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THE ANGLICAN CLERGY IN THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 
 
 BY 
 
 ESTHER JEANETTE HARPER 
 
 A. B. Illinois Womans College, 1921 
 
 THESIS 
 
 SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS 
 FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN HISTORY 
 IN THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE 
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS, 
 
 1922 
 
 URBANA, ILLINOIS 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
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 https://archive.org/details/anglicanclergyinOOharp 
 
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CONTENTS 
 
 Pages 
 
 chapter I 1 
 
 The General Situation in the Ainerican 
 Colonies 
 
 chapter II 7 
 
 The Anglican Clergy 
 
 CHAPTER III S3 
 
 The Struggle for an Episcopate 
 
 CHAPTER IV S3 
 
 Theories and Opinions 
 
 CHAPTER V 42 
 
 The Treatment of the Anglican Clergy 
 
 CHAPTER VI 50 
 
 Conclusion 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 53 
 
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THE ANGLICAN CLERGY IN THE 
 AMERICAN REVOLUTION 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 The General Situation in the American Colonies 
 
 The Loyalist party of the American Revolution, composed of 
 those who remained faithful to the King, included not only Episco- 
 palians hut also Presbyterians, Lutherans, Catholics, Methodists, 
 and a. few Quakers. It is true that the clergy, perhaps, took a more 
 
 active part than the laymen, but the loyalist party contained all 
 
 1 
 
 races and nationalities and all classes of society. 
 
 Loyalism was based upon many of the fundamental teachings of 
 
 the Church of England. The Anglican church instilled into the heart 
 
 of each mejiiber, the conviction that loyalty to the King, and obed- 
 
 2 
 
 ience to the established law were religious duties. A clergyman, 
 
 when ordained, was obliged to take an oath of allegiance to the 
 
 state as well as to the church, and he believed that it was a moral 
 
 obligation to pray for, and to give homage to the King. Anglicanism 
 
 Was one of the most powerful influences in determining the colonial 
 
 3 
 
 political parties when they began to take shape. We may say then, 
 that the Loyalist party was "formed out of the social, religious, 
 political and corrjjnercial tendencies which appeared here and there 
 
 1 
 
 Fisher, Sturgyle for American Independence . I, 242 
 
 2 
 
 Flick, Loyalism in N.Y. During the America n Revolut ion. 19 
 3 
 
 Ibid. 10 
 
c, 
 
 4 
 
 during more than a century of colonial hiatory." 
 
 Toward the close of the seventeenth century, the Bishop of 
 London sent out Mr. James Blair and Mr. Thomas Bray as the first 
 agents or commissaries to Virginia and Maryland. A commissary was 
 entitled to perform all of the functions of the Episcopal Church, 
 with the exception of ordaining priests. There were many other com- 
 missaries sent out to the colonies during the eighteenth century, 
 
 5 
 
 but they were not as successful and as worthy as these first two. 
 
 During the seventeenth and earlj'" part of the eighteenth cent- 
 uries, the Church of England was established in various parts of the 
 country. In the New England colonies, with the exception of Rhode 
 Island, the Congregational Church was established and supported by 
 the colonial governments, and Episcopacy made little progress during 
 the seventeenth century, although there was established an Episcopal 
 Church in Boston, as early as 1866. In 1730, the Congregational 
 Church was still the established Church of Connecticut and Massa- 
 chusetts, but the Church laws were less severe in the other New 
 
 England colonies and a more tolerant attitude was assumed everywhere 
 
 6 
 
 toward the Episcopalians, Quakers and Baptists, 
 
 4 
 
 Flick, Loyal ism in N.Y. During The American Revolution . 31 
 
 5 
 
 Pascoe, Two Hundred Years of S.P.G. , 2 ff 
 Channing, History of U .S . . II, 431 
 Greene, Provincia l America . 4 
 Cross, Angl i can Episcopate . 39-43 
 
 6 
 
 Channing, Histor y p^U.S. , II, 436 
 Greene, Provincial America . 63, 64, 91 
 
 Andrews, Colonial Self Government , (American Nation Series, V, 306) 
 

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 The Church of England was not legally established in any of 
 
 the northern colonies, with the exception of several counties in 
 
 New York. The Colonial Assembly of New York passed an act in 1393, 
 
 which established the Anglican Church in four counties, although eacl 
 
 parish was required to have church services on Sunday. Pennsylvania 
 
 Was a strong Quaker colony, and the Church of England was never 
 
 6 
 
 strong enough to secure and establishment. The dissenting sects 
 
 were in the majority in the middle colonies, and for this reason the 
 
 Angliccua Church was not as successful as in some of the other colon- 
 9 
 
 ies . 
 
 The Church of England was more firmly established in Virginia 
 
 10 
 
 than in any other colony, having been established as early as 1619. 
 
 In Maryland, through the efforts of Thomas Bray, an act was passed in 
 
 1700, which superseded the earlier acts of 1692, and 1696, and which 
 
 provided that the rules and customs of the Established Church shoul- 
 
 be followed in every place of Public Worship. This act met with 
 
 opposition and in 1702 a new' act was passed which remained in force 
 
 11 
 
 until the Revolution. In 1679, there were only four clergymen of 
 the Church of England, outside of Virginia and Maryland, and only 
 one in the New England Colonies, while in Virginia there were forty 
 
 7 
 
 Tiffany, History of Protestant Episcopal Church . 164-165 
 Channing, History of U.S. . II, 435, 436 
 Cross, Anglican Episcopate . 7 
 
 8 
 
 Greene, Provincial America. 101 
 
 9 
 
 Ibid . 96 
 
 10 
 
 Hawks, Contribu t ions to Ecclesiastical History . I, 36 
 Tiffany, Hist ory of Protestant Episcopal Chur ch. 20, 21 
 11 
 
 Hawks, Contrib u tions to Ecclesias t ical Histor y. II, 97 
 Greene, Provinci al"^ Amer ica. 97 
 
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 The Established Church would have probably gained strength much more 
 quickly, had it not been for the fact that many of the early Mis- 
 sionaries, sent out by the 8.P.G., were men with doubtful characters 
 
 and they helped in creating a sentiment of opposition toward the 
 
 16 
 
 church, by their unchristian and selfish conduct. Mr. Henderson, a 
 clergyman in Maryland, wrote to the Bishop of London in i715, in- 
 forming him that a "great part of the clergy are very loose in their 
 
 lives and negligent in their offices, and havine: no authority to 
 
 17 
 
 restrain them, pursue practices without control." In the same year 
 
 he writes"that the weakness of some of our clergy, the negligence 
 
 of others, and the ill lives of many, have made more converts to 
 
 that church" (referring to the Catholic) "than their priests could 
 18 
 
 have done . " 
 
 During this period there was constant dissension between the 
 
 dissenting parties and those who clung to the Church of England. 
 
 The Anglicans were eager to establish their church in all parts of 
 
 the colonies, and Dissenters were not content to sit by and see the 
 
 church they so disliked usurp their place. Politics were greatly 
 
 19 
 
 influenced by the Church parties. 
 
 The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts 
 was established in America by means of a charter granted by William 
 III in 1701. Rev. Thomas Bray ( 1656- 1730 ) was instrumental in bring 
 ing about this establishment, and he was aided by the English bis- 
 
 16 
 
 The James Sprunt Historical Collec t ions . IX, pt.I, p.l7 
 
 17 
 
 Perry, Histori cal Collectio ns . IV, 79 
 
 18 
 
 Ibid, 83 
 15 
 
 Greene, Provincial Ameri ca. 83, 90-91 
 
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 hops and other churchmen. The object of this society was to pro- 
 vide ministers who should carry on the work of the Anglican Church 
 in America. It was primarily intended as a missionary agency, and 
 
 the ministers who were sent out and received their salaries from 
 
 80 
 
 this organization, were called missionaries. A missionary, before 
 
 being sent abroad, was instructed ”to recommend brotherly love and 
 
 Christian charity particularly among all Protestant Inhabitants," 
 
 and to "inculate submission to government and obedience to authority 
 
 not only for wrath but for conscience sake . To exhort their people 
 
 faithfully and cheerfully ^ pay tribute to whom tribute is due and 
 
 to take special care to give no offence to the civil Government by 
 
 intermeddling in affairs not relating to their own calling or 
 21 
 
 function . " 
 
 Dr. T.B. Chandler in a letter to the S.P.G. in 1766, speaks 
 
 of the work which these missionaries accomplished in spreading the 
 
 gospel, and in securing the loyalty of the colonists to their Mother 
 82 
 
 Country. The English had discovered that devout Christians made 
 
 loyal subjects, and that the Church of England was one of the best 
 
 23 
 
 agents by which to accomplish this. 
 
 20 
 
 Root, The Relations of Pennsylvania with the British Government . 
 229, 230 
 
 Perry, The History of the Ajnerican Episcopal Church . I, 196 
 James Sprunt Historical Publications . IX, pt.I, p.9 
 Pascoe, Two Hundred Years of S.P.G. . 2 ff 
 21 
 
 Perry, Historical Collections II, 491, 492 
 22 
 
 Beardsley, History of the Episcopa l Church in Connecticut . 245 
 23 
 
 Philips, The Early Ena:lis h Colonie s . 57 
 

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7 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 The Anglican Clergy 
 
 There are conflicting statements as to the numter of Anglican 
 clergy, who espoused the cause of the Patriots in the American Rev- 
 olution, and of those who remained loyal to the Royalist party. 
 Charles C. Tiffany in his History of the Protestant Episcopal Church 
 
 in the United States of America , says that at the beginning of the 
 
 1 
 
 struggle, two-thirds of the Anglican clergy were Royalists, while 
 
 Charles Edward Brugler estimates that seventy-five percent of them 
 
 remained on the side of the Patriots. Brugler attributes the reason 
 
 for the disloyalty to the fact that the King paid no attention to 
 
 the various entreaties of the clergy and they believed that he no 
 
 3 
 
 longer gave to them the attention due to British subjects. 
 
 One of those who did not remain loyal to the King was Rev. 
 Robert Smith, of South Carolina, who was very influential in shaping 
 the opinions and attitude of the people in that colony. He tried to 
 bring about a conciliation between the two contesting parties, but 
 when he found that this was impossible, he could not desert the 
 cause for liberty, and served in the ranks of the partiots. His in- 
 fluence has been thought to have been an explanation for the fact 
 that in the north not one in ten of the Anglican clergy opposed 
 
 1 
 
 Tiffany, History of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United 
 States of America . 46 
 3 
 
 Brugler, '’ The Influence of the Clergy in the Revolution . " Magazine 
 of History . XXIII, 16, 17 
 

 
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 Great Britain, while in South Carolina, three-fourths of the Clergy 
 3 
 
 were patriots. There were many other clergymen who staunchly advo- 
 cated independence and who were untiring in their efforts to further 
 4 
 
 it. 
 
