligence and energy of mind, which it has created ; and I have been cheered as a son or a brother an¬ nouncing to them a mission of peace, but at the same time deter¬ mined to improve their political being, and to put an end to the oligarchical despotism of the Lords, who would endeavour to stifle liberty, and to terminate the progress of national improvement.—- ( [hear , hear , and loud cheers ). It is animating to think that the opinion of them in accordance with my own, shows the absolute necessity of doing away with the obstacles to peaceable improve¬ ment— ( hear , hear , hear )—the absolute necessity of preventing the country being driven to anything approaching to revolution and anarchy ; and even the exaggerations in the chairman’s speech, res¬ pecting myself, violent and extravagant as those were, as applicable to me—(wo, no) —yet these are sympathetic of the public mind, and your very endurance of that over measure of praise proves how deeply you are convinced that the humble individual before you is an instrument, weak as he is in himself, yet powerful in your hands, for achieving good to England, Scotland, and Ireland ( loud cheers ). Let your statesmen weigh that lesson. We have made great pro¬ gress in political improvement within the last few years, from the time that Wellington was hurled from his administration,—from the time he said that the Parliament, as then constituted, was the very acme of perfection (cheers and laughter ), He said, (for he had not the wit, poor man, to have discovered,) that it was such an excellent system of legislation, that Providence had framed it (I believe he meant a Providence of a very dark colour) and that it was fortuitously formed by a course of events—that human inge¬ nuity could never a priori have dreamt of the existence of it— AT EDINBURGH DINNER. 49 {laughter and cheers). Am I stating what is not true ? The Duke said every word of it, not so flippantly, or in so good English as £ speak it—( great laughter )—but not the less doggedly, determin¬ edly, and distinctly. He could not dream of any such form of government being improved. The British people, however, did not agree with him. The government of Earl Grey, and honour to him for it, brought in the reform bill, and carried it ; and the British nation stood forward in the first rank of nations, as it always deserved to do, and as I prophecy will always continue —[loud and continued cheers). The effect of that reform was melancholy fur thirty-three individuals in the city of Edinburgh, but melancholy also for their masters, who thought to rule over you and a portion of the British nation. The effect of the reform bill was, the com¬ mencement of the gradual improvement of every portion of our institutions, to look into the abuses, the profligacy of the army and navy, I mean in point of expense—into the abuses of the church of Ireland, and of all that made the corporations of England the con¬ tempt and execration of every rational man. I believe you have sufficient recollection of the former working of your own corpo¬ rations to understand the corporations of England. In the pro¬ gress of that peaceable revolution, we were suddenly impeded. I do not now dwell upon the misfortune of the Whigs in their quar¬ rel with Ireland. During that quarrel I would have despised my¬ self, and been unworthy of my country, if I had remained cool, quiet, and peaceable, in the progress of the coercion bill. I have my excuse in the excellent language of the member for Aberdeen, Mr. Bannerman, who said that if such a bill had been attempted for Scotland, he would rather have died than supported it {great and long continued cheering). It was a mistake, gentlemen, of the Whig government of that day, a fatal policy, I don’t forget it, but I heartily forgive it ( renewed cheering). But we have since had a dissolution of parliament; Peel and Wellington came in again, and used the language of delusion to England and Scotland, but the scorpion lash of bigoted intolerance to Ireland {cheers). In the struggle, however, we were joined by the Scottish members, who, in the duty they performed for Ireland, were also true to their own country ; and forgetting all previous differences, l only lookback with a grateful remembrance to the services they rendered in the battle {cheers). We held out our hands to the Melbourne admi¬ nistration, and I rejoice at it, because we were rewarded by the excellent conduct of that ministry. From the moment they came into office until the present, the entire of thpir conduct towards Ireland is worthy of all praise ( loud cheers). They have discounte¬ nanced party spirit, put down faction, and promoted the prosperity of Ireland by the selection of proper men for all the offices they had it in their power to bestow. A new era has appeared for Ireland. The dawn of a new day has commenced, but the Tories have determined to stop the progress of those benefits to Ireland and the British empire, for we in Ireland cannot be tranquil, peace- 50 MR. O’CONNELL’S SPEECH, able, and prosperous, without diffusing that prosperity, and giving the benefit of that tranquillity in all its strength to the British empire {cheering). I am naturally led away to Ireland (cheers continued ). I had risen to speak of these matters as evincing the symptomatic determination of the Tories, for we have come to a great political crisis. The Commons are with the people. They echo the voice of the people, and obey their wishes, but their fide¬ lity is vain as long as the one hundred and seventy of the House of Lords are enabled to stop their amendment. I call this meeting a decisive evidence that you are not prepared to submit to it—that you are not inclined to bow your necks to the Dagon of aristocratic dominion {cheers). The reform bill made this a necessary and infallible consequence. Before it the Commons were but another chamber—another instalment of (he House of Lords. They ('the House of Lords) recognised the working of the House of Commons, but it was a working in a community of mischief, and involved this nation in bloody and horrible wars, and left a load of one thousand millions of debt {we feel it). Having got rid of this connection between the two houses, you find the Lords have taken their position. They are dictating to the country, but are you prepared to submit ? {no, no.) Your presence is sufficient evidence without the expression of your voices to show you are not, for, here am I, a missionary to preach down the House of Lords. While the House of Lords exists in its present state, it is impossible to have honesty and justice. I repeat, if suffered to exist in its present state, it drives us to revolution, and this country is not to be driven to revolution by anything, but the most extreme and inevitable causes. The changes in the British constitution for200 years have all been effected in peace, calmness, and security, and woe to the land if the hand of force shall ever be employed to take from them that usurped power which can no longer be tolerated, because, it 13 no longer of utility to the British nation {hear). The franchise, in my opinion, is not sufficiently extensive. The duration of par¬ liaments, in