LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN 329.9773 L97p 1889 Return this book on or before the Latest Date stamped below. University of Illinois Library J. S~o • U« . N0)S Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2017 with funding from University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign Alternates https://archive.org/details/eightyyearsofillOOIusk EIGHTY YEARS OF ILLINOIS, Politics AND Politicians, ANECDOTES AND INCIDENTS. A Succinct History of the State. 1809 - 1889 . THIRD EDITION— REVISED AND ENLARGED. BY D. W. LUSK. SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS. 1889. Copyright, 1889, by D. W. Lusk. H. W. ROKKER, Stereotyper, Printer, Binder, Springfield, 111. 3 ^ 1.^773 rm 4 . PREFACE. i ^ , y ' — * In issuing the third edition of Politics and Poli- ticians of Illinois, revised and enlarged, the writer has involved a comprehensive history of the State — its men and measures, its progress in population, wealth and intelligence — from the Territorial times of 1809 to its Statehood, a period of 80 years. It is illus- ; trated with steel portraits of many distinguished citizens, — and enlivened throughout with pleasing incidents and A anecdotes. In the collation of facts, the official records of the State and the official publications of the Na- tional Government have been consulted with the ut- most care, and from these, together with a personal F observation of thirty years, the writer has produced a volume that is deemed authentic in every detail. In dealing with men and political parties, he has observed rigid impartiality, seeking only the truth of history, and he rests in the belief that Politics and Politi- cians of Illinois will be accepted as a valuable con- tribution to the history of the State. Springfield, Illinois, June, 1889. I CHAPTER I. POLITICAL PARTIES, Formation of Parties— First Election of Washington without Political Sig- nificance-Election of John Adams as a Federalist— Jefferson Elected as a Republican— Madison as a Republican— Monroe as a Republican— John Quincy Adams as a Coalitionist— Jackson as a Democrat— Van Buren as a Democrat— Harrison as a Whig— Polk as a Democrat— Taylor as a Whig— Pierce as a Democrat— Buchanan as a Democrat— Only Presi- dents Elected by the House of Representatives— National Conventions— Federal Party— Democratic— National Republican— Whig— Abolition- Free Soil— Know-Nothing— Native American— Republican— Slavery Ques- tion— Election of Bissell— Dred Scott Decision— Repeal of the Missouri Compromise— Attempt to make Kansas a Slave State. In order to intelligently lay the foundation of our history, Politics and Politicians of Illinois, which begins in 1856 with the campaign in which the Republican party was or- ganized, a brief retrospect reference is made to National politics. Historians are not agreed as to the exact time of the formation of political parties in the United States, but it is accepted that Washington, the first President, w T as elected in 1789 without political significance, and that at his second election, in 1792, he was denominated a Federalist. In 1796, John Adams, his successor, was elected as a Federal- ist. In 1800, Thomas Jefferson was elected as a Republi- can. There was a tie in the Electoral College between him and Aaron Burr, and the election was carried to the House of Representatives. Jefferson was elected President and Burr Vice-President. In 1804, Jefferson succeeded himself as a Republican. In 1808, James Madison was elected as a Republican. In 1812, he succeeded himself as a Republican. 2 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. In 1816, James Monroe was elected as a Republican. He succeeded himself in 1820 as a Republican. In 1824, John Quincy Adams was elected as a Coalitionist. There were four candidates, Andrew Jackson, Wm. H. Crawford, Henry Clay, and Adams. Jackson received a plurality of the popular vote, but there was no election by the Electoral College, and the issue was carried to the House of Repre- sentatives, where Adams was elected by a coalition. In 1828j Andrew Jackson was elected as a Democrat, and succeeded himself as such in 1832. In 1836, Martin Van Buren was elected as a Democrat; and as there was no choice in the Electoral College for Vice-President, the Senate of the United States elected R. M. Johnson to that office. In 1840 William Henry Harrison was elected as a Whig. In 1844, James K. Polk was elected as a Democrat. In 1848, Zachary Taylor was elected as a Whig. In 1852, Franklin Pierce was elected as a Democrat, and in 1856, James Buchanan was elected as a Democrat. We have thus traced the Presidential elections to 1856. Jefferson and Adams were the only Presidents ever elected by the House of Representatives. The National convention system was not introduced until as late as 1831. Prior to that time candidates for President and Vice-President were nominated by congressional and legislative caucuses. Jackson and Calhoun were nominated in that manner in 1832 for President and Vice-President, but there was much opposition to the nomination of Calhoun, and a National convention was held at Baltimore, in May, to nominate a candidate for that office. Martin Van Buren was nominated, and elected with Jackson. In May, 1835, the Democrats assembled in National convention at Balti- more, and nominated Martin Van Buren for President. In the same year, December 4, the Whigs held their first National convention, at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, nominat- ing William Henry Harrison for President, and Francis POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 3 Granger for Vice-President. From this time the respective parties have selected their candidates for President and Vice-President through National conventions. From the time the Government was formed there had been, to 1856, inclusive, nine distinct political parties, which were National in character, and appeared in the order in which we give them here. In 1789, the Federal party was organized. It favored the Federal Alliance or confederation, and claimed to be the preserver of the Union. Those who opposed that party in the time of Washington were known as Anti-Federalists, but afterward took the name of Republicans. In 1807, the Democratic party was organized, and although the principles advo- cated by this party changed from time to time, they have studiously held on to the original name. In 1831, the Na- tional Republican party was organized, to oppose the Democratic party; and in 1834, the Whig party vas or- ganized in New York, as the continuation of the National Republican party. In 1840, the Abolition party appeared. Its distinctive feature was the advocacy of the abolition of slavery in the States which then held to that institu- tion. In 1848, the Free Soil party was organized. It op- posed the introduction of slavery into the Territories. The Know-Nothing party was formed in 1852 as a secret or- ganization. It announced the doctrine that “Americans should rule America,” and for a time was successful in some of the States. In 1856, it was known as the Native American party. In that year the present Republican party was organized, with the avowed purpose of putting an end to the further extension of slavery. The Abolition party made an incipient effort, in 1840, to run a candidate for President in the person of James G. Birney, of Michigan, nominating him at a convention held at Warsaw, New York, as early as November 13, 1839. He received but 7,059 votes in all the States, and 149 of 4 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. these were cast in Illinois. In 1844, the Abolitionists again presented Birney, nominating him at Buffalo, New York, August 80, 1843. This time he received 62,300 votes. Of these Illinois cast 3,570. The next anti-slavery candidate was Martin Van Buren, who was nominated by a Free Soil convention held at Buffalo, on the 9th of August, 1848. It was composed chiefly of Free Soil Democrats. His aggregate vote was 291,263, and 15,774 of this number were cast in Illinois. In August, 1852, the Free Soil Democrats assembled at Pittsburgh, and nominated John P. Hale, of New Hamp- shire, as their candidate for President. His vote was not so large as Yan Buren’s, it being only 156,149. Illinois gave him 9,966. But notwithstanding his vote was much less than Van Buren’s, it furnished conclusive evidence that the anti-slavery sentiment had taken a strong hold upon the minds of the people South as well as North, for Free Soil electoral tickets were formed in the slave States of Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland and North Carolina. (See Greeley & Cleveland’s Political Text Book, 1860, and Lanman’s Biographical Annals of the Civil Govern- ment of the United States, 1876.) In the midst of these fruitless attempts to elect an anti- slavery man to the Presidency, there was a constant augmentation of the anti-slavery sentiment in all the free States and Territories ; and the nomination of Martin Van Buren was the first outward evidence that the thoughtful, practical men of the country were taking hold of the question. It had evidently become apparent to the minds of the anti-slavery factions of the Democratic and Whig v parties North and South — the men who were not willing to follow their party leaders blindly into error — that the Whig party would ultimately be swallowed up by the Democratic party, which would, in their judgment, result disastrously to the country. But the question was, how POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 5 should they arrest the great storm so visible to them in the political sky. Their numbers were comparatively few. They were fearless of all consequences. To their minds a new party seemed necessary to save the country from an intestine conflict. Martin Van Buren, of whom we have spoken, who had succeeded Andrew Jackson as President of the United States in 1836, and had been the Demo- cratic candidate for President in 1840, against William Henry Harrison, was nominated by them for President as the candidate of the Free Soil party. The result of his nomination was the defeat of Lewis Cass, the regular Democratic candidate, and the election of Zachary Taylor. This election seemed only to put off the evil day, for the Democratic party succeeded four years after in electing Franklin Pierce over Winfield Scott, the candidate of the Whig party. The Free Soil party having announced no principle except that of hostility to the further spread of slavery, did not commend itself to the favor of the people North, South, East and West who did not desire to enlist under the Democratic banner, and many of them united with the Native American party, which came forward in 1856, as the successor of the Whig and Know-Nothing parties, with Millard Fillmore, the Vice-President under Taylor and President after his death, as its candidate for Presi- dent. In the meantime the Free Soil party had abandoned its original name and came forward with a new name — the Republican party — a new platform of principles and new accessions, chiefly from the Democratic party, in all the Eastern and Northwestern States, and John C. Fre- mont was chosen as its candidate for President, under the bold and broad declaration that there should be no fur- ther extension of slavery. The Democrats nominated James Buchanan. The triangular race resulted in the election of Mr. Buchanan, whose aggregate vote was 6 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 1,838,169; Fremont, 1,341,264; Fillmore, 874,534. Mr. Buchanan’s plurality in Illinois was 9,159 ; Fremont’s vote in Illinois was 96,189, and Fillmore’s 37,444. But although Illinois cast her electoral vote for Buchanan, Wm. A. Richardson, the Democratic candidate for Governor, was beaten by Wm. H. Bissell, the Republican candidate, by a majority of 4,697. Mr. Bissell was an able and accom- plished gentleman, who had won popular fame as a soldier in the war with Mexico, and had represented the Belleville district in the Thirty-first, Thirty-second and Thirty-third Congresses. With Mr. Bissell, there were elected John Wood, Lieu- tenant Governor; 0. M. Hatch, Secretary of State; Jesse K. Dubois, Auditor of Public Accounts; James Miller, Treasurer, and Wm. H. Powell, Superintendent of Public Instruction. This was the first time in the history of Illinois that any person other than a Democrat had been chosen to fill a State office. Several times prior to this the Clay men or Whigs had taken up a Jackson man or Democrat and voted for him for Governor, against the person thought to be the favorite candidate of the lead- ing men of the dominant party, notably among whom was John Reynolds, in 1830, who was elected over Wm. Kin- ney, then Lieutenant Governor. The election of Joseph Duncan in 1834 was another instance — Kinney being again a candidate. (See Ford’s History.) Party lines between the Democrats and Whigs were not radically drawn in this State until about 1836, but the Whig party was always in a hopeless minority. The nearest the Whig party ever came to carrying the State was in the campaign between Harrison and Yan Buren. Harrison received 45,537 votes ? and Yan Buren 47,476. Of the formation of the Republican party we shall speak more at length in the succeeding chapter. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS, 7 Under Mr. Buchanan’s administration the slave power became more and more aggressive. In fact, the slave power had dictated and dominated the legislation from the first Congress to the administration of Buchanan, in Whig as well as in Democratic administrations; and in 1852, when the Whig and Democratic parties adopted, in National conventions, platforms which were identical on the slavery question, then it was that that question seemed to absorb all others in the National legislature. The development of the country, the progress and happiness of its people, were lost sight of. Laws repugnant to the character and intelligence of the people of the free States had been passed from time to time, under the impudent threat of Southern senators and representatives that if they were not passed the South would dissolve the Union. But the most obnoxious and offensive measure was the Fugitive Slave Law, which compelled the citizens of the free States to turn out at the will or command of the United States marshals to aid in the arrest or return of slaves escaping from their masters into free territory. And next to this was the assault upon Charles Sumner, n United States senator from the commonwealth of Mas- sachusetts. He had been brutally and murderously assaulted in open day in the United States Senate by Preston L. Brooks, a representative from South Carolina, for simply expressing his political opinions in debate, and although Brooks was expelled from that body, his con- stituents promptly re-elected him, as an indorsement of the brutal act. Not only was the legislation of the National government in the interest of slavery, but the Supreme Court was made to bow to the demands of the power behind it. We refer to the Dred Scott decision. This was rendered in De- cember, 1S56, in a case wherein a colored man, whose name was Dred Scott, had been taken, together with his wife and 8 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. two daughters, by his master, John F. A. Sanford, a resi- dent of the State of Missouri, to Eock Island, Illinois, to reside. Illinois being a free State, these persons, there- fore, became free the moment they were landed on her soil with the intention to remain as residents. On the return of Sanford with Scott and his family to Missouri, Scott sued in the State court for his freedom, and believing that few of our readers will be able to call to mind the true character of this cause, and that they will be interested in knowing the full significance of the decision, we print the substance of it, as reported by Benjamin C. Howard, the official reporter. The case is thus stated by him in the published decisions of that court : “This case was brought up, by writ of error from the- Circuit Court of the United States for the district of Mis- souri. It was an action vi et armis , instituted in the circuit court by Scott against Sanford. Prior to the institution of the present suit, an action was brought by Scott for his free- dom in the Circuit Court of St. Louis county (State court), where there was a verdict and judgment in his favor. On a writ of error to the Supreme Court of the State, the judgment below was reversed, and the case remanded to the Circuit Court, where it was continued to await the decision of the case now in question. The declaration of Scott contained three counts: one that Sanford had assaulted the plaintiff ; one that he had assaulted Harriet Scott, his wife, and one that he had assaulted Eliza Scott and Lizzie, his children. ” The close of the syllabus of the case, as reported in 19th Howard, and which gives the substance of the longest and most interesting opinion ever rendered by the Supreme- Court of the United States, is as follows : “The plaintiff himself acquired no title to freedom by being taken by his owner to Eock Island in Illinois, and brought back to Missouri. This court has heretofore decided that the status or condition of a person of African descent depended on the laws of the State in which he resided. It has been settled by the decisions by the highest court in Missouri, that by the laws of that State a slave POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 9 does not become entitled to his freedom where the owner takes him to reside in a State where slavery is not per- mitted, and afterwards brings him back to Missouri. “Conclusion : It follows that it is apparent upon the record that the court below erred in its judgment in the plea in abatement, and also erred in giving judgment for the defendant when the exception shows that the plain- tiff was not a citizen of the United States. And as the Circuit Court had no jurisdiction either in the case stated in the plea in abatement, or in the case stated in the exception, its judgment in favor of the defendant is erroneous and must be reversed. ” At that time the Supreme Court of the United States was composed of Chief Justice Taney, Justices Nelson, Grier, Daniel, Campbell, Catron, Wayne, McLean, and Curtis. Chief Justice Taney delivered the opinion, and Justices McLean and Curtis were the only members of the court who dissented. The repeal of the Missouri Compromise of 1820, which had restricted slavery within the territory south of par- allel 36° 30', and which opened up all the Territories to the spread of slavery, the brutal attempt to stifle free speech in the Senate of the United States, the extraor- dinary decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case, and the effort of President Buchanan to force Kan- sas into the Union with a constitution which recognized slavery, were so palpably wrong in themselves, that the great body of the people in the North — Free Soilers, Na- tive Americans, Whigs and Democrats — were one in their denunciation of the aggressive steps of the slave power,, and they stood ready with their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor, to do that which would preserve the Government and the Union as they had been handed down to them by Washington, Jefferson, Jackson, and all the patriot-fathers. In that long and exciting debate in Congress over the legislation relating to the admission of Kansas into the Union, Stephen A. Douglas was the only Democratic 10 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Senator, if we except George E. Pagh, of Ohio, who had the moral courage to oppose Buchanan’s policy, and to Douglas’ good name and great fame be it said he opposed it with manly courage, and with all the ability of his mas- ter mind, and because of this he was ostracised by the followers of the Administration, and its immense patron- age was freely used in Illinois with the hope of destroying his power in his own State. Such was the condition of National politics when we commence our history of the politics and politicians of Illinois, since which time the politics of Illinois have been the politics of the Nation. CHAPTER II. SLAVERY AGITATION, Why a New Party was Necessary— Missouri Compromise of 1820— Compro- mise Measures of 1850— Repeal of the Missouri Compromise of 1820— Douglas Denied the Right of Free Speech in Chicago— Organization of the Republican Party— Three Branches of the Government Pro-Slavery— Growth of the Republican Party— Caucus at Williamsville— First Repub- lican Convention at Cairo— First Republican Caucus at Metropolis. Why a New Party was Necessary. The Republican party, which has had almost complete control of the governments of the State and Nation since 1861, was permanently organized in this State at Bloom- ington, May 29, 1856. Prior to that time the Democratic party had held, with the exception of a few brief inter- vals, the complete control of the government of the Nation since the formation of parties ; and while the Whig party had maintained an organization in the State from 1836 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 11 to the dissolution of the party, yet it had never been able to dispute, successfully, the right of the Democratic party to control the affairs of the State, and in order that the reader may better understand the causes which led to the formation of the Eepublican party, brief reference is made to the history of the legislation of the National Govern- ment upon the slavery question. Slavery had been transmit- ted to the United States by the British Government, and although most all the early Fathers of the Republic were opposed to the institution, yet they were unable to eradi- cate it from a country whose declaration of independence had voiced the doctrine that all men were created equal, and slavery was thus left as a cancer upon the body politic, and remained the subject of bitter controversy be- tween the people of the North and South. For years prior to 1820, when what is known as the Missouri Com- promise was passed, the question had been assuming an important and alarming position in the public mind, and ever and anon threatened the dissolution of the Union. The States of the North had gotten rid of such negro slaves as they had originally possessed, and had enacted laws forbidding their citizens from owning or bringing within their limits, negroes for purposes of labor. The feeling, in these States, that slavery was sinful, had been gradu- ally gaming ground, and there were many persons in the South who held the same view. Certain religious bodies in the country had distinctly expressed their belief that it was contrary to the teachings of Christianity to own slaves, and memorials had been presented to the Legislatures of some of the States, and to Congress, praying for the abo- lition of slavery. Though Congress did not hesitate to pass an Ordinance in 1787, dedicating the Northwestern Territory, of which Illinois was a part, to freedom, yet it steadily refused to comply with the demands of the peti- tions presented to it regarding the abolition of slavery 12 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. throughout the Nation. Article six of that Ordinance* reads thus : “ There shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said Territory, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly con- victed: Provided , always, that any person escaping into the same, from whom labor or service is lawfully claimed in any one of the original States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed, and conveyed to the person claiming, his or her labor or service as aforesaid. ” The existence of slavery within the States was recog- nized and protected by the constitution, and Congress held that it had no right to interfere with the domestic rela- tions of the States. Missouri Compromise of 1820 . In February, 1819, the Territory of Missouri, which was formed out of a part of the Louisiana purchase, asked permission to form a constitution preparatory to being admitted into the Union as a State. When the bill for this purpose was presented to the House of Representa- tives on the 13th of February, Mr. Tallmadge, of New York, proposed to insert a clause providing “that the further introduction of slavery, or involuntary servitude, be prohibited, except for the punishment of crimes whereof the party shall have been duly convicted; and that all children born in said State after the admission thereof into the Union, shall be free [at the age of twenty-five years.” The announcement of this amendment produced a great sensation in the House, and throughout the country. It was believed by the advocates of slavery that the reso- lutions of the House of Representatives of 1790, in reply to the first petition presented to it for the abolition of slavery, which declared the policy of the Government to be non-interference with slavery in the States, had settled the question of the powers of the Federal government respecting slavery. The bill continued to be the subject POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 13 of a long and angry debate in the House, and finally passed that body by a small majority as amended by Mr. Tallmadge, but it was defeated in the Senate. When Congress re-assembled in December, 1819, the discussion as to the admission of Missouri was again renewed, and again the House passed the bill as amended by Mr. Tallmadge, but when it reached the Senate the clause prohibiting slavery was stricken out, and an amend- ment, offered by Senator Thomas, of Illinois, was substi- tuted, which was in these words : “ Section 8. And be it further enacted , That in all the territory ceded by France to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes north latitude, not included within the limits of the State con- templated by this act, slavery and involuntary servitude otherwise than in the punishment of crimes whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall be and is hereby forever prohibited : Provided , always , that any per- son escaping into the same, from whom labor or service is lawfully claimed in any State or Territory of the United States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed, and con- veyed to the person claiming his or her labor or service as aforesaid. ” The title of the bill was amended so as to agree with this section when it was sent to the House of Representatives for its concurrence. The House refused to accept the amendment of the Senate, and a committee of conference was appointed by both houses for the purpose of agreeing upon a bill acceptable to both sections of the country. During the sitting of the conference committee, Thomas Jefferson, who was then living in retirement at Monticello, Virginia, and who was sincerely opposed to slavery, wrote a patriotic letter in opposition to the passage of the bill as amended by Mr. Thomas; he deprecated the thought of establishing a sectional line, and said the mere 14 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. suggestion of such a line sounded to him like a fire-bell at night, and that its consummation might sound the death- knell of the Union. After weeks of bitter discussion before the committee of conference, the amendment offered by the Illinois Senator was adopted, and the bill as agreed upon by the com- mittee passed the Senate March 2, 1820, by a vote of 27 ayes to 15 noes, when it was sent to the House for its concurrence. The bill passed that body on the same day by a vote of 134 ayes to 42 noes. Both the Illinois Sena- tors, Edwards and Thomas, and the Representative, Mr. Cook, voted for the bill. (See the House and Senate Journals.) After the passage of the bill, in a letter under date of April 13, 1820, addressed to Wm. Short, Mr. Jefferson said : “I had laid down a law to myself, never to write, talk or even think of politics, to know nothing of public affairs, and therefore had ceased to read newspapers, yet the Missouri question aroused and filled me with alarm. I have been among the most sanguine in believing that our Union would be of long duration. I now doubt it much. My only comfort and confidence is that I shall not live to see this ; and I envy not the present generation the glory of throwing away the fruits of their fathers’ sacrifice of life and fortune, and of rendering desperate the experi- ment which was to decide ultimately whether man was capable of self-government.” (See Volume 7 of Jefferson’s Complete Works.) Notwithstanding the compromise was introduced by Mr. Thomas, Benton tells us, in his Thirty Years’ View in the United States Senate, that its adoption was the w^ork of the pro-slavery men. The constitution under which Missouri applied for admis- sion into the Union sanctioned slavery, and contained a clause which prohibited the Legislature from interfering with the question. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 15 There was also a clause in it authorizing the Legislature to prohibit the emigration of free people of color into the State, and this clause was laid hold of in Congress to resist the admission of the State. It was treated as a breach of that clause in the Federal constitution which guarantees equal privileges in all the States to the citi- zens of every State, of whitfh privileges the right of emigration was one ; and free people of color being admitted to citizenship in some of the States, this prohibition of emigration was held to be a violation of that privilege in their persons. Here followed an equally angry discussion over the peculiar features of this constitution, and it did not end until a committee of conference of the two houses had met and agreed upon a resolution favoring the admis- sion of the State upon the condition that her Legislature should first declare that the clause in the constitution relative to the colored emigration into the State should never be construed to authorize the passage of any act by which any citizen of any of the States of the Union should be excluded from the enjoyment of any privilege to which he may be entitled under the Constitution of the United States, and the President of the United States being furnished with a copy of said act, should, by pro- clamation, declare the State to be admitted. This reso- lution was passed in the House by a vote of 86 to 82, and in the Senate by a vote of 28 to 14. The Legislature of Missouri complied with the require- ments of this resolution, and on the 10th of August, 1821, President Monroe issued a proclamation declaring the admission of Missouri into the Union, in complete accord- ance with law. In his last message to Congress, President Polk had recommended the extension of the line 36° 30' north latitude to the Pacific, thus leaving it to the people 16 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. south of that line whether they would have slavery or not. This proposition was acceptable to the people of the South, but it did not meet with favor in the North. Compromise Measures of 1850. In 1849, when California applied to be admitted into the Union, with a constitution which prohibited slavery, the sectional controversy was again renewed, with alarm- ing fury, and grave fears were entertained for the safety of the Union. Zachary Taylor was President, and while recognizing, in his first message, the gravity of the situ- ation, and the danger which threatened the country from the sectional controversy, he expressed his determination to faithfully discharge his duties to the whole country, and recommended the admission of California, under the constitution her people had chosen ; and advised that Utah and New Mexico be organized as Territories, with liberty to decide the question of slavery for themselves, when they were ready to enter the Union as States. Regarding the preservation of the Union, President Taylor said : “But attachment to the union of the States should be habitually fostered in every American heart. For more than half a century, during which kingdoms and empires have fallen, this Union has stood unshaken. The patriots who formed it have long since descended to the grave; yet still it remains the proudest monument to their mem- ory, and the object of affection and admiration with every one worthy to bear the American name. In my judgment its dissolution would be the greatest of calamities, and to avert that should be the study of every American. Upon its preservation must depend our own happiness and that of countless generations to come. Whatever dangers may threaten it, I shall stand by it, and maintain it in its integrity, to the full extent of the obligations imposed and the power conferred upon me by the Constitution.” POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 17 On the question of the admission of California, ho was equally frank: “No civil government having been provided by Congress for California, the people of that Territory, impelled by the necessities of their political condition, recently met in convention, for the purpose of forming a constitution and State government, which the latest advices give me reason to suppose has been accomplished ; and it is believed they will shortly apply for the admission of California into the Union as a sovereign State. Should such be the case, and should their constitution be conformable to the requi- sitions of the Constitution of the United States, I recom- mend their application to the favorable consideration of Congress. ” The issue, as then made up between the North and the South, was this : The South opposed the admission of Cal- ifornia as a free State, and demanded the better execution of the fugitive slave law; the North was opposed to the admission of any more slave States ; demanded the abo- lition of the slave trade in the District of Columbia, and was unwilling for the execution of the fugitive slave law within the Northern States. These questions occupied the attention of Congress almost exclusively, and the excitement permeated the entire Union, and repeated threats came from Southern Senators and Representa- tives that if the demands of the South were not ac- ceded to, the Southern States would withdraw from the Union ; and the situation was indeed alarming, when, on the 29th of January, 1850, Henry Clay intro- duced ten resolutions in the Senate, as a compromise, which provided for the admission of California as a free State; the organization of the Territories of Utah and New Mexico,' * without reference to slavery; the abolition of the slave trade in the District of Columbia, and the enactment by Congress of a more stringent and effective law for the rendition of fugitive slaves. The resolution of Mr. Clay, which related to a compro- mise on the slavery question, was as follows: 18 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. “Resolved, That as slavery does not exist by law, and is not likely to be introduced into any of the territory ac- quired by the United States from the Republic of Mexico, it is inexpedient for Congress to provide by law either for its introduction into or exclusion from any part of the said territory; and that appropriate Territorial govern- ments ought to be established by Congress in all of the said territory, not assigned as the boundaries of the pro- posed State of California, without the adoption of any restriction or condition on the subject of slavery.” Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, spoke thus in opposi- tion to the passage of the resolution: “But, sir, we are called on to receive this as a meas- ure of compromise ! Is a measure in which we of the minority are to receive nothing, a measure of compro- mise? I look upon it as but a modest mode of taking that, the claim to which has been more boldly asserted by others ; and that I may be understood upon this ques- tion, and that my position may go forth to the country in the same columns that convey the sentiments of the Senator from Kentucky, I here assert that never will I take less than the Missouri Compromise line, extended to the Pacific ocean, with the specific recognition of the right to hold slaves in the territory below that line ; and that, before such Territories are admitted into the Union as States, slaves may be taken there from any of the United States, at the option of their owners.” Mr. Clay, with no less candor or courage, replied to Mr. Davis in these words : “I am extremely sorry to hear the Senator from Mis- sissippi say that he requires, first, the extension of the Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific, and also that he is not satisfied with that, but requires, if I understood him correctly, a positive provision for the admission of slavery south of that line. And, now, sir, coming from a slave State, as I do, I owe it to myself, I owe it to truth, I owe it to the subject, to say that no earthly power could induce me to vote for a specific measure for the intro- duction of slavery where it had not before existed, either South or North of that line. Coming, as I do, from a slave State, it is my solemn, deliberate and well-matured determination that no power, no earthly power, shall compel me to vote for the positive introduction of slavery either south or north of that line. Sir, while you POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 19 reproach, and justly, too, our British ancestors for the in- troduction of this institution upon the continent of America, I am, for one, unwilling that the posterity of the present inhabitants of California and of New Mexico shall reproach us for doing just what we reproach Great Britain for doing to us. If the citizens of those Territo- ries choose to establish slavery, and if they come here with constitutions establishing slavery, I am for admitting them with such provisions in their constitutions ; but then it will be their own work, and not ours, and their pos- terity will have to reproach them, and not us, for form- ing constitutions allowing the institution of slavery to ex- ist among them. These are my views, sir, and I choose to express them; and I care not how extensively or uni- versally they are known.” Mr. Calhoun was an invalid at the time the bill was presented for the admission of California, and he brought into the Senate a written speech of great length and care- fully prepared, which he was too weak to deliver, and upon his request it was allowed to be read by his friend, Senator Mason, from Virginia. We give place to the following extract, as showing the views of the great Senator upon the slavery question, as it presented itself to his mind: “I have, Senators, believed from the first that the agita- tion of the subject of slavery would, if not prevented by some timely and effective measure, end in disunion. Enter- taining this opinion, I have, on all proper occasions, endeavored to call the attention of each of the two great parties which divide the country, to adopt some measure to prevent so great a disaster, but without success. The agitation has been permitted to proceed, with almost no attempt to resist it, until it has reached a period when it can no longer be disguised or denied that the Union is in danger. You have thus had forced upon you the greatest and the gravest question that can ever come under your consideration. How can the Union be preserved? . . . It is time, Senators, that there should be an open and manly avowal on all sides, as to what is intended to be done. If the question is not now settled, it is uncertain whether it ever can hereafter be ; and we, as the repre- sentatives of the States of this Union, regarded as govern- ments, should come to a distinct understanding as to our respective views, in order to ascertain whether the great 20 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. questions at issue can be settled or not. If you, who repre- sent the stronger portion, cannot agree to settle them on the broad principle of justice and duty, say so; and let the States we both represent agree to separate and part in peace. If you are unwilling that we should part in peace, tell us so, and we shall know what to do, when you reduce the question to submission or resistance. If you remain silent, you will compel us to infer by your acts what you intend. In that case, California will become the test question. If you admit her under all the difficulties that oppose her admission, you compel us to infer that you intend to exclude us from the whole of the acquired Territories, with the intention of destroying irretrievably the equilibrium between the two sections. We would be blind not to perceive, in that case, that your real objects are power and aggrandizement, and infatuated not to act accordingly.’’ Mr. Webster, of Massachusetts, was an earnest advocate of the compromise measure, and made a speech in support of it, which required three days for its delivery, and which produced a profound sensation throughout the country, and exercised a powerful influence in securing the passage of the bill. During the pendency of the discussion of this bill, Presi- dent Taylor died, and Vice-President Fillmore became President, which, if possible, added new alarm to the situation. Calhoun died before the bill admitting California came to a vote. It passed the Senate by a vote of 34 ayes to 18 noes. Ten of the Senators who voted against it pre- pared an elaborate protest against the passage of the bill, and asked that it be spread of record upon the journal, the pith of which was in these words : “But, lastly, we dissent from this bill, and solemnly protest against its passage, because, in sanctioning meas- ures so contrary to former precedent, to obvious policy, to the spirit and intent of the Constitution of the United States, for the purpose of excluding the slave-holding States from the Territory thus to be erected into a State, this government in effect declares, that the exclusion of POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 21 slavery from the territory of the United States is an object so high and important as to justify a disregard not only of all the principles of sound policy, but also of the Con- stitution itself. Against this conclusion we must now and forever protest, as it is destructive of the safety and liber- ties of those whose rights have been committed to our care, fatal to the peace and equality of the States which we represent, and must lead, if persisted in, to the dissolution of that confederacy, in which the slave-holding States have never sought more than equality, and in which they will not be content to remain with less.” The Senate declined to receive the protest, and the bill was sent to the House, where it was promptly passed, and receiving the signature of President Fillmore, Cali- fornia was admitted into the Union. All this clamor about a dissolution of the Union grew out of the fact that the people of California had framed a constitution which excluded from her territory the barbar- ism of African slavery. This was the height and depth, the length and breadth of her offending. The other features of Mr. Clay's resolutions of compro- mise continued to be the subject of debate in both branches of Congress, and, in the latter part of September, were formulated into bills which passed both houses, and re- ceiving the approval of the President, became the law of the land. (See Benton’s Thirty Years’ View in the United States Senate.) Repeal of the Missouri Compromise of 1820. This restored quiet to the country for a short time, and a short time only ; for in December, 1852, when Mr. Hall, of Missouri, introduced into the House of Representatives a bill to organize the Territory of Platte out of the vast territory which was then defined as the Platte Country, the sectional fires were again rekindled. The bill was referred to the Committee on Territories, which, in Feb- ruary, 1853, reported a bill organizing the Territory of Nebraska. Notwithstanding the Missouri compromise had 22 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. restricted that country to free labor, the Southern mem- bers hoped to obtain a footing for slavery in at least a part of it; and on the 16th of January, 1854, Senator Dixon, of Kentucky, gave notice that whenever the Nebraska bill should be called up he would move the fol- lowing amendment: “That so much of the eighth section of an act approved March 6, 1820, entitled ‘An act to authorize the people of the Missouri Territory to form a constitution and State government, and for the admission of such State into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, and to prohibit slavery in certain Terri- tories,’ as declares that, ‘in all the territory ceded by France to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of 36° 30' north latitude, slavery and in- voluntary servitude, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall be forever prohibited,’ shall not be so construed as to apply to the Territory contemplated by this act, or to any other Territory of the United States; but that the citizens of the several States or Territories shall be at liberty to take and hold their slaves within any of the Territories or States to be formed therefrom, as if the said act, entitled as aforesaid, had never been passed.” This announcement startled the people of the North, for the amendment proposed a repudiation of the Missouri Compromise, without seeking its repeal. Senator Douglas, Chairman of the Committee on Terri- tories, on the 23d of January, 1854, reported a bill, which provided for the organization of the Platte country into two Territories. The southern portion, which lay directly west of Missouri, stretching to the Eocky Mountains on the west, and extending from the thirty-seventh to the fortieth parallel of north latitude, was to be organized into a distinct Territory, to be called Kansas. The re- mainder was to be called Nebraska, having the line of POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 23 43° 30' for its northern boundary, and Mr. Douglas in- corporated in the bill the main features of Mr. Dixon’s amendment. Section 21 provided, “That, in order to avoid misconstruction, it is hereby declared to be the true intent and meaning of this act, so far as the ques- tion of slavery is concerned, to carry into practical opera- tion the following propositions and principles, established by the compromise measures of one thousand eight hun- dred and fifty, to-wit: “First. That all questions pertaining to slavery in the Territories, and in the new States to be formed therefrom, are to be left to the decision of the people residing there- in, through their appropriate representatives. “Second. That all cases involving title to slaves, and questions of personal freedom, are referred to the adjudi- cation of the local tribunals, with the right of appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States. “Third. That the provisions of the constitution and laws of tlq.e United States, in respect to fugitives from service, are to be carried into faithful execution in all the ‘organized Territories’ the same as in the States.” The section of the bill which prescribed the qualifica- tions and mode of election of a Delegate from each of the Territories, was as follows: “The Constitution, and all laws of the United States which are not locally inappli- cable, shall have the same force and effect within the said Territory as elsewhere in the United States, except the section of the act preparatory to the admission of Missouri into the Union, approved March 6, 1820, which was superseded by the principles of the legislation of 1850, commonly called the compromise measures, and is declared inoperative.” The bill passed the Senate by a vote of 37 ayes to 14 noes, and the House by 113 ayes to 100 noes ; and on the 31st of May, 1854, received the approval of President Pierce. (See House and Senate Journals, 1854.) 24 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. By the passage of this bill all the Territories were opened up to the introduction of slavery, and the abroga- tion of the Missouri Compromise renewed the sectional strife. Right of Free Speech Denied to Douglas. It would seem strange that to the Senators of the free State of Illinois should be left the task of furnishing the legislation which was to extend the boundary of slavery, or gratify the extravagant demands of the pro-slavery men of the South. No special notice seems ever to have been taken in Illinois of the amendment offered by Senator Thomas, which formed the basis of the Missouri Compro- mise, but Douglas was denounced all through the North by the anti-slavery men — Democrats as well as Whigs — and was denied the right of free speech on his return to his home in Chicago, in Sept. 1854. He had caused the announcement to be made previous to his arrival that he would address his fellow- citizens at North Market Hall, in vindication of his course in Congress on the Kansas and Nebraska bill, and when the hour had arrived for the meeting, thousands upon thousands of persons thronged the place with no other motive than to prevent him from speaking, and for four long hours did he stand facing the mob, and at every lull of the tumult ventur- ing to address them, but at last he was forced to leave the stand without making himself heard, intelligibly, even for a moment. During the discussion which preceded the passage of this bill, emigrant aid societies had been formed in the New England States for the purpose of aiding emigration to Kansas, and in view of the fact that emigration from the Southern States was slow, it became apparent to the pro-slavery men that if something was not done to coun- teract the Northern emigration, Kansas would become a free State, and in order to do this hundreds of pro-slavery POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 25 men from Missouri were sent over to take charge of the affairs of the Territory. On their arrival, formal notice was given to the free- State men to leave the Terri- tory and never return to it, but this they declined to do, and the result was that an intestine war prevailed for a long time, during which many free-State men were mur- dered in cold blood, while others were driven out of the ♦ Territory with the loss of their property, many of whom were from Illinois ; and as a climax to these great wrongs, the pro-slavery men framed, through fraud, a constitution recognizing slavery, and attempted, by the aid of the Ad- ministration of President Buchanan, to force Kansas into the Union under that constitution, and here the power and greatness of Douglas shone forth in their brightest splendor, for to his masterly opposition, more than to all other causes, was this outrage upon the character and intelligence of the people of Kansas averted, and those who had denounced him for the repeal of the Missouri Compromise now applauded him with a fervor that was as boundless as the denunciation had been. Organization of the Republican Party. Here is the state of facts which impelled anti-slavery Democrats, anti-slavery Whigs and anti-slavery Americans to form a new party, with the hope of arresting the ag- gressive steps of the slave power in the National Govern- ment; and it was this that moved the anti-slavery men of Illinois to aid in the organization of the new party, - and one of the first meetings which took place in the State, for this purpose, was held in Jacksonville in 1853, at which there were only seven persons, namely, Jos.' 0. King, Elihu Wolcott, Charles Chappel, James Johnson, John Mathers, William Harrison and Anderson Foreman. A resolution was adopted pledging .themselves to use all honorable means to prevent the further spread of slavery. In 1854, similar meetings were held in various counties of 26 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Central and Northern Illinois, and a State convention met at Springfield in October, and nominated John E. McClun, of McLean county, as a candidate for Treasurer, but the name of James Miller, of the same county, was after- wards substituted, and he made the race as an anti-Kan- sas-Nebraska man against John Moore, the Democratic candidate, but he failed of election. \ 4 The anti-slavery men were, for a long time, at a loss for an acceptable name for a new party. The first suggestion of Republican party, was made at the convention of Whigs held in Bloomington, in 1854, which nominated Jesse 0. Norton for Congress, by Jesse Lynch, who introduced a resolution, which was seconded by John Cusey, which proposed to call the new organization the Republican party. The anti-slavery movement continued to grow in magni- tude, and in the spring of 1856 the sentiment was ripe for the organization of a new party, and at the suggestion of the Jacksonville Journal , then a weekly newspaper, edited by Paul Selby, the present editor of the Illinois State Journal , a meeting of the anti-Kansas-Nebraska edi- tors was held at Decatur, February 22, for the purpose of outlining a political policy. There were present at this meeting V. Y. Ralston, Quincy Whig ; C. H. Ray, Chicago Tribune ; 0. P. Wharton, Rock Island Advertiser ; T. J. Pickett, Peoria Republican ; George Schneider, Chicago Staats-Zeitung ; Charles Faxon, Princeton Post; A. N. Ford, Lacon Gazette; B. F. Shaw, Dixon Telegraph; W. J. Usrey, Decatur Chronicle; Paul Selby, Jacksonville Jour- nal. A resolution was adopted recommending that a State convention be called to meet at Bloomington, May 29, and a committee consisting of one from each Congressional district, and two from the State at large, was selected for that purpose. The committee was as follows : W. B. Ogden, Chicago; S. M. Church, Rockford; G. D. A. Parks, POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 27 Joliet; T. J. Pickett, Peoria; E. A. Dudley, Quincy ; Wm. H. Herndon, Springfield; R. J. Oglesby, Decatur; Joseph Gillespie, Edwardsville ; D. L. Phillips, Jonesboro, and Gustavus Kcerner and Ira 0. Wilkinson, from the State at large. Agreeably to the recommendation of the editorial con- tention, a State convention met at Bloomington, May 29. Many of the counties were unrepresented, but this did not deter the convention from organizing, and John M. Palmer was chosen permanent President, with J. A. Davis, of Stephenson, William Ross, of Pike, James McKee, of Cook, J. H. Bryant, of Bureau, A. C. Harding, of Warren, Rich- ard Yates, of Morgan, H. 0. Jones, of Piatt, D. L. Phil- lips, of Union, George Smith, of Madison, J. H. Marshall, of Coles, J. M. Ruggles, of Mason, G. D. A. Parks, of Will, and John Clark, of Schuyler, as Vice-Presidents. H. S. Baker, of Madison, C. L. Wilson, of Cook, John Tilson, of Adams, W. Bushnell, of LaSalle, and B. J. F. Hanna, of Randolph, were elected Secretaries. After the usual forms and ceremonies, William H. Bis- sell, of St. Clair, was nominated for Governor ; Francis A. Hoffman, for Lieut. -Governor, but subsequently the name of John Wood, of Adams, was substituted; 0. M. Hatch, of Pike, for Secretary of State ; Jesse K. Dubois, of Law- rence, for Auditor; James Miller, of McLean, for Treas- urer, and W. H. Powell, of Peoria, for Superintendent of Public Instruction. J. C. Conkling, of Sangamon, Asahel Gridley, of McLean, B. C. Cook, of LaSalle, C. H. Ray and N. B. Judd, of Cook, were constituted the State Central Committee. Abraham Lincoln, 0. H. Browning, Richard Yates, John M. Palmer, Owen Lovejoy, Lyman Trumbull and John Wentworth, were the minds which directed the destiny of the new party, and its platform was so framed as to have no uncertain sound regarding the further extension of 28 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. slavery, nor was there any want of devotion to the Unions of the States. Here are the resolutions which related to the National questions : “ Resolved , That we hold, in accordance with the opin- ions and practices of all the great statesmen of all parties for the first sixty years of the administration of the gov- ernment, that under the constitution Congress possesses the power to prohibit slavery in the Territories ; and that whilst we will maintain all constitutional rights of the South, we also hold that justice, humanity, the principles of free- dom, as expressed in our Declaration of Independence and our National Constitution, and the purity and perpetuity of our government, require that that power should be exerted to prevent the extension of slavery into Territories hereto- fore free. “Resolved. That the repeal of the Missouri Compromise was unwise, unjust and injurious ; an open and aggravated violation of the plighted faith of the States, and that the attempt of the present administration to force slavery into Kansas against the known wishes of the legal voters of that Territory, is an arbitrary and tyrannous violation of the rights of the people to govern themselves, and that we will strive by all constitutional means to secure to Kansas and Nebraska the legal guaranty against slavery of which they were deprived at the cost of the violation of the plighted faith of the Nation. “Resolved, That we are devoted to the Union, and will, to the last extremity, defend it against the efforts now being made by the disunionists of this administration to compass its dissolution, and that we will support the Con- stitution of the United States in all its provisions, regard- ing it as the sacred bond of our union, and the only safe- guard for the preservation of the rights of ourselves and our posterity.” Upon this platform, as the fundamental principles of the new party, its standard bearers went forth to battle. It was the Presidential year. James Buchanan was the Dem- ocratic candidate for President ; Millard Fillmore the Native American; and June 17, the anti-slavery Democrats and Whigs of the North met at Philadelphia and organized the National Republican party, thus adopting the name which had been assumed by the new party in Illinois, and nom- inated John C. Fremont for President. Thus stimulated, POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 29 the Bepublican party of Illinois went boldly forward to secure the election of their State ticket, and while Buchanan carried the State by a plurality of 9,150 over Fremont, the Bepublican State ticket was elected throughout. Bis- sell’s majority over W. A. Bichardson, the Democratic candidate for Governor, was 4,697. Three Branches of the Government Pro- Slavery. It is worthy of remark here, that when the Bepublican party carried the Presidential election in 1860, the pro- slavery men held control of three branches of the National Government — both houses of Congress and the Supreme Court— and added to this was a voluntary avowal by the incoming President that jfcheir domestic institutions would in no wise be disturbed by the change made in political rulers. Notwithstanding this, they abandoned their places in Congress and attempted to establish an independent government with slavery as its chief corner stone, and when the government at Washington refused to acknowl- edge their independence, they made war on the Union, the result of which is known to all who read history. Party Affiliations. More than a quarter of a century has elapsed since the formation of the Bepublican party, and radical changes have taken place in the governments of the State and Nation, and with the change of issues a corresponding change in political affiliation. Many of the great leaders who took a prominent part in the formation of the Bepub- lican party are numbered with the silent dead. Some of those who gave it character, courage and power in its infancy are now affiliating with the Democratic party, and many of the Democratic leaders who were then pro-slavery in sentiment, now make their political home with the Be- publican party. 30 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Growth of the Eepublican Party. The Republican party had a very small beginning in Sangamon county. When the Whig party dissolved, its members became Native Americans or Democrats. One of the first Republican caucuses held in Sangamon county was at Williamsville, in the spring of 1856, and the only Republicans present were S. H. Jones, more familiarly known as Sam Jones, and Jacob Beck. Mr. Jones occu- pied the chair, and Mr. Beck made the speech of the occasion. The meeting had been called at their instance, and although the house was full of spectators, there was no one outside of these gentlemen who dared to announce their adhesion to the new party. Jones was made the dele- gate to the county convention which met at Springfield, in the law office of Lincoln & Herndon. There were only about a dozen, in all, present. Lincoln was the leading spirit, and pointed out the way to victory. At the following No- vember election, Williamsville cast fifteen votes for John C. Fremont ; and in 1880, there were some three hundred votes polled for Garfield, and the Republican majority was seventy-five, which shows that the seed of the new party was sown in good ground. The first Republican convention held in Cairo was in the spring of 1858. This was called to appoint delegates to the State convention at Springfield, which nominated Abraham Lincoln for United States Senator, in opposition to Douglas. The convention had been thoroughly adver- tised, and the house was well filled with people anxious to see how the new anti-slavery party progressed. Re- publicanism was by no means popular in that section at that time ; and there were just four representatives in the convention, namely, D. J. Baker, John C. White, James Summerville, and C.C. Brown, who afterward, in the up- heaval of politics, joined the Democratic party. White was elected chairman and Baker secretary. While the POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 81 committee on resolutions, which consisted of Summerville and Baker, was out, Mr. Brown entertained the audience in a speech of some length, on the purpose and hope of the party; and next day the Chicago Tribune appeared with an extended account of the convention, entitling it the “First Gun from Egypt.” In 1859, when the Republican party was in its very infancy in Southern Illinois, William H. Green, then a Representative in the Twenty-first General Assembly, in- vited to his office, in Metropolis, a few prominent Demo- crats, for the purpose of consulting as to the best interests of the party. “Gentlemen,’’ said he, “you may think this meeting unnecessary, or it may look to you like a farce, but I tell you now that the time is coming when the Democratic party of this State will have to thoroughly organize, if they wish to hold political supremacy; and I may say, that even in this county the Republican party will test our strength to the utmost.” The Republicans of that county were not long in working out a literal ful- fillment of Mr. Green’s prediction. The first Republican organization in Massac county took place at Metropolis, in the spring of 1860. There were just five persons pre- sent — W. R. Brown, R. A. Peter, L. P. Stalcup, Tillman Robey and Thos. Moore. Mr. Brown was made chairman and Mr. Stalcup secretary. The vote in that county at the Presidential election was 940 for Douglas and John- son, 122 for Lincoln and Hamlin, 82 for Bell and Everett, and 4 for Breckinridge and Lane. But how marvelous the revolution in public sentiment. Massac county now gives a Republican majority, ranging from 800 to 700, and the same can be said of many other counties in Southern Illinois, the stronghold of Democracy. :32 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. CHAPTER III. STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1856. First Republican State Ticket— Democratic— Native American— Republican Success— Aggregate Vote for State Officers— Members of Congress- Electoral Tickets. The political contest opened up early in the year ; that being the year of the Presidential election, the State con- ventions were necessarily early. There were three parties to claim the suffrages of the people. The Democrats held their convention at Springfield, May 1 ; the Native Ameri- cans, at the same place, May 6, and the Eepublicans at Bloomington, May 29, when this party was first organized of which we speak at length in the preceding chapter. The State tickets, for the most part, were made up of able, eminent men, and on the electoral tickets the reader will observe such names as Abraham Lincoln, Henry P. H. Bromwell, David L. Phillips, John A. Logan, Orlando B. Ficklin, Wm. A. J. Sparks, Joseph Gillespie, Shelby M. Cullom and Wm. H. Parish. Heretofore the Democratic party had encountered little or no opposition in the State or Presidential elections, but the formation of the Kepublican party, which was composed largely of anti-slavery Democrats, had induced the belief that the party was in danger of losing its power in the State, and the campaign was therefore the more active and earnest on their part, and their activity created a corresponding industry on the part of the other parties, and the result was, that for five months the people in all POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 33 parts of the State were kept in attendance night and day upon meetings of one or the other of the parties, and agreeably to the fears of far-seeing Democrats, the Democratic party lost the State election, notwithstanding its candidate for President carried it by a plurality of 9,150 over Fremont, while the Republican State ticket was elected throughout by a plurality over the Democratic ticket ranging from 4,697, to 8,191 and the Republican candidate for Treasurer had a majority of 20,213 over his Democratic competitor. The following is the aggregate vote for State officers, members of Congress, and Presidential electors: Governor. Wm. H. Bissell, R 111,466 Wm. A. Richardson, D 106,769 Buckner S. Morris, N. A 19,088 Lieutenant-Governor. John Wood, R 110,603 R. J. Hamilton, D 104,206 Parmenus Bond, N. A 19,326 Secretary of State. O. M. Hatch, R 115,891 Wm. H. Snyder, D 106,700 Wm. H. Young, N. A 18, §92 Auditor. Jesse K. Dubois, R 109,317 Samuel K. Casey, D 106,286 Hiram Barber, N. A 20,654 Treasurer. James Miller, R 127,715 John Moore, D 107,502 Superintendent of Public Instruction. Wm. H. Powell, R 108,584 John H. St. Matthew, D 105,369 Ezra Jenkins, N. A 20,573 84 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Members of Congress — First District. Elihu B. Washburne, B 18,070 Bichard S. Malony, D 6,227 B. D. Eastman, N. A 251 Second District. John F. Farnsworth, B 21,518 John Van Nortwick, D 9,814 B. F. James, N. A 685 Third District. Owen Lovejoy, B 19,068 Uri Osgood, D 18,007 Fourth District. William Kellogg, B 16,175 Jas. W. Davidson, D 14,474 A. H. Griffith, N. A 987 Fifth District. Jackson Grimshaw, B 10,294 Isaac N. Morris, D 12,059 James S. Irwin, N. A 109 Sixth District. John Williams, B 12,077 Thomas L. Harris, D 14,196 Seventh District. Henry P. H. Bromwell, B 9,878 Aaron Shaw, D 12,994 Eighth District. James D. Lansing, B 7,512 Bobert Smith, D 11;299 Ninth District. Benjamin L. Wiley, B 3,419 Samuel S. Marshall, D 15,968 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 35 Presidential Electors — Fremont. Abraham Lincoln Frederick Hecker Elijah P. Terry Jerome J. Beardsley William Fithian T. Jndson Hale ^....*93,278 Abraham Jonas j Wm. H. Herndon..,, j Friend S. Butherford | David L. Phillips J Buchanan. Augustus M. Herrington Chas. H. Constable Merritt L. Joslyn Hugh Maher Milton T. Peters Robert Holloway John P. Richmond Samuel W. Moulton Orlando B. Ficklin Wm. A. J. Sparks. John A. Logan )> . . .*105,628 Fillmore. Joseph Gillespie Wm. N. Danenhower Orvil Miller, Jr Levi D. Boone Josiah Snow John Durham James Irwin Shelby M. Cullom . . . John Coffer Joseph H. Sloss Wm. H. Parish i i > ....*37,531 ♦The records at the office of the Secretary of State show only these fig- ures, and it is presumed that they represent the highest number of votes cast for the respective electoral tickets. 36 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. CHAPTER IV. STATE GOVERNMENT-1857. Governor — William H. Bissell. Lieutenant-Governor — John Wood. Secretary of State — 0. M. Hatch. Auditor of Public Accounts — Jesse K. Dubois. Treasurer — James Miller. Superintendent of Public Instruction — Wm. H. Powell. Twentieth General Assembly. The Twentieth General Assembly convened January 5, and consisted of the following members : Norman B. Judd, Cook. George Gage, McHenry. Waite Talcott, Winnebago. J. H. Addams, Stephenson. Augustus Adams, Kane. G. D. A. Parks, Will. B. C. Cook, LaSalle. J. D. Arnold, Peoria. T. J. Henderson, Stark. Wm. C. Goudy, Fulton. Hiram Rose, Henderson. Wm. H. Carlin, Adams. Hugh L. Sutphin, Pike. House op John Dougherty, Union. Wesley Sloan, Pope. Thomas Jones, Johnson. L. E. Worcester, Greene. C. W. Vanderen, Sangamon. Joel S. Post, Macon. Sam’l W. Fuller, Tazewell. Wm. D. Watson, Coles. Mortimer O’Kean, Jasper. Silas L. Bryan, Marion. Joseph Gillespie, Madison. Wm. H. Underwood, St.Clair. Sam’l H. Martin, White. E. C. Coffey, Washington. A. J. Kuykendall, Johnson. Representatives. E. C. Ingersoll, Gallatin. John A. Logan, Jackson. Jas. H. Watt, Randolph. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 37 H. S. Osborn, Washington. John A. Wilson, Hamilton. W. B. Anderson, Jefferson. John E. Whiting, White. Charles P. Burns, Wayne. Wm. B. Morrison, Monroe. Vital Jarrot, St. Clair. Wm. W. Roman, St. Clair. Wm. A. J. Sparks, Clinton. Lewis Ricks, Madison. Aaron P. Mason, Madison. Daniel Gregory, Fayette. F. D. Preston, Richland. Isaac Wilkins, Crawford. Nathan Willard, Clark. S. W. Moulton, Shelby. Calvin Goudy, Christian. B. T. Burke, Macoupin. Wright Casey, Jersey. • John W. Huitt, Greene. Sam’l Connelly, Edgar. Jas. E. Wyche, Coles. Jas. J. Megredy, Sangamon. S. M. Cullom, Sangamon. Cyrus Epler, Morgan, E. B. Hitt, Scott. John L. Grimes, Pike. King Kerley, Brown. Samuel Holmes, Adams. M. M. Bane, Adams. L. D. Erwin, Schuyler. Wm. Tyner, Hancock. George Hire, McDonough. Joseph Dyckes, Fulton. James H. Stipp, Fulton. Samuel Christy, Cass. A. W. Morgan, Logan. Jerome R. Gorin, Macon. Oliver L. Davis, Vermilion. J. H. Wickizer, McLean. Daniel Trail, Tazewell. A. V. T. Gilbert, Warren. M. Shallenberger, Stark. John T. Lindsey, Peoria. Robert Boal, Marshall. Elmer Baldwin, LaSalle. Jas. N. Reading, Grundy. John M. Crothers, Kendall. Truman W. Smith, Will. Franklin Blades, Iroquois. W. A. Chatfield, Kankakee. David M. Kelsey, DeKalb. Wm. R. Parker, Kane. Geo. W. Radcliffe, Bureau. H. G. Little, Henry. John V. Eustace, Lee. Dan’l J. Pinckney, Ogle. C. B. Denio, JoDaviess. Rollin Wheeler, Carroll. John A. Davis, Stephenson. Wm. Lathrop, Winnebago. L. S. Church, McHenry. L. W. Lawrence, Boone. W. M. Burbank, Lake. John H. Dunham, Cook.. George W. Morris, Cook. Isaac N. Arnold, Cook. A. F. C. Mueller, Cook. David H. Frisbie, Knox. The Democrats had a majority in both houses. Lieut. Gov. John Wood was the presiding officer of the Senate, and Ben. Bond was elected Secretary over E. T. Bridges, by a vote of 13 to 10. Samuel Holmes was elected Speaker of the House over Isaac N. Arnold, by a vote of 36 to '28, and Charles Lieb was elected Clerk over E. T. Bridges, by a vote of 38 to 29. 38 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Of the prominent men, or those to attain prominence, of the two houses, there were: Judd, Cook, Henderson, Bryan, Gillespie, Underwood, Kuykendall, Dougherty, Sloan, Ingersoll, Logan, Anderson, Morrison, Sparks, Moulton, Cullom, Epler, 0. L. Davis, Blades, Lathrop, Isaac N. Arnold. The message of Mr. Matteson, the retiring Governor, was submitted to the two houses on the 6th of January. Deferring to the condition of the people, he said : “ Even in the midst of adverse elements, the hand of abundance has been opened upon the harvests of the husbandman. The firesides of the humble have been pro- tected and happy, and everywhere throughout the State labor is reaping a rich reward. “ With these sentiments, and a deep sense of thankful- ness towards a generous people for the confidence so freely extended, I am now about to surrender, with cheer- fulness, to my successor and to you, the trusts which have engaged my attention for the last four years. I do this the more cheerfully because I recognize in you and my successor agents appointed by the people to receive them, and eminently qualified to keep and discharge them faithfully. I sunder the last official connections with her councils with emotions of no ordinary character. Having very great confidence in the patriotism and capacity of the distinguished individual elected to become my suc- cessor, I invoke for you and him harmony in council and patriotism of purpose/' “I la.y down the cares of office with cheerfulness, and surrender the responsible interests of the State into the hands of my successor and yourselves, with the prayer aqpon my heart that her progress may continue, and her people, for a long time in the future, live in the enjoy- ment of republican freedom, prosperity and happiness.” In his biennial message of January 3, 1855, it was shown that there had been paid on the principal, ar- rears of interest and interest during the fiscal years of 1853 and 1854, $3,950,037.96, and in the message of 1857 the payments on the same for the fiscal years of 1855 and 1856 had been $7,079,198.42, aggregating in the four years $11,029,236.38, leaving a balance of POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 39 $12,834,144.85 to be paid by his successors. Gov. Mat- teson’s administration had been eminently popular, and notwithstanding this great burden, the people were happy, and in a prosperous condition. Owing to the physical disability of Gov. Bissell, caused by an attack of paralysis, the two houses repaired to the Executive Mansion on the 12th of January, and in their presence he took the oath of office, and at his request his message was read to the two houses on the same day by I. R. Dilier. Mr. Bissell recommended the erection of a new penitentiary ; the revision of the school law ; friendly legislation in the interest of the Illinois Central Railroad, and paid a fitting compliment to the men who had been foremost in the inception of that great enterprise, in these words : “It is but reasonable, perhaps, that I should here avail myself of the opportunity of distinguishing certain indi- viduals who were prominent in the inception of this great enterprise. To Morris Ketchum, George Griswold, David A. Neal and Jonathan Sturges, are we mainly indebted for the successful carrying out of this great project. Mr. Ketchum, especially, was as active as he was efficient in organizing the company, and in devising ways and means for the prose- cution of the work. In these things he was ably sustained by the other gentlemen named. And on more than one occasion, when the prospects of the enterprise were shrouded in gloom and doubt, and when nothing but the most bold and skillful policy could have saved it, these gentlemen risked their own private means to an extent which, had the enterprise failed, would have involved some of them, at least, in irretrievable ruin. I take pleasure, therefore, in placing these gentlemen before the State in the light which I know is proper to them, that our people in future may never forget to whom they are mostly indebted for the great work of the Central Railroad.” The agitation of the slavery question was then the sub- ject which occupied the attention of the people of the State more than all others, and Mr. Bissell, having been elected on the Republican ticket as an anti-Nebraska Dem- ocrat, alluded to the question in these terms : 40 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. “ The question of the extension of slavery into our new National territory, although not forming any part of State politics, was, nevertheless, so prominent a feature in the late canvass, as to create the expectation, perhaps, that I should, on this occasion, say something concerning it. “Up to the time of the repeal of the Missouri Compro- mise, I had ever considered the existence of slavery within the United States as an anomaly in our republican sys- tem, tolerated by a necessity springing from the actual presence of the institution among us when our Constitu- tion was adopted. “ The provisions in the Constitution for a slave basis of representation, and for the reclamation of fugitives from labor, I had supposed, and still suppose, w 7 ere admitted there upon that necessity. And that such were also the views of a vast majority of the American people, both North and South, I had, until the introduction of the Kan- sas-Nebraska bill, never doubted. “But the introduction, progress and passage of that measure, together with the course of argument made to sustain it, forced me reluctantly to the conclusion that, if finally successful, slavery is no longer to be considered or treated as anomalous in our system, but is rather, thenceforward, to be a leading and favorite element of society, to be politically recognized as such, and to which all else must bend and conform. This conclusion is strengthened, not a -little, by the subsequent administration of the measure, in the same hands which originated and matured it. Considering that we are intelligent people, living in an enlightened age, and professing the peaceful doctrines of Christianity, and a love of liberty above all things earthly, it may well be doubted whether, when the world’s history shall have been written to its close, it will contain a more extraordinary page than that w 7 hich shall record the history of Kansas in 1855 and 1856. “Forced to the conclusion stated, a large portion of our fellow-citizens, myself among them, have resisted the con- summation as we best could ; and believing that not the fate of the negro alone, but the liberties of the white man, of all men, are involved in the issue, we shall con- tinue to resist according to our best ability. “In doing this we shall ever be careful neither to forget nor disregard the value of the Union, the obligations of the Constitution, nor even the courtesies due our brethren of the South.” POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 41 The legislation of this session was mainly directed in the interest of the several towns or local communities, but among the more important laws enacted were the acts to establish and maintain free schools ; to establish and main- tain a normal university at Bloomington; to amend the banking law; to provide for a general system of railroad incorporations ; to provide for the incorporation of county agricultural societies ; to fund the arrears of interest accrued and unpaid on the public debt ; to lease the pen- itentiary to Samuel K. Casey for five years, and to build an additional penitentiary, in which David Y. Bridges, Chauncey L. Higbee and Nelson D. Edwards were consti- tuted commissioners, with full power and authority to select and obtain, by purchase, a suitable site for the same. The topics which claimed the time of the House and elicited the attention of the people in general, was the discussion of the motion to print 20,000 copies of Gov. Bissell’s message for the use of the House, and a resolu- tion to repeal the “black laws.” There had been a unani- mous vote in favor of printing 20,000 copies of Matteson’s message, in English, and a vote of 65 ayes to 4 noes, in favor of printing 5,000 copies in German, but when it was proposed to print 20,000 copies of Bissell’s message, a motion was made to reduce the number to 10,003. The House being Democratic, and Mr. Bissell having been elected as a Republican, there was a strong disposition to circumscribe the publication of his message, and the motion to print 10,000 instead of 20,000 copies continued the subject of an angry debate for over a week, when, on the 20 ^h of January, the resolution passed in that form by a vote of 41 ayes to 82 noes. On the 10th of February, Mr. Kelsey presented a peti- tion of the citizens of Illinois, praying for the repeal of certain black laws, which was referred to a select committee 42 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. of three, consisting of Messrs. Kelsey, Pinckney and Wyche. February 16, Mr. Wyche, from a minority of the com- mittee to which the petition had been referred, made a report, which, on motion of Mr. Jarrot, was laid on the table by a vote of 28 ayes to 42 noes, which ended the discussion on that subject. A sine die adjournment was taken on February 19. CHAPTER V. STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1858, Three Tickets: Republican — Democrat— Buchanan Democrat— Aggregate Vote for State Officers— Aggregate Vote by Districts for Members of Con- gress. The Democrats were the first to nominate a State ticket to be voted for at the ensuing November election. The convention was held at Springfield, on the 21st of April. W. B. Fondey was nominated for Treasurer, and ex-Gov. Augustus C. French for Superintendent of Public Instruc- tion ; and although Stephen A. Douglas was the very idol of the intelligent portion of the party, yet the conven- tion did not, in unmistaken terms, condemn the admin- istration of Buchanan for its attempt to force Kansas into the Union as a slave State, in opposition to the expressed will of a majority of the people of the Territory, nor did it indorse Douglas for re-election to the United States Sen- ate for his manly resistance to this great wrong, but left him to make the canvass as best he could. But that por- tion of the party best known as the office-holders, were not willing that he should have the race to himself, or POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 43 that the men nominated should be accepted as the can- didates of the National Democratic party. They accord- ingly held an opposition convention in Springfield, on the 9th of May, and nominated John Dougherty for Treasurer, and ex-Gov. John Reynolds for Superintendent of Public Instruction. The Republicans met at the same place, on the 15th of June, and nominated James Miller for Treasurer, and Newton Bateman for Superintendent of Public Instruction. The State was thoroughly canvassed by all the candi- dates, but it was apparent, from the first, that the prime object of the Buchanan faction was to break down Douglas. They vigorously and bitterly assaulted him from the one side, while Lincoln pursued him with great power and in- imitable ability on the other; but, notwithstanding this two-fold attack, a legislature favorable to Douglas’ re-elec- tion was chosen, although the Republicans elected their State ticket by a vote of 125,430, as against 121,609 for the regular Democratic ticket. The so-called Nationals received but 5,071 votes. Not a single Buchanan Democrat was elected to either house, which rendered the vindication of Douglas before the people the more gratifying to his friends. The aggregate vote for State officers and Congressmen, by districts, is as follows: Treasurer. James Miller, R 125,430 Wm. B. Fondey, D 121,609 John Dougherty, B. D 5,071 Superintendent of Public Instruction. Newton Bateman, R 124,556 Augustus C. French, D 122,413 John Reynolds, B. D 5,173 44 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Members of Congress — First District. Elihu B. Washburne, B 15,811 Hiram Bright. D 6,457 Bichard H. Jackson 370 Scattering 7 Second District. John F. Farnsworth, B 21,797 Thomas Dyer D 13,198 B. F. Blackburn 701 Scattering 3 Third District. Owen Lovejoy, B 22,313 George W. Armstrong D 14,988 David Leroy 1,328 Scattering 14 Fourth District. William Kellogg, B 19,487 James W. Davidson D 16,860 Jacob Gale 553 Scattering 1 Fifth District. Isaac N. Morris, D 13,529 Jackson Grimshaw B 11,648 Jacob C. Davis 504 Sixth District. Thomas L. Harris, D 16,193 James H. Matheny 11,646 John L. McConnel 275 Scattering 3 Seventh District. James C. Bohinson, D 13,588 Bichard J. Oglesby B 11,760 S. G. Baldwin 37 Scattering 1 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 45 Eighth District. Phillip B. Fouke, D 11,490 Jehu Baker R 8,410 Thomas M. Hope 198 Ninth District. John A. Logan, D 15,878 David L. Phillips R 2,796 IVm. K. Parrish 144 i CHAPTER VI, DOUGLAS AND LINCOLN-1858, Lincoln’s Challenge of Douglas for a Joint Debate— Douglas’ Reply— Lin- coln’s Rejoinder— Debate at Freeport. The campaign between Douglas and Lincoln for a seat in the United States Senate, was the most noted in the annals of the history of any of the States; and we have given precedence to the name of Douglas for the reason that at that time he was regarded as the foremost states- man in the land; while the reputation of Lincoln was confined chiefly to his own State. The character of the two men as regards their prominence in the public mind may be better understood by quoting briefly from a speech made by Mr. Lincoln, in Springfield, on the evening of the 28th of July, which is taken from a report printed in the State Register of the following day. Referring to Douglas, he said: “All the anxious politicians of his party have been looking to him as certainly at no very distant 46 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. day to be the President of the United States. They have seen in his round, jolly, fruitful face, post-offices, land- offices, marshalships, and cabinet appointments, charge- ships and foreign missions bursting and spouting out in wonderful exuberance, ready to be laid hold of by their greedy hands. And as they have been gazing upon this attractive picture so long, they cannot, in the little dis- traction that has taken place in the party, bring them- selves to quite give up the charming hope; but with greedier anxiety they rush about him, sustain him, give him marches, triumphal entries and receptions beyond what even in the days of his highest prosperity they could have brought about in his favor. On the contrary, no- body has ever expected me to be President. ” Although there is some sarcasm mixed with this allusion to Doug- las, yet it is evident that Mr. Lincoln felt that his adver- sary possessed an advantage over him by reason of his National reputation ; and it is doubtful if Lincoln himself, or any of his warmest admirers, had the slighest hope that he would ever rise to the exalted position in which Douglas was held in the eyes of his countrymen. The Democratic party was divided. There was the Buchanan Democracy, and the Douglas Democracy. The Administration of Buchanan had sought to force Kansas into the union of States with a constitution which pro- tected slavery. Douglas had opposed this unjust policy with manly courage, and the issue was carried to Illinois, and on it he made his campaign for re-election to the United States Senate. The office-holders were opposed to him, but the untrammeled masses of his party were almost to a man in favor of his re-election, notwithstand- ing the State convention had given him only a half- hearted endorsement. Lincoln, on the other hand, had been chosen by a State convention of the Republican party as their candidate for United States Senator, with POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 47 the unqualified avowal that he was opposed to the further extension of slavery. At the convention which nominated him for that distinguished trust, which was held in Spring- field, that year, Mr. Lincoln, in the course of an address to that body, gave utterance to these memorable words : “If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we could then better judge what to do, and how to do it. We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not cased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. ‘A house divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved — I do not expect the house to fall— but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or, its advocates will put it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as South. Have we no tendency to the latter condition?" Mr. Lincoln had evi- dently been deeply impressed with the National situation upon the question of slavery, and while his party had no well defined theory as to what ought to be done in the premises, or what would be the final outcome of the mo- mentous issue, yet he believed in his own mind that the slavery question could not long continue to agitate the public mind in the form it then presented itself, but that sooner or later a crisis would come which would forever remove the subject from controversy between the people 48 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. of the North and South, and these words were as pro- phetic as they were significant, and showed conclusively that Lincoln thought more of the true interests of his country than he did of his personal advancement polit- ically. On the 24th of July, Lincoln challenged Douglas to a joint discussion of the issues between the two parties, and after some circumlocution on the part of the great Sena- tor, he accepted the challenge, suggesting seven meetings, naming Ottawa, Freeport, Jonesboro, Charleston, Gales- burg, Quincy and Alton, reserving for himself four openings and closings. Lincoln accepted the proposition without delay and without ceremony. The debates were attended by thousands upon thousands of people, many of whom came from neighboring States, traveling hundreds of miles to witness the intellectual conflict between these great men. Indeed, the contest attracted the attention of the people of every State in the Union, and from that time to this our State has really been the central figure in National politics. This discussion even surpassed the cam- paign of Henry A. Wise against Native Americanism in Virginia. While it lasted, many people turned aside from their daily pursuits, and employed their time in watching and reading the progress of this most wonderful and excit- ing contest, which opened at Ottawa on the 21st of August, and closed at Alton on the 15th of October, occupying a period of fifty-six days. The debates were produced in book-form under the direction of their respective short- hand reporters, and we deem it but fit that we should reproduce one of their joint discussions in full, that the reader may form a better idea of the mental character of these grand men as they appeared before the country. We have selected the meeting which took place at Free- port on the 27 th of August as the one which shall best serve that purpose, it being their second joint debate. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 49 The interrogatories put to Douglas on that occasion by Lincoln undoubtedly had the effect to return Douglas to the Senate, and make Lincoln President. Here is the correspondence which passed between them in relation to the joint debate : Mr. Lincoln to Mr. Douglas. “Chicago, III., July 24, 1858. “Hon. S. A. Douglas — My Dear Sir: Will it be agree- able to you to make an arrangement for you and myself to divide time, and address the same audiences the pres- ent canvass? Mr. Judd, who will hand you this, is author- ized to receive your answer; and, if agreeable to you, to enter into the terms of such agreement. “Your obedient servant, “A. Lincoln.” Mr. Douglas to Mr. Lincoln. “Chicago, III., July 24, 1858. “ Hon. A. Lincoln — Dear Sir .* Your note of this date, in which you inquire if it would be agreeable to me to make an arrangement to divide the time and address the same audiences during the present canvass, was handed me by Mr. Judd. Decent events have interposed difficulties in the way of such an arrangement. “I went to Springfield last week for the purpose of con- ferring with the Democratic State Central Committee upon the mode of conducting the canvass, and with them, and under their advice, made a list of appointments covering the entire period until late in October. The people of the several localities have been notified of the times and places of the meetings. Those appointments have all been made for Democratic meetings, and arrangements have been made by which the Democratic candidates for Congress, for the Legislature, and other offices, will be present and address the people. It is evident, therefore, that these various candidates, in connection with myself, will occupy the whole time of the day and evening, and leave no opportunity for other speeches. “Besides, there is another consideration which should be kept in mind. It has been suggested recently that an arrangement had been made to bring out a third candi- date for the United States Senate, who, with yourself, CO POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. should canvass the State in opposition to me, with no other purpose than to insure my defeat, by dividing the Democratic party for your benefit. If I should make this arrangement with you, it is more than probable that this other candidate, who has a common object with you, would desire to become a party to it, and claim the right to speak from the same stand; so that he and you, in concert, might be able to take the opening and closing speech in every case. “ I cannot refrain from expressing my surprise, if it was your original intention to invite such an arrangement, that you should have waited until after I had made my appoint- ments, inasmuch as we were both here in Chicago together for several days after my arrival, and again at Blooming- ton, Atlanta, Lincoln and Springfield, where it was well known I went for the purpose of consulting with the State Central Committee, and agreeing upon the plan of the campaign. “ While, under these circumstances, I do not feel at liberty to make any arrangements which would deprive the Demo- cratic candidates for Congress, State offices, and the Legis- lature from participating in the discussion at the various meetings designated by the Democratic State Central Com- mittee, I will, in order to accommodate you as far as it is in my power to do so, take the responsibility of making an arrangement with you for a discussion between us at one prominent point in each Congressional District in the State, except the second and sixth districts, where we have both spoken, and in each of which cases you had the con- cluding speech. If agreeable to you, I will indicate the following places as those most suitable in the several Con- gressional Districts at which we should speak, to-wit: Freeport, Ottawa, Galesburg, Quincy, Alton, Jonesboro and Charleston. I will confer with you at the earliest con- venient opportunity in regard to the mode of conducting the debate, the times of meeting at the several places, subject to the condition, that where appointments have already been made by the Democratic State Central Com- mittee at any of those places, I must insist upon you meeting me at the times specified. “Very respectfully, your most obedient servant, “S. A. Douglas.” POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 51 Mr. Lincoln to Mr. Douglas. “ Springfield, July 29, 1858. “Hon. S. A. Douglas — Bear Sir: Yours of the 24th in relation to an arrangement to divide time, and address the same audiences, is received : and, in apology for not sooner replying, allow me to say, that when I sat by you at din- ner yesterday, I was not aware that you had answered my note, nor, certainly, that my own note had been presented to you. An hour after, I saw a copy of your answer in the Chicago Times , and, reaching home, I found the orig- inal awaiting me. Protesting that your insinuations of attempted unfairness on my part are unjust, and with the hope that you did not very considerately make them, I proceed to reply. To your statement that Tt has been sug- gested, recently, that an arrangement had been made to bring out a third candidate for the United States Senate, who, with yourself, should canvass the State in opposition to me/ etc., I can only say that such suggestion must have been made by yourself, for certainly none such has been made by or to me, or otherwise, to my knowledge. Surely you did not deliberately conclude, as you insinuate, that I was expecting to draw you into an arrangement of terms, to be agreed on by yourself, by which a third can- didate and myself, ‘in concert, might be able to take the opening and closing speech in every case.’ “As to your surprise that I did not sooner make the proposal to divide time with you, I can only say, I made it as soon as I resolved to make it. I did not know but that such proposal would come from you. I waited, re- spectfully, to see. It may have been well known to you that you went to Springfield for the purpose of agreeing on the plan of campaign ; but it was not so known to me. When your appointments were announced in the papers, extending only to the 21st of August, I, for the first time, considered it certain that you would make no proposal to me, and then resolved that, if my friends concurred, I would make one to you. As soon thereafter as I could see and consult with friends satisfactorily, I did make the proposal. It did not occur to me that the proposed ar- rangement could derange your plans after the latest of your appointments already made. After that, there was, before the election, largely over two months of clear time. “ For you to state that we have already spoken at Chicago and Springfield, and that on both occasions I had the con- cluding speech, is hardly a fair statement. The truth. 52 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. rather, is this: At Chicago, July 9th, you made a care- fully prepared conclusion on my speech of June 16th. Twenty-four hours after, I made a hasty conclusion on yours of the 9th. You had six days to prepare, and con- cluded on me again at Bloomington on the 16th. Twenty- four hours after, I concluded again on you at Springfield. In the meantime, you had made another conclusion on me at Springfield, which I did not hear, and of the contents of which I knew nothing when I spoke ; so that your speech made in daylight, and mine at night, of the 17th, at Spring- field, were both made in perfect independence of each other. The dates of making all these speeches will show, I think, that in the matter of time for preparation, the advantage has all been on your side, and that none of the external circumstances have stood to my advantage. “I agree to an arrangement for us to speak at the seven places you have named, and at your own times, provided you name the times at once, so that I, as well as you, can have myself the time not covered by the ar- rangement. As to the other details, I wish perfect reci- procity, and no more. I wish as much time as you, and that conclusions shall alternate. That is all. “Your obedient servant, “A. Lincoln.” “P. S. As matters now stand, I shall be at no more of your exclusive meetings ; and for about a week from to-day a letter from you will reach me at Springfield. “A. L.” Mr. Douglas to Mr. Lincoln. “Bement, Piatt Co., III., July 30. 1858. “ Dear Sir: Your letter, dated yesterday, accepting my proposition for a joint discussion at one prominent point in each Congressional District, as stated in my previous letter, was received this morning. “The times and places designated are as follows: Ottawa, LaSalle county, August 21st, 1858. Freeport, Stephenson county, August 27th, 1858. Jonesboro, Union county, September 15th, “ Charleston, Coles county, “ 18th, “ Galesburg, Knox county, October 7th, “ Quincy, Adams county, “ 13th, “ Alton, Madison county, “ 15th, “ , “I agree to your suggestion that we shall alternately open and close the discussion. I will speak at Ottawa POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 58 one hour, you can reply, occupying an hour and a half, and I will then follow for half an hour. At Freeport you shall open the discussion, and speak one hour, I will fol- low for an hour and a half, and you can then reply for half an hour. We will alternate in like manner in each successive place. “ Yery respectfully, your obedient servant, “S. A. Douglas/' “Hon. A. Lincoln, Springfield, 111.” Mr. Lincoln to Mr. Douglas. “ Springfield, III., July 81, 1858. “Hon. S. A. Douglas — Dear Sir : Yours of yesterday, naming places, times and terms, for joint discussions be- tween us, was received this morning. Although, by the terms, as you propose, you take four openings and closings, to my three , I accede, and thus close the arrangement. I direct this to you at Hillsboro, and shall try to have both your letter and this appear in the Journal and Register of Monday morning. “Your obedient servant, “A. Lincoln.” Second Joint Debate at Freeport, August 27, 1858. mr. Lincoln's speech. “Ladies and Gentlemen: On Saturday last, Judge Douglas and myself first met in public discussion. He spoke one hour, I an hour and a half, and he replied for half an hour. The order is now reversed. I am to speak an hour, he an hour and a half, and then I am to reply for half an hour. I propose to devote myself during the first hour to the scope of what was brought within the range of his half hour's speech at Ottawa. Of course there was brought within the scope in that half hour’s speech something of his own opening speech. In the course of that opening argument Judge Douglas proposed to me seven distinct interrogatories. In my speech of an hour and a half, I attended to some other parts of his speech, and incidentally, as I thought, answered one of the inter- rogatories then. I then distinctly intimated to him that I would answer the rest of his interrogatories on condi- tion only that he should agree to answer as many for me. .54 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. He made no intimation at the time of the proposition, nor did he in his reply allude at all to that suggestion of mine. I do him no injustice in saying that he occu- pied at least half of his reply in dealing with me as though I had refused to answer his interrogatories. I now propose that I will answer any of the interrogatories, upon condition that he will answer questions from me not ex- ceeding the same number. I give him an opportunity to respond. The Judge remains silent. I now say that I will answer his interrogatories, whether he answers mine or not ; and that after I have done so, I shall propound mine to him. “ I have supposed myself, since the organization of the Republican party at Bloomington, in May, 1856, bound, as a party man, by the platforms of the party, then and since. If, in any interrogatories which I shall answer, I go beyond the scope of what is within these platforms, it will be perceived that no one is responsible but my- self. Having said this much, I will take up the Judge’s interrogatories as I find them printed in the Chicago Times , and answer them seriatim . In order that there may be no mistake about it, I have copied the interroga- tories in writing, and also my answers to them. The first one of these interrogatories is in these words : ” Question 1. “I desire to know whether Lincoln to-day stands, as he did in 1854, in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law?” Answer. “I do not now, nor ever did, stand in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law.’’ Q. 2. “I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged to-day, as he did in 1854, against the admission of any more slave States into the Union, even if the people want them?” A. “I do not now, nor ever did, stand pledged against the admission of any more slave States into the Union.” Q. 8. “I want to know whether he stands pledged against the admission of a new State into the Union with such a constitution as the people of that State may see fit to make ? ” A. “I do not stand pledged against the admission of a new State into the Union, with such a constitution as the people of that State may see fit to make.” Q. 4. “I want to know whether he stands to-day, pledged to the abolition of slavery in the District of Col- umbia?” POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 55 A. “I do not stand to-day pledged to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia.” Q. 5. “I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged to the prohibition of the slave-trade between the different States?” A. “I do not stand pledged to the prohibition of the slave-trade between the different States.” Q. 6. “I desire to know whether he stands pledged to prohibit slavery in all the Territories of the United States, north as well as south of the Missouri Compromise line?” A. “1 am impliedly, if not expressly, pledged to a belief in the right and duty of Congress to prohibit slavery in all the United States Territories. ” Q. 7. “ I desire him to answer whether he is opposed to the acquisition of any new territory unless slavery is first prohibited therein.” A. “ I am not generally opposed to honest acquisition of territory; and, in any given case, I would or would not oppose such acquisition, accordingly as I might think such acquisition would or would not aggravate the slavery ques- tion among ourselves.” “Now, my friends, it will be perceived, upon an exam- ination of these questions and answers, that, so far, I have only answered that I was not pledged to this, that or the other. The Judge has not framed his interrogatories to ask me anything more than this, and I have answered in strict accordance with the interrogatories, and have answered truly that I am not pledged at all upon any of the points to which I have answered. But I am not disposed to hang upon the exact form of his interrogatory. I am, rather, disposed to take up at least some of these questions, and state what I really think upon them. “ As to the first one, in regard to the Fugitive Slave Law, I have never hesitated to say, and I do not now hesi- tate to say, that I think, under the Constitution of the United States, the people of the Southern States are en- titled to a Congressional Fugitive Slave Law. Having said that, I have had nothing to say in regard to the existing Fugi- tive Slave Law, further than that I think it should have been framed so as to be free from some of the objections that pertain to it, without lessening its efficiency. And inasmuch as we are not now in an agitation in regard to an alteration or modification of that law, I would not be the man to introduce it as a new subject of agitation upon the general question of slavery. 56 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. “ In regard to the other question, of whether I am pledged to the admission of any more slave States into the Union, I state to you very frankly that I would be exceedingly sorry ever to be put in a position of having to pass upon that question. I should be exceedingly glad to know that there would never be another slave State admitted into the Union; but, I must add, that if slavery shall be kept out of the Territories during the territorial existence of any one given Territory, and then the people shall, having a fair chance and a clear field, when they come to adopt the con- stitution, do such an extraordinary thing as to adopt a slave constitution, uninfluenced by the actual presence of the institution among them, I see no alternative, if we own the country, but to admit them into the Union. “The third interrogatory is answered by the answer to the second, it being, as I conceive, the same as the second. “ The fourth one is in regard to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. In relation to that I have my mind distinctly made up. I should be exceedingly glad, to see slavery abolished in the District of Columbia. I believe that Congress possesses the constitutional power to abolish it. Yet, as a member of Congress, I should not, with my present views, be in favor of endeavoring to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, unless it would be upon these conditions : First , that the abolition should be gradual ; second , that it should be on a vote of the ma- jority of qualified voters in the District; and third , that compensation should be made to unwilling owners. With these three conditions, I confess I would be exceedingly glad to see Congress abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and, in the language of Henry Clay, * sweep from our capital that foul blot upon our Nation.’ “In regard to the fifth interrogatory, I must say here, that as to the question of the abolition of the slave-trade between the different States, I can truly answer, as I have,, that I am pledged to nothing about it. It is a subject to which I have not given that mature consideration that would make me feel authorized to state a position so as to hold myself entirely bound by it. In other words, that question has never been prominently enough before me to induce me to investigate whether we really have the con- stitutional power to do it. I could investigate it, if I had sufficient time to bring myself to a conclusion upon that subject; but I have not done so, and I say so frankly to you here, and to Judge Douglas. I must say, however, that if I should be of opinion that Congress does possess POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 57 ' the constitutional power to abolish the slave-trade among the different States, I should still not be in favor of the exercise of that power, unless upon some conservative principle, as I conceive it akin to what I have said in relation to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. “My answer as to whether I desire that slavery should be prohibited in all the Territories of the United States, is full and explicit within itself, and cannot be made clearer by any comments of mine. So, I suppose, in regard to the question, whether I am opposed to the acquisition of any more territory unless slavery is first prohibited therein, my answer is such that I could add nothing by way of illustration, or making myself better understood, than the answer which I have placed in waiting. “Now, in all this the Judge has me, and he has me on the record. I suppose he had flattered himself that I was really entertaining one set of opinions for one place and another set for another place— that I was afraid to say at one place what I uttered at another. What I am say- ing here, I suppose I say to a vast audience as strongly tending to Abolitionism as any audience in the State of Illinois, and I believe I am saying that which, if it would be offensive to any persons and render them enemies to myself, would be offensive to persons in this audience. “I now proceed to propound to the Judge the interroga- tories, so far as I have framed them. I will bring forward a new installment when I get them ready. I will bring them forward now, only reaching to number four. The first one is : “Question 1. If the people of Kansas shall, by means entirely unobjectionable in all other respects, adopt a State constitution, and ask admission into the Union under it, before they have the requisite number of inhabitants, according to the English bill — some ninety-three thousand — will you vote to admit them? “Q. 2. Can the people of a United States Territory, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation of a State constitution? “Q. 8. If the Supreme Court of the United States shall decide that States cannot exclude slavery from their limits, are you in favor of acquiescing in, adopting and following such decision as a rule of political action? 58 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. “ Q. 4. Are you in favor of acquiring additional territory, in disregard of how such acquisition may affect the Nation on the slavery question? “As introductory to these interrogatories which Judge Douglas propounded to me at Ottawa, he read a set of resolutions which he said Judge Trumbull and myself had participated in adopting, in the first Eepublican State Con- vention, held at Springfield, in October, 1854. He insisted that I and Judge Trumbull, and perhaps the entire Eepub- lican party, were responsible for the doctrines contained in the set of resolutions which he read, and I understand that it was from that set of resolutions that he deduced the interrogatories which he propounded to me, using these resolutions as a sort of authority for propounding those questions to me. Now, I say here to-day, that I do not answer his interrogatories because of their springing at all from that set of resolutions which he read. I answered them because Judge Douglas thought fit to ask them. I do not now, nor never did, recognize any responsibility upon myself in that set of resolutions. When I replied to him on that occasion, I assured him that I never had anything to do with them. I repeat here to-day, that I never, in any possible form, had anything to do with that set of resolutions. It turns out, I believe, that those res- olutions were never passed in any convention held in Springfield. It turns out that they were never passed at any convention or any public meeting that I had any part in. I believe it turns out, in addition to all this, that there was not, in the fall of 1854, any convention holding a session in Springfield, calling itself a Eepublican State Convention, yet it is true there was a convention, or assemblage of men calling themselves a convention, at Springfield, that did pass some resolutions. But so little did I really know of the proceedings of that convention, or what set of resolutions they had passed, though having a general knowledge that there had been such an assem- blage of men there, that when Judge Douglas read the resolutions, I really did not know but they had been the resolutions passed then and there. I did not question that they were the resolutions adopted. For I could not bring myself to suppose that Judge Douglas could say w r hat he did upon this subject without knoiving that it was true. I contented myself, on that occasion, with denying, as I truly could, all connection with them, not denying or affirming whether they were passed at Springfield. Now, it turns out, that* he had got hold of some resolutions POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 59 passed at some convention or public meeting in Kane county. I wish to say here, that I don’t conceive that, in any fair and just mind, this discovery relieves me at all. I had just as much to do with the convention in Kane county as that at Springfield. I am just as much responsible for the resolutions at Kane county as those at Springfield, — the amount of the responsibility being exactly nothing in either case, — no more than there would be in regard to a set of resolutions passed in the moon. “I allude to this extraordinary matter in this canvass for some further purpose than anthing yet advanced. Judge Douglas did not make his statement upon that occa- sion as matters that he believed to be true, but he stated them roundly as being true , in such form as to pledge his veracity for their truth. When the whole matter turns out as it does, and when we consider who Judge Douglas is — that he is a distinguished Senator of the United States — that he has served nearly twelve years as such, that his character is not at all limited as an ordinary Senator of the United States, but that his name has become of world-wide renown, it is most extraordinary that he should so far forget all the suggestions of justice to an adversary, or of prudence to himself, as to venture upon the asser- tion of that which the slightest investigation would have shown him to be wholly false. I can only account for his having done so, upon the supposition that that evil genius which has attended him through his life, giving to him an apparent astounding prosperity, such as to lead very many good men to doubt there being any advantage in virtue over vice, — I say I can only account for it on the supposition that that evil genius has at last made up its mind to forsake him. “And I may add, that another extraordinary feature of the Judge’s conduct in this canvass — made more extraor- dinary by this incident — is, that he is in the habit, in almost all the speeches he makes, of charging falsehood upon his adversaries, myself and others. I now ask whether he is able to find in anything that Judge Trumbull, for instance, has said, or in anything that I have said, a justification at all compared with what we have, in this instance, shown him capable of, for that sort of vulgarity. “I have been in the habit of charging, as a matter of belief on my part, that, in the introduction of the Ne- braska bill into Congress, there was a conspiracy to make slavery perpetual and National. I have arranged, from time to time, the evidence which establishes and proves 60 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. the truth of this charge. I recurred to this charge at. Ottawa. I shall not now have time to dwell upon it at any very great length ; but, inasmuch as Judge Douglas, in his reply of half an hour, made some points upon me in relation to it, I propose noticing a few of them. The Judge insists that in the first speech I made, in which I very distinctly made that charge, he thought for a good while I was in fun ! — that I was playful— that I was not sincere about it — and that he only grew angry and some- what excited when he found that I insisted upon it as a matter of earnestness. He says he characterized it as a falsehood as far as I implicated his moral character in that transaction. Well, I did not know, till he presented that view, that I had implicated his moral character. He is very much in the habit, when he argues me up into a position I never thought of occupying, of very cursorily say- ing he has no doubt Lincoln is 'conscientious’ in saying so. He should remember that I did not know but what; he was altogether 'conscientious’ in the matter. I can conceive it possible for men to conspire to do a good thing, and I really find nothing in Judge Douglas’ course or arguments that is contrary to or inconsistent with his belief of a conspiracy to nationalize and spread slavery as being a good and blessed thing, and so I hope he will understand that I do not at all question but that in all this matter he is entirely ‘conscientious.’ “But to draw your attention to one of the points I made in this case, beginning at the beginning period when the Nebraska bill was introduced, or a short time after- ward, by an amendment, I believe, it was provided that it must be considered 'the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any State or Terri- tory, or to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their own domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States.’ I have called his attention to the fact that when he and some others began arguing that they were favoring an increased degree of liberty to the people in the Territories over and above what they formerly had on the question of slavery, a ques- tion was raised whether the law was enacted to give such unconditional liberty to the people, and to test the sin- cerity of this mode of argument, Mr. Chase, of Ohio, introduced an amendment, in which he made the law — if the amendment was adopted — expressly declare that the people of the Territory should have the power to exclude POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 61 slavery if they saw fit. I have asked attention, also, to the fact that Judge Douglas, and those who acted with him, voted that amendment down, notwithstanding it expressed exactly the thing they said was the true intent and meaning of the law. I have called attention to the fact that in subsequent times, a decision of the Supreme Court has been made, in which it has been declared that a Territorial Legislature has no constitutional right to exclude slavery. And I have argued and said that to men who did intend that the people of the Territory should have the right to exclude slavery absolutely and unconditionally, the voting down of Chase’s amendment is wholly inexplicable; it is a puzzle — a riddle. But I have said that with men who did not look forward to such a decision, or who had it in contemplation that such a decision of the Supreme Court w 7 ould or might be made, the voting down of that amendment would be perfectly rational and intelligible. It would keep Congress from coming in collision with the decision when it was made. Anybody can conceive that if there was an intention or expectation that such a decision was to follow, it would be a very undesirable party attitude to get into, for the Supreme Court — all, or nearly all, its members belong- ing to the same party — to decide one way, when the party in Congress had decided the other way. Hence it would be very rational for men expecting such a decision, to keep the niche in that law clear for it. After pointing this out, I tell Judge Douglas that it looks to me as though here was the reason why Chase’s amendment was voted down. I tell him that as he did it, and knows why he did it, if it was done for a reason different from this, he knows what that reason was , and can tell us what it was . I tell him, also, it will be vastly more satisfactory to the country for him to give some other plausible, intelligible reason why it was voted down, than to stand upon his dignity and call people liars. Well, on Saturday he did make his answer, and what do you think it was? He says if I had only taken upon myself to tell the whole truth about that amendment of Chase’s, no explanation w r ould have been necessary on his part— or words to that effect. Now, I say here, that I am quite unconscious of having suppressed anything material to the case, and I am very frank to admit if there is any sound reason other than that which appeared to me material, it is quite fair for him to present it. What reason does he propose? That when Chase came forward with his amendment 62 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. expressly authorizing the people to exclude slavery from the limits of every Territory, Gen. Cass proposed to Chase, if he (Chase) would add to this amendment that the peo- ple should have the power to introduce or exclude, they would let it go. This is substantially all of his reply. And because Chase would not do that, they voted his amendment down. Well, it turns out, I believe, upon examination, that Gen. Cass took some part in the little running debate upon that amendment, and then ran away and did not vote on it at all. Is not that the fact? So confident, as I think, was Gen. Cass that there was a snake somewhere about, he chose to run away from the whole thing. This is an inference I draw from the fact that, though he took part in the debate, his name does not appear in the ayes and noes. But does Judge Doug- las’ reply amount to a satisfactory answer? (Cries of “yes!” “yes!” and “no!” “no!”) There is some lit- tle difference of opinion here. But I ask attention to a few more views bearing on the question of whether it amounts to a satisfactory answer. The men who were determined that that amendment should not get into the bill and spoil the place where the Dred Scott decision was to come in, sought an excuse to get rid of it some- where. One of these ways — one of these excuses — was to ask Chase to add to his proposed amendment a provision that the people might introduce slavery if they wanted to. They very well knew Chase would do no such thing — that Mr. Chase was one of the men differing from them on the broad principle of his insisting that freedom was bet- ter than slavery, — a man who would not consent to enact a law, penned with his own hand, by which he was made to recognize slavery on the one hand and liberty on the other, as precisely equal ; and when they insisted on his doing this they very well knew they insisted on that which he would not for a moment think of doing, and that they were only bluffing him. I believe (I have not, since he made his answer, had a chance to examine the journals or Congressional Globe , and therefore speak from memory) — I believe the state of the bill at that time, according to parliamentary rules, was such that no mem- ber could propose an additional amendment to Chase’s amendment. I rather think this is the truth — the Judge shakes his head. Very well. I would like to know, then, if they wanted Chase's amendment fixed over , why somebody else could not have offered to do it*} If they wanted it amended, why did they not offer the amendment? Why POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 63 did they stand there taunting and quibbling at Chase? Why did they not put it in themselves ? But to put it on the other ground : suppose that there was such an amend- ment offered, and Chase’s was an amendment to an amendment; until one is disposed of by parliamentary law you can not pile another on. Then all these gentle- men had to do was to vote Chase’s on, and then in the amended form in which the whole stood add their own amendment to it, if they wanted to put it in that shape. This was all they were obliged to do, and the ayes and noes show that there were thirty-six who voted it down, against ten who voted in favor of it. The thirty-six held entire sway and control. They could, in some form or other, have put that bill in the exact shape they wanted. If there was a rule preventing their amending it at the time, they could pass that, and then, Chase’s amendment being merged, put it in the shape they wanted. They did not choose to do so, but they went into a quibble with Chase to get him to add what they knew he would not add, and because he would not, they stood upon that flimsy pretext for voting down what they argued was the meaning and intent of their own bill. They left room thereby for this Dred Scott decision, which goes very far to make slavery national throughout the United States. “I pass one or two points I have because my time will very soon expire, but I must be allowed to say that Judge Douglas recurs again, as he did upon one or two other occasions, to the enormity of Lincoln — an insignificant indi- vidual like Lincoln — upon his ipse dixit charging a con- spiracy upon a large number of members of Congress, the Supreme Court and two Presidents, to nationalize slavery ! I want to say that, in the first place, I have made no charge of this sort upon my ipse dixit . I have only arrayed the evidence tending to prove it, and presented it to the understanding of others, saying what I think it proves, but giving you the means of judging whether it proves it or not. This is precisely what I have done. I have not placed it upon my ipse dixit at all. On this occasion, I wish to recall his attention to a piece of evi- dence which I brought forward at Ottawa on Saturday, showing that he made substantially the same charge against substantially the same persons , excluding his dear self from the category. I ask him to give some attention to the evidence which I brought forward, that he himself had discovered a ‘fatal blow being struck’ against the right of the people to exclude slavery from their limits, 64 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS which fatal blow he assumed as evidence in an article in the Washington Union, published ‘by authority.’ I ask by whose authority? He discovered a similar or identical provision in the Lecompton constitution. Made by whom ? The framers of that constitution. Advocated by whom? By all the members of the party in the Nation, who advocated the introduction of Kansas into the Union under the Lecompton constitution. “I have asked his attention to the evidence that he arrayed to prove that such a fatal blow was being struck, and to the facts which he brought forward in support of that charge — being identical with the one which he thinks so villainous in me. He pointed it not at a newspaper editor merely, but at the President and his Cabinet and the members of Congress advocating the Lecompton con- stitution and those framing that instrument. I must again *be permitted to remind him, that although my ipse clixit may not be as great as his, yet it somewhat reduces the force of his calling my attention to the enormity of my making a like charge against him. “Go on, Judge Douglas.” MR. DOUGLAS’ SPEECH. “Ladies and Gentlemen: The silence with which you have listened to Mr. Lincoln during his hour is creditable to this vast audience, composed of men of various* po- litical parties. Nothing is more honorable to any large mass of people assembled for the purpose of a fair discus- sion, than that kind and respectful attention that is yielded not only to your political friends, but to those who are opposed to you in politics. “ I am glad that at last I have brought Mr. Lincoln to the conclusion that he had better define his position on certain political questions to which I called his atten- tion at Ottawa. He there showed no disposition, no in- clination to answer them. I did not present idle questions for him to answer merely for my gratification. I laid the foundation for those interrogatories by showing that they constituted the platform of the party whose nominee he is for the Senate. I did not presume that I had the right to catechise him as I saw proper, unless I showed that his party, or a majority of it, stood upon the plat- form, and were in favor of the propositions upon which my questions were based. I desired simply to know, in- asmuch as he had been nominated as the first, last and POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 65 only choiee of his party, whether he concurred in the platform which that party had adopted for its govern- ment. In a few moments I will proceed to review the answers which he has given to these interrogatories ; but in order to relieve his anxiety, I will first respond to these which he has presented to me. Mark you, he has not presented interrogatories which have ever received the sanction of the party with which I am acting, and hence he has no other foundation for them than his own curiosity. “ First, he desires to know if the people of Kansas shall form a constitution by means entirely proper and unob- jectionable and ask admission into the Union as a State, before they have the requisite population for a member of Congress, whether I will vote for that admission. Well, now, I regret exceedingly that he did not answer that inter- rogatory himself before he put it to me, in order that we might understand, and not be left to infer, on which side he is. Mr. Trumbull, during the last session of Congress, voted from the beginning to the end against the admission of Oregon, although a free State, because she had not the requisite population for a member of Congress. Mr. Trum- bull would not consent, under any circumstances, to let a State, free or slave, come into the Union until it had the requisite population. As Mr. Trumbull is in the field, fighting for Mr. Lincoln, I would like to have Mr. Lincoln answ T er his own question and tell me whether he is fight- ing Trumbull on that issue or not. But I will answer his question. In reference to Kansas, it is my opinion, that as she has population enough to constitute a slave State, she has population enough for a free State. I will not make Kansas an exceptional case to the other States of the Union. I hold it to be a sound rule of universal appli- cation to require a Territory to contain the requisite pop- ulation for a member of Congress, before it is admitted as a State into the Union. I made that proposition in the Senate in 1856, and I renewed it during the last session, in a bill providing that no Territory of the United States should form a constitution and apply for admission until it had the requisite population. On another occasion I proposed that neither Kansas, or any other Territory, should be admitted until it had the requisite population. Con- gress did not adopt any of my propositions containing this general rule, but did make an exception of Kansas. I will stand by that exception. Either Kansas must come in as a free State, with whatever population she may have, — 5 66 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. or the rule must be applied to all the other Territories alike. I therefore answer at once, that it having been decided that Kansas has population enough for a slave State, I hold that she has enough for a free State. I hope Mr. Lincoln is satisfied with my answer; and now I would like to get his answer to his own interrogatory — whether or not he will vote to admit Kansas before she has the requisite population. I want to know whether he will vote to admit Oregon before that Territory has the requisite population. Mr. Trumbull will not, and the same reason that commits Mr. Trumbull against the admission of Oregon, commits him against Kansas, even if she should apply for admission as a free State. If there is any sin- cerity, any truth, in the argument of Mr. Trumbull in the Senate, against the admission of Oregon because she had not 98,420 people, although her population was larger than that of Kansas, he stands pledged against the admis- sion of both Oregon and Kansas until they have 98,420 inhabitants. I would like Mr. Lincoln to answer this ques- tion. I would like him to take his own medicine. If he differs with Mr. Trumbull, let him answer his argument against the admission of Oregon, instead of poking ques- tions at me. “ The next question propounded to me by Mr. Lincoln is, can the people of a Territory, in any lawful way, against the wishes of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from their limits prior to the formation of a State constitution? I answer emphatically, as Mr. Lincoln has heard me answer a hundred times from every stump in Illinois, that, in my opinion, the people of a Territory can, by lawful means, exclude slavery from their limits prior to the formation of a State constitution. Mr. Lincoln knew that I had answered that question over and over again. He heard me argue the Nebraska bill on that principle all over the State in 1854, in 1855, and in 1856, and he has no excuse for pretending to be in doubt as to my position on that question. It matters not what way the Supreme Court may hereafter decide as to the abstract question whether slavery may or may not go into a Ter- ritory under the constitution, the people have the lawful means to introduce it or exclude it, as they please, for the reason that slavery can not exist a day, or an hour, any- where, unless it is supported by local police regulations. Those police regulations can only be established by the local legislature, and if the people are opposed to slavery they will elect representatives to that body who will, by POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 67 unfriendly legislation effectually prevent the introduction of it into their midst. If, on the contrary, they are for it, their legislation will favor its extension. Hence, no matter what the decision of the Supreme Court may be on that abstract question, still the right of the people to make a slave Territory or a free Territory is perfect and complete under the Nebraska bill. I hope Mr. Lincoln deems my answer satisfactory on that point. “ In this connection, I will notice the charge which he has introduced in relation to Mr. Chase’s amendment. I thought I had chased that amendment out of Mr. Lin- coln’s brain at Ottawa; but it seems that still haunts his imagination, and he is not yet satisfied. I had supposed that he would be ashamed to press that question further. He is a lawyer, and has been a member of Congress, and has occupied his time and amused you by telling you about parliamentary proceedings. He ought to have known better than to try to palm off his miserable impositions upon this intelligent audience. The Nebraska bill provided that the legislative power and authority of the said Terri- tory should extend to all rightful subjects of legislation consistent with the organic act and the Constitution of the United States. It did not make any exception as to slavery, but gave all the power that it was possible for Congress to give, without violating the Constitution, to the Territorial Legislature, with no exception or limitation on the subject of slavery at all. The language of that bill, which I have quoted, gave the full power and the full authority over the subject of slavery, affirmatively and negatively, to introduce it or exclude it, so far as the Con- stitution of the United States would permit. What more could Mr. Chase give by his amendment? Nothing. He offered his amendment for the identical purpose for which Mr. Lincoln is using it — to enable demagogues in the country to try and deceive the people. “His amendment was to this effect: It provided that the Legislature should have the power to exclude slavery ; and Gen. Cass suggested, ‘Why not give the power to introduce as well as exclude?’ The answer was, they have the power already in the bill to do both. Chase was afraid his amendment would be adopted if he put the alterna- tive proposition and so make it fair both ways, but would not yield._ He offered it for the purpose of having it re- jected. He offered it, as he has himself avowed over and over again, simply to make capital out of it for the stump. He expected that it would be capital for small politicians 68 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. in the country, and that they would make an effort to deceive the people with it, and he was not mistaken, for Lincoln is carrying out the plan admirably. Lincoln knows that the Nebraska bill, without Chase’s amend- ment, gave all the power which the Constitution would permit. Could Congress confer any more? Could Con- gress go beyond the Constitution of the country? We gave all a full grant, with no exception in regard to slavery one way or the other. We left that question as we left all others, to be decided by the people for them- selves, just as they pleased. I will not occupy my time on this question. I have argued it before all over Illi- nois. I have argued it in this beautiful city of Freeport ; I have argued it in the North, the South, the East, and the West, avowing the same sentiments and the same principles. I have not been afraid to avow my sentiments up here for fear I would be trotted down into Egypt. “ The third question which Mr. Lincoln presented is, if the Supreme Court of the United States shall decide that a State of this Union cannot exclude slavery from its own limits, will I submit to it? I am amazed that Lincoln should ask such a question. (‘ A school-boy knows better.’) Yes, a school-boy does know better. Mr. Lin- coln’s object is to cast an imputation upon the Supreme Court. He knows that there never was but one man in America claiming any degree of intelligence or decency, who ever for a moment pretended such a thing. It is true that the Washington Union , in an article published on the 17th of last December, did put forth that doctrine, and I denounced the article on the floor of the Senate, in a speech which Mr. Lincoln now pretends was against the President. The Union had claimed that slavery had a right to go into the free States, and that any provision in the Constitution or laws of the free States to the con- trary were null and void. I denounced it in the Senate, as I said before, and I was the first man who did. Lin- coln’s friends, Trumbull, and Seward, and Hale, and Wil- son, and the whole Black Kepublican side of the Senate, were silent. They left it to me to denounce it, and what was the reply made to me on that occasion? Mr. Toombs, of Georgia, got up and undertook to lecture me on the ground that I ought not to have deemed the article worthy of notice, and ought not to have replied to it ; that there was not one man, woman or child south of the Potomac, in any slave State, who did not repudiate any such pre- tension. Mr. Lincoln knows that that reply was made POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 69 on the spot, and yet now he asks this question. He might as well ask me, suppose Mr. Lincoln should steal a horse, would I sanction it; and it would be as genteel in me to ask him, in the event he stole a horse, what ought to be done with him. He casts an imputation upon the Supreme Court of the United States, by supposing that they would violate the Constitution of the United States. I tell him that such a thing is not possible. It would be an act of moral treason that no man on the bench could ever descend to. Mr. Lincoln himself would never, in his partisan feelings, so far forget what was right as to be guilty of such an act. The fourth question of Mr. Lincoln is, are you in favor of acquiring additional territory, in disregard as to how such acquisition may affect the Union on the slavery question? This question is very ingeniously and cunningly put. “The Black Republican creed lays it down expressly, that under no circumstances shall we acquire any more territory unless slavery is first prohibited in the country. I ask Mr. Lincoln whether he is in favor of that propo- sition. Are you (addressing Mr. Lincoln) opposed to the acquisition of any more territory, under any circumstances, unless slavery is prohibited in it? That he does not like to answer. When I ask him whether he stands up to that article in the platform of his party, he turns, Yankee fashion, and without answering it, asks me whether I am in favor of acquiring territory without regard to how it may affect the Union on the slavery question. I answer, that whenever it becomes necessary, in our growth and progress, to acquire more territory, that I am in favor of it, without reference to the question of slavery, and when we have acquired it I will leave the people free to do as they please, either to make it slave or free territory, as they prefer. It is idle to tell me or you that we have territory enough. Our fathers supposed that we had enough when our territory extended to the Mississippi river, but a few years’ growth and expansion satisfied them that we needed more, and the Louisiana territory, from the west branch of the Mississippi to the British possessions, was acquired. Then we acquired Oregon, then California and New Mexico. We have enough now for the present, but this is a young and growing Nation. It swarms as often as a hive of bees, and as new swarms are turned out each year, there must be hives in which they can gather and make their honey. In less than fifteen years, if the same progress that has distinguished this country for the 70 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. last fifteen years continues, every foot of vacant land be- tween this and the Pacific ocean, owned by the United States, will be occupied. Will you not continue to increase at the end of fifteen years as well as now? I tell you, increase, and multiply, and expand, is thq law ©f this Nation’s existence. You cannot limit this great Republic by mere boundary lines, saying, ‘thus far shalt thou go and no farther.’ Any one of you gentlemen might as well say to a son twelve years old that he is big enough, and must not grow any larger, and in order to prevent his growth put a hoop around him to keep him to his present size. What would be the result? Either the hoop must burst and be rent asunder, or the child must die. So it would be with this great Nation. With our natural in- crease, growing with a rapidity unknown in any other part of the globe, with the tide of emigration that is fleeing from despotism in the old world to seek refuge in our own, there is a constant torrent pouring into this country that requires more land, more territory upon which to settle, and just as fast as our interests and our destiny require additional territory in the North, in the South, or on the islands of the ocean, I am for it; and when we acquire it, will leave the people, according to the Nebraska bill, free to do as they please on the subject of slavery and every other question. “I trust now that Mr. Lincoln will deem himself answered on his four points. He racked his brain so much in devising these four questions that he exhausted him- self, and had not strength enough to invent others. As soon as he is able to hold a counsel with his advisers — Lovejoy, Farnsworth, and Fred. Douglass, he will frame and propound others. (‘Good, good.’) You Black Re- publicans who say good, I have no doubt think that they are all good men. I have reason to recollect that some people in this country think that Fred. Douglass is a very good man. The last time I came here to make a speech, while talking from the stand to you people of Freeport, as I am doing to-day, I saw a carriage, and a magnifi- cent one it was, drive up and take a position on the out- side of the crowd, a beautiful young lady was sitting on the box-seat, whilst Fred. Douglass and the lady’s mother reclined inside, and the owner of the carriage acted as driver. I saw this in your ow T n town. (‘What of it?’) All I have to say of it is this, that if you Black Repub- licans think that the negro ought to be on a social equality with your wives and daughters, and ride in a POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 71 carriage with your wife whilst you drive the team, you have a perfect right to do so. I am told that one of Fred. Douglass’ kinsmen, another rich black negro, is now traveling in this part of the State making speeches for his friend Lincoln as the champion of the black men. (‘What have you to say against it?’) All I have to say on that subject is, that those of you who believe that the negro is your equal and ought to be on an equality with you socially, politically and legally, have a right to enter- tain those opinions, and, of course, will vote for Mr. Lincoln. “I have a w T ord to say on Mr. Lincoln’s answer to the interrogatories contained in my speech at Ottawa, and which he has pretended to reply to here to-day. Mr. Lincoln makes a great parade of the fact that I quoted a platform as having been adopted by the Black Repub- lican party at Springfield, in 1854, which, it turns out, was adopted at another place. Mr. Lincoln loses sight of the thing itself in his ecstacies over the mistake I made in stating the place where it was done. He thinks that that platform was not adopted on the right ‘spot.’ “When I put the direct question to Mr. Lincoln, to ascertain whether he now stands pledged to that creed — to the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave law, a refusal to admit any more slave States into the Union, oven if the people want them, a determination to apply the Wilmot Proviso, not only to all the territory we now have, but all that we may hereafter acquire — he refused fo answer, and his followers say, in excuse, that the reso- lutions upon which I based my interrogatories were not adopted at the ‘ right spot .’ Lincoln and his political friends are great on ‘ spots .’ In Congress, as a represent- ative of this State, he declared the Mexican war to be unjust and infamous, and would not support it, or ac- knowledge his own country to be right in the contest, because, he said, that American blood was not shed on American soil in the Wight spot .’ And now he cannot answer the questions I put to him at Ottawa because the resolutions I read were not adopted at the Wight spot.' It may be possible that I was led into an error as to the spot on which the resolutions I then read were proclaimed, but I was not and am not in error as to the fact of their forming the basis of the creed of the Republican party, when that party was first organized. I will state to you the evidence I had, and upon which I relied for my state- ment that the resolutions in question were adopted at 72 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Springfield, on the 5th of October, 1854. Although I was* aware that such resolutions had been passed in this dis- trict, and nearly all the northern Congressional districts, and county conventions, I had not noticed whether or not they had been adopted by any State convention. In 1856, a debate arose in Congress between Major Thomas L. Harris, of the Springfield district, and Mr. Norton, of the Joliet district, on political matters connected with our State, in the course of which Major Harris quoted those resolutions as having been passed by the first Republican State Convention that ever assembled in Illinois. I knew that Major Harris was remarkable for his accuracy, that he was a very conscientious and sincere man, and I also noticed that Norton did not question the accuracy of this statement. I therefore took it for granted that it was so, and the other day, when I concluded to use the resolu- tions at Ottawa, I wrote to Charles H. Lanphier, editor of the State Register , at Springfield, calling his attention to them, telling him that I had been informed that Ma- jor Harris was lying sick at Springfield, and desiring him to call upon him and ascertain all the facts concerning the resolutions, the time and the place where they were adopted. In reply, Mr. Lanphier sent to me two copies of his paper, which I have here. The first is a copy of the State Register , published at Springfield, Mr. Lincoln’s own town, on the 16th of October, 1854, only eleven days after the adjournment of the convention, from which I desire to read the following: “ ‘During the late discussions in this city, Lincoln made a speech, to which Judge Douglas replied. In Lincoln’s speech he took the broad ground that, according to the Declaration of Independence, the whites and blacks are equal. Prom this he drew the conclusion, which he several times repeated, that the white man had no right to pass laws for the government of the black man with- out the nigger’s consent. This speech of Lincoln’s was heard and applauded by all the Abolitionists assembled in Springfield. So soon as Mr. Lincoln was done speak- ing, Mr. Codding arose, and requested all the delegates to the Black Republican Convention to withdraw into the Senate chamber. They did so, and after long delibera- tion, they laid down the following Abolition platform as the platform on which they stood. We call the attention of all our readers to it.’ “Then follows the identical platform, word for word, which I read at Ottawa. Now, that was published in Mr. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 73 Lincoln's own town, eleven days after the convention was held, and it has remained on record up to this day, never contradicted. “When I quoted the resolutions at Ottawa, and ques- tioned Mr. Lincoln in relation to them, he said that his name was on the committee that reported them, but he did not serve, nor did he think he served, because he was, or thought he was, in Tazewell county at the time the convention was in session. He did not deny that the res- olutions were passed by the Springfield convention. He did not know better, and, evidently, thought they were, but afterwards his friends declared that they had discov- ered that they varied in some respects from the resolutions passed by that convention. I have shown you that I had good evidence for believing that the resolutions had beem passed at Springfield. Mr. Lincoln ought to have known better ; but not a word is said about his ignorance on the subject, whilst I, notwithstanding the circumstances, am accused of forgery. “Now, I will show you that if I had made a mistake as to the place where these resolutions were adopted— and when I get down to Springfield I will investigate the mat- ter and see whether or not I have — that the principles they enunciate were adopted as to the Black Republican platform (‘white, white,’) in the various counties and con- gressional districts throughout the north end of the State,- in 1854. This platform was adopted in nearly every county that gave a Black Republican majority for the Legislature in that year, and here is a man (pointing to Mr. Denio, who sat on the stand near Deacon Bross) who knows as well as any living man that it was the creed of the Black Republican party at that time. I would be willing to call Denio as a witness, or any other honest man belonging to that party. I will now read the resolutions adopted at the Rockford convention on the 30th of August, 1854, which nominated Washburne, for Congress. You elected him on the following platform : “‘ Resolved , That the continued and increasing aggressions of slavery in our country are destructive of the best rights of a free people, and that such aggressions cannot be successfully resisted without the united political action of all good men. “‘ Resolved , That the citizens of the United States hold within their hands peaceful, constitutional and efficient remedies against the encroachment of the slave power, the 74 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. ballot-box, and, if that remedy is boldly and wisely ap- plied, the principles of liberty and eternal justice will be established. “‘Resolved, That we accept this issue forced upon us by the slave power, and in defense of freedom will co-operate and be known as Republicans, pledged to the accomplish- ment of the following purposes : “‘To bring the administration of the government back to the control of first principles ; to restore Kansas and Ne- braska to the position of free Territories; to repeal and entirely abrogate the Fugitive Slave Law; to restrict sla- very to those States in which it exists; to prohibit the admission of any more slave States into the Union; to exclude slavery from all the Territories over which the General Government has exclusive jurisdiction, and to resist the acquisition of any more Territories, unless the introduction of slavery therein forever shall have been prohibited. “‘Resolved, That in the furtherance of these principles w T e will use such constitutional and lawful means as shall seem best to their accomplishment, 'and that we will sup- port no man for office under the general or State govern- ment who is not positively committed to the support of these principles, and whose personal character and conduct is not a guaranty that he is reliable, and shall abjure all party allegiance and ties. “ ‘ Resolved , That we cordially invite persons of all former political parties, whatever, in favor of the object expressed in the above resolutions, to unite with us in carrying them into effect.’ “Well, you think that is a very good platform, do you not ? If you do, if you approve it now, and think it is all right, you will not join with those men who say that I libel you by balling these your principles, will you? Now, Mr. Lincoln complains ; Mr. Lincoln charges that I did you and him injustice by saying that this was the plat- form of your party. I am told that Mr. Washburne made a speech in Galena last night, in which he abused me awfully for bringing to light this platform, on which he was elected to Congress. He thought that you had for- gotten it, as he and Mr. Lincoln desires to. He did not deny but that you had adopted it, and that he had sub- scribed to and was pledged by it, but he did not think it was fair to call it up and remind the people that it was their platform. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 75 “But I am glad to find that you are more honest in your Abolitionism than your leaders, by avowing that it is your platform, and right in your opinion. “In the adoption of that platform, you not only declare that you would resist the admission of any more slave States, and work for the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law, but you pledged yourselves not to vote for any man for State or Federal offices who was not committed to these princi- ples. You were thus committed. Similar resolutions to those were adopted in your county convention here, and now with your admissions that they are your platform and embody your sentiments now as they did then, what do you think of Mr. Lincoln, your candidate for the United States Senate, who is attempting to dodge the responsi- bility of this platform because it was not adopted in the right spot. I thought it was adopted in Springfield, but it turns out it was not, that it was adopted at Bockford, and in the various counties which comprised this Congres- sional district. When I get into the next district I will show that the same platform was adopted there, and so on through the State, until I nail the responsibility of it upon the back of the Black Republican party throughout the State. “A voice — 'Couldn’t you modify and call it brown?’ Mr. Douglas — “Not a bit. I thought that you were be- coming a little brown when your members in Congress voted for the Crittenden-Montgomery bill, but since you have backed out from that position and gone back to abolitionism, you are black and not brown. “Gentlemen, I have shown you what your platform was in 1854. You still adhere to it. The same platform was adopted by nearly all the counties where the Black Repub- lican party had a majority in 1854. I wish now to call your attention to the action of your Representatives in the Legislature, when they assembled together at Spring- field. In the first place, you must remember that this was the organization of a new party. It is so declared in the resolutions themselves, which say that you are going to dissolve all old party ties, and call the new party Re- publican. The old Whig party was to have its throat cut from ear to ear, and the Democratic party was to be anni- hilated and blotted out of existence, while in lieu of these parties the Black Republican party was to be organized on this Abolition platform. You know who the chief leaders were in breaking up and destroying these two great par- ties. Lincoln on the one hand, and Trumbull on the 76 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. other, being disappointed politicians, and having retired or been driven to obscurity by an outraged constituency, because of their political sins, formed a scheme to abo- litionize the two parties, and lead the old line Whigs and old line Democrats captive, bound hand and foot, into the Abolition camp. Giddings, Chase, Fred. Douglass and Love- joy were here to christen them whenever they were brought in. Lincoln went to work to dissolve the old line Whig party. Clay was dead, and although the sod was not yet green on his grave, this man undertook to bring into dis- repute those great compromise measures of 1850, with which Clay and Webster were identified. Up to 1851, the old WTiig party and the Democratic party had stood on a common platform, so far as this slavery question was con- cerned. You Whigs and we Democrats differed about the bank, the tariff distribution, the specie circular and the subtreasury, but we agreed on this slavery question, and the true mode of preserving the peace and harmony of the Union. The compromise measures of 1850 were intro- duced by Clay, were defended by Webster, and supported by Cass, and were approved by Fillmore, and sanctioned by the National men of both parties. They constituted a common plank upon which both Whigs and Democrats stood. In 1852, the Whig party, in its last National Con- vention at Baltimore, endorsed and approved these meas- ures of Clay, and so did the National Convention of the Democratic party, held that same year. Thus, the old line Whigs and the old line Democrats stood pledged to the great principle of self-government, which guarantees to the people of each Territory the right to decide the slavery question for themselves. In 1854, after the death of Clay and Webster, Mr. Lincoln, on the part of the Whigs, undertook to abolitionize the Whig party, by dis- solving it, transferring the members into the Abolition camp, and making them train under Giddings, Fred. Douglass, Lovejoy, Chase, Farnsworth and other Abolition leaders. Trumbull undertook to dissolve the Democratic party by taking them into the Abolition camp. Mr. Lin- coln was aided in his efforts by many leading Whigs throughout the State. Your member of Congress, Mr. Washburne, being one of the most active. Trumbull was aided by many renegades from the Democratic party, among whom were John Wentworth, Tom Turner, and others, with whom you are familiar. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 77 (Mr. Turner, who was one of the moderators, here inter- posed and said that he had drawn the resolutions which Senator Douglas had read.) Mr. Douglas — “ Yes, and Turner says that he drew these resolutions.” (‘Hurrah for Turner,’ ‘Hurrah for Doug- las.’) “ That is right, give Turner cheers for drawing the resolutions if you approve them. If he drew those reso- lutions he w 7 ill not deny that they are the creed of the Black Bepublican party.” Mr. Turner — “They are our creed exactly.” Mr. Douglas — “And yet Lincoln denies that he stands on them. Mr. Turner says that the creed of the Black Bepublican party is the admission of no more slave States, and yet Mr. Lincoln declares that he would not like to be placed in a position where he would have to vote for them. All I have to say to friend Lincoln is, that I do not think there is much danger of his being placed in such a posi- tion. As Mr. Lincoln would be very sorry to be placed in such an embarrassing position as to be obliged to vote on the admission of any more slave States, I propose, out of sheer kindness, to relieve him from any such necessity. “ When the bargain between Lincoln and Trumbull was completed for abolitionizing the Whig and Democratic par- ties, they ‘spread’ over the State, Lincoln pretending to be an old line Whig, in order to ‘rope in’ the Whigs, and Trumbull pretending to be as good a Democrat as he ever was, in order to coax the Democrats over into the Aboli- tion ranks. They played the part that ‘ decoy ducks ’ play down on the Potomac river. In that part of the country they make artificial ducks, and put them on the water in places where the wild ducks are to be found, for the pur- pose of decoying them. Well, Lincoln and Trumbull played the part of these ‘decoy ducks,’ and deceived enough old line Whigs and old line Democrats to elect a Black Bepub- lican Legislature. When that Legislature met, the first thing it did was to elect as Speaker of the House the very man who is now boasting that he wrote the Abolition platform on which Lincoln will not stand. I want to know of Mr. Turner whether or not, when he was elected, he was a good embodiment of Bepublican principles?” Mr. Turner — “I hope I was then and am now/’ Mr. Douglas — “ He answers that he hopes he was then and is now. He wrote that Black Bepublican platform, and is satisfied with it now. I admire and acknowledge Turner’s honesty. Every man of you know that what he 78 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. says about these resolutions being the platform of the Black Republican party is true, and you also know that each one of these men, who are shuffling and trying to deny it, are only trying to cheat the people out of their votes, for the purpose of deceiving them still more after the election. , I propose to trace this thing a little further, in order that you can see what additional evidence there is to fasten this revolutionary platform upon the Black Republican party. When the Legislature assembled, there was an United States Senator to elect in the place of Gren. Shields, and before they proceeded to ballot, Lovejoy in- sisted on laying down certain principles by which to gov- ern the party. It has been published to the world, and satisfactorily proven, that there was, at the time the alli- ance was made between Trumbull and Lincoln to aboli- tionize the two parties, an agreement that Lincoln should take Shields’ place in the United States Senate, and Trum- bull should have mine so soon as they could conveniently get rid of me. When Lincoln was beaten for Shields’ place, in a manner I will refer to in a few minutes, he felt very sore and restive ; his friends grumbled, and some of them came out and charged that the most infamous treachery had been practiced against him ; that the bar- gain was that Lincoln was to have had Shields’ place, and Trumbull was to have waited for mine, but that Trum- bull, having the control of a few abolitionized Democrats, he prevented them from voting for Lincoln, thus keeping him within a few votes of an election until he succeeded in forcing the party to drop him and elect Trumbull. Well, Trumbull having cheated Lincoln, his friends made a fuss, and in order to keep them and Lincoln quiet, the party were obliged to come forward, in advance, at the last State election, and make a pledge that they would go for Lincoln and nobody else. Lincoln could not be silenced in any other way. “Now, there are a great many Black Republicans of you who do not know this thing was done. (‘White, white,’ and great clamor.) I wish to remind you, that while Mr. Lincoln was speaking there was not a Democrat vulgar and blackguard enough to interrupt him. But I know that the shoe is pinching you. I am clinching Lincoln now, and you are scared to death for the result. I have seen this thing before. I have seen men make appoint- ments for joint discussions, and the moment their man has been heard, try to interrupt and prevent a fair hearing of the other side. I have seen your mobs before, and defy POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 79 your wrath. My friends, do not cheer, for I need my whole time. The object of the opposition is to occupy my attention, in order to prevent me from giving the whole evidence and nailing this double dealing on the Black Republican party. As I have before said, Lovejoy de- manded a declaration of principles on the part of the Black Republicans of the Legislature before going into an election for United States Senator. He offered the follow- ing preamble and resolutions, which I hold in my hand. ‘“Whereas, Human slavery is a violation of the prin- ciples of natural and revealed rights ; and whereas, the fathers of the revolution, fully imbued with the spirit of these principles, declared freedom to be the inalienable birthright of all men; and whereas, the preamble to the Constitution of the United States avers that that instru- ment was ordained to establish justice, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity; and whereas, in futherance of the above principles, slavery was forever prohibited in the old Northwest territory, and more recently in all that territory lying west and north of the State of Missouri, by the act of the Federal Gov- ernment; and whereas, the repeal of the prohibition last referred to was contrary to the wishes of the people of Illinois, a violation of an implied compact, long deemed sacred by the citizens of the United States, and a wide departure from the uniform action of the General Govern- ment in relation to the extension of slavery ; therefore, “ ‘ Resolved by the House of Representatives, the Senate concurring therein, That our Senators in Congress be in- structed, and Representatives requested, to introduce, if not otherwise introduced, and to vote for, a bill to restore such prohibition to the aforesaid Territories, and also to extend a similar prohibition to all territory which now belongs to the United States, or which may hereafter come under their jurisdiction. “ ‘ Resolved , That our Senators in Congress be instructed, and our Representatives requested, to vote against the ad- mission of any State into the Union, the constitution of which does not prohibit slavery, whether the territory out of which such State may have been formed shall have been acquired by conquest, treaty, purchase, or from orig- inal territory of the United States. “ ‘ Resolved , That our Senators in Congress be instructed, and our Representatives requested, to introduce and vote for a bill to repeal an act entitled ‘an act respecting fugi- tives from justice and persons escaping from the service 80 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. of their masters/ and, failing in that, for such a modifi- cation of it as shall secure the right of habeas corpus and trial by jury before the regularly constituted authorities of the State, to all persons claimed as owing service or labor. “ Those resolutions were introduced by Mr. Lovejoy immediately preceding the election of Senator. They de- clared first, that the Wilmot Proviso must be applied to all territory north of 36 deg. 80 min. Secondly, that it must be applied to all territory south of 36 deg. 30 min. Thirdly, that it must be applied to all the territory now owned by the United States, and finally, that it must be applied to all territory hereafter to be acquired by the United States. The next resolution deblares that no more slave States shall be admitted into this Union under any circumstances whatever, no matter whether they are formed out of territory now 7 owned by us or that w 7 e may here- after acquire, by treaty, by Congress, or in any manner whatever. The next resolution demands the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave law, although its uncondi- tional repeal would leave no provision for carrying out that clause of the Constitution of the United States which guarantees the surrender of fugitives. If they could not get an unconditional repeal, they demanded that that law should be so modified as to make it as nearly useless as possible. Now 7 , I want to show you who voted for these resolutions. When the vote was taken on the first reso- lution it was decided in the affirmative — yeas 41, nays 32. You will find that this is a strict party vote, between the Democrats on the one hand, and the Black Republicans on the other. (Cries of ‘white, white/ and clamor.) I know your name, and always call things by their right name. The point I wish to call your attention to is this, that these resolutions were adopted on the 7th day of February, and that on the 8th they went into an election for a United States Senator, and that day every man who voted for these resolutions, with but two exceptions, voted for Lincoln for the United States Senate. (‘Give us their names.’) I will read the names over to you if you want them, but I believe your object is to occupy my time. “On the next resolution the vote stood, yeas 33, nays 40, and on the third resolution, yeas 35, nays 47. I w 7 ish to impress upon you, that every man who voted for those resolutions, with but two exceptions, voted on the next day for Lincoln for United States Senator. Bear in mind that the members who thus voted for Lincoln were elected to the Legislature pledged to vote for no man for office POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 81 under the State or Federal Government who was not com- mitted to this Black Republican platform. They were all so pledged. Mr. Turner, who stands by me, and who then represented you, and who says that he wrote those resolu- tions, voted for Lincoln, when he was pledged not to do so unless Lincoln was in favor of those resolutions. I now ask Mr. Turner, (turning to Mr. Turner,) did you violate your pledge in voting for Mr. Lincoln, or did he commit himself to your platform before you cast your vote for him? “I could go through the whole list of names here and show you that all the Black Republicans in the Legisla- ture, who voted for Mr. Lincoln, had voted on the day previous for these resolutions. For instance, here are the names of Sargent and Little of JoDaviess and Car- roll, Thomas J. Turner of Stephenson, Lawrence of Boone and McHenry, Swan of Lake, Pinckney of Ogle and Lyman of Winnebago counties. Thus you see that every member from your Congressional district voted for Mr. Lincoln, and they were pledged not to vote for him un- less he committed himself to the doctrine of no more slave States, and the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law. Mr. Lincoln tells you to-day that he is not pledged to rany such doctrine. Either Mr. Lincoln was then com- mitted to those propositions, or Mr. Turner violated his pledges to you when he voted for him. Either Lincoln was pledged to each one of those propositions, or else every Black Republican Representative from this Congressional district violated his pledge of honor to his constituents by voting for him. I ask you which horn of the dilemma will you take? Will you hold Lincoln up to the plat- form of his party, or will you accuse every Representative you had in the Legislature of violating his pledge of honor to his constituents? There is no escape for you. Either Mr. Lincoln was committed to those propositions, or your members violated their faith. Take either horn of the dilemma you choose. There is no dodging the question; I want Lincoln’s answer. He says he was not pledged to repeal the Fugitive Slave Law, that he does not quite like to do it; he will not introduce a law to repeal it, but thinks there ought to be some law, — he does not tell what it ought to be ; upon the whole, he is altogether undecided, and don’t know what to think or do. That is the substance of his answer upon the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law. I put the question to him distinctly, —6 82 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. whether he endorsed that part of the Black Republican platform which calls for the entire abrogation and repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law. He answers, no ! That he does not endorse that, but he does not tell us what he is for or what he will vote for. His answer is, in fact, no answer at all. Why can not he speak out and say what he is for and what he will do? “In regard to there being no more slave States, he is not pledged to that. He would not like, he says, to be put in a position where he would have to vote one way or another upon that question. I pray you, do not put him in a position that would embarrass him so much. Gen- tlemen, if he goes to the Senate, he may be put in that position, and then which way will he vote? A voice — “How will you vote?” Mr. Douglas — “I will vote for the admission of just such a State as by the form of their Constitution the people show they want; if they want slavery, they shall have it; if they prohibit it, it shall be prohibited. They can form their institutions to please themselves, subject only to the Constitution; and I for one stand ready to receive them into the Union. Why can not your Black Republican candidates talk out as plain as that when they are ques- tioned ? “ I do not want to cheat any man out of his vote. No man is deceived in regard to my principles, if I have the power to express myself in terms explicit enough to con- vey my ideas. “Mr. Lincoln made a speech when he was nominated for the United States Senate which covers all the Aboli- tion platforms. He there lays down a proposition so broad in its abolitionism as to cover the whole ground. “ ‘In my opinion it (the slavery agitation) will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. ‘ A house divided against itself can not stand.’ I believe this Government can not endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the house to fall, but I do ex- pect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States — old as well as new, North as well as South.’ ” “ There you find that Mr. Lincoln lays down the doc- trine that this Union can not endure divided as our fathers POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 83 made, it, with free and slave States. He says they must all become one thing, or all the other ; that they must all be free or all slave, or else the Union can not continue to exist. It being his opinion that to admit any more slave States — to continue to divide the Union into free and slave States — will dissolve it, I want to know of Mr. Lin- coln whether he will vote for the admission of another slave State. “ He tells you the Union can not exist unless the States are all free or all slave ; he tells you that he is opposed to making them all slave, and hence he is for making them all free, in order that the Union may exist; and yet he will not say that he will not vote against another slave State, knowing that the Union must be dissolved if he votes for it. I ask you if that is fair dealing? The true intent and inevitable conclusion to be drawn from his first Springfield speech is, that he is opposed to the admission of any more slave States under any circumstances. If he is so opposed, why not say so? If he believes this Union can not endure divided into free and slave States, that they must all become free in order to save the Union, he is bound, as an honest man, to vote against any more slave States. If he believes it, he is bound to do it. Show me that it is my duty, in order to save the Union, to do a particular act, and I will do it if the Constitution does not prohibit it. I am not for the dissolution of the Union under any circumstances. I will pursue no course of con- duct that will give just cause for the dissolution of the Union. The hope of the friends of freedom throughout the world rests upon the perpetuity of this Union. The down-trodden and oppressed people who are suffering under European despotism all look with hope and anxiety to the American Union as the only resting place and permanent home of freedom and self-government. “Mr. Lincoln says that he believes that this Union can not continue to endure with slave States in it, and yet he will not tell you distinctly whether he will vote for or against the admission of any more slave States, but says he would not like to be put to the test. I do not think he will be put to the test. I do not think that the people of Illinois desire a man to represent them who would not like to be put to the test on the performance of a high constitutional duty. I will retire in shame from the Senate of the United States when I am not willing to be put to the test in the performance of my duty. I have been put to severe tests. 84 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. I have stood by my principles in fair weather and in foul, in the sunshine and in the rain. I have defended the great principles of self-government here among you when Northern sentiment ran in a torrent against me, and I have defended that same great principle when Southern sentiment came down like an avalanche upon me. I was not afraid of any test they put to me. I knew I was right — I knew my principles were sound — I knew that the people would see in the end that I had done right, and I knew that the God of Heaven would smile upon me if I was faithful in the performance of my duty. “Mr. Lincoln makes a charge of corruption against the Supreme Court of the United States, and two Presidents of the United States, and attempts to bolster it up by saying that I did the same against the Washington Union . Suppose I did make that charge of corruption against the Washington Union, when it was true; does that justify him in making a false charge against me and others? That is the question I would put. He says that at the time the Nebraska bill was introduced, and before it was passed, there was a conspiracy between the judges of the Supreme Court, President Pierce, President Buchanan and myself by that bill, and the decision of the Court, to break down the barrier and establish slavery all over the Union. Does he not know that that charge is historically false as against Mr. Buchanan? He knows that Mr. Buchanan was at that time in England, representing this country •with distinguished ability at the court of St. James; that he was there for a long time before, and did not return for a year or more after. He knows that to be true, and that fact proves his charge to be false as against Mr. Buchanan. Then, again, I wish to call his attention to the fact that at the time the Nebraska bill was passed, the Dred Scott case was not before the Supreme Court at all; it was not upon the docket of the Supreme Court; it had not been brought there, and the judges in all prob- ability knew nothing of it. Thus the history of the country proves the charge to be false as against them. As to President Pierce, his high character as a man of integrity and honor is enough to vindicate him from such a charge ; and as to myself, I pronounce the charge an infamous lie, whenever and wherever made, and by whomsoever made. I am willing that Mr. Lincoln should go and rake up every public act of mine, every measure I have intro- duced, report I have made, speech delivered, and criticise them, but when he charges upon me a corrupt conspiracy POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 85 for the purpose of perverting the institutions of the country, I brand it as it deserves. I say the history of the country proves it to be false, and that it could not have been possible at the time. But now he tries to pro- tect himself in this charge, because I made a charge against the Washington Union. My speech in the Senate against the Washington Union was made because it advo- cated a revolutionary doctrine, by declaring that the free States had not the right to prohibit slavery within their own limits. Because I made that charge against the Washington Union, Mr. Lincoln says it was a charge against Mr. Buchanan. Suppose it was, is Mr. Lincoln the peculiar defender of Mr. Buchanan? Is he so inter- ested in the Federal Administration, and so bound to it, that he must jump to the rescue and defend it from every attack that I may make against it ? I understand the whole thing. The Washington Union , under that most corrupt of all men, Cornelius Wendell, is advocating Mr. Lincoln’s claim to the Senate. Wendell was the printer of the last Black Republican House of Representatives ; he was a candidate before the present Democratic house, but was ignominiously kicked out, and then he took the money which he had made out of the public printing, by means of the Black Republicans, bought the Washington Union , and is now publishing it in the name of the Democratic party, and advocating Mr. Lincoln’s election to tbe Senate.. Mr. Lincoln, therefore, considers an attack upon Wendell and his corrupt gang as a personal attack upon himself. This only proves what I have charged, that there is an alliance between Lincoln and his supporters, and the Federal office-holders of this State, and Presidential aspi- rants out of it, to break me down at home. “Mr. Lincoln feels bound to come in to the rescue of the Washington Union . In that speech which I delivered in answer to the Washington Union, I made it distinctly against the Union , and against the Union alone. I did not choose to go beyond that. If I have occasion to attack the President’s conduct, I will do it in language that will not be misunderstood. When I differed with the Presi- dent, I spoke out so that you all heard me. That question passed away; it resulted in the triumph of my principle, by allowing the people to do as they please, and there is an end of the controversy. Whenever the great principle of self-government — the right of the people to make their own constitution, and come into the Union with slavery or without, as they see proper — shall again rise, you will 86 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. find me standing firm in defense of that principle, and fighting whoever fights it. If Mr. Buchanan stands, as I doubt not he will, by the recommendation contained in his message, that hereafter all State constitutions ought to be submitted to the people before the admission of the State into the Union, he will find me standing by him firmly, shoulder to shoulder, in carrying it out. I know Mr. Lincoln’s object; he wants to divide the Democratic party, in order that he may cheat me and get to the Senate.” Mr. Douglas’ time here expired, and he stopped on the moment. mr. Lincoln’s rejoinder. “My Friends: It will readily occur to you that I can- not, in half an hour, notice all the things that so able a man as Judge Douglas can say in an hour and a half ; and I hope, therefore, if there be anything that he has said upon which you would like to hear something from me, but which I omit to comment upon, you will bear in mind that it would be expecting an impossibility for me to go over his whole ground. I can but take up some of the points that he has dwelt upon, and employ my half hour specially on them. “The first thing that I have to say to you, is a word in regard to Judge Douglas’ declaration about the ‘vulgarity and blackguardism’ in the audience, that no such thing, as he says, was shown by any Democrat while I was speak- ing. Now, I only wish, by way of reply on this subject, to say that while I was speaking, I used no ‘vulgarity or blackguardism’ toward any Democrat. “Now, my friends, I come to all this long portion of the Judge’s speech — perhaps half of it — which he has devoted to the various resolutions and platforms that have been adopted in the different counties in the different Congres- sional districts, and in the Illinois Legislature, which he supposes are at variance with the positions I have assumed before you to-day. It is true that many of these resolu- tions are at variance with the positions I have here as- sumed. All I have to ask is, that we talk reasonably and rationally about it. I happen to know, the Judge’s opinion to the contrary, notwithstanding, that I have never tried to conceal my opinions, nor tried to deceive any one in reference to them. He may go and examine all the mem- bers who voted for me for United States Senator in 1855, POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 87 after the election of 1854. They were pledged to certain things here at home, and were determined to have pledges from me, and if he will find any of these persons who will tell him anything inconsistent with what I say now, I will resign, or rather retire from the race, and give him no more trouble. The plain truth is this. At the introduc- tion of the Nebraska policy, we believed there was a new era being introduced in the history of the Republic, which tended to the spread and perpetuation of slavery. But in our opposition to that measure we did not agree with one another in everything. The people in the north end of the State were for stronger measures of opposition than we of the central and southern portions of the State, but we were all opposed to the Nebraska doctrine. We had that one feeling and that one sentiment in common. You at the north end met in your conventions and passed your resolutions. We in the middle of the State and further south did not hold such conventions and pass the same resolutions, although we had, in general, a common view and a common sentiment. So that these meetings, which the Judge has alluded to, and the resolutions he has read from, were local, and did not spread over the whole State. We at last met together in 1856, from all parts of the State, and we agreed upon a common platform. You, who held more extreme notions, either yielded those notions, or, if not wholly yielding them, agreed to yield them practically, for the sake of embodying the opposition to the measures which the opposite party were pushing forward at that time. We met you then, and if there was anything yielded, it was for practical purposes. We agreed then upon a platform for the party throughout the entire State of Illinois, and now we are all bound, as a party, to that platform . And I say here to you/ if any one ex- pects of me — in the case of my election — that I will do anything not signified by our Republican platform and my answers here to-day, I tell you very frankly that person will be deceived. I do not ask for the vote of any one who supposes that I have secret purposes or pledges that 1 dare not speak out. Can not the Judge be satisfied? If he fears, in the unfortunate case of my election, that my going to Washington will enable me to advocate senti- ments contrary to those which I expressed when you voted for and elected me, I assure him that his fears are wholly needless and groundless. Is the Judge really afraid of any such thing? I’ll tell you what he is' afraid of. He is afraid we'll all pull together . This is what alarms him 83 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. more than anything else. For my part, I do hope that all of ns, entertaining a common sentiment in opposition^ to what appears to us a design to nationalize and perpet- uate slavery, will waive minor differences on questions which either belong to the dead past or the distant future, and all pull together in the struggle. What are your sen- timents? If it be true, that on the ground which I occupy — ground which I occupy as frankly and boldly as Judge Douglas does his — my views, though partly coin- ciding with yours, are not as perfectly in accordance with your feelings as his are, I do say to you, in all candor, go for him and not for me. I hope to deal in all things fairly with Judge Douglas,* and with the people of the State, in this contest. And if I should never be elected to (any office, I trust I may go down with no stain of falsehood upon my reputation, notwithstanding the hard opinions Judge Douglas chooses to entertain of me. “ The Judge has again addressed himself to the aboli- tion tendencies of a speech of mine, made at Springfield in June last. I have so often tried to answer what he is always saying on that melancholy theme, that I almost turn with disgust from the discussion — from the repetition of an answer to it. I trust that nearly all of this intelli- gent audience have read that speech. If you have, I may venture to leave it to you to inspect it closely, and see whether it contains any of those ‘bugaboos’ which frighten Judge Douglas. “ The Judge complains that I did not fully answer his questions. If I have the sense to comprehend and answer those questions, I have done so fairly. If it can be pointed out to me how I can more fully and fairly answer him, I aver I have not the sense to see how it is to be done. He says I do not declare I would, in any event, vote for the admission of a slave State into the Union. If I have been fairly reported he will see that I did give an explicit answer to his interrogatories. I did not merely say that I would dislike to be put to the test; but I said clearly, if I were put to the test, and a Territory from which slavery Imd been excluded should present herself with a State Constitution sanctioning slavery, — a most extraor- dinary thing, and wholly unlikely to happen, — I did not see how I could avoid voting for her admission. But he refuses to understand that I said so, and he wants this audience to understand that I did not say so. Yet it will be so reported in the printed speech that he can not help seeing it. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 89 " “ He says if I should vote for the admission of a slave State I would be voting for a dissolution of the Union, because I hold that the Union cannot permanently exist half slave and half free. I repeat that I do not believe this Government can endure permanently half slave and half free, yet I do not admit, or does it at all follow, that the admission of a single slave State will perma- nently fix the character and establish this as a univer- sal slave Nation. The Judge is very happy indeed at working up these quibbles. Before leaving the subject of answering questions, I aver as my confident belief, when you come to see our speeches in print, that you will find every question which he has asked me more fairly and boldly and fully answered than he has answered those which I put to him. Is not that so? The two speeches may be placed side by side ; and I will venture to leave it to impartial judges whether his questions have not been more directly and substantially answered than mine. “ Judge Douglas says he made a charge upon the editor of the Washington Union , alone , of entertaining a purpose to rob the States of their power to exclude slavery from their limits. I undertake to say, and I make the direct issue, that he did not make his charge against the Union alone. I will undertake to prove by the record here, that he made that charge against more and higher dignitaries than the editor of the Washington Union . I am quite aware that he was shirking and dodging around the form in which he put it, but I can make it manifest that he leveled his ‘fatal blow' against more persons than this Washington editor. Will he dodge it now by alleging that I am trying to defend Mr. Buchanan against the charge ? Not at all. Am I not making the same charge my- self? I am trying to show that you, Judge Douglas, are a witness on my side. I am not defending Buchanan, and I will tell Judge Douglas that in my opinion, when he made that charge he had an eye farther north than he was to-day. He was then fighting against people who called him a Black Republican and an Abolitionist. It is mixed all through his speech, and it is tolerably manifest that his eye was a great deal farther north than it is to- day. The Judge says that though he made this charge, Toombs got up and declared there was not a man in the United States, except the editor of the Union , who was in favor of the doctrine put forth in that article. And thereupon, I understand that the Judge withdrew the charge. Although he had taken extracts from the newspaper, 90 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. and then from the Lecompton constitution, to show the existence of a conspiracy to bring about a ‘fatal blow’ by which the States were to be deprived of the right of excluding slavery, it all went to pot as soon as Toombs got up and told him it was not true. It reminds me of the story that John Phoenix, the California railroad sur- veyor, tells. He says they started out from Plaza to the Mission of Dolores. They had two ways of determining distances. One was by a chain and pins taken over the ground. The other was by a ‘go-it-ometer,’ an invention of his own — a three-legged instrument, with which he computed a series of triangles between the points. At night he turned to the chain-man to ascertain what dis- tance they had come, and found that by some mistake he had merely dragged the chain over the ground without keep- ing any record. By the ‘go-it-ometer’ he found he had made ten miles. Being skeptical about this, he asked a drayman who was passing how far it was to the Plaza. The drayman replied that it was just half a mile, and the surveyor put it down in his book — just as Judge Doug- las says, after he had made his calculations and compu- tations, he took Toombs’ statement. I have no doubt that after Judge Douglas had made his charge, he was as easily satisfied about its truth as the surveyor was of the drayman’s statement of the distance to the Plaza. Yet it is a fact that the man who put forth all that matter which Douglas deemed a ‘ fatal blow ’ at State sovereignty, was elected by the Democrats as public printer. “Now, gentlemen, you may take Judge Douglas’ speech of March 22d, 1858, beginning about the middle of page 21, and reading to the bottom of page 24, and you will find the evidence on which I say that he did not make his charge against the editor of the Union alone. I can not stop to read it, but I will give it to the reporters. Judge Douglas said: “ ‘Mr. President, you here find several distinct proposi- tions advanced boldly by the Washington Union, editorially and apparently authoritatively , and every man who questions any of them is denounced as an Abolitionist, a Freesoiler, a fanatic. The propositions are, first, that the primary object of all government at its original institution is the protection of persons and property ; second, that the Con- stitution of the United States declares that the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and im- munities of citizens in the several States ; and that, there- fore, thirdly, all State laws, whether organic or otherwise, POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 91 which prohibit the citizens of one State from settling in another with their slave property, and especially declaring it forfeited, are direct violations of the original intention of the Government and Constitution of the United States ; and fourth, that the emancipation of the slaves of the Northern States was a gross outrage on the rights of property, inasmuch as it was involuntarily done on the part> of the owner/ “Kemember that this article was published in the Union on the 17th of November, and on the 18th appeared the first article giving the adhesion of the Union to the Le- compton constitution. It was in these words : “ ‘Kansas and her constitution. — The vexed question is settled. The problem is solved. The dread point of dan- ger is passed. All serious trouble to Kansas affairs is over and gone’ — “And a column, nearly, of the same sort. Then, when you come to look into the Lecompton constitution, you find the same doctrine incorporated in it which was put forth editorially in the Union. What is it? “ ‘Article 7, section 1. The right of property is before and higher than any constitutional sanction ; and the right of the owner of a slave to such slave and its increase,. Is the same and as invariable as the right of the owner of any property whatever.’ “Then in the schedule is a provision that the constitu- tion may be amended after 1864 by a two-thirds vote. “ ‘But no alteration shall be made to affect the right of property in the ownership of slaves.’ “It will be seen by these clauses in the Lecompton con- stitution that they are identical in spirit with this author- itative article in the Washington Union of the da^ previous to its indorsement of this constitution. “When I saw that article in the Union of the 17th of November, followed by the glorification of the Lecompton constitution on the 18th of November, and this clause in the constitution asserting the doctrine that a State has no right to prohibit slavery within its limits, I saw that there was a fatal blow being struck at the sovereignty of the States of this Union. “Here he says, ‘Mr. President, you here find several distinct propositions advanced boldly, and apparently authoritatively .’ By whose authority, Judge Douglas? Again, he says in another place, ‘It will be seen by these clauses in the Lecompton constitution, that they are iden- tical in spirit with this authoritative article.’ By whose 92 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. authority? Who do you mean to say authorized the pub- lication of these articles? He knows that the Washington Union is considered the organ of the administration. I demand of Judge Douglas by whose authority he meant to say those . articles were published, if not by the authority of the President of the United States and his cabinet? I defy him to show whom he referred to, if not to these high functionaries in the Federal Government. More than this, he says the articles in that paper and the provision of the Lecompton constitution are ‘identical/ and being identical, he argues that the authors are co-operating and conspiring together. He does not use the word ‘conspir- ing/ but what other construction can you put upon it? He winds up with this : “ ‘When I saw that article in the Union of the 17th of November, followed by the glorification of the Lecompton constitution on the 18th of November, and this clause in the constitution asserting the doctrine that a State has no right to prohibit slavery within its limits, I saw that there was a fatal blow being struck at the sovereignty of the States of this Union.’ “ I ask him if all this fuss was made over the editor of this newspaper. It would be a terribly ‘fatal blow’ indeed, which a single man could strike, when no President, no Cabinet officer, no member of Congress, was giving strength and efficiency to the movement. Out of respect to Judge Douglas’ good sense, I must believe he didn’t manufacture his idea of the ‘fatal’ character of that blow out of such a miserable scapegrace as he represents that editor to be. But the Judge’s eye is farther south now. Then, it was very peculiarly and decidedly north. His hope rested on the idea of visiting the great ‘Black Republican’ party, and making it the tail of his new kite. He knows he was then expecting from day to day to turn Republican and place himself at the head of our organization. He has found that these despised ‘Black Republicans’ estimate him by a standard which he has taught them none too well, lienee he is crawling back into his old camp, and you will find him eventually installed in full fellowship among those whom he was then battling, and with whom he now pre- tends to be at such fearful variance. (Loud applause and cries of ‘Go on, go on.’) I can not, gentlemen, my time has expired.” There had been a disposition on the part of Mr. Lincoln’s political friends to see that he adopted such a line of policy POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 93 as would prevent Mr. Douglas from taking an undue ad- vantage of him. They had an idea that they knew more about conducting the campaign than Mr. Lincoln could possibly know; and when he propounded to Douglas the four questions embraced in his opening speech on this occasion, they felt that he had done just what Douglas wanted him to do, and they said to him that he had al- ready as good as elected Douglas to the Senate. The unerring foresight of Lincoln was incomprehensible. His reply was: “That may be, but it will defeat him for the Presidency.” So it proved, for it was the answers which Douglas gave to those questions which lost him the sup- port of the South in the campaign of 1860, and this divi- sion of the Democratic party gave the Presidency to the Republicans. In the eyes of the Nation, these men were regarded as intellectual giants; but while they were giants, there was as much difference between them on the issue they dis- cussed, as there is between day and night. Douglas was ambitious for the Presidency, and really believed in the right of the people to hold colored men as slaves; and while in fact he was opposed to the further extension of slavery, yet he was in favor of allowing the people who framed the constitutions of the new States the right to settle the question for themselves. Lincoln, on the other hand, recognized slavery as a great moral wrong, but he also recognized the right of the owners of slaves to their property under existing laws, and was unwilling to disturb them in that right ; yet he was unalterably opposed to the further extension of slavery. He was not an Abolitionist in the sense that Sumner, Giddings or Hale were held. There was no prejudice in his mind against the Southern people. There was nothing denunciatory in the language of his speeches. He held to the principle of equity in regard to the rights of the owners of slaves, which was 94 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. not possessed by any other leading man in the anti-slavery party. He sought justice for all men, and all sections, and it was these principles which finally won for him the leadership of the party which had fought the existence or extension of slavery in so many forms, and gave to him such a proud position in the statesmanship of the civilized world. CHAPTER VII, STATE GOVERNMENT-1859, Governor — William H. Bissell. Lieutenant-Governor — John Wood. Secretary of State — 0. M. Hatch. Auditor of Public Accounts — Jesse K. Dubois. Treasurer — William Butler. Superintendent of Public Instruction — Newton Bateman. Twenty-fibst General Assembly. The Twenty-first General Assembly convened January 3, and consisted of the following members : Senate. Norman B. Judd, Cook. Henry W. Blodgett, Lake. Zenas Applington, Ogle. J. H. Addams, Stephenson. Biehard F. Adams, Lee. G. D. A. Parks, Will. B. C. Cook, LaSalle. Geo. C. Bestor, Peoria. T. J. Henderson, Stark. Wm. C. Goudy, Fulton. J. P. Richmond, Schuyler. Austin Brooks, Adams. C. L. Higbee, Pike. A. L. Knapp, Jersey. C. W. Vanderen, Sangamon. Joel S. Post, Macon. Sam’l W. Fuller, Tazewell. T. A. Marshall, Coles. Mortimer O’Kean, Jasper. Silas L. Bryan, Marion. S. A. Buckmaster, Madison. Wm. H. Underwood, St.Clair. Sam’l H. Martin, White. E. C. Coffey, Washington. A. J. Kuykendall, Johnson. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 95 House of Representatives. Wm. A. Hacker, Union. Wm. H. Green, Massac. J. D. Pulley, Johnson, Thos. S. Hick,, Gallatin. J. Hampton, Franklin. J. E. Detrich, Randolph. J. D. Wood, Washington. J. Mcllvaine, Hamilton, W. B. Anderson, Jefferson. John G. Powell, White. R. T. Forth, Wayne. W. R. Morrison, Monroe. John Scheel, St. Clair. Vital Jarrot, St. Clair. Chas. Hoiles, Bond. Z. B. Job, Madison. J. H. Sloss, Madison. S. Hardin, Effingham. W. J. Stephenson, Clay. H. C. McCleave, Crawford. J. Updegraff, Clark. T. Brewer, Cumberland. J. M. Davis, Montgomery. W. C. Shirley, Macoupin. F. P. Rush, Calhoun. Alex. King, Greene. Robt. Mosely, Edgar. Wm. W. Craddock, Coles. J. W. Barrett, Sangamon. Dan’l Short, Sangamon. Cyrus Epler, Morgan. Elisha B. Hitt, Scott. Gilbert J. Shaw, Pike. King Kerley, Brown. Moses M. Bane, Adams. Western Metcalf, Adams. Lewis D. Erwin, Schuyler. W. H. Rosevelt, Hancock. Wm. Berry, McDonough. J. G. Graham, Fulton. S. P. Cummings, Fulton. Wm. Engle, Menard. Geo. H. Campbell, Logan. Dan’l S,tickel, DeWitt. 0. F. Harmon, Vermilion. Leonard Swett, McLean. R. B. M. Wilson, Tazewell. Wm. C. Rice, Henderson, Thos. C. Moore, Peoria. Myrtle G. Brace, Stark. J.S. McCall, Marshall. Alex. Campbell, LaSalle. R. S. Hicks, Livingston. Val. Vermilyea, Kendall. Hiram Norton, Will. Alonzo W. Mack, Kankakee. J. M. Hood, DuPage. Wm. Patton, DeKalb, Wm. B. Plato, Kane. John H. Bryant, Bureau. E. Gilmore. Jr., Rock Island. Wm. Prothrow, Whiteside. Joshua White, Ogle. James DeWolf, Carroll. H. S. Townsend, JoDaviess. J. A. Davis, Stephenson. E. W. Blaisdell, jr., Winnebago L. H. Church, McHenry. S. A. Hurlbut, Boone. Elijah M. Haines, Lake. Van H. Higgins, Cook. Samuel L. Baker, Cook. Ebenezer Peck, Cook. Casper Butz, Cook. Rufus W. Miles, Knox. Lieutenant-Governor John Wood presided over the Sen- ate, and Finney D. Preston, of Richland, was elected Secretary, over J. W. Schaffer, of Stephenson, by a vote of 14 to 11. <96 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. W. R. Morrison, of Monroe, was elected Speaker of the House, over Vital Jarrot, of St. Clair, by vive voce vote, and David E. Head, of Hancock, was elected Clerk, over Christopher C. Brown, of Sangamon, by a vote of 40 to 34. Among the new members of this assembly who were able and active, were : Blodgett, Brooks, Higbee, Knapp, Marshall, Buckmaster, Hacker, Green, Thomas S. Hick, Swett, Mack, Plato, Bryant, Hurlbut, Peck, Haines. The message of Governor Bissell was laid before the two houses on the 5th. He congratulated the General Assembly on the happy and prosperous condition of the State in these words : “Each recurring session of our Legislature brings with it increasing cause of gladness at the rapid and marvel- ous advances which we, as the people of a sovereign State, are making in all the elements of National great- ness. Our physical, intellectual and moral condition is advancing with a rapidity probably never equalled in any age, nor among any people on the globe. Our almost limitless prairies are being converted, as if by magic, into fertile and teeming fields, the produce of w T hich, finding cheap and speedy transit over our magnificent rivers and railroads to the best markets in the world, is enriching our farmers, and creating and sustaining a healthful busi- ness in all the useful departments of life ; while the steady and rapid multiplication of school houses, for the common as well as higher schools, throughout the State, give evi- dence, alike conclusive and gratifying, that the impor- tant matter of educating the rising generation is beginning to receive from our citizens that degree of attention which its real importance demands.” He showed that the State debt and the arrears of interest had been reduced during the years 1857-58, $1,166,876.74, leaving a balance of principal and arrears of interest of $11,138,453.93. He advised less legislation on private or trivial matters, and recommended' that the laws enacted should be few and general. He recommended legislation in the interest of agriculture, the charitable institutions, POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 97 Normal University, public instruction, banking and other general subjects, such as a school for idiots, criminal code and the militia. On questions political he said: “I took occasion in my first annual message to refer to disturbing questions which then agitated and continue to agitate the country. It is to be deplored that any question exists so important and yet so complex as to disturb the perfect amity which should prevail in a government con- stituted like ours. “Instead of a decrease of causes of complaint, new sub- jects of a disturbing character are presented, until it would seem that a fixed determination prevails to deprave public sentiment, and accustom it to aggressions, until either through exhaustion or indifference all opposition to nation- alizing slavery shall subside or become inert. “The decision of the highest judicial tribunal known to our country, apparently designed to encourage the belief that slavery may and does of right lawfully exist in all the Territories, if not in all the States of the Union, was a backward step in the march of civilization, which has excited the surprise and regret of a very large portion of all the people of the Union. “While the belief is inculcated that the hand of Provi- dence has marked out a chosen boundary within which no other institutions than such as are sustained by human slavery can be prosperous or produce the results desirable for the promotion of human welfare, and while negroes are openly imported and landed on our coasts, in defiance of law, without any apparent probability of punishment for the outrage, or of preventing its recurrence, it may be vain to hope that any harmony will be very soon estab- lished in reference to this disturbing question. “The public mind does not find in such action any im- mediate prospect of repose. The anomalous condition of things in this regard is an admonition to us that vigilance in the protection of human freedom and human rights should be quickened, or the permanent elevation and hap- piness of the white race will be endangered. “To avoid the perils that surround our institutions, and to perpetuate freedom and extend the blessings of liberty designed and left us as an inheritance by our forefathers, it is important that we should not shrink from such a declaration of our opinions, and from such positive action as will effectually arrest further aggressions upon the laws of the Nation and the spirit of the Constitution. —7 98 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. “In an age so prone to misrepresentation as the present,, our devotion to the Constitution and the Union cannot be too frequently nor too distinctly declared. In view of this, I cannot forbear placing upon record my protest, embody- ing, as I believe, the sentiment of the people of Illinois, against the idea and against any national policy conform- ing to the idea that the Almighty has drawn a line on this continent on one side of which the soil must be cul- tivated by slave labor.” On the 6th of January the Senate and House of Repre- sentatives met in joint session for the purpose of electing a United States Senator; Stephen A. Douglas received 64 votes and Abraham Lincoln 46. Douglas having re- ceived a majority of all the votes cast, was declared duly elected for the term of six years, from March, 1859. The duration of the session was fifty-two days. Outside of the election of Senator, there was little of an exciting nature, and the laws enacted, other than those which per- tained to the carrying on of the State government and the institutions, were local in character. A joint resolution was passed asking Congress for the immediate construc- tion of a building at Springfield, for the accommodation of United States courts, pension, land and post offices, and also a joint resolution recommending that at the next election for members of the General Assembly the electors vote for or against calling a convention to form a new constitution. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 99 CHAPTER VIII. STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1860. Four State Tickets— Four Electoral Tickets— Aggregate Vote for State Officers— Aggregate Vote for Congressmen, by Districts— Aggregate Vote for Electors— How Lovejoy Conquered Prejudice— An Attempt to Kidnap Richard Yates— How Lovejoy Helped the Democrats— Yates and the Kentucky Colonel— 4 * It Made Our Very Hair Frizzle.” The Republicans were early in opening the campaign. They assembled in State Convention on the 9th of May. Richard Yates was nominated for Governor, Francis A. Hoffman for Lieutenant-Governor, Jesse K. Dubois for Auditor, Wm. Butler for Treasurer, 0. M. Hatch for Sec- retary of State, and Newton Bateman for Superintendent of Public Instruction. A resolution favoring the nomina- tion of Abraham Lincoln for President was unanimously adopted. On the 13th of June the Democrats met at Springfield and nominated James C. Allen for Governor, L. W. Ross for Lieutenant-Governor, G. H. Campbell for Secretary of State, Bernard Arntzen for Auditor, Hugh Maher for Treas- urer, and E. R. Roe for Superintendent of Public Instruc- tion. They endorsed the candidacy of Stephen A. Douglas for the Presidency. The Buchanan Democracy held their State convention at the same place, on the 11th of July, and nominated Thomas M. Hope for Governor, Thomas Snell for Lieu- tenant-Governor, B. T. Burke for Secretary of State, Henry S. Smith for Auditor, W. H. Cather for Treasurer, and 100 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. J. H. Dennis for Superintendent of Public Instruction. This convention was composed chiefly of Federal office holders. The Bell and Everett party — Native American— held their State convention as late as August 16, at Decatur. John T. Stuart was nominated for Governor, Henry S. Black- burn for Lieutenant-Governor, James Monroe for Secretary of State, James D. Smith for Auditor, Jonathan Stamper for Treasurer, and D. J. Snow for Superintendent of Pub- lic Instruction. The Democratic National Convention had assembled at Charleston, South Carolina, April 23, with full delegations from every State, and after fifty-seven ineffectual ballots for a candidate for President, seven of the Southern States withdrew, when the convention adjourned, to meet at Bal- timore, June 18, at which Stephen A. Douglas was nomi- nated for President, and B. Fitzpatrick, of Georgia, for Vice-President, but Fitzpatrick declined the nomination, and Hershell V. Johnson, of the same State, was substi- tuted by the National Committee. The Seceders met in the same city, June 22, and nominated John C. Breckin- ridge, of Kentucky, for President, and Joseph Lane, of Oregon, for Vice-President. A “ Constitutional Union ” convention from twenty States met at Baltimore, May 9, and nominated John Bell, of Tennessee, and Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency. The Republican National Convention assembled at Chi- cago, May 16, and nominated Abraham Lincoln for Presi- dent, and Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, for Vice-President. The novel spectacle of four State tickets and four Presi- dential tickets was presented to our people for the first and perhaps the last time. The contest was remarkable in character. The four Presidential tickets made it necessary to present four sets POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 101 of State and District Electors, which, added to the candi- dates on the respective State tickets, presented an array of speaking talent that was never before, nor since, wit- nessed in any political struggle in our State. But the real issue was between the Republican party and the Douglas Democracy. Richard Yates was regarded as one of the ablest, if not the ablest and most impressive speak- er in the country, while James C. Allen was as near his peer as any man within the Democratic lines. Each made an extended canvass, speaking day and night to con- gregated thousands of anxious hearers. The issue was National — the slavery question — and while Allen presented the views of his wing of the Democratic party with mas- terly ability, it was apparent that the popular heart in the more enlightened districts was with Yates, and that the people felt that the Republican party was not only progressive in character, but that it was sound in its theory as to the proper solution of the vexed question of slavery, and when the election returns came in it was shown that the Republicans had carried the Presidential and State tickets, and both branches of the Legislature. Yates run 1,090 ahead of Lincoln and Hamlin, and Allen 999 ahead of Douglas and Johnson. The Breckinridge and Lane vote was 2,292, and Bell and Everett 4,851. The Republican vote for President was 171,106, and the Douglas vote was 158,254. The aggregate vote for State officers, Congressmen and Presidential Electors is as follows: Governor. Richard Yates 172,196 James C. Allen, D 159,258 T. M. Hope, B. D 2,049 John T. Stuart, B. E 1,626 Scattering 1,27.9 102 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Lieutenant-Governor. F. A. Hoffman, R 171,757 Lewis W. Ross, D . 158,883 Thomas Snell, B. D 1,909 H. C. Blackburn, B. E 3,569 J. W. Bushnell 43 Scattering 36 Secretary of State. 0. M. Hatch, R 172,836 G. H. Campbell, D 160,298 B. T. Burke, B. D 2,022 Jas. Monroe, B. E 3,459 Auditor. J. K. Dubois, R 173,101 B. Arntzen, D 159,841 H. S. Smith, B. D 2,127 J. D. Smith, B. E 3,400 Treasurer. Wm. Butler, R 172,622 Hugh Maher, D 160,923 W. H. Gather, B. D 1,967 Jonathan Stamper, B. E 3,417 Superintendent of Public Instruction. N. Bateman, R 173,064 E. R. Roe, D 160,143 D. J. Snow, B. E 3,314 J. H. Dennis, B. D 1,998 Members of Congress — First District. E. B. Washburne, R 21,436 Theodore A. C. Beard 8,929 Scattering 14 Second District. Isaac N. Arnold, R 30,834 Augustus M. Herrington 16,950 Scattering 72 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 103 Third District. Owen Lovejoy, E 29,600 Robert N. Murray 18,848 William N. Murry 884 Scattering 69 Fourth District. William Kellogg, R 25,668 Robt. G. Ingersoll 21,297 Scattering.... 15 Fifth District. William A. Richardson, D 16,946 Benj. M. Prentiss 14,684 Scattering 20 Sixth District. John A. McClernand, D 21,206 Henry Case 16,244 Scattering 7 Seventh District. James C. Robinson, D 19,206 Jas. T. Cunningham 16,313 Scattering 10 Eighth District. Philip B. Fouke, D 16,592 Joseph Gillespie 13,315 Willis D. Green 129 Ninth District. John A. Logan, D 20,863 David T. Linegar 5,207 Scattering 165 Presidential Electors — Lincoln, R. Leonard Swett 171,106 John M. Palmer 171,126 Allen C. Fuller 171,110 William B. Plato 171,137 Lawrence Welden 171,019 William P. Kellogg 171,029 James Stark .... 171,021 104 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. James C. Conkling 170,709 Henry P. H. Bromwell 171,021 Thomas G. Allen 171,035 John Olney 171,018 Douglas, D. James L. D. Morrison 158,254 William H. W. Cushman 158,257 John A. Rawlins 158,233 J. Wilson Drury 158,248 Samuel W. Randall 158,244 S. Corning Judd 158,246 Calvin A. Warren 158,247 Anthony Thornton 158,248 Nathan W. Tupper 158,248 William H. Underwood 158,246 Isham N. Haynie 158,244 Breckinridge, B. D. John Dougherty 2,292 Thompson Campbell 2,292 William Shannon, Jr 2,292 John C. Ambler . 2,292 Norman H. Purple 2,293 William C. Wagley 2,292 John L. McConnel 2,288 John E. Cummings 2,292 J. M. Hawley 2,111 John E. Neil 2,147 Justus Stevens 2,292 Bell, C. U. M. Y. Johnson 4,851 David M. Woodson 4,803 H. S. Hanchett 4,819 John G. Rogers 4,811 Josiah Snow 4,798 Alexander J. Frick 4,811 C. M. Irwin 4,811 David A. Brown 4,811 John Kofer 4,811 L. Noland 4,809 W. J. Yost 4,770 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 105 - How Love joy Conquered Prejudice. In this campaign, Gov. Palmer, then a Republican, and from early manhood an Abolitionist in principle, and al- ways an outspoken friend of the colored race, refused to take the stump for the Republican ticket unless the Re- publican leaders would consent to send to his section some of the pronounced Abolitionists of the country, such as Sumner, Giddings, Hale or Lovejov, contending that he had been the apologist for the views of these men as long as he wished; that as Republicans they could not longer disguise the fact that they were in reality Aboli- tionists, and he was in favor of meeting the issue fairly and squarely. Finally he overpowered the views of the local committee and an application was made to the State Central Committee for one or more of these speakers, and an appointment was made for Owen Lovejoy at Te~ gard’s Mill, in the corner of the counties of Greene, Jersey and Macoupin. Norman B. Judd and John H. Bryant,, brother of the poet, accompanied Mr. Lovejoy, but when they reached Carlinville, where they were to remain over night, none of the~Republicans were willing to entertain Mr. Lovejoy, and Gov. Palmer, a recognized Abolitionist, was quietly requested to allow him to become his guest, which he did. Next day, when they arrived at the place of meeting, they found full five thousand people assembled, most of whom came through curiosity, simply to see the wonderful Abolitionist. In all that number it is said there were not five hundred Republicans. The stand from which Lovejoy was to speak had been boarded up on all sides, leaving only a doorway. A short time before the speaking was to begin, Mr. Palmer obtained an axe and walking deliberately into the stand said, in his pleasant off-hand way : “Gentlemen, we have with us to- day the wonderful Abolitionist, Owen Lovejoy; you have seen that Jke has neither horns nor tail, and now I will 106 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. allow you to see that he has no hoofs,” at the same time knocking the boards from all sides of the stand so as to expose the person of Mr. Lovejoy to full view. The effect of this undreamed of proceeding put everybody in a good humor, and Mr. Lovejoy, humoring the fun Mr. Palmer had had at his expense, came forward with his face wreathed in smiles and commenced his address without a thought as to the character of his audience, speaking for over two hours; and it is said by those who had heard him on many occasions before that he never made a more effec- tive speech in his life. There were a thousand people in tears. He had conquered prejudice, simply by his power of eloquence. That night there was no trouble about his getting shelter. An Attempt to Kidnap Richard Yates. This campaign was one of the most hotly contested struggles ever witnessed in Southern Illinois, and the in- cident of which we write occurred in Gallatin county, which was then regarded as the fountain head of pure Democracy. It had been the early home of many of the great lights of the party, and every attempt to dispute its authority was regarded as an invasion of sacred rights. Indeed, the people were so devoted to the cause of the Democracy, that an outspoken Republican was held in extreme contempt. But in this campaign the political world was moving, and the Democracy were thoroughly aroused to the necessity of disputing every inch of ground with their Republican adversary. The Republicans, few as they were in number, were equally in earnest, and there was hot blood in every quarter. The Democracy opened the campaign at Shawneetown with a grand bar- becue. It was a great meeting, and was addressed by Gov. A. P. Willard of Indiana, John A. Logan, candidate for Congress, and Lewis W. Ross, candidate for Lieutenant- Governor, in the order in which their names appear. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 107 The speech of Mr. Willard, who at that time was re- garded as the ablest and most eloquent champion of the Democratic party of the Northwest, was a powerful arraignment of the Eepublican party, and it caused many of the new converts to waver in their devotion to the cause they had so lately espoused, and to have judged the situation from the temper of that meeting would have been to predict a signal victory for the Democratic party. But weak as the Bepublicans were, they were not to be overwhelmed by this single blow, and they set them- selves about to hold a similar meeting upon the identical spot. Preparations were made for a bar- becue, and a cordial invitation was extended to the people from far and near to be present, and hear Eepub- lican principles discussed from a Eepublican standpoint. Eichard Yates, the Eepublican candidate for Governor, was positively announced to address the meeting. He was then in the very prime of manhood. The Democrats were afraid of his power on the stump, and it was deter- mined by a few of the most daring of that party, that he should be kidnapped, and thus prevent his appearance at the meeting. (The writer was then a resident of Gallatin county, and was one of those who did not wish to hear Mr. Yates speak.) He had spoken the day before at Carmi. The road on which he was expected to arrive was care- fully guarded, and every precaution taken to make sure of his capture. An all-night watch was kept up, but in an unguarded moment the sentinels slept, and Yates, un- conscious of their designs upon his liberty, arrived safely during the night in company with Eobert Kirkham, (now Colonel) and next day he appeared in due time as the fearless champion of the Eepublican party. The meeting was fully as large as that held by the Democracy, but there were comparatively few Eepublicans present. Many came through curiosity; others for mischief. Yates had 108 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. hardly taken his seat on the stand before a series of hideous groans rent the air. But when the speaker was formally introduced the noise and confusion knew no bounds, and it continued until Daniel Jacobs, a life-long Democrat, mounted a spring wagon which stood in the midst of the throng, and declared in a tone loud enough to be heard by all, that the distinguished speaker should be heard, or he himself would be taken from the grounds a corpse and then and there, announced his abandonment of the Democratic party. This bold and daring declara- tion brought order out of confusion, when Mr. Yates pro- ceeded with his address without further interruption, save an occasional question from some of the advanced thinkers of the Democratic party as to his position upon the “black laws” and negro equality, subjects which were the stock in trade of the Democratic leaders of that section. But time brings many changes in politics. Some of the very men who were foremost in the effort to break up that meeting are now leaders in the Republican party; and the name of Yates is held in dear remembrance by many who heard him on that memorable occasion. How Lovejoy Helped the Democrats. In this campaign, James S. Martin, now General, of Salem, was a Democrat, and being anxious to swell the Democratic vote of Marion county, he proposed to the Republican lead- ers that if they would get up a meeting for Owen Lovejoy, that the Democrats would assist in defraying the expenses. Relating the circumstance to the writer, he said Lovejoy had not proceeded far with his address before the Demo- crats became satisfied that they had made a bad invest- ment. The speech, said he, was one of the finest he ever listened to, and that when referring to the unfortunate condition of the down-trodden negro, he brought tears to the e^es of strong men whose Democracy was thought to* POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 109 be unflinching, and instead of augmenting the Democratic vote, it added new followers to the Eepublican cause. Yates and the Kentucky Colonel. This anecdote of Gov. Yates comes from an eye-witness : After making a speech at Shawneetown, to which refer- ence has been made, Yates took a steamer for Evansville, Ind. On the boat Col. C , of Kentucky, walked up in front of him, and in a haughty and insulting manner said : “I heard your speech to-day, sir; you insulted our peo- ple, sir! Now, by Jupiter, I’ll let you know I am a Ken- tuckian, sir! And, by Jupiter, I will teach you — ” Yates sprang up without waiting for the end of the sen- tence, and exclaimed: “And I’ll let you know I am a Kentuckian, too, ‘by Jupiter,’ and if you propose to teach me anything, open your school right now, sir, and we will see who is master in that school!” The Kentucky Colonel was not prepared for so much ready courage on the part of the Eepublican champion, and abruptly left Yates master of the situation, to the utter delight of many of the passengers. “It Made Our Yery Hair Frizzle.” This amusing incident in the campaign of 1860 has never been m print. The Democracy of Gallatin county adver- tised a great meeting at New Market; the presence of many eminent speakers had been promised, but to the surprise of all, none of them appeared, and their places had to be filled by home talent, among which was James B. Turner, then a young lawyer of promise, and afterward a member of the General Assembly. The burden of Turner’s speech was against Eichard Yates, the Eepublican candi- date for Governor. His purpose was to show that Yates was in favor of negro equality, and to prove this he cited the fact that Yates, when in the Legislature, had favored 110 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. the repeal of the “ black laws.” “A motion,” said he, “ had been made to lay that bill on the table, and the journals showed that Yates had voted in the negative. Now, fellow citizens,” said Mr. Turner, “I will tell you the effect of a motion to lay a bill upon the table. I happen to have some little legislative experience ; I happened to be a lobby member at the time our gallant and patriotic Stephen A. Douglas was re-elected to the United States Senate, and I tell you it made our very hair frizzle when the result was announced.” And here he left the subject, leaving his hearers to believe that the effect of a motion to lay a bill on the table is “to make the hair frizzle.” CHAPTER IX. STATE GOVERNMENT-1861. Governor — Eichard Yates. Lieutenant-Governor — Francis A. Hoffman. Secretary of State — 0. M. Hatch. Auditor of Public Accounts — Jesse K. Dubois. Treasurer — William Butler. Superintendent of Public Instruction — Newton Bateman. Gov. Bissell died at Springfield March 15, 1860, when Lieut.-Gov. Wood became Governor until the election and qualification of Eichard Yates, January 14, 1861. Twenty-second General Assembly. The Twenty-Second General Assembly convened on Mon- day, January 7, and consisted of the following members: POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Ill Senate. Wm, B. Ogden, Cook. Henry W. Blodgett, Lake. Zenas Applington, Ogle. J. H. Addams, Stephenson. Bichard F. Adams, Lee. A. W. Mack, Kankakee. W. Bushnell, LaSalle. Geo. C. Bestor, Peoria. T. J. Pickett, Bock Island. Wm. Berry, McDonough. J. P. Bichmond, Schuyler. Austin Brooks, Adams. C. L. Higbee, Pike. A. L. Knapp, Jersey. Wm. Jayne, Sangamon. B. J. Oglesby, Macon. Henry E. Dummer, Cass. Thos. A. Marshall, Coles. P. Funkhouser, Effingham. Zadok Casey, Jefferson. S. A. Buckmaster, Madison. W. H. Underwood, St. Clair. Hugh Gregg, Williamson. Jas. M. Bodgers, Clinton. A. J. Kuykendall, Johnson. House of Bepeesentatives. Wm. A. Hacker, Union. Wm. H. Green, Massac. Jas. D. Pulley, Johnson. William Elder, Saline. Peter Keifer, Jackson. E. Faherty, Bandolph. Orson Kellogg, Perry. Cloyd Crouch, Hamilton. C. W. Webster, Marion. James M. Sharp, White. Nathan Crews, Wayne. H. C. Talbott, Monroe. Vital Jarrot, St. Clair. Samuel Stookey, St. Clair. Joshua P. Knapp, Clinton. Cyrus Edwards, Madison, G. Crownover, Madison. F. H. Stoddard, Fayette. Isaac H. Walker, Clay. Aaron Shaw, Crawford. John Scholfield, Clark. Thos. W. Harris, Shelby. H. M. Vandeveer, Christian. J, T. Pennington, Macoupin. John N. English, Jersey. Benj. Baldwin, Greene. N. B. Stage, Edgar. Smith Nichols, Coles. S. M. Cullom, Sangamon. N. M. Broadwell, Sangamon. Isaiah Turney, Morgan. Albert G. Burr, Scott. Wm. B. Archer, Pike. Benj. F. DeWitt, Brown. J. W. Singleton, Adams. W. C. Harrington, Adams. Lewis D. Erwin, Schuyler. W. H. Bolloson, Hancock. S.H. McCandless, M’Donough John G. Graham, Fulton. S. P. Cummings, Fulton. Frederick Bearick, Menard. Bobert B. Latham, Logan. Lawrence Weldon, DeWitt. Samuel G. Craig, Vermilion. Harvey Hogg, McLean. David Kyes, Tazewell. Wm. C. Maley, Warren. E. G. Johnson, Peoria. Theodore F. Hurd, Stark. Henry D. Cook, Woodford. A. J. Cropsey, LaSalle. J. W. Newport, Grundy. V. Vermilyea, Kendall. Franklin Blades, Iroquois. Samuel Storer, Will. F. H. Mather, DuPage. Edward B. Allen, DeKalb. 112 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Thos. S. Terry, Kane. A. A. Hale, Winnebago. J. W. Harris, Bureau. S. A. Hurlbut, Boone. B. W. Smith, Bock Island. L. S. Church, McHenry. George Byan, Lee. Elijah M. Haines, Lake. Francis A. McNeal, Ogle. J. Y. Scammon, Cook. Benj. L. Patch, Carroll. Wm. H. Brown, Cook. J. B. Jones, Jo Daviess. S. M. Wilson, Cook. *B.H. McClellan, Jo Daviess. Homer Wilmarth, Cook. J. F. Ankeny, Stephenson. Arthur A. Smith, Knox. The Bepublicans had a majority in both houses. When the Senate met, A. J. Kuykendall was elected temporary Chairman, and C. W. Waite Secretary pro tempore , when the Senate proceeded to elect permanent officers. Thomas A. Marshall was elected Speaker over A. J. Kuykendall by a vote of 12 to 9. C. W. Waite was elected Secretary over E. S. Dennis, by a vote of 18 to 10. On the quali- fication of Mr. Hoffman as Lieutenant-Governor, he became Speaker of the Senate. Shelby M. Cullom was elected Speaker of the House, over James W. Singleton, by a vote 89 to 29. Harley Wayne was elected Clerk, over M. B. Harrell, by a vote of 40 to 32. This was the first time in the history of the State where any party, other than the Democratic, had had a majority in both branches of the Legislature. In 1855 Mr. Trum- bull was elected United States Senator, over Gen. Shields, by a fusion of the anti-Kansas-Nebraska Democrats with the Whigs, but the Whigs had not the ascendency in either house, and the Democrats dominated the legislation of the session. Of the prominent members, and those to attain promi- nence of the two houses, there were among the new mem- bers: Ogden, Bushnell, Jayne, Oglesby, Casey, Underwood, Kuykendall, Edw T ards, Shaw, Scholfield, Cullom, Burr, Archer, Singleton, Weldon, Blades, Jones, McClellan, Haines, Scammon. ♦Vice J. Russell Jones, resigned. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 113 Joint resolutions of respect were adopted on the death of Gov. Bissell. The administration of Mr. Bissell was marked with moderation and wisdom, and he gave his undivided atten- tion to the discharge of the duties of his trust. He was born in New York, April 25, 1811; he was self-educated; he studied medicine, and graduated in 1834 at the Medical College in Philadelphia ; he removed to Illinois, and after practicing his profession until 1840, was elected a Repre- sentative in the Legislature; he studied law, and was admitted to the bar, and in 1844 was elected Prosecuting Attorney ; he served with distinction in the Mexican war ; he was a Representative in Congress from 1849 to 1855. On January 9th, the message of Gov. Wood was read in the two houses. It showed that there had been paid of the State debt, from January, 1857, to January, 1861, $2,860,402.49, and that there were in existence one hun- dred and ten banks, with a circulation of $12,320,964. He recommended legislation which would better secure the bill-holder ; advocated the calling of a convention to frame a new constitution ; suggested the reorganization of the militia, and additional legislation in the interests of the public schools. Of the conflict of sentiment between the North and the South, which was fast ripening into real war, he said : “The people of Illinois deem the constitution which clasps these States as no temporary bond — to be worn and loosed at will — but as an eternal covenant, framed by wise and patriotic men, fraught with all our past glory ; all our present happiness; all our future hope; and be- queathed as a sacred trust, demanding our unceasing efforts for its protection and perpetuation. We can im- agine, in the severance of this government, no advantage to us, to our countrymen, to humanity, that would in the least degree compensate for the flood of evils that must pour in upon us in such an event. If grievances to any portion of our confederation have arisen within the Union, —8 114 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. within the Union let them be redressed. If unconstitu- tional laws, trenching upon the guaranteed rights of any of our sister States, have found a place upon our statute books, let them be removed. If prejudice and alienation towards any of our fellow-countrymen has fastened upon our minds, let it be dismissed and forgotten. Let us be just to ourselves and to each other— allowing neither threats to drive us from what we deem to be our duty, nor pride of opinion prevent us correcting wherein we may have been wrong. Demands are being made, from quar- ters entitled to respect, that laws tending to obstruct the operation of Federal authority, conflicting with the constitutional rights, and jarring upon the feelings of other States, should be repealed. If Illinois, either by inadvertence or design, has passed any such act, justice requires that it should be at once corrected Speaking not merely for myself, soon to pass into a pri- vate station, but reflecting what I assume to be the voice of the whole people of Illinois, irrespective of party, adopt the sentiment of President Jackson: ‘The Federal Union : it must be preserved.’ ” Richard Yates, the incoming Governor, was inaugurated on the 14th of January, in the presence of the two houses, and read in person his inaugural address. After giving attention to the passage of measures relating to the vital interests of the State, he addressed himself in this bold and patriotic manner to national questions : “ Whatever may have been the divisions of parties hith- erto, the people of Illinois will with one accord give their assent and firm support to two propositions : “ First — That obedience to the Constitution and the laws must be insisted upon, and enforced, as necessary to the existence of the government. “ Second — That the election of a Chief Magistrate of the Nation, in strict conformity with the Constitution, is no sufficient cause for the release of any State from any of its obligations to the Union. “ This Union cannot be dissolved by one State, nor by the people of one State, or of a dozen States. This gov- ernment was designed to be perpetual, and can be dissolved only by revolution. “ Can it be for a moment supposed that the people of the valley of the Mississippi will ever consent that the great river shall flow for hundreds of miles through a POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 115 foreign jurisdiction, and they be compelled, if not to tight their way in the faces of forts frowning upon its banks, to submit to the imposition and annoyance of arbitrary taxes and exorbitant duties to be levied upon their com- merce ? I believe that before that shall come, either shore of the Father of Waters will be a continuous sepulchre of the slain, and with all its cities in ruins, and the cul- tivated fields upon its sloping sides laid waste, it shall roll its foaming tide in solitary grandeur, as at the dawn of creation. I know I speak for Illinois, and I believe for the Northwest, when I declare them a unit in the unal- terable determination of her millions, occupying the great basin drained by the Mississippi, to permit no portion of that stream to be controlled by a foreign jurisdiction. “As to compromise, if it means that we must outrage the sentiment of the civilized world by conceding that slavery is a blessing — that we must love and praise it; that we may not hope for its ultimate extinction; that it may go into the free Territories, under the protection of the Constitution — if these are the grounds upon which the difficulties are to be settled, then they never will be set- tled. Plainness and truth require us to say, that the only pacification to which the people of this State could accede, would be upon the principles upon which Mr. Lincoln was elected; that the Constitution must be obeyed, as it is; all its provisions enforced, according to a fair and honest interpretation of its meaning; and that slavery is a local and State institution, and nothing else. . . . “South Carolina, however, claims the right to the forts of the United States, and to collect revenue from imports. Now, to open the ports of Charleston to free trade is to open the whole country to free trade. Merchandise, once in the Union, can be transported to any part of the Repub- lic. If South Carolina can open one port, she can all; and she is not only sovereign at home, but throughout the Nation — a position not soon to be conceded to a State which has not so many white inhabitants as one of the Congressional districts in the State of Illinois. Now, if South Carolina disunionists shall be guilty of the stupen- dous madness of resisting the United States officers in the collection of the revenue, can there be any doubt that the Government will have to use as much force as is neces- sary to enforce these laws? If Gen. Washington, at the head of the United States Army in 1796, put down the Pennsylvania whisky rebellion; if Gen. Jackson, in 1832, quelled resistance to law by his proclamation of force ; if 116 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Mr. Fillmore executed the Fugitive Slave Law at the point of the bayonet in the streets of Boston; if Mr. Buchanan, in 1859, called out the United States Army to put down the seizure of the arsenal at Harper’s Ferry, what shall be done with those who defiantly obstruct the execution of the laws at Charleston ? If the laws are not executed, then the Government is a failure. “I know not what the exigencies of the future may be, nor what remedies it may be necessary to use, but the administration of the incoming President, I have no doubt, will be characterized by wisdom as well as firmness. He certainly will not forget that the people of all the United States, whether loyal or not, are citizens of the same Bepublic, component parts of the same integral Union. He never will forget, so long as he remembers his official oath, that the whole material of the Government — moral, political and physical, if need be — must be employed to preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. In such an event as this, I hesitate not to say that the General Assembly, without a dissenting voice, and the people of Illinois, would unanimously pledge the men and means of the State to uphold the Constitution and preserve the Union. To those who would distrust the loyalty of the American people to the Union, let the spon- taneous response of the National heart, borne upon ten thousand streams of lightning to the heroic Anderson, answer.” The two houses met in joint session January 10, and re-elected Lyman Trumbull United States Senator, over Samuel S. Marshall, by a vote of 54 to 46. Among the more important measures enacted by this Legislature, were acts to protect married women in their separate property against the debts of their husbands ; to encourage mining; to foster public schools; to authorize and facilitate the payment of certain scrip, coupons, cer- tificates and other evidences of State indebtedness; to provide for the payment of interest on the State debt ; to prevent illegal voting ; to provide for calling a convention to amend the Constitution. A joint resolution was passed relating to the appointment of peace commissioners at Washington; resolutions of respect on the death of Gov. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 117 Bissell, and resolutions relating to Federal Relations, in which it was declared that, although the people of Illinois did not desire any change in the Federal Constitution, yet, as several of the sister States had deemed it neces- sary that some amendments should be made thereto, that if the application should be made to Congress by any of the States deeming themselves aggrieved, to call a con- vention in accordance with the constitutional provision to propose amendments to the Constitution of the United States, that the Legislature of Illinois would concur in making such application, but it was further declared, “that until the people of these United States shall other- wise direct, the present Federal Union must be preserved as it is, and the present Constitution and laws must be administered as they are ; and, to this end, in conformity with that Constitution and the laws, the whole resources of the State of Illinois are hereby pledged to the Federal authorities.” Special Session. The members of this General Assembly had hardly returned to their homes and become settled in their ordi- nary vocations of life, before they were convened in extraordinary session, to pass measures to aid the Nation in preserving its life. On the 14th of April, the rebels fired upon Fort Sumter, in Charleston harbor, and com- pelled its surrender, whereupon President Lincoln issued his proclamation calling for 75,000 soldiers to put down the insurrection, and repossess and preserve the property of the government. Gov. Yates convened the General Assembly on the 23d of April, for the purpose of passing such laws as might be deemed necessary to place the State in a condition to render effective assistance to the General Government in preserving the Union, enforcing the laws, and protecting the property and rights of the people. His message to the assembly was full of stirring 118 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. patriotism, and filled every loyal heart with gladness. The sword, said he, was drawn not in a spirit of revenge, but clearly and unmistakably in self-defense and for the preservation of the Union. Referring to the public senti- ment of the people of the North prior to the assault upon Fort Sumter, and the consequences to follow, he said: “ Public sentiment was everywhere, in the free States, for peace and compromise. No better proof could be re- quired, than the facts I have stated, that the conspiracy, which has now assumed such formidable dimensions, and which is threatening the destruction of the fairest fabric of human wisdom and human liberty, is of long standing, and is wholly independent of the election of a particular person to the Presidential office, than the manner in which the seceded States have acted toward their loyal brethren of the South and North since they have entered upon their criminal enterprise. We must do them, however, the jus- tice to say, that all their public documents and all the speeches of their controlling leaders candidly admit that the Presidential election has not been the cause for their action, and that they were impelled by far different motives. “ So forbearing and pacific has been the policy of the Federal Government — anxiously hoping for a return to reason in the minds of our Southern brethren — that they were suffered to erect their batteries in the jaws of our guns at Sumter, finally losing to us that strong fortress, by the most unexampled forbearance and reluctance to the shedding the blood of our countrymen ; and a simple at- tempt, on the part of our constitutional Government, to provision a starving garrison, in one of our ports, of which the revolutionary authorities had received official notice from the Government, has been made the occasion for a destructive bombardment of that fort. Overpowered by numbers, our gallant men had to lower our glorious flag, and surrender on terms dictated by rebels. “ The spirit of a free and brave people is aroused at last. Upon the first call 'of the constitutional Government they are rushing to arms. Fully justified in the eyes of the world and in the light of history, they have resolved to save the Government of our fathers, to preserve the Union so dear to a thousand memories and promising so much of happiness to them and their children, and to bear aloft the flag which for eighty-five years had gladdened the POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 119 hearts of the struggling free on every continent, island and sea under the whole heavens. Our own noble State, as of yore, has responded in a voice of thunder. The entire mass is alive to the crisis. If, in Mexico, our Hardin, and Shields, and Bissell, and Baker, and their gallant comrades, were found closest to their colors, and in the thickest of the fight, and shed imperishable lustre upon the fame and glory of Illinois, now that the struggle is for our very nationality, and for the stars and stripes, her every son will be a soldier and bare his breast to the storm of battle. “ The attack upon Fort Sumter produced a most start- ling transformation on the Northern mind — awakened a sleeping giant, and served to show, as no other event in all the history of the past ever did, the deep-seated fer- vor and affection with which our whole people regard our glorious Union. Party distinctions vanished, as a mist, in a single night, as if by magic ; and parties and party platforms were swept as a morning dream from the minds of men, and now men of all parties, by thousands, are begging for places in the ranks. The blood of twenty mil- lions of freemen boils, with cauldron heat to replace our national flag upon the very walls whence it was insulted, and by traitor hands pulled down. Every village and hamlet resounds with beat of drum and clangor of arms. Three hundred thousand men wait the click of the wires for marching orders, and all the giant energies of the Northwest are at the command of the Government. Those who have supposed that the people of the free States will not fight for the integrity of the Union, and that they will suffer another government to be carved out of the boundaries of this Union, have hugged a fatal delusion to their bosoms, for our people will wade through seas of blood before they will see a single star or a solitary stripe erased from the glorious flag of our Union. “ The services already tendered me, in my efforts to organize troops, provide means, arms and provisions, by distinguished members of the party hitherto opposed to me in political sentiments, are beyond all praise, and are, by me, in behalf of the State, most cheerfully acknowledged. There are now more companies received than are needed under the Presidential call, and almost unlimited numbers have formed and are forming, awaiting further orders. A single inland county (LaSalle) tenders nine full com- panies, and our principal city (Chicago) has responded with contributions of men and money worthy of her fame 120 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. for public spirit and patriotic devotion. Nearly a million of money has been offered to the State, as a loan, by our patriotic capitalists and other private citizens, to pay tho expenses connected with the raising of our State troops, and temporarily providing for them. “ Civil war, it must be confessed, is one of the greatest calamities which can befall a people. And such a war I It is said ‘when Greek meets Greek then comes the tug of war/ When American shall meet American — when the fiery, impetuous valor of the South shall come in con- tact with the cool, determined bravery of the North, then blood will flow to the horses’ bridles. Would that the calamity might be averted ! But the destruction of our government is a far greater evil. A government which is the hope of the world — promising more of happiness to us and our children and the millions who are to come after us, and to the struggling free in every land, than any government ever invented by man, must not , shall not be destroyed . “A government that submits to peaceable secession signs its own death warrant. What would be left of our Union? No matter how many States it might for the present still comprise — this would give us not a moment’s guarantee against further dissolution, if the right to secede once were peaceably tolerated. Government is established for the protection of rights and property, and when built upon the principle of voluntary dissolution, it ceases to furnish that protection ; it ceases to be a government under which national men can live. “ We draw the sword then, not in a spirit of in- dignation or revenge, but clearly and unmistakably in self- defense, and in the protection of our rights, our liberty and security, for property — in a word, for the nearest and dearest interests of ourselves and our posterity. I have thus spoken, because an impression may still prevail in the minds of some, that this conflict was one of our own seek- ing, and one which might have been avoided without any imminent danger to the yet loyal parts of the country. This is not so. Secession has brought about its inevitable results , and we must crush it and treason , wherever they raise their unsightly heads , or perish ourselves. “And now, as we love our common country, in all its parts, with all its blessings of climate and culture; its mountains, valleys and streams ; as we cherish its history and the memory of the world’s only Washington ; as we love our free civilization, striking its roots deep down into POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 121 those principles of truth and justice eternal as God; as we love our government so free, our institutions so noble, our boundaries so broad; as we love our grand old flag, 'sign of the free heart’s only home,’ that is cheered and hailed in every sea and haven of the world, let us resolve that we will preserve that Union and those institutions, and that there shall be no peace till the traitorous and bloody palmetto shall be hurled from the battlements of Sumter, and the star-spangled banner in its stead wave defiantly in the face of traitors, with every star and every stripe flaming from all its ample folds. "Gentlemen, I commend the destiny of our noble and gallant State, in this its hour of peril, to your wise and patriotic deliberations, and prudent and determinate action. May the God of our fathers, who guided our Washington throughout the trying scenes of the Revolution, and gave to our fathers strength to build up our sacred Union, and to frame a government which has been the center of our affections and the admiration of the world, be still with us, and preserve our country from destruction. "In the firm belief that we are in the hands of a Su- preme ruling power, whose will is wisdom, let us manfully maintain our rights, and our Constitution and Union, to the last extremity. Let us so act that our children and children’s children, when we are laid in the dust, will hold us in grateful remembrance, and will bless our mem- ories, as we do now bless the heroes and patriots who achieved our independence, and transmitted to us the priceless heritage of American liberty.” On the 25th of April, Senator Douglas, in response to a joint resolution, addressed the assembly in the hall of the House of Representatives on the issues of the hour.. The hall was filled to overflowing, and the speech was the bravest and best of all the great efforts of that gifted and patriotic statesman, from which a liberal extract will be found in a subsequent chapter. The two houses proceeded without circumlocution to trans- act the business for which they had been called together,, and adjourned on the Bd of May, being in session only ten days ; and returning home, many of the members vol- unteered in defense of their country’s flag. 122 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. CHAPTER X, SECESSION-PROSECUTION OF THE WAR, Extracts from Speeches of Senator Trumbull and Representative MeCler- nand, Delivered in the Senate and House, January, 1861— Extracts from War Speeches made by Owen Lovejoy, J. F. Farnsworth and Isaac N. Arnold,* at Chicago, August 8, 1862. Speech of Lyman Trumbull. “Mr. President — It has been very hard for me, and, I doubt not, my Republican associates around me, to bear the many misapprehensions, not to say misstatements, of our position, and to see a perverted state of facts day after day urged upon the Senate and the country by gen- tlemen upon the other side. We have listened to the Senator from Mississippi ; and one would suppose, in listen- ing to him here, that he was a friend of this Union, that he desired the perpetuity of this Government. He has a most singular way of preserving it, and a most singular way of maintaining the Constitution. What is it ? Why, he proposes that the Government should abdicate. If it will simply withdraw its forces from Charleston, and abdi- cate in favor either of a mob or of the constituted authori- ties of Charleston, we will have peace ! He dreads civil war, and he will avoid it by a surrender ! He talks as if we Republicans were responsible for civil war if it ensues. If civil war comes, it comes from those with whom he is acting. Who proposes to make civil war but South Caro- lina? Who proposes to make civil war but Mississippi, and Alabama, and Georgia, seizing, by force of arms, upon the public property of the United States? Talk to us of making civil war ! You inaugurate it, and then talk of it as if it came from the friends of the Constitution and the Union. Here stands this great Government; here stands the Union — a pillar, so to speak, already erected. * Mr. Arnold died at Chicago, his home, od Thursday, April 24, 1884 — while this book was passing through the press. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 128 Do we propose to pull it down? Do we propose under- mining the foundations of the Constitution or disturbing the Union? Not at all; but the proposition comes from the other side. They are making war, and modestly ask us to have peace by submitting to what they ask. “It is nothing but rebellion; it is nothing but insurrec- tion. But not only in South Carolina, where there was the pretense of secession to justify the act, which, I think, really amounts to nothing, but in Georgia and Alabama, which have not seceded, we are told that the public property of the United States has been seized; and the Senator from Mississippi thinks the best way to avoid civil war is for the United States to withdraw their forces, to surrender their forts, and strike the flag under which he was nurtured, and beneath which he has marched so often. The Stars and Stripes have been taken down from the United States buildings in the city of Charleston, and trampled in the dust, and a palmetto flag with a snake, reared in their place ; but if we would avoid civil war, we are told, we must submit to this ! Why, sir, any people can have peace at the price of degradation. No despot makes war upon subjects who submit their necks to the tread of his heel. But if we would maintain constitu- tional liberty ; if we would maintain constitutional freedom ; if we would maintain this great Government, we must not suffer every faction, and every mob, and every State, that thinks proper, to trample its flag under foot “ Sir, it is clear to my mind that this doctrine of seces- sion is utterly destructive of a constitutional government. On the same principle, a county may secede from a State, and a town from a county. The Senator from Kentucky (Mr. Crittenden) has been talking about compromises, and has introduced a string of resolutions here. When they are adopted, what is your Government good for? What is to prevent the State of Illinois next week, or the State of Kentucky the following week, from seceding, as South Carolina has done, and demanding new guarantees as a condition of the existence of the Union? By submitting to this doctrine, you destroy the stability of the Govern- ment. Constitutional governments are worth nothing if this doctrine is to obtain; and hence it is that those of us who are for sustaining the Constitution and sustaining the Union, believe that the question involved is the existence of constitutional government. We now have nothing to do with the extension of African slavery — that is not the 124 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. question before the American people ; but the question is,. ‘Has this Government any power to protect itself?’ In other words, have we a Government at all? That is what is to be tested. The people of Illinois believe we have a Government, and a Government that has power to maintain itself, not by making civil war, but by enforc- ing the laws, and defending itself against those w T ho would make war upon it. “But, sir, what is the cause of this complaint? Why is it that the Southern States are inaugurating civil war ? I have as much horror for it as the Senator from Missis- sippi. I would do anything honorable to avoid it. I certainly will not be the instrument to inaugurate it. But what is it the Senator from Mississippi (Mr. Davis) com- plains of? To use his language, he says, if you are to make us hewers of wood and drawers of water for you in the North, we will not submit. If they are to be reduced to subjection to the North, they will not submit. I do not ask them to do so. So far as I am concerned, I will ask them to submit to nothing that I will not submit to myself. I ask to impose no inequality upon the State of Mississippi. “Now, sir, my idea of preserving the peace of this country, and of the duty which is devolved upon us here, is not what we should yield, as the Senator from Missis- sippi suggests, to the threats and demands of States which say that they want no compromise, and want no conces- sions, and are determined to set up for themselves, and expel the Federal Government from their borders ; but that we should rally around the Constitution, and enforce the laws under it; and then, not when States come hero threatening civil war, not when our vessels are fired into, not when our forts are taken possession of, but when the States all acknowledge themselves within the Union, and under the Constitution, if there are any grievances, let them be removed. Then, if there is anything wrong in the Constitution, let us amend it according to the mode pro- vided in the instrument. I do not believe that we shall better the Constitution by any amendment which may be made to it “But, sir, I did not intend making any lengthened re- marks, but only to reply in a few words to what I thought to be the false assumptions of Senators on the other side as to this whole controversy. I shall not take up the POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 125 lime of the Senate by going into any lengthened argu- ment, but will state in * a few words what I suppose to be our duty here ; and that is, in the first place, to endeavor to maintain the Constitution and the laws as we have them. When the attack is made by the seceding States, or by mobs in the Southern States, upon the constituted authorities, there can be no doubt as to our duty in such a case. I was saying, when interrupted, that the North was not disposed to make any encroachments upon the South. I was saying that even this Fugitive Slave Law would most likely be better executed under Mr. Lincoln’s Administration than under Mr. Buchanan’s, and was giving some reasons for this opinion. We know that Mr. Lin- coln, in his public speeches, has said that so long as this statute stands, objectionable as it may be, he would con- sider it his duty to have it executed. He has said, further, that in his opinion the slave owners were entitled, under the Constitution, to a reasonable law to reclaim their run- away slaves; and he has said that he would not object to any law for that purpose which was not more likely to enslave a free man, than your common criminal laws are to punish an innocent one “I do not desire to engage the Senator from Kentucky in a discussion at this time, but simply to call his atten- tion to the compromise of 1850, and see if we do not stand in a better position, just as we are, than by attempt- ing to patch up some new compromise. For my life, I cannot see the occasion for all this agitation in the coun- try, and for States threatening to go out of the Union, unless it be simply the fact that the Republican party has, in the constitutional mode, elected its candidate for the Presidency. That is all I can see. Inasmuch as we have not been in power, we certainly have done nothing ; and although Senators who say they love the Union will pick out an isolated passage from Mr. Lincoln’s speeches, or from the speeches of some extreme man, and reiterate it over and over again, as if further to inflame the public mind ; still, when you come back and look at the public course of the President elect, at his avowed opinions, at the platform upon which he is elected, you will find noth- ing that interferes in the least with the rights of the South; nothing that denies the equality of the States; nothing that denies the equality of any individual from any of the States in the common territories of the United States.” 126 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Speech of John A. McClernand. “Mr. Chairman — When an impending danger can be no longer stayed or averted, is it not the part of wisdom and duty to meet, and, if possible, overcome it? Such, I think, is a sound canon of statesmanship. Acting on this belief, I propose rather briefly, to deal with the question of seces- sion now actually upon us. ‘ 4 First, I deny the constitutional right of any State to secede from the Union; second, I deprecate the exercise of any such assumed right as a measure of revolution, which in the present case, must embroil the country in a sanguinary and wasting civil war.” 4 ‘Let me not be misunderstood. I do not desire war. I would avoid it by all honorable means, particularly a civil war between any of the States of this Union. Such a war would be fratricidal, unnatural, and most bloody. It would be a war between States equally jealous of their honor, and men equally brave. I would forfeit my own self-respect if I would disparage the courage of my breth- ren, either of the North or the South; for courage is the distinction of neither, but the virtue of both. The only difference between them is, that the man of the South fights from impetuosity, the man of the North from purpose, and the man of the West from a restless spirit of adven- ture. Myself, a Kentuckian by birth, and an Illinoisan by nurture and education, I would deplore such a war as the greatest calamity that could befall the country ; yet, as a practical man, and a representative of the people, I must not shut my eyes to the logic of the cause and effect — to the popular instinct of self-preservation.” “Let us all — let all conservative men of all parties and of all sections, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, from the Grulf of Mexico to the far lakes — rally in favor of the in- tegrity of the Constitution and the Union. Let them merge the partisan in the patriot, and, coming up to the altar of their country, generously sacrifice every angry feeling and ambitious aim for the welfare and glory of that country. Let no man, whether he be Democrat, Kepub- lican, or American, refuse to yield something of his opinions and prepossessions in deference to others, and the higher claims of patriotism. All government, all authority, all human life, is a compromise. Christianity itself is a com- promise between justice and mercy — between disobedience and its predoomed punishment. Let us, therefore, in a POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 127 spirit of conciliation and concession, compromise our exist- ing differences upon just and equitable terms; let us all do this for the good of all. Our fathers set us such an example in the formation of the Federal Constitution ; and why cannot we follow it as the condition of preserving and perpetuating that sacred instrument ? To do so would be no discredit or disparagement to any one, but an honor to all. The people, posterity, and future history, in the name of freedom and humanity, call for it. “ Personally, I would prefer compromise upon the basis of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the States, in the Territories, and in the District of Columbia. My own choice would be, to leave the people of the States and Territories, each to decide for themselves, whether they would or would not have slavery, and what should be the character of their other local institutions. This would be my choice, but if such a settlement is unacceptable to the majority, then I am willing to forego my strong objections to a geographical line, and adopt the plan of adjustment recommended by a committee of the members from the border States, which is familiar to the members of the House, and which, as the peace offering of conservative men, would no doubt meet the approbation of the great mass of the people, a plan which I understand my dis- tinguished friend from Arkansas (Mr. Eust) is prepared to bring before the House on the first opportunity.” Speech of Owen Lovejoy. “ So far as the question of argument is concerned, if has been exhausted. A son does not argue or appeal to decide as to the propriety of killing the assassin of his mother; neither do the sons of the republic need long- winded arguments to induce them to put down this ac- cursed rebellion. We want men, not speeches; men with muskets in their hands, not hurrahs from their throats. I have but little reputation as a conservative man, so far as I have been informed. Some people go so far as to say I am slightly tinctured with fanaticism in my views of the slavery question. For myself, I claim to be a sort of an anointed prophet of the Lord. I have faith in God, and next to Him, in the American people. Let us not fall into the error of the man who, standing by the side of a bayou or arm of the sea, and witnessing the ebb of the tide, exclaimed that the sea was becoming dry land again. Rather let us say that behind and beyond the 128 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. temporary reverses now afflicting us, there will, come up the great uprising of popular patriotism, which in its cer- tain flood, shall cover with its proper element and spirit the ground lost in those temporary reverses. “It is not for any of us to say that during the trying emergency in which we are at present placed, he could manage the ship of State more satisfactorily than the one who is now at the helm. Let us each seize a rope and do what we can to prevent its destruction. This is common sense. I call it goo*d common sense for a ‘ fanatic.’ We must preserve the Nation; we must pre- serve it intact from rebels at home, or foreign interven- tion. We must not allow French intervention in Mexico. Neither must we allow a descendant of that old British tyrant, George the Third, to plant his throne in Southern soil within the boundaries of the Bepublic. We must therefore defend our soil if every foot of the domain is consecrated with the blood of a slain hero. We must preserve our nationality, and for myself, I don't want to sur- vive the permanent dismemberment of these United States. I had a thousand times rather lay down my life on the battle field than outlive such a dreadful event. I don’t know what God wills, but I have a shrewd suspicion that He wills what we will. The maintenance of the Govern- ment and the perpetuity of the Union are a necessity. W T hat ! consent to a dismemberment ? Suppose we allow the confederates to secede, what do we gain? We gain a confederacy more despotic than any monarchy of Europe. With Canada on the north, and this hated Southern Con- federacy on the south, with all the power and hate of England to back her, we are ground to powder between the upper and nether mill-stone. “How is our nationality to be preserved? By every man, woman and child consecrating themselves to the great work till the rebellion is suppressed. This is a matter that cannot be settled by resolutions or meetings, nor ballots ; it’s got beyond that ; it’s bayonets and bullets now. War has hardly touched us yet in the great Northwest; it has not yet laid upon us its bloody hand, that we feel its withering, blighting curse. We must buy and sell and conduct our business as usual, but the one grand idea must ever be prominent— the suppression of this rebellion. We must make this war the great business of our lives dill it is ended.” POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. i2d Speech of John F. Farnsworth. **They have massed an immense army, and are fight- ing with a desperation we have not evinced. Until we have the same spirit, we shall not conquer them. When we seize all agencies, as they do, we shall conquer, and that right speedily. The rebels have got their last large army. Every man has been compelled to take arms and fight in the front of the rebels. When we do this, rebeldom will be put down. The people of the North are getting over their tender-footed conservatism which has sacrificed too many lives dear to your firesides. My friends, there is at this moment, in the Southern States, an army of men equal to our entire army in numbers. They are our friends. They will work for us, and fight for us, if you will but say the word. You are allowing them now to cul- tivate corn and wheat to feed your enemy. You are let- ting them work in the trenches and build fortifications against you. The entire element is ready — and I speak from my knowledge — is ready to act, and work, and fight for you. A rebel throat is none too good to be cut by a black man. I find in Virginia, that the only reliable, truthful men from whom we can obtain information about •the rebel armies, their roads and their scouts, were in the poor hovels of the negro. Using all the skill and expe- rience I have had as a lawyer, I have questioned white men, and when I had done, some old negro, too old to bear arms, would nod to me to meet him behind the barn, and would tell me ‘massa lied/ and would impart to me information which subsequent experience proved true. I have never known them to tell an untruth to me. I want to see an expression go forth from this meeting, lifting up the hands of the President and Cabinet for using every agency we can lay our hands upon. The voice of the people is the voice of God. It is authoritative with statesmen and generals. That voice, I trust, will be heard. I hope the fruits of this meeting will be felt. I hope it will not be an exodus for the accumulated gas of speeches. Organize your companies and train them at home for any emergency which may occur. I want to see the wealthy merchants, who own these large buildings, the well-to-do lawyers and thriving physicians come down with the sinews of war to aid the men who are fighting the battles of the stay-at-homes. I see before me at least two regiments of men. What are you doing here ? You’ve all got your little property at stake. Put your names on the muster roll.” —9 180 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS, Speech of Isaac N. Arnold. “ Starting from the Nation’s capital, all along through New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio and Indiana, you see a vast uprising of the people, with a fixed, stern determination, at any cost, to crush out this vast rebellion. But it is in the Northwest, and in this great city of the Northwest, that the zeal and energy of patriotism is most active and all-pervading. “ Illinois is meriting for herself and her children a glo- rious record. She had won distinguished honors in the Mexican war. Bissell and Hardin had associated their names and the name of Illinois with Palo Alto and Buena Yista; but in this far more glorious war, in which the faithful fights for his country against rebels and traitors, far more cruel and barbarous than Mexican guerillas, Illinois covered herself with glory. The bones of her sons lie scattered on every battle-field in the valley of the Mis- sissippi. With more than 60,000 of her gallant sons in the field, the President, whom Illinois has given to the Nation, calls for more troops. “ Illinois springs to the rescue. Her commercial capital speaks to-day in a voice which will thrill the Nation. The Northwest is ready. As a citizen of this city, I claim to- day to express my thanks to the Board of Trade. You have done nobly, and your efforts will tell in all the Northwest, and be felt throughout the loyal States, and I doubt not the gallant soldiers you raise will be felt among the barbarians in arms against our country. “ Every great war has underlying it a great idea. What is the great idea which gives impulse and motive power to this war? It is our nationality. The grand idea of a great continental republic, ocean bounded, and extending from the lakes to the gulf, commanding the respect of the world, is an idea implanted deeply in the American heart, and it is one for which every American patriot will fight, and if necessary die. Nowhere is this sentiment stronger than in the Northwest. With one hand we clasp the East, and with the other the Northwest will grip the South, and we will hold this Union together. We will not see this grand republic split up into contemptible Mexican provinces — always fighting and destroying each other. Incident to this idea of nationality — and becoming every day stronger — is another, that this grand republic must be all free, filled w T ith one great, free population. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 131 “ The suicide of slavery is being enacted before our eyes. Let the cursed, barbarous, traitor-breeding institution die. The slave-holder has himself given to it the mortal wound ; let no timid Northern dough-face attempt to staunch the blood. The end of slavery will prove the regeneration of the Nation. “ Liberal bounty is offered to the gallant volunteer. I wish to state a fact which may not be generally known. The Congress just adjourned provided by law that all our foreign-born soldiers should become the adopted children of the Republic; he who fights for the flag shall be im- mediately a citizen. We could not do less for the gallant Germans, the countrymen of Sigel, and Osterhaus, and Willich, — for the brave Irishmen, who, under Meagher, and Shields, and Mulligan, are fighting for the old flag. To every Irishman I would say, remember Corcoran, and rally to his rescue. “Who shall pay the cost of this war? Let us quarter on the enemy, confiscate the property, and free the slaves of rebels.” CHAPTER XI. BEFORE THE CONFLICT. Lincoln’s Departure for Washington— Farewell Words at Springfield— Speech at Cincinnati— Inaugural Message— Resignation of Southern Senators and Representatives— Vulgar Cartoon of Lincoln by Harper’s Weekly. The politicians of the slave States, as we have before shown, had, for forty years, sounded the disunion cry whenever the National Government had manifested any disposition not to comply with their every demand; and now that the North had elected, as they termed it, an Abolitionist President, there was concert of action among those States in putting that oft-repeated threat into exe- cution, and without waiting to consult the newly elected 132 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Chief Magistrate as to his feelings or intentions regarding the policy he would pursue, and while they held the con- trolling power in both branches of Congress and the Supreme Court, twelve of the slave States had passed ordinances of secession, and on the 4th day of February, four days before the President-elect had left Springfield for Washington, they met at Montgomery, Alabama, and formed the so- called Southern Confederacy, with slavery as its chief corner stone. This was followed by active preparations for war. Buchanan’s Administration had permitted the firing upon the Star of the West, which carried supplies to Fort Sumter, to pass without redress, and State after State to secede without offering the slightest protest. In- deed, the President had expressed in his last annual mes- sage the remarkable opinion, that “ no power has been delegated to coerce into submission a State that is attempt- ing to withdraw, or has entirely withdrawn, from the Con- federacy.” This singular conduct on the part of the outgoing administration, and the extraordinary proceeding of the seceded States in setting up a government for themselves, created a widespread feeling of alarm among the law-abiding citizens of the North; and Mr. Lincoln, himself, was evidently deeply agitated as to what would be the finality of the momentous issue, and the grave responsibilities he was so soon to assume weighed heavily upon his mind. He felt that the temple of liberty, founded more than three-quarters of a century before, was being shaken from center to circumference, and the absorbing thought of his great mind was, how should he prevent the temple from falling to pieces, and yet, at the same time, preserve the rights and liberties of the people. On the day he left Springfield, February 11, many of his personal and political friends had assembled at the depot to give him a loving farewell, and in bidding them adieu, for the last time — for he was never in Springfield POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 133 again, alive — he addressed them in this feeling and pathetic manner : “My Friends — No one, not in my position, can appre- ciate the sadness I feel at this parting. To this people I owe all that I am. Here I have lived more than a quar- ter of a centujry, here my children were born, and here one of them lies buried. I know not how soon I will see you again. A duty devolves upon me which is perhaps greater than that which has rested upon any other man since the day of Washington. He would never have suc- ceeded except for the aid of Divine Providence, on which he at all times relied. I feel that I can not succeed with- out the same Divine aid which sustained him. On the same Almighty Being I place my reliance for support; and I hope you, my friends, will pray that I may receive that Divine assistance, without which I can not succeed, but with which success is certain. Again, I bid you all an affectionate farewell.' ” Reaching Cincinnati, he was called out for a speech, and being in the vicinity of Kentucky, one of the slave States, and doubtless with many slave-holders as his hearers, he took occasion to advert, briefly but with perfect frankness, to the policy he should pursue towards those States. We quote his language, as it appeared in the public prints of that day: “I have spoken but once before in Cincinnati. That was a year previous to the late Presidential election. On that occasion, in a playful manner, but with sincere words, I addressed much of what I said to the Kentuckians. I gave my opinion that we as Republicans would ultimately beat them as Democrats, but that they could postpone the result longer by nominating Senator Douglas for the Presi- dency, than in any other way. They did not in any true sense nominate Mr. Douglas, and the result has certainly come as soon as ever I expected. I told them how I expected they would be treated after they should be beaten, and I now wish to call their attention to what I then said. When beaten, you perhaps will want to know what we will do with you. I will tell you, so far as I am authorized to speak for the opposition. We mean to treat you as near as we possibly can as Washington, Jefferson and Madison treated you. We mean to leave you alone, and in no way interfere with your institutions. We mean to recognize 134 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. and bear in mind that you have as good hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as we claim to have, and treat you accordingly. Fellow-citizens of Kentucky, brethren may I call you, in my new position I see no occasion and feel no inclination to retract a word from this. If it shall not be made good, be assured the fault shall not be mine.” * We will not follow him through his travels to the Na- tional capital, further than to say, that in order to reach that city in safety he was compelled to. change his plans, as to his passage through Baltimore, lest he should be assassinated. His inaugural message had been prepared with great care, and addressed itself to the sober, second-thought of the people of all the States. The platform on which he had made the race for President, and which was still fresh in the minds of the people, was utterly thrown aside, and in concluding this, his first state paper, he addressed himself, in this language, directly to his dis- satisfied countrymen: “ Apprehensions seem to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican administration their property and their peace and per- sonal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. In-* deed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed, and have been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the public speeches of him who now addresses you. I consider that, in view of the Con- stitution and laws, the Union is unbroken, and to the ex- tent of my ability I will take care, as the Constitution expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this, I deem it only a simple duty on my part, and I shall perform it, so far as possible, unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requi- site means, or shall, in some other authoritative manner, direct the contrary. Physically speaking, we can not sepa- rate. We cannot move the respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 135 different parts of our country cannot do this. They can not but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before ? Can aliens make treaties more easily than friends can make laws among friends? Suppose you go to war, you can not fight always, and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions are upon you. In your hands, my dissatis- fied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no solemn oath registered in heaven to destroy the government, while I shall have the most solemn one to preserve, protect and defend it. I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic cords of memory stretching from every battlefield and patriot’s grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.” It would seem after these unqualified personal and official declarations regarding the policy of his Administration towards the Southern States, that there was no longer any necessity for doubt in the public mind as to what he would do, for he had given them the strongest assurance that he meant only to execute the laws as he found them, and that he would preserve, protect and defend the Gov- ernment. So great was the domination of Southern sentiment in the North, that even Harper's Weekly printed a vulgar cartoon of President Lincoln, as he passed through Balti- more. When he took the oath of office he was surrounded by traitors within and without; on the right and on the left ; and notwithstanding the pacific language of his inaugural address, Southern Senators and Bepresentatives precipitately resigned their seats in Congress and cast their fortunes with the so-called Southern Confederacy. The 136 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. reader will bear in mind that these men deserted their trusts at a time when the Democrats had a majority in both houses of Congress, and there was not a single law upon the statute books of the Nation which had been fathered or fostered by a Republican or Abolitionist re- lating to the question of slavery or the right of the people of the slave States to manage their domestic affairs in their own way ; and with the most solemn assurance from the President staring them in the face, that he recog- nized the fact that under the Constitution and laws he had no right to interfere with the institution of slavery,, and no disposition to do so, whether the right existed or not. CHAPTER XII. STEPHEN A, DOUGLAS, Douglas* Prophecy— Avows His Determination to Stand by President Lincoln— His Patriotic Address at Springfield— Speech at Chicago — Death at Chicago— Monument to His Memory. Among the many able men Illinois has had in the coun- cils of the State and Nation, there has been no grander man than Stephen A. Douglas, and at no time did his patriotism or ability shine forth with more splendor than when the seceding States made war upon his country’s flag, and among all our statesmen, there was none who- had a clearer vision as to what was to be the results of the war. In Arnold’s history of Abraham Lincoln is re- lated this prophecy: “Gen. Charles Stuart, of New York,, was a caller at Douglas’ house in Washington, on New Year’s day, 1861, and to the question, ‘What will be the- result of the efforts of Jefferson Davis and his associates. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 137 to divide the Union ?’ Douglas, rising and looking like one inspired, replied. ‘The cotton States are making an effort to draw in the border States to their schemes of secession, and I am but too fearful they will succeed. If they do succeed, there will be the most terrible civil war the world has ever seen, lasting for years.' Pausing a a moment, he exclaimed, ‘Virginia will become a charnel house, but the end will be the triumph of the Union cause. One of their first efforts will be to take possession of this Capital, to give them prestige abroad, but they will never succeed in taking it. The North will rise en masse to defend it, but Washington will become a city of hospitals — the churches will be used for the sick and wounded — even this house (Minnesota block, afterwards, and during the war the Douglas Hospital) may be devoted to that pur- pose before the end of the war.’ The friend to whom this was said inquired, ‘What justification for all this ?’ Doug- las replied, ‘There is no justification, nor any pretense of any. If they remain in the Union, I will go as far as the Constitution will permit, to maintain their just rights, and I do not doubt a majority of Congress would do the same. But,' said he, again rising on his feet, and extending his arm, ‘if the Southern States attempt to secede from this Union without further cause, I am in favor of their hav- ing just so many slaves, and just so much slave territory, as they can hold at the point of the bayonet, and no more.' ” The words of Douglas proved as prophetic as they were patriotic. Soon after President Lincoln issued his proclamation calling for 75,000 troops, Senator Douglas called on him and warmly assured him of his purpose to stand by him in the hour of the country's peril. At the request of Mr. Lincoln he dictated this dispatch, which was sent through the Associated Press to the country: 138 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. “ April 18, 1861, . Senator Douglas called on the Presi- dent, and had an interesting conversation on the present condition of the country. The substance of it was, on the part of Mr. Douglas, that while he was unalterably opposed to the Administration in all its political issues, he was pre- pared to fully sustain the President in the exercise of all his constitutional functions to preserve the Union, main- tain the Government, and defend the Federal Capital. A firm policy and prompt action was necessary. The Capi- tal was in danger, and must be defended at all hazards, and at any expense of men and money. He spoke of the present and future, without reference to the past.” Arriving at Springfield on the 25th of April, he addressed, at their request, the two houses of the General Assembly in this decisive and unequivocal language : “For the first time since the adoption of the Federal Constitution, a wide-spread conspiracy exists to overthrow the best government the sun of heaven ever shone upon. An invading army is marching upon Washington. The boast has gone forth from the Secretary of War of the so-called Confederate States, that by the first of May the rebel army will be in possession of the National Capital, and, by the first of July, its headquarters will be in old Independence Hall. “ The only question for us is, whether we shall wait supinely for the invaders, or rush, as one man, to the defence of that we hold most dear. Piratical flags are afloat on the ocean, under pretended letters of marque . Our great river has been closed to the commerce of the Northwest So long as a hope remained of peace, I plead and implored for compromise. Now, that all else has failed, there is but one course left, and that is to rally as one man, under the flag of Washington, Jefferson, Hamilton, Madi- son and Franklin. At what time since the Government was organized, have the constitutional rights of the South been more secure than now? For the first time since the Constitution was adopted, there is no legal restriction against the spread of slavery in the Territories. When was the Fugitive Slave Law more faithfully executed? What single act has been done to justify this mad attempt to overthrow the Eepublic? We are told that because a certain party has carried a Presidential election, therefore the South chose to consider their liberties insecure ! I POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 139 had supposed it was a fundamental principle of American institutions, that the will of the majority, constitutionally expressed, should govern ! If the defeat at the ballot-box is to justify rebellion, the future history of the United States may be read in the past history of Mexico. “ It is a prodigious crime against the freedom of the world, to attempt to blot the United States out of the map of Christendom. . . . How long do you think it will be ere the guillotine is in operation ? Allow me to say to my former political enemies, you will not be true to your country if you seek to make political capital out of these disasters; and to ray old friends, you will be false and unworthy of your principles if you allow political defeat to convert you into traitors to your national land. The shortest way now to peace is the most stupendous and unanimous preparations for war. “ Gentlemen, it is our duty to defend our constitution and protect our flag.” Mr. Douglas then proceeded to Chicago where he spoke in the “ Republican Wigwam, ” the building in which Abraham Lincoln had been nominated for President, to a vast audience composed of men of all parties. The fol- lowing extract from that speech will show that Douglas had fully sunk the partisan in the patriot, and that he stood ready to peril fortune, fame and honor for the pres- ervation of the Government. “ I beg you to believe that I will not do you or myself the injustice to think that this magnificent ovation is per- sonal to myself. I rejoice to know that it expresses your devotion to the Constitution, the Union, and the flag of our country. I will not conceal gratification at the uncon- trovertible test this vast audience presents — that, whatsoever political differences or party questions may have divided us, yet you all had a conviction that, when the country should be in danger, my loyalty could be relied on. That the present danger is imminent, no man can conceal. If war must come — if the bayonet must be used to maintain the Constitution — I say before God, my conscience is clean. I have struggled long for a peaceful solution of the diffi- culty. I have not only tendered those States what was theirs of right, but I have gone to the very extreme of magnanimity. 140 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. “The return we receive is war; armies marching upon our Capital; obstructions and dangers to our navigation; letters of marque, to invite pirates to prey upon our com- merce; a concerted movement to blot out the United States of America from the map of the globe. The question is, are we to maintain the country of our fathers, or allow it to be stricken down by those who, when they can no longer govern, threaten to destroy? “What cause, what excuse do disunionists give us for breaking up the best Government on which the sun of heaven ever shed its rays ? They are dissatisfied with the result of the Presidential election. Did they never get beaten before ? Are we to resort to the sword when we get defeated at the ballot-box ? I understand it that the voice of the people, expressed in the mode appointed by the Constitution, must command the obedience of every citi- zen. They assume, on the election of a particular can- didate, that their rights are not safe in the Union. What evidence do they present of this? I defy any man to show any act on which it is based. What act has been omitted to be done? I appeal to these assembled thous- ands, that so far as the constitutional rights of slave- holders are concerned, nothing has been done and nothing omitted of which they can complain. “There has never been a time from the day that Wash- ington was inaugurated first President of the United States, when the rights of the Southern States stood firmer under the laws of the land than they do now; there never was a time when they had not as good a cause for disunion as they have to-day. What good cause have they now that has not existed under every adminis- tration ? “If they say the Territorial question— now, for the first time, there is no act of Congress prohibiting slavery any- where. ^ If it be the non-enforcement of the laws, the only complaints, that I have heard, have been of the too vigor- ous and faithful fulfillment of the Fugitive Slave Law. Then what reason have they? “The slavery question is a mere excuse. The election of Lincoln is a mere pretext. The present secession movement is the result of an enormous conspiracy, formed more than a year since, formed by leaders in the South- ern Confederacy more than twelve months ago. “But this is no time for the detail of causes. The con- spiracy is now known. Armies have been raised, war is levied to accomplish it. There are only two sides to the POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 141 question. Every man must be for the . United States or against it. There can be no neutrals in this war, only patriots or traitors ., “Thank God, Illinois is not divided on this question. I know they expected to present a united South against a divided North. They hoped in the Northern States party questions would bring civil war between Democrats and Republicans, when the South would step in with her co- horts, aid one party to conquer the other, and then make easy prey of the victors. Their scheme was carnage and civil war in the North. “There is but one way to defeat this. In Illinois it is being so defeated, by closing up the ranks. War will thus be prevented on our own soil. While there was a hope for peace, I was ready for any reasonable sacrifice or compromise to maintain it. But when the question comes of war in the cotton fields of the South, or the corn fields of Illinois, I say the farther off the better. “I have said more than I intended to say. It is a sad task to discuss questions so fearful as civil war; but sad as it is, bloody and disastrous as I expect it will be, I express it as my conviction before God, that it is the duty of every American citizen to rally around the flag of his country. “I thank you again for this magnificent demonstration. By it you show you have laid aside party strife. Illinois has a proud position — united, firm, determined never to permit the Government to be destroyed/’ This was the last public speech ever made by the great Senator, for at its close he returned to his rooms at the Tremont House, where he was taken sick, and never again left them alive. Douglas was one of the wonderful men of his time. He came to Illinois, from Vermont, in the latter part of 1883, then only twenty years of age, and like Breese, soon won the confi- dence and respect of the people of his adopted State, and rapidly rose to distinction. After filling various public trusts, among which were State’s Attorney, Representative in the General Assembly, Secretary of State, Judge of the Supreme Court, and Representative in Congress, he was elected to the United States Senate in 1847, as the suc- cessor of James Semple, and he continued Senator until 142 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. his death — which occurred at Chicago, on the 3d of June, 1861, which event was mourned by the whole Nation. As a statesman, there was none superior. As a public speaker he stood without a peer. The magnanimity of his nature is well illustrated by the fact that he stood by and held the hat of his great rival, Abraham Lincoln, while he delivered his first inaugural address. The last act of his life was a noble appeal for the preservation of his Government, which will ever render his name imper- ishable in the memory of his countrymen. A lasting monument has been erected to his memory, at Chicago, on the lake shore. CHAPTER XIII. CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 1862, Among the more important acts of the Twenty-second General Assembly was the passage of a law providing for a constitutional convention to frame a new constitution. The election for delegates took place in November, 1861. The convention was composed of seventy-five members, forty- five of whom were Democrats, twenty-one Republicans, seven Fusionists, and two doubtful. It will be seen that the Democrats had a majority of fifteen over all, and therefore had their own way. The convention assembled on the 7th of January, 1862. John Dement was elected President pro tempore ; William A. Hacker, President, and Wm. M. Springer, Secretary. The delegates were as follows: Wm. A. Hacker, Andrew D. Duff, George W. Waters, Daniel Reily, Wm. J. Allen, George W. Wall, Milton Bartley, H. K. S. O’Melveny, POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 143 T. B. Tanner, Thomas W. Stone, R. P. Hanna, Thomas W. Morgan, Augustus C. French, James B. Underwood, Samuel Stevenson, Solomon Koepflie, Samuel A. Buckmaster, Isaac L. Leith, James H. Parker, Harmon Alexander, Anthony Thornton, Horatio M. Yandeveer, Lewis Solomon, John W. Woodson, James A. Eades, Orlando B. Ficklin, Benj. S. Edwards, James D. Smith, Joseph Morton, Albert G. Burr, Alexander Starne, Archibald A. Glenn, James W. Singleton, Austin Brooks, John P. Richmond, Milton M. Merrill, Joseph C. Thompson, Lewis W. Ross, John G. Graham, Thompson W. McNeely, E. L. Austin, T. R. Webber, Elias S. Terry, Wm. W. Orme, Robert B. M. Wilson, Jonathan Simpson, Julius Manning, Norman H. Purple, John Burns, Alexander Campbell, Perry A. Armstrong, Thomas Finnie, Francis Goodspeed, J. W. Paddock, Henry C. Childs, Stephen B. Stinson, Adoniram J. Joslyn, W. Selden Gale, Wm. H. Allen, Timothy R. Young, Robert T. Templeton, George W. Pleasants, John Dement, Charles Newcomer, Wellington Weigley, Henry Smith, Willard P. Naramore, Porter Sheldon, Wm. M. Jackson, Luther W. Law 7 rence. Elisha P. Ferry, John Wentworth, Melville W. Fuller, Elliott Anthony, John H. Muhlke, There were many eminent minds in this convention, among whom we name: Hacker, Allen, Duff, Wall, O’Melveny, Tanner, Hanna, French, Underwood, Buckmaster, Thornton, Yandeveer, Ficklin, Edwards, Burr, Singleton, Ross, Burns, Goodspeed, Joslyn, Gale, Dement, Wentworth, Fuller and Anthony. This body assumed, in a very large degree, both the powers of the Legislature and convention, and among other extraordinary acts, passed an ordinance appropriating 144 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. $500,000 for the benefit of the sick and wounded sol- diers of Illinois. Bonds were to be issued on which to raise the money, to bear ten per cent, interest, but Gov. Yates gave no heed to this act, or any other of a like nature, believing, as he did, that the duty of the con- vention was confined simply to the framing of a new constitution. The constitution framed provided for biennial State elec- tions for all State officers, and legislated out of office the Governor and other State officers, and fixed the time for electing a new State Government for November, 1862. The constitution was submitted to a vote of the people the following June. There were two articles submitted separately; one concerning banks and currency, and the other relating to negroes and mulattoes. The latter we reproduce : “ Article 18. Sec. 1. No negro or mulatto shall migrate to or settle in this State, after the adoption of this Con- stitution. “Sec. 2. No negro or mulatto shall have the right of suffrage or hold office in this State. “ Sec. 3. The General Assembly shall pass all laws necessary to carry into effect the provisions of this article.” The vote for the constitution was 126,739; against, 151,- 254. Majority against the constitution, 24,515. , The article relating to negroes and mulattoes was voted on by sections, and all carried by unprecedented majori- ties. The article relating to banks was lost by a small vote. It was contended by some of the leading Democratic lawyers that the article relating to negroes and mulattoes became a part of the constitution of 1848, but the ques- tion had not been passed upon by the courts when the •constitution of 1870 was adopted. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 145 CHAPTER XIV. STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1862. Late Conventions— But Two Tickets— Democrats Successful— Aggregate Vote for State Officers— Aggregate Vote for Members of Congress by Districts. In view of the fact that the Nation was in the midst of civil war, there was little disposition on the part of the people, not active politicians, to interest themselves in po- litical matters, and the Democrats did not hold their convention until the 16th of September, at which Alex- ander Starne was nominated for Treasurer, John P. Brooks for Superintendent of Public Instruction, and Jas. C. Allen for Congressman-at-Large. On the 24th of September, the Republicans met in con- vention, and nominated Wm. Butler for Treasurer, Newton Bateman for Superintendent of Public Instruction, and Eben C. Ingersoll for Congressman-at-Large. The candidates for Congress made a vigorous canvass of the State, but the Democrats elected their ticket, and carried both branches of the Legislature. The aggregate vote for State officers, Congressman-at- Large and by districts, is as follows: Treasurer. Alexander Starne, D 136,843 William Butler, R 120,177 —10 146 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Superintendent of Public Instruction. John P. Brooks, D 136,119 Newton Bateman, B 120,110 Congresshan-at-Large. James C. Allen, D 136,257 Eben C. Ingersoll, K 119,819 Members of Congress — First District. Isaac N. Arnold, B 10,025 Francis C. Sherman 8,387 Second District. John F. Farnsworth, B A. 12,612 Neil Donnelly 4,785 Scattering 8 Third District. Elihu B. Washburne, B 10,496 Elias B. Stiles 6,785 Scattering 1 Fourth District. Charles W. Harris, D -11,626 Charles B. Lawrence 8,711 Fifth District. Owen Lovejoy, B 11,683 Thos. J. Henderson 11,020 Benj. Graham 617 Scattering 4 Sixth District. Jesse 0. Norton, B 10,604 T. Lyle Dickey 8,419 Scattering 2 Seventh District. John B. Eden, D 11,361 Elijah McCarty 10,004 Eighth District. John T. Stuart, D 12,808 Leonard Swett 11,443 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 147 Ninth District. Lewis W. Ross, D 13,391 William Ross 76 Scattering 51 Tenth District. Anthony L. Knapp, D 14,259 Samuel W. Moulton 7,712 Scattering 48 Eleventh District. Jas. C. Robinson, D 13,644 Stephen Gr. Hicks 5,521 Twelfth District. William R. Morrison, D 10,999 Robert Smith 6,854 Thirteenth District. William J. Allen, D 9,497 Milton Bartley 4,290 CHAPTER XV. STATE GOVERNMENT-1863, Stirring Message of the Governor— Peace Resolutions— Counter Resolutions —Majority and Minority Reports of the Committee on Federal Relations —Prorogation— Decision of the Supreme Court. Governor — Richard Yates. Lieutenant-Governor — Francis A. Hoffman. Secretary of State — 0. M. Hatch. Auditor of Public Accounts — Jesse K. Dubois. Treasurer — Alexander Starne. Superintendent of Public Instruction — John P. Brooks. 148 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Twenty-third General Assembly. The Twenty-third General Assembly convened January 5, and consisted of the following members: Senate. Wm. H. Green, Massac. Hugh Gregg, Williamson. I. Blanchard, Jackson. J. M. Bodgers, Clinton. *W. A. J. Sparks, Clinton. W. H. Underwood, St.Clair. L. E. Worcester, Greene. H. M.Vandeveer, Christian. S. Moffat, Effingham. Jos. Peters, Vermilion. Isaac Funk, McLean. Colby Knapp, Logan. H. E. Dummer, Cass. B. T. Schofield, Hancock. Wm. Berry, McDonough. Albert C. Mason, Knox. John T. Lindsay, Peoria. W. Bushnell, LaSalle. A. W. Mack, Kankakee. Edward B. Allen, Kane. D. Bichards, Whiteside. T. J. Pickett, Bock Island. J. H. Addams, Stephenson. Cornelius Lansing, McHenry. Wm. B. Ogden, Cook. Jasper D. Ward, Cook. House of Bepresentatives. James H. Smith, Union. T. B. Hicks, Massac. Jas. B. Turner, Gallatin. Jas. M. Sharp, Wabash. H. M. Williams, Jefferson. J. M. Washburn, Williamson. Jesse B. Ford, Clinton. S. W. Miles, Monroe. E. Menard, Bandolph. J. W. Merritt, Marion. Jas. M. Heard, Wayne. D. W. Odell, Crawford. J. W. Wescott, Clay. B. H. McCann, Fayette. C. L. Conger, White. J. B. Underwood, St. Clair. John Thomas, St. Clair. S. A. Buckmaster, Madison. Wm. Watkins, Bond. P. Daugherty, Clark. Beuben Boessler, Shelby. G. F. Coffeen, Montgomery. A. M. Miller, Logan. C. A. Keyes, Sangamon. C. A. Walker, Macoupin. John N. English, Jersey. Wm. B. Witt, Greene. Scott Wike, Pike. Albert G. Burr, Scott. James M. Epler, Cass. Lyman Lacey, Menard. J. T. Springer, Morgan. A. E. Wheat, Adams. Wm. J. Brown, Adams. Lewis G. Beid, McDonough. Joseph Sharon, Schuyler. Milton M. Morrill, Hancock. Thos. B. Cabeen, Mercer. Henry K. Peffer, Warren. Joseph M. Holyoke, Knox. John G. Graham, Fulton. Simeon P. Shope, Fulton. James Holgate, Stark. Wm. W. O’Brien, Peoria. * Vice J. M. Rodgers, deceased. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 149 Elias Wenger, Tazewell. Harrison Noble, McLean. Boynton Tenny, DeWitt. John Tenbrook, Coles. John Gerrard, Edgar. John Monroe, Vermilion. James Elder, Macon. *Wm. N. Coler, Champaign. tJ. S. Busey, Champaign. C. A. Lake, Kankakee. Addison Goodeil, Iroquois. John W. Newport, Grundy. Charles E. Boyer, Will. IP. A. Armstrong, Grundy. T. C. Gibson, LaSalle. Mercy B. Patty, Livingston. John 0. Dent, LaSalle. George Dent, Putnam. J. A. Davis, Woodford. Daniel R. Howe, Bureau. Nelson Lay, Henry. J. Kistler, Rock Island. L. Smith, Whiteside. Demas L. Harris, Lee. James V. Gale, Ogle. W. W. Sedgwick, DeKalb. L. W. Lawrence, Boone. Sylvester S. Mann, Kane. Jacob P. Black, Kendall. Elijah M. Haines, Lake. T. B. Wakeman, McHenry. S. M. Church, Winnebago. H. C. Burchard, Stephenson. Henry Green, Jo Daviess. Jos. F. Chapman, Carroll. A. S. Barnard, DuPage. Ansel B. Cook, Cook. Amos G. Throop, Cook. Wm. E. Ginther, Cook. Melville W. Fuller, Cook. *George W. Gage, Cook. §Michael Brandt, Cook. Francis A. Eastman, Cook. Lorenzo Brentano, Cook. The Democrats had a majority in both branches. Lieu- tenant-Governor Hoffman presided over the Senate, and Manning Mayfield, of Massac, was elected Secretary, over L. H. Burnham, of Stephenson, by a vote of 18 to 10. Samuel A. Buckmaster, of Madison, was elected Speaker of the House, over Luther W. Lawrence, of Boone, by a vote of 52 to 25, and John Q. Harmon, of Alexander, Clerk, over John C. Southwick, of Lake, by a vote of 58 to 25. Among the new members of this General Assembly who were prominent, or attained prominence, were: Menard, Merritt, Conger, Thomas, Wike, Shope, O’Brien, Mann, Burchard, Fuller, Eastman, Brentano. The Governor’s message was laid before the two houses on the 6th of January. It contained the usual recom- mendations regarding needed legislation relating to the ♦Seat contested. tAdmitted to seat of Wm. N. Coler. tVice John W. Newport, deceased. §Admitted to seat of George W. Gage. 150 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. several great interests of the State, but the greater por- tion of it was devoted to questions growing out of the war. Eeferring to National affairs, he said: “ In the new policy of emancipation thus inaugurated, I feel that it is of the utmost importance to meet and silence the prejudice which, for partisan purposes, is attempted to be excited against the alleged injurious effects of eman- cipation. It is not to be overlooked that there exists a degree of prejudice in the minds of the people, upon the subject of giving freedom to the slave, to which politicians appeal with fatal injury to the cause of that enlightened progress which has been so Providentially placed within the reach of the present generation. A grand opportunity is presented to us by the logic of events. By a wise and Christian policy we blot out a mighty wrong to one class of people now in bondage, and secure lasting peace and happiness to another. “ I am sure of two things : First — that when slavery is removed, this rebellion will die out, and not before. Sec- ond — I believe and predict, and commit the prediction in this State paper to meet the verdict of my successors in office, and of posterity, that the change brought about by the policy of emancipation will pass off in a way so quietly and so easily that the world will stand amazed that we should have entertained such fears of its evils. . . . “ I demand the removal of slavery. In the name of my country, whose peace it has disturbed, and plunged into fearful civil war ; in the name of the heroes it has slain ; in the name of justice, whose highest tribunals it has corrupted and prostituted to its basest ends and purposes ; in the name of Washington and Jefferson, and all the old patriots who struggled round about the camps of liberty, and who looked forward to the early extinction of slavery ; in the name of progress, civilization and liberty, and in the name of God Almighty himself, I demand the utter and entire demolition of this heaven-cursed wrong of hu- man bondage — this sole cause of the treason, death and misery which fill the land. Fear not the consequences, for the Almighty will uphold the arms of the hosts whose banners are blazoned with the glorious war-cry of liberty. “ Slavery removed, and we shall have peace— solid and enduring peace — and our Nation, entering upon a new career, will leap with a mighty bound to be the greatest and freest upon the face of the earth. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 151 “I regret that appeals are being made to the masses by a few public presses in the country for separation from New England. Not a drop of New England blood courses my veins; still I should deem myself an object of com- miseration and shame if I could forget her glorious his- tory ; if I could forget that the blood of her citizens freely commingled with that of my own ancestors upon those memorable fields which ushered in the millennium dawn of civil and religious liberty. I purpose not to be the eulo- gist of New England ; but she is indissolubly bound to us by all the bright memories of the past, by all the glory of the present, by all the hopes of the future. I shall always glory in the fact that I belong to a republic in the galaxy of whose stars New England is among the brightest and best. Palsied be the hand that would sever the ties which bind the East and West.” The two houses met in joint session on the 12th of Jan- uary and proceeded to elect a Senator of the United States to succeed Stephen A. Douglas, deceased. Wm. A. Rich- ardson received 65 votes and Richard Yates 38. Richard- son having received a majority of all the votes cast, the Speaker declared him the duly elected Senator. This was not a harmonious body. We were then in the second year of the war, and there existed a radical differ- ence between the respective parties relating to the meas- ures employed by the National Government to overthrow the rebellion, and much of the time of the session was occupied in a violent and fruitless discussion of these questions; but that the reader may have a clear under- standing of the spirit and temper of that assembly, we print the views of the respective parties on the questions at issue as they were presented by the majority and min- ority reports from the Committee on Federal Relations. The report of the majority was in these words: “Whereas, The Union has no existence separate from the Federal Constitution, but, being created solely by that instrument, it can only exist by virtue thereof; and when .the provisions of that Constitution are suspended, either in time of war or in peace, whether by the North or the South, it is alike disunion; and 152 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS* “ Whereas, The Federal Government can lawfully exer- cise no power that is not conferred upon it by the Federal Constitution, the exercise, therefore, of other powers, not granted by that instrument, in time of war, as well as in time of peace, is a violation of the written will of the Ameri- can people, destructive of their plan of government, and of their common liberties ; and “ Whereas, The Constitution cannot be maintained, nor the Union preserved, in opposition to public feeling, by a mere exercise of the coercive powers confided to the General Government, and that, in case of differences and conflicts between the States and the Federal Government,, too powerful for adjustment by the civil departments of the Government, the appeal is not to the sword, by the State, or by the General Government, but to the people, peacefully assembled by their Representatives in conven- tion; and ‘‘Whereas, The allegiance of the citizen is due alone to the Constitution and laws made in pursuance thereof — not to any man, or officer, or administration— -and whatever support is due to any officer of this Government, is due alone by virtue of the Constitution and laws; and “Whereas, also, The condition of the whole Republic, but more especially the preservation of the liberties of the people of Illinois, imperatively demands that we, their representatives, should make known to our fellow country- men our deliberate judgment and will; “We therefore declare, That the acts of the Federal Administration in suspending the writ of habeas corpus , the arrest of citizens not subject to military law, without warrant and without authority — transporting them to dis- tant States, incarcerating them in political prisons, with- out charge or accusation — denying them the right of trial by jury, witnesses in their favor, or counsel for their defense; withholding from them all knowledge of their accusers, and the cause of their arrest — answering their’ petitions for redress by repeated injury and insult — pre- scribing, in many cases, as a condition of their release, test oaths, arbitrary and illegal; in the abridgment of' freedom of speech, and of the press, by imprisoning the citizen for expressing his sentiments, by suppressing news- papers by military force, and establishing a censorship over others, wholly incompatible with freedom of thought and expression of opinion, and the establishment of a sys- tem of espionage by a secret police, to invade the sacred privacy of unsuspecting citizens; declaring martial law* POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 155 over States not in rebellion, and where the courts are open and unobstructed for the punishment of crime ; in declaring the slaves of loyal, as well as disloyal citizens, in certain States and parts of States, free ; the attempted enforcement of compensated emancipation; the proposed taxation of the laboring white man to purchase the free- dom and secure the elevation of the negro ; the transporta- tion of negroes into the State of Illinois, in defiance of the repeatedly expressed will of the people ; . the arrest and imprisonment of the Representatives of a free and sover- eign State ; the dismemberment of the State of Virginia, erecting within her boundaries a new State, without the consent of her Legislature, are each and all arbitrary and unconstitutional, a usurpation of the legislative functions, a suspension of the judicial departments of the State and Federal Governments, subverting the Constitution — State and Federal — invading the reserved rights of the people, and the sovereignty of the States, and, if sanctioned, de- structive of the Union — establishing upon the common ruins of the liberties of the people and the sovereignty of the States a consolidated military despotism. “And we hereby solemnly declare that no American citizen can, without the crime of infidelity to his country’s Constitutions, and the allegiance which he bears to each, sanction such usurpations. “Believing that our silence would be criminal, and may be construed into consent, in deep reverence for our Con- stitution, which has been ruthlessly violated, we do hereby enter our most solemn protest against these usurpations of power, and place the same before the world, intending thereby to warn our public servants against further usur- pations ; therefore, Resolved by the House of Representatives, the Senate con- curring herein , That the army was organized, confiding in the declaration of the President, in his inaugural address, to-wit: “That he had no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it existed, and that he believed he had no lawful right to do so, and that he had no inclination to do so;” and upon the declaration of the Federal Congress, to-wit : “That this war is not waged in any spirit of oppression or subjugation, or any purpose of overthrowing any of the institutions of any of the States;” and that, inasmuch as the whole policy of the Administration, since the organi- zation of the army, has been at war with the declarations aforesaid, culminating in the emancipation proclamation, 154 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. leaving the facts patent, that the war has been diverted from its first avowed object to that of subjugation and the abolition of slavery, a fraud, both legal and moral, has been perpetrated upon the brave sons of Illinois, who have so nobly gone forth to battle for the Constitution and the laws. And, while we protest against the continuance of this gross fraud upon our citizen soldiers, we thank them for that heroic conduct on the battlefields that shed im- perishable glory on the State of Illinois. * 'Resolved, That we believe the further prosecution of the present war can not result in the restoration of the Union and the preservation of the Constitution, as our fathers made it, unless the President’s Emancipation Proclama- tion be withdrawn. 6 'Resolved, That while we condemn and denounce the flagrant and monstrous usurpations of the Administration, and encroachments of Abolitionism, we equally condemn and denounce the ruinous heresy of secession, as unwar- ranted by the Constitution, and destructive alike of the security and perpetuity of our Government, and the peace and liberty of the people; and fearing, as we do, that it is the intention of the present Congress and Administra- tion, at no distant day, to acknowledge the independence of the Southern Confederacy, and thereby sever the Union, we hereby solemnly declare that we are unalterably op- posed to any such severance of the Union, and that we never can consent that the great Northwest shall be sep- arated from the Southern States, comprising the Missis- sippi Valley. That river shall never water the soil of two nations, but, from its source to its confluence with the gulf, shall belong to one great and united people. “ Resolved , That peace, fraternal relations and political fellowship should be restored among the States, that the best interests of all, and the welfare of mankind, require that this should be done in the most speedy and effective manner ; that it is to the people we must look for a res- toration of the Union, and the blessings of peace, and to these ends we should direct our earnest and honest efforts ; and hence we are in favor of the assembling of a National Convention of all the States, to so adjust our National difficulties that the States may hereafter live together in harmony, each being secured in the rights guaranteed to all by our fathers ; and which Convention we recommend shall convene at Louisville, Kentucky, or such other place * as shall be determined upon by Congress or the several .States, at the earliest practicable period. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 155 “ Resolved , further , therefore , That to attain the objects of the foregoing resolution, we hereby memorialize the Congress of the United States, the Administration at Washington, and the Executives and Legislatures of the several States, to take such action as shall secure an armistice, in which the rights and safety of the Govern- ment shall be fully protected, for such length of time as will enable the people to meet in convention as aforesaid. And we, therefore, earnestly recommend to our fellow- citizens everywhere, to observe and keep all their lawful and constitutional obligations ; to abstain from all violence, and to meet together and reason, each with the other, upon the best mode to attain the great blessings of peace, unity and liberty; and, be it further “ Resolved , That to secure the co-operation of the States and the General Government, Stephen T. Logan, Samuel S. Marshall, H. K. S. O’Melveny, William C. Goudy, An- thony Thornton and John D. Caton, are hereby appointed commissioners to confer immediately with Congress and the President of the United States, and with the Legis- latures and Executives of the several States, and urge the necessity of prompt action to secure said armistice, and the election of delegates to, and early assembling of, said convention ; and to arrange and agree with the Gen- eral Government and the several States, upon the time and place of holding said convention; and that they re- port their action in the premises to the General Assembly of this State. “ Resolved , That the Speaker of the House of Represen- tatives be requested to transmit a copy of the foregoing preamble and resolutions to the President of the United States, to each of our Senators and Representatives in Congress, and to each of the Governors and the Speakers of the House of Representatives of the several States.” The minority report was as follows : “ Resolved , That in the present condition of our National affairs, and in the existence of the troubles which sur- round our country, it is the duty of all good citizens cordially to support the National and State administra- tions, and that we hereby offer to the administration of Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, and Richard Yates, Governor of the State of Illinois, our earnest and cordial support in the efforts of their respec- tive administrations to put down the present most infamous rebellion. 156 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. “ Resolved , That while we admit that during the present terrible and unjustifiable rebellion it would be impossible for the President of the United States to discharge his duties so as to satisfy the views of all the people of the United States, yet as he is the officer invested with the constitu- tional power to act as the executive head of the Govern- ment in putting down the present rebellion, which is seeking our overthrow, it becomes the duty of all loyal citizens to strengthen the President’s arm for the contest, and to give him that moral and material aid and support, regardless of mere party difference of opinion, that will be effectual to put down insurrection and sustain our Government, and we hold that no man can be regarded as a lover of his country who will not make any sacrifice that is needed to sustain the Government under which he lives. “ Resolved , That it is the first and highest duty of the National Government to crush out the existing rebellion;, that our own happiness, prosperity and power as a peo- ple, and the fate of republican institutions throughout the world are involved in this great issue ; and in order to accomplish that result, it is both the right and duty of the Government to use all means recognized by the laws of civilized warfare. “ Resolved , That the Constitution of our fathers and the irrepealable laws of nature unite in indissoluble bonds the great Northwest with the mouth of the Mississippi and the Eastern seaboard ; that we should be as ready, if need were, to crush secession in the East as in the South, and that we will never consent to the dissolution of the Union, or to the abandonment by the National Government of its constitutional sovereignty over any, the least portion of our territory. “ Resolved , That we have no terms of compromise to propose to rebels in arms; that we should regard propo- sitions by the loyal States for a cessation of hostilities as both fruitless and humiliating, and that any settlement of our National troubles, by any species of concession to rebels, or by any mode short of an unconditional sup- pression of the rebellion, would be an acknowledgment of the principle of secession, and would be offering a pre- mium to treason for all time to come. “ Resolved , That the Constitution of the United States confers upon the Government of the same, all the powers necessary to the effectual suppression of the rebellion, and to punish the rebels for the violation of their allegiance, and to this end it may deprive them of life, liberty or POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 157 property, if required, in its judgment, and that an imperious necessity demanded of the President of the United States the issuing of his proclamation of freedom to the slaves in rebellious States and parts of States, and we pledge ourselves to sustain him in the same. “ Resolved , That the President, as Commander-in-Chief of the army and the executive head of the Government, has the same undoubted right to suspend the writ of habeas corpus , during an armed rebellion, that Gen. Jack- son had to suspend that writ in New Orleans ; that even if individual cases of hardship have occurred in conse- quence of false information furnished to the Government, which it had good reason to believe to be true, still no thoroughly loyal citizen, who earnestly desires the sup- pression of the rebellion, would seek, for such causes, to create disaffection among the people towards the Govern- ment, or to make them believe that their liberties are in danger, and that we have yet to hear of the first truly loyal man who believes himself in danger of military arrest or imprisonment in so-called bastiles. “ Resolved , That the object of the Administration, in prosecuting the war against the rebellion, is now, as it ever has heretofore been, the restoration of the Union, and not the abolishment pf slavery in the rebellious States ; that this last step is resorted to by the President as a necessary and constitutional war measure, and as a potent means towards the accomplishment of the great object had in view — the crushing of the rebellion and the resto- ration of the Union. Resolved , That during the great convulsion which afflicts our country, we are desirous of seeing the liberty of the citizen as much respected as is compatible with public safety; but we distinctly announce our conviction to be, that no man has a right to be a traitor — that no man has a right to aid and abet the enemies of his country — that no man has a right to appeal to the spirit of insur- rection in opposition to the constituted and lawful authori- ties of the land — that those so offending act by virtue of no right, but in their own wrong, and should be promptly and duly restrained by the Government. Resolved , That until the present struggle is over, and the Union restored, the people should recognize no party line but that mentioned by Mr. Douglas — the line divid- ing patriots and traitors ; that inasmuch as all traitors, North and South, are united, it behooves all patriots of all parties to stand together like a band of brothers, 158 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. meeting with unbroken front, and putting down with united strength treason in all its forms, and wherever it may lift its head. Resolved , That the late State government of Virginia having treasonably abdicated its legitimate authority, the same devolved upon that portion of her citizens which organized a loyal government in that section of her terri- tory where they could safely assemble, and that such loyal government was invested with the whole power of the State of Virginia, and had the rightful authority, under the National Constitution, with the sanction of Congress, to consent to the formation of a new State, carved out of its territory. Resolved , That the courts of the United States would be wholly inefficient to maintain its authority against rebels in arms, and that the only mode in which the rebellion can be put down is through the military arm of the Gov- ernment, and that the proper duty of our courts is to follow, and not to precede, our armies, and that we will hail the day when the military aid can be dispensed with in the administration of our affairs, and the civil authority restored to its wonted supremacy. Resolved , That the democratic principle, viz : the fre- quency of elections, and of submission to the will of the people as expressed at the ballot box, dispenses entirely with the necessity of forcible revolution to correct any real or fancied errors of administration, and this fact takes away all excuse for those who seek to inaugurate a state of anarchy or rebellion, and invests their crime with a ten- fold atrocity. Resolved , That the gallant sons of Illinois who have gone forth to fight our battles, have achieved for them- selves and their State imperishable renown ; that the page which shall record their deeds will be among the brightest of our country’s history, and having sealed their hatred of treason by the baptism of the battle-field, they will, upon their return, pronounce at the ballot box, their con- demnation of all men who have dared to express a covert sympathy with traitors, or to denounce the sacred, cause for which they have shed their blood.” On the 12th of February, Mr. Lawrence moved to substi- tute the minority report for that of the majority, which was lost by a vote of 27 yeas to 52 nays, when Mr. Burr moved the previous question upon the adoption of the resolutions of the majority report, which was decided in the affirmative, POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 159 by a vote of 52 yeas to 28 nays. The resolutions were transmitted to the Senate the same day for its concur- rence, and on motion of Mr. Underwood, they were made the special order for Friday evening the 13th, at 7 o’clock. Pending the action of the Senate on the resolutions, Sen- ator Rogers, Democrat, died, which left the Senate, politi- cally, a tie, and as the presiding officer was a Republican and had the casting vote, the resolutions were thus left unacted upon, and on the 14th the two houses took a recess until the 2d of June. As may be inferred, this was one of the most exciting sessions of the Legislature ever known. A wide difference existed between the Executive and the dominant party as to the National policy regarding the prosecution of the war. The majority in either house lost no opportunity to oppose the wishes of the Executive, and vice versa. Many violent speeches were made in either house, but that of Sen- ator Funk, of McLean, who had been elected to succeed Senator Oglesby, was one of the most thrilling and re- markable. Mr. Funk was a Republican, and ardently in favor of a vigorous prosecution of the war. He had never made a speech before in his life; he had listened for weeks to the utterances of the men who opposed the war policy of the National Government, until his patience was exhausted, and rising in his place, without knowing what he was going to say, or what would be the consequences, he spoke with a power and fluency that filled and thrilled the entire capitol, and won for him the admiration of the war men throughout the entire North. His speech was reproduced in all the leading journals of the country; it was read to the Union soldiers in the South, by order of their commanders, and Mr. Funk received from President Lincoln a personal letter, thanking him for the bold stand he had taken in favor of the prosecution of the war. We will digress to say that Senator Funk died in Bloomington, at 160 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 5 o’clock a. m., January 29, 1865, at the residence of his son Duncan, surrounded by his affectionate family, in the 68th year of his age; and, singular as it may seem, his wife died at 9 o’clock on the same day. This body reassembled in June, agreeably to adjourn- ment, and on the 3d Mr. Bushnell introduced a joint resolution proposing a sine die adjournment on the lOfch. On the 8th his resolution was taken up, and, on motion of Mr. Mack, was amended by inserting the words “at 12 o’clock.” Mr. Mason moved to insert “the 16th inst. at 12 o’clock.” The yeas and nays being demanded, it was lost, by a vote of 4 yeas to 17 nays. The question recurring on the motion to adjourn on the 10th, Mr. Van- deveer moved to amend by inserting “6 o’clock this day,” which was decided in the affirmative, by a vote of 14 yeas to 7 nays. The resolution was sent to the House for its concurrence. Mr. Walker moved to amend the resolution by striking out the words “June 8th, at 6 o’clock p. m.,” and inserting in lieu thereof the words “June 22d, at 10 o’clock a. m.” Mr. Haines moved to strike out “June 8th, at 6 o’clock p. m.,” and insert “June 12th, at 10 o’clock a. m.” Mr. Monroe moved to strike out “June 8th, at 6 o’clock,” and insert “June 19th, at 10 o’clock a. m.” Mr. Smith, of Union, moved to lay the whole subject on the table, which was decided in the negative, by a vote of 27 yeas to 32 nays. Mr. Wike then moved the previous question on the amendment of Mr. Walker, which was decided in the affirmative, by a vote of 45 yeas to 21 nays, when the resolution, as amended, was adopted by a vote of 51 yeas to 13 nays, and it was sent to the Senate for its concurrence. A resolution was subsequently sent by the House to the Senate expressing a desire to recede from its action in amending the Senate resolution relative to adjournment, and requested the return of the resolution for reconsideration. There was no further L IHP»RY 1He Of POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 161 action by the Senate on the resolution, and on the morning of the 10th, Gov. Yates transmitted a message to the two houses proroguing the General Assembly “to the Saturday next preceding the first Monday in January, 1865.” In the Senate, the Speaker having vacated his seat, Mr. Underwood was called to the chair when a call of the Senate showed only eight members present. In the House^ the message proroguing the Assembly was announced by the Doorkeeper, and read, but the bearer was not recog- nized by the Speaker. Mr. Smith, of Union, moved to adjourp until 2 o’clock. Mr. Burr moved to adjourn with- out day, and after debate, the resolution was withdrawn, when Mr. Walker moved a call of the House, when it was found to be without a quorum. On motion of Mr. Burr, a, joint committee, consisting of three from the House and two from the Senate, was appointed to prepare an address to the people, explaining why they were not engaged in transacting the legitimate business for which they were elected. On the presentation of the message proroguing the body, the Republicans at once absented themselves from the two houses and departed for their respective homes, but the Democrats remained in session until the 24th of June, when a recess was taken until the Tuesday after the first Monday of January, 1864, at 10 o’clock a. m. (See House and Senate journals, 1868.) This was the first, and only time, where the Governor of the State had exercised the power of prorogation, as conferred upon him by the constitution. The Democratic members issued a fiery address to the people of the State, setting forth their grievances, and the question as to the legality of the action of the Governor was presented to the Supreme Court, in various forms, by eminent legal talent, yet that body never rendered a decision bearing —11 162 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. directly on the question. Three Judges then constituted this Court, in the persons of Sidney Breese, Pinkney H. Walker and John 1). Caton, but the latter was not present when the cause was passed upon. Justices Breese and Walker wrote separate opinions, but each concurred with the other. Justice Breese said: “Admitting, then, that the act of the Governor was, in the language of the pro- test, ‘illegal, outrageous and unconstitutional,’ both houses having adopted it and dispersed, they thereby put an end to the session, evincing at the time no intention to resume it. This, for all practical purposes, was an adjournment sine die .” And thus ended the existence of this General Assembly, and the controversy growing out of its proro- gation by the Governor. CHAPTER XVI. STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1864, Two State Tickets— Two Presidential Candidates— Aggregate Vote for State Officers— Aggregate Vote for Members of Congress by Districts— Aggre- gate Vote for Electors. The Republican party held their State Convention May 25, to nominate a State ticket and appoint delegates to the National Convention. Richard J. Oglesby was nomi- nated for Governor; William Bross, for Lieutenant-Gov- ernor ; Sharon Tyndale, for Secretary of State ; 0. H. Miner, for Auditor; James H. Beveridge, for Treasurer; Newton Bateman, for Superintendent of Public Instruction, and S. W. Moulton for Congressman-at-Large. The Democratic Convention did not meet until Septem- ber 6. James C. Robinson was nominated for Governor; POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 163 S. Corning Judd, for Lieutenant-Governor ; Wm. A. Turney, for Secretary of State ; John Hise, for Auditor ; Alexander Starne, for Treasurer ; John P. Brooks, for Superintendent of Public Instruction, and James C. Allen for Congress- man-at-Large. The Republicans met in National Convention at Balti- more, June 7, and renominated Abraham Lincoln for Presi- dent and Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, for Vice-President. The Democrats met in National Convention at Chicago, August 29, and nominated Geo. B. McClellan, of New Jersey, for President, and Geo. H. Pendleton, of Ohio, for Vice-President. This being the year of the Presidential election, the contest was therefore active and earnest on both sides, and was waged with much bitterness. Notwithstanding the Democrats had nominated a strong war man for Presi- dent, they adopted a peace platform in which they declared that the war for the Union was a failure, and demanded a cessation of hostilities, which platform was adopted by the Democratic State Convention. In the selection of Robinson and Allen, the Democracy had put forth their greatest champions, and on this plat- form they boldly took their stand, and the State rang from end to end and side to side with their eloquence. The Republicans had resolved, in State and National Conventions, to stand by the constituted authorities of the country in their efforts to uphold the character of the Government and maintain the Union, and as an evidence of sincerity, had nominated President Lincoln for re-elec- tion, and a General of the Union army for Governor, on a platform which had no uncertain sound as regarded the prosecution of the war. Upon these broad declarations the gallant Oglesby and patriotic Moulton boldly met their adversary, and routed him horse, foot and dragoon. The majority for the Republican State ticket was 81,675, and 164 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. for the National ticket 30,676. This result clearly showed that the people, irrespective of party leaders, were in favor of sustaining the Union by a vigorous prosecution of the war. The aggregate vote for the State officers, Congressman- at-Large, Congressmen by districts, and Presidential elec- tors, is as follows : Governor. . Richard J. Oglesby, R 190,376 James C. Robinson, D 158,701 Lieutenant- Governor. William Bross, R 188,842 S. Corning Judd, D 158,244 Secretary of State. Sharon Tyndale, R 190,154 Wm. A. Turney, D 158,833 Auditor. 0. H. Miner, R 190,231 John Hise, D..... 158,727 Treasurer. James H. Beveridge, R 190,199 Alexander Starne, D 158,792 Superintendent of Public Instruction. Newton Bateman, R 190,280 John P. Brooks, D 158,777 Congressman- at-Large. S. W. Moulton, R 190,226 J. C. Allen 158,784 Members of Congress — First District. John Wentworth, R 18,557 Cyrus H. McCormick 14,277 Second District. John F. Farnsworth, R 18,298 M. C. Johnson 5,237 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 165 Thikd District. Elihu B. Washburne, B 15,711 Elias B. Stiles 7,421 Scattering 4 Fourth District. Abner C. Harding, B .... 13,569 Charles M. Harris 12,721 Fifth District. Eben C. Ingersoll, B 18,152 James S. Eekles 11,282 Sixth District. Burton C. Cook, K 15,598 Samuel K. Casey 9,980 Seventh District. H. P. H. Bromwell, B 15,368 John B. Eden 12,027 Eighth District. Shelby M. Cullom, B 15,812 John T. Stuart.. 