 Rev. Charles Inglis,in a letter, October 31, 1776, assures the 
 Society that its members and the clergy of the Church of England, 
 almost without exception in New Jersey, New York, Connecticut, and 
 other New England colonies, have remained loyal subjects, and have 
 tried, to the best of their ability, to oppose the srjirit of rebell- 
 ion, and although they were not successful in preventing it entirely, 
 
 they did succeed in checking it to some degree, and prevented many 
 
 5 
 
 from becoming patriots who would have otherwise done so. Jonathan 
 
 Boucher of Maryland, in a letter to William Eden, 1776, testifies 
 
 3 
 
 to the loyalty of the clergy of the Church of England, and Samuel 
 
 Seabury in a letter to William Tryon, then governor of New York, 
 
 1773, says that the olerg'y are teaching "the principle of Loyalty 
 
 7 
 
 and Conscience as well as Interest.” Reverend Edward Winslow, of 
 Massachusetts expresses his loyalty and the attitude which he is 
 taking, in a letter to the Secretary of the S.P.G. 1766. He says, 
 ”I>jiring this time of confusion amongst us I have endeavoured to urge 
 upon the people of this Mission a special regard to the duties of 
 
 3 
 
 Hawkins, Mission s of the Chur cji of Engl an d. 316 
 Tiffany, Protes tant Eniscopar Churc h iii *U.S. , 334 
 
 4 
 
 McCrady, A History of South Carolina Under the Royal G overnmen t . 
 1719-17737 p.450 
 
 5 
 
 Eccesiastic al Records of New York . VI, 4393 
 
 6 
 
 Maryl and Histo rical Magaz ine . VIII, 336-343 
 7 
 
 New Jersey Archives . Serial I, Volume 38, p.l58 
 
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 loyalty to His Majesty, and deference and affection to the supreme 
 government of our Mother Country, together with a becoming confi- 
 dence in the Wisdom of Justice of our superiors there, to alleviate 
 
 or remove any burdens which may appear to be beyond our strength to 
 
 b 
 
 bear, and to promote the prosperity of this Continent." 
 
 The clergy in Pennsylvania, and those in the colonies south 
 of Pennsylvania, were not as ardent loyalists as those in the north- 
 ern colonies. In general we might say that the Church of England 
 in the South was more firmly established than in the North, being 
 Supported by the most influential and wealthy men. The clergy as 
 a whole were not as dependent for their support upon the S.P.G., and 
 they felt more free to express themselves as they desired, and to 
 sympathize with those who were opposing the crown. This, however, 
 was not equa-lly true of all of the colonies, for as I have above 
 said the Church in Virginia was more firmly established than in the 
 other colonies, and the colony of South Carolina was more of a mis- 
 sion field, for its clergy were largely supported by the S.P.G. 
 
 9 
 
 South Carolina was the first colony to receive aid from this Society 
 
 Many of the clergy served as active partiots during the war both 
 
 influencing the opinions of the people through the press and through 
 
 10 
 
 sermons , and fighting in the rank and file. The clergy in the North 
 
 11 
 
 were mostly missionaries and received their salaries from the S.P.G. 
 
 8 
 
 Perry, Histor ical Coll ections . Ill, 521 
 
 9 
 
 McCrady, History of South Carolina Under Proprietory Government, 
 1670-1'!' 19, p. 4 17-4 19 
 Channing, Hist ory of the U. S. II, 429 
 
 10 
 
 Perry, American Episcopa l Church, I, Chapter 24 
 Boucher, A View, XIXI-XIIX 
 
 ^^awkins, FigTTdns of the Chur ch of England . 305, 303 
 Boucher, A View . XIIX 
 
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 12 
 
 New York ha-3 heen calied the "stronghold of loyalism." 
 
 Many of the early missionaries of the Church of England, as I 
 have said before, had characters which were not becoming to minis- 
 ters of the Gospel. The clergy, however, who were active during 
 
 13 
 
 the struggle for Independence, were men of courage and devotion. 
 
 They have been severely criticized for their loyalty to the mother- 
 country, and for the principles which they set forth, but it is un- 
 just to call them unpatriotic, for they were not. They firmly be- 
 lieved that they were in the right and went on conscientously per- 
 forming the duties which they were under oath to perform. They 
 believed that In ommitting the prayer for the King, which was a part 
 of the Ritual of the English church, they were violating these oaths 
 Many of these clergy had been born in England, and besides political 
 and religious ties which bound them to their native country, there 
 were home and family ties. The clergy were not so narrow as to 
 think that the British government had been wise and discreet in all 
 of the negotiations and relations with her colonies. Many realized 
 that the colonial plan of administration was not a system which was 
 without flaws, but it was one which was sadly in need of revision. 
 They did attempt to check the rebellion, and though they wanted re- 
 form, it was a reformation which could be accomplished without the 
 shedding of blood and needless destruction. These men must have 
 been often tempted to turn against their convictions, for they knew 
 that in taking a stand against the Patriotic cause, they were expos- 
 ing not only themselves, but their helpless wives and children to 
 
 12 
 
 Flick, Loyali sm in New York . 180 (also see, American Archives IV, 
 
 4, 4359 
 
 13 
 
 Abbey & Overton, The En^^iis h ^ 18th Century . 32, 33 
 
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11 
 
 all of the cruelties and sufferings of war. Notwithstanding all of 
 the temptations to desert the cause which they had espoused, even 
 when the struggle seemed hopeless, they showed a strength and cour- 
 age which has seldom been equaled. They were willing to give up 
 their homes and loved ones rather than prove disloyal to the King. 
 The fact that a majority of the congregations sympathized with and 
 remained loyal to their clergymen, speaiis, in itself for the esteem 
 
 in which the clergy were held by the people and for the influence 
 
 14 
 
 which the Christian characters exerted over them. 
 
 The clergy exerted a great amount of influence over their 
 parishoners, and it was largely due to their preaching and writing 
 that so many took the side of the crown. Samuel Seabury, a clergy- 
 man of Westchester, New York, said, ”I must observe that but few of 
 my congregation are engaged in rebellion. The New England rebels 
 used frequently to observe, as an argument against me, that the 
 
 nearer they cajne to West Chester, the fewer friends they found to 
 
 15 
 
 American liberty - that is, to rebellion." 
 
 Seabury was well acquainted with the leading men of the time, 
 many of whom were members of the Coloai^al Assembly. He talked with 
 these men individually, upon the political situation, and he was 
 
 14 
 
 Hawks , Contribut i ons to the Ecclesiast ical History of America . I , 
 
 Tyler, The Party of the Loyalists in the American Re volutio n in 
 the America n Historica l Review I , p"p 44 f f 
 Beardsley, Histo ry of the Epis c opal Churc h in Connect icut , I, 248, 
 249; 336-340 
 
 Perry . Hist o rv of the American Episcopal Ch urch I, 449,458,437-468 
 Beardsley, Life and Corres pond enc e of Samuel Seabury , 66 
 Tiffany, Histo ry of the Protestant Episc op al Church . 202 
 Letter of Jonathan Boucher, Maryland Historical Magazi ne IX, 234 
 
 1 5 
 
 Hawkins, Missio ns of the Church of England . 305 
 (Also in Pascoe , Two Hundred Years of the S .P .0. , 75 
 
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12 
 
 successful in influencing the Colonial Assembly not to accept the 
 
 13 
 
 authority of the Continental Congress as legal. He believed that 
 the extreme measures ivould inevitably result in "unbounded licent- 
 iousness in manners and insecurity to private property." He there- 
 fore did everything that was in his power to prevent his people from 
 joining the ranks of the patriots, and it was largely due to Sea- 
 
 bury's attitude that New York remained one of the most loyal of all 
 
 18 
 
 of the colonies. 
 
 The clergy spent most of the time teaching their people, as 
 
 Rev. Richard Mansfield, of Derby, says, "the duty of peaceablness and 
 
 quiet subjection to the King and to the parent state." Mr. Ebenezer 
 
 Thompson, of Massachusetts , in 1733, expresses the satisfaction which 
 
 he feels in the knowledge that his teaching "that we should always 
 
 be possessed with an easy, peaceable disposition, and that we study 
 
 to be quiet and mind our own business, and as much as lies in us to 
 
 live peaceable with all men, and pay a ready and dutiful obedience 
 
 to the lawful commands of our superiors," have not been unheeded, 
 
 for notwithstanding "the mur;nurs and disorders that have lately 
 
 prevailed in some parts of this Province, my people are most 
 
 19 
 
 true and faithful subjects." Mr. Caner, of Bostor.., later in 1775 also 
 testifies to the loyalty and influence of the Anglican clergy. He 
 says that they have"behaved with remarkable prudence" and that as 
 their people have for the most part remained firm and steadfast in 
 
 15 
 
 Perry, History of the American Episcopal Church I, 457, 458 
 
 17 
 
 Beardsley, Life and Correspondence of Samuel Seaburv, 25 
 19 ^ ' 
 
 Ferry, Histor ical Collectio ns III, 523 
 
 18 
 
 Beardsley, Life and Corr esp onde nce of Samue l Seab u ry , 2’’, 45 
 
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13 
 
 their loyalty and attachment to government, the clergy felt them- 
 selves supported by a conscious satisfaction that their labors have 
 
 20 
 
 not been in vain. That the clergy were not unsuccessful is shown 
 from the fact that out of one hundred and thirty families in Connect- 
 icut, one hundred and ten remained loyal to the British government 
 
 and resisted all of the measures which were passed by the revolu- 
 
 21 
 
 tlonary faction. 
 
 That not a few of the clergy had similar ideas as to the 
 
 course which they should follow, is shown through a study of the coj 
 
 respondence and sermons of the time. It was generally agreed that 
 
 each should faithfully discharge the duties of his office, preach 
 
 submission to authority without entering into political disputes, 
 
 and to secure union by ” prayers and tears, not clubs.” "Fortitude, 
 
 22 
 
 patience and perseverence" were recommended to all. 
 
 That the clergy earnestly carried out this program is shown 
 in a letter from Dr. Charles Inglis, of New York, to Dr. Hind, Oct- 
 ober 31, 1776, in which he says, "The clergy, sunidst this scene of 
 tumult and disorder went on steadily with their duty; in their ser- 
 mons, confining themselves to the doctrines of the Gospel, without 
 touching on politics; using their influence to allay our hearts and 
 
 20 
 
 Perry, Historical Collecti ons . Ill, 579 
 21 
 
 Hawks, Contributions to the Ecclesia sti cal History of Americ a II, 
 254 
 
 Beardsley, History, of the Episcopa l Church in Connecticut I, 308 
 
 f*\ o ~ — • " — — ■ ~ 
 
 Boucher, A View . 580 
 
 Hawkins, Missio ns of the Churc h of England . 242, 243, 315, 316 
 (Letters of Rev. E. Dubblee of Stamford, Rev. Bella Hubbard of New- 
 haven, and Rev. Dr. Smith, Provost of College at Philadelphia) 
 Perry, Historical Collectipns IV, 128 
 
 Beardsley, History of Episcopal Church in Connecticut I, 300 
 Charles F. Adams, Three Epis odes . II, 640, 841 
 

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14 
 
 as 
 
 cherish a spirit of loyalty among their people. Another testimony 
 to the loyalty of the clergy, is a letter written by Mr. Philip 
 Reading, of Pennsylvania, in 1775. He says that "many are the re- 
 buffs I sim obliged to encounter on the subject of the present com- 
 motions, notwithstanding which I am not deterred or discouraged 
 from inculcating the principles of Loyalty to our most gracious Sove- 
 reign and a due submission to the powers of Government on all proper 
 34 
 
 occasions," There were some, however, who took an attitude which was 
 
 virtually radical, that is, who went to the extreme in urging the 
 
 people to accept the doctrines of the Anglican Church, and who were 
 
 reprimanded by Anglican officials and cautioned to be leas extreme 
 35 
 
 in their views. 
 