my opinion—and gentlemen you will concur with me— is too extensive. The mode of voting is liable to too many modes of controul, and, above all, to bribery. These ameliorations we want, and unless we can check the House of Lords we will not get any of them, for they are the self-styled tribunes of the people, and as such, they only preserve as many of the voters as may be bought for about two pounds a head. They thus preserve the instruments of corruption, and I repeat that until they are checked and con¬ trolled, corruption can never be banished from the British election. Oh what a quantity of mischief have they not done in the last ses¬ sion. How many useful measures have they not checked in their progress. There was the prisoners’ counsel bill ; you will be sur¬ prised to hear in Scotland, that if a prisoner in England is charged with a misdemeanour he may have counsel, but if charged on his life, such is the humanity of the English law that he is denied that benefit. The counsel, to be sure, in the latter case, can cross- AT EDINBURGH DINNER. il examine the witnesses, but if he dares to speak as to the merits of the charge he is put down by the judge, who tells him that the pri¬ soner may speak for himself (hear). A very pretty proceeding this is ! But the present bill which was to do away with that anomaly was annihilated in the House of Lords {hear). Another bill was brought in to disfranchise Stafford, where out of 5*21 electors, how many do you think were bribed ? Why, only 520, gentlemen— (a laugh). There was one found faithful, and to his honour be it said, he was a clergyman of the Church of England {hear). But the 520 individuals, every mother’s son of them was bribed {much laughter ). But what did the House of Lords do with the disfran¬ chisement bill ? Why, they took a religious notion, and having one just man in Stafford, they forgave the 520— {renezced laughter) ; with the most exemplary piety, they left the 520 to be bribed again. [Mr. O’Connell alluded to another bill for facilitating the admi¬ nistration to the effects of deceased persons, and proceeded].— There was another bill—but really if I were to enumerate all the bills I would detain you all night— {no doubt). I say this was the Irish Church bill. Now, the principle of that bill was, that Protestantism should be kept up in Ireland as long as Protestants remained, the pastors being paid out of the funds of the State.—• Now, for my own part, I candidly tell you, 1 am for a voluntary principle (cheers). With those who differ with me on that sub¬ ject, and those who differ have an equal right to their opinions as I have to mine, and I do not mean here to impugn their opinions, but l say that those who differ with me ought to be content with this, that so far as you find a Protestant in Ireland, he shall be pro¬ vided with spiritual instruction out of the funds of the State. We did not go the length .of your own sturdy ancestors, who insisted on having the creed of the Established Church of the same colour with that of the people. There are about 800,000 Protestants in Ireland, while there are six millions of Catholics {cheers'). But we offered cheerfully to pay for the religious instruction of the 800,000 Protestants, and ouly asked that the surplus funds should be appropriated, but to whom ? To the six millions;—No ; but to the purposes of religious and moral instruction. Oh, but you say the Catholics of Ireland do not become Protestants, because they (the Catholics) are ignorant, benighted, and uninstructed. If that be so,—if there be such ignorance and darkness, the way to dispel it is surely to spread the light of education {hear and cheers ).— Well, I don’t think, after all, we were very unreasonable ; we only, as 1 have already said, wanted the surplus for the purpose of religious and moral education. But what do the Lords do ? Why the call for religious and moral education was totally unfit for the House of Lords, pensioned bishops, and all. Because if there was education there would be no longer Toryism, There really could not, and my own opinion is, that there will not be Toryism much longer ; and my own opinion is, that Toryism is really and essen. tially dishonest. I will tell you why. Strip Toryism of the dela¬ te £>2 MR. O’CONNELL’S SPEECH, sion, and what is it but that my uncle or my cousin should get a pension or place of emolument ( cheers and laughter). Some Tories are foolish enough to be content with a bow from a great man, but those are silly Tories; the real Tory is quite a different animal—he likes corruption—because something will come from it; but it will soon vanish—and the time will speedily come when a man will shrink from the appellation of Tory as much as if he were called a rogue. They now, to be sure, attempt to style themselves by the immaculate name of Conservatives, but shorten that title, and call them rogues in future {aye, aye). To return to the Irish Church bill, the Lords thought different this session from what they did last. This session they agreed to reduce the incomes of the Protestant clergy to £72 15s. per cent., although last session we offered them, and I myself drew the clause, £77 10s. per cent., which they rejected {hear). Why, Paddy is determined not to pay tithes, and there is no determination in which a man can be so fixed as not to pay (laughter). If he were cited to an ecclesias¬ tical court he would not pay,—if he were sued in Exchequer he would not pay—if he were sued at common law he would not pay —if called on by the police he would not pay— {laughter). They brought out horse, foot, and artillery, still not a doit would he pay ; but, as if to make religion more Christian in his eyes, they shot as many Paddies as possible, {horrible !) There they lay, nine of them in one slaughtered heap—but still he would not pay {hear, hear). Then the Lords offered to take the £72 15s. per cent., but Paddy would not give it to them—they must swallow the bill entire,—you must either take the moral and religious instruc¬ tion, or take nothing at all. The pill was however too bitter for them, aud so there was an end of it in the House of Lords. There were other bills relating to Ireland, and one particularly, w hich, although it might create very little attention in Britain, uorth and south, was yet of very considerable importance to families in Ireland. In Scotland, you all know that the marriage law is the most open that can well be. A marriage contract cau be formed without celebration, by a distinct and open avowal. In England the contract is w ound up in one thousand forms, and thus in the most important contract that can be formed by human beings, some¬ thing may be omitted that will be fatal to the children. In Ireland there is a middle state. Every marriage is valid that is celebrated by a clergyman of any order and description. If by a Protestant clergyman, it is valid between a Protestant and Catholic, or any other persuasion. But there is one exception, if celebrated by a Ca¬ tholic clergyman between a Roman Catholic and a person who is a Protestant, or who even was so within 12 months before, the marriage is totally void and null. Is the priest punishable? Not at all. Is the husband punishable? Not at all. Is the wife? Yes, she too often is, for it enables many a seducer to accomplish his vile purposes, who would be treated with scorn and contempt if he were to come without such a mask ; and I have known instances of the most AT EDINBURGH DINNER. 