14,027 Ninth District. Lewis W. Boss, D 15,296 Hugh Fullerton 12,239 Tenth District. Anthony Thornton, D 16,902 N. M. Knapp 12,176 Eleventh Districx. Samuel S. Marshall, D. 16,703 Ethelbert Callahan 10,696 Twelfth District. Jehu Baker, B 11,817 Wm. B. Morrison 11,741 166 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS, Thirteenth District. Andrew J. Kuykendall, R 11,742 William J. Allen 10,759 Milton Bartley 57 Presidential Electors — Lincoln, R. John Dougherty 189,505 Francis A. Hoffman 189,508 Benjamin M. Prentiss 189,506 John Y. Far well 189,517 Anson S. Miller 189,518 John Y. Eustace 189,505 James S. Poage 189,518 John I. Bennett 189,519 William T. Hopkins 189,517 Franklin Blades 189,518 J. C. Conkling 189,517 William Walker 189,518 Thomas W. Harris 189,518 N. M. McCurdy 189,519 Henry S. Baker 189,518 Z. S. Clifford 189,521 McClellan, D. Chauncey L. Higbee 158,829 Arno Voss 158,519 Nathan S. Davis 158,519 Samuel Ashton 158,726 H. T. Helm 158,726 William Barge 158,726 Henry K. Peffer 158,726 John T. Lindsay 158,725 Sherman W. Bowen 158,726 Abram L. Keller 158,726 Adlai E. Stevenson 158,726 J. C. Thompson 158,726 John M. Woodson 158,726 H. K. S. O’Melveney 158.726 Thomas Dimmock 158,726 Cresa K. Davis 158,726 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 167 CHAPTER XVII. STATE GOVERNMENT-1865. Governor — R. J. Oglesby. Lieutenant-Governor — William Bross. Secretary of State — Sharon Tyndale. Auditor of Public Accounts — 0. H. Miner. Treasurer — Jas. H. Beveridge. Superintendent of Public Instruction — Newton Bateman. Twenty-fourth General Assembly. The Twenty-fourth General Assembly convened the 2d day of January, and consisted of the following members : Senate. Wm. H. Green, Cairo. James Strain, Monmouth. John W. Wescott, Xenia. A. C. Mason, Galesburg. Daniel Reily, Kaskaskia. John T. Lindsay, Peoria. David K. Green, Salem. W. Bushnell, Ottawa, A. W. Metcalf, Edwardsville. A. W. Mack, Kankakee. L. E. Worcester, Whitehall. E. R. Allen, Aurora. H. M. Vandeveer, Taylorville. Daniel Richard, Sterling. Andrew J. Hunter, Paris. A. Webster, Rock Island. Joseph Peters, Danville. J. H. Addams, Cedarville. Isaac Funk, Bloomington. 0. Lansing, Marengo. John B. Cohrs, Pekin. F. A. Eastman, Chicago. M. McConnel, Jacksonville. J. D. Ward, Chicago. B. T. Schofield, Carthage. House op Representatives. Henry W. Webb, Cairo. W. H. Logan, Murphysboro. Wm. A. Looney, Vienna. Isaac Miller, Nashville. C. Burnett, Elizabethtown. W. K. Murphy, Pinckneyville D. H. Morgan, Russellville. Austin James, Michie. -John Ward, Benton. S. E. Stephenson, Salem. 168 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Y. S. Benson, McLeansboro. John L. Tincher, Danville. Thomas Cooper, Willow Hill. Solomon L. Spink, Paris. Lewis W. Miller, Olney. Isaac C. Pugh, Decatur. Geo. H. Deickman, Yandalia. Lewis J. Bond, Monticello. J. Shelby, Maple Grove. C. A. Lake, Kankakee. Nathaniel Niles, Belleville. Charles H. Wood, Onarga. John Thomas, Belleville. A. J. McIntyre, Wilmington. Julius J. Barnsback, Troy. Wm. T. Hopkins, Morris. H. Dresser, Cottonwood G’ve Franklin Corwin, LaSalle. H. B. Decius, Majority Point. John Miller, Freedom. Wm. Middlesworth, Windsor Jason W. Strevell, Pontiac. Elisha E. Barrett, Butler. Henry D. Cook, Kappa. Ambrose M. Miller, Lincoln. G. D. Henderson, Granville. James W. Patton, Berlin. Wm. C. Stacy, Princeton. Sergeant Gobble, Scottsville. Milton M. Ford, Galva. John McDonald, Hardin. Jos. W. Lloyd, Edgington. Nathaniel M. Perry, Kane. Leander Smith, Fulton. J. F. Curtis, Manchester. 0. W. Bryant, Paw Paw Gr. Scott Wike, Pittsfield. D. J. Pinckney, Mt. Morris. King Kerley, Mt. Sterling. Allen C. Fuller, Belvidere. John Hill, Petersburg. Ira Y. Randall, DeKalb. J. T. Springer, Jacksonville. 0. C. Johnson, Kendall. Thomas Redmond, Quincy. S. S. Mann, Elgin. W. T. Yeargain, Columbus. E. B. Payne, Waukegan. Wm. H. Neece, Macomb. M. L. Joslyn, Woodstock. Joseph Sharon, Augusta. Wm. Brown, Rockford. M. M. Morrill, Nauvoo. H. C. Burchard, Freeport. J. Simpson, Oquawka. John D. Platt, Warren. Jas. H. Martin, Monmouth. Daniel W. Dame, Lanark. J. M. Holyoke, Wataga. Henry C. Childs, Wheaton.. L. W. James, Lewiston. N. W. Huntley, Chicago. T. M. Morse, Fairview. Ansel B. Cook, Chicago. Richard C. Dunn, Toulon. Wm. Jackson, Orland. Alexander McCoy, Peoria. Ed. S. Isham, Chicago. S. R. Saltonstall, Tremont. A. H. Dalton, Hope. Harrison Noble, Heyworth. A. F. Stephenson, Chicago. John Warner, Clinton. George Strong, Wheeling. Malden Jones, Tuscola. Lieutenant-Governor Bross was' the presiding officer of the Senate, and John F. Nash, of LaSalle, was elected Secretary, over Maning Mayfield, of Massac, by a vote of 14 to 8. Allen C. Fuller, of Boone, was elected Speaker of the House, over Ambrose M. Miller, of Logan, by a vote of POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 169 48 to 28, and Walter S. Frazier, of Cook, Clerk, over John Q. Harmon, of Alexander, by a vote of 50 to 21. Those of the new members of this body who were able and active, were : D. K. Green, Metcalf, Cohrs, Lindsay, Bushnell, Ward, Webb, Burnett, Murphy, Corwin, Ford, Joslyn. Bichard Yates, the retiring Governor, presented his mes- sage to the two houses on the 3d. One of his special recommendations was the repeal of the “black laws”. An elaborate statement was given relating to the affairs of the State in general, and notwithstanding the Nation had passed through a long and expensive war, it was shown that Illinois had continued to advance in prosperity, and that for the four years ending December, 1864, the State debt had been reduced $987,786.23. Bichard Yates was known as one of the war Governors, and all his energy and ability were directed in saving the Union. He was truly a great and sagacious man. When the tocsin of war was sounded he was prompt in respond- ing to the call of the National Government for troops, to aid in putting down the rebellion; he had the moral courage to do that which would best serve the Nation in its efforts to preserve its own life ; he laid aside his party predilections, and labored and thought only of saving the Union intact; he comprehended the magnitude of the re- bellion at once, and was early in advising President Lincoln as to the policy of declaring the slaves free, and allowing them to fight in defense of the flag that was to protect them in their liberty. He retired from the office with the love and admiration of his countrymen. The two houses met in joint session January 4, and elected Bichard Yates United States Senator, over James C. Bobinson, by a vote of 64 to 43. The assembly met in joint session on the 16th, when the incoming Governor, B. J. Oglesby, was inaugurated. 170 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. and his message read. He referred in appropriate terms to the conflict through which the country was passing; invited special attention to the recommendations in the message of his predecessor ; he urged strict economy in every department ; he recommended that action be taken for the disposition and utilization of the grant of land, donated by Congress in 1862, to the State for college purposes; he recommended that a law be passed allowing the soldiers in the field to vote ; he recommended to the care and at- tention of the General Assembly the vast multitude of helpless orphans who had been deprived of the protection of kind fathers, who had given their lives to the country ; he urged the adoption of the 18th amendment to the Na- tional Constitution, abolishing slavery. The duration of the session was just forty-five days. Among the public laws enacted was a law requiring the holders of the so-called Macallister and Stebbins bonds to surrender the same by July 1st, 1865, under certain penalties, or by January 1st, 1866, under other and heavier penalties; $3,000 was appropriated for the purpose of paying the proportion of the State in furnishing the Sol- diers’ National Cemetery at Gettysburg; an act was passed to establish a home for the children of deceased soldiers, (this was the foundation of the Soldiers’ Orphans’ Home, at Normal) ; $25,000 was appropriated to purchase the tract of land on which reposed the remains of Stephen A. Douglas; an experimental school for the instruction and training of idiots and feeble-minded children was au- thorized, and the sum of $5,000, annually, was appro- priated for that purpose. From this humble beginning has grown the Feeble-Minded Institute now in successful operation at Lincoln. The “black laws” were repealed at this session, and the 13th amendment to the National Constitution, abolishing slavery, was ratified. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 171 CHAPTER XVIII. ILLINOIS AND THE WAR. Prompt Response to the Call for Soldiers to Put Down the Rebellion— Number of Soldiers Furnished, by Counties— Allen C. Fuller. We pass briefly over the part Illinois took in the great war to preserve the Union, for the simple reason that the deeds of her brave soldiers and their gallant leaders are already a part of the history of both the State and Nation. No history, whether National or Confederate, has been written since that unfortunate conflict which does not con- lain honorable mention of their gallant deeds upon many hotly contested battlefields; while the carefully prepared official reports of Adjutant- Generals Mather, Fuller and Haynie, give the name and rank of every soldier from Illinois, who took part in that war. But, better than all, the memory of their heroic patriotism is indelibly stamped upon the hearts of our people ; and only when the cycles of time cease, will it be forgotten. On the 15th of April, one day after the surrender of Fort Sumter, President Lincoln issued his proclamation calling for 75,000 volunteer soldiers to repossess and pre- serve the property of the Nation. Jefferson Davis, Presi- dent of the so-called Confederate Government, also issued a proclamation calling his people to arms, and the issue of war between the two sections was distinctly made. Under the call of President Lincoln, the quota of Illinois was 6,000 men. Governor Yates was quick to issue his 172 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. proclamation convening the Legislature, to provide such measures as were necessary to fill the call and put the State upon a war footing. In ten days thereafter the quota of Illinois was filled, and more than a million dol- lars tendered the Governor by the capitalists of the State to aid in the maintenance of the integrity of the Union; and while it is true that there was a division of sentiment among the parties political, regarding the policy of the Government and the means employed to overcome the rebellion and preserve the Union, yet Illinois never fal- tered in responding to the calls of the Nation in that great emergency. Number of Soldiers Furnished. We here present the reader with an authentic statement as to the number of soldiers furnished by Illinois in the- war, by counties, as shown by the official records in the Adjutant-General’s office : Adams, 5178 ; Alexander, 1858 ; Bond, 1148 ; Boone, 1337 ; Brown, 1215 ; Bureau, 3626 ; Calhoun, 528 ; Carroll, 1498 ; Cass, 1312; Champaign, 2276; Christian, 1369; Clark,. 1560; Clay, 1482; Clinton, 1332; Coles, 2741; . Cook, 22,436; Crawford, 1323 ; Cumberland, 920 ; DeKalb, 2391 ; DeWitt, 1522; Douglas, 1175; DuPage, 1524; Edgar, 2312; Ed- wards, 625; Effingham, 1202; Fayette, 1629; Ford, 271; Franklin, 1241; Fulton, 3739; Gallatin, 1362; Greene, 1940; Grundy, 1343; Hamilton, 1226; Hancock, 3272; Hardin, 569 ; Henderson, 1330 ; Henry, 3077 ; Iroquois,. 1769; Jackson, 1422; Jasper, 948; Jefferson, 1330; Jersey, 1229; Jo Daviess, 2513; Johnson, 1426; Kane, 3873 ; Kan. kakee, 1764 ; Kendall, 1551 ; Knox, 3837 ; Lake, 1890 ; La- Salle, 5942 ; Lawrence, 1230 ; Lee, 2446 ; Livingston, 1743 ; Logan, 2160; Macon, 2189; Macoupin, 3184; Madison, 4221; Marion, 1954; Marshall, 1779; Mason, 1531; Mas- sac, 880; McDonough, 2734; McHenry, 2533; McLean,. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 178 4849 ; Menard, 1225 ; Mercer, 1848 ; Monroe, 1227 ; Mont- gomery, 1620; Morgan, 2732; Moultrie, 773; Ogle, 2953; Peoria, 4907 ; Perry, 1468 ; Piatt, 1055 ; Pike, 3132 ; Pope, 1253; Pulaski, 643; Putnam, 707; Randolph, 2099; Rich- land, 1577; Rock Island, 2473; Saline, 1280; Sangamon, 5010; Schuyler, 1570; Scott, 1212; Shelby, 2070; Stark, 1084; St. Clair, 4396; Stephenson, 3168; Tazewell, 2700; Union, 1846; Vermilion, 2596; Wabash, 707; Warren, 2455; Washington, 1744; Wayne, 1613; White, 1984; Whiteside, 2535; Will, 3696; Williamson, 1575; Winne- bago, 3187 ; Woodford, 1643. The total number was 256,297, being apportioned among two regiments of artillery, seventeen cavalry, and one hundred and forty-nine infantry. The grand total of Illinois soldiers who gave their lives in defence of their country’s flag, as recorded in the Ad- jutant-General’s office, is 28,842, but who can tell how many since the close of that never-to-be-forgotten struggle, have gone to their eternal rest. Allen C. Fuller. Among the many men who served the State with dis- tinction during the war, deserving special mention in this connection, is Gen. Allen C. Fuller, who occupied a seat upon the bench in the thirteenth circuit, in 1861, when he was tendered the appointment of Adjutant- General. His high character as a man, and his splen- did executive ability, soon won for him the confidence and admiration of all with whom he came in contact, and to his sagacity and untiring energy was the State indebted to a very large degree for the proud position she attained during the rebellion for promptness in organizing and arming her soldiers. A committee of the General Assembly which had been appointed to examine his office, was unanimous in praise of its management. We make the following extract from that report : 174 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. “ That we have thoroughly examined the office of the Adjutant- General and find it a model in completeness ; one that preserves in all its glory the proud records of our soldiery, and reflects infinite credit upon the great State whose sons they are. “That in the judgment of the committee, the thanks of every patriot citizen of the State are due to Gen. Fuller for the able and efficient manner in which he has dis- charged the duties of the office, and for his indefatigable efforts in collecting and preserving this glorious record of a glorious State.” Gov. Yates was equally complimentary in his biennial messages regarding the services of Gen. Fuller, and ac- knowledged himself deeply indebted to him for his hearty co-operation and able management of the military affairs of the State. In 1864 Gen. Fuller was elected Representa- tive in the Twenty-fourth General Assembly, and resign- ing the office of Adjutant-General, was elected Speaker of that body, and so able and impartial was he as a presid- ing officer that a resolution heartily thanking him for “ the kind, courteous, able and impartial manner in which he had presided over them,” was adopted by a unani- mous vote. CHAPTER XIX. JOHN A, LOGAN. A Slander Refuted— Declination to Become a Candidate for Congressman- at-Large in 1862— Patriotic Address to His Command in 1863— When McPherson Fell— Sherman’s Official Account of Logan’s Gallantry. It has not been our purpose to use these pages for ex- tolling the deeds of the men who took part in the great civil war, one above another, but it is due our readers POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 175 that we should put into history a true statement regard- ing the position occupied by Gen. John A. Logan at the time of the breaking out of the rebellion, for the reason that it is misunderstood by many persons who are entitled to know the facts as they exist, and for the further reason that the calumny so often uttered against him, should not go down to posterity without an unqualified denial. The substance of all the charges is, that he was disloyal to the Government when the war began, and that he had aided in recruiting soldiers in Illinois for the Southern army ; yet among all who have made these charges, from first to last, no man of character or personal responsi- bility has dared to come forward and make a specific charge or father one. It is said that Logan did not approve the great speech made by Senator Douglas, at Springfield, in April, 1861, wherein he took the bold ground that in the contest which was then clearly imminent to him, between the North and the South, that there could be but two parties, patriots and traitors. But, granting that there was a difference between Douglas and Logan at that time, it did not relate to their adhesion to the cause of their country. Logan had fought for the Union upon the plains of Mexico, and again stood ready to give his life, if need be, for his country, even amid the cowardly slanders that were then following his pathway. The difference between Douglas and Logan was this : Mr. Douglas was fresh from an extended campaign in the dissatisfied sections of the Southern States, and he was fully apprised of their intention to attempt the over- throw of the Union, and was therefore in favor of the most stupendous preparations for war. Mr. Logan, on the other hand, believed in exhausting all peaceable means before a resort to arms, and in this he was like President Lincoln ; but when he saw there was no other alternative but to fight, he was ready and willing for armed resistance, 176 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. ftnd, resigning his seat in Congress, entered the army as Colonel of the Thirty-first Illinois Infantry, and remained in the field in active service until peace was declared. In support of the declaration that there is no founda- tion in fact for the charge of disloyalty against Gen. Logan, we have only to refer briefly to his conduct as a soldier while the war was waged, and to his utterances, which were never doubtful in meaning. Whatever may be the belief of his enemies to the contrary, his acts must forever silence the slander, but his maligners may never be able to distinguish between a desire to settle the differ- ences between the North and the South without a resort to arms, and overt treason to the Government, and we shall not attempt to make them understand it, for there are none so blind as those who can see but will not. In the summer of 1862, when the Union Republicans and war Democrats were anxious for Gen. Logan to return home and make the race for Congress from the State-at- large, he addressed, under date of August 26, a patriotic letter to 0. M. Hatch, Secretary of State, declining the honor. From it we extract this passage: “I am to-day a soldier of this Republic, so to remain, changeless and immutable, until her last and weakest enemy shall have expired and passed away. Ambitious men, who have not a true love for their country at heart, may bring forth crude and bootless questions to agitate the pulse of our troubled Nation and thwart the preserva- tion of this Union, but for none of such am I. I have entered the field to die, if needs be, for this Government, and never expect to return to peaceful pursuits until the object of this war for preservation has become a fact established.” In view of the extraordinary position assumed by the Twenty-third General Assembly in regard to the prosecu- tion of the war, Gen. Logan issued a stirring address while at Memphis, Tennessee, under date of February 12 ? 1863, to the soldiers under his command, from which we make the following extract: POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 177 “I am aware that influences of the most discouraging and treasonable character, well calculated and designed to render you dissatisfied, have recently been brought to bear upon some of you by professed friends. Newspapers, containing treasonable articles, artfully falsifying the pub- lic sentiment at your homes, have been circulated in your camps. Intriguing political tricksters, demagogues and time-servers, whose corrupt deeds are but a faint reflex of their more corrupt hearts, seem determined to drive our people on to anarchy and destruction. They have hoped, by magnifying the reverses of our arms, basely misrepresenting the conduct and slandering the character of our soldiers in the field, and boldly denouncing the acts of the constituted authorities of the Government as uncon- stitutional usurpations, to produce general demoralization in the army, and thereby reap their political reward, weaken the cause we have espoused, and aid those arch traitors of the South to dismember our mighty Republic, and trail in the dust the emblem of our National unity, greatness and glory. Let me remind you, my countrymen, that we are soldiers of the Federal Union, armed for the preser- vation of the Federal Constitution, and the maintenance of its laws and authority. Upon your faithfulness and devotion, heroism and gallantry, depend its perpetuity. To us has been committed this sacred inheritance, baptized in the blood of our fathers. We are soldiers of a Govern- ment that has always blessed us with prosperity and hap- piness. “It has given to every American citizen the largest freedom and the most perfect equality of rights and privi- leges. It has afforded us security in person and property, and blessed us until, under its beneficent influence, we were the proudest Nation on earth. “We should be united in our efforts to put down a re- bellion that now, like an earthquake, rocks the Nation from State to State, from center to circumference, and threatens to engulf us all in one common ruin, the horrors of which no pen can portray. We have solemnly sworn to bear true faith to this Government, preserve its Con- stitution, and defend its glorious flag against all its ene- mies and opposers. To our hands has been committed the liberties, the prosperity and happiness of future gen- erations. Shall we betray such a trust ? Shall the brilliancy of your past achievements be dimmed and tarnished by hesitation, discord and dissension, whilst armed traitors 178 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. menace you in front, and unarmed traitors intrigue against you in the rear? We are in no way responsible for any action of the civil authorities. We constitute the military arm of the Government. That the civil power is threat- ened and attempted to be paralyzed, is the reason for resort to the military power. To aid the civil authorities (not to oppose or obstruct) in the exercise of their author- ity is our office; and shall we forget this duty, and stop to wrangle and dispute, while the country is bleeding at every pore, on this or that political act or measure, whilst a fearful wail of anguish, wrung from the heart of a dis- tracted people, is borne upon every breeze, and widows and orphans are appealing to us to avenge the loss of their loved ones who have fallen by our side in defence of its old blood-stained banner, and whilst the Temple of Liberty itself is being shaken to the very center by the ruthless blows of traitors who have desecrated our flag, obstructed our National highways, destroyed our peace, desolated our firesides, and draped thousands of our homes in mourning? “Let us stand firm at our posts of duty and honor, yielding a cheerful obedience to all orders from our supe- riors, until, by our united efforts, the stars and stripes shall be planted in every city, town and hamlet of the rebellious States. We can then return to our homes and through the ballot-box peaceably redress all our wrongs, if any we have.” It required more courage to write this address than it did to fight a battle, for there was then great opposition all over the North to the liberation of * the slaves ; even among distinguished Republicans grave doubts were enter- tained as to the policy of emancipation, and the former * declarations of President Lincoln show conclusively that he issued the proclamation with reluctance. But the best test of General Logan’s love of country or patriotism was after the battle before Atlanta, on the 22d of July, 1864, where General McPherson was killed. General Sherman, in his report of this battle, says : “Not more than half an hour after General McPherson had left me, viz: about 12:30 p. m., of the 22d, his Ad- jutant-General, Lieutenant-Colonel Clark, rode up and reported that General McPherson was either dead or a POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 179 prisoner ; that he had ridden from me to General Dodge’s column, moving as heretofore described, and had sent off nearly all his staff and orderlies on various errands, and himself had passed into a narrow path or road that led to the left and rear of General Giles A. Smith’s division, which was General Blair’s extreme left; that a few min- utes after he had entered the woods a sharp volley was heard in that direction, and his horse had come out riderless, having two wounds. The suddenness of this ter- rible calamity would have overwhelmed me with grief, but the living demanded my whole thoughts. I instantly despatched a staff officer to General John A. Logan, com- manding the 15th corps, to tell him what had happened ; that he must assume command of the Army of the Ten- nessee, and hold, stubbornly, the ground already chosen, more especially the hill gained by General Leggett the night before About 4 p. m. there was quite a lull, during which the enemy fell forward on the railroad and main Decatur road, and suddenly assailed a regiment which, with a section of guns, had been thrown forward as a kind of picket, and captured the two guns; he then advanced rapidly and broke through our lines at that point, which had been materially weakened by the withdrawal of Colo- nel Martin’s brigade, sent by General Logan’s order to the extreme left. The other brigade, General Lightburn, which held this part of the line, fell back in some disor- der, about four hundred yards, to a position held by it the night before, leaving the enemy for a time in posses- sion of two batteries, one of which, a 20-pounder Parrott battery of four guns, was most valuable to us, and sepa- rating General Wood’s and General Harrow’s divisions of the 15th corps, that were on the right and left of the railroad. Being in person close by the spot, and appre- ciating the vast importance of the connection at that point, I ordered certain batteries of General Schofield to be moved to a position somewhat commanding, by a left flank fire, and ordered an incessant fire of shells on the enemy within sight, and the woods beyond, to prevent his reinforcing. I also sent orders to General Logan, which he had already anticipated, to make the 15th corps regain its lost ground at any cost, and instructed General Woods, supported by General Schofield, to use his division and sweep the parapet down from where he held it until he saved the batteries and recovered the lost ground. The whole was executed in superb style, at times our men and 180 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. the enemy fighting across the narrow parapet, but at last the enemy gave way and the 15th corps regained its po- sition and all the guns except the two advanced ones which were out of view, and had been removed by the enemy within his main work. With this terminated the battle of the 22d, which cost us 3,722 killed, wounded and prisoners. “But among the dead was Major-General McPherson, whose body was recovered and brought to me in the heat of the battle, and I had it sent, in charge of his personal staff, back to Marietta, on its way to his Northern home. He was a noble youth, of striking personal appearance, of the highest professional capacity, and with a heart abounding in kindness, that drew to him the affections of all men. His sudden death devolved the command of the army on the no less brave and gallant General Logan, who nobly sustained his reputation and that of his vete- ran army, and avenged the death of his comrade and commander. The enemy left on the field his dead and wounded, and about a thousand well prisoners. His dead alone are computed by General Logan at 3,240, of which number 2,200 were from actual count, and of these he delivered to the enemy, under a flag of truce, sent in by him (the enemy) 800 bodies. I entertain no doubt that in the battle of July 22d, the enemy sustained an aggregate loss of full 8,000 men.” This was one of the greatest battles of the war, and it was won- by General Logan, as General Sherman himself attests, and according to the usages of war he was enti- tled to command the Army of the Tennessee, but General Sherman, estimating him as only a General of volunteers, pushed him aside and gave the command to General How- ard, an officer of the regular army. Other Generals have resigned their commands in the very face of the enemy with far less provocation than this, but General Logan, true to the vow he had taken, never wavered in devotion to the cause of his country, nor did he resign his position until he had seen the stars and stripes triumphantly un- furled over every capitol of every Confederate State. We have taken occasion to make this defense in this broad and unequivocal manner because we were then a POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 181 citizen of the section of the State in which General Logan resided, and because of our personal knowledge of all his movements at that time, and because, as yet, no historian has given the charges the denial their gravity demands; and because, further, it is due him and his family, and his children who are to live after him. CHAPTER XX. ABRAHAM LINCOLN, An account of his early manhood as written by himself— Speech at Philadel- phia-First Inaugural— Speech at Gettysburg— Kentucky Letter— Second Inaugural— Last Speech— Assassination— How Lincoln came to Challenge Douglas— Never an Abolitionist— “I have never kept liquor in my house and will not begin now”— A One-Idea Court. The subject of this chapter was, perhaps, the most re- markable man of the age in which he lived, and while his life has been written times without number, yet we feel that this volume is the place in which should be preserved some of his most gifted official utterances, together with a brief statement of his early life and tragic death. We begin with an account of his birth and early man- hood, as written by himself to his personal friend, Jesse W. Fell, of Normal. It is a literal copy, being taken from the original. “I was born February 12, 1809, in Hardin county, Ky. My parents were both born in Virginia of undistinguished families — second families, perhaps I should say. My mother, who died in my tenth year; was of a family of the name of Hanks, some of whom now reside in Adams, and others in Macon counties, Illinois. My paternal grand- father, Abraham Lincoln, emigrated from Rockingham 182 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. county, Virginia, to Kentucky, about 1781 or 1782, where, a year or two later, he was killed by Indians — not in bat- tle, but by stealth — when he was laboring to open a farm in the forest. His ancestors, who were Quakers, went to Virginia from Berks county, Pennsylvania. An effort to identify them with the New England family of the same name ended in nothing more definite than a similarity of Christian names in both families, such as Enoch, Levi, Mordecai, Solomon, Abraham, and the like. My father, at the death of his father, was but 6 years of age, and he grew up literally without any education. He removed from Kentucky to what is now Spencer county, Indiana, in my 8th year. We reached our new home about the time the State came into the Union. It was a wild re- gion, with many bears and other wild animals still in the woods. There I grew up. There were some schools, so- called, but no qualification was ever required of a teacher beyond leadin’, writin,’ and cipherin’’ to the rule of three. If a straggler, supposed to understand Latin, happened to sojourn in the neighborhood, he was looked upon as a wizard. There was absolutely nothing to excite ambition for education. Of course, when I came of age, I did not know much. Still, somehow, I could read, write, and cipher to the rule of three, but that was all. I have not been to school since. The little advance I now have upon this store of education 1 have picked up from time to time under the pressure of necessity. I was raised to farm work, which I continued till I was 22. At 21 I came to Illinois, and passed the first year in Macon county. Then I got to New Salem, at that time in Sangamon, now in Menard, county, where I remained a year as a sort of clerk in a store. Then came the Black Hawk war, and I was elected a captain of volunteers — a success which gave me more pleasure than any I have had since. I went into the campaign, was elected ; ran for the Legisla- ture the same year (1832) and was beaten — the only time I ever have been beaten by the people. The next and three succeeding biennial elections I was elected to the Legis- lature. I was not a candidate afterwards. During this Legis- lative period I had studied law and removed to Springfield to practice it. In 1846, 1 was elected to the lower house of Con- gress. Was not a candidate for re-election. From 1849 to 1854, both inclusive, practiced law more assiduously than before. Always a Whig in politics, and generally on the Whig electoral ticket, making active canvasses. I was losing interest in politics, when the repeal of the Missouri POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 183 Compromise aroused me again. What I have done since then is pretty well known. If any personal description of me is thought desirable, it may be said I am in height 6 feet, 4 inches nearly, lean in flesh, weighing, on an average, 180 pounds, dark complexion, with coarse black hair and gray eyes. No other marks or brands recol- lected.” “Yours very truly, “A. Lincoln.” "Hon. J. W. Fell.” Speech at Philadelphia. On his way to Washington to assume the office of Presi- dent, Mr. Lincoln stopped a day at Philadelphia, and, in response to an address of welcome by the Mayor, he spoke as follows: “ Mr. Mayor and Fellow-citizens of Philadelphia: I ap- pear before you to make no lengthy speech, but to thank you for this reception. The reception you have given me to-night is not to me, the man, the individual, but to the man who temporarily represents, or should represent, the majesty of the Nation. It is true, as your worthy Mayor has said, that there is anxiety amongst the citizens of the United States at this time. I deem it a happy cir- cumstance that this dissatisfied position of our fellow- citizens does not point us to anything in which they are being injured, or about to be injured, for which reason 1 have felt all the while justified in concluding that the crisis, the panic, the anxiety of the country at this time is artificial. If there be those who differ with me upon this subject, they have not pointed out the substantial difficulty that exists. I do not mean to say that an artificial panic may not do considera- ble harm ; that it has done such I do not deny. The hope that has been expressed by your Mayor, that I may be able to restore peace, harmony, and prosperity to the country, is most worthy of him; and happy, indeed, will I be if I shall be able to verify and fulfill that hope. I promise you, in all sincerity, that I bring to the work a sincere heart. Whether I will bring a head equal to that heart will be for future times to determine. It were use- less for me to speak of details of plans now ; I shall speak officially next Monday week, if ever. If I should not speak then it w^ere useless for me to do so now. When 184 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. I do speak I shall take such ground as I deem best cal- culated to restore peace, harmony, and prosperity to the country, and tend to the perpetuity of the Nation and the liberty of these States and these people. Your worthy Mayor has expressed the wish, in which I join with him, that it were convenient for me to remain in your city long enough to consult your merchants and manufactur- ers ; or, as it were, to listen to those breathings rising within the consecrated walls wherein the Constitution of the United States, and I will add, the Declaration of Independence, were originally framed and adopted. I assure you and your Mayor that I had hoped, on this occasion, and upon all occasions during my life, that I shall do nothing inconsistent with the teachings of these holy and most sacred walls. I never asked anything that does not breathe from these walls. All my political war- fare has been in favor of the teachings that came forth from these sacred walls. 'May my right hand forget its cunning, and my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth/ if ever I prove false to those teachings. Fellow-citizens, I have addressed you longer than I expected to do, and now allow me to bid you good night.” Extract From His First Inaugural Address. " Fellow Citizens of the United States: In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I ap- pear before you to address you briefly, and to take, in your presence, the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President 'before he enters the execution of his office/ "I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement. "Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and per- sonal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the public speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that 'I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and X POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 185 have no inclination to do so.’ Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations, and had never re- canted them. And more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read : “ ‘ Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to the balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend, and we denounce the lawless inva- sion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.’ “I now reiterate those sentiments; and, in doing so, I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible, that the prop- erty, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistent with the Constitution and laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States, when lawfully demanded, for what- ever cause — as cheerfully to one section as to another. “I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part; and I shall per- form it, so far as practicable, unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means, or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. “ My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there can be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time ; but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution un- impaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it, while the new Administration will have 186 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right ' side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust, in the best way, our present difficulty. “ In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you. “ You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government; while I shall have the most solemn one to preserve, protect and defend it. “I am loth to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. “The mystic cords of memory, stretching from every battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus 'of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.” Speech at Gettysburg. Extract from a speech made at the dedication of the National Cemetery, at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, November 19 , 1863 . ‘‘Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent a new Nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. “Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that Nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great bat- tle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that Nation might live. It is alto- gether fitting and proper that we should do this. “But in a larger sense we cannot dedicate — we cannot consecrate — we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have conse- crated it far above our power to add or detract. The wnrld will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 187 for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here to the un- finished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedi- cated to the great task remaining before us, that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devo- tion ; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain ; that this Nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom, and that government of the people, by the people, and for the people, shall not perish from the earth.” Kentucky Letter. “Executive Mansion, Washington, April 4, 1864. 4t A. G. Hoclges , Esq., Frankfort , Kentucky . “ My Dear Sir : — You ask me to put in writing the sub- stance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows : “'I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel ; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially upon this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would, to the best of my ability, pre- serve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I under- stood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary ab- stract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times, and in many ways ; and I aver that, to this day, I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability, im- posed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indis- pensable means, that Government, that Nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the Nation, and ‘ yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected ; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, other- wise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming 188 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. indispensable to the preservation of the Nation. Eight or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that, to the best of my ability, I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted mili- tary emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indis- pensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and in it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In- choosing it I hoped for greater gain than loss ; but of this I was not entirely confident. More than a year of trial now shows no loss by it in our foreign relations, none in home popular sentiment, none in our white military force, — no loss by it anyhow or anywhere. On the contrary, it shows a gain of quite a hundred and thirty thousand soldiers, seamen, and laborers. These are palpable facts, about which, as facts, there can be no caviling. We have men, and we could not have had them without the measure. ‘ “ And now let any Union man who complains of the measure test himself by writing down in one line that he is for subduing the rebellion by force of arms, and in the next that he is for taking three (one ?) hundred and thirty thousand men from the Union side, and placing them where they would be but for the measure he condemns.. If he cannot face his case so stated, it is only because he cannot face the truth. ‘ “ I add a word which was not in the verbal conver- sation. In telling this tale I attempt no compliment to my own sagacity. I claim not to have controlled events, but confess plainly that events have controlled me. Now, POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 189 at the end of three years’ struggle, the Nation’s condi- tion is not what either party or any man desired or expected. God alone can claim it. Whither it is tending seems plain. If God now wills the removal of a great wrong, and wills also that we of the North as well as you of the South shall pay fairly for our complicity in that wrong, impartial history will find therein new causes to attest and revere the justice and goodness of God. Yours truly, A. Lincoln.’ ” Second Inaugural Address. “ Fellow-Countrymen: At this second appearing to take ihe oath of the presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then, a statement, somewhat in detail, of a course to be pursued, seemed very fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the atten- tion and engrosses the energies of the Nation, little that is new could, be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably Encouraging to all. “With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured. On the occasion corresponding to this, four years ago, all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it; all sought to avoid it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it, without war — seeking to dissolve the Union and divide the effects, by negotiation. “Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the Nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish ; and the war came. One-eighth of the whole population were col- ored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. These slaves consti- tuted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate and extend this interest, was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union by 190 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. war, while the Government claimed the right to do no more than to restrict the Territorial enlargement of it. “Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which it has already attained. Neither -an- ticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease even before the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible and prayed to the same God, and each invoked His aid against the other. “It may seem strange that any man should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men’s faces. But let us judge not, that we be not judged. The prayer of both should not be answered — that of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has his own purposes. ‘Woe unto the world because of offenses, for it must needs be that offenses come; but woe to that man by whom the offense cometh.’ If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of the offenses that in the provi- dence of God must needs come, but which, having con- tinued through His appointed time, He now so wills to remove that He gives to both North and South this ter- rible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern that there is any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to Him. Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away ; yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondman’s two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by an- other drawn with the sword — as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said, that the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether. r “ With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the Nation’s wounds, and care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and his orphans — to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.” Last Speech. This speech was delivered April 11, after the surrender of Lee, in response to a call from a vast multitude who POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 191 had assembled to rejoice oyer the victory our army had won : “We meet this evening not in sorrow, but gladness of heart. The evacuation of Petersburg and Richmond, and the surrender of the principal insurgent army, gives hopes of a righteous and speedy peace, whose joyous expressions can not be restrained. In the midst of this, however, He from whom all blessings flow must not be forgotten. A call for a National thanksgiving is being prepared, and will be duly promulgated. Nor must those whose harder part gives us the cause of rejoicing be overlooked. Their honors must not be parceled out with others. I myself was near the front, and had the high pleasure of trans- mitting much of the good news to you. But no part of the honor for plan or execution is mine. To Gen. Grant, his skillful officers and brave men, all belongs. The gal- lant navy stood ready, but was not in reach to take active part. By these recent successes the reinauguration of the National authority — reconstruction, which has had a large share of thought from the first — is pressed much more closely upon our attention. It is fraught with great diffi- culty. Unlike a war between independent nations, there is no authorized organ for us to treat with. No one man has authority to give up the rebellion for any other man. We must simply begin with, and mold from, disorganized and discordant elements. Nor is it a small additional embarrassment, that we, the loyal people, differ among ourselves as to the mode, manner and measure of recon- struction. As a general rule, I abstain from reading the reports of attacks upon myself, wishing not to be provoked by that to which I can not properly offer an answer. In spite of this precaution, however, it comes to my knowledge that I am much censured for some supposed agency in setting up and seeking to sustain the new State govern- ment of Louisiana. In this I have done just so much, and no more, than the public knows. In the annual mes- sage of December, 1863, and the accompanying proclama- tion, I presented a plan of reconstruction, as the phrase goes, which I promised, if adopted by any State, would be acceptable to and sustained by the Executive Govern- ment of the Nation. I distinctly stated that this was not the only plan which might possibly be acceptable; and I also distinctly protested that the Executive claimed no right to say when or whether members should be admitted to seats in Congress from such States. This plan was in 192 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. advance submitted to the then Cabinet, and approved by every member of it. One of them suggested that I should then, and in that connection, apply the Emancipation Proclamation to the heretofore excepted parts of Virginia and Louisiana, that I should drop the suggestion about apprenticeship for freed people, and that I should omit the protest against my own power in regard to the admis- sion of members of Congress. But even he approved every part and parcel of the plan which has since been employed or touched by the action of Louisiana. The new consti- tution of Louisiana, declaring emancipation for the whole State, practically applies the proclamation to the part previously excepted. It does not adopt apprenticeship for freed people, and is silent, as it could not well be other- wise, about the admission of members to Congress. So that as it applied to Louisiana, every member of the Cab- inet fully approved the plan. The message went to Con- gress, and I received many commendations of the plan, written and verbal, and not a single objection to it, from any professed emancipationist, came to my knowledge until after the news reached Washington that the people of Louisiana had begun to move in accordance with it. From about July, 1862, I had corresponded with different per- sons supposed to be interested in seeking a reconstruction of a State government for Louisiana. When the message of 1868, with the plan before mentioned, reached New Orleans, Gen. Banks wrote to me that he was confident that the people, with his military co-operation, would re- construct substantially on that plan. I wrote to him and some of them to try it. They tried it, and the result is known. Such has been my only agency in getting up the Louisiana government. As to sustaining it, my promise is out, as before stated. But as bad promises are better broken than kept, I shall treat this as a bad promise, and break it whenever I shall be convinced that keeping it is adverse to the public interest, but I have not yet been so convinced. “ I have been shown a letter on this subject, supposed to be an able one, in which the writer expresses regret that my mind has not seemed to be definitely fixed on the question whether the seceded States, so-called, are in the Union or out of it. It would, perhaps, add astonishment to his regret were he to learn that since I have found professed Union men endeavoring to answer that question I have purposely forebore any public expression upon it. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 193 As appears to me, that question has not been, nor yet is a practically material one, and that any discussion of it while it thus remains practically immaterial, could have no effect other than the mischievous one of dividing our friends. As yet, whatever it may become, that question is had as a basis of a controversy and good for nothing at all — a merely pernicious abstraction. We all agree that dhe seceded States, so-called, are out of their proper practical relation with the Union, and that the sole object of the Government, civil and military, in regard to those States, is to again get them into their proper practical relation. I believe that it is not only possible, but, in fact, •easier to do this without deciding, or even considering, whether those States have ever been out of the Union than with it. Finding themselves safely at home it would Fe utterly immaterial whether they had been abroad. Let us all join in doing the acts necessary to restore the proper practical relations between those States and the Nation, and each forever after innocently indulge his own opinion whether in doing the acts be brought the States from without into the Union, or only gave them proper assistance, they never having been out of it. The amount of constituency, so to speak, on which the Louisiana government rests, would be more satisfactory to all if it contained 50,000, or 80,000, or even 20,000, instead of 12,000, as it does. It is also unsatisfactory to some that the elective franchise is not given to the colored man. I would myself prefer that it were now conferred on the very intelligent, and on those who serve our cause as soldiers. Still the question is not whether the Louisiana government, as it stands, is quite all that is desirable. The question is, will it be wiser to take it as it is and help to improve it, or to reject and disperse? Can Louisiana be brought into practical relation with the Union sooner by sustaining or by discarding her new State government? Some 12,000 voters in the heretofore slave State of Louis- iana have sworn allegiance to the Union, assumed to be the rightful political power of the State, held elections, organized a State government, adopted a Free State Consti- tution, giving the benefit of public schools equally to black and white, and empowering the Legislature to confer the elective franchise upon the colored man. This Legislature has already voted to ratify the Constitutional amendment recently passed by Congress, abolishing slavery throughout the Nation. These 12,000 persons are thus fully committed —13 194 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. to the Union and to perpetuate freedom in the State ; committed to the very things, and nearly all things, the Nation wants, and they ask the Nation’s recognition and its assistance to make good this committal. Now if we reject and spurn them we do our utmost to disorganize and disperse them. We in fact say to the white man, you are worthless or worse; we will neither help you, nor be helped by you. To the blacks we say: This cup of lib- erty which these, your old masters, held to your lips, we will dash from you, and leave you to the chances of gath- ering the spilled and scattered contents in some vague and undefined when, where and how. If this course, discour- aging and paralyzing both white and black, has any tend- ency to bring Louisiana into proper practical relations with the Union, I have so far been unable to perceive it. If, on the contrary, we recognize and sustain the new government of Louisiana, the converse of all this is made true. We encourage the hearts and nerve the arms of 12,000 freemen to adhere to their work, and argue for it, and proselyte for it, and fight for it, and feed it, and grow it, and ripen it to a complete success. The colored man, too, in seeing all united for him, is inspired with vigilance and energy and daring to the same end. Grant that he desires the elective franchise, will he not attain it sooner by saving the already advanced steps toward it, than by running backward over them ? Concede that the new government of Louisiana is to what it should be as the egg is to the fowl, we shall sooner have the fowl by hatching the egg, than by smashing it. Again, if we , reject Louisiana we also reject one vote in favor of the proposed amendment to the National Constitution. To meet this proposition it has been argued that no more than three-fourths of those States which have not at- tempted secession are necessary to validly ratify the amendment. I do not commit myself against this, further than to say that such a ratification would be questionable, and sure to be persistently questioned, while a ratification by three-fourths of all the States would be unquestioned and unquestionable. I repeat the question. Can Louisi- ana be brought into proper practical relation with the Union sooner by sustaining, or by discarding her new State government ? What has been said of Louisiana will apply to other States. And yet so great peculiarities pertain to each State, and such important and sudden changes occur in the same State, and withal so new and unprecedented is the whole case that no exclusive and POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 195 inflexible plan can safely be prescribed as to details and collaterals. Such exclusive and inflexible plan would surely become a new entanglement. Important principles may and must be inflexible. In the present situation, as the phrase goes, it may be my duty to make some new announcement to the people of the South. I am consid- ering, and shall not fail to act when satisfied that action will be proper.” Assassination. Four days after this speech, April 14, while seated in a private box at Ford’s Theater with his wife and some friends, he was shot by an assassin, and died next morn- ing at 7 o’clock. His body was embalmed and lay in state for six days, when it was placed on board a funeral train of nine cars, which started April 21, at 8 a. m., for the burial place at his distant home via Baltimore, Har- risburg, Philadelphia, New York, Albany, Buffalo, Cleve- land, Columbus, Indianapolis and Chicago, arriving at Springfield, Wednesday, May 8, at 9 a. m., after a jour- ney of thirteen days. Thousands upon thousands of grief- stricken people thronged the funeral route, and everywhere the deepest sorrow was made manifest. At Springfield, his body lay in state one day, and was sorrowfully viewed by multitudes of men and women from all parts of the State, and on May 4 all that was mortal of the great statesman was tenderly and affectionately laid to rest at Oak Ridge Cemetery, where an enduring monument of marble and brass commemorates his memory. But marble and brass can add nothing to the fame of Abraham Lin- coln; he builded for himself a monument that will live when these evidences of love and admiration have passed away. How Lincoln Came to Challenge Douglas. Soon after Mr. Lincoln had been made the candidate of the Republiean party for United States Senator, in op- position to Douglas, he was met by 0. M. Hatch, then Secretary of State, who said to Mr. Lincoln: 196 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. “You must challenge Douglas to a joint discussion.” “I do not know so well about that,” said Lincoln. “ It is Democrats you wish to talk to,” replied Hatch, “ and if you do not avail yourself of those who assemble to hear Douglas, you may be sure of never having a Dem- ocratic audience.” Mr. Lincoln readily saw the force of Mr. Hatch’s re- marks and his challenge to Douglas on the 24th of July was the result. Never an Abolitionist. The whole life and character of Abraham Lincoln shows that while he was always opposed to slavery, he was never an Abolitionist in the sense in which Owen Lovejoy, Charles Sumner, or Wendell Phillips were. A series of resolu- tions, passed both branches of the General Assembly of Illinois, of which he was a member in 1837, denying the right of Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Colum- bia, to which Mr. Lincoln entered his solemn protest in the words following : “Resolutions upon the subject of domestic slavery hav- ing passed both branches of the General Assembly at its present session, the undersigned hereby protest against the passage of the same. They believe that the institu- tion of slavery is founded on both injustice and bad policy; but the promulgation of abolition doctrines tends rather to increase than abate its evils. They believe that the Con- gress of the United States has no power under the Con- stitution to interfere with the institution of slavery in the different States. They believe that the Congress of the United States has the power, under the Constitution, to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, but that power ought not to be exercised, unless at the request of the people of said District. The difference between these opinions and those contained in said resolutions, is their reason for entering this protest. “Dan Stone, “ Abraham Lincoln. “Representatives of Sangamon County.” (See House Journal of 1837.) POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 197 " Never kept Liquor in my House and will not Begin Now.” This characteristic incident in the life of Abraham Lin- coln was related to us by one who was present at the time it occurred. Soon after Lincoln received the nomina- tion for President at Chicago, Milton Hay, S. M. Cullom, 0. M. Hatch and John Bunn met in the State Library to consult as to the manner of entertaining the National Committee, which consisted of one from each State and the President of the Convention, which was soon expected to visit Springfield for the purpose of formally notifying Mr. Lincoln of his nomination. Well understanding his position upon the question of temperance, they were at a loss to know whether to provide liquor for his guests at his home or not. They had not been aware of Mr. Lincoln’s presence until this subject was reached, when he stepped forward and decided the matter for them. He said: “I have never kept liquor in my house and will not begin now.” We are told that a room was provided at the Chenery House, which was then the leading hotel of Spring- field, where the distinguished visitors were supplied with such liquors as they desired. On this question, as upon all others, Lincoln stood upon principle, and he was un- willing to surrender principle in this case, even though in so doing he might advance his own personal interests. “A One-Idea Court.” This pleasing anecdote is related to us of Abraham Lin- coln by a gentleman who frequented the Supreme Court room in Springfield, when Lincoln practiced before that Court. On one occasion, Judges Breese, Skinner and Caton were in the Library, talking of their boyhood days and the coincidence of their having all been born in the same State — New York — and the same county — Oneida. Just then Lincoln stepped in, and having a few days before lost 198 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. a case which had been tried before the Court? in which all three Judges were against him, wittily said : “ I thought this was a one-i-da Court, and now I know it.” CHAPTER XXI. STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1866, Aggregate Vote for State Officers— Congressman-at-Large— Congressmen, by Districts. The Republicans met in State Convention at Spring- field, August 8, and nominated George W. Smith, for Treasurer ; Newton Bateman, for Superintendent of Public Instruction, and John A. Logan for Congressman-at- Large. The Democrats held their Convention at the same place, August 29, and nominated Jesse J. Phillips for Treasurer; John M. Crebs, for Superintendent of Public Instruction, and T. Lyle Dickey for Congressman-at-Large. The Democratic ticket was exceptionally strong, for the reason that it was composed exclusively of War-Demo- crats — men who had served their country gallantly on the tented field — and it was believed that if the Democrats could carry the State at all, it would be with such a ticket, for, aside from their soldierly qualifications, these gentlemen were personally popular. The campaign was short but vigorous, Logan and Dickey making the chief canvass, but the Republicans were the victors. Smith’s majority was 55,658; Bateman’s, 55,161, and Logan’s, 55,590. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 199 The Eepublicans elected both branches of the Legisla- ture and eleven of the fourteen Congressmen. The aggregate vote for State officers, Congressman-at- Large, and Congressmen, by districts, is as follows: Treasurer. George W. Smith, E 203,019 Jesse J. Phillips, D 147,366 Superintendent of, Public Instruction. Newton Bateman, E 203,339 John M. Crebs, I) 147,178 Congressman-at-Large. John A. Logan, E 203,045 T. Lyle Dickey. D 147,455 Members of Congress — First District. Norman B. Judd, E 15,247 M. E. M. Wallace. D 5,667 Second District. John F. Farnsworth, E 16,185 E. M. Haines. D 3,346 Third District. Elihu B. Washburne, E 14,657 Thomas J. Turner. D 3,897 Fourth District. A. C. Harding, E 15,952 John S. Thompson, D 13,391 Fifth District. E. C. Ingersoll, E 18,437 Silas Eamsey, D 9,665 Sixth District. B. C. Cook, E. 15,015 S. W. Harris, D 7,721 Seventh District. H. P. H. Bromwell, E 17,410 J. C. Black. D 13,272 I 200 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS, Eighth District. Shelby M. Cullom, E 18,62$ Edwin S. Fowler. D 14,520 Ninth District. Charles E. Lippincott, E 14,721 Lewis W. Eoss, D 15,496 Tenth District. Henry Case, E 14,74$ A. G-. Burr, D 17,116 Eleventh District. Edward Kitehell, E 14,379' Samuel S. Marshall, D 16,66$ Twelfth District. Jehu Baker, E 13,032 Wm. E. Morrison, D 11,956 Thirteenth District. G. B. Eaum, E 13,459 Wm. J. Allen, D 12,890 CHAPTER XXII, STATE GOVERNMENT-1867,. Governor — E. J. Oglesby. Lieutenant- Governor — W illiam Bross. Secretary of State — Sharon Tyndale. Auditor of Public Accounts — 0. H. Miner. Treasurer — Geo. W. Smith. Superintendent of Public Instruction — Newton Bateman. Attorney-General — Eobert G. Ingersoll. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 201 Twenty-fifth General Assembly. The Twenty- fifth General Assembly convened J anuary 7,. and consisted of the following members: Senate. Daniel W. Munn, Cairo. Jas. Strain, Monmouth. John W. Wescott, Xenia. T. A. Boyd, Lewiston. Dan’l Reily, Kaskaskia. G. L. Fort, Lacon. David K. Green, Salem. W. Bushnell, Ottawa. A.W. Metcalf, Edwardsville. A. W. Mack, Kankakee. Wm. Shepherd, Jerseyville. Wm. Patton, Sandwich. J. M. Woodson, Carlinville. D. J. Pinckney, Mt. Morris. A. J. Hunter, Paris. A. Webster, Rock Island. J. L. Tincher, Danville. J. H. Addams, Cedarville. W. H. Cheney, Cheney’s Gr. A. C. Fuller, Belvidere. John B. Cohrs, Pekin. F. A. Eastman, Chicago. M. McConnel, Jacksonville. J. D. Ward, Chicago. S. R. Chittenden, Mendon. House of Representatives. N. R. Casey, Mound City. P. G. Clemens, New Liberty. Jas. Macklin, Harrisburg. J. M. Sharp, Mt. Carmel. N. Johnson, Mt. Vernon. Hugh Gregg, Marion. Dan’l Hay, Nashville. W.K. Murphy, Pinckneyville. J. Campbell, Steel’s Mills. E. N. Bates, Centralia. R. P. Hanna, Fairfield, D. W. Odell, Oblong. Eli Bowyer, Olney. Geo. W. Cornwell, Mason. Patrick Dolan, Enfield. A. B. Pope, East St. Louis. A. Thompson, Belleville. John H. Yager, Alton. J. F. Alexander, Greenville. E. Harlan, Marshall. Chas. Voris, Windsor. J. B. Ricks, Taylorville. J. C. Conkling, Springfield. Wm. McGalliard, Lincoln. Wm. C. Shirley, Staunton. R. M. Knapp, Jerseyville. H. C. Withers, Carrollton. J. H. Dennis, Chambersburg. T. Hollo wbush, Naples. Jas. M. E'pler, Virginia. John M. Beesley, Bath. F. G. Farrell, Jacksonville. H. L. Warren, Quincy. P. J. Corkins, Fairweather. A. Hanson, Bushnell. Geo. W. Metz, Rushville. J. G. Fonda, Fountain Green. Dan’l W. Sedwick, Suez. F. M. Bruner, Monmouth. John Gray, Wataga. Caleb B. Cox, Vermont. Geo. W. Fox, Ellisville. Thos. C. Moore, Peoria. S. F. Ottman, Wyoming. Wm. W. Sellers, Pekin. Wm. M. Smith, Lexington. H. S. Green, Clinton. Jas. M. True, Mattoon. 202 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Malden Jones, Tuscola. N. B. Stage, Bloomfield, Clark B. Griggs, Urbana. A. B. Bunn, Decatur. Dan’l S. Parker, Kankakee. Geo. E. King, Watseka. Phil. Collins, Morris. R. Clow, East Wheatland. Wm. Strawn, Odell. E. Baldwin, Farm Ridge. F. Corwin, LaSalle. Wm. C. Stacey, Princeton. R. T. Cassell, Metamora. A. P. Webber, Henry. Aug. Allen, Geneseo. A. S. Coe, Port Byron. Jas. Dinsmoor, Sterling. G. Ryon, Paw Paw Grove. T. J. Hewitt, Foreston. S. A. Hurlbut, Belvidere. R. Hampton, E. Paw Paw. Jas. W. Eddy, Batavia. Wm. P. Pierce, Lisbon. E. B. Payne, Waukegan. T. B. Wakeman, Harvard. A. I. Enoch, Rockford. Jos. M. Bailey, Freeport. Elijah Funk, Mt. Carroll. Henry Green, Elizabeth. Henry C. Childs, Wheaton. Lester L. Bond, Chicago. Jos. S. Reynolds, Chicago. H. M. Singer, Chicago. M. W. Leavitt, Chicago. H. M. Shepherd, Chicago. A. F. Stevenson, Chicago. E. S. Taylor, Evanston. Lieutenant-Governor Bross presided over the Senate, and Charles E. Lippincott, of Cass, was elected Secretary with- out opposition. Franklin Corwin, of LaSalle, was elected Speaker of the House, over Newton R. Casey, of Pulaski, by a vote of 58 to 24. Stephen G. Paddock, of Bureau, was elected Clerk, over M. B. Friend, of Cass, by a vote of 58 to 24. Among the new members of this Assembly who were able and active were: Munn, Boyd, Fort, Casey, Bates, Hanna, Bowyer, Conkling, Knapp, Hurlbut. The Governor’s message was presented to the Assembly on the 7th. It was an able and somewhat lengthy state paper, in which was a careful and practical discussion of all the State interests. During the two years ending December 1, 1866, the State debt had been reduced $2,364,106.85. The experimental school for idiots, under the direction of Dr. C. T. Wilbur, which was authorized by the previous General Assembly, having proved successful, he recom- mended additional appropriations in that behalf, as also for the Soldiers’ Orphans’ Home ; recommended an appro- priation for a monument to the memory of Abraham POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 203 Lincoln; renewed his recommendation in favor of an In- dustrial College; supported an appropriation in favor of having Illinois properly represented at the Universal Expo- sition of the Industry of all Nations, at Paris; favored the establishment of a house for the correction of juvenile offenders ; recommended a reform in the pardoning power ; called attention to the necessity of calling a convention to revise the Constitution. The two houses met in joint session, January 15, and re-elected Lyman Trumbull United States Senator, over T. Lyle Dickey, by a vote of 76 to 33. This body was in session fifty-two days. Acts were passed to provide for the erection of a new State House ; to locate, construct and carry on the Southern Illinois Penitentiary; to aid the Illinois Soldiers’ College; to de- clare the Normal University, at Normal, a State institu- tion; to remove the remains of Gov. Wm. H. Bissell to Oak Ridge cemetery, and to erect a monument over the same; to establish a Reform School for Juvenile Offend- ers; to create the office of Attorney- General ; to establish a State Board of Equalization of Assessments; to locate the Industrial University ; to provide for reducing the rate of State taxation for payment of interest on the public debt; to regulate warehousemen, and authorize connections of railroads with warehouses, and the 14th amendment to the National Constitution was ratified. Under the law creating the office, Robert G. Ingersoll was appointed Attorney-General. Special Session. Gov. Oglesby convened the General Assembly in special session, June 11, to provide, among other things, for the passage of a law for the assessment and collection of taxes on the shares of capital stock in banks and banking asso- ciations, and to amend an act entitled “An act to incorporate 204 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. the Mississippi Eiver and Wisconsin State Line Railroad Company,” approved February 28, 1867. A second special session was convened, June 14, to pro- vide for the management of the Illinois State Penitentiary- at Joliet. The lessee of the penitentiary, without warning, had surrendered the lease to the Governor, and hence* this special session. The law passed at this session laid the foundation for the contract system which was abrogated by the constitutional amendment of 1886.. CHAPTER XXIII. STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1868. Aggregate Vote for State Officers— Aggregate Vote for Members of Con- gress-Aggregate Vote for Presidential Electors. The year 1868 brought the people together in another National struggle for the election of a President and Vice- President, and again the State was made to resound with the thunder of party tactics. The Republican State Con- vention met at Peoria May 6, to nominate a State ticket and appoint delegates to the National Convention. John M. Palmer was nominated for Governor; John Dough- erty, for Lieutenant-Governor ; Edward Rummel, for Sec- retary of State; Charles E. Lippincott, for Auditor; Erastus N. Bates, for Treasurer; Washington Bushnell, for Attorney-General, and John A. Logan for Congress- man-at-Large. The Democrats met May 7, at the same place for the same purpose. John R. Eden was nomina- ted for Governor; William H. Van Epps, for Lieutenant- Governor; Gustav Van Horbeke, for Secretary of State; John R. Shannon, for Auditor; Jesse J. Phillips, for POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 205 Treasurer ; Robert E. Williams, for Attorney-General, and William W. O’Brien for Congressman-at-Large. U. S. Grant, of Illinois, and Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana, were nominated at Chicago May 20, by the Republican National Convention, for President and Vice-President. The Democratic National Convention met at New York July 4, and nominated Horatio Seymour, of New York, and Francis P. Blair, of Missouri, for President and Vice-President. State issues were completely absorbed in the discussion of National questions growing out of the war, and the best talent of both parties was brought actively into the cam- paign, and every county and district vigorously canvassed, and for many months the voice of the political orator was heard in the remotest portions of the State. The Republi- cans, however, were victorious in the State and Nation. Of the fourteen Congressmen elected, eleven were Repub- lican, and both branches of the Legislature were Repub- lican. The aggregate vote for State officers, Congressman-at- Large, Congressmen, by districts, and Presidential electors, is as follows : Governor. John M. Palmer, R 249,912 John R. Eden, D 199,813 Lieutenant-Governor. John Dougherty, R 249,874 Wm. H. Van Epps, D 199,860 Secretary of State. Edward Rummel, R 249,952 Gustav Van Horbeke, D 199,485 Auditor. Charles E. Lippincott, R 249,654 John R. Shannon, D 199,754 Treasurer. Erastus N. Bates, R 249,972 Jesse J. Phillips, D ' 199,859 206 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS, Attorney-General. Wash. Bushnell, R 249,087 Robert E. Williams, D 199,895 Congressman-at-Large. John A. Logan, R 249,422 William W. O’Brien, D 199,789 Members of Congress — First District. Norman B. Judd, R 27,414 M. R. M. Wallace, D 19,233 Second District. John F. Farnsworth, R 20,725 A. M. Herrington, D 6,307 Third District. E. B. Washburne, R 18,584 W. J. McKim, D 9,612 Fourth District. John B. Hawley, R 17,269 James W. Singleton, D 15,547 Fifth District. Ebon C. Ingersoll, R 20,991 John N. Niglas, D 13,686 Sixth District. Burton C. Cook, R 19,607 Oliver C. Gray, D 11,946 Seventh District. Jesse H. Moore, R 22,321 Thomas Brewer, D 17,171 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 207 Eighth District. Shelby M. Cullom, B.. 22,198 B. S. Edwards, D 19,309 Ninth District. , Leonard F. Boss, B 15,279 Thompson W. McNeely, D 17,877 Tenth District. Jonathan B. Turner, B 17,397 Albert G. Burr ,D 21,420 Eleventh District. James S. Martin, B 16,642 Samuel S. Marshall, D 20,475 Twelfth District. John B. Hay, B 14,980 Wm. H. Snyder, D 13,338 Thirteenth District. Green B. Baum, B 14,261 John M. Crebs, D 14,764 Electors — Seymour. John A. McClernand David A. Gage Silas L. Bryan E. F. Colby Bichard Bishop Edward F. Dutcher Delos P. Phelps John T. Lindsay .A Perry A. Armstrong J. C. Black James S. Ewing Simeon P. Shope George N. Holliday William B. Anderson Edward M. West Charles Burnett 1 i . .*199,143 •208 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS, Electors — Grant. Gustavus Koerner Thomas J. Henderson Stephen A. Hurlbut Lorenz Brentano Jesse S. Hildrup James McCoy Henry W. Draper Thomas G. Frost Joseph 0. Glover John W. Blackburn Samuel C. Parks Damon G. Tunnicliff John D. Strong Edward Kitchell Charles F. Springer Daniel W. Munn 250, 293 * The records in the office of the Secretary of State show only these figures, and it is presumed that they represent the highest number of votes cast for the respective electoral tickets. CHAPTER XXIV. STATE GOVERNMENT- 1869i Governor — John M. Palmer. Lieutenant-Governor — John Dougherty. Secretary of State — Edward Rummel. Auditor of Public Accounts — Chas. E. Lippincott. Treasurer— Erastus N. Bates. Superintendent of Public Instruction — Newton Bateman. Attorney-General — W ashington Bushnell. Twenty- sixth General Assembly. The Twenty-sixth General Assembly convened January 4, and consisted of the following members : POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 209 Senate. Dan’l W. Munn, Cairo. J. J. E. Turney, Fairfield. S. K. Casey, Mt. Yernon. J. P. VanDorstan, Vandalia, W. C. Flagg, Moro. W. Shepherd, Jerseyville. J. M. Woodson, Carlinville. Edwin Harlan, Marshall. J. L. Tincher, Danville. J. McNulta, Bloomington. A. B. Nicholson, Lincoln. J. M. Epler, Virginia. S. E. Chittenden, Mendon. I. McManus, Keithsburg. T. A. Boyd, Lewiston. G. L. Fort, Lacon. J. W. Strevell, Pontiac. Henry Snapp, Joliet. Wm. Patton, Sandwich. D. J. Pinckney, Mt. Morris. A. Crawford, Geneseo. J. H. Addams, Cedarville. A. C. Fuller, Belvidere. John C. Lore, Chicago. J. D. Ward, Chicago. House of Eepresentatives. N. E. Casey, Mound City. J. C. Willis, Metropolis. C. Burnett, Shawneetown. D. H. Morgan, Eussellville. C. C. M. Y. B. Payne, Benton. E. L. Dennison, Marion. Geo. Gundlach, Carlyle. J. M. McCutcheon, Sparta. T. H. Burgess, DuQuoin. T. E. Merritt, Salem. John Halley, Lovilla. J. Cooper, Willow Hill. A. W. Bothwell, Clay City. Leonard Eush, Vandalia. John Landrigan, Albion. J. E. Miller, Caseyville. A. Eoss, Mascoutah. D. Kerr, Edwardsville. S. H. Challis, Pocahontas. L. Brookhart, Majority Poi’t Chas. Yoris, Windsor. E. M. Gilmore, Litchfield. John Cook, Springfield. Silas Beason, Lincoln. B. T. Burke, Carlinville. T. B. Fuller, Hardin. D. M. Woodson, Carrollton. A. Mittower, Milton. Henry Dresser, Naples. J. G. Phillips, Mound Stat’n. E. Laning, Petersburg. S. M. Palmer, Jacksonville. Thos. Jasper, Quincy. J. E. Downing, Camp Point. H. Horrabin, Blandinville. John Ewing, Littleton. A. J. Bradshaw, LaHarpe. D. M. Findley, Oquawka. J. Porter, Monmouth. W. S. Gale, Galesburg. T. M. Morse, Middle Grove. John W. Eoss, Lewiston. B. F. Thompson, Bradford. W. E. Phelps, Elmwood. J. Merriam,* Hittle. S. E. Saltonstall,t Tremont. Wm. M. Smith, Lexington. J. Swigart, DeWitt. G. W. Parker, Charleston. J. E. Callaway, Tuscola. S. H. Elliott, Paris. W. M. Stanley, Sullivan. J. W T . Scroggs, Champaign. J. M, Perry, Kankakee. ♦Seat contested, ^Admitted to seat of Merriam. —14 210 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. C. H. Frew, Paxton. Geo. Gaylord, Lockport. Phil. Collins, Morris. Wm. Strawn, Odell. Franklin Corwin, Peru. Sam’l Wiley, Earlville. L. D. Whiting, Tiskilwa. Chas. G. Reed, Malden. J. W. Hopkins, Grandville. P. K. Hanna, Green River. H. F. Sickles, Moline. J. Dinsmoor, Sterling. Alonzo Kinyon, Amboy. 0. B. Youngs, Hale. C. W. Marsh, DeKalb. E. H. Talbott, Belvidere. Irus Coy, Bristol. N. N. Ravlin, Kaneville. A. B. Cook, Libertyville. P. W. Dietz, Marengo. E. Sumner, Pecatonica. J. M. Bailey, Freeport. Adam Nase, Mt. Carroll. H. Green, Elizabeth. H. C. Childs, Wheaton. H. B. Miller, Chicago. L. L. Bond, Chicago. J. S. Reynolds, Chicago. F. Munson, Chicago. J. C. Knickerbocker, Chicago. Iver Lawson, Chicago. E. S. Taylor, Evanston. Lieutenant-Governor Dougherty presided over the Sen- ate, and Chauncey Ellwood was elected Secretary, over James Low, by a vote of 17 to 6. Franklin Corwin was elected Speaker of the House, over Newton R. Casey, by a vote of 58 to 28, and James P. Root, of Cook, Clerk, over J. Merrick Bush, of Pike, by a vote of 56 to 23. The message of Oglesby, the retiring Governor, was laid before the two houses on the 4th, It was non-political and was confined exclusively to the discussion of ques- tions relating to the internal affairs of the State. There had been four years of unbroken prosperity. From Decem- ber 1, 1866 to December 1, 1868, there had been paid on the public debt, principal and interest, $2,379,715.59, and for the four years commencing December 1, 1864 and end- ing December 1, 1868, $4,743,822.44. The first year of the administration of Gov. Oglesby had* been a very laborious one; ten regiments of volun- teer soldiers were organized under the last call of the President, and when the rebellion closed the Governor’s time was occupied almost wholly, for many months, in giving attention to the details of mustering out of the ser- vice the Illinois soldiers. Gov. Oglesby was an eminently POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 211 popular man. The Legislature being in harmony with his views, his recommendations were carried out in the greatest measure. The Normal University at Normal was declared a State institution; the Industrial Uni- versity at Champaign was created ; the foundation for the school for feeble-minded children, at Lincoln, was laid ; the Eye and Ear Infirmary at Chicago was fostered; the the Soldiers’ Orphans’ Home at Normal was estab- lished; the office of Attorney-General was created; a re- form in the management of penitentiaries was instituted ; a reform school for juvenile offenders was created, and the new State House was begun. The two houses met in joint session on the 11th of January, when Gov. Palmer took the oath of office and delivered a brief inaugural address, ^in which he took occasion to urge upon the attention of the General Assem- bly the recommendations contained in the message of his predecessor. Said he: “ I am able to say that the whole duty of the Governor, to the utmost extent of the requirements of the constitu- tion, has been discharged by my predecessor. The com- prehensive message communicated to the General Assem- bly at the opening of the present session furnishes the amplest information of the state of the government, of the operation of existing laws, and covers, by wise and judi- cious recommendations, almost every subject in regard to which legislative action can be necessary or expedient. “I cannot better discharge my duty to the people than by urging upon your attention the information given, and the measures recommended, by the experienced and patriotic statesman who now retires from the executive office which he has filled with such advantage and credit to the State.” This body was in session one hundred and six days — a longer period by far than that of any former General Assembly. The vital public acts which were passed, and received the approval of the Governor, were as follows: Acts to secure the endowment fund of the Illinois Agri- cultural College ; to encourage agricultural societies ; to erect 212 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. and carry on an asylumn for the insane for Northern Illinois; making appropriations for the Illinois Industrial University; to establish and maintain the Southern Illi- nois Normal University; to appoint a State Agent to col- lect war claims against the United States; to amend an act establishing a home for the children of deceased sol- diers ; to provide for building a soldiers’ monument at the National Cemetery near Mound City; to aid the Illi- nois Soldiers’ College at Fulton ; to amend an act provid- ing for the erection of a new State House ; to aid the Eye and Ear Infirmary; to appoint a Board of Commis- sioners of Public Charities; to provide for calling a con- vention to revise, alter or amend the Constitution of the State; to allow convicts in the penitentiary a credit for good conduct in the diminution of their term of imprison- ment; to prevent cruelty to animals; to facilitate drain- age of wet or overflowed lands ; to prevent frauds in elec- tions for subscriptions to stock in or for donations in aid of any incorporation; to prevent frauds upon gas con- sumers and gas companies; to regulate insurance com- panies ; to punish frauds upon insurance companies ; to provide for permanent survey of lands ; to provide for the preservation of field notes, maps, and other papers apper- taining to land titles in the State ; to prevent prize-fight- ing and sparring or boxing exhibitions ; to amend the rail- road law ; to regulate the rate for the conveyance of pas- sengers and freight by railroads; to protect lives and property of persons at railway crossings of the public high- ways; to fence railroads; to fund and provide for paying the railroad debts of counties, townships, cities and towns ; to amend the act establishing the State Board of Equali- zation ; to amend an act condemning the right of way for purposes of public improvement; to amend the school law; to* facilitate the transportation of grain, produce and merchandise by railroads ; to protect widows and orphans POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 213 from the sacrifice of their property by sales upon mort- gages and trust deeds, and the XVth amendment to the National Constitution was ratified. CHAPTER XXV. CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 1869-70. Illinois having outgrown the Constitution of 1848, the Convention which had been elected to amend, alter or revise the same, met at Springfield on the 13th of Decem- ber, 1869, and was composed of the following delegates, which are given by districts: 1st — William J. Allen. 2d — George W. Brown. 3d — W. G. Bowman. 