 A large number of the clergy rather than submit to the order 
 to eliminate from the Liturgy, prayers for the King and the Royal 
 family, preferred to close their churches. They staunchly believed 
 that no authority had the power to release them from the oaths taken 
 at ordination. Many were forced to leave their congregations, be- 
 cause of the perilous situation created as a result of their refusal 
 to conform to the measures of Congress. Nevertheless ^many remained 
 
 near their people until they were forced to flee to save their lives 
 
 36 
 
 or died from the severe treatment which they received. Mr. Samuel 
 
 33 
 
 Hawkins, Missions of the Church of Engla nd. 339, 330, 153, 154, 317 
 Beardsley, History of the EpTscopal Church in America. 343 
 
 34 ^ 
 
 Perry, Historical Collection s II, 469 
 
 35 
 
 Greene, " Anglican Outlook on the Arne rican Colonies ? American Hist- 
 orical Review XX, 74, 75 
 
 36 
 
 Beardsley, Life and Correspondence of Samu el Seabu ry , 45-47 
 Beardsley, Hist ory of the Episcopal Chur ch in Conn ec ticut I, 331 ff 
 

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15 
 
 Tingley, of Delevfare, in a letter dated 1783, tells how he avoided 
 using the obnoxious phrases in the Ritual and in the Litany, and 
 yet read them so as to carry the meaning which he intended to convey 
 Instead of praying "0 Lord, Save the King," he said, "0 Lord, save 
 those whom thou hast made it our especial Duty to pray for." In 
 the Litany, instead of reading "Thy Servant, George, our most Graci- 
 ous King and Governor," he substituted the words, "those whom Thou 
 has set in authority over us, and grant that under their administra- 
 tion, we may lead quiet and peaceable lives, in all godliness and 
 37 
 
 honesty. " 
 
 The clergy were not content with merely preaching and talking, 
 
 but they met in groups in various parts of the country to discuss 
 
 the critical state of affairs, and to take steps which would insure 
 
 cooperation. In 1765, when the people were aroused by the enactment 
 
 of the stamp act, a group of clergy assembled in Connecticut, and 
 
 agreed that they, together with their people, "would steadfastly 
 
 behave themselves as true and faithful subjects" and as "obedient 
 
 3b 
 
 sons of the Church of England." 
 
 Mr. Seabury was one of a group which gathered at White Plains, 
 New York, April 1775, and his name is signed to the protest which 
 was drawn up at that time against "all unlawful Congresses and 
 committees." They further declared that "we are determined, at the 
 hazard of our lives and properties, to support the King and the 
 Constitution." This meeting created such a disturbance, and its 
 influence was so dangerous to the revolutionary measures, that it 
 
 37 
 
 Perry, Historical Collections IV, 13a, 135 
 3S 
 
 Perry, History of the American Episcopal Church I, 301, 303 
 

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 39 
 
 became necessary to send out an armed force to quiet the people. 
 
 As soon as the measures, passed by the Continental Congress, 
 were printed, the clergy endeavored either from the pulpit, or in 
 newspaper articles or in conversation, to refute any arguments which 
 they might have put forth, and to influence the people not to sanc- 
 tion any acts which might weaken the power of the Church of England 
 and of the British government. Seabury, together with Dr. T.B. 
 Chandler, of Elizabethtown, New Jersey, and Dr. Inglis, pastor of the 
 Trinity Church, New York, agreed to "watch all publications, either 
 
 in newspapers or pamphlets, and so to obviate the evil influence of 
 
 30 
 
 such as appear to have a bad tendency, by the speediest answers." 
 
 These three were not the only ones who watched the newspapers for 
 
 any bit of information which might aid or hinder the cause in which 
 
 they were interested. Ebenezer Hazard, in a letter dated February 
 
 35, 1775 says, "I have lately got scent of a club of Tories that 
 
 meets at R( ivington ’ s ) every Wednesday and Saturday evening. They 
 
 examine the newspapers, and direct him" C refer ring to Dr. Cooper) 
 
 "what paragraphs to reprint. The club consists chiefly of Dr. Coope 
 
 31 
 
 and some officers, but is not fairly formed yet." 
 
 Mr. Seabury wrote under the assumed name of a "Westchester 
 Farmer." His object, he said, was "to point out, in a way accomo- 
 dated to the comprehension of the farmers and landowners, the des- 
 tructive influence which the measures of the Congress, if acted upon 
 39 
 
 Beardsley, Life and Correspondenc e of Samu el Seabury . 37 
 Perry, Histor y oY the Epis copal Churc h of America . 457 
 
 30 
 
 Quotations from Seabury M.S.S. quoted in Shea's Hamilton . 394, 396 
 Perry, History of the American Episcop al Church I, 450 ff 
 Beardsley, Life and Correspon de nee of Seabu ryj 30, 56 
 
 31 
 
 New York Historical Society Coll e ctions XXIII, p.541 
 

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17 
 
 32 
 
 would have on them and the laboring part of the comir.uni ty . " 
 
 Er . Inglis answered a pamphlet entitled Common Sense , which 
 
 had for its theme the advocation of an independent republic. The 
 
 first edition of Dr. Inglis' answer was destroyed, but, nevertheless 
 
 another edition was printed. This cublication caused a great dis- 
 
 33 
 
 turbance, and Dr. Inglis was in danger of losing his life. 
 
 We see then, that the clergy's attitude toward the Revolution 
 did have a great influence upon the people at that time and as Dr. 
 Learning said, "I have the satisfaction to assure the Society, that 
 Missionaries being placed in this colony, is not only very service- 
 able iii a religious, but in a civil sense." He pointed out that in 
 the northeast of the colony, where the Church of England was not 
 well established, there were numerous outbreaks as a result of the 
 
 passage of the Stamp Act, but in the towns where the Church was 
 
 34 
 
 strong, the people were submissive to civil authority. 
 
 There were many and various kinds of charges which were brought 
 
 against the clergy during the Revolution. Seabury^ in a letter to 
 
 the S.P.G., 1775, said that the clergy were charged with plotting 
 
 with the Society and the British Ministry, to launch a plan for the 
 
 enslavement of America. He did not believe, however, that the 
 
 people who originated this slander, sincerely thought it to be truth 
 
 ful, but that they were simply employing this as one more means to 
 
 35 
 
 place the Church in disfavor with the people. Others, among whom 
 
 32 
 
 Beardsley, Life and Correspondence of Seabury . 30 
 
 33 
 
 Ibid . 56 
 
 34 
 
 Beardsley, Histo ry of the Epi sc opal Chur ch in Connecticut I, 249 
 
 35 
 
 ibid, I, 302 
 

 
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 ’.iV 
 
16 
 
 wi^e Br . Myles Cooper aiid Dr. T.B. Chandler, were accused of forging 
 
 prominent names, such as General Washington, to letters, which were 
 
 intended to arouse the Europeans, and to give them a false irnpres- 
 
 36 
 
 Sion of affaire in America. 
 
 It Was declared after Jonathan Boucher had preached in Queen 
 
 Anne’s Chapel, Annapolis, his sermons on" Ahsolam” and "Ahitophel," 
 
 (which are supposed to have referred to Washington and Franklin) that 
 
 37 
 
 he Was maJcing his pulpit the vehicle of private slander. 
 
 Mr. Sea’oury was charged with signing the protest at White 
 Plains, in the county of Westchester, against the proceedings of 
 the Continental Congress, with neglecting to open his church on the 
 day which was set apart for fasting, and with having written pamph- 
 lets and newspaper articles against a Revolutionary government. 
 
 When the British army entered Westchester county, Seabury was able 
 
 to give them much valuable information concerning the roads and 
 
 36 
 
 rivers of the neighboring county. 
 
 Rev. Thomas Allen, of Pittsfield, Massachusetts, endeavored in 
 a sermon to bias the minds of the members of his congregations re- 
 garding the Constitution of that colony, which was created on the 
 advice and recommendation of the Continental Congress, saying that 
 it was "oppressive, defective, and rotten to the very core," and 
 that the members of the House of Representatives were only "design- 
 ing men, "who cared little about any one excepting themselves. The 
 people having been accustomed to accept all that their clergymen 
 
 36 
 
 New York Histo r ica l Societ y Collections XX, 75 (Deane Papers) 
 
 37 
 
 Boucher, A View . 435 
 36 
 
 Beardsley, Life and Correspondenc e of Seabury . 36 ff 
 
19 
 
 uttered as truth, were greatly excited over this sermon, and they 
 
 took immediate action, depriving of authority as many of the local 
 
 39 
 
 officials of the county as was possible. 
 
 Rev, John Sayre, of Fairfield, Connecticut, was declared to be 
 an enemy to the country ”for refusing to sign an association, pledg- 
 ing its members to oppose the King with life and fortune, and to 
 withdraw all offices of even justice, humanity, and charity, from 
 
 every recusant." He was placed in confinement and everyone was for- 
 
 40 
 
 bidden to hold comimni cat ions with him. Rev. John Agnew, of Nanse- 
 
 mond county, Virginia, when informed that it was disagreeable to 
 
 his congregation to hear the Association insulted and ridiculed in 
 
 his sermons replied, "If you do not like such sermons, you can leave 
 
 your seat." He further declared that the Continental Congress, in 
 
 resisting King and Parliament, was rebellious, and that the Congress 
 
 intended not only to ruin the people and in the end forsake them, 
 
 but to lay upon them all of the blame, and in this manner make them 
 
 slaves. Agnew was as a result, charged with "propagating false and 
 
 erroneous principles" and attempting to organise a party which would 
 
 41 
 
 oppose the common cause. 
 