53 cruel misery resulting from this law (hear). Well, wo brought a bill into the House of Commons to remedy this crying evil, [t passed nearly unanimously—it went up to the Lords, and what do you think ? Why, because I advocated it they had the atrocity to throw it out and leave the innocent children to suffer, (shame !) It may be said this is a small matter. Oh, no, gentlemen. It be¬ speaks a great principle, and it shows with what vile pertinacity the Lords use their influence against everything that has the appear¬ ance of justice, or that is in conformity with the wishes of the people. Oh, I detain you too long (wo, no, go on). There was another bill to prevent the introduction of Orangemen into the police force. Well, that bill was a great improvement to all Ireland, because it has 7,000 paid police. It was, however, thrown out like the rest, because they (the Lords) patronize Orangemen. The Dublin police bill was thrown out on the same foolish and absurd ground—that I had supported it. And, good heaven, can any thing afford so melancholy an instance of a British assembly, than that they thus throw out measures, not on the facts, butsimply becauseone individual supports them. Am I calumniating their lordships ? Why, no, unless twenty-four millions of people are not to be credited. They said in the face of the British nation, —they calmly avwoed it—that these bills were thrown out because there happened to be such a man as Daniel O’Connell (hear, hear , and cheers). They did not give us the Irish corporation bill, but we will have it next year, with the help of England and Scotland. They mutilated the English corporation bill. We went to the limit of conciliation. I, for one, thought that we had gone to an extreme length, but they, notwithstanding, sent us back the bill, adhering to two most mischievous provisions. It then became a question whether the mischief of the Lords was such that we could accept the bill as a small instalment, or entirely abandon it, and commence a new agitation to make them do us justice the next session. We, however, at last preferred a compromise, and took 10s. 6d. in the national debt. We have got that from a fraudulent debtor, but we have given them no acquittance—no discharge (loud cheers ). On the contrary, we have the pledge of the ministry, and the voice of the House of Commons, to begin with us next session in a louder demand (renewed cheers). Having in the mean time availed our¬ selves of the instalment we will be better able to secure the rest, and to unite all the force of a great nation. I was myself afraid that there would be a division in the camp of the reformers, and it is manifest from the speech of Peel at Tamworth, that he relied more on your divisions that on his own strength (hear, hear ).— That man to be sure is one of the greatest humbuggers that ever lived (laughter). At Tamworth he said, how was it possible that reformers who said so and so of each other at a former period could now concur in action ? Why, what was he that he had as one of his own cabinet ? I mean, Sir E. Knatchbull, the man who opposed him (Sir li. Peel) on the Catholic emancipation, saying *4 MR. O’CONNELL’S SPEECH, that there was never such a mixture of depravity and profligacy of public principle, and that all confidence in public men had fled for ever —nusquam tutajides , for after ransacking the English language for terms of abuse, Sir Edw. Knatchbull found it was not enough, and was compelled to resort to Latin {laughter). We reformers must now form a phalanx, and our motto must be, down with To¬ ryism, and up with the standard of Reform {cheers). In England we will have the corporations, although I was afraid they would be angry with us for our concessions, but I am delighted to tell you the bill has been excellently well received in all the corporate towns of England. And why ? Because it turns out the thirty- three that elected themselves— {laughter) —and all the old bur¬ gesses, the capital calves, as Shakespeare has it; and they certainly took capital care to put all the charity, and all other good things into their own pockets—those funds being of too domestic a nature to wander away from themselves. But all that is gone, and men in their stead will be elected by the people. But yet I am sorry that there is one great draw-back, I mean the pecuniary qualification— is it not qualification enough for a man that he is selected by his fellow-citizens, but above all if they put a poor man forward, is it not evident that he must have some qualification to counteract the circumstance of his being a poor man—some extraordinary virtue rising superior to his poverty in the opinions of his fellow-citizens. {hear). But who proposed it but Sir Robert Peel, the more shame to him. His father, to his glory, was a cotton spinner, and his son, on that account, ought to belong to the people; but instead of that, he put all the social moral qualities of the people in the one scale, and the J^IOOO in the other, and the moral qualifications kicked the beam {cheers). We have contradicted him here, and, with the blessing of God, we will ring the bell of contradiction again in his ears. Answer my question—what brought you here ? You came here to oppose Peel of Tamworth {loud cheers). You came to oppose Wellington {renewedcheers). You came to oppose Tory rogues and rapparees {cheers). You came to oppose all those who resist the course of liberty and just policy—to oppose all those who insist on respecting institutions merely because they are aged. Why in arts, sciences, literature, manufactures, and commerce, you are every day improving. There is no doubt that the British nation is increasing the quantum of useful improvement, in every [thing that conduces to human comfort and the accumu¬ lation of the wealth of nations. You have brought your machi¬ nery almost to think. If a man were to come and tell me that spinning with distaff is an ancient institution, and therefore to cry down, with the spinning Jennies, and up with the distaffs—it is blasphemy to use the spinning Jennies, the old women used to spin very comfortably—would we be justified in faking his advice ? What would become of the manufactories of this country, if we were condemned to have no yarn but what was spun from the dis¬ taffs ? I am for the new and improved machinery. Sir R. Peel it AT EDINBURGH DINNER. 55 in favor*of the spinning Jennies in manufactures,'and yet he comes forward the child and champion of the oligarchy, and hurrahs for the distaffs in politics (cheers). But then he is a friend to the Dissenters. Mighty like a friend, as we say in Ireland (laughter). He reminds me of an individual who interfered in a duel in Ireland, without being a second. When asked what was his business there, he said, u I am a mutual friend.” Oh I then, said the querist, we must have a mutual friend on the other side ( renewed laughter ). So I suppose Sir Robert Peel is a mutual friend of the Dissenters •—on one side (continued laughter). He a friend to the Dissenters ! Now, was there anything ever yet heard so audacious as this ?