4th — James M. Sharp. 5th — William B. Anderson. 6th — James M. Washburn. 7 th — Harvey P. Buxton. 8th — J. H. Wilson, George W. Wall. 9th — Silas L. Bryan. 10th — Robert P. Hanna. 11th — James C. Allen. 12th — James P. Robinson. 13th — Beverly W. Henry, 1 Ferris Forman. 2 14th — Charles E. McDowell. 15th — William H. Snyder, William H. Underwood. 16th — Charles F. Springer, Henry W. Billings. 3 17th — John Scholfield. 18th — George R. Wendling. 19th — Edward Y. Rice. 20th — Milton Hay, Samuel C. Parks. 21st — John W. Hankins. Hlesigned March 3. 2 Vice B. W. Henry. 8 Died April 19. 214 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 22(1 — Robert A. King. 23d — James W. English. 24th — William R. Archer, John Abbott. 25th — William L. Yandeventer. 26th— 0. H. Wright. 27th — Henry J. Atkins. 28th — Orville H. Browning, Onias 0. Skinner. 29th— W. H. Neece. 30th — Jesse C. Fox. 31st — David Ellis. 32d — James S. Poage. 33d— A. G. Kirkpatrick, 4 Henry Tubbs. 5 34th — Alfred M. Craig. 35th — Lewis W. Ross, Samuel P. Cummings. 36th— Henry W. Wells, Miles A. Fuller. 37th — Jonathan Merriam. 38th — Reuben M. Benjamin, Clifton H. Moore. 39th — John L. Tincher, Henry P. H. Bromwell, Richard B. Sutherland. 40th — Charles Emmerson, 6 Abel Harwood. 41st — William H. Patterson, 7 John P. Gamble. 8 42d — Addison Goodell. 43d — William C. Goodhue, W. P. Peirce. 44th — George S. Eldridge, Joseph Hart, Nathaniel J. Pillsbury. 45th — L. D. Whiting, James G. Bayne, Peleg S. Perley. 46th — George E. Wait. 47th — Calvin Truesdale. 48th — James McCoy. 49th — John Dement. 50th — Joseph Parker. 51st — Westel W. Sedgwick, Jesse S. Hildrup. 52d — Charles Wheaton, Henry Sherrill. 53d — Elijah M. Haines. 54th — Lawrence S. Church. 55th — Robert J. Cross. 56th — Thomas J. Turner. 57th — William Cary, David C. Wagner. 58th — Hiram H. Cody. 59th — Joseph Medill, John C. Haines, S. Snowden Hayes. 60th — William F. Coolbaugh, Charles Hitchcock. 61st — Elliott Anthony, Daniel Cameron. 4 Died March 15. 6 Vice A. Gr. Kirkpatrick. 6 Died April 15. 7 Died January 16. 6 Vice W. H. Patterson. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 215 John Dement was elected President pro tempore; Charles Hitchcock, President, and John Q. Harmon, Secretary. Among the able and active minds of this Convention were : William J. Allen, Bowman, Anderson, Wall, Bryan, Hanna, James C. Allen, McDowell, Snyder, Underwood, Billings, Scholfield, Bice, Hay, Parks, English, Archer, Vandeventer, Browning, Skinner, Craig, Boss, Wells, Ben- jamin, Eldridge, Pillsbury, Whiting, Wheaton, Hayes, Church, Turner, Cody, Medill, Dement, Coolbaugh, E. M. Haines and Hitchcock. The Constitution framed by this Convention has been in force full nineteen years, and has been accepted as one of the wisest and best organic laws ever framed. CHAPTER XXVI. STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1870, The year 1870 was rather a spiritless State campaign; neither of the great parties was in a hurry to go into the contest; the Bepublicans did not hold their State Convention until September 1. Erastus N. Bates was nominated for Treasurer; Newton Bateman, for Superin- tendent of Public Instruction. Both of these gentlemen were the incumbents of the offices to which they sought a re-election. Under the Constitution of 1848 the Treas- urer was not restricted to a single term as now. The Democrats held their Convention September 7 and nominated Charles Bidgely for Treasurer, and Charles Feinse for Superintendent of Public Instruction. The aggregate vote for State officers and members of Congress is as follows: 216 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. Treasurer. Erastus N. Bates, R 168,579' Charles Ridgely, D 144,923 H. J. Hammond . 3,756 Superintendent op Public Instruction. Newton Bateman, R 166,859 Charles Feinse, D 144,889 Daniel Wilkins 3,820 Members of Congress — First Distrct. Charles B. Farwell, R 20,342 John Wentworth 15,025 Second District. John F. Farnsworth, R 8,396 J. C. Stoughton, D 6,516 Richard Bishop 2,349 Amos Shepard 2 Third District. H. C. Burchard, R 11,718 Charles Betts 6,219 W. E. Luckens 12 Fourth District. John B. Hawley, R 12,023 P. L. Cable, D 11,982 Fifth District. B. N. Stevens, D 11,579 E. C. Ingersoll, R 9,963 F. B. Ives 868 Sixth District. Burton C. Cook, R 10,452 Julius Avery, D 7,839 Alexander Campbell 159' Seventh District. Jesse H. Moore, R 14,089' Andrew J. Hunter, D 13,418; POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 21T Eighth District. James C. Eobinson, D 13,702 Jonathan Merriam, E 12,448 George W. Minier 1,175 Ninth District. Thompson W. McNeely, D B. F. Westlake, B . . . . 12,693 . . . . 10,297 Tenth District. Edward Y. Bice, D J. W. Kitchell, B . . . . 13,963 . . . . 12,028 Eleventh District. Samuel S. Marshall, D William H. Bobinson, B . . . . 15,771 . . . . 11,444 Twelfth District. John B. Hay, B William Hartzell, D . . . . 10.903 . . . . 10,126 Thirteenth District. John M. Crebs, D Daniel W. Munn, B . . . . 13,949 . . . . 12,366 CHAPTER XXVII. FIDELITY OF STATE OFFICERS, Canal Scrip Fraud— Letter of Ex-Gov. Matteson to the Committee of Investi- gation-Mortgage of His Property to Secure the Payment of $ 250 , 000 — Macallister & Stebbins Bonds Fraud— Gov. Bissell’s Emphatic Denial of any Knowledge of the Fraud. It is a matter of congratulation and pride to know that Illinois has never lost anything by her State officers. The Treasurers of other States have not unfrequently defaulted 218 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. in large sums of money, but those of Illinois have always been faithful to their trusts. The nearest the State ever came to losing money of any considerable amount, was during the administration of Gov. Joel A. Matteson, but the matter was not discov- ered until the early part of 1859, two years after he had gone out of office. The General Assembly being in session, the Senate appointed a committee of investigation, consist- ing of S. W. Fuller, B. C. Cook, A. J. Kuykendall, Z. Applington and S. A. Buckmaster. On February 9, 1859, Mr. Matteson addressed the following letter to the com- mittee : Springfield, III., Feb. 9, 1859. To the Chairman of the Senate Finance Committee: Sir — At the date of my former communication to the chairman of the Senate committee, I supposed the validity of the bonds issued to me for canal scrip, of the issues of May and August, 1889, was supposed to depend upon the genuineness of the scrip. Since, to my great surprise, the fact is established that these scrip, or checks, though genuine, have been redeemed by the officers and agents of the State many years since, and have been, by some person or persons unknown to me, abstracted from the places where they were deposited, and again put in circu- lation. With perfect innocence on my part, and without the remotest suspicion that the scrip had ever been re- deemed, these checks were purchased by me of different persons, for their cash value at the time, upon actual payment of money therefor. I have thus unconsciously and innocently been made the instrument through whom a gross fraud upon the State has been attempted. My past relations to the people of this State, and my earnest desire for the preservation of my own reputation pure and spotless, render me unwilling to retain these bonds, although purchased by and issued to me bona fide , and for a valuable consideration. I am willing, rather than possess one cent that the State of Illinois ought not to pay, even though the courts might decide that by the strict rules of law my rights to these bonds could not be impeached, to sustain myself the whole loss, and to return POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 219 all the money and evidences of indebtedness of every kind I have received of the State on account of these checks or any bonds issued for them. The bonds are already deposited as security for the cir- culation of the State Bank. I will indemnify the State against all liability on these bonds, and provide for the repayment of any money or evidences of indebtedness re- ceived as aforesaid, by and with any kind of security that may reasonably be required therefor. Of course it may take some time to replace so large an amount, and I pro- pose that upon my giving the security above indicated, satisfactory to the proper officer, the bonds remain and be held as security for the circulation of the State Bank, with the privilege to me, from time to time, to replace them with other securities, and as thus replaced they shall be canceled by the Governor. The same regard for my reputation (which is of more value to me than any amount of money), that, in connec- tion with my unwillingness to profit by the loss of the State, has prompted the foregoing proposition, also leads me to ask, as an act of justice to myself, that the investi- gation commenced by the committee should be continued. I will lend every assistance in my power to render it thorough and searching, resulting in the discovery of the commencement of the wrong, if not the perpetrators. For this purpose, I hope, if necessary, the committee will be authorized to act in vacation. From my acquaintance with the gentlemen composing the committee, as well as from the courtesy already manifested by them to me, I doubt not they will be willing to continue the investiga- tion even after the adjournment, if necessary. J. A. Matteson. The investigation continued uniil 1861, through this and other committees acting under authority of the General Assembly, and although an elaborate report was finally made, the names of the perpetrators of the fraud were never revealed. On Becord “F” we find that judgment was rendered against Mr. Matteson in the Sangamon Circuit Court, October 28, 1862, for $250,000. Agreeably to the proposition made in his letter of February 9, 1859, Mr. Matteson executed to the State a mortgage on real estate, which included his elegant residence in Springfield, in an 220 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. amount deemed sufficient to pay the judgment, and by an act of the General Assembly approved February 14, 1868, Alexander Starne was appointed trustee. The mortgage was foreclosed, but the property did not sell for sufficient to satisfy the judgment, and subsequently A. B. Safford,. of Cairo, turned over to the State, for the benefit of Mr. Matteson, lands in Henry county valued at $80,000. We are informed by the trustee, Mr. Starne, that the prop- erty has all been sold except a few tracts of land in Peoria and Henry counties, and some town lots in Joliet and LaSalle, worth altogether about $15,000, which, when- sold, it is believed, will satisfy, in full, the principal of the judgment, if not the interest. Whatever may have been the real facts in regard to this fraudulent proceeding, so far as Gov. Matteson him- self is concerned, considering his previous high character and the exalted position he had held at the hands of the people of his State, the charitable reader will give the statement in his letter relating to his personal connection with the fraud the consideration it is entitled to. In 1859, there was a similar attempt to defraud the State out of a large sum of money, through what is known as the Macallister & Stebbins bonds, but it was unsuccessful.. An effort was made to fasten its responsibility upon the administration of Gov. Bissell, but he was prompt to deny all knowledge of it in terms that had no doubtful mean- ing, and which carried with them a belief of his entire innocence. The wisdom of limiting the term of the treasurer to two years and prohibiting a reelection within four years becomes more apparent as the years go by. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 221 CHAPTER XXVIII. STATE GOVERNMENT— 1871. Governor — John M. Palmer. Lieutenant-Governor — J ohn Dougherty. Secretary of State — Edward Rummel. Auditor of Public Accounts — Chas. E. Lippincott. Treasurer — Erastus N. Bates. Superintendent of Public Instruction — Newton Bateman. Attorney- General — Washington Bushnell. Twenty-seventh General Assembly — First Session. The first session of the Twenty-seventh General Assem- bly convened January 4, and adjourned, April 17, until November 15. The assembly was composed of the follow- ing members: Senate. Simeon K. Gibson, 1 Equality. Charles Voris, Windsor. T. A. E. Holcomb, S. Pass. Edwin Harlan, Marshall. Wm. G. Bowman. 2 Robert N. Bishop, Paris. J. Jackson, Lawrenceville. John L. Tincher, Danville. John Landrigan, Albion. J. W. Langley, Champaign S. K. Casey, 1 Mt. Vernon. J. McNulta, Bloomington. J. M. Washburn, Fredonia. M. Donahue, Clinton. W. B. Anderson, 3 Mt. Vernon A. B. Nicholson, Lincoln. J. P. VanDorstan, Vandalia. Alex. Starne, Springfield. J. F. Alexander, Greenville. J. M. Epler, Jacksonville. Willard C. Flagg, Moro. Edward Laning, Petersburg. W. H. Underwood, Belleville. J. H. Richardson, Quincy. Wm. Shepherd, 4 Jerseyville. Jesse C. Williams, Carthage. J. M. Bush, Pittsfield. Benj. R. Hampton, Macomb. Wm. H. Allen. 5 Harvey S. Senter, Aledo. L. Solomon, Vancil’s Point. T. A. Boyd, Lewiston. UDied. 4 Resigned. 2 Vice Simeon K. Gibson, deceased. 6 Vice Wm. Shepherd, resigned. 3 Vice Samuel K. Casey, deceased. 222 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Henry J. Vaughn, Victoria. Mark Bangs, Lacon. Lucien H. Kerr, Peoria. Jason W. Strevell, Pontiac. Wm. Reddick, Ottawa. Henry Snapp , 2 Joliet. Wm. P. Pierce, Minooka. John F. Daggatt . 6 Chas. W. Marsh, Sycamore. James W. Eddy, Batavia. James K. Edsall, Dixon. W. S. Wilkinson, Morrison. A. Crawford, Geneseo. L. D. Whiting, Tiskilwa. W. A. Little , 1 Elizabeth. J. M. Hunter, Mt. Carroll* Allen C. Fuller, Belvidere. John Early, Rockford. John C. Dore, Chicago. John N. Jewett, Chicago. Willard Woodard, Chicago* J. L. Beveridge , 2 Evanston* Artemus Carter , 7 Chicago. House of Representatives. H. Watson Webb, Cairo. Wm. R. Brown, Metropolis. Geo. W. Waters, Glendale. J. B. Morray, Reynoldsburg. Wm. C. Rich, South Pass. Wm. Schwartz , 2 Elkville. W. A. Lemma , 3 Carbondale. Addison Reese, Jr., Marion. Wm. Elder, Eldorado. Wm. N. Ayres, Elizabetht’wn Frank E. Hay, Carmi, Calvin Allen, McLeansboro. W. W. Barr, Benton. Wm. R. Gass, DuQuoin. James R. Ralls, Chester. D. R. McMasters, Sparta. Wm. R. Morrison, Waterloo. J. R. Miller, Caseyville. G. Kcerner, Belleville. J. Hinchcliffe, Belleville. A. S. Rowley, Richview. Thos. S. Casey, Mt. Vernon. A. T. Galbraith, Johnsonville Walter L. Mayo, Albion. J. D. Sage, Lawrenceville. Israel A. Powell, Olney. Osman Pixley, Ingraham. Thos. E. Merritt, Salem. Sam’l L. Dwight, Centralia. Sam’l Burnside, Carlyle. D. B. Gillham, Alton. A. F. Rodgers, Upper Alton* Theo. Miller, St. Jacob. William Brown, Old Ripley. Jacob Fouke, Vandalia. David Leith 1 Mason. B. F. Kagay, Effingham. Wm. McElwee, Greenup. Wm. C. Jones, Robinson. Wm. T. Briscoe, Westfield* Edward Barrett, Neoga. John Casey, Moweaqua. E. Roessler, Shelby ville. W. B. Hundley, Taylorville. Thomas Finley , 1 Pana. B. Dornblaser, Assumption. James M. Berry, Irving. J. N. McElvain, Litchfield. J. N. McMillan, Carlinville* G. A. W. Cloud, Girard. G. W. Herdman, Jerseyville. Robert A. King, Jerseyville* Thos. H. Boyd, Carrollton. Charles Kenny, Griggsville. Albert Landrum, El Dara. Jas. M. Riggs, Winchester. Newton Cloud, Waverly. W. H. Barnes, Jacksonville. •Died. *Vice Schwartz, resigned. *Vice Henry Snapp, resigned. ^Resigned. 7 Vice John L. Beveridge, resigned. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 223 Chas. H. Eice, Springfield. W. M. Springer, Springfield. N. E. Taylor, Williamsville. Wm. E. Nelson, Decatur. Wm. T. Moffitt, Decatur. Jonathan Meeker, Sullivan. J. E. Cuningham, Charleston. Azariah Jeffries, Mattoon. James Gaines, Eidge Farm. Geo. W. Eives, Paris. John Cofer, Areola. John C. Short, Danville. W. P. Chandler, Danville. E. C. Wright, Homer. J. C. Sheldon, Urbana. A. L. Eodgers, Cerro Gordo. Wm. E. Carle, Wapella. Peter J. Hawes, Atlanta. Augustus Eeise, Atlanta. Wm. W. Easley, Virginia. S. C. Knoles, Petersburg. J. G. Phillips, Mt. Sterling. S. S. Benson, Huntsville. A. H. Trimble, Marceline. Maurice Kelly, Liberty. J. H. Stewart, Quincy. G. J. Eichardson, Quincy. L. Mussetter, Warsaw. M. M. Morrill, Nauvoo. Wm. H. Neece, Macomb. James Manley, Macomb. John W. Eoss, Lewiston. S. P. Cummings, Astoria. T. M. Morse, Middle Grove. M. Langston, Manito. C. A. Eoberts, Pekin. Ira B. Hall, Delavan. W. M. Smith, Lexington. E. E. Eoe, 1 Bloomington. W. C. Watkins, Bloomington. Geo. W. Funk, McLean. L. H. Kerrick, 2 Bloomington. Addison Goodell, Loda. Thos. Vennum, Watseka. John Stillwell, Chatsworth. Jas. G. Strong, Dwight. A. L. Cavan, El Paso.. James M. Eice, Peoria. Samuel Caldwell, Peoria. John S. Lee, Peoria. Oscar F. Price, Galesburg. Jos. F. Latimer, Abingdon. P. H. Sanford, Knoxville. S. T. Shelton, Monmouth. J. T. Morgan, Monmouth. W. A. M. Crouch, Eozetta. S. F. Fleharty, Swedonia. John Morris, Bock Island. E. H. Johnston, Port Byron. Levi North, Kewanee. Jonas W. Olson, Galva. Miles A. Fuller, Toulon. Joseph H. Jones, Henry. Joseph Beinhardt, Granville. Eobert Hunter, Tiskilwa. P. F. Eemsberg, Limerick. G. W. Armstrong, Seneca. Benj. Edgecomb, Utica. James Clark, Utica. H. M. Gallagher, Peru. Phillip Collins, Morris. W. E. Hickox, . Kankakee. Calvin H. Frew, Paxton. J. H. Daniels, Wilmington. W. S. Brooks, Joliet. Eobert Clow, E. Wheatland. Henry Sherrill, Lisbon. W. M. Whitney, Hinsdale. Anson S. Clark, Elgin. J. A. Carpenter, Carpenterv’e. Wm. H. Miller, Aurora. E. M. Pritchard, Shabbona. L. M. McEwen, DeKalb. N. H. Eyan, Amboy. M. J. Braiden, Bochelle. M. W. Smith, Oregon. Jeremiah Davis, Beacon. Nathan Williams, Sterling. Dean S. Efner, Albany. James Shaw, Mt. Carroll. 1 Resigned. Vice E. R. Roe, resigned. 224 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. William Cary, Galena. H. S. Townsend, Warren. Thos. J. Turner, Freeport. Wm. Massenberg, Freeport. Jas. M. Wight, Rockford. D. Emmons Adams, Laona. Jesse S. Hildrup, Belvidere. W. A. McConnell, Richmond. Ira R. Curtis, Marengo. W. B. Dodge, Waukegan. E. M. Haines, Waukegan. Henry W. Austin, Chicago. Robert H. Foss, Chicago. Jas. L. Campbell, Chicago. Carlisle Mason, Chicago. Wiley M. Egan, Chicago. R. P. Derriekson, Chicago. John D. Easter, Chicago. John Humphrey, Orland. A. L. Morrison, Chicago. John W. Heafield, Chicago. A. J. Galloway, Chicago. H. B. Brayton, Chicago. Simon D. Phelps, Chicago. James P. Root, Chicago. Wm. H. King, Chicago. Arthur Dixon, Chicago. Horace F. Waite, Chicago. R. S. Williamson, Chicago. A. H. Burley, Chicago. William Yocke, Chicago. W. K. Sullivan, Chicago. Henry C. Senne, DesPlains. This was the largest assembly of Senators and Repre- sentatives that ever convened in the State for the purpose of enacting laws. There were fifty Senators and one hundred and seventy-seven Representatives. The Consti- tution of 1870 had provided for this representation. Lieutenant-Gov. Dougherty presided over the Senate, and E. H. Griggs was elected Secretary, over J. M. Davidson, by a vote of 32 to 18. William M. Smith, of McLean, was elected Speaker of the House, over William R. Morrison, of Monroe, by a vote 101 to 75, and Daniel Shepard, of Cook, Clerk, over E. L. Merritt, of Sangamon, by a vote of 101 to 75. The Governor's message w r as laid before the two houses on the 6th. It was an elaborate and able State paper, and gave attention to every question of public importance which claimed the consideration of the Legislature, but he discussed at length the legislation necessary to bring into full force and effect the new Constitution. At this session, John A. Logan w r as elected United States Senator, to succeed Richard Yates, over Thomas J. Turner, by a vote of 181 to 89. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 225 The labors of this body were, indeed, arduous. The time was chiefly devoted to the enactment of laws to con- form to the new Constitution. Fiest Special Session. Having adjourned without making the needed appropria- tions for carrying on the State Government and continuing the work on the State House, the Governor convened the General Assembly in special session on the 24th of May, and after discharging the duties for which the body met, a final adjournment was taken June 22. Second Special Session. On the 8th of October, 1871, a fire broke out in Chicago, which laid that city in ashes and rendered thousands of its citizens helpless and homeless, and the cry for help, imme- diate help, went forth broadcast throughout the land. Two days after, Governor Palmer issued his proclamation con- vening the Legislature in special session on the 18th of Oc- tober. This was a great emergency, and the Governor met it boldly. He notified all the members through the medium of the telegraph, and within three days after the proclama- tion they were in their seats and ready for business. The Constitution of 1870 had forbidden all special legis- lation, and there were grave doubts in the minds of many members as to the power of the Legislature to pass, consti- tutionally, effective laws for the relief of the city ; but the Governor issued a stirring message, and clearly pointed out the way. In 1865, the Legislature had passed an act pro- viding for the completion of the Illinois and Michigan Canal upon the plan adopted by the State in 1886, and entrusted the work to the city of Chicago, under certain conditions, restricting, however, the expenditure to $2,500,- 000, which was, ultimately, to be paid, principal and inter- est, by the State. In this work Chicago had expended the —15 226 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. amount limited by the act of 1865, and at this session the General Assembly appropriated a sum sufficient to pay to Chicago the principal and interest, which amounted, in exact figures, to $2,955,340, on the payment of which the canal was surrendered to the management of the State. This measure brought relief to the stricken city. Adjourned Session. The regular adjourned session of this assembly convened November 15, 1871, to resume the labor of enacting laws to conform with the new Constitution, and continued in session until April 9, 1872, when a sine die adjournment was taken. This body was in regular session 250 days, and in special session 42 days, making a total of 292, and passed laws covering a volume of 781 pages, in which was included almost every subject of legislation contemplated in the new Constitution. The duties of this body were, perhaps, more burdensome and difficult than those of any Legislature which has ever assembled in the State, but they were per- formed with fidelity and consummate ability. CHAPTER XXIX. STATE CAMPAIGN— 1872. Formation of the Liberal Republican Party— Great Defection in the Republi- can Party— Yates’ Cabinet Deserts the Republican Party— Yates Stands by the “Silent Soldier”— Lippincott True to the Republican Party— Dis- solution of the New Party— No Democratic Ticket— State Campaign- Aggregate Vote for State Officers, Members of Congress and Presidential Electors. In 1870, Horace Greeley, through his paper, the New York Tribune , strenuously advocated a more lenient policy on the part of the National Administration toward the POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 227 States which had lately been in rebellion. The Republi- can party, then in power in Missouri, divided on the question of removing from the Constitution of that State the clause which disfranchised rebels. Carl Schurz and B. Gratz Brown led the faction favoring the abrogation of that clause, which assumed the name of Liberal Re- publicans. Mr. Greeley had really prepared the way for the formation of such a party, and now that Missouri had taken the initiatory step, it was not long before the new party gained followers in all the Northern States; and in 1872, a National convention assembled at Cincinnati, May 1, under its auspices, and nominated Horace Greeley for President, and B. Gratz Brown for Vice-President. The defection in the Republican party in Illinois was very general, and it looked at the outset as though the new organization would carry both the State and National elections. The Liberal faction in Illinois was led by such eminent men as John M. Palmer, Governor; Newton Bate- man, Superintendent of Public Instruction; Edward Rummel, Secretary of State; ex-Lieut. -Gov. Francis A. Hoffman ; ex-Lieut. -Gov. Wm. Bross ; ex-Lieut. -Gov. Gus- tavus Koerner; ex-Secretary of State, 0. M. Hatch; ex- Auditor of Public Accounts, Jesse K. Dubois; ex- Auditor of Public Accounts, 0. H. Miner; ex- Attorney-General, Washington Bushnell; ex-kjUate Treasurer, Wm. Butler; ex-Congressman from the State-at-Large, S. W. Moulton; ex-Congressman, John Wentworth; ex-U. S. Marshal, D. L. Phillips; ex-U. S. District Attorney, Lawrence Weldon; Judge David Davis, Leonard Swett, Senator Lyman Trumbull, and last, though not least, the Chicago Tribune . Edward Rummel was nominated by the Liberals for Sec- retary of State, and Wm. Bross as one of the electors from the State-at-Large, and D. L. Phillips, who was then one of the chief owners of the State Journal , as a district elector. 228 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. There were many other prominent Republicans, who had been honored with places of distinction by the party, who joined in this movement, but these names will suffice to show that the schism was great and alarming even to the most stout-hearted Eepublican. It will be observed that all the State officers who made up the cabinet when Richard Yates was Governor, joined the fortunes of this new party, while Yates himself stood firm as a rock by the old party and the “silent soldier” whose first com- mission in the war he issued; and Gen. C. E. Lippincott, Auditor of Public Accounts, was the only member of the then Republican State Government who boldly declared himself willing to stand or fall by adhering to the Repub- lican party, and he wrote a stirring letter, under date of April 24, 1872, to Wm. Murry, of Virginia, Cass county, in reply to the question as to the course that should be pursued by his old war comrades in the crisis. We give place to a brief extract from this letter: “I answer briefly, because my time is fully occupied, but plainly, that my old comrades may clearly under- stand me, that I am for the Republican party and its nominees for the Presidency at Philadelphia. I see no abuses in the Republican party which it is not fully able and willing to correct. The record of that party is the proudest part of modern history. Its end cannot have approached, when nothing is arrayed against it but a threatened assault from a coalition of men of every pos- sible political creed and character, held together by the single tie of a universal wish to get into the offices of the government. I have no criticisms to make upon the course of others, and trust that I have made my own position clear to you and to those for whom you write.” (See file Daily State Register , May, 1872.) The Republican party met in Philadelphia, June 5th, and renominated Gen. Grant for President, without opposition, and Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, for Vice-President. The Democratic party met in National Convention at Baltimore, on the 9th of July, and nominated Greeley and POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 229 Brown. Mr. Greeley having been an early Abolitionist and one of the chief founders of the Republican party, his nomination was not accepted as satisfactory by the entire Democratic party of the country, and a convention of what was termed the “ Straight-out ” Democrats met at Louisville, Kentucky, September 3, and nominated Charles O’Connor, of New York, for President, and John Q. Adams, of Massachusetts, for Vice-President. These nominations were declined. The contest in Illinois was waged with great vigor on all sides, and many believed that the State would be car- ried by the Liberal party, but when the returns of the election came in it was shown that Grant and Wilson had received 241,944; Greeley and Brown, 184,938; O’Connor and Adams, 3,058. Grant’s majority over all was 53,948. In the United States, Grant and Wilson received, of the popular vote, 3,597,070; Greeley and Brown, 2,834,079; O’Connor and Adams, 29,408; Black, Temperance, 5,608. The majority of Grant and Wilson over all was 727,975. Of the electoral vote, Grant and Wilson received 286. Horace Greeley having died in the meantime, the electoral vote of the Liberal party was cast as follows : For Pres- ident, T. A. Hendricks, of Indiana, 42; B. Gratz Brown, 18; C. J. Jenkins, of Georgia, 2; D. Davis, of Illinois, 1; For Vice-President, Brown received 47 ; G. W. Julian, of Indiana, 5 ; A. H. Colquitt, of Georgia, 5 ; J. M. Palmer, of Illinois, 3; T. E. Bramlette, of Kentucky, 3; W. S. Groesbeck, of Ohio, 1 ; W. B. Macher, of Kentucky, 1 ; N. P. Banks, of Massachusetts, 1. Messrs. Palmer, Koerner, Trumbull and Moulton have since affiliated with the Democratic party, while Mr. Davis has been an Independent, but all the other gentlemen returned to the Republican fold before another Presiden- tial campaign. 230 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. State Campaign. This campaign was of the most momentous charac- ter; by it was to be determined whether the Republican party, which had guided the State and the Nation in the' perilous times of war, should be set aside, and a new party take its place. For the time being the Democratic party did not array itself as a party against the Repub- lican party, but united with the Liberal Republican party. Under these circumstances the Republicans did not enter the campaign with the brightest hopes of success; but they nominated a strong ticket, and made a bold and aggressive fight. R. J. Oglesby, who had led the party to victory in 1864, was nominated without opposition, for Governor; John L. Beveridge, for Lieutenant-Governor; George H. Harlow, for Secretary of State; C. E. Lippin- oott, for Auditor; Edward Rutz, for Treasurer, and James K. Edsall for Attorney-General. The Liberal Republicans nominated Gustavus Koerner, Republican, for Governor; J. C. Black, Democrat, for Lieutenant-Governor; Edward Rummel, Republican, and the incumbent of the office, for Secretary of State ; Daniel O’Harra, Democrat, for Auditor ; C. H. Lanphier, Democrat, for Treasurer, and John Y. Eustace for Attorney-General. The Liberal Republican State ticket was regarded as being exceedingly strong; it was believed that the names of Koerner and Rummel would insure for it the German vote, and that the equal division of the offices between Democrats and Republicans would surely give the new party a sufficient following to carry the State. The battle between the old and the new party was opened with a zeal and bitterness that had never before been witnessed, but it soon became evident that the nomination of Greeley had greatly displeased many of the life-long leaders of the Democratic party, who openly opposed the election of the Liberal ticket, and either voted for the Republican ticket or refrained from voting at all. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 231 The aggregate vote for State officers, members of Con- gress and Presidential electors is as follows: Governor. Richard J. Oglesby, R 237,774 Gustavus Kcerner, L. R 197,084 B. G. Wright 2,185 Lieutenant-Governor. John L. Beveridge R 235,101 J. C. Black D 199,767 D. S. Starr 2,459 Secretary of State. George H. Harlow, R 241,435 Edward Rummel, L. R 193,493 E. Sutton . .2,372 Auditor. C. E. Lippincott, R 241,498 D. O’Hara, L. R 192,708 C. H. Westerman 2,459 Treasurer. Edward Rutz, R 242,686 C. H. Lanphier, L. R 191,806 Henry West 2,509 Attorney-General. J. K. Edsall, R 240,731 John V. Eustace, L. R 191,897 George A. Meech 2,467 Members of Congress — First District. John B. Rice, R 12,870 Lucien B. Otis, D 7,235 Second District. Jasper D. Ward, R 12,182 C. H. Harrison, D 8,873 232 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Third District. Charles B. Farwell, R 9,202' John V. LeMoyne, D 4,962 Fourth District. Stephen A. Hurlbut, R 15,532 Seymour G. Bronson, D 5,134 Fifth District. Horatio C. Burchard, R 14,036 James Dinsmoor, D 7,538 Sixth District. John B. Hawley, R 13,123 Calvin Truesdale, D 7,215> Seventh District. Franklin Corwin, R 12,404 G. D. A. Barks, D 8,298 Eighth District. Greenbury L. Fort, R 13,401 George 0. Barnes, D 8,304 Ninth District. Granville Barriere, R 12,600 N. C. Worthington, D 10,799 Tenth District. William H. Ray, R 12,962 William H. Neece, D 11,897 Eleventh District. Robert M. Knapp, D 13,818 Asa C. Matthews, R 10,939' Twelfth District. James C. Robinson, D 13,234 M. H. Chamberlin, R 12,311 Thirteenth District. John McNulta, R 13,496 Clifton H. Moore, I 10,850 L. L. Leads 344 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 283 Fourteenth District. Joseph G. Cannon, R 15,161 William Melson, D 11,405 Fifteenth District. John R. Eden, D 14,653 George Hunt, R 12,298 Sixteenth District. James S. Martin, R Silas L. Bryan, D Seventeenth District. William R. Morrison, D John B. Hay, R Eighteenth District. Isaac Clements, R George W. Wall, D Nineteenth District. Samuel S. Marshall, D Green B. Raum, R Electors — Grant. Henry Greenbaum David T. Linegar Chauncey T. Bowen Lester L. Bond Mahlon D. Ogden Richard L. Divine James Shaw Norman H. Ryan Irus Coy Joseph J. Cassell William Seldon Gale William D. Henderson Moses M. Bane George A. Sanders Hugh Fullerton Martin B. Thompson. Jacob W. Wilkin John P. Yan Dorstan John I. Rinaker John Dougherty William H. Robinson 12,266 12,016 13,215 11,316 12,999 11,478 13,297 11,282- ....241,237 284 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS, Greeley. William Bross John D. Caton Thomas Hoyne Charles C. P. Holden Arno Yoss Isaac W. Swaim Robert C. BurchelL Eric Johnson Caspar Bntz Stephen R. Moore Martin Shallenberger George Edmunds, Jr William Stein wedell David L. Phillips Samuel C. Parks John Cunningham John N. Gwin George L. Zuik John Hinchcliffe Benjamin W. Sharp Franklin Pierce... V ....184,772 O’Connor. Isaac R. Diller ' David Runion Wm. S. Searles Abram Braisted William Hanley Jacob Sharp James M. Duncan. . . John Culbertson John W. Hill John Moran Hezekiah M. Wead [> Thomas Clawry Frank Yromer William H. Yan Epps Samuel L. Kerr. . . . j James W. Davidson Jacob Epler William T. French James B. Smith Henry G. Carter L. M. De Motte 8,138 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 235 CHAPTER XXX. STATE GOVERNMENT-1873. Governor— John L. Beveridge. President of Senate and Acting Lieut. -Gov. — Jno. Early. Secretary of State — George H. Harlow. Auditor of Public Accounts — C. E. Lippincott. Treasurer — Edward Butz. Superintendent of Public Instruction — Newton Bateman. Attorney-General — James K. Edsall. Twenty-eighth General Assembly — First Session. The first session of the Twenty-eighth General Assem- bly convened January 8, and adjourned May 6, until Jan- uary 8, 1874. The Assembly was composed of the follow- ing members: Senate. Jos. S. Reynolds, Chicago. Almon S. Palmer, Onarga. R. S. Thompson, Chicago. Elmer Baldwin, Farm Ridge. Miles Kehoe, Chicago. Jas. G. Strong, Dwight. Samuel K. Dow, Chicago. L. D. Whiting, Tiskilwa. J. McGrath, Chicago. Edward A. Wilcox, Minonk. Horace F. Waite, Chicago. W. H. Shepard, Cambridge. R. S. Williamson, Chicago. P. H. Sanford, Knoxville. Clark W. Upton, Waukegan. Benj. R. Hampton, Macomb. John Early, Rockford. Benj. Warren, LaHarpe. Henry Green, Elizabeth. S. P. Cummings, Astoria. Jos. M. Patterson, Sterling. John S. Lee, Peoria. Geo. P. Jacobs, Oregon. A. B. Nicholson, Lincoln. Miles B. Castle, Sandwich. John Cusey, Downs. Eugene Canfield, Aurora. Michael Donahue, Clinton. Wm. S. Brooks, Joliet. J. C. Sheldon, Urbana. 236 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. John C. Short, Danville. John H. Yager, Alton. Charles B. Steele, Mattoon. Geo. Gundlach, Carlyle. Charles Yoris, Windsor. John Cunningham, Salem.. W. B. Hundley, Taylorville. Geo. W. Henry, Louisville- Alex. Starne, Springfield. W. J. Crews, Lawrenceville. A. A. Glenn, Mt. Sterling. Thos. S. Casey, Mt. Vernon. Geo. W. Burns , 1 Quincy. F. M. Youngblood, Benton. Maurice Kelly , 2 Liberty. W. K. Murphy, Pinckneyv’le. Wm. B. Archer, Pittsfield. John HinchcJiffe, Belleville. Wm. Brown, Jacksonville. Jesse Ware, Jonesboro. Beatty T. Burke, Carlinville. C. M. Ferrell, Elizabethtown.. House of Representatives. Jas. B. Bradwell, Chicago. John A. Lomax, Chicago. Wm. Wayman, Chicago. S. P. Hopkins, Chicago. Frank T. Sherman, Chicago. Charles G. Wicker, Chicago. E. F. Cullerton, Chicago. Constantine Kann, Chicago. Thos. M. Halpin, Chicago. John F. Scanlon, Chicago. Thos. E. Ferrier, Chicago. Wm. H. Condon, Chicago. Wm. A. Herting, Chicago. Ingwell Oleson, Chicago. Hugh McLaughlin, Chicago. Otto Peltzer, Chicago. John M. Rountree, Chicago. Geo. E. Washburn, Chicago. Daniel Booth, Chicago. C. H. Dolton, Dolton Stat’n. H. C. Senne, Des Plaines. Richard Bishop, McHenry. F. K. Granger, McHenry. Elisha Gridley, Half Day. Robert J. Cross , 3 Roscoe. Jesse S. Hildrup, Belvidere Duncan J. Stewart, Durand, Richard F. Crawford , 4 E. L. Cronkrite, Freeport. Alfred M. Jones, Warren. James S. Taggart, Ridott. James Shaw, Mt. Carroll. J. E. McPherran, Sterling- Dean S. Efner, Albany. Isaac Rice, Mt. Morris. Henry D. Dement, Dixon. Frederick H. Marsh, Oregon. Lyman B. Ray, Morris. G. M. Hollenback, Milbrook. Perry A. Armstrong, Morris. Sylvester S. Mann, Elgin. J. A. Carpenter, Carp’nt’rsv’le. James Herrington, Geneva. Amos Savage, Lockport. Jno. S. Jessup, Wilmington. Jabez Harvey, Joliet. M. J. Sheridan, Momence. E. B. Collins, Momence. Thos. S. Sawyer, Chebanse. Lewis Soule, Ottawa. Joseph Hart, Earlville. Geo. W. Armstrong, Seneca. J. P. Middlecoff, Paxton. Lucien Bullard, Forrest. John Pollock, Paxton. J. R. Mulvane, Princeton. Cyrus Bocock, Castleton. Mark R. Dewey, Ohio. Dwight J. Webber, Minonk. Nathaniel Moore, Wenona. designed September 20, 1878, 2 Flee George W. Burns. 3 Died. 4 Fice Robert J. Cross, died. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 237 J. G. Freeman, Snachwine. Wilder W. Warner, Orion. E. H. Johnson, Pt. Byron. Chas. Dunham, Geneseo. A. J. Streator, New Windsor. Geo. P. Graham, Aledo. J. S. Chambers, Altoona. Wm. A. Grant, Monmouth. J. E. Jackson, Colchester. E. K. Westfall, Bushnell. Wm. Scott, DallasCity. D. Rankin, Biggs ville. Edward E. Lane, Warsaw. S. Y. Thornton, Canton. John. A. Grey, Lewiston. J. M. Darneli, Pleasantview. Julius S. Starr, Peoria. Michael C. Quinn, Peoria. Ezra G. Webster, Elmore. Laban M. Stroud, Atlanta. Peter J. Hawes, Atlanta. H. W. Snow, Washington. A. E. Stewart, Heyworth. T. P. Rogers, Bloomington. John Cassedy, Lexington. Job A. Race, Decatur. Tilman Lane, Clinton. Wm. T. Moffett, Decatur. John Penfield, Rantoul. C. P. Davis, Monticello. F. E. Bryant, Bement. Willis 0. Pinnell, Paris. Henri B. Bishop, Paris. Jacob H. Oakwood, Catlin. Wm. T. Sylvester, 1 Areola. J. A. Freeland, Sullivan. J. A. Connolly, Charleston. Joseph H. Ewing, 2 Areola. W. H. McDonald, Majority Pt W. H. Blakely, Effingham. Benson Wood, Effingham. J. M. Truitt, Hillsboro. H. P. Shumway, Taylorville. E. J. C. Alexander, Hillsboro. A. Orendorff, Springfield. Milton Hay, Springfield. S. M. Cullom, Springfield. H. H. Moose, Havana, Wm. W. Easley, Virginia. N. W. Branson, Petersburg. Chas. Ballou, Clayton. Nehemiah Bushnell, 3 Quincy. Ira M. Moore, Quincy. J. Tilson, 4 and 5 , Quincy. Albert J. Griffith. 6 M. D. Massey, Pleasant Yale Stephen G. Lewis, Hardin. Henry Dresser, Naples. J. B. Nulton, Carrollton. J. W. Meacham, Waverly. J. Gordon, Lynnville. Wm, McAdams, Jerseyville. J. Plowman, Yirden. A. L. Virden, Yirden. H. Weinheimer, Highland. Benj. R. Hite, Collinsville. T. T. Ramey, Collinsville. Fred. A. Lietze, Carlyle. C. D. Hoiles, Greenville. A. G. Henry, Greenville. N. B. Morrison, Odin. Chas. G. Smith, Yandalia. Ziba. S. Swan, 5 Yandalia. Alfred P. Crosly. 7 I. N. Jaquess, Mt. Carmel. R. T. Forth, Keenville. D. W. Barkley, Fairfield. J. L. Flanders, Olive. Thos. J. Golden, Marshall. H. Alexander, Robinson. L. Walker, McLeansboro. R. S. Anderson, M’Leansboro Patrick Dolan, Enfield. J. G. Newton, Marion. ‘Removed. 2 Vice Wm. T. Sylvester, removed. 3 Died. 4 Vice Nehemiah Bushnell, deceased. 6 Resigned. • Vice John Tillson, resigned. 7 Vice Ziba S. Swan, resigned. 288 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. J. E. Loomis, Shawneetown. S. M. Kase, 2 Belleville. W. A. Lemma, Carbondale. Matthew J. Inscore, Anna, John H. Oberly, Cairo. James L. Wymore, Vienna. F. M. McGee, Reynoldsburg. N. E. Casey, Mound City. S. M. Mitchell, Corinth. J. W. Piatt, Cutler. Wm. Neville, Chester. Austin James, Mitchie. B. Wick, 1 Belleville. L. H. Hite, East St. Louis. John Thomas, Belleville. D. A. Eay, of McLean, was elected Secretary of the Sen- ate over W. H. Mantz, of Jefferson, by a vote of 88 to 17. In the House, Shelby M. Cullom, of Sangamon, was elected Speaker, over Newton R. Casey, of Pulaski, by a vote of 86 to 66, and Daniel Shepard, of Cook, Clerk, over Johsua L. Marsh, of Cook, by a vote of 86 to 61. Gov. Palmer, the outgoing Executive, presented his mes- sage to the two houses on the 9fch, in which he invited attention to the evidences of prosperity in the State, and referred with pride and pleasure to the disposition of the people to bear, without complaint, the burdens of taxa- tion for the education of the masses, and for caring for the afflicted and helpless. To the question of State con- trol of railroads, he gave careful consideration, and pointed out an intelligent and just remedy for the evils of which the people complained ; the needs of the State institutions and all subjects affecting the immediate welfare of the people Tvere discussed with manly candor, and many wise and judicious recommendations indulged in. During his administration the State debt was reduced $4,111,- 071.92, and there had been paid Chicago $1,128,309.68 onaccountof canal improvement. Total, $5,239,381.60. The administration of Gov. Palmer was wise and able, yet laborious and trying. The office had come to him unsought. The Republican party nominated him for Gov- ernor in the face of the repeated declarations that he did not seek or desire the honor, and he was triumphantly , elected, and went into power with the hearty approval of designed. 2 Vice Bernard Wiok, Resigned. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 289 his party, but his first annual message gave the leaders of that party great offense. He had been from his youth an outspoken anti-slavery man, yet he was a firm believer in State rights, and his message was strongly impregnated with that doctrine. This gave great displeasure to the lead- ers of the Republican party. When Chicago was burnt, a conflict arose between the State and National Adminis- trations as to their respective duties in that great emer- gency, Gov. Palmer contending that the State was able to preserve order, and protect the property of its citizens, and that the National authority, if exercised at all, was to be subordinate to State authority. These emphatic declarations brought the Governor in open conflict with his party leaders, and before the close of his Administra- tion he found himself allied to a new party, the Liberal Republican; and in justification of his acts, as Governor, in closing his last message, he said: “I am not willing to close this communication and my official connection with the government, without express- ing something of my gratitude to the people for the honor conferred upon me with the chief magistracy of the State. No one is more conscious than I am, that in the neces- sarily active share I have taken in the varied affairs of this great commonwealth I have, in the judgment of some, committed mistakes ; but I have, in all my official acts, been governed by my own convictions of duty, only anx- ious that the free people of the State, to whose candid judgment alone I am responsible, should fully understand my conduct and its reasons and motives, and then decide to approve, or relieve themselves from the consequences of what they may regard as my mistakes by selecting a citizen for my successor who will avoid any error they may think I have committed. “ During my administration of the government of the State, I have steadily acted upon political principles that I have always cherished as being essential to the well being of my countrymen. I have never faltered in the assertion of the rights of all men to liberty. Habitually distrustful of power, I have insisted upon subjecting all claims of a right to govern the people or to exercise any 240 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. authority over them to the test of the Constitution, and I have never willingly submitted to any pretension of any person claiming power to act under the authority of the government of the United States, unless the power claimed was found to have been expressly granted, or was neces- sarily implied in some grant of power contained in the Federal Constitution. And when the authority sought to be exercised has been claimed under a State, I have as earnestly sought to know that it was not comprehended within some power the people of the State have, by their Constitution, reserved to themselves or forbidden to be exercised by others. I have, at all times, regarded it as amongst my solemn duties to obey the Constitution of the United States, and to aid in defending the government created by that instrument, in the exercise of all its just powers, nor have I felt that my duty to support the Con- stitution of the United States originated in my official oath to do so. “ My duties to the government of the United States be- gan with my birth, and have never been forgotten nor neglected, and my unalterable purpose to discharge those duties has the support of my judgment and my affections, and I have felt under the most solemn of earthly obliga- tions to obey and defend and support the Constitution and laws of the State of Illinois, and to enforce the laws of the State against all who might offend against them. I need not say that the duty of obeying and defending the laws of the State has the support of my most earnest convictions — for the preservation of the just authority of the States is essential to the perpetuity and usefulness of the government of the United States, and the mainten- ance of both is essential to that which is more precious than either — the liberties of the people.” The best compliment that can be paid to the admin- istration of Governor Palmer is to say that he alone was responsible for it. While he was not a discreet party man, yet he was a good Governor; he magnified and enlarged the powers and duties of the Executive office, and thereby elevated and dignified its character. Under the Constitution of 1848, the laws had become strained or lax. The necessities of the State in war times had caused the law-makers to overlook, in many instances, the written letter of that instrument, and when POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 241 it became necessary to revise the laws under the Constitution of 1870, implicit care was not taken to keep within its limits, and Governor Palmer was kept busy in the discussion of constitutional questions. In the session of 1869, he vetoed as many as one hundred and twelve acts on constitutional grounds. It became a by-word with members, when a constitutional question was raised against the passage of a bill, to.say: “We will not discuss the question here; if there is anything unconstitutional in the bill Governor Palmer will find it out.” Governor Oglesby was inaugurated on the 18th of Jan- uary, and delivered a brief address, in which he took occasion to discuss, with feeling and freedom, National questions, and pointed with satisfaction to the proud po- sition Illinois occupied in the National Union. On the 20th of January, Governor Oglesby was elected (United States Senator, over Lyman Trumbull, by a vote of 117 to 78, and on the 23d resigned the office of Gov- ernor, when Lieutenant-Governor Beveridge became Gov- ernor, and Senator Early, who had been elected President pro tempore of the Senate, acting Lieutenant-Governor. The General Assembly remained in session until May 6, when a recess was taken until January 6, 1874. The more important acts which were passed by this Assembly and received the approval of the Governor, were as follows : Acts to reorganize agricultural socie- ties ; to authorize the Board of Canal Commissioners to construct a dam and lock at or near Copperas Creek; to make appropriation to continue the work on the new State House ; to amend an act to provide for the incorporation of cities and villages ; to amend the election laws; to amend an act entitled “an act to pro- vide for the incorporation of associations for conducting and maintaining railways ;” to amend an act entitled “an —16 242 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. act to regulate public warehouses and the warehousing and inspection of grain,” and for the appropriation of moneys necessary to carry on the State Government and its institutions. CHAPTER XXXI, STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1874, The Liberal Republican party ceased as a State or Na- tional organization at the close of the campaign of 1872, and on its ruins was formed in this State the Anti-Mo- nopoly party, which met in convention at Springfield, June 10, 1874, and nominated David Gore for Treasurer, and S. M. Etter for Superintendent of Public Instruc- tion. The Republican party met in convention at Springfield, June 17, and nominated Thomas S. Ridgway for Treas- urer, and Wm. B. Powell for Superintendent of Public Instruction. The Democrats, in the meantime, had reorganized, and they met August 26, and nominated Charles Carroll for Treasurer, and S. M. Etter for Superintendent of Public Instruction. There was little or no general canvass of the State, and the people were left to vote without much direction from party leaders. The nomination of Mr. Etter by the Democrats had given him a clear field against Mr. Powell, the Re- publican nominee, and the result was that while Mr. Ridgway was elected by a plurality of 34,805 over Mr. Car- roll, Mr. Powell was defeated by a majority of 30,506. The aggregate vote for State officers and members of Congress, is as follows : POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 248 Treasurer. Thomas S. Ridgway, R 162,974 Charles Carroll, D 128,169 David Gore, A. M 75,580 J. F. Simpson 582 Superintendent of Public Instruction. Samuel M. Etter, D. and A. M 197,490 Wm. B. Powell, R 166,984 Mrs. A. F. Potter 619 Members of Congress — First District. Bernard G. Caulfield, D 10,211 Sidney Smith, R 9,808 Second District. Carter H. Harrison, D 9,189 Jasper D. Ward, R 9,181 Third District. Charles B. Farwell, R 8,177 John V. Le Moyne, D 7,991 F. A. Hoffman, Jr . ... . 189 Fourth District. Stephen A. Hurlbut, R 9,326 John F. Farnsworth, Ind. R 8,167 Fifth District. Horatio C. Burchard, R 9,232 Daniel J. Pinkney, D., 7,008 Sixth District. Thomas J. Henderson, R 9,390 Isaac H. Elliott. I. R 6,299 Seventh District. Alexander Campbell, G. B 10,308 Franklin Corwin, R 7,905 Eighth District. Greenbury L. Fort, R 8,753 J. G. Bayne, D 7,463 244 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Ninth District. Richard H. Whiting, R 9,755 Leonard F. Ross, D 9,495 Tenth District. John C. Bagby, D 9,784 Henderson Richey, R 8,824 Eleventh District. Scott Wike, D 11,489 David Beatty, R 7,429 Twelfth District. Wm. M. Springer, D 10,623 Andrew Simpson, R 9,027 J. B. Turner 2,417 Thirteenth District. Adlai E. Stevenson, G. B 11,135 John McNulta, R 9,903 Geo. W. Minier 130 Fourteenth District. Joseph G. Cannon, R 11,244 James H. Pickrell, I 10,603 Fifteenth District. John R. Eden, D 12,084 Jacob W. Wilkin . R 10,789 Sixteenth District. W. A. J. Sparks, D 8,723 James S. Martin, R 7,932 Rolla B. Henry, G. B 4,023 Seventeenth District. Wm. R. Morrison, D 13,086 John I. Rinaker, R. 8,438 Eighteenth District. William Hartzell, D 10,866 Isaac Clements, R 9,280 Nineteenth District. William B. Anderson, G. B 8,293 Samuel S. Marshall, D 7,556 Green B. Raum, R 5,485 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 245 CHAPTER XXXII. STATE GOVERNMENT— 1875, Governor — John L. Beveridge. President of Senate and acting Lieut. -Gov. — A. A. Glenn. Secretary of State —George H. Harlow. Auditor of Public Accounts — C. E. Lippincott. Treasurer — Thomas S. Bidgway. Superintendent of Public Instruction— S. M. Etter. Attorney- General — James K. Edsall. Twenty-ninth General Assembly. The Twenty-ninth General Assembly convened January 6, and was composed of the following members : Senate. John C. Haines, Chicago. R. S. Thompson, Chicago. Miles Kehoe, Chicago. SamT K. Dow, Chicago. John Buehler, Chicago. H. F. Waite, Chicago. M. F. Robinson, Chicago. C. W. Upton, Waukegan. John Early, Rockford. Henry Green, Elizabeth. H. A. Mills, Mt. Carroll. Geo. P. Jacobs, Oregon. M. B. Castle, Sandwich. E. B. Canfield, Aurora. A. 0. Marshall, Joliet. A. S. Palmer, Onarga. Fawcett Plumb, Streator. James G. Strong, Dwight. L. D. Whiting, Tiskilwa. E. A. Wilcox, Minonk. E. C. Moderwell, Geneseo. P. H. Sanford, Knoxville. J. T. Morgan, Monmouth. Benj. Warren, LaHarpe. R. Brown, Rushville. John S. Lee, Peoria. Jas. W. Robinson, Tremont. John Cusey, Heyworth. J. F. Harrold, Clinton. J. C. Sheldon, Urbana. Geo. Hunt, Paris. C. B. Steele, Mattoon. 246 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. T. Brewer, Majority Point. W. H. Hundley, Taylorville W. E. Shutt, Springfield. A. A. Glenn, Mt. Sterling. B. Arntzen, Quincy. W. R. Archer, Pittsfield. C. D. Hodges, Carrollton. B. T. Burke, Carlinville. W. H. Krome, Edwardsville. Geo. Gundlach, Carlyle. J. Thompson, Yandalia. G. W. Henry, Louisville. 0. Y. Smith, Lawrenceville. T. S. Casey, Mt. Vernon. W. H. Parish, Eldorado. W. K. Murphy, Pinckneyville. J. Rainey, Belleville. Jesse Ware, Jonesboro. Sam’l Glassford, Vienna. House of Representatives. J. B. Bradwell, Chicago. Lincoln Dubois, Chicago. M. J. Wentworth, Chicago. John Hise, Chicago. Geo. M. Bogue, Chicago. S. P. Hopkins, Chicago. Wm. Honan, Chicago. C. L. Niehoff, Chicago. T. L. Halpin, Chicago. Orrin L. Mann, Chicago. Wm. H. Condon, Chicago. M. M. Miller, Chicago, M. J. Dunne, Chicago. J. S. Arwedson, Chicago. C. L. Linderberg, Chicago, Robert Thiem, Chicago. John C. Barker, Chicago. W. H. Stickney, Chicago. W. H. Skelly, jr., Lemont. G. Dunlap, Norwood Park. Wm. Freise, Desplaines. W. A. James, Highland Park. E. M. Haines, Waukegan. F. K. Granger, McHenry. Andrew Ashton, Durand. R. F. Crawford, Rockford. M. K. Avery, Belvidere. Forest Turner, Nora. E. L. Cronkrite, Freeport. A. M. Jones, JoDaviess. A. R. McCoy, Fulton City. N. D. French, Thompson. Tyler McWhorter, Sterling. Henry D. Dement, Dixon. Isaac Rice, Mt. Morris. F. H. Marsh, Oregon. Philip Collins, Morris. Joshua McGrath, Lisbon. D. B. Bailey, Gardner. V. Fredenhagen, Downer’s G. James F. Clafflin, Lombard. James Herrington, Geneva. Wm. Mooney, Braidwood. H. H. Stasson, jr., Monee. L. H. Goodrich, Braidwood, Geo. W. Parker, W^atseka, George C. Wilson, Onarga. R. Richardson, Yellowhead. C. L. Hoffman, Farm Ridge. G. W. Armstrong, Seneca. E. H. Spicer, Marseilles. Albert M. Haling, Roberts. Joseph I. Robinson, Elliott. David McIntosh, Newton. A. G. Mammond, Toulon. J. H. Moore, Tiskilwa. J. J. Herron, Princeton. Henry France, Roanoke. J. T. Thornton, Magnolia. Nathaniel Moore, Wenona. Rufus M. Grinnell, Cordova. John T. Browning, Moline. John P. Fox, Windsor. John H. Lewis. Knoxville. John T. McGinnis, Joy. C. K. Harvey, Knoxville. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 247 I. L. Christie, Monmouth. E. H. Downing, Keokuk J. C. W. Boydston, Cameron. James Callans, Winchester. A. W. King, Macomb. John Moses, Winchester. David Rankin, Biggsville. J. S. Harvey, Belle view. W. Jenney, Burnside. A. J. Thompson, Bethel. Paul D. Salter, Biggsville. Samuel Woods, Pisgah. James DeWitt, Littleton. John Gordon, Lynnville. S. P. Cummings, Astoria. S. P. Gilbert, Carlinville. S. Y. Thornton, Canton. 0. P. Powell, Jerseyville. Wm. Rowcliff, Robin’s Nest. H. F. Martin, Brighton. Julius S. Starr, Peoria. F. S. Pike, St. Jacob. Patrick W. Dunn, Peoria. Geo. A. Smith, Alton. Richard Holmes, Delevan. Geo. H. Weigler, Alton. R. A. Talbott, Burton View. J. K. McMasters, Nashville. Thomas Windle, Lincoln. A. G. Henry, Greenville. T. P. Rogers, Bloomington. Wm. H. Moore, Nashville. J. F. Winter, Bloomington. Wm. R. Hubbard, Kinmundy. A. E. Stewart, Bloomington. Thos. E. Merritt, Salem. Shaw Pease, Niantic. John B. Johnson, Alma. John H. Tyler, Dewitt. Samuel R. Hall, Albion. Samuel S. Jack, Decatur. Byron J. Rotan, Louisville. Wm. H. Phillips, Rantoul. John Landrigan, Albion. Geo. H. Benson, Rantoul. E. Callahan, Robinson. W. C. Hubbart, Monticello. John H. Halley, Newton. Wm. S. O’Hair, Paris, J. W. Briscoe, Darwin. John Sidell, Fairmount. H. W. Hall, Knight’s Pr. Andrew Gundy, Bismark. A. B. Barrett, Mt. Vernon. J. A. Connolly, Charleston. Boon Kershaw, Grayville. E. M. Vance, Mattoon. J. N. Wasson, Shawneetown. R. A. Wilson, Williamsburg. A. C. Neilson, Marion. Wm. Gillmore, Edgewood. Isaac Smith, Ridgway. W. Middlesworth, Shelbyville. J. W. Rickert, Waterloo. William Chew, Shelbyville. Samuel McKee, Blair, Levi Scott, Pana. J. Chesnutwood, Evansville. John C. Hagler, Pana. Wm. G. Kase, E. St. Louis. W. F. Mulkey, Nokomis. John Thomas, Belleville. Jos. L. Wilcox, Loami. James Rankin, Lebanon. Fred Gehring, Springfield. F. E. Albright, Murphysboro. S. M. Cullom, Springfield. M. J. Inscore, Anna. N. W. Branson, Petersburg. Claiborn Winston, Cairo. A. G. Nance, Petersburg. Benj. 0. Jones, Metropolis. John W. Pugh, Mason City. James R. Stegall, Oak. T. J. Bates, Camp Point. L. F. Plater, Elizabethtown. Ira M. Moore, Quincy. In this General Assembly the Republicans lost their majority, and by a fusion with the Independents the 248 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Democrats succeeded in obtaining control of both houses*. On the sixteenth ballot A. A. Glenn was elected President pro tempore of the Senate, over John Early, by a vote of 26 to 28, when he became acting Lieutenant-Governor, and R. R. Townes, Secretary, over D. A. Ray, by a vote of 26 to 24. In the House, E. M. Haines was elected Speaker, over Shelby M. Cullom, by a vote of 81 to 68, and Jeremiah J. Crowley, Clerk, over Daniel Shepard, by a similar vote. Governor Beveridge presented his message to the two houses on the 8th of January. It was a brief, business State paper, and confined exclusively to matters of State; he congratulated the Legislature on the happy and pros- perous condition of the people, and commended to their careful and considerate attention the passage of such laws as would subserve the best interests of the State and foster and preserve the State institutions intact. This was a stormy session, and the leaders on either' side sought every opportunity to take advantage of each other, and by reason of this it was an unprofitable session,, in many ways. The laws enacted were comprised in a volume of 118 pages, the most important of which were : the appropriation acts ; to provide for the re-organization of cities ; to enable corporations in other States and counties to lend money in Illinois ; to change the fiscal year; to give railroad com- panies the right to purchase or lease roads in adjoining States ; to authorize the formation of union depots and stations for railroads ; to authorize the refunding of funds collected for 1878, under an act passed in 1869, providing for the payment of railroad debts of counties, townships, cities and towns, and to regulate the charitable institutions and State Reform School, and to improve their organiza- tion and increase their efficiency. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 249 CHAPTER XXXIII. A VISION OF WAR. Extract from a Speech Delivered by Robert G. Ingersoll, at the “Soldiers^ Reunion,” at Indianapolis, Ind., September 21, 1876. “ The past rises before me like a dream. Again we are in the great struggle for National life. We hear the sounds of preparation — the music of boisterous drums — the silver notes of heroic bugles. We see thousands of assemblages, and hear the appeals of orators ; we see the pale cheeks of women, and the flushed faces of men ; and in those assemblages we see all the dead whose dust we have covered with flowers. We lose sight of them no more. We are with them when they enlist in the great army of freedom. We see them part with those they love. Some are walking for the last time in quiet woody places, with the maidens they adore. We hear the whisperings and the sweet vows of eternal love as they lingeringly part forever. Others are bending over cradles, kissing babes that are asleep. Some are receiving the blessings of old men. Some are parting with mothers, who hold them, and press them to their hearts again and again, and say nothing. Kisses and tears, tears and kisses — divine mingling of agony and love. And some are talking with wives, and endeavoring with brave words, spoken in the old tones, to drive from their hearts the awful fear. We see them part. We see the wife standing in the door with the babe in her arms— standing in the sunlight sob- bing — at the turn of the road a hand waves — she answers by holding high in her loving arms the child. He is gone, and forever. “We see them all as they march proudly away under the flaunting flags, keeping time to the grand, wild music 250 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. of war, — marching down the streets of the great cities — through the towns and across the prairies — down to the fields of glory, to do and to die for the eternal right. “We go with them, one and all. We are by their side on all the gory fields — in all the hospitals of pain — on all the weary marches. We stand guard with them in the wild storm and under the quiet stars. We are with them in ravines running with blood — in the furrows of old fields. We are with them between contending hosts, un- able to move, wild with thirst, the life ebbing slowly away among the withered leaves. We see them pierced 1 by balls and torn with shells, in the trenches, by forts, and in the whirlwind of the charge, where men become iron, with nerves of steel. “ We are with them in the prisons of hatred and fam- ine ; but human speech can never tell what they endured. “ We are at home when the news comes that they are dead. We see the maiden in the shadow of her first sor- row. We see the silvered head .of the old man bowed with his last grief. “ The past rises before us, and we see four millions of human beings governed by the lash — we see them bound hand and foot — we hear the strokes of cruel whips — we see the hounds tracking women through tangled swamps. We see babes sold from the breasts of mothers. Cruelty unspeakable ! Outrage infinite ! “ Four million bodies in chains — four million souls in fetters. All the sacred relations of wife, mother, father and child trampled beneath the brutal feet of might. And all this was done under our beautiful banner of the free. “ The past rises before us. We hear the roar and shriek of the bursting shell. The broken fetters fall. These heroes died. We look. Instead of slaves, we see men and women and children. The wand of progress touches the auction-block, the slave-pen, the whipping- post, and we see homes, and fire-sides, and school-houses, and books, and where all was want and crime and cruelty and fear, we see the faces of the free. “ These heroes are dead. They died for liberty — they died for us. They are at rest. They sleep in the land they made free, under the flag they rendered stainless, under the solemn pines, the sad hemlocks, the tearful wil- lows, and the embracing vines. They sleep beneath the shadows of the clouds, careless alike of sunshine or of storm, each in the windowless palace of Rest. Earth may POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 251 run red with other wars — they are at peace. In the midst of battle, in the roar of conflict, they found the serenity of death. I have one sentiment for soldiers, living and dead: Cheers for the living; tears for the dead.” CHAPTER XXXIV. STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1876, In 1876, the contest was again triangular in part. The Republicans met in State convention May 24, to nominate a State ticket and appoint delegates to the National Con- vention. Shelby M. Cullom was nominated for Governor, Andrew Shuman for Lieutenant-Governor, George H. Har- low for Secretary of State, Thomas B. Needles for Auditor, Edward Rutz for Treasurer, and James K. Edsall, who was the incumbent, for Attorney-General. The Greenback party was the next to nominate a State ticket. Lewis Steward was nominated for Governor, James H. Pickrell for Lieutenant-Governor, Marsena M. Hooton for Secre- tary of State, John Hise for Auditor, Henry T. Aspern for Treasurer, and Winfield S. Coy for Attorney-General. The Democrats met July 27, and nominated Lewis Steward for Governor, Archibald A. Glenn for Lieutenant-Governor, Stephen Y. Thornton for Secretary of State, John Hise for Auditor, George Gundlach for Treasurer, and Edmund Lynch for Attorney-General. The National Greenback Convention met May 17, at Indianapolis, and nominated Peter Cooper, of New York, for President, and Samuel F. Cary, of Ohio, for Vice- President. 252 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. The Republicans met in National Convention at Cincin- nati, June 14, and nominated R. JB. Hayes, of Ohio, for President, and Wm. A. Wheeler, of New York, for Vice- President. The Democratic National Convention met in St. Louis,, June 17, and nominated Samuel J. Tilden, of New York, for President, and Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, for Vice-President. The nomination of Steward and Hise by the Democrats,, for Governor and Auditor, virtually left the Greenback party out of the fight, and the Democrats entered upon the canvass with the hope of carrying at least two mem- bers of the State ticket. The nomination of Hayes did not give perfect satisfaction to the Republicans, and the canvass was rather spiritless until near the close of the- campaign, when many eminent speakers from other States were brought into service, notably among whom was James G. Blaine. On the contrary, the nomination of Tilden and Hendricks pleased the Democrats to the utmost, and they labored in and out of- season for the success of botli the State and National tickets ; indeed, the party had not been so well organized since 1860; but the Republicans carried the State for all their nominees, by a greatly re- duced majority. The aggregate vote for State officers, Congressmen and Presidential electors is as follows : Governor. Shelby M. Cullom, R * 279,268 Lewis Steward, D.-G 272,465 Scattering 365 Lieutenant-Governor. Andrew Shuman, R 278,167 Archibald A. Glenn, D 255,970 James H. Pickrell, G 18,053 Scattering 362, POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 253 Secretary of State. •George H. Harlow, R 278,457 Stephen Y. Thornton, D 255,990 Marsena M. Hooton, G 17,848 Scattering .* 482 Auditor. Thos. B. Needles, R 278,628 John Hise, D.-G 273,052 Scattering 378 Treasurer. Edward Rutz, R 277,788 George Gundlach, D 255,044 Henry T. Aspern, G 19,439 Scattering 338 Attorney-General. James K. Edsall, R 278,472 Edmund Lynch, I) 257,057 Winfield S. Coy, G 17,433 Scattering 367 Members of Congress — First District. William Aldrich, R 16,578 John R. Hoxie, D 14,101 George S. Bowen 486 Second District. Carter H. Harrison, D 14,732 George R. Davis, R 14,090 S. F. Norton 118 Third District. Lorenz Brentano, R 11,722 John Y. Le Moyne. D 11,435 Fourth District. William Lathrop, R 13,241 John F. Farnsworth. D 8,149 Stephen A. Hurlbut. I. R 5,991 254 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Fifth District. Horatio C. Burchard, R 15,793 Jere Pattison, D 10,600 Sixth District. Thomas J. Henderson, R 15,560 Charles Dunham, D 9,821 Austin Sykes 283 Seventh District. Philip C. Hayes, R 14,849 Alexander Campbell, G. B 13,313 Eighth District. Greenbury L. Fort, R 15,011 George W. Parker, D 12,211 Ninth District. Thomas A. Boyd, R 14,548 George A. Wilson, D 14,001 Wm. W. Mathews, G. B 678 Tenth District. Benjamin F. Marsh, R 14,252 J. H. Hungate, D 13,496 J. L. Christie 147 Eleventh District. Robert M. Knapp, D 17,949 Joseph Robbins, R 12,618 J. A. Edie 35 Twelfth District. William M. Springer, D 17,400 David L. Phillips R 13,744 Thirteenth District. Thomas F. Tipton, R 15,229 Adlai E. Stevenson, G. B 14,977 Fourteenth District. Joseph G. Cannon, R 17,796 John C. Black, D 16,404 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 255 Fifteenth District. John B. Eden, D 18,714 George D. Chafee, E 18,765 A. J. Hunter 72 Sixteenth District. William A. J. Sparks, D 14,591 Edwin M. Ashcraft, E 12,763 Seventeenth District. William E. Morrison, D 17,036 Henry L. Baker, E 13,029 Eighteenth District. William Hartzell, D 14,691 Benjamin L. Wiley, E 14,671 Nineteenth District. Eichard W. Townshend, D 12,720 Edward Bonham, E 8,558 William B. Anderson, G. B : 7,463 Electors — Hayes, E. John I. Einaker 277,227 Peter Schuttler 278,228 George Armour 278,232 Bolivar G. Gill 270,740 Louis Schaffner 278,231 Allen C. Fuller 278,232 Joseph M. Bailey 277,231 John B. Hawley 277,232 Franklin Corwin 277,215 Jason W. Strevell 277,226 Oscar F. Price 277,232 Alexander McLean 277,231 David E. Beatty 277,230 Philip N. Minier 277,231 Michael Donahue 277,230 Hugh Crea 277,215 George D. Chafee 277,233 James M. Truitt 277,233 Cyrus Happy ^ 277,233 George C. Boss 277,235 Joseph J. Castles 277,029 256 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. TlLDEN, ]). William F. Coolbaugh 258,445 William J. Allen 258,445 Thomas Hoyne 258,598 Samuel S. Hayes 258,599 Arno Yoss 258,599 Thomas B. Coulter 258,601 William C. Green 258,601 James S. Eckels 258,465 George B. Martin 258,411 Henry W. Bullock 258 275 Lawrence W. James 258,508 James W. Davidson 258,462 William G. Ewing 249,847 Charles A. Keyes 258,466 Csesar A. Roberts 258,471 Orlando B. Ficklin 258,466 Robert N. Bishop 258,468 Jesse J. Phillips 258,468 Charles A. Walker 258,467 J. Perry Johnson 258,467 John M. Crebs 258,288 Wigfall G. Ewing 9,119 W. T. Davidson 21 William Gordon 9 Coopee, G. B. Sydney Myers 18,241 James W. Singleton 17,107 A. J. Grover 17,121 Andrew C. Cameron 17,174 H. B. Barrett 17,191 S. M. Slade 17,232 J. M. King 17,231 S. M. Smith 17,229 John M. Thompson 17,225 James G. Bayne. 17,231 H. Christman 16,745 A. J. Streetor 17,233 H. K. Davis 17,223 John McConnell 17,224 Thomas Snell 17.226 Jesse Harper 17.223 Charles Voris 17,223 Rolla B. Henry 17,223 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 257 John Hinchcliffe 17,226 S. I.- Davis 17,221 John Landrigan 16,857 The Prohibition and Anti-Secret Society parties also run •electoral tickets; the highest vote polled by the Prohibi- tionists was 249, and 181 by the Anti-Secret Society. CHAPTER XXXV. STATE GOVERNMENT-1877, Governor — Shelby M. Cullom. Lieutenant-Governor — Andrew Shuman. Secretary of State — George H. Harlow. Auditor of Public Accounts — T. B. Needles. Treasurer — Edward Butz. Superintendent of Public Instruction — S. M. Etter. Attorney-General — James K. Edsall. Thirtieth General Assembly. The Thirtieth General Assembly convened January 3, and was composed of the following members: Senate. John C. Haines, Chicago. H. A. Mills, Mt. Carroll. Daniel N. Bash, Chicago. H. D. Dement, Dixon. Miles Kehoe, Chicago. M. B. Castle, Sandwich. Francis A. Riddle, Chicago. J. H. Mayborne, Geneva. John Buehler, Chicago. A. 0. Marshall, Joliet. M. A. DeLany, Chicago. T. P. Bonfield, Kankakee. M. W. Robinson, Chicago. Fawcett Plumb, Streator. M. L. Joslyn, Woodstock. S. T. Fosdick, Chatsworth. John Early, 1 Rockford. L. D. Whiting, Tiskilwa. R. H. McClellan, Galena. Henry J. Frantz, Roanoke. VDied September, 1877. —17 258 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. E. C. Moderwell, Geneseo. Bernard Arntzen, Quincy. B. C. Taliaferro, Keithsburg. Wm. R. Archer, Pittsfield. John T. Morgan, Monmouth. C. D. Hodges, Carrollton, William Scott, Dallas City. G. W. Herdman, Jerseyville. Robert Brown, Rushville. W. H. Erome, Edwardsville. John S. Lee, Peoria. E. E. W. Brink, Hoylton. J. W. Robison, Tremont. John Thompson, Yandalia. J. M. Hamilton, Bloomingt’n. R. P. Hanna, Fairfield. J. F. Harold, DeWitt. 0. Y. Smith, Lawrenceville. C. P. Davis, Monticello. C. E. McDow'ell, Carmi. George Hunt, Paris. Wm. H. Parish, Eldorado. Malden Jones, Tuscola. Ambrose Hoener, Waterloo. Thos. Brewer, Majority Poi’t. Jefferson Rainey, Belleville. E. Southworth, Litchfield. Jesse Ware, Jonesboro. Wm. E. Shutt, Springfield. S. M. Glassford, Yienna. Luther Dearborn, Havana. House of Representatives. W. H. Thompson, Chicago. James S. Taggart, Ridott. Charles L. Easton, Chicago. Hiram Tyrrell, Plum River. M. J. Wentworth, Chicago. E. L. Cronkrite, Freeport. S. P. Hopkins, Chicago. James Shaw, Mt. Carroll. J. W. E. Thomas, Chicago. E. H. Nevitt, Albany. Joseph E. Smith, Chicago. J. M. Stowell, Mt. Carroll. James B. Taylor, Chicago. Abijah Powers, Sterling. H. F. Sheridan, Chicago. Frank N. Tice, Forreston. P. J. Hickey, Chicago. B. H. Truesdell, Lee. E. B. Sherman, Chicago. Peter S. Lott, Newark. George W. Reed, Chicago. Wm. M. Byers, Sycamore. Jos. J. Kearney, Chicago. Amos D. Clover, Gardner. John A. Roche, Chicago. Henry H. Evans, Aurora. Peter Kiolbassa, Chicago. Jas. G. Wright, Naperville. Michael J. Dunne, Chicago. James Herrington, Geneva. Eugene A. Sittig, Chicago. Fred Kouka, Eagle Lake. Arno Yoss, Chicago. L. H. Goodrich, Braidwood. Austin 0. Sexton, Chicago. D. H. Pinney, Joliet. J. S. Bielefeldt, Thornton. Conrad Secrest, Watseka. John H. Kedzie, Evanston. John A. Koplin, Buckley. G. C. Klehm, Niles Center. D. C. Taylor, Kankakee. F. K. Granger, McHenry. L. B. Crooker, Mendota. W. A. James, Highland Park. S. M. Heslet, Meriden. E. M. Dennis. Waukegan. G. W. Armstrong, Seneca. G. H. Hollister, Rockton. George B. Gray, Pontiac. John Budlong, Rockford. John H. Collier, Gibson. Andrew Ashton, Durand. E. C. Allen, Long Point. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 259 Charles Baldwin, Princeton. Daniel J. Hurd, Lafayette. Jas. J. Herron, Princeton. Joel A. Ranney, Metamora. C. Fosbender, Sparland. Eli Y. Raley, Granville. J. T. Browning, Moline. John P. Fox, Geneseo. R. M. Grennel, Cordovia. Alfred S. Curtis, Oneida. Jos. F. Latimer, Abingdon. A. M. Brown, Galesburg. C. W. Boydston, Cameron. E. K. Westfall, Bushnell. C. H. Whitaker, Macomb. Charles F. Gill, LaHarpe. Geo. P. Walker, Warsaw. John J. Reaburn, Denver. J. A. Leeper, Farmington. Chas. F, Robison, Ellisville. W. T. McCreery, Huntsville. L. A. Wood, Chillicothe. Nelson D. Jay, Elmwood. Robert S. Bibb, Peoria. Joseph C. Ross, Lincoln. D. C. Smith, Pekin. Wm. A. Moore, Morton. T. F. Mitchell, Bloomington. J. F. Winter , 1 Bloomington. T. P. Rogers, Bloomington. Thomas J. Abel, Decatur. Samuel S. Jack, Decatur. Wm. L. Chambers, Clinton. Robert A. Bower, Tolono. E. C. Bartholo, Mahomet. Simeon H. Busey, Urbana. J. H. Oakwood, Catlin. Alvan Gilbert, Rossville. Robt. L. McKinlay, Paris. Henry A. Neal, Charleston. R. Heffernan, Mattoon. Stephen Cannon, Sullivan. Gersham Monohon, Greenup. N. P. Robinson, Effingham. Thos. J. Fritts, Cold Springs. David H. Zepp, Nokomis. W. E. Morrison, Morrisonvl’e. Burrel Phillips, Hillsboro. John Foutch, New Berlin. J. Mayo Palmer, Springfield. DeWitt W. Smith, Bates. Jacob Wheeler, Havana. W. L. Yandeventer,Mt.Ster’g. Cornelius Rourke, Petersburg. Thomas G. Black, Clayton. Hope S. Davis, Quincy. J. H. Hendrickson, Mendon. Asa C. Matthews, Pittsfield. S. R. Powell, Winchester. B. J. Hall, Hardin. I. L. Morrison, Jacksonville. W. P. Callon, Jacksonville, Lucien King, Kane. R. Rowett, Carlin ville. H. W. Wall, Staunton. J. N. English, Jerseyville. John S. Dewey, Troy. S. A. Buckmaster, Alton. F. M, Pearce, Alhambra. R. Tierney, Okawville. W. M. Evans, Greenville. G. F. Berry, Greenville. F. Remann, Yandalia. A. J. Hogge, Greenland. Thos. E. Merritt, Salem. H. H. Chessley, Louisville. W. R.Wilkinson, Friendsville. Geo. D. Ramsey, Xenia. W. Lindsey, Martinsville. J. H. Halley , 2 Newton. A. J. Reavill, Flat Rock. Ross Graham, Carmi. T. Connelly, McLeansboro. T. J. Williams, Spring Garden P. Phillips, Webb’s Hill. J. M. Washburn, Marion. T. M. Mooneyham, Benton. T. T. Fountain, DuQuoin. J. Boyd, Pinckneyville. S. P. Mace, Percy. 1 Resignation accepted August 8, 1877. 2 Resigned Aug. 2, 1877. 260 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. J. W. Wells, Marrissa. F. E. Albright, Murphysboro. A. S. Wilderman, Belleville. W. S. Morris, Elizabethtown. J. M. Whitaker, Summerfieid.A. D. Pierce, Golconda. W.H. Woodward, Carbondale.E. B. Watkins, Mound City. Alex. H. Irwin 1 , Cairo. The Republicans being in the minority in the Senate, the Democrats and Independents united and organized this body. Fawcett Plumb was elected President pro tempore , and James H. Paddock, Secretary. In the House, James Shaw was elected Speaker, over Samuel A. Buckmaster, by a vote of 78 to 65, and E. F. Dutton, Clerk, over Thomas S. Bouton, by a vote of 79 to 70. Governor Beveridge presented his message to the two houses on the 5th. It contained the usual recommenda- tions, and closed with this patriotic reference to National questions : “ In my former messages I studiously avoided all ques- tions of National polity, confining myself strictly to matters of State. At the close of my administration, and in view of the fact that the Nation has lately passed through the excitement of a popular election, and the public mind is more or less agitated by the results of that election, it may not be improper in me to express my confidence in the wisdom and patriotism of the American people peace- ably to adjust all difficulties. I advise moderation, invoke wise counsels, and supplicate peace. We want no more war. The blood of the late fratricidal strife still reddens the earth ; the graves of the fallen are yet fresh and visi- ble ; their widows and orphans are still living among us ; the griefs and sorrows of the heart are yet unassuaged. Keeping in grateful remembrance the heroic sacrifice for our country, let us lay aside all animosity and bitterness, heal the broken hearts, build up the waste places, and bind all sections of our beloved country forever together by the bonds of love and prosperity. No matter how the Presidential question may be eventually decided by the proper authorities, for one I shall willingly submit to the decision, and join all persons of every party for the main- tenance of law, the preservation of public order, and the protection of all citizens of every race, color and condition, 1 Resigned, February 12, 1878. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 261 in the full and peaceable enjoyment and exercise of all their rights, privileges and immunities under the Con- stitution and the laws.” During the administration of Gov. Beveridge, the principal of the State debt was reduced $588,233.76. On January 9, the incoming Governor, S. M. Cullom, took the oath of office and delivered his inaugural mes- sage to the two houses. Lieut.-Gov. Shuman entered upon his duties as presiding officer of the Senate the same day. Among other duties devolving upon this General Assem- bly was the election of a United States Senator. Gen. John A. Logan was the unanimous nominee of the Repub- lican caucus, and Gen. John M. Palmer of the Democratic. The Independents held the balance of power, consequently neither of the candidates possessed a majority. The two houses met in joint session on the 18th of January, and balloted six times for Senator. On the first ballot Logan received the votes of 21 Senators and 78 Representatives, and Palmer 21 Senators and 67 Representatives. Seven Senators voted for Wm. B. Anderson, and six Represen- tatives for David Davis. Two members of the House — Busey and Bartholo — refrained from voting. On the last ballot Logan’s vote remained the same while Palmer lost two; Anderson received 7 and Davis 7. On the 22d the name of Gen. Palmer was withdrawn, and on the first bal- lot thereafter Logan received 99 votes, Wm. B. Anderson 85, John C. Haines 7, Wm. C. Goudy 7, Wm. H. Parish 1, A. A. Glenn 1, S. S. Marshall 1, and C. B. Lawrence 1. Five additional ballots were taken with a similar result. On the 24th, the name of Gen. Logan was withdrawn, and on the first ballot thereafter David Davis received 97 votes, C. B. Lawrence 86, John C. Haines 7, John A. Logan 2, Wm. H. Parish 1, Jehu Baker 1, S. M. Cullom 1, R. G. Ingersoll 1, G. B. Raum 1, and J. L. Beveridge 1. Five ballots were indulged in that day without choice. 262 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. On the 40th ballot for Senator, which occurred on the 25th of January, the whole number of votes cast were 200, of which David Davis received 101, C. B. Lawrence 94, John C. Haines 3, Wm. H. Parish 1, John A. Logan 1. Mr. Davis having received a majority of all the votes cast, the Speaker declared him the duly elected Senator. The highest number of votes during the contest received by Gen. Logan was 100, and by Gov. Palmer 89. The chief acts, exclusive of the appropriations, were : to provide the manner of proposing amendments to the con- stitution; to levy and collect back taxes of incorporated cities; for the relief of disabled members of police and fire departments ; to establish Appellate Courts ; to divide the State into judicial districts ; to extend the jurisdiction of county courts ; defining vagabonds and prescribing pun- ishment ; to prevent and punish wrongs to children ; to punish fraud or extravagance in the expenditure of moneys appropriated for public improvements ; to amend the liquor law; to amend the election law; to amend an act con- cerning insolvent debtors; to provide for the organization of the State militia ; relating to miners ; providing for the health and safety of persons employed in coal mines; to amend an act relating to the payment of railroad bonds by counties, cities and other municipal corporations; re- lating to fencing and operating railroads; to protect pas- sengers on railroads; to prevent obstructing the business of railroads ; to fix rates of storage in the warehouses ; to amend the school law, and to establish a State Board of Health. The two houses adjourned sine die May 24. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 263 CHAPTER XXXVI. STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1873. The campaign of 1878 was ushered in by the nomina- tion of three State tickets. The Greenback party held their convention first. Erastus N. Bates, ex-Republican Treasurer, was nominated for Treasurer, and F. M. Hall, for Superintendent of Public Instruction. The Republicans nominated John C. Smith, for Treas- urer, and James P. Slade, for Superintendent of Public Instruction. The Democrats nominated Edward L. Cronkrite, for Treasurer, and Samuel M-. Etter, the then incumbent, for Superintendent of Public Instruction. Although three parties were contesting for the offices to be filled at that election, there was but little enthusiasm aroused among the people in general, and the candidates made more of a personal canvass than otherwise. The Republican ticket was elected by a plurality of 36,373. The aggregate vote for State officers and members of Congress is as follows: Treasures. John C. Smith, R 206,458- Edward L. Cronkrite, D 170,085 Erastus N. Bates, G 65,689 Jerome A. Gorin 2,228 Superintendent of Public Instruction. James P. Slade, R 205,461 Samuel M. Etter, D 171,336 F. M. Hall, G 65,487 Kate L. Hopkins 2,109 264 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Fibst Disteict. William Aldrich, R 12,165 James R. Doolittle, D 7,136 William V. Barr 1,844 John McAuliff 2,322 George R. Davis 2 Second Disteict. George R. Davis, R 10,347 Miles Kehoe, Inch D 6,111 James Felch 1,600 George A. Schilling 2,473 J. H. Condon 250 John Sebolski 74 Thibd Disteict. Hiram Barber, R 9,574 Lambert Tree, D 5,280 A. B. Cornell 884 Benjamin Sibley 2,306 Foueth Disteict. John C. Sherwin, R * 12,753 Jonathan C. Stoughton. I. R 4,438 Augustus Adams. D 3,448 Fifth Disteict. Robert M. A. Hawk, R 11,042 Mortimer D. Hathaway. D 4,823 John M. King 4,804. Sixth Disteict. Thomas J. Henderson, R 10,964r James W. Haney. G 6,675 Charles Dunham . D : 3,257 Seventh Disteict. Philip C. Hayes, R 10,712 W. S. Brooks. D 5,795 Alexander Campbell. G 6,512. Eighth Disteict. Greenbury L. Fort, R 11,271 Thomas M. Shaw. D 4,822 Chris. C. Strawn. G 6,575 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 265' Ninth District. Thomas A. Boyd, B 10,543 George A. Wilson, D 9,802 Alex. H. McKeighan, G 3,749 Tenth District. Benjamin F. Marsh, B 11,814 Delos P. Phelps, D 11,238 Alson J. Streeter, G 3,496 Eleventh District. James W. Singleton, D 11,961 James P. Dimmitt, B 6,956 William H. Pogue 3,034 Twelfth District. William M. Springer, D 12,542 John Cook, B 9,146 John Mathers, G 4,611 Thirteenth District. A. E. Stevenson, G 13,870 Thomas F. Tipton, B 12,058 L. M. Bickmore 135 Fourteenth District. Joseph G. Cannon, B 13,698 Malden Jones, D 11,527 Jesse Harper, G 4,451 Fifteenth District. Albert P. Forsyth, G 13,106 Hiram B. Decius, D 12,942 Sixteenth District. William A. J. Sparks, D 11,493 Basil B. Smith, B 9,946 James Creed 2,139 Seventeenth District. William B. Morrison, D 12,436 Jehu Baker, B 10,605 William E. Moberly 1,598- 266 POLITJCS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. Eighteenth District. John E. Thomas, E 12,686 W. J. Allen, D 12,074 S. J. Davis, G- 2,454 Nineteenth District. E. W. Townshend, D 12,608 Eobert Bell, E 8,190 Seth P. Crews 2,847 CHAPTER XXXVII. SIDNEY BREESE. He is the Projector of the Illinois Central Railroad— His Wonderful Predic- tion regarding the Growth and Magnitude of Railways in the United States. Until the death of Judge Breese it had never been quite understood who was justly entitled to the credit of project- ing the Illinois Central Railroad, which has added untold wealth to the prairie State. Judge Breese himself lays claim to having projected the enterprise. In the elaborate memorial address of Melville W. Fuller, of Chicago, before the Illinois Bar Association, at Springfield, in January, 1879, on the life and services of Judge Breese, we find this definitely satisfactory statement regarding the origin of the great enterprise. Said he: “ In October, 1885, Judge Breese called the attention of the public to the importance of a direct connection of the Illinois and Michigan Canal, then in course of construction, with the lower Mississippi at Cairo, by a railroad, propos- ing that the road should start from the termination of the POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 267 -canal, and proceed as near as might be by the route of the third principal meridian, through Bloomington, Deca- tur, Yandalia, Carlyle, Nashville, Pinckney ville, Browns- ville and Jonesboro, and pointing out how it could be done and by what means, and from that time until the great result was achieved he labored steadily to bring it about, opposing, however, the act of February, 1837, for a general system of internal improvements. “ In Congress, his first movement in favor of the project was marked by great sagacity. He introduced, in January, 1844, and obtained the passage of, a resolution instructing the Committee on Naval Affairs to provide for an exam- ination of the locality at, or near, the confluence of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, with a view to the establish- ment of a naval depot and dockyard, which he supported in an elaborate letter, under date of February 29, 1844, to Hon. R. H. Bayard, of Delaware, chairman of that com- mittee, which was printed by order of the Senate, and, among other things, contained the following: ‘At some period, not distant, the projected railroad will be con- structed from the iron mountains and copper mines in Missouri to the Mississippi river, opposite the mouth of the Ohio. From the cars which bring metal from the mines, transported across the river in ferry boats, it will be deposited in public stores for use, or in private stores for transportation to more distant markets. Nor will it be long before the' Central or Great Western Railway of Illinois will be constructed, opening a route toward the lakes, never to be obstructed by low water or ice. Com- mencing at the site of the proposed depot, and running near five hundred miles through a region of unsurpassed fertility, it will not only bring in supplies inexhaustible, but open a communication through which naval stores may be sent to the lakes, it being connected with the pro- jected canals in Illinois and Indiana, without transhipment from boats on the rivers, or the interposition of other oauses, which would render their transportation from other points more dilatory and expensive. “ This was the entering wedge which opened up an inquiry, resulting, to use Judge Breese’s language a few years after, ‘in the growth of a great city at that point, of which our State will be proud. Like another queen, she will yet rise in splendor from the waters.’ M In March, 1844, a bill for a grant for railway purposes was introduced in the House by Col. McClernand, ‘than whom,’ writes Judge Breese, ‘our State never had an abler 268 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF IILLINOIS. member ; ’ and Senator Breese, in addition to a bill offered in December, 1844, introduced one in January, 1846, to grant to the State of Illinois alternate sections of land to aid in the construction of the road, making as Chair- man of the Committee on Public Lands, to which the bill was referred, the first full report ever made to Congress on the subject. In January, 1848, Senator Breese made an elaborate report upon a bill of Senator Douglas, and in July, 1848, reported the bill of Senator, afterward Vice- President, King, in favor of Alabama. “ In December, 1848, Senator Breese made another report upon a bill of Judge Douglas, going fully into the whole subject, and endeavoring to obviate all constitutional and other objections to such grants, and the argument contained in it was made the basis of all the subsequent grants to this and other States. “In September, 1850, after Judge Breese left the Senate, a bill was passed which consolidated his original bill of 1846, with that of Senator King, of 1848, and under this we obtained the land. “ In 1851, when Judge Breese was a member of the General Assembly, and Speaker of the House, the act was passed incorporating the Illinois Central Railroad Company, and giving it the benefit of the grant, and Judge Breese thus witnessed the close of his long labors in this direction, labors, to some of which only this is but a mere reference r and it was in that year that he published a letter in which he says : * I claim to have first projected this great road in my letter of 1885, and in the judgment of impartial and disinterested men my claim will be allowed. I have said and written more in favor of it than any other. It has been my highest ambition to accomplish it, and when my last resting place shall be marked by the cold marble which gratitude or affection may erect, I desire for it no other inscription than this, that he who sleeps beneath it projected the Central Railroad.’ ” As an evidence of the master foresight of Judge Breese, regarding the benefits which were to follow the path of the iron horse, we transfer to these pages an extract from a report he made in July, 1846, when a Senator in Congress and Chairman of the Committee on Public Lands. It relates to a memorial of A. Whitney, for a grant of land POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 269 lo enable him to build a railroad from Lake Michigan to the Pacific ocean. Summing up the whole question of xailroad construction, he said : “Our whole country will be brought together at the grand centre in the short space of four days , allowing us not only to transport passengers, but all descriptions of merchandise and produce, from the grand center to New Orleans, Savannah, Charleston, Richmond and Norfolk, Washington, Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York and Bos- ton, and to the Pacific, in the same time, four days; and from the Pacific to any of the above cities in less than eight days , and to China in twenty days; so that we can bring our vast country together in four days , and the ex- tremes of the globe in thirty days . A cargo of teas from China may then be delivered in any of our Atlantic cities in thirty days and in London or Liverpool in less than forty -Jive days .” Judge Breese was one of the truly great men of his day, and his highest ambition seemed to be to do something that would benefit his country and mankind, and few men have accomplished more in that direction than he. From the first advent of Judge Breese into the State to the day of his death, he held public office, but it is also true that the office sought him more that he sought it. He was a native of New York, born July 15, 1800; and in company with Samuel D. Lockwood, came to Illinois in 1818, arriving at Shawneetown by a flat-boat, and from thence he made his way across the country to Kaskaskia, then the seat of government, where he was made Assis- tant Secretary of State, under Elias Kent Kane, who had been a schoolmate in New York, and at whose solicita- tion he came West. One of his earliest achievements was the compilation and publication of the Reports of the Supreme Court from the years 1818 to 1881; and it is said of him that he personally superintended their print- ing, and actually set much of the type. He was Post- master of Kaskaskia, Circuit Attorney under the admin- istrations of Governors Bond and Coles; U. S. District 270 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. Attorney under President Adams; Circuit Judge, Chief Justice, United States Senator for six years; Representa- tive in the Seventeenth General Assembly in 1851-52, and Speaker of that body; and in 1857 he was again elected to the Supreme Court of the State, which position he con- tinued to hold until his death, which occurred June 28, 1,878. Judge Breese may justly be styled a benefactor of his country, for he seemed to have filled, at the close of a long and useful life, in full measure, the work God and nature had assigned him. Politically, Judge Breese died as he had lived, an ad- herent of the Democratic party. CHAPTER XXXVIII. STATE GOVERNMENT- 1879. Governor — Shelby M. Cullom. Lieutenant-Governor — Andrew Shuman. Secretary of State — Geo. H. Harlow. Auditor of Public Accounts — T. B. Needles. Treasurer — John C. Smith. Superintendent of Public Instruction — Jas. P. Slade. Attorney General — Jas. K. Edsall. Thirty-first General Assembly. The Thirty-first General Assembly convened January 8, and was composed of the following members. Senate. George E. White, Chicago. W. T. Johnston, Chicago. Daniel N. Bash, Chicago. M. A. DeLany, Chicago. Sylvester Artley, Chicago. W. J. Campbell, Chicago. Francis A. Riddle, Chicago. M. L. Joslyn, Woodstock. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 271 C. E. Fuller, Belvidere. R. H. McClellan, Galena. Charles Bent, Morrison. H. D. Dement, Dixon. J. R. Marshall, Yorkville. J. H. Mayborne, Geneva. Sylvester W. Munn, Joliet. T. P. Bonfield, Kankakee. S. R. Lewis, Ottawa. S. T. Fosdick, Chatsworth. L. D. Whiting, Tiskilwa. Henry J. Frantz, Roanoke. Milton M. Ford, Galva. B. C. Taliaferro, Keithsburg. Wm. H. Neece, Macomb. Wm. Scott, Dallas City. Meredith Walker, Canton. John S. Lee, Peoria. Abram Mayfield, Lincoln. J . M. Hamilton, Bloomington Wm. T. Moffett, Decatur. C. P. Davis, Monticello. George Hunt, Paris. Malden Jones, Tuscola. E. N. Rinehart, Effingham. E. South worth, Litchfield. Wm. E. Shutt, Springfield. Luther Dearborn, Havana. Maurice Kelly, Liberty. Wm. R. Archer, Pittsfield. Wm. P. Callon, Jacksonville. G. W. Herdman, Jersey ville. A. J. Parkinson, Highland. F. E. W. Brink, Hoylton. Thos. E. Merritt, Salem. R. P. Hanna, Fairfield. Wm. C. Wilson, Robinson. Chas. E. McDowell, Carmi. S. L. Cheaney, Harrisburg. Ambrose Hoener. Waterloo. John Thomas, Belleville. Jesse Ware, Jonesboro. A. J. Kuykendall, Vienna. House of Representatives. W. H. Thompson, Chicago. M. J. Wentworth, Chicago. D. W. Clark, Jr., Chicago. Benj. M. Wilson, Chicago. S. P. Hopkins, Chicago. Patrick T. Barry, Chicago. Leo Meilbeck, Chicago. T. J. Walsh, Chicago. John B. Taylor, Chicago. Lewis H. Bisbee, Chicago. E. B. Sherman, Chicago. J. E. Murray, Chicago. Wm. E. Mason, Chicago. Chas. Ehrhardt, Chicago. Thos. F. O’Malley, Chicago. Christian Meyer, Chicago. Austin Sexton, Chicago. Horace H. Thomas, Chicago. L. C. Collins Jr, Norwood P’rk G. G. Struckman, Hanover. B. F. Weber, Havelock. F. K. Granger, McHenry. W. A. James, Highland Park William Price, Waukegan. Omar H. Wright, Belvidere. T. Butterworth, Rockford. H. W. Taylor, Rockford. James I. Neff, Freeport. Andrew Hinds, Oneco. Chas. S. Burt, Dunleith. James Shaw, Mt. Carroll. W. H. Allen, Erie. J. M. Pratt, Pratt. Frank N. Tice, Forrest. B. H. *' Trusdell, Amboy. A. P. Dysart, Nachusa. Wm. M. Byers, Sycamore. R. M. Brigham, Sandwich. Alonzo B. Smith, Oswego. Edward C. Lovell, Elgin. -.272 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. J. G. Wright, 1 Naperville. J. Herrington, Geneva. J. Keniston, Wilton Center. Fred Kouka, Beecher. Wm. B. Thomson, Joliet. Conrad Secrest, Watseka. M. H. Peters, Watseka. A. Buck, Pilot Center. L. B. Crooker, Mendota. Francis Bowen, Sheridan. David Bichey, Tonica. George B. Gray, Pontiac. N. E. Stevens, Paxton. Calvin H. Frew, Paxton. Alfred G. Scott, Sheffield. S. F. Otman, Wyoming. Simon Elliot, Princeton. Joel A. Banney, Cazenovia. Geo. F. Wightman, Lacon. C. Fosbender, Sparland. A. B. Mock, Cambridge. John W. Foy, Atkinson. J. W. Simonson, Port Byron. Bufus W. Miles, Gilson. J. F. Latimer, Abingdon. John Sloan, Douglas. Henry M. Lewis, Berwick. Henry Black, Doddsville. Edwin W. Allen, Berwick. T. B. Brumback, Plymouth. John J. Beaburn, Denver. B. B. Hamilton, Nauvoo. Hosea Davis, Littleton. C. F. Bobison, Ellisville. W. T. McCreery, Birmingham, H. B. Chase, Bobin’s Nest. Bernard Cremer, Peoria. W. Cockle, 1 Peoria. David H. Harts, Lincoln. G. P. Orendorff, Hopedale. William B. Hall, Pekin. T. F. Mitchell, Bloomington. H. A. Ewing, Bloomington. T. P. Bogers, Bloomington. John H. Tyler, DeWitt. Geo. K. Ingham, Kenney. B. K. Durfee, Decatur. Geo. Scroggs, 1 Champaign. James Core, Homer. Wm. A. Day, Champaign. John G. Holden, Danville. L. Marston, Hoopeston. B. L. McKinlay, Paris. 0. B. Ficklin, Charleston. A. Thomason, Lovington. Henry A. Neal, Charleston. W. M. Abraham, Watson. James L. Byan, Greenup. B. Scarlett, Moweaqua. J. B. Jones, Taylorville. W. Y. Crosthwait, Grove City. Geo. L. Zink, Litchfield. W. L. Gross, Springfield. John C. Snigg, Springfield. Carter Tracy, Bochester. J. F. Snyder, Virginia. J. W. Savage, Virginia. Jacob Wheeler, 1 Havana. S. Mileham, Camp Point. A. M. Samuel, Burton. Joseph N. Carter, Quincy. Asa C. Matthews, Pittsfield. S. B. Powell, Winchester. Jas. H. Pleasants, Hardin. 1. L. Morrison, Jacksonville. B. Vasey, Jacksonville. F. M. Bridges, Carrollton. H. W. Wall, Staunton. , J. N. English, Jerseyville. Geo. E. Warren, Jerseyville. W. B. Prickett, Edwardsville. John M. Pearson, Godfrey. John S. Dewey, Troy. T. D. Hinckley, Hoyleton. S. W. Jones, Nashville. John L. Nichols, Clement. J. E. W. Hammond, Omega. Francis M. Bolt, Vandalia. designed. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 273 James S. Jackson, Iuka. J. T. McBride, Chester. J. Zimmerman, Mt. Carmel. J. B. McFie, Coulterville. William Bower, Olney. P. C. C. Provart, Paradise Pr. Chas. Churchill, Albion. T. C. Jennings, East St. Louis. J. B. Johnson, West Liberty. Joseph Yeile, Millstadt. J. W. Graham, Marshall. Henry Seiter, Lebanon. A. J. Beavell, Bobinson. C.H. Layman, Murphysboro. A. M. Green, Mt. Yernon. T. T. Bobinson, Pomona. J. B. Moss, Mt. Vernon. T. W. Halliday, Cairo. C. M. Lyon, McLeansboro. James H. Carter, Vienna. J. M. Gregg, Harrisburg. H. H. Spencer, Mound City. S. C. Hall, New Haven. T. G. Farris, 1 Vienna. W. Trammell, Stone Fort. W. V. Eldredge, 2 Golconda. Lieut.-Gov. Shuman presided over the Senate. John M. Hamilton, of McLean, was elected President pro tempore, over Wm. B. Archer, of Pike, by a vote of 27 to 22, and Jas. H. Paddock, of Kankakee, Secretary, over Edward L. Merritt, of Sangamon, by a vote of 27 to 22. In the House, Wm. A. James, of Lake, was elected Speaker, over James Herrington, of Kane, by a vote of 81 to 59, and W. B. Taylor, of Marshall, Clerk, over Jerry Crowley, of Cook, by a vote of 78 to 62. On the 10th of January, the message of the Governor was read in the two houses. It contained the usual recom- mendations. The two houses met in joint session on the 21st of Jan- uary, and Gen. John A. Logan was elected United States Senator, over Gen. John C. Black, by a vote of 106 to 84. Gen. Black was the Democratic candidate. Ten votes were cast for Alexander Campbell, Greenback, and 4 for John McAulifife, Socialist. The principal laws passed at this session, exclusive of the appropriation bills, were acts to create a Bureau of Labor Statistics ; to protect bank depositors ; to prevent fraud in the manufacture and sale of butter; to provide for the construction, repair and protection of drains, ditches ‘Died, December 10, 1878. —18 2 Vice Farris, deceased. 274 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. and levees across the lands of others ; to amend the elec- tion law ; to encourage the cultivation of fishes ; to amend the game law ; to amend the insurance laws ; to fix the rate of interest; to provide for the reorganization of the State militia ; to provide for the safety of persons employed in coal mines ; to regulate pawn-brokers ; to regulate the manner of applying for pardons ; to amend an act for the protection of passengers on railroads ; to amend an act to regulate public warehouses; to amend an act relating to the payment of county and city railroad indebtedness; to amend the revenue law ; to amend the school law, and to abolish the Board of State House Commissioners. The duration of this session was 143 days. CHAPTER XXXIX. STATE CAMPAIGN OF 1880, This was one of the greatest campaigns within a quarter of a century. The aggregate vote for the five electoral tickets — Democratic, Republican, Greenback, Prohibition, and Anti-Secret Society — was 622,118. As seems to have become the custom, the Republicans were the first to take action, their convention meeting May 20, to nominate a State ticket and appoint delegates to the National Con- vention. Shelby M. Cullom was nominated for Governor ; John M. Hamilton, for Lieutenant-Governor; Henry D. Dement, for Secretary of State; Charles P. Swigert, for Auditor; Edward Rutz, for Treasurer, and James McCart- ney, for Attorney-General. The Greenback party met June 9, and nominated A. J. Streeter, for Governor, Andrew M. Adair, for Lieutenant POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 275 Governor; J. M. Thompson, for Secretary of State; W. T. Ingram, for Auditor; J. W. Evans, for Treasurer, and H. G. Whitlock, for Attorney-General. The Democrats met June 10, and nominated Lyman Trumbull, for Governor ; Lewis B. Parsons, for Lieutenant- Governor; John H. Oberly, for Secretary of State; Louis C. Starkel, for Auditor; Thomas Butterworth, for Treas- urer, and Lawrence Harmon, for Attorney-General. The Republican National Convention met at Chicago, June 2, and nominated James A. Garfield for President, and Chester A. Arthur for Vice-President. The Greenback party met in the same city in June, and nominated James B. Weaver, of Iowa, for President, and B. J. Chambers for Vice-President. The Democrats met at Cincinnati in July, and nomi- nated Winfield S. Hancock, of Pennsylvania, for President, and William H. English, of Indiana, for Vice-President. The Republicans made a bold, aggressive canvass, taking as the keynote of the campaign the tariff question. Although the Democratic ticket was composed, for the most part, of men of eminent ability, they did not enter upon a general discussion of the issues which divided the parties, but made the campaign more in the character of personal visits among the people ; but an active and vig- orous assault was kept up all along the line by the champions of their national ticket. The Greenback party made but little effort, understand- ing, as its leaders did, that its cause was utterly hopeless. The aggregate vote for State officers, Congressmen and Presidential electors, is as follows : Governor. Shelby M. Cullom, R 314,565 Lyman Trumbull, D 277,532 A. J. Streeter, G 28,898 Uriah Copp, Jr 122 276 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Lieutenant-Governor. John M. Hamilton, R 317,160 Lewis B. Parsons, D 275' 966 Andrew M. Adair, G 26'774 J. R. Lawrence ’l 79 Secretary of State. Henry D. Dement, R 317,422 John H. Oberly, D 277,122 J. M. Thompson, G 26’687 Samuel Reed 127 Auditor. Charles P. Swigert, R 317,872 Louis C. Starkel, D 276,440 W. T. Ingram, G 26,213 W. L. Cressy 126 Treasurer. Edward Rutz, R 317,732 Thomas Butterworth, D 276,670 J. W. Evans, G 26,658 George Harrington 182 Attorney-General. James McCartney, R 318,173 Lawrence Harmon, D : 176,062 H. G. Whitlock, G 26,207 Alsey B. Lee 129 Members of Congress — First District. William Aldrich, R 22,307 John Mattocks, D 18,024 Richard Powers 532 J. Altpeter 605 Second District. George 339,627 38 278,280 12 323,740 04 $5,094,403 84 Legislative $68,854 56 82,432 08 90,060 18 69,897 16 151,343 41 40,501 63 40,192 10 68,255 45 66,740 27 96,786 29 68,376 64 176,584 91 79,636 39 200,064 87 323,884 48 291,614 83 230,975 76 693,062 92 539,390 83 221,810 74 321,580 63 295,040 27 367,959 24 $4,585,045 64 Time. Dec. 1,1839, to Dec. 1,1840 “ 1,1840, “ 1,1842 “ 1,1842, “ 1,1844 “ 1,1844, 41 1,1846 4 4 1, 1846, 4 4 1, 1848 4 4 1,1848, 44 1,1850 4 4 1, 1850, 44 1,1852 44 1,1852, 44 1,1854 4i 1,1854, 44 1,1856 44 1,1856, 44 1,1858 44 1,1858. 44 1,1860 4 4 1, 1860, 44 1, 1862 44 1,1862, 44 1,1864 44 1,1864, 44 1,1866 44 1,1866, 44 1,1868 44 1,1868, 4 4 1,1869 44 1, 1869, 4 4 1, 1870 4 4 1, 1870, 4 4 1, 1872 4 4 1, 1872, 44 1,1874 4 4 1,1874, to Oct. 1,1876 Oct. 1,1876, “ 1,1878 “ 1, 1878, 44 1,1880 44 1, 1880, 44 1,1882 Totals 398 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. CHAPTER LII. SPEECH OF ROBERT G, INGERSOLL, Nominating James G. Blaine for the Presidency, at the Republican Na- tional Convention, at Cincinnati, June, 1876. Massachusetts may be satisfied with the loyalty of Benjamin H. Bristow; so am I; but if any man nom- inated by this convention can not carry the State of Massachusetts, I am not satisfied with the loyalty of that State. If the nominee of this convention can not carry the grand old Commonwealth of Massachusetts by seventy- five thousand majority, I would advise them to sell out Faneuil Hall as a Democratic headquarters. I would advise them to take from Bunker Hill that old monu- ment of glory. The Bepublicans of the United States demand as their leader in the great contest of 1876 a man of intelligence, a man of integrity, a man of well-known and approved polit- ical opinions. They demand a statesman ; they demand a reformer after, as well as before, the election. They de- mand a politician in the highest, broadest and best sense — a man of superb moral courage. They demand a man acquainted with public affairs— with the wants of the people, with not only the requirements of the hour, but with the demands of the future. They demand a man broad enough to comprehend the relations of this govern- ment to the other nations of the earth. They demand a man well versed in the powers, duties, and prerogatives of each and every department of this governmant. They demand a man who will sacredly preserve the financial honor of the United States ; one who knows enough to know that the National debt must be paid through the prosperity of this people; one who knows enough to know that all the financial theories in the world can not redeem a single dollar; one who knows enough to know that all POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 399 the money must be made, not by law, but by labor; one who knows enough to know that the people of the United States have the industry to make the money, and the honor to pay it over just as fast as they make it. The Republicans of the United States demand a man who knows that prosperity and resumption, when they come, must come together; that when they come, they will come hand in hand through the golden harvest fields ; hand in . hand by the whirling spindles and the turning wheels ; hand in hand past the open furnace doors ; hand in hand by the flaming forges ; hand in hand by the chimneys filled with eager fire, greeted and grasped by the countless sons of toil. This money has to be dug out of the earth. You can not make it by passing resolutions in a political con- vention. The Republicans of the United States want a man who knows that this government should protect every citizen, at home and abroad; who knows that any government that will not defend its defenders, and protect its protec- tors, is a disgrace to the map of the world. They demand a man who believes in the eternal separation and divorce- ment of church and school. They demand a man whose political reputation is spotless as a star ; but they do not demand that their candidate shall have a certificate of moral character signed by a confederate congress. The man who has, in full, heaped and rounded measure, all these splen- did qualifications is the present grand and gallant leader of the Republican party — James G . Blaine. Our country, crowned with the vast and marvelous achievements of its first century, asks for a man worthy of the past, and prophetic of her future ; asks for a man who has the audacity of genius ; asks for a man who is the grandest combination of heart, conscience and brain beneath her flag — such a man is James G. Blaine. For the Republican host, led by this intrepid man, there can be no defeat. This is a grand year — a year filled with the recollec- tions of the Revolution ; filled with proud and tender memories of the past; with the sacred legends of liberty — a year in which the sons of freedom will drink from the fountains of enthusiasm ; a year in which the people call for a man who has preserved in Congress what our soldiers won upon the field ; a year in which they call for a man who has torn from the throat of treason the tongue of slander — for the man who has snatched the mask of 400 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Democracy from the hideous face of rebellion ; for the man who, like an intellectual athlete, has stood in the arena of debate and challenged all comers, and who is still a total stranger to defeat. Like an armed warrior, like a plumed knight, James G. Blaine marched down the halls of the American Congress and threw his shining lance full and fair against the brazen foreheads of the defamers of his country and the maligners of his honor. For the Republican party to desert this gallant leader now, is as though an army should desert their general upon the field of battle. James G. Blaine is now and has been for years the bearer of the sacred standard of the Republican party. I call it sacred, because no human being can stand beneath its folds without becoming and without remaining free. Gentlemen of the convention, in the name of the great Republic, the only Republic that ever existed upon this earth; in the name of all her defenders and of all her sup- porters; in the name of all her soldiers living; in the name of all her soldiers dead upon the field of battle, and in the name of those who perished in the skeleton clutch of famine at Andersonville and Libby, whose suffer- ings he so vividly remembers, Illinois — Illinois nominates for the next President of this country, that prince of parliamentarians — that leader of leaders — James G. Blaine. CHAPTER Lin. ILLINOIS AND THE NATIONAL GOVERNMENT. Positions held in the National Government- Commissioner of the Land Office— Clerk of the Lower House of Congress— Presidency— Marshal of the District of Columbia— Associate Justice of the Supreme Court— Sec- retary of the Interior— Assistant Attorney-General— Secretary of War- Commander of the Armies— Lieutenant-General and General— Secretary of State— Assistant Postmaster-General— Solicitor of the Treasury- Commissioner of Internal Revenue— Assistant Secretary of the Treas- ury-Assistant Secretary of the Interior— Vice-Presidency— Public Printer. During the sixty-six years Illinois has been a member of the National Union, she has occupied a conspicuous < ■r i.. UHRAfly Ot THE 'Tv (n i, POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 401 place in the government of the Nation, and we note, chronologically, the various positions her citizens have filled. President Polk appointed Richard M. Young Com- missioner of the Land Office, January 6, 1847, and he was Clerk of the House of Representatives from April 17, 1850, to December 1, 1851. James C. Allen was Clerk of the House of Representatives from December 6, 1857, to February 3, 1860. Abraham Lincoln was elected President in 1860, and again in 1864. Ward H. Lamon was Marshal of the Dis- trict of Columbia from 1861, to June, 1865. David Davis was Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States from December 8, 1862, to 1879, when he resigned to accept the office of United States Senator. Isaac N. Arnold was Fifth Auditor from April 29, 1865, to Septem- ber 26, 1866. 0. H. Browning was Secretary of the In- terior, under President Johnson, from September 1, 1866, to March 1868, a part of which time he was acting Attor- ney General. John M. Schofield was Secretary of War, under President Johnson, from May 30, 1868, to the close of the Administration. T. Lyle Dickey was Assistant Attorney-General, under President Johnson, from July, 1868, to the close of the Administration. Illinois has furnished, in the person of one man, U. S. Grant, Commander of all the armies of the United States, and the Lieutenant-General and General of the 3 ame. Grant was elected President in 1868, and again in 1872. Elihu B. Washburne was appointed Secretary of State by President Grant. John A. Rawlins was Secretary of War under President Grant. Giles A. Smith was Second Assis- tant Postmaster-General in 1869. John L. Routt was Second Assistant Postmaster-General in 1871. Bluford Wilson was Solicitor of the Treasury under the Administration of Grant. Green B. Raum was Commissioner of Internal Revenue from —26 402 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. August 2, 1876, to April 80, 1888. John B. Hawley was Assistant Secretary of the Treasury under the Adminis- tration of Hayes. Horatio C. Burchard was appointed by President Hayes Director of the Mint. Eobert T. Idn- coln was appointed Secretary of War by President Gar- field. M. L. Joslyn was appointed Assistant Secretary of the Interior by President Arthur. David Davis was Presi- dent pro tempore of the Senate and acting Vice-President from October 13, 1881, to March 3, 1883. S. P. Eounds was appointed, by President Arthur, Public Printer in April, 1882. Of the thirty-eight States, but nine have been honored with the Presidency, and but two have held the office more times than Illinois. Washington, Jefferson, Madison and Monroe were from Virginia, each of whom served two terms. Vice-President Tyler was from Virginia, and he succeeded to the Presidency in April, 1841, after the death of Harrison. Jackson and Polk were from Tennessee, Jackson was twice elected and Polk once. Vice-President Johnson, of Tennessee, became President in April, 1865, on the death of Lincoln by assassination. Of the other States, John Adams and John Quincy Adams were from Massachusetts; Van Buren was from New York ; Vice-Presidents Fillmore and Arthur were from New York; Fillmore became President in July, 1850, on the death of Taylor, and Arthur in September, 1881, on the death of Garfield, by assassination. Pierce was from New Hampshire; Buchanan from Pennsylvania; Hayes and Garfield from Ohio. The Presidential chair has been occupied, up to this period, by seventeen different persons, who were elected President, and by four who were elected Vice-President. It will ever remain a proud fact in history, that Illi- nois furnished the Nation, during the momentous strug- gle of 1861-65, with a statesman and a warrior whose POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 403 ability, sagacity and patriotism were equal to the greatest emergency, and that they carried the country triumphantly through the most stupendous rebellion that has ever existed in the tide of time. CHAPTER LIV. SPEECH OF ROSCOE CONKLING, Nominating Ulysses S. Grant for the Presidency before the National ^Republican Convention, at Chicago, in June, 1880. " 'And when asked what State he hails from, Our sole reply shall be, He hails from Appomattox And its famous apple-tree.’ “ In obedience to instructions which I should never dare to disregard, expressing also my own firm convictions, I rise, Mr. President, in behalf of the State of New York, to propose a nomination with which the country and the Republican party can grandly win. The election before us is the Austerlitz of American politics. It will decide, for many years, whether the country shall be Republican or Cossack. The supreme need of the hour is not a can- didate who can carry Michigan. All Republican candi- dates can do that. The need is not of a candidate popular in the Territories, because the Territories have no vote. The need is of a candidate who can carry doubtful States. Not the doubtful States of the North alone, but also the doubt- ful States of the South, which we have heard, if I under- stood aright, ought to take but little or no part here, because the South has nothing to give, but everything to receive. The need which urges itself on the conscience and reason of the Convention is of a candidate who can carry doubtful States, both North and South. And be- lieving that he, more surely than any other man, can 404 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. carry New York against any opponent, and can carry not only the North, but several States of the South, New York is for Ulysses S. Grant. “ Never defeated — in peace or in war — his name is the most illustrious borne by living man. “ His services attest his greatness, and the country — nay, the world — knows them by heart. His fame was earned not alone by things written and said, but by the arduous greatness of things done; and perils and emergen- cies will search in vain in the future, as they have searched in vain in the past, for any other on whom the Nation leans with such confidence and trust. Never having had a policy to enforce against the will of the people, he never betrayed a cause or a friend, and the people will never desert or betray him. Standing on the highest eminence of human distinction, modest, firm, simple, and self-poised, having filled all lands with his renown, he has seen not only the high-born and the titled, but the poor and lowly, in the uttermost ends of the earth, rise and uncover before him. He has studied the needs and the defects of many sys- tems of government, and he has returned a better Amer- ican than ever, with a wealth of knowledge and experience added to the hard common sense which shone so con- spicuously in all the fierce light that beat upon him during sixteen years the most trying, the most porten- tious, the most perilous in the Nation’s history. “ Vilified and reviled, ruthlessly aspersed by unnum- bered presses, not in other lands, but in his own, assaults upon him have seasoned and strengthened his hold on the public heart. Calumny’s ammunition has all been exploded ; the powder has all been burned once — its force is spent — and the name of Grant will glitter, a bright and imperishable star in the diadem of the Republic, when those who have tried to tarnish it have mouldered in for- gotten graves ; and when their memories and their epitaphs have vanished utterly. 44 Never elated by success, never depressed by adversity, he has ever, in peace as in war, shown the very genius of common sense. The terms he presented for Lee’s sur- render foreshadowed the wisest prophecies and principles of true reconstruction. Victor in the greatest war of modern times, he quickly signalized his aversion to war and his love for peace by an arbitration of international disputes, which stands the wisest, the most majestic ex- ample of its kind in the world’s diplomacy. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 405 “When inflation, at the hight of its popularity and frenzy, had swept both houses of Congress, it was the veto of Grant, single and alone, which overthrew expan- sion, and cleared the way for specie resumption. To him, immeasurably more than any other man, is due the fact that every paper dollar is at last as good as gold. “ With him as our leader, we shall have no defensive campaign. We shall have nothing to explain away. We shall have no apologies to make. The shafts and arrows have all been aimed at him, and they lie, broken and harmless, at his feet. “ Life, liberty and property will find a safeguard in him. When he said of the colored men in Florida, ‘Wherever I am, they may come also/ he meant that, had he the power, the poor dwellers in the cabins of the South should no longer be driven in terror from the homes of their childhood and the graves of their murdered dead. When he refused to receive Dennis Kearney in California, he meant that communism, lawlessness and disorder, al- though it might stalk high-headed and dictate law to a whole city, would always find a foe in him. He meant that, popular or unpopular, he would hew to the line of right, let the chips fly where they may. “His integrity, his common sense, his courage, his un- equaled experience, are the qualities offered to his country. The only argument — the only one — that the wit of man or the stress of politics has devised, is one which would dumb- founder Solomon, because Solomon thought there was nothing new under the sun. Having tried Grant twice and found him faithful, we are told that we must not, even after an interval of years, trust him again. My countrymen ! — my countrymen ! — what stultification does not such a fallacy involve. The American people exclude. Jefferson Davis from public trust. Why? Because he was the arch-traitor and would-be destroyer. And now the same people is asked to ostracise Grant, and not to trust him! Why? Why? I repeat. Because he was the arch-preserver of his country, and because, not only in war, but twice as Civil Magistrate, he gave his highest, noblest efforts to the Republic. Is this an electioneering juggle or is it hypocrisy’s masquerade? There is no field of human activity, responsibility or reason in which rational beings object to an agent because he has been weighed in the balance and not found wanting. There is, I say, no department of human reason in which sane men reject an agent because he has had experience, making him 406 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. exceptionally competent and fit. From the man who shoes your horse to the lawyer who tries your cause, the officer who manages your railway or your mill, the doctor into whose hands you give your life, or the minister who seeks to save your soul — what man do you reject because by his works you have known him, and found him faithful and fit ? “What makes the Presidential office an exception to all things else in the common sense to be applied to select- ing its incumbent ? Who dares to put fetters on that free choice and judgment which is the birth-right of the American people? Can it be said that Grant has used official power and place to perpetuate his term? He has no place, and official power has not been used for him. Without patronage, without emissaries, without commit- tees, without bureaus, without telegraph wires running from his house or from the seats of influence to this Conven- tion, without appliances, without electioneering contri- vances, without effort on his part, Grant’s name is on his country’s lips. He is struck at by the whole Democratic party, because his nomination is the death-blow of Dem- ocratic success. He is struck at by others, who find an offense and disqualification in the very services he has rendered and the very experience he has gained. Show me a better man. Name one, and I am answered. But do not point as a disqualification to the very experience which makes this man fit beyond all others. “There is no ‘third term’ in the case, and the pretense will die with the political dog-days that gendered it. One week after the Democratic Convention we shall have heard the last of this rubbish about a ‘third term.’ Nobody now is really disquieted about a third term except those hope- lessly longing for a first term, and their dupes and co- adjutors. Without effort or intrigue on his part, he is the candidate whose friends have never threatened to bolt un- less this convention did as they said. He is a Republi- can who never wavers. He and his friends stand by the creed and the candidate of the Republican party. They hold the rightful rule of the majority as the very essence of their faith against not only the common enemy, but against the charlatans, jayhawkers, tramps and guerillas who deploy between the lines and forage, now on one side and then on the other. The convention is master of a supreme opportunity. It can name the next President of the United States. It can make sure of his election. It can make sure not only of his election, but of his certain and peaceful inauguration. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 407 “It can assure a Republican majority in the Senate and House of Representatives. More than all, it can break that power which dominates and mildews the South. It can overthrow an organization whose very existence is a standing protest against progress. “ The purpose of the Democratic party is spoils. Its very hope and existence is a solid South. Its success is a menace to order and prosperity. This convention can overthrow and disintegrate these hurtful forces. It can dissolve and emancipate a distracted ‘solid South.’ It can speed the Nation in a career of grandeur eclipsing all past achievements. Gentlemen, we have only to listen above the din and look beyond the dust of an hour, to behold the Republican party advancing, with its ensigns resplen- dent with illustrious achievements, marching to certain and lasting victory with its greatest Marshal at its head.” CHAPTER LV. OUR STATE BANKS. What the People Lost when they went into Liquidation. Next in importance to the change which took place in the political status of the negro on the advent of the Re- publican party into power in the State and Nation, was the overthrow of our State banking system. At the time the war ensued there were one hundred and ten of these institutions in operation, with eleven suspended. The more remote the banks were from the commercial centers the better they were supposed to be. But when the financial crash of 1861 came, but few of them stood the test of honesty and fair dealing. The officers closed their doors with impunity, leaving the bill-holders to help ■themselves as best they could. Even in the best days of 408 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. their existence business men were compelled to keep in their possession all the known counterfeit detectives then printed, and they were legion. First, for the purpose of judging as to the genuineness of the notes, and, secondly, to learn their commercial value, which varied in amount from nothing to par. During the war all these banks went into liquidation. Their circulation, November 80, 1860, as shown by the biennial report of the Auditor of Public Accounts, was $12,820,694. The records of the x\uditor’s office show that in closing up these banks there was a loss of 35 per cent, on the dollar, amounting in the aggre- gate to $4,312,242. The older citizens will fully attest the truth of our re- marks regarding the character of these banks, and we imagine they would as soon think of the re-enslavement of the colored man as to consider the question of return- ing to the State banking system. CHAPTER LVL What Owen Lovejoy Could Not Do— Law T -Making Under the Constitution Of 1848. What Owen Lovejoy Could Not Do. Closing a political address to an immense audience at Jacksonville, in 1860, Owen Lovejoy paid an eloquent eulogy to the Constitution and the Flag of the United States, but said he, “grand as is that Constitution and that Flag, prom- ising protection to all, there are fifteen States in this Union professing allegiance to that Constitution and Flag, in which I can not go in safety. I am an order-loving, law- abiding man, but it would cost me my life to go into any of their hotels and set down my unoffending valise labeled “ ‘Owen Lovejoy, Princeton, Illinois.’ ” POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 409 Law-making under the Constitution of 1848. Under the Constitution of 1818, Special Legislation was the great evil of the General Assembly. Under the private law system every imaginary scheme of speculation was legislated upon which brought to each Assembly what was known as a third house, where these bills were first prepar- ed. The truth is, three-fourths of the time of a session was occupied with special legislation. Illustrative of how busi- ness of this character was done, we note the fact, that in 1869 there were passed, of public laws, a volume of 379 pages, while there were four volumes of the private laws, aggregat- ing 3354 pages. Under the Constitution of 1870, it w T as provided that all laws should be general in character. This was a radical change, as may easily be seen. If we except the first Legislature, which convened in 1871 to frame laws to conform to the new Constitution, the session of 1885 was the longest ever held in the State, but even then all the laws passed were comprised in a volume of 222 pages. The wisdom of the new Constitution was t^wo-fold in this respect. It has prevented much unnecessary and expen- sive legislation, and at the same time broken up a pernicious lobby system. CHAPTER LVII. TEMPERANCE LEGISLATION. The control of the traffic of spirituous liquors has ever been a source of great concern to a very large portion of our law-abiding citizens, and the question has been pre- sented to our law-makers in many ways ; sometimes in 410 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. the form of an application for a prohibitory law; some- times for a low-license law; sometimes for a high-license law; sometimes for an amendment to the constitution, allowing women the right to vote upon the question of license, and sometimes for an amendment to the constitution prohibiting the manufacture and sale of spirituous or malt liquors as a beverage; and hence there has been, from first to last, much legislation upon the subject. In 1851, the General Assembly passed what is known as the “quart law,” the purpose of which -was to do away with what were termed “dram shops.” This did not meet the demands of the people, and in 1855 the General As- sembly passed a prohibitory act. It was submitted to a vote of the people of the State, and rejected. Since then we have had the license system and local option; but all the while there has been more or less agitation in favor of prohibition; but no General Assembly has seemed willing to allow the people to vote upon an amendment to the constitution giving women the right to vote upon the question of license or of amendment to the constitu- tion, so as to prohibit the manufacture and sale of spirit- uous liquors as a beverage. In March, 1879, a committee of ladies, representing the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, waited upon the General Assembly with the view of securing the passage of a law allowing women to vote in matters relating to the sale of spirituous or malt liquors as a beverage. The following persons composed that committee: Miss Francis E. Willard, president of W. C. T. U. of Illinois ; Mrs. T. B. Carse, president of Chicago W. C. T. U. ; Mrs. L. A. Hagans, Mrs. Willis A. Barnes, Mrs. C. H. Case, Mrs. D. J. True, Chicago; Mrs. Prof. Fry and Mrs. A. B. Biggs, of Bloomington; Mrs. C. H, St. John, of Eureka; Mrs. M. H. Villars, of Pana; Miss Mary A, West, of Galesburg ; Mrs. E. W. Kirkpatrick, of Monmouth ; POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 411 Mrs. H. A. Calkins and Mrs. E. G. Hibben, of Peo- ria; Mrs. M. L. Wells, Mrs. R. Beach and Mrs. H. A. Allyn, of Springfield ; Mrs. R. Greenlee, Mrs. M. A. Cum- mings, Mrs. J. B. Hobbs and Miss Lucia Kimball, of Chicago ; Mrs. G. H. Read, of Bloomington ; Mrs. H. W. Harwood and Mrs. H. C. Cullom, of Joliet; Mrs. S. P. Mooney, of Pana; Mrs. S. M. I. Henry, of Rockford; and Mrs. M. A. Taliafero, of Keithsburg. The committee was armed with a petition which con- tained the signatures of 80,000 voters and 100,000 women. On the 6th of March, on behalf of the ladies, the petition was presented to the House of Representatives by Andrew Hinds, of Stephenson, in an address of some length, and on motion of Solomon P. Hopkins, of Cook, Miss Willard and Mrs. Foster, a lawyer, of Clinton, Iowa, were invited to address the House. This was the first time a woman was ever permitted to speak in an Illinois legislative body. Subsequently, a bill was prepared and introduced into the House, providing an amendment to the constitution to allow women over 21 years to be registered the same as voters, and further providing that before a saloon- keeper could open a saloon he should be able to prove to the municipal authorities that he had secured the sig- natures of a majority of both men and women, over 21 years of age, in the community in which he proposed to do business. Mr. Hinds presented the bill, and was man- fully supported by many of the members. On the 30th of May it reached a third reading, when it was lost, by a vote of 58 yeas to 55 nays. On the 10th of April, the same petition was presented to the Senate by the same committee, through Mr. Tal- iafero. An objection being made to allowing the ladies to speak while the Senate was in session, on motion, a recess was taken for thirty minutes, 24 Senators voting 412 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. for, and 19 against. The time was occupied by Miss, Willard in an address of much earnestness, and here the question rested for that session. At the first session of the General Assembly of 1881, the same bill was introduced, with a similar fate. But although the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union met with two signal defeats, their labors bore good fruit. They stirred the people all over the State to action, and when the General Assembly of 1883 came together, one of the very first bills introduced was that of Representa- tive Harper, fixing a uniform system of license at $500. It became a party measure, the Republicans favoring its passage, and the Democrats opposing. It continued the subject of earnest discussion during the entire session,, and on the 8th of June, passed the House by a bare con- stitutional majority. The journals of the House show that 70 Republicans and 9 Democrats voted for the bill, and that 51 Democrats and 4 Republicans voted against it* The bill passed the Senate June 15, by a vote of 30 ayes to 20 noes — 29 Republicans and 1 Democrat voted for it, and 19 Democrats and 1 Republican against it. An hour after the passage of the bill it received the ap- proval of Gov. Hamilton, who had heartily co-operated with the friends of the measure, in securing its passage, from the first. The validity of the law has been passed upon by thfr Supreme Court of the State, which body pronounced it constitutional, which has removed all doubts as to it& enforcement. The law has given universal satisfaction. During the fis- cal year ending April 30, 1883, the year before the law went into effect, there were, as shown by the Report of the Com- missioner of Internal Revenue, 12,521 licensed saloons in the State. For the same period, ending April 30, 1886, the Commissioner reports 10,973. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 413 CHAPTER LYE INCIDENTS AND ANECDOTES. Owen Lovejoy Egged in Bloomington—" Will the Sheriff call Mr. Pffrim- mer”— Wentworth and Browning— " Till He was Conscripted ”— U. E. Linder and the “Little Doctor ”—“ Celestial Meridian of 36 ° 30 ”’— “Not According to Jefferson, but the Gentleman from Jefferson”— Trials Con- nected With Political Changes— Cook and Duncan— How Col. Beuben Loomis was Filled- How Pinkney H. Walker Became a Justice of the Su- preme Court— An Exciting Political Episode— “He Knew Him Before the Flood There is no Use of this Investigation I was Born a Barefooted Boy ’’—“Torn Needles and John Bunn Know too D— n Much to Play Governor”— “Wonderful Moral Deformation ”— 1 “ Tell Old Hilliard to Come and See Me Devilish Quick”— “H They will Let Me out with as Good Character as I Had.” Owen Loyejoy Egged in Bloomington. In 1840, and while the pro- slavery mob at Alton was still fresh in the minds of the people, Owen Lovejoy had an appointment at Bloomington to deliver an anti-slavery address. Abolitionists were not very popular then in any portion of Illinois, but it was thought he would have no trouble in being heard at Bloomington ; but when he reached the Court House, from which place he was announced to speak, it was found that the doors had been locked against him, by order of the County Commissioners. He had been accompanied thither by George Dietrich, Job Cusey and his son John, then a youth of some fifteen years. Mr. Dietrich was a Democrat, but being a member of the same church in which Mr. Lovejoy was a preacher, he felt that Mr. Lovejoy was entitled to some attention, and hence was found in his company, but it is said that Dietrich never voted the Democratic ticket after that day. On their return from the court house they were assaulted with eggs, which was highly enjoyed by the 414 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. bystanders. Seventeen years after that time, Owen Lovejoy represented the city of Bloomington in Congress, and the lad, John Cusey, who had been ostracised for having been found in the company of an Abolitionist, , has since rep- resented McLean county in the State Senate, and was a member of the State Board of Equalization from that con- gressional district. “ Will the Sheriff Call Mr. Pffrimmer ? ” Thomas Gr. C. Davis, at one time a citizen of Metrop- olis, and member of the Constitutional convention of 1847, was a noted lawyer of Southern Illinois. It is related of him that he was never at a loss to supply a missing link in the chain of testimony wherein his client had a per- sonal interest. There resided in the place a gentleman whose name was S. H. Pffrimmer, well-known in that section as a good citizen, but a man who managed to know a great deal about other people’s business, and by the way a personal friend of Mr. Davis. On occasions when the missing link was needed Mr. Davis would rise to his feet and cast a searching glance round the court-room for his witness, and not seeing him would vociferate, “Will the Sheriff call Mr. Pffrimmer?” The habit was so frequent that “ Will the Sheriff call Mr. Pffrimmer ” became a by- word about the court-room and Mr. Pffrimmer was made the subject of many a pleasant jest. Wentworth and Browning. This characteristic story of John Wentworth was related to us by Dr. William Jayne, who was present on the occasion. Before the repeal of the Missouri Compromise Wentworth was a radical Democrat, and while serving in Congress with John J. Hardin, a prominent Whig, some of Mr. Hardin’s private correspondence, in some mysterious way, appeared in the public prints, and the offense was POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 415 charged upon Wentworth, and whether the charge was true or false he was, for a long time, violently abused by Hardin, and the Whigs in general; but when the anti- slavery men met at Bloomington, in May, 1856, to organ- ize a new party, Mr. Wentworth was welcomed by the old line Whigs with the same cordiality as though he had al- ways been a Whig. There he and 0. H. Browning met for the first time; they were introduced by Abraham Lincoln. In taking the hand of Mr. Wentworth Mr. Browning said, in his most courteous and pleasing man- ner, that he had long known him by reputation and was proud to meet him, to which Wentworth, jocosely, re- plied, “ that is not a d — n bit in my favor.”* Till he was Conscripted. Norman L. Freeman, now the able and popular Reporter of the Supreme Court, was a resident of Shawneetown in 1859, but subsequently purchased a farm in Missouri, and removed there with the hope of improving his health. But a year after the breaking out of the rebellion, he re- turned to Shawneetown and resumed the practice of law. On handing in his card to be inserted in the local paper, the publisher observed the letters “t. c.,” and being curi- ous to know their meaning, Mr. Freeman said he wished the card to appear “till he was conscripted.” U. F. Linder and the “Little Doctor.” U. F. Linder was one of the great lawyers of Illinois, who was contemporaneous with Abraham Lincoln, and was never so happy as when he had a crowd around him lis- tening to his jokes. But sometimes the joke returned to plague him. About 1856, he was sitting one summer evening outside the door of a hotel in Terre Haute, Indiana, telling a com- pany of interested listeners of the exploits of Leonard Swett, one of Illinois , noted lawyers. ♦Wentworth died Oct. 16 , 1888 . 416 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. “This man Swett,” said he, “is the sharpest lawyer in Illinois. He clears his man every time, especially if charged with murder.” “ How does he do it, Linder ? ” ventured one of his hearers to inquire. “ Do it ? ” replied Linder, “ he proves they are all insane — every cursed man of them.” “Well, how does he do that?” “ I’ll tell you, sir. He carries around with him a little doctor, who knows all about insanity, and swears ’em all crazy as loons. The jury comes in with a verdict of insanity every time.” Then he recited several cases which had occurred where the parties had been * thus acquitted, when they were really “just as sane as I am, sir, — just as you are,” said Lin- der, — “It just beats hell.” At that moment a gentleman who had been sitting inside, but had been an amused listener, walked outside, and offer- ing his hand to Linder, said : “ Good evening, Mr. Linder. I have the honor to be the little doctor you are talking about, — you tell it very well.” “ What might your name be ? ” said Linder, though he knew very well. “My name is Roe,” said the gentleman. “Not Doctor Roe, of Bloomington?” “Yes, sir, Doctor Roe, of Bloomington — the man you call Swett’s little doctor.” “ Why, I know you, sir, — of course I know you, Dr. Roe,” said Linder. “My God, sir! are you the man? I beg your pardon, Dr. Roe. I did not know that you were Swett’s witness.” “ Good God, sir, I beg your pardon a thousand times. What a blunder I made — indeed, I did not know the man POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 417 was Dr. Roe, of Bloomington. My God ! Doctor, I can do nothing else but beg your pardon — and I would not do less if I could. Gentlemen, if this man ever swears I am in- sane, I will believe him myself/’ Celestial Meeidian of 36° 30'. Owen Lovejoy was one of the marked men of the age in which he lived. In the latter part of December, 1860, a proposition was made in a Republican caucus by a Rep- resentative of one of the Northern States, who seriously deprecated war as a means of saving the Union, to divide the country from Missouri to the Pacific along the parallel 36° 30', and to give up the south side to slavery. This struck Lovejoy as being supremely preposterous, and he was overheard to express his disapprobation of the extra- ordinary proposition in these words : “ There never was a more causeless revolt since Lucifer led his cohorts of apostate angels against the throne of God; but I never heard that the Almighty proposed to compromise the mat- ter by allowing the rebels to kindle the fires of hell south of the celestial meridian of 36° 30'.” Accoeding to the Gentleman feom Jeffeeson. While Lieut.-Gov. Hoffman was the presiding officer of the Senate, Ex-Lieut.-Gov. Zadok Casey, of Jefferson county, was a member of that body, and being a most able parliamentarian, Mr. Hoffman frequently deferred to him when difficult questions of parliamentary practice arose. On one occasion, when the presiding officer had thus sought the advice* of Gov. Casey, Senator Mack read from Jefferson’s Manual a passage at variance with the opinion given by Gov. Casey, but the Speaker, in loyalty to his referee, adroitly settled the question by assuring the Senator that he was “not ruling according to Jefferson , but according to the gentleman from Jefferson —27 418 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Illinois in the Kansas Struggle. Illinois took a prominent part in the events that led to the war of the rebellion, as well as in the war itself. To Mr. Douglas belongs whatever blame or credit is due the authorship of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill. To him has been attributed the blame of the application of the doctrine of popular sovereignty for the spread of slavery, and to him has been attributed also much of the credit of its application in behalf of freedom, and to Illinoisans belong the distinction of taking a leading part in the movement which made Kan- sas a free State. After the burning of Lawrence, in May, 1856, the free-state men of Chicago met in mass meeting, and besides organizing an association to promote the em- igration of free-state men to Kansas, promptly con- tributed $15,000 to support the cause, and from that organization followed a national assemblage at Buffalo, New York, in July of the same year, which was pre- sided over by ex-Governor A. H. Reeder, who had been driven from Kansas by the so-called border ruffians, with Wm. F. M. Arney, Secretary. The delegates from Illinois were J. C. Vaughn, Peter Page, Wm. F. M. Arney and Harvey B. Hurd. Mr. Hurd was made a member of the committee on organization. From the National Free-State Committee there was created an executive committee, which consisted exclusively of Chicago men, namely, J. D. Webster, Geo. W. Dole and Harvey B. Hurd. Their office was established in the original Marine Bank building, on the Northeast corner of LaSalle and Lake streets. It was known as the war office of the free-state men through which was sup- plied money, arms and ammunition to the Kansas settlers in support of the cause of freedom until the question of statehood was settled. Previous to this time, the Missouri river had been closed to Northern emigrants, who were forced to cross the country through Iowa and Southern Nebraska, but this exec- utive committee succeeded in establishing, in the early , spring of 1857, a daily line of steamboats between St. Louis and Leavenworth, and the safety of passengers and freight was guaranteed, and thus the pro-slavery men were overwhelmed by Northern emigration, and Kansas became a free State. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 419 How Col. Reuben Loomis was Killed. One of the saddest occurrences of the war was the death of Col. Reuben Loomis, of DuQuoin, Lieutenant-Colonel of the Sixth Illinois Cavalry, at the hands of Maj. T. G. S. Herrod, of Shawneetown, of the same regiment, at Ger- mantown, Tennessee, on the 3d of November, 1863. In Barnet’s “Martyrs and Heroes” of Illinois, we find the following account of the unfortunate affair from the pen of Maj. Charles W. Whitsit: “ At the time, the entire effective force of the Sixth Illinois Cavalry was out under command of Lieut. -CoL Loomis, assisting in the general operations against Gen. Chalmers’ movements. Maj. Herrod being left in command of the ineffective force in camp, did some important offi- cial business over his signature, as a ‘Major Commanding Regiment.’ Lieut. -Col. Loomis, thinking it an injustice to him and his regiment, took occasion to reprimand Maj. Herrod for his unwarranted assumption of power. “ Some bitter words passed during the interview, which was in the forenoon of the day on which the murder was committed. At dark Maj. Herrod came to headquarters and inquired for Col. Loomis, who, he was told, was at supper, but would soon be in. He proceeded immediately to the Lucken House, near half a mile distant, where Col. Loomis boarded, and where Col. Hatch and several other officers were at supper. Meeting Col. Loomis in the hall he accosted him thus : ‘ Col. Loomis, you said this morning thus and so, in the presence of Col. Hatch ; take it back or I’ll kill you.’ Col. Loomis replied in a mild tone : ‘Maj. Herrod, you have got a pistol in your hand and I am unarmed. If you want to kill me, kill me.’ Maj. Herrod immediately fired; the first shot knocking him down, the second enter- ing his breast, killing him instantly. He fired three more shots, none of which took effect.” Major Herrod was tried by court-martial and sentenced to death, but influential friends interfered and induced President Lincoln to commute his sentence to ten years imprisonment ; but after a year’s confinement in the Au- burn, New York, Penitentiary, he was pardoned in May, 1866, by President Johnson. 420 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Major Herrod raised the first company, B, of volunteer soldiers that went out from Gallatin county, which was assigned to the 18th, Col. M. K. Lawler’s regiment. How Pinkney H. Walker became Judge. Onias C. Skinner, of Quincy, was one of the Judges of the Supreme Court during the administration of Wm. H. Bissell, the first Republican Governor of Illinois, and for private personal reasons desired to leave the bench. He communicated the wish to the Governor, saying at the same time that if he would allow him to name, as his suc- cessor, Pinkney H. Walker, a Democrat, he would resign, but if the vacancy was to be filled w T ith a Republican he would not. But Governor Bissell having full confidence in the purity of character of Mr. Walker, who was then Judge of the Fifth Circuit, readily assented to the request of Judge Skinner and the appointment was made, and the people seem to have been quite as well satisfied with the selection as Judge Skinner himself, for Judge Walker has been a member of this Court ever since that time, and is esteemed as one of our ablest and purest jurists. Advert- ing to his politics, we have heard a good story relating to his early political training. Maj. James A. Connolly, II. S. District Attorney for the Southern District of Illi- nois, made a business visit a year or so ago to that part of Kentucky in which Mr. Walker was born, and hap- pened to be the guest of an uncle of the Judge’s, who made inquiry as to the welfare of his nephew, and among other things as to his politics, to which Mr. Connolly re- plied he was a Democrat, when the uncle, who was a Clay Whig, expressing astonishment and disappointment in his very looks, shook his head and sadly exclaimed: ‘Pink- ney was taught better things than that.’ POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 421 An Exciting Political Episode. Connected with the Constitutional Convention of 1870 was an exciting episode in the attempt of the opposing political parties to secure the organization. Mr. Church, of McHenry, Republican, put in nomination Wm. Cary, of JoDaviess, for temporary President, and James C. Allen, of Crawford, Democrat, nominated Col. John Dement, of Lee, which was seconded by Mr. McDowell, of White, when Mr. Allen put the question and declared Dement elected. Simultaneously, Mr. Church put the nomination of Mr. Cary and declared him elected, when the two gen- tlemen ascended to the chair ; Dement from the Democratic side, and Cary from the Republican, and meeting in the presidential place they gracefully shook hands and took seats together amidst great laughter and applause. The good sense of these gentlemen allayed the passions of their respective friends, and they continued to occupy the chair jointly, putting the questions alternately until the roll-call, when Col. Dement was elected President pro tempore by a vote of 44 to 32, which relieved the body from the embarrassment of having two presiding officers. “He Knew him Before the Flood.” In the campaign of 1872, Gov. Palmer was explaining, in a speech made in Springfield, how it was that some men changed their politics, while others did not, and cited Alexander Starne, who was present, as one who never changed. “Why,” said the Governor, “I knew Starne before the flood, and he was a Democrat then, and I guess he will die a Democrat.” But Mr. Starne, not being will- ing to appear as old as the Governor had made him seem, good naturedly rejoined, in a voice loud enough to be heard by all, that the only flood he had any recollection of meeting the Governor in, was when he was trying to 422 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. flood Illinois with Yankee clocks. Many of the audience, remembering that the Governor had peddled clocks in his younger days, heartily applauded the neat turn Mr. Starne had given the Governor’s jest. There is no use of this Investigation. At the time Edward Eutz was serving his first term as State Treasurer, the Democratic party obtained, by a fusion with the Independents, nominal control of both branches of the General Assembly, and the leaders of the lower house conceived the idea that there was a shortage in Mr. Rutz’s cash account, and a committee was raised to investigate the matter by counting the money in the vault. While the preliminary work was going on a well- known Democrat, who had known Mr. Eutz for long years, and who was more profane than polite, was overheard to say “ There is no use of this investigation ; the d — d Dutchman has got the money.” And so the count proved. Notwithstanding the constitution of Illinois inhibits the election of a person to the office of State Treasurer two terms in succession, yet it was Mr. Rutz’s good fortune to have been elected three times to that office, the required lapse of time ensuing in each case. It is not likely, how- ever, that such a circumstance will ever again occur in the history of any man in the State. “I was Born a Poor Barefooted Boy.” Governor Beveridge is responsible for this story on ex- State Treasurer Eidgway. In 1874, Beveridge and Ridg- way were making a canvass together of Southern Illinois, and at their meeting at Garmi, White county, Eidgway took occasion to allude to the fact that that county had been his birthplace, and, warming up with the subject, he said : “ Yes, fellow-citizens, I was born a poor, barefooted boy in White county, and am just as much entitled to be the Treasurer of the great State of Illinois as though I POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 423 had been born in the lap of luxury in Cook or any of the other great counties of the State. This slip of the tongue was too good to be lost, and the crowd shouted long and loud, and Eidgway has since been known among his most intimate friends as the man who was born barefooted. “ Tom Needles and John Bunn Know too D — n Much.’’ During the great railroad riot of 1877 business was vir- tually suspended on all the leading lines of railway in the State, and on one occasion Gov. Cullom had to procure from J. C. McMullen, General Superintendent of the C. & A. Railway, a special train in order to reach East St. Louis to look after the military operations there. He in- vited James A. Connolly, Jonathan Merriam, E. D. Law- rence, S. H. Jones and William Prescott to accompany him; and in the absence of his Private Secretary, E. F. Leonard, requested T. B. Needles, who was then Auditor, and John Bunn, to remain at the Executive office to assist Harry Dorwin in answering whatever dispatches might be received, for he had been overwhelmed with tel- egrams from all parts of the State. Needles and Bunn willingly assented to the request and took their places in the office, remaining there until the Governor’s return, which was about 12 o’clock the next night, when they repaired to the mansion and reported that not a single telegram had been received during his absence. Of course, the Governor was much surprised at what seemed to be a mystery. But on going, to the telegraph office the next morning it was readily explained by the manager, who said that Adjutant-General Hilliard had remained in the office during the absence of the Governor, and had re- ceived and answered all messages. When Gen. Hilliard was asked by the Governor why he had done so, he re- plied: “Tom Needles and John Bunn know too d — n much to play Governor.” The joke was heartily relished 424 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. by all who were in the secret, and by none more than Needles and Bunn, but it was a long time before they heard the last of “ playing Governor.” “By the Wars, the People Elected Me.” It is related that, while Thomas S. Ridgway was Treasurer of the State, an attempt was made through some friends of the Cook County National Bank, to have him deposit in it $200,000 of the money in the treasury, but when he hesitated, one of them sarcas- tically informed him that the Republicans had elected him, and he was expected to do their will. This stirred the temper of Ridgway, who, rising to the dignity of the occasion, responded with his religious oath, “By the wars, the people elected me, and I am under bond to safely keep the money, and I intend to do it.” This closed the interview. In a short time afterward the bank failed, and very many of its depositors went down with it, but “by the wars,” Ridgway was not a loser. Mr. Ridgway’s immediate predecessor, Edward Rutz, had been pressed in the same manner, but his innate honesty saved the treasury from being invaded by the spoilsmen. How essential, then, is it that pure men should be selected to All this important trust. “Tell Old Hilliard to Come and See me, Devilish Quick. *' There is a good story related of Gov. Cullom, which had its origin during an occasion when an outbreak was hourly expected from “striking” miners. Those who know the Governor well will bear us out in saying that he was not given to much dress-parade in the discharge of his official duties, and that he is in no sense a military man. On one occasion, when he was deeply occupied with mat- ters of State, the Orderly of Adjutant-General Hilliard made his appearance, and inquired if the “Commander-in-Chief POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 425 had any orders for Adjutant-General Hilliard, ” at the same time saluting the Governor in true military style. Without relinquishing his attention from the business in hand, the Governor curtly said : “Tell Old Hilliard to come and see me.” Another military salute, and the Orderly was off, but he had not gone far before it occurred to him that the “Commander-in-Chief ” did not wish to send the message to the Adjutant-General in that form, and returned, and with another military salute, asked further instructions, when the Governor, rising from his seat as though he meant to put the Orderly out of his office, thundered in his ear: “Tell Old Hilliard to come and see me, devilish quick.” This emphatic order served to end all unnecessary palaver between the two departments so long as that Orderly remained on duty. U If THEY WILL LET ME OUT WITH AS GOOD CHARACTER AS I HAD.” The animosities which grew up in the Republican party over the attempt to carry Illinois solid for Gen. Grant for President in the National Convention in 1880, con- tinued to exist to some extent even after the election of Garfield, and among those who were not in exact accord with the “stalwarts” was Charles B. Farwell, who had been elected to Congress from the third congressional district in Chicago. The writer met Mr. Farwell in Wash- ington at the inauguration of Mr. Garfield, and in reply to an inquiry as to how he viewed the incoming Admin- istration, he declined to say anything of it, but related the following story illustrative of his feelings : “There resided,” said he, “in a certain locality in a neighboring State a wealthy citizen, of liberal instincts, who was in- duced to interest himself financially in the erection of an expensive house of worship for the Episcopal church* When the edifice was completed, then came the disposi- tion of the pews, and this wealthy man was assigned one 426 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. of the most desirable, at an annual rental of five hundred dollars, and was taken in as a member of the society. But it was not long before a church quarrel ensued, and the opposing parties called each other almost everything but Christians. For a time the new member bore the controversy with seeming patience, but at last becoming thoroughly disgusted, he proposed to the brethren that if they would ‘let him out into the world again with as good character as he possessed when he was taken into the church, he would give them the five hundred dollars pew- rent, and surrender all interest in the building.’ ” Mr. Farwell playfully said that if the party would let him out of Congress with as good character as he had when he entered public life, he would cheerfully lay aside all claims for money expended or services rendered in past campaigns. CHAPTER LIX. "LAKE FRONT,” “Lake Front”— A remarkable Incident— First Legislative Quorum Broken in Illinois— How the Constitution of 1848 was Evaded— Women as Journal- ists— How Ebon C. Ingersoll was Defeated for Congress in the Lovejoy District— Farmers’ Strike— Women as Workers in Potters* Clay. From time to time there has been a great deal of contro- versy in the General Assembly of Illinois, and in the courts, regarding what is known as the Lake Front at Chicago, and as few persons have a definite idea as to what really is meant by the term Lake Front or the cause of the controversy, we devote this chapter, in part, to the subject. In 1869 the Gen- eral Assembly passed, through the pressure of a well organ- ized lobby, a sweeping act granting to the city of Chicago all POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 427 right, title and interest of the State of Illinois in a strip of land four hundred feet in width east of Michigan Avenue, including the shore of Lake Michigan, with full power and authority to sell and convey all of said tract to certain rail- road corporations, and the same act confirmed to the Illi- nois Central Railroad Company a former grant from the State in its charter, and also granted in fee, to the Illinois Central, the Chicago, Burlington & Quincy and the Michi- gan Central Railroad Companies, a fractional part of sec- tions ten and fifteen, in township thirty-nine, range fourteen east, for the erection thereon of a passenger depot, and other purposes. In consideration of this last grant, said compa- nies were required to pay to the city of Chicago the sum of eight hundred thousand dollars within one year, in install- ments of two hundred thousand dollars every three months, on the full payment of which the city of Chicago was au- thorized and empowered to quit-claim and release to said railroad companies any and all claim and interest in and upon any or all of said land. As we have said, a lobby, perhaps the ablest and most untiring that ever met at the capital, pressed the passage of the bill, which was vigorously opposed by a strong minority in each house, on the ground that the harbor of Chicago ought not to be owned by railroad corporations, and that it was an invasion of the rights of individual owners of prop- erty along Michigan Avenue, and that it was granting some land to the railroad companies which belonged to the Illi- nois Michigan Canal, without consideration. Ex-Senator Mack, an able and adroit manager, was the leader of the lobby and personal representative of the corporations, and it is alleged that he was unscrupulous in the means he used to accomplish his ends. The cry of bribery was heard all over the State, and Senators and Representatives were open- ly charged as having accepted a consideration for their 428 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. votes in favor of the measure. The opponents of the bill were unwavering in their efforts to defeat its passage, but the lobby proved too much for them. It passed the House by a vote of 52 yeas to 80 nays, and the Senate by a vote of 14 yeas to 11 nays, but when it was laid before Governor Palmer he vetoed it, supporting his views with an able and comprehensive message. When the bill was returned to the respective houses it was passed over the veto by about the same majority it received originally. In the Senate Mr. Fort changed his vote from aye to no. In the House there was an exciting episode over the action of Mr. Bailey, now a Circuit Judge in the 13th Judicial District. The consideration of the veto had been set for an evening ses- sion. The Speaker announced, “Shall the bill pass, the ob- jections of the Governor notwithstanding?” and then directed the Clerk to call the roll. The name of Mr. Bailey was the first upon the list. He had originally opposed the measure, but after the adoption of an amendment proposed by himself, voted for the bill on its final passage. Before he had time to respond to the call of his name, Mr. Knick- erbocker, now Probate Judge of Cook County, arose excitedly and objected to Mr. Bailey voting, on the ground of person- al interest, charging that his law partner had received pay for advancing the passage of the bill, and that the member from Stephenson, as a member of the firm, shared in that money. The Speaker said the gentleman from Stephen- son could answer. Mr. Bailey arose, and in a clear but tremulous voice said : “I have no interest in the passage or defeat of this bill, and the gentleman from Cook little knows how I shall vote. I vote no.” The scene was a very exciting one, and is vividly remembered by many eye wit- nesses who were not members of the Legislature. After all the excitement was over, Governor Palmer, with some seriousness, asked ex-Senator Mack how he could POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 429 reconcile it to his conscience to do what he did in the pass- age of the “Lake Front” bill. Mr. Mack, never lacking in ability to retort, replied that the measure itself was all right ; that if members of the Legislature had done any- thing wrong, he was not to blame, that he took them as he found them. The scheme had its vicissitudes. The opposition to the law in Chicago was so violent that the City Council refused to give a quit- claim deed to the property, and in 1878 the General Assembly passed a bill repealing the law. Subse- quently, Attorney- General McCartney commenced legal pro- ceedings to determine the rights of property, and the Canal Commissioners, acting under a joint resolution of the Gen- eral Assembly of 1883, introduced by Senator Whiting^ employed counsel to appear in behalf of the interests of the Illinois and Michigan Canal. Both cases are now pending in the United States Circuit Court.* In the meantime, the Illi- nois Central Railroad Company pleads vested rights, and is slowly but surely pushing its claim to the ownership of the property. It is pertinent to say that in this property there are four interests involved. Illinois extends to the center of Lake Michigan. The United States controls the navigable waters. Lake Front belongs to Chicago, and the Illinois Cen- tral Railroad Company possesses such rights as were granted in the charter which authorized the construction of the road; but there is a growing opposition in the minds of the people of Chicago to the aggressive movements of the corporation which operates the Illinois Central Railroad, which promises to be even more violent and bitter than was the congest which resulted in the passage and subsequent repeal of the Lake Front bill in 1869 and 1873. But of those who were the chief actors in the passage of the Lake Front bill, but little remains to be said. They retired, or were retired, from public life, and are now un- known in the politics of the State. As for Mr. Mack, he *In 1888 the court decided the case, in which the rights of the city and State were sustained. 480 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. died in Chicago, January 2, 1871, in abject poverty, and without friends, it is said, to mourn his departure to the other shore. A Remarkable Incident. Illustrative of the progress of thought, and to preserve the record of a most remarkable event in the history of this State, we give place to the following : In the year 1859 there was living in the town of Manteno, Kankakee County, the Rev. Theophilus Packard, who was the pastor of the Presbyterian Church in that village. His wife, Elizabeth P. W. Packard, was the daughter of Rev. Samuel Ware, also a Presbyterian clergyman, of Deerfield, Massachusetts. Mr. and Mrs. Packard were the parents of six children, all living at home. Up to this time it would appear that peace and harmony had always reigned in the Packard family. But in the winter of 1859-60, Mrs. Pack- ard became a member of the Bible Class of the church, and being a lady of culture and education, and of strong will, she soon found herself in conflict with other members of the class upon religious doctrines, and this conflict at last developed between herself and her husband. It soon be- came apparent that a total change had taken place in her religious opinions, and her husband became fully persuaded that her mind was diseased. At length two physicians from his church were called in, who, after a brief examination of her mental condition, gave their certificates that she was insane ; and on the morning of the 18th of June, 1860, she was taken to the Hospital for the Insane at Jackson ville ? where she was confined for the space of three years. Her eldest son, Theophilus, upon attaining his majority, applied for her release, and she was discharged as incurably insane. Upon reaching her home at Manteno, her husband still regarding her as insane, she was locked up in a room and kept a prisoner for several weeks. At length she discovered POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 481 that a movement was on foot among the friends of her hus- band to have her removed to an asylum for the insane in Massachusetts, her native State. She managed to com- municate with some friends in the neighborhood, and re- quested them to undertake some legal means to protect her from her husband. Accordingly, legal proceedings were commenced by filing a petition before Judge Starr, in the words following : “State of Illinois, ) KANKAKEE COUNTY. \ S * “To the Honorable Charles R. Starr , Judge of the 20th Judicial Circuit , in the State of Illinois: “William Haslet, Daniel Beedy, Zalmon Hanford and Joseph Younglove, of said county, on behalf of Elizabeth P. W. Packard, wife of Theophilus Packard, of said county, respectfully represent unto your honor that said Elizabeth P. W. Packard is unlawfully restrained of her liberty at Manteno, in the County of Kankakee, by her husband, Rev. Theophilus Packard, being forcibly confined and imprisoned in a close room of the dwelling house of her said husband, for a long time, to-wit., for a space of four weeks ; her said husband refusing to let her visit her neighbors and refusing her neighbors to visit her ; that they believe her said hus- band is about to forcibly convey her from out the State ; that they believe there is no just cause or grounds for re- straining said wife of her liberty; that they believe said wife is a mild and amiable woman. And they are advised and believe that said husband cruelly abuses and misuses said wife by depriving her of her winter’s clothing this cold and inclement weather, and that there is no necessity for such cruelty on the part of said husband to said wife ; and they are advised and believe that said wife desires to come to Kankakee City to make application to your honor for a writ of habeas corpus to liberate herself from said confine- ment or imprisonment, and that said husband refused and refuses to allow said wife to come to Kankakee City for said purpose ; and that these petitioners make application for a writ of habeas corpus in her behalf, at her request. These petitioners therefore pray that a writ of habeas corpus may forthwith issue, commanding said Theophilus Packard to produce the body of said wife before your honor, according to law, and that said wife may be discharged from said im- prisonment.” 