 Wr. Jeremiah Learning, a missionary at Norwalk, Connecticut, 
 was summoned before a patriotic committee to answer to a charge of 
 having baptized a child on March 10, 1776, at Norwalk. The child was 
 baptized with the "opprobrious" name of Thomas Gage. The committee 
 believed that this was simply a religious manoeuvre and the people 
 
 39 
 
 America n Archi ves . fourth series, V, 1275-1276 
 
 40 
 
 Hawkins, Missionari es of the Churc h of England . 312 
 
 41 
 
 American Arch i ves . fourth series II, 226-22b 
 

 :f 
 
 
 
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20 
 
 looked upon it as a "designed insult and ridicule upon the cause of 
 
 liberty." Even after Lsaming assured the committed that he had no 
 
 such intention and merely baptized the child without giving any 
 
 significence to the name, the committee could not be convinced that 
 
 42 
 
 he was innocent. 
 
 At a meeting of the Committee of Correspondence, Inspection, 
 
 and Safety, of the Town of Pownalborough, 1773, it was resolved 
 
 that Rev. Jacob Bailey, in refusing to read the proclamations issued 
 
 by the Continental Congress, especially that of the Declaration of 
 
 Independence, had revealed his contempt for the Congress and denied 
 
 its authority. He was therefore declared to be a "dangerous enemy 
 
 43 
 
 to the rights and liberties of these United States." Samuel Peters, 
 
 of Hebron, Connecticut, was one of the most unpopular of the clergy. 
 
 He was accused of having written improper articles for newspapers, 
 
 44 
 
 and for representing affairs falsely to his friends in England. 
 
 There were many similar charges brought against the clergy during 
 
 45 
 
 this critical period. 
 
 The general attitude of the Dissenters toward the Anglican 
 clergy, during this period of the Revolution, was one of suspicion 
 and hatred. The clergy had been, as I have said, faithful followers 
 of the King, and the Dissenters never doubted for a moment out that 
 
 42 
 
 American Arch ives . fourth series, V, 405-403 
 
 43 
 
 Ibid, fifth series. III, 733-735 
 
 44 
 
 Beardsley, Hist ory of the Episcopal Chu rch in Connectic ut , I, 306 
 
 45 
 
 For other cases see: 
 
 Amer ican Arch ives . fourth series, III, 16 
 Ibid , fifth series, III, 96 
 Ibi^, fourth series, I, 711, 712 
 fi'ld , fourth series, VI, 712 
 
 (Salen der of Virginia Stat e Pape rs . II, 305, 332, 561 
 
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 they v;ould continue steadfast in their allegiance. This hatred did 
 not spring up all at once, because of the approach of the Revolution 
 but it began many years before, and only became more intense as the 
 struggle for independence caused political parties to become more 
 sharply defined. Mr. Weeks, in his Church and State in North Carol- 
 ina . shows that the Cary Rebellion (l?07) was a protest of the nume]e 
 ous Dissenters of North Carolina "against the arrogance, pride and 
 attempted oppression of the churchmen." They were not in sympathy 
 
 with the Church of England and they opposed its clergymen on every 
 
 46 
 
 occasion that was possible. In those colonies where the Anglican 
 
 system was established, the Dissenters were indignant to think that 
 
 they were required to support the clergy of a church, which they did 
 
 not sanction. In Virginia a petition was sent from the Dissenters 
 
 to the delegates and representatives at Williamsburg, which contain- 
 
 47 
 
 ed their objections to supporting the Anglican clergy. The dissent- 
 ing sects did not always wait to make sure that a clergyman was 
 
 guilty of supposed wrong doing, but threatened them upon the slight- 
 46 
 
 est suspicion. Insults, such as "Tory "and"Traitor, " and threats cf 
 
 various types were constantly flung at them as they past^ed down the 
 49 
 
 streets. A clergyman was often forced to stop in the middle of his 
 sermon, by Dissenters filling the church and pulling him from his 
 reading desk, or threatening him with violent punishment if he did 
 
 46 
 
 Weeks, Church and Stat e in North Carolin a, in John Hopkins Univers- 
 ity Studies . X, 53 
 
 47 
 
 Virginia Magaz 1 ne of History and Biography XVIII, S56 
 
 48 
 
 Letter of Mr. Barton in Pascoe, Two Hund red Years of £.P.G. , 39 
 
 49 
 
 Letter of Inglis, Ecclesiastical Records of New York , Vi, 4296 
 

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22 
 
 50 
 
 not cease at once. The Dissenters were disturbed over the fact 
 
 that the Anglican clergy stood a much better chance of obtaining 
 
 important political positions because of their relationship with 
 
 the Bishop of London, who was a friend of the King, and because 
 
 they were certain to do all that was in their power to strengthen 
 
 51 
 
 the Church of England in America. It made little difference, how 
 
 discreetly a clergyman conducted himself, for the patriots seemed 
 
 to think "that those who were not for them were against them," and 
 
 52 
 
 that they were to be treated accordingly. This attitude toward 
 
 the Anglican clergy was not altered by the Treaty of Peace, as is 
 
 shown in a letter from Rev. Learning to Bishop White in 1787. He 
 
 says that the Infidels and Dissenters, even though they disagree 
 
 among themselves, have all united to secure the destruction of the 
 
 53 
 
 Church of England. 
 
 50 
 
 Letter of Inglis, Ecclesiastica l Recorjd^s o^f N^w York, Vi, 4293 
 (This letter is varilable for the Vtate of the clergy in 
 general ) 
 
 51 
 
 Van Tyne, Influ ence of the Clergy and of Religious and Se ctaria n 
 Forces In the Amer ican Revolution^ in American H istorica l 
 Review . XIX, 46 
 
 52 
 
 Ecclesiastical Records of New York, VI, 4293 
 
 53 
 
 Beardsley, Life and Correspondence of Seabu ry , 303, 307 
 
 For further references concerning the people's attitude see. Letter 
 of Dr. Chandler, 1766, Hawks, Contributi ons to Ecclesiastical 
 History of America . II, 250 
 
 Ame rican Archive s . fourth series, II, 350 
 
 Beardsley, History of the Episcopal Church i_n C onnecticut , I, 243- 
 244 
 
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23 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 The Struggle for an Episcopate 
 
 The struggle for the establishment of an Episcopate in the 
 colonies was without doubt one of the chief causes for discord. 
 
 The Dissenters had brought with them to America, a feeling of bitte; 
 hatred toward anything which related to the Anglican Church and 
 accordingly when an attempt was made to establish resident bishops 
 of that church, the people were aroused to action. They became 
 more antagonistic to the Britsh government with every renewed ef- 
 fort to establish an Episcopate, for they feared that this was only 
 
 a devise of the British Ministry to further subject the colonies to 
 1 
 
 its control. Dr. Cross shows that the attempt at this time of the 
 
 Anglicans, led by the clergy, "was at least one of the causes tend- 
 
 2 
 
 ing to accentuate that growing alienation.” 
 
 It is natural to suppose that the clergy would take an active 
 part in urging the establishment of resident bishops. Many sermons 
 were preached on the subject of the Anglican Episcopate and each 
 sermon brought forth fresh outbursts of apposition. Jonathan 
 Boucber, in his volume entitled The View and Consequences of the 
 Ameri c an Revolutio n, sets forth his views concerning such as estab- 
 lishment. He thinks that it is mere foolishness to entertain the 
 fear "that the arrival of bishops may kindle such a flame as may 
 
 1 
 
 Cross, The Anglican Episcopate and the American Colonies, 270- 
 271 
 
 ^ Ibld . 157 
 

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 ^ ^ iLl •■'. ,?C .•_W ' s ..^M- '7* > .•« ^ ¥<■ ^ . '» ^ . 
 
 
 
34 
 
 3 
 
 possibly put a period to the British empire in America." Why 
 should it excite the Americans when he (the bishop) would only be 
 concerned with the Anglican clergy. He would not be "clogged with 
 civil power," but would have jurisdiction only over the clergy of 
 the one church. Boucher challenges any one to show him a church 
 government which is so moderate. He pleas for such an establish- 
 ment on the grounds that the number of candidates for orders would 
 be greatly increased when they would no longer find it necessary to 
 cross the ocean to be ordained, that morality and sound religion 
 would be established, and that the Episcopate should not be denied 
 
 them for the simple fact that it was a part of the church organiza- 
 4 
 
 tion. There has been a tendency to stress the idea that the clergy 
 wanted the Episcopate for civil reasons only. There is reason to 
 believe that they were prompted by spiritual motives as well, and 
 it is unfortunate that a political strife resulted. 
 
 A committee of clergy from New York and New Jersey, among 
 whom were Drs , Anchmunty, Chandler, and Inglis, presented an address 
 to the Earl of Hillsborough, concerning the deplorable state of the 
 church in those parts because of the absence of bishops. They argu- 
 ed that without bishops the people would naturally drift to an in- 
 dependency in religion, and if this were permitted, a republicanism 
 would be stimulated. Independency in religion and republicanism 
 were to these devout clergymen, two of the greatest evils that 
 existed. Without bishops the dissenting sects would increase to 
 
 3 
 
 Boucher, A View etc. 143 
 
 4 
 
 Ibid, S9-153 
 
35 
 
 such an alarming state that the Church of England would be in time 
 
 5 
 
 forced out of existence. 
 
 The opposition to the introduction of an Episcopate called 
 forth expressions of dissaproval and resulted in several controvers- 
 ies waged in newspapers and pamphlets, which took place on the eve 
 of the outbreak of the Revolution. Two of the best known were the 
 Mayhew controversy (1760-1770) and the Chandler- Chauncey controversy; 
 (1767-1771). Jonathan Mayhew, a congregational minister in Boston, 
 tried to prox^e that the S.P.G. had long had as its object the ex- 
 termination of Presbyterianism, and intended to establish in its 
 place, an Episcopate. His attack stirred up the Anglicans and his 
 arguments were refuted by several of the Church, among whom were Re\ 
 Arthur Browne, of Portsmouth, and Rev. East Apthorp, a missionary at 
 CauLcridge, and Archbishop Seeker. A pamphlet war was waged between 
 Dr. Charles Chauncey, a well-known Boston clergyman, who strongly 
 opposed the Episcopate, and Dr. Thomas Bradbury Chandler, of Eliza- 
 bethtown, New Jersey. These controversies only heightened and in- 
 tensified the feeling of distrust and suspicion of the Anglican 
 
 clergy, strengthened to ooposition against them, and outlined more 
 
 6 
 
 clearly political or party lines. The people were more susceptible 
 to strong opposition at this time when Great Britain seemed to be 
 encroaching on the political rights of the colonists, and they were 
 more suspicious of any action taken by the clergy of the Church of 
 England, because of the close relation which they bore to the Brit- 
 ish government. The people were becoming more democratic, and they 
 
 5 
 
 New Jers ey Arch i ye^s^ X, 313 
 
 6 
 
 Cross, The A ngl ican Epis c opate . 139-195 
 
So 
 
 were loathe to give up any power which might fall to the clergy, 
 and of courae,they felt that power gained by the clergy, was also 
 
 7 
 
 the same as in the hands of the King. 
 