— Why, didn’t he oppose the Dissenters even more than he did the Catholics ? Did he not say that one great argument for not eman¬ cipating the Catholics, for whom, on account of their numbers, he admitted there was some show of justice, was the fear that it would lead to the emancipation of the Dissenters; that was his argument. But even an uureformed House of Commons would no longer en¬ dure, that one class of Protestants should be stigmatised by ano¬ ther class for differing with them in judgment, and what did Peel do? He got petted, the angry boy, and walked out of the house in the face of his party, who were obliged to apologise for the infirmity of his temper (laughter). And even no farther than last year he refused to the Dissenters the poor privilege of obtaining degrees at the Universities. And yet Peel calls himself the friend of the Dissenters! But the Dissenters will rather confide in the promises of Lord John Russell. They will speedily be put on a perfect equally with the rest of their Protestant brethren. They will have their own marriages—Why not ? They will have their own mode of baptism—Why not? They will have the burial of their dead—Oh ! that law should interfere between a Christian and the last rites he pays to his departed relative. Peel would have continued this system, but I am sure that Lord John Russell will abolish the last particle of these stigmas, and the Protestant Dissenters will laugh to scorn the hollow promises of Sir Robert Peel. There is another topic in his speech which has filled me with apprehension. He concluded his speech with the praise of others, for nine-tenths of it was filled with praise of himself;—and whom does he praise ? He praises Louis Philippe, the tyrant of France—he praises him for having put down free discussion—for having made intellect useless—for having stopped the progress of thought; and in all the relations of life for having put an end to improvement, because improvement exposes fraud and error. He has put down that without which Edinburgh would be as barbarous as Constantinople! nay, more ; while in Paris, the centre of civi¬ lization, the King of the French is crushing the press ; in Con¬ stantinople, the Sultan is establishing and encouraging newspapers. But what care I for either despot ? I care for Peel, who would be the despot of this country, and who has praised Louis Philippe,for having put juries under controul—a most atrocious law, and whief 5G MR, O’CONNELL’S SPEECH, no Briton would deserve to wear the nature of man if he allowed it to pass. It is not important to us that such a law exists in France ; but it is important that a man who was Prime Minister of this country, and who tells us, that he is again looking forward to the same situation, should have the audacity to praise it. I had almost forgot the main point of my address, that no help could be expected for Ireland ’till the Lords were checked ; but I need not dwell on this subject at the present time, for the myriads who con¬ gregated round me this day, carried this music to my ear, Ireland has countless friends in Scotland—( cheers )—and that it would be impossible longer to continue their despotism. But what shall we do ? Are we to meet, eat and drink, and shout and talk idly ?— No ; let us determine as men. I trust that during the recess, pe¬ titions will begot up in every town and village in Scotland, calling upon the House of Commons to consider whether it be not neces¬ sary for the public liberty, that the principle of representation should be introduced to the House of Lords ( loud cheers ). I have always been for two houses of legislature, to prevent crude mea. sures from being passed into laws under the passions which might influence, or the faction which might govern a single house.— Yes, I am for two houses of legislature ; but I am not for one sub¬ jected to the popular controul, while the other is left to act according to the sinister influence of the majority in that house. I plainly see that it is impossible to work out good for England or Scotland, and, alas, there is no mitigation of the evils in Ireland ’till this grievance is remedied. Let open combinations be formed every where, and let the petitions be signed by every man who has a heart and an arm ( cheers ), I naturally plead ior Ireland, and who cah blame me? 1 have already done my country some ser¬ vice ; and I do imagine that if I were to descend to my grave to¬ morrow, I would do so with this consolation, that I left my country better at my death than I found her (great cheering). It has been said [here the hon. and learned gentleman spoke with peculiar emphasis] that England and Scotland are opposed to a repeal of the Union. Why, so am I, if justice is done to Ireland (cheers). Why should not the people of Ireland have corporate rights as England and Scotland have—why should they not be freed from the domination of a paltry faction, as England and Scotland are— why should not the consciences of the Irish people be free and un¬ fettered as, thank God for it, the people of England and Scotland are ? Answer these questions in the negative, and I tell you that, though the game may be hopeless, you will drive me to become a Repealer again. Answer them in the affirmative, and Ireland will join you heart and hand, and will be ready to fight your battles— ( great cheering ), England and Ireland have too long answered to the fable of the dwarf and the giant, where the dwarf gets all the blows and the wounds, and the giant comes in for the honour and jij plunder. Now, I tell you, we will not endure that Ireland should be the dwarf by the side of such a giant power as England ! but llik AT EDINBURGH DINNER. 57 raise her political stature to the standard of England and Scotland, and then—hurrah for the Union (long continued cheering ). For six huudred years the iron hoof of misrule has trampled upon the green isles of my lovely land. Her soil is fertile to exuberance, for no summer sun scorches it to sterility, nor does the winter chill it into barrenness—fertile to exuberance are her valleys—lovely are her rivers, as they rush from the sides of her mountains, and flow through her green plains—oh! not to bear on their bosoms the pro¬ ducts of her commerce—would to heaven it were ; but extorting from the land the very necessaries of life, while their banks are lined with starving people. Her harbours are safe from every gale, and open at every hour of every tide, and yet, though a solitary sail may occasionally be seen on her seas, commerce she has none, —her sons wander over every land as the accursed of heaven, and they are to be found in every country toiling for that subsistence which is denied them at home—supported in their exile only by the exuberance of their native spirits, and sighing in secret sorrow that they shall never more behold the land of their birth ( great cheers). Why is Ireland without commerce ?—misgovernment. Why is she without manufactures?—misgovernment. Why are her sons starving among fields that teem with produce?—misgovernment. I call upon you to rid your souls of the crime of acqui¬ escing in this mischief (we will). I shall carry back to my own country a tale of joy. I shall tell my countrymen that I read in the countenances of the manly, shrewd, and discerning people of Scotland a determination to join us in struggling for our rights. (cheers). I shall tell them that a nation never exceeded in the arts of war, and in the bravery of her sons—I shall tell them that a country who, in the words of one of our countrymen, who was an orator, soars in the full blaze of the arts and sciences, kC with an eye that never winks, and a wing that never tires,”—that you have vowed, and I now vow for you — Ireland shall be free. The Honourable and learned Gentleman sat down amidst enthusiastic cheering. Mr O’Connell again rose and said —I am going to give yon another speech, but not a long one. The duty to propose a toast has been imposed on me, but I am afraid the duty will be on my side and the imposition on yours, (laughter .) I am to propose pros¬ perity to the city in which you live, and oh ! what a delightful task to, be allowed to speak of the moral, physical, and personal beau¬ ties of the scene around me to day. Nature never spread lovelier tints than I saw as I passed my eye along the horizon, from that lovely spot where we were this forenoon assembled. The panora¬ ma was one of great beauty, beyond the power of painting, for no painter could ever reflect its varied and striking features. Your two cities lay beneath me, marking different eras in your history— the old city with the fortress, built to defend you against the incursions of your southern neighbours—the streets narrow and unhealthy, yet purified by the cleanliness of modern habits. In your new city I saw all that was modern, convenient, and beautiful, 5S EDINBURGH DINNER ■with extensive foot-paths, and containing a population such as never before met the human eye—comfortable, manly, and well clad, (laughter.) The scene both moral and physical was both more than painters could express, or even youthful poets fancy when they love, (laughter.) Oh! what a contrast between the civilization of the middle classes of the present day, and of those times when the proud Barons rode in panoply of mail over our streets, and trampled the people under their iron hoofs. That period has gone by for ever. I glory in the sober, steady, calm, and dignified manner in which you have used your newly acquired privileges ( cheers) and I beg to give 61 Prosperity to the City of Edinburgh.” Councillor Richardson replied—Sir, I regret that the official situation which I hold, as one of the Councillors for the first Dis¬ trict in the city, makes it incumbent on me, who am so ill qualified to discharge the duty, to express the delight which the citizens of Edinburgh have this day experienced in having you—Ireland’s friend—amongst them in Auld Reikie. But, sir, words are unne¬ cessary, for the joy that sparkles in every eye, and the loud hurrah that emanates from every bosom, must convince you that we men of the North, cold, though our feelings be called, can welcome a friend, and appreciate services such as yours— (cheers.) I am proud this day at the honour Mr. O’Connell has done us, and for the compliments he has paid our city. We, my friends, have never shrunk from extending the right hand of fellowship towards all those who, like him, have nobly stood forward to advocate the cause of the oppressed—and, I trust his presence here to day, will serve as a stimulus to us to persevere still more in extending the cause of freedom, (loud cheers.) Counsellor Jameson said it was now his province, as a tribune of the people and the poor, to announce to the meeting what the people and the poor wished for, what they desired, and what they demanded. In this respect he was but the feeble echo of what had often been much better said by their old friends and allies the whigs, in the days of their adversity, when with Fox for their leader, they made the table to resound with the toast of the 6i Majesty of the People.” And this toast was so distasteful to another Majesty actually reigning, but notmore legitimate, that he caused those who drank the toast to feel the effects of his royal jealousy, (cheers) Mr. Jameson then proceeded in eloquent and glowing language to descant upon the oppression which, in all ages of the world, the mass of the people had groaned uuder. Even the Magna Charta, he said, which we heard so continually praised, was but a bargain between two plunderers, with a word or two thrown in in favour of the plundered, lest the people should turn against them. Even the revolution of 1688 though it gave freedom a great step in ad¬ vance, yet it established a selfish and unrelenting oligarchy. Mr. Jameson being at the bottom of the room was imperfectly heard by the body of the meeting, who manifested some impatience before he TO MR. O’CONNELL. 5» corfcluded his speech. lie gave the extension of the suffrage, triennial parliament, and vote by ballot. Mr. Gillon, M. P., said the toast which had been entrusted to his charge was of such a nature, and would be so cordially received by the friends of liberty, as to atone for any deficiencies of the individual who now addressed them. He was about to propose the health of a member of what was usually termed the Upper House of the Legislature, but now more generally and more appropriately termed the House of Incurables. ( cheers and laughter.) And yet he believed they would scarcely think him sincere in this when he told them that no one looked upon the acts of the House of Lords during the last session with more detestation and with more disgust than he did. I give you, said Mr. Gillon, the health of a man who has been emphatically called the people’s peer—the Earl of Durham. ( cheers .) I regret that that noble lord is not a member of the present Cabinet, and look forward with anxious anticipation to the day, when we shall see that noble lord, and my honourable and learned friend Mr. O’Connell, joint members of the same Cabinet—( cheers )—and uniting their gigantic powers in wielding the destinies of this great nation. But we have the consolation to reflect, that at the present period, w hen the despots of the north are plotting against the liberties of Europe, assisted by the illustrious (by courtesy) Grand Master of the Orange Lodges,—( laughter and cheers) —that at this period we have at the Court of Nicholas the Autocrat, one who is able, as he is willing, to maintain the dignity of the Empire, and the liberality of our policy. He con¬ cluded by giving the health of Earl Durham, which was drunk with loud cheers. Dr. Bliowne was received with loud cheers. It would he thought be the greatest possible presumption in almost any individual to encroach fora moment upon their attention at that hour of the evening. After the display of superhuman eloquence which they had heard that evening, he certainly should be the last person who should transgress, even for a few moments if it were not that the toast put into his hands was one which was immediately connected with that extraordinary man whom they had