 The Anglican clergy were not unanimous , however , in urging the 
 introduction of an Establishment at this time. A meeting was held 
 June#1771,at William and Mary’s College in Virginia, to discuss the 
 subject of an Episcopate . Two of the leading clergymen in Virginia, 
 Rev. Samuel Henly and Rev. Thomas Gwatkin, and professors in Wil- 
 liam and Mary’s College, opposed the introduction of an American 
 Episcopate on the grounds that if such an establishment were intro- 
 duced at this critical time, it would not only increase the fears 
 of the Protestant dissenters to an alarming degree, but it would 
 weaken the bonds between Great Britain and the colonies to such an 
 extent that it might eventually lead to disruption. 
 
 Dr . Johnson thought that the ideal moment for introducing bishops 
 was just at the time when there was a general rejoicing over the 
 
 repeal of the Stamp Act, for he believed that the people ’’would 
 
 9 
 
 rather twenty bishops were sent them than the act enforced." 
 
 At the time of the revolt of the American colonies from Great 
 
 Britain, tne struggle for an American Episcopate was not thought of 
 
 as being a cause of the Revolution, but Jonathan Boucher writes in 
 
 1797 that "it is now indisputable, that the former contributed 
 
 10 
 
 not a little to render the latter successful." He also says that 
 7 
 
 ^Hawkins, Missions of the Church of Engla nd, 390 
 
 Perry, Hist ory of the Am eric an Episc opal Chur ch I, 419-430 
 Hawks. Oontri o ufTops to th'e' ITc’clesrastl c'ar HTsT ory of Americ a, I, 
 
 Cross, TH^ ‘^ Angli c an Epis c opat e . 333-336 
 
 Boucher refers to these opposing clergymen in his sermon on the 
 Episcopate, A View etc., 95-95 
 
 Tiffany, Hist ory of Protest ant Episcopal Churc h. 153 
 
 ^Soucher, A View etc., 150 
 
1 
 
 A . Js^' , ; I . iT*' '■' 
 
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37 
 
 "it served to keep the public mind in a state of ferment and efferves 
 
 cence, to make them jealous and suspicious of all measures not 
 
 brought forward by demagogues and above all, to train and habituate 
 
 11 
 
 the people to opposition." John Adams expressed a similar idea 
 
 when he wrote that "Episcopacy contributed fifty years ago as much 
 
 as any other cause" to urge the people to close thinking on the 
 
 13 
 
 constitutional authority of Parliament over the colonies. 
 
 There was another controversy in which the clergy played a 
 leading part and which helped to arouse the people to bitter antag- 
 onism. This was a debate over salaries which took place between 
 
 the state legislatures of Virsinia and Maryland, and the Anglican 
 
 13 
 
 clergy. A law had been passed in Virginia in 1393, which provided 
 that 16,000 pounds of tobacco should serve as a yearly salary for 
 each clergyman. The tobacco crop was almost a total failure in the 
 year 1757, and the people did not feel able to pay their apportion- 
 ment to the church, in tobacco. The General Assembly, therefore, 
 declared that money could be substituted for tobacco at the rate of 
 two pence per pound. Many of the clergymen at once objected to this 
 interference with their scalar ies. They knew that if they received 
 the regular proport ionment of tobacco their income would be far 
 greater than if they recei7ad the money, for the scarcity of tobaccc 
 
 11 
 
 Boucher, A View etc., 149 
 12 
 
 Work s XI, 135 (Letter to Dr. J. Morse 1815) 
 
 Jesse Macy in his volume entitled The Engli sh C onstitu tion, 
 
 A Com.me nt ary on It * s Natur e and Growth , P.37’9, says, "The 
 Religious ^Question was neve'r prominent in America. It was 
 arbitrary taxation and not the fear of Popery which maddened 
 the colonists to the point of rebellion in the time of the 
 later Stuarts." 
 
 13 
 
 Henning, Statutes III, 152 
 
sa 
 
 had raised the price to a considerable extent. In 1762, Rev. James 
 
 Murray, was one of a number of clergy who brought suits against the 
 
 collectors of the various xoarishes, in the attempt to enforce the 
 
 payment of salaries in tobacco, as specified by the act of 1636. 
 
 Patrick Henry acted as council for the defence and the jury yielded 
 
 to his eloquence, and Murray was defeated in his particular case, 
 
 as well as the cause of the clergy in general. The people as a 
 
 whole became intensely interested in the contest and took sides with 
 
 the two contestants. Articles expressing bitterness and hatred, 
 
 both of the clergy and of the Legislature, were published in the 
 14 
 
 press . 
 
 14 
 
 Hawks, Cont ribu tions to the Eccles iastical Histo ry etc., I, 117- 
 125 
 
 Avery, Histo ry of the U.S. , V, 44 
 
 (For similar conditions in Maryland see Hawks, Contributi ons etc, 
 II, 245 ff) 
 
 For correspondence concerning this controversy see, Perry, Histo r- 
 ical Colle c tions I, 266 ff 
 
^ VI' « 7 •-■ ' ' . . '^7»f?^^.'''',^ T ■”j[r5 
 
 ' TW-* 111 * ‘ ' *■' ' a r*! r Tl». ■’ J 
 
 ■■ I ^ • fHurr ' »■ M*i»aria 
 
 a. 
 
 
 
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 N ■ -TT^'..jJl3 
 
 
39 
 
 chapter IV 
 
 Theories and Opinions 
 
 Jonathan Boucher, of Mar^^-land and Virginia, ^as one of the 
 
 leading clergy of this period. He helieved "that the true way to 
 
 1 
 
 escape a danger is fairly to meet it." Boucher was eager to avert 
 the coming revolt and he says, "I endeavored in my sermons, and in 
 various pieces published in the gazettes of the country, to check 
 the immense mischief that was impending, but I endeavored in vain. 
 
 I was soon restrained from preaching, and the press was no longer 
 
 r> 
 
 c 
 
 open to me." He was daily threatened with disaster and he answered 
 
 3 
 
 these threats in his sermons. He says that in one of his regular 
 
 Sunday preaching services, he happened to recommend to his people 
 
 the advisability of remaining peaceful. A few of his congregation 
 
 immediately arose in arms and left the church, avowing that the 
 
 sermon was a "stroke at the times." "This was a signal to the 
 
 people to consider every sermon of mine as hostile to the views and 
 
 interests of America; and accordingly I never went into a pulpit 
 
 4 
 
 Without something disagreeable happening." 
 
 Boucher attributes the cause of all the trouble between Great 
 Britain and her American Colonies, to the fact that the former was 
 
 1 
 
 Note s and Queries . fifth series, VI, 143 
 3 
 
 Ibid, 143 
 
 3 
 
 Ibid, 33 
 
 4 
 
 140 
 
30 
 
 only concerned with getting the colonies settled, and did not in the 
 
 least interest herself in establishing a suitable colonial adminis- 
 5 
 
 tration. He advocates a remodelling of the colonial governments, 
 
 “not any violent alterations, but some Pith and Energy should be 
 
 given to the executive Parts of Them: in most of Them, for a long 
 
 6 
 
 Time they have scarce had any: They never had enough." It must not 
 be supposed that Boucher in urging such a reformation, was sanction- 
 ing an extension of the democratic tendency, for he took the direct- 
 ly opposite view, and thought there had always been too much 
 weight thrown into the popular scale. "The Parent State (at a dis- 
 tance, and soothed by fair appearances, or overawed by the supposed 
 difficulty of mending what every administration hoped might last at 
 least as long as they could hope to remain in power) either saw not, 
 
 nor heeded not, the latent mischief, till at length it broke out 
 
 7 
 
 with a force that was irresistable , " Dr. Chandler agreed with 
 Boucher that the disruption was due to the unsatisfactory manner in 
 which Great Britain conducted her colonial affairs, and he question- 
 ed whether it might not be plausible, that Providence had intended 
 
 the rebellion to serve as a punishment to Great Britain for her 
 b 
 
 neglect . 
 
 5 
 
 Maryland Historical Magazine . VIII, £46 Letter to William Knox, 177 :> 
 Boucher, A View etc., XXXVII 
 5 
 
 Maryland Histo rical Magazine . VIII, 247 
 
 7 
 
 Boucher, A View etc., XXXVII 
 
 Maryl and Hist ori cal Magazine . IX, 335, 3 bo 
 
 8 
 
 Dr. Chandler’s letters, 1766, 1771, in 
 
 Hawkins, Missi ons of the Church of Engla nd. 154-157 
 
 Pascoe, T'.v o Hundred Years of 3.P. G. , 55 
 
 Beardsley, Hist ory of the Episc opal Ch urch in Connecticut , 245 
 
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31 
 
 The ob;ject of the Revolutior., as Boucher saw it, was "to bring a 
 
 numerous and unruly People to a right sense of their Duty and their 
 
 Interest." This was to be accomplished not merely with arms, for 
 
 only an embargo on colonial trade would thoroughly convince those 
 
 rebelling, that they could not long remain independent from Great 
 
 Britain. He thought that it would probably prove inexpedient for 
 
 the English to attempt to engage the colonists in battle, for the 
 
 latter, instead of meeting them openly, would hide behind trees and 
 
 10 
 
 fight behind their backs. He warns the people, nowever, not to 
 
 11 
 
 remain in a state of neutrality, and urges them to have fortitude as 
 
 they suffer from the "mcckings, scourgings, bonds and imprisonments" 
 
 stand 
 
 which they will undoubtedly receive when they take the decided^oi 
 
 opposition which he advocates, against the Patriotic Party, which 
 
 is ruled by the "capricious resolves and passionate opinions of a 
 
 12 
 
 self-created junto." He cautions his congregations not to listen to 
 
 the dangerous resolves and measures, passed by those Congresses, all 
 
 of which are illegal and which are composed of the ignorant and 
 
 those who are unequal to the task they have undertaken, and who are 
 
 13 
 
 plunging the country into all the horrors of civil war. Boucher 
 not only considered a revolt from Great Britain to be "the greatest 
 evil and heaviest calamity" which could befall the American people. 
 
 9 
 
 Maryland Hist ori ca.1 Magaz ine VIII, 249-252 (Letter to William Knox, 
 17757 “^ 
 
 10 
 
 Ibid, 252 
 
 11 
 
 Boucher, A View etc., 581 
 
 12 
 
 Ibid , 408 
 13 
 
 rbid, 391-392 
 
 Marylan d Historical Magazi ne . VIII, 239 
 
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33 
 
 but he thought that the majority of the people regarded such a revol- 
 in a similar manner. He was in favor of granting independence to 
 those who desired it, ”but to cast off those also who can have of- 
 fended only by being perhaps intemperately loyal; to forbear to 
 
 govern those who are willing to be governed, is not only injustice, 
 14 
 
 but tyranny." 
 