met to honor. That toast was— u The speedy and effectual redress not to one, not to several, but redress to all the w rongs of Ireland— [loud cheers)* Perhaps history in her ample page unfolds no other instance of a country so cursed by systematic, unrelenting, remorseless, cruel, and protracted misrule as Ireland—( loud and continued cheering). Other nations have terminated their oppressions in a track of years — the wrongs of Ireland can only be measured by centuries. The learned Doctor concluded by proposing the toast. Mr. Tait, after a few observations, proposed the Operative and Productive Classes. Mr. Alston returned thanks and proposed—May Agitation never cease till justice be obtained. Dr. Buown proposed the health of the sons of Mr. O’Connell, i 60 DINNER AT EDINBURGH in doing which, he paid a high compliment to their talents, and said that from their past career they had shown that they were not only chips of the Old Block, but that in time they would be the Old Block itself {cheers). Mr. Morgan O’Connell returned thanks. The Chairman then proposed the health of Sir J. Campbell, and in doing so, pronounced a high eulogium upon his character as a Scotchman— {cheers.) Mr. O’Connell again rose, and was received with renewed bursts of applause. Gentlemen, the toast which I have been commanded to give is, 44 Restoration of the dear-bought liberties of France, and the increase of the friendly relations between Great Britain and that country.’’ As to the encreasing relations between the two countries, it is highly desirable that the horrible doctrine of war and military contention should give way to the only battle which ought hereafter to be fought, that of public opinion {cheers). As to the restoration of the liberties of France, I take, of course, a deep interest in human freedom all over the globe ; I care not what be the colour of the people, or the caste, or the creed, of the human being; I assert their inalienable right to freedom, although the sun may have scorched the colour of slavery on their skin, or the power of des¬ potism shackled their limbs with unjust bondage. But France has dearly bought her liberties—she has—and she has suffered to teach us a lesson. Her first revolution was a bloody carnage, too long provoked, but too violently retaliated. It commenced, not by re¬ forming the temporalities of her establishment, but by annihilating it, and by promoting a profane infidelity which was the scorn of all who had imbibed a sense of religion. It is not in a spirit of calumny I say this. The first revolution was sullied with irreligion and blood, and like all revolutions which are sullied with these crimes, it resulted in a military despotism—which is just a different species of slavery. It was far different at the last revolution. But what is the result? Why they have got a king again— {laughter )—of the right Bourbon sort—one certainly who has no claim to legiti¬ macy, but the king of the people appears to me to have as pretty a taste for despotism as any of the most sanguinary of the legitimates — {cheers). When he commenced his career—O l what a glorious career’.—there were only two hundred thousand electors out of a population of 13 millions, and it was expected of the Citizen King that he would extend the franchise. To give the French liberty they would require at least 5 millions of voters. But no. He chose rather to tie up the constitution ( hear , hear , hear). The only goed thing left in France is the ballot. As for Louis Phil- lippe, 1 wish them well rid of his dynasty, for with him their liberties can never be safe. The toast was drank with great cheer*. The Chairman then rose to propose 44 Mr. Ruthven and the liberal members for Ireland,” and commented on the great obliga¬ tions all classes of Reformers owe to the Irish members for their zealous support on all liberal questions. TO MR. O’CONNELL. 61 Mr. Ruthven rose and returned thanks on behalf of himself and the Irish members, who, he said, if they had done less than they wished in supporting the reforms connected with Scotland and England, had done all they could. With regard to the repeal of the Union, which he had heard spoken of, he would not shrink from avowing that no man more sincerely desired than he did an independent Parliament in Ireland, (cheers and laughter). The honourable gentleman concluded by proposing the health of the Chairman.— ( cheers .) Mr. Aytoun returned thanks. He would not affect to deny that he had endeavoured to do his best according to the humble sphere of his action. As had been said of Mr. Tait’s pamphlet, he was a plain, unpretending, but not very fastidious reformer. Before he concluded he begged to give a s a toast, ii Messrs. Gillon, Dr. Bowring, and the liberal members for Scotland.” He begged to congratulate the meeting that the stain had been wiped from the character of our Scotch representatives. Formerly the represen¬ tatives of the aristocracy, or what is worse, mere dependents on the Minister of the day, and ready to 4: sell their birthright for a mess of pottage.” (cheers). But so soon as the people possessed a shadow of the franchise, they hastened to exercise it, and returned honest reformers, who had nobly done their duty to their country and the people. He concluded by giving the healths of Dr. Bow¬ ring, Mr. Gillon, and the liberal Members of Scotland. Mr. Gillon rose to return thanks, and remarked that the ap¬ plause with which his conduct and that of the other liberal repre¬ sentatives had been greeted, more than amply repaid them for any exertions they had it in their power to bestow. The Chairman then gave u Mrs. O’Connell and the roof tree of Darrynane.” Mr. O’Connell returned thanks. No man, he remarked, could struggle well for his country whose nest was not warm at home— and it was quite certain there was no honey in the cup of life if not administered by the hand of those we love, (cheers). For his own part he owed much — perhaps the whole of his public character— to Mrs. O’Connell. When, in consequence of the chills of disap¬ pointment, he felt himself driven almost to give up a political life, and betake himself again to that profession in which he had been so successful, he always yielded to her suggestions to the contrary, and he found himself more loved at home for continuing to struggle for his native land— (cheers.) Air. Thomas Smith gave u Joseph Hume and cheapGovernmen't’ , . Mr. Reed gave u Extinction of Slavery all oyer the world.” Mr. Christie, Dundee, gave 6 ■ A speedy and effectual reform of the House of Lords.” Air. O’Connell rose and gave u The Trades of Edinburgh/’ to whom he begged to express the strongest feelings of gratitude. He thought the Lords should be tradesmen, and tradesmen the Lords. (laughter.) If he required any stimulcnt to urge him on to the 62 PRESENTATION OF A VASE advocacy of the extension of the suffrage and vote by ballot, it would be found in the appearance of the Trades that day. ( cheers ) Mr. Bigger returned thanks, and gave “Messrs. Galloway and Wire, and the strangers from England. Mr. Galloway returned thanks, and gave u Success to the Projected Reformers of next session.’’ Mr. O’Connell in introducing the health of Mr. Tait, remark¬ ed upon the character of the public press of Edinburgh, in which he saw exhibited a good deal of variety, for while it had presented some of the most perseveringly classick writings that had ever ap¬ peared, such as the Blackwood’s and the Ettrick Sheppard’s—to the latter of whom it was the greater disgrace that he had forsaken his order, and given so much adulation to the great folks, having sprung from the people himself. He concluded by giving Mr. Tail, and the universal diffusion of political knowledge, (cheers.) Mr. Tait simply returned thanks. The Chairman then said, that as it was twelve o’clock, he would close a happy meeting by giving the last toast, which was “ Both sides of the Channel.” (cheers). Three cheers were then given for Mr. Aytoun, and the same for Mr. O’Connell, after which the meeting dispersed in the ut¬ most order and regularity. PRESENTATION OF A SILVER VASE TO MR. O'CONNELL, AND SOIREE. Edinburgh, Saturday, 19th, September. A meeting was this day held, at a very short notice, in the News Room of the Waterloo Hotel, for the purpose of presenting to Mr. O’Connell a silver vase, as a tribute from the United Irishmen of Edinburgh, in admiration of the distin¬ guished services which the Honourable and Learned Gentleman had rendered to the cause of civil and religious liberty. About half past one o’clock Mr. O’Connell entered and was received with loud cheers. Silence having been obtained the President of the Society rose and, after a few prefatory remarks, proceeded to read an Address which bad been draw n up by the Society for the occasion. The address which was exceedingly well written, was very complimentary and dwelt with great force upon the judicious conduct of Mr. O’Connell during the last session, observing that he had forgotten Ireland fora season, in order that the common cause of liberty over the three kingdoms might be secured a more certain triumph. The President having concluded, presented the cup and the address into Mr. O’Connell’s hands amid loud cheering. The cup was of very handsome work¬ manship weighing fifty ounces, of the value of =£30. The lid was surmounted by a plain old Irish harp, and on one of the sides was the following inscription, sur¬ rounded by wreaths of shamrocks;— “ Piesented by the united Irishmen of Edinburgh to Daniel O’Connell, Esq., M. P., the Liberator of Ireland, and the friend of man, in testimony of their attachment to him, and to the principles of his public life, and in grateful acknow¬ ledgement of those exertions by which they, in common with the Irish nation, have been restored to civil and religious liberty.” The cheering having subsided. L Mr. O’Connell rose, and spoke to the following effect:—It may appear strange 5 that at such a meeting as this, and in reply to MR. O’CONNELL’S SPEECH. 63 such an address, I should begin with a complaint. Yet 1 do, for in that address it is stated that I forgot Ireland for a moment. Now I never did. No moment of my life have the wrongs of Ireland gone out of my mind {cheers.) From the oeriod of my earliest in¬ fancy to the “sear and yellow leaf” of life, the thought of Ireland has been ever with me ; her wrongs, her sufferings, her rights, have been the constant theme of every wish and aspiration of my heart. She has ever been my waking dream by day, and my sleep by night. A. species of policy may have induced you to suppose that, engrossed with other objects, I had forgot Ireland for a moment; but oh ! believe me, that the thought of Ireland, the good of Ireland, has never ceased to occupy my mind every day and every hour; and has uniformly been the prevailing motive of my conduct. He who has to assail the wild beast of the forest, advances not direct against the monster, tor if he do he perishes in the contest. If there be not a using of stratagem, in order to obtain the object, the monster of despotism, as in England, with one hundred and seventy heads and no heart— {cheers )—will be certain to lay him prostrate. My present policy is to circumvent that monster; to take him not unawares but with the strongest collection of force on every side that I can ; and if I appear for a moment to forget the immediate cause of Ireland, I only enhance the triumph of that country by ensuring advantage to England, freedom to Scotland, and blessings to Ireland, The common interest of all ought to be the language of patriotism—the universality of the benefit ought to be the stimulent of the men who work fearlessly for the public—and the spirit of universal benevolence and affection, and that which the charity of our common Christianity, and the dic¬ tates of the God who shall judge us all, imprint on the human mind as the first of his commandments. Bnt when I was born, the natives of Ireland—the descendants of the chiefs of old, were marked with the brand of slavery and degradation, and the Roman Catholic was only allowed to breathe and to labour in his native land. I could not endure that we should be stigmatized for conscience and our country’s sake. I early registered a vow in Heaven that I should never submit to it—and a beginning to withstand it was made with a few, the fiftieth part of the number present in this room—and by incessant energy and perpetual agitation, and a righteous cause, I did make Ireland combine, and the voice of seven millions burst forth like the thunder of the Heavens, and affrighted the inmost souls of Peel and Wellington .—{immense cheering.)— But remember how it was achieved. It was not on any narrow or sectarian principle. I think my own religion the best or I would not adhere to it; but 1 respect the sincerity of every other main’s religious professions, and I esteem man only according to the measure of the strength, sense, and religious impression of his mind, whatever be the form of faith which his conscience dictates. {cheers). The principle which I assert is the universal right of freedom of conscience. Religion ought to exist only between 64 MR. O’CONNELL’S SPEECH man and liis God, and no fellow mortal has a right blasphemously to interfere between the created and the Creator, whose name be for ever blessed ! The first step we Catholics took, was successful in obtaining for the Protestant Dissenters in England an admission into the Constitution, before we opened the doors for ourselves. And when we succeeded afterwards, we succeeded after asserting our principles for others; and we came in free from the taunt of bigotted attachment to our own faith, although our sincerity was undoubted (cheers). But how, my countrymen, did we achieve this ? Was it by violence ? No. Was it by turbulence ? No. Was it by stimulating to crime, or appealing to force ? No. Did we shed one drop of human blood ? No. Did we even create one single pang or pain, except in the minds of the bigots who ought to be a little vexed ? (laughter) No. I appealed to the people of Ireland, and told them that an obedience to the law was their strength—that illegal acts would tarnish their cause, and give power over them to their enemies. 