 Boucher points out the fact that "no government on earth is 
 15 
 
 infallible," and that civil broils are the luxuriant offsprings of 
 the best formed governments." He is not so pre Juaicially in favor 
 of the English government, that he fails to see that not all of the 
 British measures were prudent, but he believes these errors to have 
 been enlarged and exaggerated, for the English government never op- 
 pressed them, "and yet it is solely on a charge of injustice, and 
 
 16 
 
 rigour and oppression, that our herdsmen have stirred up this strife'.' 
 Individuals are seldom perfect, and therefore it should net be ex- 
 pected that a body such as Parliament should never make a mistake. 
 
 It is unjust to conclude that because Parliament has erred once or 
 twice, she will continue to dc so. He cites the Stamp Act as an 
 example. The people opposed the Act, and it was repealed without 
 shedding a drop of blood. If such a repeal was accomplished in one 
 instance, why could not the people avail themselves of the same 
 
 means to bring about similar results, with reg-rd to other offensive 
 
 17 
 
 and unpopular measures? 
 
 14 
 
 Boucher, A View etc., 370 
 
 15 
 
 Ibid. 417 
 
 16 
 
 Ibid. 371 
 17 
 
 I bid. 418 
 
 Maryla nd His torical Magaz ine VIII, 347 Letter to William Knox, 1775 
 

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33 
 
 Boucher reproves the people for their insincerity and lack of 
 loyalty to the mother who has nourished them through their days of ii 
 fancy. They came to America, not because they were forced to leave 
 England, but for various personal reasons, and Great Britain in- 
 stead of withdrawing her protection, watched carefully over them. 
 
 He says that the colonists express their gratitude with insults and 
 
 abuse, ”the moment that our Parent ceases to foster and fondle us, 
 
 18 
 
 or that we imagine she ceases." 
 
 Boucher held steadfastly to the doctrine that only those theo- 
 ries of Government which origina.ted in the Scriptures, could be 
 
 19 
 
 adopted without difficulty. He regrets that all of the "good old 
 
 doctrines of our venerable Divines, founded as they are on Scripture 
 
 and on sound Philosophy, are now made to give away to (what we are 
 
 pleased to call) the deductions of Reason, as if it were possible 
 
 that sound Reason should ever be at variance with Revelation." 
 
 Boucher agrees with Hobbes that wise men will "ra.ther choose 
 
 to brook with patience some inconveniences under government (because 
 
 human affairs cannot possible be without some) than self-opinionated- 
 
 20 
 
 ly disturb the quiet of the public." If the people should ask for 
 a redress of their grievances, and if the British Parliament should 
 refuse to grant such a concession then there was nothing left for 
 the people to do but to be "sorry and grieved" and to suffer their 
 disappointment by thinking that it was not owing to any misconduct 
 of their own. Human life after all is merely a succession of dis- 
 
 18 
 
 Boucher, A View . 373-374, 475 
 
 19 
 
 523 
 
 20 
 
 Ibiii, 544 
 

 \ f •'^yy , ;/ v-'y y< -..r-j.-':' '■" ' ' 
 
 
 vfi; 
 
34 
 
 appointments and those who say that such submission aind humbleness 
 
 are contemptible are misinformed, for according to the Scriptures 
 
 there is no better way to overcome such unlawful commands than to 
 
 2 1 
 
 patiently suffer. 
 
 The time will come, Boucher affirms, when the colonists will 
 grow tired of the confusions and oppressions which are sure to fol- 
 low a separation of the two countries and looking back on the period 
 
 when they were under the protection of Great Britain, they will beg 
 
 32 
 
 for that security once more. If they do not attempt to reunite, a 
 
 final downfall is inevitable. This downfall of the confederated 
 
 government will come from the north. He says "that the snow clad 
 
 deserts of Arcadia and Canada will at some future period finally 
 
 give law to all North America, and also the West India Islands. 
 
 They will either be called in, as the Saxons were into this island, 
 
 as allies to some weak and oppressed State or States, or they will 
 
 issue, like all over-stocked hives, in quest of less crowded and 
 
 23 
 
 more fertile settlements." 
 
 From the time that a creak with the mother country was appar- 
 
 24 
 
 ent , Boucher was pleading for a closer union. Vifhen he realized that 
 independence was a certainty, he set about to formulate a new plan 
 of union, which differed in many respects from the old one. He pro- 
 posed that Great Britain and the colonies should form an alliance. 
 Each should be entirely independent of the other, each making her 
 
 21 
 
 Boucher, A View . 557-560 
 22 
 
 Ibid . 366 
 
 23 
 
 Ibid . IXXii 
 
 ( Jay , in The Feder alist Papers . in Work s of Alexande r Hamilton IX, 
 P.24, gives a slmriaf idea) 
 
 24 
 
 Boucher. A View, 375 
 
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35 
 
 own laws, but the government of each should be similar in character. 
 
 The subjects of one would be subjects of the other. Both of them 
 
 should guarantee defence of each "not merely as an ally or a friend, 
 
 25 
 
 but as an integral part of itself, one and indivisible." It is 
 
 curious to note that Boucher also admired a plan, which proposed 
 
 the total extinction of the then present race of colonists and a re- 
 
 26 
 
 settlement of the country from a different lineage. 
 
 It is interesting to notice Boucher’s opinions concerning 
 
 some of the Revolutionary leaders. Virginia was considered to be 
 
 one of the most influential of all of the colonies. This was due 
 
 in part to her central situation, and to the lofty character of the 
 
 people who lived there. The Revolutionists were anxious^ thereforej 
 
 to succeed in winning Virginia over to the side of the confederacy, 
 
 and they did not spare any effort in attaining this end. If they 
 
 succeeded in accomplishing their object, they did not doubt but that 
 
 the other southern colonies would follow in the footsteps of their 
 
 neighbor. When it was therefore decided to call a congress, Mr. 
 
 Randolph pf Virginia, "was pitched on to be its first President," and 
 
 Mr. Washington was nominated as the commander of the army, in the 
 
 hope that these two men with dominant personalities, would influence 
 
 27 
 
 others in Virginia to follow in the footsteps of the Patriots. 
 Boucher believes that Washington was influenced to accept the nomin- 
 ation because of the fear felt by the middle and southern colonies, 
 that after the colonies were independent from Great Britain, the 
 
 25 
 
 Boucher, A View . IXXV 
 
 26 
 
 Maryland Historical Magazine . IX, 56, 57 
 27 
 
 Boucher, A View . XXXV 
 

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36 
 
 northern army, (as under Cromwell’s leadership in England) might rul« 
 28 
 
 the country. Regardless of the manner in which Virginia and Mary- 
 land were influenced to enter the contest, Boucher expresses great 
 suprise and incredibility, that two such prosperous colonies as they 
 were, who were enjoying "all the security which the best government 
 in the world can give," could be so rash as to engage in a civil war 
 against a nation they loved, without actually knowing what was the 
 
 real cause of the complaint, and also having an inadequate knowledge 
 
 29 
 
 of the object at which the leaders aimed. 
 
 Washington was described by Boucher as "an honest man," and 
 
 one who was extraordinarily cool and cautious. He thought that the 
 
 best way to conquer Washington, would be to outwit him, that is, to 
 
 confuse him with the little tricks and schemes of war, with which 
 
 he had had little experience, and against which he would not be able 
 30 
 
 to stand. Boucher at one time had been a very warm friend of General 
 Washington. For several years he had acted as tutor to Washington's 
 step-son. Master Custer, but as the Revolution progressed, Boucher 
 became more and more embittered toward him, and he at length denounc- 
 ed Washington's friendship. He accused the General of having calmly 
 observed the treatment, which the clergymen received at the hands of 
 the Whigs, without making the slightest attempt to stop it. Washing- 
 to, he said, "was acting with all the base malignity of a virulent 
 Whig," and Boucher resented it. Boucher declared that he despised 
 the man who could act in such a contemptible fashion and vowed that 
 
 28 
 
 Boucher, A View . XXXVI 
 
 29 
 
 Ibid , XXXIV 
 
 30 
 
 Maryland Historical Magazine . VIII, 255-266 Letter to William Knox, 
 1775 
 
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37 
 
 Washington was no longer worthy of his friendship, for he could not 
 
 31 
 
 he in any way connected with so dishonorable a person. 
 
 In a letter to Washington, 1775, Boucher states his reasons 
 for not becoming a Whig. "Ko Tory has yet in a single instance 
 misused or injured a Whig merely for being a Whig, and whatever may 
 oe the boasted superiority of your party, it will not be denied that 
 in some instances at least this has been in our power. With respect 
 th Whigs, however, the case has been directly the reverse; a Tory at 
 all in the power of a Whig never escapes ill-treatment merely be- 
 cause of his being a Tory. How contrary all this is to all that 
 Liberty which Whigs are forever so forward to profess, need not be 
 insisted on; it is so contrary to all justice and honour, that were 
 there no reasons to determine me against it, as there are thousa.nds, 
 
 I would not be a Wnig, because their principles lead so directly 
 
 to all that is mean and unmanly." In the same letter he asserts 
 
 that "all of those who with you are promoting the present apparently 
 
 3£ 
 
 popular measures, are the true enemies of their country." Boucher 
 was always outspoken in his convictions and never feared to utter 
 that which he believed to be the truth. 
 
 The Sons of Liberty advocated the theory that the colonies 
 were held directly from the Crown and that they were consequently 
 wholly independent of Parliament. Rev. Samuel Seatbury contended, 
 that the King of Great Britain received the legal right to his title 
 by the consent of Parliament, and that he was therefore King of 
 
 31 
 
 Notes and Querie s . fifth series, VI, 162 
 
 32 
 
 Ibid, VI, 161 
 
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 33 
 
 America by the same title that he was King of Great Britain. 
 
 Seabury was decided in his opinions concerning the Continental 
 Congresses and the various committees and conventions. He considers 
 the authority of such bodies to be only another form of slavery. 
 
 "If I must be enslaved," he says, "let it be to a King at least, and 
 not by a parcel of upstart, lawless committeemen. If I must be 
 
 devoured, let it be by the jaws of a lion, and not gnawed to death 
 
 34 
 
 by rats and vermin." Seabury, like Boucher, was ready with a plan 
 for reconciliation. He proposed that self-government be extended 
 to the American colonies, but that they would still remain under a 
 sovereign imperial Parliament. This arrangement would unit Great 
 
 Britain with her colonies in a firmer and closer compact, than they 
 
 35 
 
 had ever had before. Cooper proposed a similar plan establishing 
 
 a general American Constitution, and which provided that Great 
 
 Britain should retain her rightful supremacy over her American col- 
 36 
 
 onies . 
 
 Boucher and Cooper differed somewhat in their conceptions of 
 the importance of the tax which was levied upon tea, by the British 
 government. Boucher considered the tax to be an insignificant duty, 
 which would not probably concern more than one-third of the people, 
 and which would never be a hardship to any one. He pointed cut 
 that the Americans were not reouired to buy the tea, and that it 
 had not been proved that this act of Parliament was unconstitutional 
 
 33 
 
 Belcher, First American Civil War . 31-33 
 
 34 
 
 Beardsley, Life and Correspondence of Seabu ry , 35 
 
 35 
 
 Flick, Loyalism in New York , 13 
 
 36 • 
 
 Ibid . 13 
 

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39 
 
 37 
 
 and should therefore not he opposed with such force. Dr, Cooper 
 thought 
 
 that the duty was "dangerous to constitutional liberty." He 
 
 also upheld the people in the opposition which they displayed agains 
 
 other Parlia-aentery measures, such as the Stamp Act, and duties plac 
 
 38 
 
 ed upon various articles. 
 
 Rev. Andrew Burnaby, an Anglican clergyman, who had travelled 
 for several years in America before the Revolution, wrote to General 
 Washington from Greenwich, in 1776, to renew the friendship which 
 he had c'uliviated during his visit to the colonies. Burnaby en- 
 deavored to impress upon Washington's mind the fact that Great 
 Britain and America could never survive independent of each other. 
 
 He grants that the colonies at the present time are bound together 
 in a common cause, but that this state of unity will long remain 
 after the common enemy is removed, he is doubtful. He recalls the 
 Peloponnesian war and the state of upheaval and revolt in which the 
 States of Greece found themselves after the retreat of the Persians, 
 and he warns the colonists to beware of a similar condition among 
 the American colonies, after they should secure their independence. 
 He Was also skeptical in regard to the part France was playing in 
 the struggle. He contended that France was insincere in proffering 
 aid to the Colonies, and that she did not do this from a sense of 
 generosity but from a selfish motive. She offered herservices with 
 the hope that the two opponents, England and America, would weaken 
 each other, so as to leave America in such a state that she would 
 offer herself as an easy prey to France. To avoid this calamity, 
 
 37 
 
 Boucher, A View , 554, 555 
 36 
 
 Flick, Loval ism in New, York , IS 
 

 
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40 
 
 Burnaby implores Washington to restore the happy relations which 
 
 earlier existed, and which now the majority of the people longed 
 39 
 
 for , 
 
 General Washington was the recipient of many appeals from 
 Anglican clergy, urging him to take a more conciliatory attitude. 
 Jacob Duche, a clergyman of the Church of England, in Philadelphia, 
 wrote an interesting letter to Washington in 1777. He pictured the 
 utter hopelessness of such resistance, and the fruitless efforts of 
 the Patriotic army, which was not on an equal standing with that of 
 the Royalists, He pleaded with Washington, whom he considered as 
 the most influential Whig of that time, to repeal the Declaration of 
 Independence , and to order a cessation of all hostilities, in order 
 to avoid the awful horrors and cruel sufferings which were inevit- 
 able in a civil war such as they were experiencing, and to stop the 
 heartless devastation of the country which was to them the home they 
 loved and wanted to protect. He concludes his letter with the fol- 
 lowing words, "I love my country, I love you; but to the love of 
 truth, the love of peace, and to the love of God, I hope I should 
 
 be enabled, if called upon to the trial, to sacrifice every other 
 40 
 
 inferior love," Washington was not apparently greatly disturbed 
 after reading Duche 's letter, for he immediately sent it to Congress, 
 accompanied by a note in which he expressed his contempt of such a 
 "ridiculous and illiber;al performance," which he would have return- 
 ed to the author unopened if he had known what the missive contain- 
 ed. Washington, however, did not believe that the contents of the 
 
 39 
 
 Correspondence of the American Revolution, I, 458 
 4C 
 
 Ibid, 455 ff 
 

 
 
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41 
 
 letter originated entirely with Duche, but that he was influenced 
 
 in writing the appeal in the hope that it would more firmly estab- 
 
 41 
 
 lish himself with the British government. Inglis believed also, 
 with Duche, that the King in the end would be successful, and that 
 the rebellion was "one of the most causeless, unprovoked and un- 
 natural that ever disgraced any country; a rebellion marked with 
 
 42 
 
 peculiarly aggravated circumstances of guilt and Ingratitude." 
 
 The Anglican clergy were in general, not in favor of a demo- 
 cratic and popular form of government. They did not admire any of 
 the democratic tendencies, and were decisive in their opposition 
 ajid condemnation of such. Most of them were careful to avoid be- 
 coming involved in any of the revolutionary principles which they 
 considered dangerous, but before the outbreak of the war, they were 
 often active in attempting to procure a revised system of colonial 
 government administration, which would correct the abuses of the 
 one in operation. The opinion of many were expressed by Dr. Johnson 
 who wrote to Benjamin Franklin just before he sailed to England, as 
 a special agent for Pennsylvania, "would to God you were charged 
 with pleading the same cause in behalf of all the Governments, that 
 
 they might all alike be taken into the King’s most immediate protec- 
 43 
 
 tion." Their one aim was to achieve a conciliation between Great 
 Britain and her American colonies, and to avoid a civil war. The 
 clergy seemed to be frank and sincere in expressing their opinions, 
 and eager to influence their congregations to follow the example 
 which they were setting. 
 
 41 
 
 Correspondence of the American Revolution, I, 446 
 
 42 
 
 Ecclesiastical Recor ds of New York , XI , 4293 
 
 Beardsley, History of the Protestant Episcopal Church in Conn. I, 24c 
 

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42 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 The Treatment of the Anglican Clergy 
 
 The loyal clergy most of whom helonged to the Church of Eng- 
 land, seemed to have been singled out from the so-called loyalist 
 party, as fit objects upon which to give vent to stored up hatred 
 and ill-feeling of the opposite party. They were seized upon the 
 slightest and unfounded suspicions, and often treated in a cruel 
 and inhuman manner. Little or no regard was given to the age or 
 physical condition of the individual. He was in many instances 
 forced to desert his wife, who was left in a helpless condition with 
 Small children, and without any means for support. 
 
 This attitude may be illustrated by a letter of Mr. Barton, 
 who was then a missionary at Lancaster, Pennsylvania. He says that 
 even though he has tried not to give offence to those who "usurped 
 authority and Rule and exercised the severest Tyranny over us, yet 
 my life and property have been threatened upon mere suspi c ion of 
 being unfriendly to what is called the American cause. Indeed every 
 clergyman of the Chur ch of Engla nd, who dared to act upon proper 
 principles was marked out for infamy and insult; in consequence of 
 which the missionaries in particular have suffered greatly. Some of 
 them have been dragged from their horses, assaulted with stones and 
 dirt, ducked in water; obliged to flee for their lives, driven from 
 
 1 
 
 their habitations and families, laid under arrests and imprisoned!" 
 
 1 
 
 Perry, Hist orical Col lect ions . II, 469-491 
 

 
 
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43 
 
 Rev. Samuel Seatoury, as I have above mentioned, wrote many 
 pamphlets bearing the pseudonym of a "Westchester Farmer." These 
 pamphlets were seized by an angry mob of the Sons of Liberty, who 
 tarred and feathered the offensive sheets and burned them at the 
 stake, by way of serving as an illustration of that which they long- 
 ed to do likewise to the author, if he were to be discovered. After 
 the author’s identity was disclosed, he and his family experienced 
 all of the ill-treatment and abuse which the infuriated Patriots 
 could inflict upon them. When Seabury’s enemies were searching the 
 house for him, they took some of their revenge upon his daughters, 
 prodding them with bayonets. Seabury was acknowledged as a leader 
 in the Royalist party, and the Whigs realized that he was doing as 
 much as anyone to weaken their cause and it was deemed necessary to 
 remove him to a place where he could do no harm. On November S3, 
 1775, he was seized by a group of armed men, and removed to New 
 Haven, Connecticut, where he was carried through the streets in a most 
 insulting manner and was then placed in a close confinement and de- 
 prived of the visits of friends except when accompanied by a guard. 
 He was kept here for over a month and then was permitted to return 
 to his home, but not to undisturbed peace. He was compelled to keep 
 himself concealed and not to remain in his house long at a time. 
 Finally it was necessary for him to leave his home and family and to 
 
 seek refuge within the British lines in New York, where he remained 
 
 3 
 
 until peace was declared. 
 
 Fines were imposed upon the clergy for refusing to fight 
 3 
 
 Beardsley, Life arid Correspondence of Seabury , 3S ff 
 
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against the King. An angry moto, August 1775, hroke into King's 
 College intent upon seizing Dr. Myles Cooper in his bed, shaving 
 his head, cutting off his ears, slitting his nose, stripping him 
 naked, and setting him adrift. Dr. Cooper was fortunate enough to 
 
 V 
 
 escape thru a window and to evade the treacherous crowd. A novel 
 punishment was inflicted upon the Rev. W, Charles of Dedham, Massa- 
 chusetts. He was arrested and taken to a Public House, and compell- 
 ed to remain all alone in a room for three-fourth of an hour, to 
 
 5 
 
 gaze at the picture of Oli/er Cromwell, as an object lession. Rev. 
 Beach of Newtown was persuaded and threatened if he would not con- 
 sent to sign his name to articles passed by the Congress in Phila- 
 delphia, but to no avail. Rather than be imprisoned, he, in company 
 with friends, agreed, under a heavy bond not to fight against the 
 
 colonists, or to influence others against enlisting in the American 
 6 
 
 forces. Rev, J.W. Weeks, the missionary at Marblehead, writes to 
 
 the Society , in 1775, that "the conditions of your missionaries is 
 
 truly deplorable; they have enemies all around them and no friends 
 
 7 
 
 but God and their consciences . " Seabury, in a letter to the Secre- 
 tary of the 3.P.G. in 1777, informs them of the death of several 
 clergymen of the Church of England, which he believed to have re- 
 sulted from the suffering caused by the persecutions and perils 
 
 8 
 
 which they experienced at the hands of their enemies. Jonathan 
 
 3 
 
 Hawkins, Miss ions of the Church of Eng land, S56 
 
 ^New York His toric al Society Collectio ns , X, 43-432 (Colden Papers) 
 Ty 1 e r , Literar y Histor y . I, 393 
 5 
 
 Pascoe, Two Hundred Years of the S.P.G. , 49 
 Perry, Hist or ical Collections , III, 594 
 o 
 
 Beardsley, Histo ry of the E piscopal Chur ch in C on necticut, I, 309 f. 
 
 ^Hawkins, Missions of the Chur ch of^ Engla nd, 246 
 Beardsley, Life and Correspondence of_ Seabu^, 50-53 
 

 
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Boucher writes of the insult he received, when several thousand of 
 
 9 
 
 the Sons of Liberty, hanged and shot his effigy. In another letter 
 
 he tells how two loads of stone were taken to his church one Sunday, 
 
 to stcne him for having supposedly said, "that a Rifleman would be 
 
 10 
 
 no Match for a common Musqueteer in the Field." 
 