1 told them that secret societies and illegal oaths are crimes most prevalent, which in some degree, however, may be palliated in a country where justice was a name, and mercy a mockery-— (cries of hear , hear , and loud cheering) —but that they were the more criminal for entering- into such combinations, because by doing so they afforded better opportunity for the enemy to traffic in the blood of their deluded victims. ( hear and cheers.) Secret and illegal societies I banish everywhere, and whenever I address my countrymen, I condemn them emphatically. When any man belongs to an illegal society, he puts himself in the power of every individual who may steal into it. The informer has only to accuse any person in that society to any extent of criminality he pleases, and the accused is without a witness, but if he produces one w ho is able to swear to the contrary, the moment that witness appears he is accused as co-guilty of the same secresy, and thus a secret society delivers up its members bound hand and foot, to the atrocity and avarice of the blood stained informers, ( hear , hear , and cheers.) I succeeded in Ireland in putting them down (cheers). I appealed not to the 1 malevolent spirit of thousands who were ready to engage in warfare, in battle and violence; but I appealed to fathers who were affectionate and attentive to their children—• I appealed to brothers who loved and took care of their sisters— I appealed to the sons who revered their aged mothers, and the moral worth of Ireland rallied around me. England, Scotland, and Ireland are making great progress, because they are making it peaceably and constitutionally. Englishmen are ameliorating their condition as they improve the arts and sciences, not by idle experiment, but in sober steps of rationality ; and they are looking forward to the gradual improvement of their institutions. The sensible people of Scotland are imitating them, and the ardour and enthusiasm of the Irish mind is softening down into a steady pur¬ suit of the same object. My efforts now are to lessen the burdens of the British people ; to direct the stream of taxation into its ON RECEIVING THE VASE. 65 proper channel, and to take away the burdens from the working classes, to take away all taxation from labour and also from the com¬ modities that are necessary to life, as well as from the beings that produce them, and to place it sole'y on property. Until that period shall arrive the country will not be in a flourishing condition— until this country, like America, be free from taxation—until we can hail the day when taxation is at an end, and the national debt extinguished for ever ( cheering ) In the meantime, to revive the thoughts of the green land of my birth, I shall soon display this cup to my grandchildren, clustering around me, and as they admire its workmanship and the purity of its materials, they will have one lesson more to teach them of what inestimable value it is to the humblest talent and the lowest of human beings, to be always honest and always energetic.— {cheering) . If I have a protestation to make it is this—that 1 cannot love Ireland more than I do this moment. I never lay my head on my pillow at night without thinking that I might have done more to forward her cause during the day, and I never rise at morn without aspirations to Provi¬ dence for her liberty and her happiness. I then meditate how during tne day I can do most good to the loved land_of my birth, and here am I now labouring in that very vocation —( cheers ) You cheer me—my labours atford you satisfaction, for 1 do my best to serve your country and mine. ( loud cheers .) If to-morrow I should sink into the grave, then could this be said of me, thatl leftmy country better at my death than I found her at my birth— {loudand longcheers ). Thesnow of 60 winters have passed over my head,but my heart is as young as when I first entered life—and my spirit as untired, and I am afraid that you will think that even my tongue is as untired as my spirit {cheers and laughter.) But there is one animating thought, and that is, to free our common Christianity from the stain jf persecution—to preach to all sects and persua¬ sions the doctrine of mutual feeling and affection, and to proclaim to every Christian that he never can convince his neighbour of error by calumniating or persecuting him; and that form of Christian faith must be the best that leads most to practices of charity, which conduces most to human affection, and to acts of human kindness, and to the good of every class, colour, creed, and order. {loud cheers). I thank you sincerely for this splendid token of your approbation and regard—I shall treasure it with a grateful recollection of your love. It shall always bring to my recollection the scenes which I have witnessed since I came into Scotland, and I call on my countrymen to show their gratitude towards the wor¬ thy and kindly people of this country, who have received me as they have done {hear and cheers). Amongst all your acquain¬ tances, wherever the Scottish accents fall on your ear, convey to Scotchmen the gratitude of an Irish heart, for the kindness with which they have received—I cannot call myself the champion—but the person who has struggled for Ireland, and obtained by the exaggerated gratitude of his countrymen the title of her Liberator. 66 ADDRESS FROM KELSO. (immense cheering). Thank them in the name of Ireland for their kindness to me, because in my person is embodied the cause of your country. Tellthemthe real union between the countries exists in the community of interests and affections—that they are the bond of union—which promote mutual prosperity and affection, and we never shall sever a tie so sacred and so sweet, unless inevitable necessity compels us to that which we would not be men if we did rot do under circumstances of gigantic necessity, that, which Scotland did, when she drew her sword against the oppressors of conscience and of the Scottish religion. ( great cheering ). We anticipate Scotland, and will you take my pledge that I will, to the utmost, exert myself for Ireland, and that the interests of Scotland shail ever be dear to me. Mr. O’Connell then sat down amid long continued cheers. A Deputy who had been sent from Kelso, now rose and said—. that he had been appointed to the honour of presenting to Mr. O’Connell an Address from Kelso, which he hoped would show that the south of Scotland equally appreciated the talents of Ire¬ land’s Liberator. He then proceeded to read the Address, which was of considerable length, and which set fortn, in very eloquent terms, the services which Mr. O’Connell had rendered to Ireland, and to the cause of Reform, and denouncing the obstacles which had been thrown in the way of further amelioration ! and assuring the hon. and learned gentleman that the people of Scotland were resolved to stand by him in his exertions for the cause of the people. The Address was read amid great cheering, when it subsided Mr. O’Connell briefly addressed *he Deputy, and after stating in glowing language the attachment which the nation of Scotland had always shown to the true principles of liberty, concluded by saying—I will quote the poet of nature and of Scotland, when he proclaimed the virtues of the men of this country, nd asked— u Wha’ would be a traitoA knave ?