 The Sons of Liberty entered the home of Rev. Leairdng of Nor- 
 walk, tore down his picture which was hanging upon the wall and 
 after disfiguring it, they nailed the remains to a sign post. The 
 excited Partiots were not satisfied with such a mild insult. They 
 placed him in prison, and he was deprived of all comforts including 
 
 a bed. The lack of healthful sleeping quarters, resulted in a hip 
 
 li 
 
 complaint and he was crippled for the rest of his life. Samuel 
 Peters, a missionary at Hebron, Connecticut, whom I have mentioned 
 as among the most offensive of the clergy, aroused great hatred 
 because of his loyalty and indiscreet conduct, and he was singled 
 out for severe treatment. In August, and September, of 1774, mobs 
 gathered at his home to enforce from him the acknowledgement that 
 he had been in the wrong. He met them fearlessly, believing that 
 his priestly garments would protect him, but he found that he was 
 dealing with a people who regarded nothing which did not aid them 
 in the attainment of that end which they were fighting for. He was 
 taken by force to the Meeting-house Green, and here he was forced 
 to read a confession which they had previously written for him. He 
 left soon after for England and continued writing in defense of his 
 
 Q 
 
 Maryland Historical Magazine, IX, 234 
 10 
 
 Ibid, IX, 235-236 
 11 
 
 Beardsley, History of the Episco pal Churc h of Conn ecticut , 316 
 
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46 
 
 13 
 
 native country. 
 
 The punishments of these unfortunate individuals were often 
 
 of a surprising nature. One clergyman was seized at night, stripped 
 
 naked, then tied to a tree and severely whipped, and left alone to 
 
 13 
 
 he discovered the following morning. Another was thrown into a 
 
 village pond and his food consisted of herrings, which were thrown 
 14 
 
 in to him. Others were arrested for marrying and baptizing memhers 
 
 15 
 
 of their own congregations. Mr. Tingley, of Delaware, who had 
 written to relatives in New York asking them to send him some com- 
 forts for his elderly mother, sickly wife and two small children, 
 was deprived of these articles when they arrived, even though his 
 "dying wife begged a small part of them as medicine." Soldiers 
 surrounded his house, which was searched for possible letters of in- 
 formation, and with cursing and swearing the soldiers threatened to 
 hang him upon one of the highest trees near the house. His family 
 had barely enough bread to eat and clothes to wear, to be comfort- 
 
 16 I 
 
 able. The Edicts of Congress and the Penal laws disturbed the peace 
 of the clergy. Mr. Barton, of Deleware , writes in 1776, that he 
 "cannot complain of having received any gross insults or personal 
 abuse, except from the mob, yet so intollerable were the Penalties 
 of these Laws, and so severe the Execution of them, that prudence of 
 my own safety directed me, at such times as were not employed in 
 
 12 
 
 Beardsley, Histo ry of the Episcopa l Church in Connecticut , 306, 307 
 
 13 
 
 Hawks, Contr i but ions to the Ecclesi astical Histo ry etc., I, 146 
 
 14 
 
 Trevelyn, The American Revo lu tion . I, 190 
 
 15 
 
 Perry, History of the Amer ican Episco p al Church , I, 301 
 Ameri can Archive s . fourth series, V, 405-406 
 
 16 
 
 Perry, Historica l Colle c tions . IV, 136-137 
 
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47 
 
 Viaitations to my people, to confine myself entirely to my own house j 
 
 17 
 
 which I did for two years." 
 
 There can be little doubt but that the clergy of the Church of 
 England were more obnoxious to the partiotic party and were punished 
 more severely than many of their fellow loyalists. Of course most 
 of the suspicion and distrust was brought on by the clergy refusing 
 to sign agreements, and the manner in which they persisted in read- 
 ing the ritual, containing prayers of allegiance to King George and 
 Great Britain. They were before the public on many occasions, and 
 the Partiots could learn readily of the decided stand which they wer« 
 taking, by slipping into the Anglican churches and listening to the 
 service, and the sermons urging the people to non-resistance. This, 
 of course, infuriated and disgusted the men who so firmly believed 
 that independence was the one means of assuring political liberty. 
 This, then, was the incentive for severely beating the clergy and 
 for drawing them through mud in order to encourage a humble attitude, 
 They were denied council at trials, and even kept in ignorance of 
 the charges for which they were usually convicted. They could not 
 even walk quietly down the street without hearing insulting epithets 
 hurled at them. They were put under strict supervision, and abuse 
 after abuse was heaped upon them. The churches , which they had laborec 
 to build, were burned and their homes, containing all of their cher- 
 ished belongings, most valuable of all the libraries, were also des- 
 16 
 
 troyed. 
 
 Rev. Thomas Barton, a missionary in Deleware, who was given 
 the alternative of resigning his vows of allegiance or finding pro- 
 
 17 
 
 Ferry, Historic al Coll e ctions , V, 129, 130 
 16 
 
 For further references, see the next page. 
 

 
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46 
 
 tection in the British army, in a letter to the Secretary of the 
 S.P.Q. dated January 6, 1779, and Rev. Byles in a letter May 4, 1766 
 expresses the state of mind of many of the Anglican clergy who had 
 "been ill-treated. Barton writes, ”The Clergy of America, the mis- 
 sionaries in part, have suffered beyond exairiple, and indeed beyond 
 the records of any history, in this day of trial. Most of them 
 have lost their all, many of them are now in a state of melancholy 
 pilgrimage and poverty, and some of them have lately (from grief 
 
 and despondency it is said) paid the last debt of nature what 
 
 have we done to deserve this treatment from our former friends and 
 fellow citizens? We have not intermeddled with any matters incon- 
 sistent with our callings and functions. We have studied to be 
 quiet and to give no offence to the present rulers. We have obeyed 
 the laws and government now in being, as far as our consciences and 
 prior obligations would permit. We know no crime that can be allege L 
 against us, except an honest avowal of our principles can be deemed 
 
 such, and for these have we suffered a persecution as cruel as the 
 
 19 
 
 bed oi Procrustes." Rev. Byles says, "such are the horrors of civil 
 war! - and I have nothing to sonsole me, unless it be a conscious- 
 ness that I have never contributed to kindle the destructive flame, 
 but on the contrary, have exerted all my little influence to prevent 
 
 18 (continued) 
 
 Maryland Historica l Magazin e . VIII, 346, 346 
 Maw kins. Missions of the Church of England . 161-163, 351-353 
 (This entire colume is valuable for letters showing the condition 
 of the clergy) 
 
 Beardsley, Life and Correspondence of Seabur y . 59 
 (This j, too , contains many references to the sufferings) 
 
 Ameri can Archives . fourth series, VI, 1651 
 
 Beardsley, Hist ory of the Episcopal C hur ch in Connecticut , 1 , 317- 33J 
 Perry, Historical Collections, IV, 131,133, 136, 137 
 
 19 
 
 Beardsley, Life and Corre s pon dence of Seabur y, 57, 56 
 
(S,^.'^"*',." >ii-' 
 
 
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49 
 
 20 
 
 it." I agree with Beardsley that "it is a foul blot upon the pat- 
 
 ® r- j 
 
 riotiSDQ of the times that these things were anywhere encouraged." 
 
 20 
 
 Perry, Historical Collections . IV, 132,130 
 Hawkins, Missio ns of the Church of Engl a nd, 250 
 21 
 
 Beardsley, History of the Episcopal Chur ch in Connec t icut , I, 332 
 

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50 
 
 ch;iPTER VI 
 Conclusion 
 
 The Anglican clergy, at the close of the Revolutionary War, 
 were in a distressful condition. Those who had been dependent upon 
 the S.P.G. for their support, were left penniless. Since the colon- 
 ies were no longer a part of Great Britain, the Society was released 
 from all further obligations in regard to them, for the Charter 
 provided that only those within the resdm of Great Britain were to 
 receive contributions. The Whigs showed little sympathy and leni- 
 ency toward them, and their one desire seemed to be to punish those 
 who had refused to aid the Parti ots in obtaining independency. The 
 clergy were either actually forced to flee for their lives, or they 
 deemed it prudent to escape before violence was inflicted. Many 
 returned to England, while others went into Canada. The Proscrip- 
 tion and Banishment acts were not repealed as they should have been, 
 when Peace was declared, and the clergy suffered from the confisca- 
 tion of their property. The churches and parsonages were destroyed 
 
 and the clergy found that there was little foundation upon which to 
 
 1 
 
 begin a reconstruction of the parishes. 
 
 The Treaty of Peace in 1763, made no mention of religious 
 affairs. As soon as the excitement and fermentation in the country 
 
 1 
 
 Beardsley, Life and Correspondence of Seabury . 57, 70-72 
 Hawkins, Mission s of the Churc h England . 342-343 
 Siebert, Refugee Loyalist s of Connecticut 
 Se ibe rt , Dlspension of the American Tories 
 
 Siebert, The FI 1 ght of the American Loyalists to British Isles 
 

 
 
 
 
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51 
 
 had somewhat died down, and the clergy regained a little of their 
 
 old confidence, steps were taken for a reorganization of the Church. 
 
 The old antagonism which had existed for so many years between the 
 
 Dissenters and the Anglican clergy had not disappeared with Peace. 
 
 There was a constant struggle betv/een these two parties for many 
 
 years, the Dissenters standing firm against the introduction of an 
 
 American Episcopate, which the clergy were again agitating with 
 
 c 
 
 renewed efforts. 
 
 In conclusion, I would say that the Anglican clergy were with- 
 out doubt one of the most influential of all the loyalist elements 
 in the Revolutionary War Period. Because the majority of them had 
 courage enough to remain true to the vcws, by which they had sworn 
 eternal allegience to the King of England, they aroused the hatred 
 and distrust of all of those who were not in sympathy with the 
 Church of Engls.nd, and who feared that the Anglican clergy were de- 
 sirious of promoting the Anglicah Church in America, for the purpose 
 of strengthening the hold of Great Britain on her American colonies. 
 We cannot help but admire those, who, in the face of severe oppos- 
 ition and suffering, continued steadfast in the execution of the 
 duties which they considered to be right. I am convinced that the 
 Anglican clergy exerted an influence over their congregations, and 
 helped to mold the opinions of ms^ny who otherwise would probably 
 have been swayed by the crowd, and would have fallen into the popu- 
 lar ranks of the Patriots. I shall close this discussion by quoting 
 from a member of this group, Jonathan Boucher, who says, concerning 
 the unfortunate relations which existed between Great Britain and 
 
 S 
 
 Beardsley, Life and Correspondence of Seabury , 70 ff 
 

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52 
 
 her Araerican colonies, that ’’all that either country has greatly to 
 
 regret on this subject is, that the prudence of the one did not keep 
 
 pace with her affections, and that the humility of the other wa* not 
 
 commensurate with her prosperity. Great Britain did not consider, 
 
 that, good as her colonies were, whilst she strained every nerve to 
 
 render them opulent and -oowerful, she was in effect advancing: them 
 
 3 
 
 still nearer to independency.” 
 
 3 
 
 Boucher, A View, XXXIV 
 

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 1 
 
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55 
 
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 , Stephen Beauregard, Churc h and State in North Carolin a. John 
 Hopkin's University Studies, X, XI, 1682-1893 
 

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