432 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. The foregoing petition was duly signed and sworn to by the petitioners before Mason B. Loomis, a Justice of the Peace, on the 11th day of January, 1864, and in pursuance of said petition a writ of habeas corpus was issued, to which Mr. Packard responded, claiming that his wife was insane, and was restrained of her liberty only so far as was com- patible with her welfare and safety. The case was on trial from January 11 to January 18, 1864. At 10 o’clock p. m. of that day the jury retired for consultation, and after an absence of seven minutes, re- turned into Court with the following verdict : “State of Illinois, ) KANKAKEE COUNTY, J “We, the undersigned, in the case of Mrs. Elizabeth P. W. Packard, alleged to be insane, having heard the evidence in the case, are satisfied that said Elizabeth P. W. Packard is sane .” John Stiles, Foreman Daniel G. Bean. E. G. Hutchinson. Y. H. Young. G. M. Lyons. Thomas Muncey. H. Hirshberg. Nelson Jervois. William Hyer. Geo. H. Andrews. J. F. Mafit. Lemuel Milk. The Court then ordered the Clerk to enter the following order : “State of Illinois, ) KANKAKEE COUNTY, j * “It is hereby ordered that Mrs. Elizabeth P. W. Packard be relieved from all restraint incompatible with her con- dition as a sane woman.” C. B. Starr, Judge of the 20th Judicial Circuit . Mrs. Packard’s subsequent career justified this verdict. In the winter of 1867 she visited the Illinois Legislature and succeeded in securing important legislation upon the sub- ject of the treatment of the insane. One feature of the law was that no person should be confined in an asylum for the insane, except upon the verdict of a jury, and this feature POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 433 of the law remains to this day, although some efforts have been made to repeal it. Mrs. Packard subsequently visited other States, and has been very successful in securing remedial legislation for this unhappy class of our fellow beings. She never lived with her husband afterward, but refused to apply for a divorce. Eev. Mr. Packard is still living at Manteno, with relatives, enfeebled in body and mind. The affair here narrated de- stroyed his usefulness, and ended his career as a pastor. Mrs. Packard has written her experiences, and published one or two books on subjects pertaining to insanity, which have had an extensive sale, whereby she has accumulated a fortune of several thousand dollars. First Legislative Quorum Broken in Illinois. The session of the General Assembly of 1859 had a very abrupt termination. The Democrats had a majority in both houses, but their majority in the House was not large enough to enable them to carry party measures through without the presence of at least ten members of the op- posing party. The apportionment bill was the great meas- ure of contention, and while the Democrats were deter- mined on passing it, yet the Republicans, aided by Gover- nor Bissell, were equally earnest in opposing its passage. On the 14th of February, the Secretary of the Senate re- ported to the House that the Senate had concurred with the House in the passage of a bill entitled, “An act to create Senatorial and Representative districts, and apportion the representation in the General Assembly of this State.” The Constitution of 1848 had two provisions different from ihe present Constitution. No Legislative business could be transacted without two-thirds of the members elected being present and voting, and a bare majority, if two-thirds were present, could pass a bill notwithstanding the Governor’s veto. While it was known that the Governor would veto — 28 434 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. the Apportionment Bill, it was also known that the Demo- cratic majority was ready at a moment’s warning to pass the bill over the veto, but they had only five majority in the House, which was ten less than two-thirds. On the morning of February 22d, the Democratic mem- bers were all present, but only three Republican members were in attendance, namely : Mr. Church of McHenry, Mr. Hurlbut of Boone and Mr. Mack of Kankakee, which left the number of members present seven less than a quorum. The gallery and lobbies were crowded. To the least observ- ant it was apparent that something unusual was antici- pated. The vacant seats gave notice that the Republican members had determined to break the quorum and prevent the passage of the vetoed bill. On the other hand it was known that the Democrats would refuse to receive the threatened veto message, and would contend that it could not be received unless a quorum was present. While the Rev. Mr. Clover was delivering the usual morn- ing prayer at the opening of the session, the Governor’s private Secretary came into the aisle on the left of the Speaker’s chair. Before the prayer was concluded Mr. Church arose in his seat, and as soon as the final “Amen” was pronounced, he shouted in a loud voice: “The Gover- nor’s private Secretary with a message from the Governor.” Instantly the Secretary began reading the message without waiting to be recognized by the Chair. Reliable eye wit- nesses of the scene say that he finished reading the mes- sage, while others, equally credible, claim that the message was snatched from his hand by a Democratic member before he had half finished reading it. In the mean- while the wildest disorder prevailed. The Speaker (Mr. Morrison) ordered the doorkeeper to remove the Secretary, and the doorkeeper proceeded to do so. A call of the House was ordered amid great noise and confusion, every member POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 435 standing- While the roll was being called, the member from McHenry took the veto message from the floor and laid it on the Speaker’s desk; and the Speaker struck the message a blow with his gavel which sent it several yards from his desk into a pile of dirty saw dust, which had been brought in to fill some spittoons for the lobby. When the roll call was finished it appeared that no quorum was pres- ent, and the House immediately adjourned. Next day the veto message was picked up by a page, who handed it to W. H. Green, the Chairman of the Judiciary Committee, who said he would refer it to his com- mittee. The quorum was. permanently broken. The Re- publican members never returned to their seats in the 21st General Assembly; and consequently the apportionment bill was not passed over the veto. The journal of the House does not show any return of a veto message by the Gover- nor ; but the veto was accepted as a settled fact. The message was very short. It denounced the appor- tionment bill as having no parallel except in the then notorious Lecompton Constitution, and as an attempt of the minority to govern the majority. The Springfield Journal of the 23d of February, comment- ing on the scene, said: “The Douglasites, (meaning the Democrats) in a body,* sprang to their feet and commenced shouting, yelling and hooting at the top of their voices like so many wild Indians in a war dance ; while above all was heard the Speaker’s hammer pounding upon his desk, and he, with his stentorian voice, was calling out, Silence ! Order ! There is no quorum — the Hbuse can not receive any message — doorkeeper, put that man out.” This was the first time in the history of the State where a quorum of either house had been broken. Indeed we have no knowledge of its ever having been seriously attempt- ed except at the special session of 1839-40, when the House 486 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. met in the Methodist Church, on the corner of Fifth and Monroe Streets. The Democrats desired to force the banks into liquidation, while the Whigs opposed that policy, but as the Whigs were too few in number to accomplish any- thing unless it were done by revolution, some of them determined to break the quorum of the House in that way, but as the doors were locked against them they could only do that by jumping out of the windows, which several did, but not enough to break the quorum. Abraham Lincoln was one of the members who went out of the window. How the Constitution of 1848 was Evaded. We have remarked in a previous chapter that before the Constitution of 1870 had been adopted the State had out- grown the Constitution of 1848, so much so that the law- making power, the executive, and even the Courts them- selves, overstepped its plainest provisions with impunity. The General Assembly of 1869 was the last that met under that Constitution. The pay of members was then $2 per day for forty-two days, and $1 per day thereafter, and 10 'Cents mileage, going to and returning from the seat of gov- ernment, and “no more.” The duration of this session was seventy-four days, and the compensation of members as fixed by the organic law would have been only $115, ex- clusive of mileage, but it far exceeded that amount. No member drew less than $491, while some drew as high as $618. (See Journals.) There was appropriated at this session for postage for the use of members, $8,460 ; for newspapers, $35,400.69 ; Com- mittee services and expenses, $12,223.61, and pocket knives $702.50. The postage stamps, newspapers and pocket knives were supposed to be equally divided between the members, but as the reader may desire to know how so many of these articles were utilized, we will explain that POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 437 there were middle-men in the transaction, and that for the greater part, money was drawn in lieu thereof. As for the Committee expenses, room rent, lights and fuel were charged for. A Committee would meet in the room of a member stopping at the Leland Hotel, for one night, and $15 would be charged for its use. In those days of strict constructionists of the Constitution, it would seem strange that men who assembled to make laws to govern the people could thus shut their eyes to the sanctity of the oaths they had taken to support the Constitution of their State. But this Legislature was no exception to the rule ; it followed a precedent that had existed for more than a decade. But when the Constitution of 1870 went into effect, a rad- ical reformation took place. When the member appeared he found upon his desk an ink-stand and pen, some half- dozen sheets of writing paper and as many envelopes. Many of the members regarded this as a violation of the Constitution, and they politely declined to use these articles ; but as the Constitution has grown older, and members have learned better how to construe its provisions, they are far less scrupulous in ordering or accepting the things necessary for their comfort and convenience during the session of a Legislature. Now we turn our attention to the executive. The salary of the Governor was fixed at $1,500 per annum, which was not to be increased or diminished, but the Legislature so adjusted, from time to time, the appropriations relating to that office, that when the proposition was made in the Con- stitutional Convention of 1869-70 to fix the salary of the Governor at $6,000 per annum, it was argued that the sum was too small, that under the then prevailing system the Governor received more than that amount. We come next and last to the Judiciary. The salaries of the Supreme Court Judges were fixed at $1,200 per annum. 438 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. and “no more,” and of the Circuit Judges at $1,000, and “no more.” The Auditor’s report for 1869 shows that the Judges for the respective divisions of the Supreme Court received $3,999.96 per annum ; $1,200 of this amount was claimed as clerk hire, thus leaving their salaries at $2,799.96, or $1,599.96 in excess of the constitutional allowance. There were then thirty-one Judicial Circuits in the State, and each Judge received, as showm by the same report, $1,000 per annum as an extra allowance for revising the Statutes. There was evidently a great deal of revising necessary. In extenuation of this matter, however, it should be borne in mind that when the Constitution of 1848 was framed, the population of the State was but a fraction over 800,000, and that the total valuation of all property, under the census of the United States, two years after, was only $156,265,006. There was then hanging over the State a debt of not quite $15,000,000, the legacy of the internal im- provement system of 1837, and the framers of this Consti- tution wisely sought every means that would lighten the burden of taxation of the people and yet preserve the credit of the State, and it is no wonder that they bound, as with iron bands, the officers and law-makers in the direction of economy. How Ebon C. Ingersoll was Defeated for Congress. The election for Congressmen in Illinois, in 1870, partook somewhat of the nature of a revolution in the politics of the State. The 13th District, which had been represented in the Fortieth Congress by Green B. Baum, Republican, reelected John M. Crebs, Democrat, and the 8th, the home of Lincoln, represented by Shelby M. Cullom, was carried by James C. Robinson, Democrat. But the greatest sur- prise of all was the defeat of Ebon C. Ingersoll in that POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 439 stronghold of Republicanism familiarly known as the Love- joy District, which was thought to be invincible. Mr. In- gersoll had won a national reputation by his aggressive course in Congress. His first appearance in politics as a Re- publican was in 1862, when he became the candidate for Con- gressman at large on the Union Republican ticket. He was placed upon the ticket as a War-Democrat, it being thought hazardous to run a straight Republican. He made a bril- liant canvass of the State, and his eloquent appeals in behalf of the cause of the Union won for him the admiration of loyal men everywhere, but he was defeated by a small majority by James C. Allen, an able and eloquent cham- pion of the Democratic party. This contest brought him in full fellowship with the Republican party, and when Owen Lovejoy died, in 1864, Mr. Ingersoll succeeded him, but not without opposition. The most intimate friends of Mr. Lovejoy preferred a recognized anti-slavery man, such as John H. Bryant of Princeton, or James M. Allen of Greneseo, but Mr. Ingersoll received the nomination at the conven- tion, which was held at Princeton. The election took place May 7, 1864, and Mr. Ingersoll was triumphantly elected over H. M. Wead, the Democratic candidate, by a majority of 5,309. Mr. Ingersoll had not been in Congress long before he demonstrated that he was fully the equal of Mr. Love- joy in radicalism on the slavery question, which secured for him the confidence and respect of the Republicans of his district, and he was returned to the thirty-ninth, fortieth and forty-first Congresses, with only slight opposition, his majorities ranging from 6,000 to 9,000. Mr. Ingersoll was very conspicuous and active in his support of the several amendments to the Constitution of the United States. From the very hour of the introduction of the 13th amend- ment, until its final adoption, he gave it the warmest .support. In a speech urging its passage, he uttered 440 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. these words : “With that measure accomplished, our voices will ascend to heaven over a country reunited, over a people disenthralled, and God will bless us.” And on its passage, in the House, on January 31st, 1865, he was equally emphatic in expressing the pleasure the passage of the measure gave him. Said he : “Mr. Speaker, in honor of this immortal and sublime event, I move this House do now adjourn.” Mr. Ingersoll was no less a leader in the legislation which continued the circulation of the green- back currency, and it may be said, that he ably and faithfully represented the views of his Republican con- stituents, and was esteemed one of the foremost leaders of the party in Congress; but notwithstanding this proud position, the opposition which confronted him when he first aspired to the seat of Mr. Lovejoy, began to manifest itself in a marked degree long before the Congres- sional Convention of 1870, at which he was nominated for the fifth time to represent that district. John H. Bryant, a life-long friend of Mr. Lovejoy, and who, perhaps, more nearly represented the views of that great statesman on the slavery question than any other man in the State, was the leader of this opposition. Being an adroit politician and brother of the distinguished poet, William Cullen Bryant, he exercised a wonderful power in the district. He was public spirited ; was twice a member of the General Assem- bly, and his personal acquaintance with President Lincoln had secured for him the office of Collector of Internal Reve- nue, which he filled ably and honorably. Under these cir- cumstances he was a dangerous foe. Retaliating upon Mr. Bryant, Mr. Ingersoll succeeded, after Andrew Johnson be- came President, in having him removed from the office of Collector, but when Mr. Johnson broke faith with the Re- publican party, Mr. Ingersoll denounced him in such un- measured terms as to cause the reinstatement of Mr. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 441 Bryant. In the meantime the opposition to Mr. Ingersoll in his own party, became very outspoken, and there was a general desire to nominate some other man. Thomas Henderson was not infrequently mentioned in connection with the nomination. His high character as a citizen, and his distinguished services as a soldier in the war for the Union, had won for him a high place in the affections of the people, and he was finally selected as the opponent of Mr. Ingersoll in the Congressional Convention, but Mr. Inger- soll, having secured a majority of the votes at the prima- ries, was declared the nominee, but he was surrounded by political war-clouds, and a mass convention of his opposers was called at Galesburg for consultation, but no definite action was taken as to the selection of an opposing candi- date. Subsequently, the Democrats held a convention at Peoria. Bureau County had instructed her delegates to vote for James S. Eckles, of Princeton, but after an unsuc- cessful contest of several hours with other aspirants, the name of Mr. Eckles was withdrawn and that of B. N. Stevens, of Tiskilwa, substituted, when he was unanimously nominated as the people’s candidate. Mr. Stevens was a graduate of Dartmouth College, a man of marked ability, and withal personally popular. He belonged to a large, wealthy and influential family ; had been Supervisor of his town for nine consecutive years, and though a strong Dem- ocratic partisan, his official acts were so impartial as to win him hosts of friends irrespective of party, and he had been made chairman of the Board of Supervisors, notwith- standing it was Bepublican by a large majority; he had favored a vigorous prosecution of the war to save the Union, and these facts, taken together with his correct habits of life, rendered him a strong candidate under any circum- stances, to say nothing of the disaffection in the Bepublican ranks. But previous to the nomination of Mr. Stevens, 442 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. B. F. Ives, a Baptist clergyman of Tiskilwa, had been nomi- nated by some temperance organization as a candidate for Congress, and he was bitterly pursuing Mr. Ingersoll through the churches. The Democrats took no open part in the campaign, but the dissatisfied Republicans, led by Mr. Bryant, waged an unrelenting war upon Mr. Ingersoll, and espoused the cause of Mr. Stevens with great zeal, declaring that the defeat of Mr. Ingersoll would in the end benefit the Republican party. About half the Republi- can press of the district followed the example of Mr. Bryant in his merciless attacK upon Mr. Ingersoll. Mr. Ingersoll, on the other hand, relying upon the good name he had established in Congress, did not make a vigorous campaign, but left it to the people to chose whom they would serve, hoping in the meanwhile to outride the storm. But near the closing days of the canvass, J. M. Caldwell, pastor of the Methodist Episcopal Church of Princeton, who had been a co-worker with Mr. Ives, now joined with several other well known clergymen in an elaborate circular address signed by them, officially urging the election of Mr. Stevens, not only as a temperance candidate, but especially on moral anu religious grounds, thus raising an issue between Christianity and infidelity. Mr Ives was also maligned, and his candidacy treated contemptuously. Mr. Caldwell’s prominence in his church rendered the document very effect- ive throughout the district, especially as it was distributed from the various churches the Sunday preceding the elec- tion. Some of the chief supporters of Mr. Ives also issued a circular in favor of giving the temperance support to Mr. ’ Stevens ; thereupon Mr. Ives partially withdrew from the canvass, and as a rebuke to those who had assailed him at the last moment, favored the election of Mr. ingersoll, but this step came too late to stay the political tide which was sweeping over the district like a mighty torrent. When the POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 443 returns came in it was shown that Mr. Stevens had been triumphantly elected by a majority of 1,614, in a district which two years before gave Mr. Xngersoll a majority of 7, £05 over his Democratic competitor. The defeat of Mr. Ingersoll was a great surprise to his friends throughout the entire country, and touched his personal pride not a little; and a few months afterward he bid a final adieu to the people of the district, and took up his residence in Washington, where he gave his undivided attention to the practice of law until his untimely death, May 31st, 1879. It was over his lifeless form that his brother, Robert G. Ingersoll, delivered these pathetic words : “Dear Friends: I am going to do that which the dead oft promised he would do for me. “The loved and loving brother, husband, father, friend, died where manhood’s morning almost touches noon, and while the shadows still were falling toward the west. “He had not passed on life’s highway the stone that marks the highest point ; but, being weary for a moment, he lay down by the wayside, and using his burden for a pil- low, fell into that dreamless sleep that kisses down his eye- lids still. While yet in love with life and raptured with the world, he passed to silence and pathetic dust. “Yet, after all, it may be best, just in the happiest, sun- niest hour of all the voyage, while eager winds are kissing every sail, to dash against the unseen rock, and in an in- stant hear the billows roar above a sunken ship. For whether in mid sea or ’mong the breakers of the farther shore, a wreck at last must mark the end of each and all. And every life, no matter if its every hour is rich with love and every moment jeweled with a joy, will, at its close, be- come a tragedy as sad and deep and dark as can be woven of the warp and woof of mystery and death. “This brave and tender man in every storm of life was oak and rock ; but in the sunshine he was vine and flower. He was the friend of all heroic souls. He climbed the heights, and left all superstition far below, while on his forehead fell the golden dawning of the grander day. “He loved the beautiful, and was with color, form and music touched to tears. He sided with the weak, the poor, 444 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. and wronged, and lovingly gave alms. With loyal heart and with the purest hands he faithfully discharged all pub- lic trusts. “He was a worshiper of liberty, a friend of the oppressed. A thousand times I have heard him quote these words : ‘For Justice all place a temple, and all season, summer.' He believed that happiness was the only good, reason the only torch, justice the only worship, humanity the only re- ligion, and love the only priest. He added to the sum of human joy; and were every one to whom he did some lov- ing service to bring a blossom to his grave, he would sleep to-night beneath a wilderness of flowers. “Life is a narrow vale between the cold and barren peaks of two eternities. We strive in vain to look beyond the heights. We cry aloud, and the only answer is the echo of our wailing cry. From the voiceless lips of the unreplying dead there comes no word ; but in the night of death hope sees a star, and listening love can hear the rustle of a wing. “He who sleeps here, when dying, mistaking the approach of death for the return of health, whispered with his latest breath ‘I am better now.' Let us believe, in spite of doubts and dogmas, of fears and tears, that these dear words are true of all the countless dead. “And now, to you, who have been chosen, from among the many men he loved, to do the last sad office for the dead, we give his sacred dust. “Speech cannot contain our love. There was, there is, no gentler, stronger, manlier man.” A word more of Mr. Stevens. He represented his people ably and well in Congress, but did not aspire a second time for the honor, but on his return from Washington resumed business relations with his sons, Alden N. and Charles M. r under the firm name of B. N. Stevens & Sons, Merchants and Bankers, which was continued until the day of his death, which occurred November 10, 1885. His sons, rever- ing the memory of their father, have continued business under the original name. Mr. Stevens was a native of New Hampshire, and was born January 3, 1813. He came to Illinois in 1844, locating soon after in Bureau County, POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 445 where by a life of integrity and a generous, noble nature, he founded for himself a lasting place in the memory of that people. Farmers’ Strike. There is no one thing in the history of Illinois that will be remembered more vividly than the uprising of the farm- ers in the fall of 1872, which was based upon a feeling of hostility toward railroad corporations, because of their alleged high charges and unjust discrimination in freight rates. This movement was facetiously termed by railroad officials as the “farmers’ strike,” and hence the title of this article. The prices of farm products had fallen ruinously low, and while local farmers’ clubs had been in existence in various parts of the State for mutual benefit, they now united as one man to consider the problem of railroad transportation. In October of this year a convention of farmers represeuting these clubs was held at Kewanee. L. D. Whiting, a State Senator, and a man of experience in public affairs, was made President, with A. Woodford, Vice-President, and S. M. Smith and L. W. Beer, Secre- taries. Mr. Smith was a resident of Kewanee, and after- wards gained a wide reputation as the advocate of the farmers’ interests, and was known far and wide as “Kewanee Smith.” It was a large and intelligent body of men, repre- senting every section of the State. Among the abler minds were John H. Bryant, C. C. Buell, W. C. Flagg and C, E. Barney. Letters strongly approving the movement were received from Leonard F. Boss, of Avon, A. M. Garland, Springfield, and M. L. Dunlap, Champaign. The fires were kindled at this Convention for an aggressive campaign in behalf of the farmers’ interests, and clubs were multi- plied all over the State. A State Committee, with Willard C. Flagg as Chairman, was selected to take charge and di- rect the affairs of the farmers in this new role. Among the 446 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. first labors of this Committee was the calling of a Dele- gate Convention, which met at Bloomington on the 15th of January, 1873. It was composed of representative men from farmers’ clubs, horticultural societies, industrial associations and the Grange. The Grange was a new institution, organ- ized after the manner of secret societies. It had its birth at Washington, D. C., about the year 1867, and was known as the Patrons of Husbandry, the local societies bearing the name of Grange. It was designed orignally to advance the social relations among the people of the rural districts and secure the advantages of co-operation in the purchase of supplies. The Convention met in the forenoon of January 15, and continued in session two days. L. D. Whiting was chosen temporary President. He opened the proceedings with a stirring address on the object of the assemblage. His views were heartily approved, for he grasped at once the whole subject, and discussed it in a masterly man- ner. A permanent organization was promptly effected by the selection of W. C. Flagg as President ; John H. Bryant, 0. E. Fanning, H. C. Lawrence and M. M. Hooten as Vice- Presidents; S. M. Smith and S. P. Tufts, Secretaries; Duncan McKay, Treasurer. The forms of organization over, the Convention proceeded, with great earnestness, to the transaction of the business for which it was called. The address of the President, strong and logical, was con- fined closely to the discussion of railway legislation and railway management. Three sessions were held daily, and the great hall was packed from time to time with an intelli- gent and enthusiastic audience. Reporters were present from the great daily papers of the Northwest, in and out of the State, and the columns of these papers were filled with the doings of the Convention. Politicians of the two great parties looked on in amazement, and a few ventured to take POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 447 part in the deliberations ; among whom we remember James Shaw, of Mt. Carroll, J. H. Rowell and R. M. Ben- jamin, of Bloomington, and R. H. Morgan, one of the Rail- road and Warehouse Commissioners. No such demon- stration had before been made by the farmers of any of the States, and it took the country by surprise. It awakened a new spirit among the farmers, which found its way into Iowa, Kansas, Nebraska, Wisconsin, and in fact, the whole Northwest ; and the organization assumed a national char- acter. Mr. Bryant, of Princeton, was the author of the resolution declaratory of the fundamental right, duty, and necessity of controlling railroads by law, and that the reser- vation in their charters did not supersede the power of the Legislature on that subject, and time has served to estab- lish the wisdom of his views, although learned lawyers doubted their correctness at that time. S. T. K. Prime, of Livingston County, in his report on a permanent State organization, recommended that it be known as the “Illinois State Farmers’ Association,” the object of which was the promotion of the moral, intellectual, social and pecuniary welfare of the farmers of Illinois. The law passed by the General Assembly of 1871, fixing passenger rates on railroads, had thus far proved a dead letter, and with this fact prominently before their minds, the following resolution was adopted without a dissenting voice : “ Resolved , That persons traveling upon the railroads of the State, having tendered the conductor the legal fare, are in the line of their duty, and, as they have complied with their legal obligations, are entitled to the protection of the civil power of the State, and any conductor, or other officer or employe of the railroad, attempting to disturb any such person, or eject him from the cars, are violators of the peace and dignity of the State, and should be punished by exemplary penalties.” It is related that after the adjournment of the Convention a great crowd gathered at the railway station to take the 448 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. train south. It was a very cold day, and all went into the waiting room. After some time it occurred to one of the delegates that it was train time, when he approached the ticket agent, who informed him politely, but with evident satisfaction, that the “train had gone.” The disgust of the delegates can be better imagined than described. Subsequently, Morgan A. Lewis, a citizen of Neponset, encouraged by the resolution relating to railroad fares, boarded a passenger train on the C., B. & Q. R. R. at Buda, and tendered the conductor 18 cents, the legal fare for six miles’ travel. The conductor demanded 20 cents, but on the refusal of Mr. Lewis to pay the additional 2 cents, he was ejected from the train by force. Neil Buggies was the name of the conductor, and Mr. Lewis caused him to be arrested for assault. The case was tried before Thomas Rose, a Justice of the Peace at Neponset. A fine of $10 was im- posed upon the defendant. The case was appealed by the 'railroad company to a higher Court, and was finally carried to the Supreme Court of the United States, where, after some years, the judgment of Justice Rose was affirmed, the particulars of which are detailed in another chapter. It is worthy of remark, that while this uprising was deemed a strike among the farmers, yet in their public ap- peal to be delivered from the burdens which promised to involve them all in poverty, they acted strictly within the bounds of law. The agitation, begun at Kewanee and re- newed at Bloomington, was not allowed to slumber. Farm- ers’ clubs, granges and industrial associations were rapidly formed all over the State. So marked was the movement, that within three months more than a thousand organiza- tions had been effected, and its zealous friends looked upon it as the dawning of a new era for the industries of the Nation. The Supreme Court of the State had pronounced important features of the railroad law unconstitutional. It POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 449 was in a case appealed from the Circuit Court of McLean County, Judge Tipton presiding. The case was based on a plea of unjust discrimination in freght rates. The C. & A. E. E. had charged more for a car of lumber from Chicago to Lexington than from the same point to Bloomington, a greater distance. The lower court found for the plaintiff. The Supreme Court decided the law unconstitutional, and pointed out the manner in which it might be amended by the Legislature so as to mete out justice to shippers. The General Assembly, which was then in session, made haste to consider amendments to the law so as to meet the recommendations of the Supreme Court. Supplementary to the Bloomington Convention, a State Farmers' Convention was called at Springfield to stimulate the Legislature in that work. More than three hundred delegates assembled and continued in session three days, meeting in the morn- ing, afternoon, and at night. Governor Beveridge, ex-Gov- ernor Palmer, and Senators Castle and Whiting addressed the Convention by invitation. They were unanimous in de- manding an efficient railroad law, and the consequence was that the General Assembly soon passed a law to meet the exigencies of the case, and the Farmers’ Association rightly claimed a share in the achievement. But the farmers were not content with their success before the Legislature. The official term of Mr. Lawrence, one of the Judges of the Illi- nois Supreme Court, was drawing to a close. He had deliver- ed the opinion of the Court in the railroad case, and having accepted a call from the lawyers to become a candidate for reelection, the farmers determined on his defeat, and with this view they held a convention at Princeton and nom- inated A. M. Craig, of Knox County, as their candidate. Mr. Craig was a Democrat, and between the votes of the farmers and his own party, was elected by a majority of 2 , 808 . — 29 450 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. A similar effort was made in the Second Judicial District to defeat the reelection of Judge John Scholfield, but it signally failed. In reply to a circular addressed to all can- didates for Judge by the Farmers’ Association, requiring them to define their position upon questions relating to the control of corporations, Mr. Scholfield closed a letter in these manly words: “I will never be a Judge to record the pre- determined decrees of either corporations or individuals.” But the farmers succeeded in electing several of the Circuit Judges, and these successes attracted wide attention. Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper supported its article upon the subject with a picture of President Flagg, sur- rounded by the Vice-Presidents of the Association. While these events gave the movement prestige, it also engendered arrogance. At the annual meeting, held at Decatur the ensuing autumn, the association declared in favor of an independent political organization, and pre- pared itself for party warfare, when many Republicans abandoned the association. The Democrats naturally gave the new party encouragement, not infrequently joining it in local elections, and by a partial coalition in 1874, Samuel M. Etter was elected State Superintendent of Public In- struction, and Fawcett Plumb, Jesse F. Harrold, William H. Parish and Samuel Glassford were elected State Sen- ators. Quite a number of Representatives had been elected in the same way, and by a fusion of the Democrats with these Representatives of the new party, the former gained control of both houses of the General Assembly. A. A. Glenn, Democrat, was elected President pro tem . of the Senate over John Early, Republican, by a vote of 26 to 23, and E. M. Haines, Independent Republican, over Shelby M. Cullom, Republican, by a vote of 81 to 68. The session of this Legislature was long and stormy, and amidst the politi- cal strife, the interests of the farmers were lost sight of. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 451 The last political venture made by the farmers was in the campaign of 1876, when Lewis Steward, of Plano, was nominated for Governor, and, though endorsed by the Dem- ocratic Convention, was defeated by Shelby M. Cullom. Not- withstanding the defeat of the new party in the State elec- tion, it had elected a sufficient number of Senators to hold the balance of power, and the result was, that Fawcett Plumb was elected President pro tem. of the Senate, and, as the crowning victory of their domination, David Davis was elected United States Senator to succeed John A. Logan. These repeated coalitions with political parties had the effect to disorganize the Farmers’ Association, and but few of its members held out for a new party, which has been known since as the Greenback or Independent party. Prom- inent among these are such names as Jesse Harper and A. J. Streeter. While this uprising of the farmers was diverted from its original purpose by political schemers, yet it may be said to have accomplished much for the people in the govern- ment of railroads by the State. Originally, in several of the older States, the charters authorizing the construction of railroads, fixed passenger and freight rates. In New York and New Jersey the first railroad charters contained a pro- vision authorizing the State, after a certain number of years, to purchase and operate the roads, but subsequently, under the policy of consolidation, the law became general, authorizing the Boards of Directors of the railroad corpora- tions to fix “reasonable rates.” In 1869, Governor Palmer vetoed a bill which sought to establish passenger rates on all the roads in the State, on the ground that it was a “judicial question,” but this uprising of farmers outlined and intensified the principle that public corporations are subject to legislative control, even to the extent of fixing the rates for carrying passengers and freight, and this prin- ciple has been confirmed by a decision of the Supreme Court of the United States. 452 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. About Women. In the war of the rebellion, many able and patriotic women came upon the stage of action and contrib- uted, individually, as valuable service to their coun- try’s cause in its darkest hours, as did the men who served in the tented field, and no State in the Union can boast of a prouder record in this regard than Illinois. But with all their patriotism and sacrifices in the cause of their country, the law-makers persist- ently refuse to give them the boon of the ballot. In 1868, Mrs. Myra Bradwell, after passing a cred- itable examination, was denied the right to enter the legal profession, on the ground that she was a married woman. Afterward, she appealed to the courts, the case going to the Supreme Court of the State, with the same result. Next came Miss Alta M. Hulett with a similar application, but she, too, was refused the privilege of practicing law. But, in 1872, the General Assembly, through the instrumentality of these ladies, passed an act which declared that no person should be debarred from any occupation, profession or em- ployment on account of sex, and under this act, Mrs. Bradwell and Miss Hulett became lawyers. Miss Hulett entered upon an active practice, but she did not live long to enjoy her chosen profession. Journalism has opened a finer field for women than the professions, and very many have entered the fascinating pursuit, and not a few have become emi- nent. Mrs. Myra Bradwell is known to the legal pro- fession, the world over, as the editor of the Chicago Legal News. Mrs. Mary B. Willard and Miss Frances E. Willard conducted for a time, with signal ability, the Chicago Evening Post. Miss Mary Allen West, Miss Adelaide March ant, Mrs. Helen Ekin Starrett, Miss Minna Smith, Miss Lilian Whiting, Mrs. Anna L. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 453 Wakeman, Mrs. Frances L. Conant, Mrs. Elizabeth Boynton Harbert, and Mrs. Harriet A. Farrand are all gifted and pleasing writers, either as correspondents, or editors, and, indeed, there is hardly a first-class daily or weekly journal, in Illinois, that has not now some bright, gifted woman employed in the capacity of editor or correspondent. The first recognition of women, by the law-makers of Illinois, as public servants, was in 1873, when an act was passed permitting them to hold the office of County Superintendent of Schools, and at the ensuing- November election, nine women were chosen to fill that trust, but since that time the men have sharply com tested their right to enter the political arena, even ta this extent, and in 1889, there were but seven women in the entire State who were holding this office. The next step was in 1875, when an act was passed by the General Assembly rendering women eligible to the office of Notary Public. The law went into effect in July of that year, and Mrs. Annie Fitzhugh Ousley was the first woman to receive a commission under that act, which was given her by Gov. Beveridge on the very day the law went into effect. Woman, though restrained by the refusal of the* States and the Nation to confer upon her the right of suffrage, is slowly, but certainly, making her way into all the professions and occupations of life, going even to the workshops, where her influence is as potent for good as in the home circle. Mrs. Pauline Jacobus, of Chicago, has for years been devoting her life to the manufacture of decorative pot- tery, better known as the Ceramic Art, and has attracted a wide celebrity for producing the finest and most deli- cate specimens of this beautiful art. It is worthy of 454 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. remark that she personally superintends every department, from the preparation of the crude clay to designing the shapes, testing the fires, and attending to the minutest details. Only women who have had a thorough academical training are employed as decorators. In May, 1886, by special invitation of the lovers of art at the city of Spring- field, Mrs. Jacobus delivered a lecture upon this subject at the Bettie Stuart Institute, and exhibited some very fine specimens of her wares, which attracted wide attention. Mrs. Jacobus is a gifted woman, and combines with her work the highest order of intelligence. CHAPTER LX, CORPORATIONS IN THE COURTS, Public Warehouses— Railway Charges— Taxing National Bank Stock— Taxing Franchises. We have already noticed legislative enactments for the control and government of railway companies and public warehouses by the State, for taxing the shares of stock in National Banks and other corporations. We now proceed to examine, to some extent, the course of the judiciary in the' exposition and enforcement of such laws ; and here we may safely say, that the courts of our State have been fore- most in establishing the constitutionality of such legisla- tion, and determining the powers of the State in respect to corporations. James K. Edsall was the Attorney-General of the State when the constitutionality of many of these laws was strongly questioned by the powerful organizations they were designed to regulate and control. The general current or tendency of legal and j udicial opinion seems to POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 455 have been against much of such legislation. The oppo- nents of such laws confidently expected that the courts would hold them unconstitutional and void, and it may be said, that a majority of their supporters and advocates had but slight hopes of a favorable decision of the courts. The judiciary was appealed to, both by the opponents and the defenders of such laws, and many difficult and complicated questions were raised and presented, and argued elaborate- ly, and they were carefully and closely considered and decided by our courts and the Supreme Court of the United States, so that now the power of the people, through their State governments, to pass and enforce all useful and proper laws for the regulation, control and taxation of cor- porations, may be regarded as firmly established. We will not state, in detail, the various cases involving constitu- tional questions, but will give the leading points of the most important of them. Power to Regulate Charges by Public Warehouses. Munn v. Illinois , 94 U. S. 113. John N. Jewett and W. C. Goudy for the Warehousemen. This case involved the validity of the act passed in 1871, regulating the inspection and the storage of grain in the public warehouses, and prescribing the maximum charges for storage. These warehouses or elevators were private property, owned by individuals or firms. It was claimed that the State had no more right to fix the maximum price the owners might charge for the use of their property for the storage of grain, than it had to fix the price at which lands might be leased, or the goods of the merchant or the pro- ducts of the farm or manufactory might be sold. It was also claimed that vast sums of money had been expended in the building of these grain elevators which would be of no value for any other use, and that if power existed in the 456 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Legislature 'to fix the maximum rates of storage, the rates might be fixed so low as to render the property valueless, which would in effect deprive the owner of his property without just compensation, in violation of the Bill of Rights. The case was submitted to the Supreme Court in 1872, before Mr. Edsall became Attorney- General. On the au- thority of judges of that court who have since retired from the bench, we are assured that when the case was first con- sidered in conference, these objections to the law were considered unanswerable, and it was generally conceded that the court would be compelled to hold the act uncon- stitutional. Before the cases had been formally decided, the term of one of the judges of the court, as then constituted, expired, and another judge resigned. Two new judges were elected as their successors. In order to bring it before the Court as thus reconstituted, a re-argument of the case was ordered. This afforded Mr. Edsall an opportunity to prepare and file an argument in behalf of the State. He had, as a member of the State Senate, participated in the enactment of the law in question, and was one of the few who believed it to be free from any valid constitutional objection. He entered upon the subject earnestly, and prepared and filed an argument, in which he developed and brought out into clear relief, the funda- mental principles upon which the law rested. A full syn- opsis of the argument would require too much space, but the gist of its leading points may be stated thus : It is true, the elevator or warehouse is private property, but the owners have voluntarily devoted it to a public use. The ownership of public property may be private, while the use thereof by the owner may be public. For example, the ownership of property devoted to public ferries, wharves, or turnpike roads, may be, and frequently is, private, while the use to which such property is put is always public. The POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 457 power of the State to establish by law the maximum rates which the owner could charge in this class of cases, had been long exercised, and the validity of such laws had been uni- formly sustained. So also, as to the power of the State or Government to pass laws fixing the maximum rates at which money might be loaned, and to regulate the charges of dray- men, hackmen, common carriers, and others pursuing like vocations of a public nature. It was submitted that this general proposition was sound in principle, and fairly de- ducible from the authorities. Whenever any person pur- sues a public calling, and sustains such relations to the public that the people must necessarily deal with, and are under a moral duress to submit to his terms if he is unre- strained by law, then, in order to prevent extortion and an abuse of his position, the price he may charge for his services, or the use of his property thus employed, may be regulated by law. The enactment of such laws was but a proper exercise of the police power of the State. It was insisted that the undisputed facts connected with the grain warehouses in question, brought them within a fair application of this principle. Chicago, if not the greatest, was one of the greatest grain markets of the world. The greater portion of the grain consigned to this market for sale, must, in the ordinary course of business, be stored in these warehouses, the proprietors of which were few in num- ber, and fixed their own rates for storage. The shipper or owner had no choice but to submit to their terms. The owners of the warehouses had voluntarily devoted their prop- erty to this public use, and the business carried on by them was of such a nature, that they rested under a duty to re- ceive and store grain for all alike, and upon equal terms. It was insisted that under such circumstances, the enact- ment of laws prescribing maximum rates of storage and to prevent extortion, was but a proper exercise of legislative power, and did not deprive the warehouseman of their prop- erty in the constitutional sense. 458 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. A majority of the Supreme Court of the State concurred in this view, which is the substance of Judge Breese’s opin- ion. See 69 111. 80. Two of the Judges dissented. The cause was taken on writ of error to the Supreme Court of the United States, and argued before that court by Messrs. John N. Jewett and W. C. Goudy, in behalf of the ware- housemen, and Attorney- General Edsall on the part of the State, at the October term, 1874. After holding the same under advisement a year, Chief Justice Waite delivered an elaborate opinion in the case, which was concurred in by a majority of that court, affirming the judgment of the Supreme Court of Illinois, and sustaining the power of the State to pass laws prescribing the maximum rates to be charged for the storage of grain by such warehousemen. (The case is reported under the title Mann v. Illinois , 94 U. S. Bep. 113, and is regarded as the great leading case upon this class of questions.) Fixing Maximum Charges of Railways. Buggies v. The People, 91 111. 256. O. H. Browning, B. C. Cook and H. Bigelow for the railway company. Illinois Central B. B. Co. v. The People, % 111. 313. George Trumbull, George W. Wall and John N. Jewett for the corporation. The railroad maximum rate cases were of a similar char- acter. In obedience to the constitution of 1870, the Legis- lature passed laws, the object of which was to regulate the charges, and prevent extortion by railroad corporations for the transportation of passengers and freight. The valid- ity of these laws was denied by the railroad corporations organized under acts of incorporation passed prior to the adoption of the constitution of 1870, upon the ground that by the terms of their charters the 'corporations pos- sessed the power to fix their own charges ; and that these provisions of their charters were to be treated as contracts, which, under the Constitution of the United States, could POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 459 not be impaired, or in any manner interfered with by sub- sequent legislation. There was much litigation under these laws, and it was a long time before the Supreme Court of the State fairly met and decided the main questions in- volved. This delay may be considered fortunate, for un- doubtedly the earlier impressions of the court, in common with the generally prevailing opinion of lawyers, were ad- verse to this law, and against its constitutionality. The longer the cases were held under advisement, and the more fully they were considered, the more favorably were the courts inclined to the views presented in behalf of the State. The main fproposition presented by the Attorney-General in Illinois Central R. R . Co. v. The People , (supra), and in Ruggles v. The People, (supra), was that the power of the General Assembly to pass lawsjprescribing maximum rates, and to prevent extortion by railroad companies, was a part of the police power of the State, which could not be sold or bartered away; that it was not within the competency of any State Legislature to divest itself of such power or bind its successors by contract not to exercise the same ; that legislative power was a trust to be exercised by the Legislature of a State, but not a commodity to be sold ; and that therefore no valid contract could have been entered into that the State would not, from time to time, in the future, exercise this power whenever abuses grew up which made its exercise expedient. A majority of the Supreme Court of the State took the same view as that of Mr. Edsall, and sustained the validity of the law. These cases were also taken to the Supreme Court of the United States, by the railroad corporations in interest. In this court, Mr. Edsall was opposed by John N. Jewett, J. A. Campbell, of New Orleans, ex-Justice of the United States Supreme Court ; Wirt Dexter, of Chicago, and Sidney Bart- lett, of Boston, who was regarded as the head of the New 460 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. England bar. Although Mr. Edsall was Attorney-General eight years, these cases were not reached for argument in that court until after the expiration of his official term. At the suggestion of the late Justice Pinkney H. Walker, who took great interest in the questions involved, and regarded a favorable decision of the highest importance to the people of the State, Mr. Edsall was retained by the State as coun- sel to argue the cases in the Supreme Court of the United States. This he did both in print and orally. It is proper to say in this connection, that James McCartney, who had succeeded Mr. Edsall as Attorney-General, also filed briefs in the two cases and participated in the oral argument of one of them. There had been several changes in the per- sonnel of that court since the decision of the warehouse case, and great apprehension existed as to how a majority of the court, as then constituted, might stand on the principal question involved. It was thought advisable to present every question which would be likely to conduce to a favora- ble decision. Mr. Edsall therefore raised this preliminary question : That while it was true that the railroad charters in question conferred upon the Board of Directors the gen- eral right to prescribe their rates of charges for the trans- portation of passengers and freight, yet a fair construction of the charters of the companies only authorized the compa- nies to collect such rates as they should by their by-laws determine. There was another provision of the charter in each case, to the effect that the by-laws, rules and regulations adopted by the company should not be “repugnant to the Constitution and laws of the United States or of this State” It was urged that the proper construction of these various provisions of the charter, when taken as a whole, was that the by-laws of the company, fixing its rates of charges, must not be repugnant to, i. e., must not exceed, the maximum rates prescribed by the laws of the State. Under this in- terpretation of the charter, the same could not be construed POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 461 as a contract that the State would not pass laws prescribing maximum rates, whatever might be held as to the power of the Legislature to make such a contract. The Supreme Court of the United States sustained this construction of the charter in each case, and upon that ground affirmed the judgments of the Supreme Court of the State. The decision of this question being sufficient to dispose fully of the cases, the court refrained from discussing or expressing any opin- ion upon the main question, upon which they were decided in the State Court. It would undoubtedly have been more satisfactory if the Supreme Court of the United States had directly passed upon the principal question, and held that a State Legislature possessed no authority to make a con- tract binding its successors not to exercise legislative powers of this nature. The result is essentially the same. The power of the State to exercise legislative control over these old corporations organized under special charters is practi- cally sustained. Taxing National Bank Stock. Tappan v. Merchants' National Bank, 19 Wall. 490. M. W. Fulleb for the bank. In conformity with the provisions of the act of Congress providing for the formation of National Banking Associa- tions, the Statutes of Illinois made provision for the tax- ation of the shares of stock in the National Banks, and made such tax a lien upon the dividends, payable to the shareholders from whom the tax was due, and required the banks to furnish the Assessor with a list of its shareholders, with the amount of the shares of stock held by each, and to pay the tax assessed thereon from the dividends payable upon such stock. In an elaborate opinion, published in the Legal News of August 1.9, 1871, Judge Blodgett, presiding in the Circuit Court of the United States for the Northern District of Illinois, held that the laws of the State providing 462 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. for the levy and collection of such taxes were unconstitu- tional, and thereupon granted injunctions restraining the collection of such taxes in all cases where any bank would apply therefor. The result was that no taxes could be col- lected from any of these banks in the State, except so far as they saw fit, voluntarily, to pay the same. By filing a short bill, in a prescribed form in one of the United States Courts, any bank could obtain an injunction. Most of these banks availed themselves of this mode of evading tax- ation, but, to their credit be it said, a few of them volun- tarily paid their taxes. When Mr. Edsall assumed the office of Attorney-General, in 1873, there were seventy-nine of these cases pending in the United States Circuit Court of the Northern District of Illinois, and several others in the Southern District. After a careful examination of the questions involved, the Attorney- General was satisfied that the laws under which the taxes were assessed were valid, and that the injunctions restraining the collection of taxes ought to be dissolved. At the May term, 1873, he fully argued the question, upon principle and authority, before Judge Blodgett, but the court declined to change its former ruling. It became necessary, therefore, to take one of the cases to the Supreme Court of the United States, to settle the legal questions in dispute. The case of Tappan , Col- lector , v. Merchants' National Bank , 19 Wall. 490, was the result. The Supreme Court, in an opinion delivered by Chief Justice Waite, overruled Judge Blodgett’s decision and sustained the right of the State to tax the shares of stock in National Banks. The case was argued by Mr. Edsall for the State, and by M. W. Fuller for the bank. It so happened that it was the first case argued before Chief Justice Waite, and that he delivered his first opinion in that case as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. The opinion attracted much attention, and was POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 463 highly commended for its signal ability. After this de- cision all the pending injunctions were dissolved, and no more were granted. Since that time the banks have paid their taxes with commendable promptitude. Taxing Franchises and other Property of Corporations. Porter et al. v. B., B. &I. St. Louis B, B . Co., 76 111. 561. Chaeles Osboene for the railway corporation. The corporation’s capital stock cases sprung up under the State revenue law, passed in 1872. They were very numer- ous, and burdened the dockets of the State and Federal Courts for several years. Prior to the enactment of that law a conviction was quite prevalent that corporations had not paid their due share of taxes. A large part of their property was intangible, and consisted in their franchises, or existed in such form that the assessor could not find it. For example, a gas company in a city like Chicago might have but a small amount of visible property, yet it might have hundreds of miles of gas mains laid in the streets and alleys of the city ; and the property and franchises of the corporation might be sufficient to pay good dividends upon millions of capital. The object of the revenue law of 1872 was to reach these hidden values. The plan adopted was, in short, this : 1. To assess the tangible property the same as other property. 2. To ascertain the amount or value of indebtedness of the corporation, exclusive of indebtedness for current ex- penses. 3. To ascertain the market or actual value of all the shares of stoek in the corporation. Under the rules adopted by the State Board of Equaliza- tion, these last two items were added together, and the sum 464 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. of the two was supposed to represent the value of every- thing the corporation owned, whether tangible or in- tangible. From this amount the assessed value of the tangible property w r as deducted, and the residue, after equalizing it upon the ascertained basis of the assessment of other property, was assessed under the head of capital stock ; the theory being this, that the indebtedness of the corporation was a first charge and lien upon everything the corporation owned, as against its stockholders ; that if the indebtedness equaled or exceeded the value of all its property and franchises, the shares of stock would be worth- less, and that if the shares of stock had any value, such value might be taken as an indication that everything owned by the corporation necessarily exceeded its indebted- ness in precisely that amount. It must be confessed, that in the application of this rule, the Board of Equalization of 1878 assessed some of the corporations very high, and may have done injustice in many cases. When these taxes came to be collected, the law and the action of the State Board of Equalization were attacked on every side. A large array of the ablest lawyers of the State was retained by the corporations to defeat the collection of the tax, and to break down the entire system. The contest began in the State courts, and several cases were brought before the Supreme Court at an early day, and argued by the Attorney- General in behalf of the State. To the consternation of the opponents of the tax, that court sustained the validity of the law, and the principle upon which the taxes were assessed. The opinion in this case was written by Justice Scholfield, and is a very able one, in which the various con- stitutional objections are fully examined and elaborately discussed. Resort was then had to the Federal Courts. Although the taxes were assessed against State corporations which POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 465 could not sue in the Federal Courts, each corporation which did not already have, would arrange to have, one or more non-resident stockholders, who would get up the ruse of a controversy between themselves and the board of directors of the corporation about the payment of the tax. The board of directors would formally refuse to take proceed- ings to enjoin its collection, by reason of which, under the rulings of the Federal Courts at that time, they would enter- tain jurisdiction of suits brought by the non-resident stock- holders to restrain the collection of the taxes. The Federal Circuit Court refused to be governed by the decision of the Supreme Court of the State in this class of cases, and awarded injunctions to all persons who would apply there- for. This placed the State and all its municipal corpora- tions under the supervision of the Federal Courts in the collection of their revenue, and caused a suspension of the collection of all taxes against corporations, which soon amounted to millions of dollars. Final decrees perpetually enjoining the collection of the taxes assessed against three of the leading railroad cor- porations were entered by Judge Drummond in the U. S. Circuit Court at Chicago, from which the Attorney- General prosecuted appeals to the Supreme Court of the United States. He procured the cases to be advanced, and they were brought on for argument in 1875. The corpora- tions were represented by the ablest legal talent their re- sources could command. Among the attorneys for the corporations in these cases appear the names of Corydon Beckwith, C. B. Lawrence, Robert G. Ingersoll, 0. H. Brown- ing and Wirt Dexter. The State was represented by its Attorney-General. It is needless to say that the cases were ably argued. The opinion of the United States Supreme Court was delivered by Miller, J., and is reported in 92 U. S. at page 575, under the title State Railroad Tax Cases . The —80 466 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. decision of the United States Circuit Court enjoining the collection of the taxes was reversed, with directions that the bills be dismissed ; and the right of the State to tax its corporations in the manner prescribed in the revenue law of 1872, was fully vindicated. It was held, moreover, that it was the duty of the Federal Courts to conform their rulings to the decisions of the State Courts upon the class of questions involved, which arose under the Constitution and statutes of the State. CHAPTER LXL CAMPAIGN OF 1884. Conventions, State and National— Electoral Vote of the States— Appointments by the President from niinois— Statement of the United States Treasurer- Official Vote— Election Frauds— Trial and Conviction of Joseph C. Mackin. In the political campaign of 1884 there were four parties claiming the suffrages of the people — the Republican, Dem- ocratic, Prohibition and People’s — the latter was the suc- cessor to the Greenback party. It being the year of the Presidential election, to choose a successor to President Arthur, the contest in the State became one of National importance, rather than State. The candidates for Pres- ident of the respective parties are named in the order in which they were nominated. The People’s party nominated for President, Benjamin F. Butler, of Massachusetts, and Absalom M. West, of Mississippi, for Vice-President ; the Republican party nominated for President, James G. Blaine, of Maine, and for Vice-President, John A. Logan, of Illinois; the Democratic party nominated for President, Grover Cleve- land, of New York, and for Vice-President, Thomas A. Hen- dricks, of Indiana, and the Prohibition party nominated for POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 467 President, John P. St. John, of Kansas, and for Vice-Presi- dent, William Daniel, of Maryland. This campaign exceed- ed, in general interest and excitement, anything that has ever been witnessed in this country, far surpassing that between Harrison and VanBuren in 1840, when the watch- word of the Whig party was “Tippecanoe and Tyler too.” Illinois was for months the scene of the most wonderful ex- citement ever witnessed in all her history. Every city, every town, every hamlet, nay, every home, was the scene of angry political discussion. Three of the four candidates for President — Butler, St. John and Blaine — made par- tial canvasses of the State, and all the candidates for Vice- President made more or less speeches within the State, while the several candidates for State and district offices were heard almost continually proclaiming from the rostrum, in all parts of the State, the justness of their cause, and men and women alike became interested in the struggle, women being as often seen in the processions at night as in the day- time, — sometimes in chariots, sometimes on horseback with banners, and sometimes on foot, carrying the flaming toich* But notwithstanding the great interest in the National election, there was a strong contest between the Democratic and Republican parties as to who should possess the State offices. The nominees of the Republican party were the first in the field ; they were all men of high character, and all had served the State in different capacities ably and ac- ceptably. R. J. Oglesby, candidate for Governor, had been a soldier in two wars, a Senator in the General Assembly, twice Governor of the State and Senator in Congress, and was accounted the most popular leader of his party, having received the nomination by acclamation; John C. Smith, candidate for Lieutenant-Governor, was a soldier, and was serving his second term as State Treasurer ; H. D. Dement, candidate for re-election to the office of Secretary of State, was a soldier, and had been both Representative and Senator 468 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. in the General Assembly ; Chas. P. Swigert, candidate for re- election to the office of Auditor of Public Accounts, had been a soldier in the war for the Union, losing an arm, and had held the office of Treasurer of Kankakee County for eleven years in succession; Jacob Gross, candidate for State Treasurer, was a native of Germany, had been a soldier in his adopted country and lost a leg in defence of its flag, and had held the office of Circuit Clerk of Cook County twelve years; George Hunt, candidate for Attorney-General, had also been a soldier in the war for the Union, and was serving his third term as State Senator. To oppose this ticket, the Democrats were careful in the selection of their candidates. Men of equal high character were chosen for all the places. Carter H. Harrison, their candidate for Governor, was esteemed the ablest and most formidable that could be arrayed against Oglesby ; he was a graduate of Yale College ; had represented a Chicago dis- trict in the Forty-fourth and Forty-fifth Congresses ; had been three times in succession elected Mayor of Chicago by unprecedented majorities, receiving a majority of 10,300 in April, 1883, and was serving his third term when nominated for Governor ; Henry Seiter, candidate for Lieutenant-Gov- ernor, was a man of like good standing, had been Represen- tative and Senator in the General Assembly, was then serv- ing a term in the Senate ; Michael Dougherty, candidate for Secretary of State, although a native of Pennsylvania, was a true representative of the Irish race, and withal a popular man with his party; Walter E. Carlin, a nephew of ex-Gov. Carlin, candidate for Auditor of Public Accounts, had served in the war for the Union, was a Representative in the Thirty- third General Assembly, and had received the nomination for re-election without opposition when nominated for Auditor; Alfred Orendorff, candidate for State Treasurer, had been Representative in the General Assembly, was the candidate of his party in 1882 for State Treasurer against POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 469 John C. Smith, and made a gallant fight for the place ; Robert L. McKinlay, candidate for Attorney- General, was a lawyer of distinction, and had acquired a wide acquaintance while serving as a Representative in the Thirtieth General Assembly. With the other two parties there was no contest as to who should lead them, — the greatest difficulty was to find men willing to lead a forlorn hope ; but reputable men were put up by both parties, the Prohibitionists nominating James B. Hobbs, of Cook, for Governor; Jas. L. Perryman, of St. Clair, for Lieutenant-Governor; Charles W. Enos, of Jersey, for Secretary of State ; Alexander B. Irwin, of San- gamon, for Auditor of Public Accounts ; Uriah Copp, Jr., of Iroquois, for State Treasurer, and Hale Johnson, of Jas- per, for Attorney-General. The People’s party nominated Jesse Harper, of Vermilion, for Governor; Asaph C. Vandewater, of Christian, for Lieutenant-Governor; Horace E. Baldwin, for Secretary of State; Edwin F. Reeves, for Auditor of Public Accounts; Ben. W. Goodhue, for State Treasurer, and John N. Gwin, for Attorney-General. With such an array of standard- bearers, the people went forth to battle. The prize with the Democratic party seemed to be the office of Governor. The Republican party had carried the State in 1880 by a majority of 40,716 for Garfield for President, over Han- cock, and 87,033 for Cullom, for Governor, over Trumbull. The battle between Oglesby and Harrison was a bitter war of words. Everywhere there was a demand for them to speak, so much so, that their respective committees kept them traveling day in and day out, often compelling them to travel hundreds of miles to meet their appointments, and not infrequently were they required to retrace their steps in order that they might meet the urgent demands of their respective followers. Illustrative of this, Oglesby spoke at 470 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Quincy one day, and the same night took the train for Chi- cago, speaking in that city the next evening, when he took the train for Belleville, thus traveling five hundred miles and making four speeches within forty-eight hours. The result of this heated contest was that while the Republicans elect- ed their entire State ticket, the majority for Oglesby over Harrison was only 14,599, while that of his associates, over their respective competitors, ranged from 23,269 to 24,564. The majority for Blaine and Logan over Cleveland and Hendricks was 25,118. The total vote of the Prohibitionists for President was 12,074; for Governor, 10,905. The vote of the People’s party for President was 10,776, and for Gov- ernor 8,605. There were two questions of State policy which were of vital importance to the people, namely, the appropriation of $518,712 for the completion of the State House, and the adoption of an amendment to the Constitution, empower- ing the Governor to veto objectionable features of appro- priation bills, and yet not invalidate other portions of the law. But National questions so absorbed the thoughts of all parties that these were allowed to drift along with the political tide, but both received a majority of all the votes cast; the appropriation carried by 28,248 majority, and the constitutional amendment by 91,273. In the contest for Congressmen, there were ten Democrats and ten Republicans chosen, showing a gain of one for the Democrats over the vote of 1882. The Legislature was a tie, the Republicans carrying the Senate by a majority of one, and the Democrats the House by a like number. In the National contest, Cleveland and Hendricks received 219 electoral votes, carrying the States of Alabama, Arkan- sas, Connecticut, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Indiana, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, Missouri, New POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 471 Jersey, New York, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennes- see, Texas, Virginia and West Virginia. Of the popular vote they received 4,911,017. Blaine and Logan received 182 electoral votes, carrying the States of California, Col- orado, Illinois, Iowa, Kansas, Maine, Massachusetts, Michi- gan, Minnesota, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island and Vermont. Of the popular vote they received 4,848,884. Butler and West re- ceived of the popular vote 133,825 ; St. John and Daniel received of the popular vote 151,809. The total popular vote was 10,048,061. There were scattering 11,362. The defeat of the Republican party in the Nation was history repeating itself, but whether it shall be the history of 1840, when the Whigs succeeded in electing Harrison over Van Buren, retiring the Democratic party from power for four years; or whether it shall be the history of 1860, when the Republican party elected Abraham Lincoln Presi- dent, retiring the Democratic party from power for twenty- four years, depends upon the conduct of the victors. Thus far, however, the policy of the President has not met the expectations of many of the great leaders of his party in respect to the removal of Republicans from office, they holding the view that the people meant more than the mere change of the executive head of the Nation in electing a Democrat to the Presidency; that is, that it meant that the government of the country should go into the hands of the Democratic party in fact ; that all Repub- licans should go out of office and Democrats go in. In disposing of positions at Washington, the President has been liberal toward Illinois, notwithstanding he did not carry the electoral vote of the State. William A. J. Sparks was made Commissioner of the Land Office ; John C. Black, Commissioner of Pensions; William A. Day, Second Auditor of the Treasury Department; Edwin A. Clifford, Deputy 472 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. under the Sixth Auditor; A. E. Stevenson, First Assistant Postmaster General; John H. Oberly, Superintendent of Indian Schools, and afterward promoted to Civil Service Commissioner and again to Indian Commissioner. When Mr. Wyman, Treasurer of the United States, turned over the office to Mr. Jordan, his successor, on the 30th of April, 1885, his accounts were found correct in every regard, and there was then in the treasury, subject to the demands of the country, $483,932,566.09, which fact must serve to strengthen the faith of the people in the purity of the administration of the National Government. OFFICIAL VOTE. Governor. Richard J. Oglesby, R 334,234 Carter H. Harrison, D 319,635 Jesse Harper, Peop 8,605 James B. Hobbs, Pro 10,905 Lieutenant-Governor. John C. Smith, R 337,762 Henry Seiter, D 314.493 Asaph C. Vandewater, Peop 9,7:3 James L. Perryman, Pro ., 11,360 Secretary of State. Henry D. Dement, R 338,240 Michael J. Dougherty, D 31:, 490 Horace E. Baldwin, Peop 10,219 Charles W. Enos, Pro 8,865 Auditor. Charles P. Swigert, R 337,886 Walter E. Carlin, D 318,322 Edwin E. Reeves, Peop 10,142 Alexander B. Irwin, Pro 11,344 Treasurer. Jacob Gross, R 338,171 Alfred Orendorff, D 313,400 Benjamin W. Goodhue, Peop 10,451 Uriah Copp, Jr., Pro 11,119 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 473 Attorney-General. George Hunt, R 337,847 Robert L. McKinlay, I) 313,346 John W. Gwin, Peop 10,251 Hale Johnson, Pro 11,429 Members of Congress — First District. Ransom W. Dunham, R 20,245 William M. Tilden, D 14,655 William B. Gates 288 John B. Clark 501 Second District. John F. Finerty, Inch R 11,552 Francis Lawler, D 13,954 Wilham F. Killett 23 Third District. Charles Fitz Simons, R 8,928 James H. Ward, D 15,601 William E. Mason, R 10,806 J. C. Boyd 259 J. E. Lee 280 Fourth District. George E. Adams, R 18,333 John P. Aitgeldt, D 15,291 H. W. Austin 467 Fifth District. Reuben Ellwood, * R 20,500 Richard Bishop, D 9,424 J. P. Bartlett 20 Sixth District. Robert R. Hitt, R 18,048 E. W. Blaisdell, D 10,891 U. D. Meacham 242 Seventh District. Thomas J. Henderson, R 15,498 James S. Eckels, D 10,689 H. H. Haaff : 712 ♦Albert J. Hopkins, Republican, was elected to the 49th Congress by a ma- jority of 6,000, over Richard Bishop, Democrat, to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Mr. Ellwood. 474 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Eighth District. Ralph Plumb, R . 18,707 Patrick G. Haley, D 15,953 H. J. Wood 732 N. Kilburn 709 Ninth District. Lewis E. Payson, R 16,481 James Kirk, D 13,716 James McGrew 627 Tenth District. Julius S. Starr, R 16,582 Nicholas E. Worthington, D 16,758 Royal Hammond 86 Eleventh District. Alex. P. Petrie, R 17,864 William H. Neece, D 18,291 R. H. Broaddus 351 Twelfth District. Thomas G. Black, R 15,177 James M. Riggs, D 22,046 Hiram J. Parker 820 James A. Wallace 161 Thirteenth District. William M. Springer, D 20,808 James M. Taylor, R 16,971 Thomas S. Knoles 628 George P. Harrington 747 Fourteenth District. C. C. Clark, D 15,673 Jonathan H. Rowell, R 18,052 William P. Randolph 1,168 D. L. Brancher 241 Fifteenth District. Joseph G. Cannon, R 17,852 John C. Black, D 17,360 T. J. Thornton 151 T. P. Thornton 183 Sixteenth District. James McCartney, R 16.791 Silas Z. Landes, D 17,109 John W. Honey 213 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. 475 Seventeenth District. JohnR. Eden, D 18,402 Howland J. Hamlin, R 14,576 John B. Cromer 486 Eighteenth District. Thomas B. Needles, R 15,136 William R. Morrison, D 17,695 Henry D. Moore 135 W. H. Moore 298 Nineteenth District. Richard W. Townshend, D 18,296 Thomas S. Ridgway, R 13,615 H. R. Sherman 373 Twentieth District. Fountain E. Albright, D 15,788 John R. Thomas, R 17,890 Addison Davis 658 Electors — Blaine. Andrew Shuman 337,469 Isaac Lesem 337,476 George Bass 337,470 John C. Tegtmeyer 337,466 John M. Smyth 337,468 James A. Sexton 336,965 Albert J. Hopkins 337,465 Conrad J'. Fry 337,479 William H. Shepard 337,469 Robert A. Childs 337,469 David McWilliams 337,472 Rufus W. -Miles , 337,466 John A. Harvey 337,468 Francis M. Davis 337,471 J. Otis Humphrey 337,460 Edward D. Blinn 337,470 William 0. Wilson 337,470 Rufus Cope 337,465 John H. Dunscomb 337,470 Cicero J. Lindly 337,471 Jasper Partridge 337,471 Matthew J. Inscore • 337,502 476 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Cleveland. Orlando B. Ficklin 312,330 John W. Doane 312,421 James FI. Ward 312,366 James Morgan, Jr . 312,352 James K. Blish 312,359 George 0. Harrington 3i2,361 William Prentiss 310,105 Hiram P. Shumway 312,368 James R. Cunningham .312,360 Eugene B. Buck 312,358 Francis M. Youngblood 312,353 William G. Ewing 312,351 James T. Healy 312,407 Harvey D. Colvin 312,363 John F. Smith 312,366 Michael W. Shurts 312,359 George A. Wilson 312,362 Henry Phillips 312,359 William T. Kirk 312,366 James C. Allen 312,358 George Willis Akins 312,343 William K. Murphy 312,361 St. John. Thomas Moulding 15,789 John G. Irwin 11,884 Benjamin S. Mills 12,068 James W. Lee 12,070 Anthony Lennon 12,074 John Nate 12,074 Aaron Gurney 12,074 Andrew Hinds 12,074 William H. Tibbies 12,074 James P. Murphy . 12,074 William M. Hamilton 12,074 William Nowlan 12,074 Richard Haney 12,073 William McBride 12,073 George W. Minier 12,039 Jerome W. Nichols 12,074 Archibald Easton 12,073 Victor E. Phillips 12,072 Henry B. Kepley 12,072 William Donoho 12,073 Charles 0. Drayton 12,073 Samuel E. Evans 12,068 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 477 Butler. John J. Hilty Edward C. Callahan Soren Peterson William Floto Stephen M. Slade Andrew Ashton Simon Elliott Francis M. Plumb Christopher C. Strawn Joseph S. Barnum Bobert Bennett Francis M. Grimes Henry M. Miller James Freeman Emile H. Langhaus Henry Vanderhoff Benjamin F. Banning William Harris Burden Pullen John W. Wayman Seymour F. Norton Charles Yorhis 9,208 10,803 9,676 8,114 10,658 10,246 10,853 10,776 10,894 10.907 6,873 10,910 10,889 10,889 5,454 5,800 10,662 10,235 10,705 9,528 9,345 10,164 Mackin Election Fraud. The history of the campaign of 1884 had an alarming and disgraceful sequel. The returns made by the Judges and Clerks of the Sixth Senatorial District, to the County Can- vassing Board of Cook County, on the 5th of November, showed that Henry W. Leman, Republican candidate for State Senator, had been elected by a majority of 390, but when these returns were canvassed by the County Board, it appeared that the figures had been so changed in the Eighteenth Ward of Chicago as to elect Rudolph Brand, Democrat, instead of Leman, by a majority of 10. The fraud was so flagrant that it startled the people of the entire State. It changed the political complexion of the Senate from a Republican majority of one to a Democratic majority of one, and secured for the Democrats a majority of two on joint ballot in the General Assembly, thus making certain the election of a Democratic United States Senator. 478 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. The returns showing this state of facts were sent by the County Canvassing Board to the State Canvassing Board, at Springfield, but the latter, being aware that fraud had been committed, declined to certify to the election of Brand, thus leaving the responsibility of issuing the certifi- cate of election with Governor Hamilton, The Governor had previously used the utmost care in arriving at the facts in the case. He had visited Chicago, and spent some time in examining the poll books and tally sheets ; having at the same time become convinced of the facts of the case, as developed before the United States Grand Jury, as hereafter shown, and having thus satisfied himself that a grave and daring fraud had been perpetrated upon the voters of that Senatorial district, he disregarded the face of the returns, and issued the certificate of election to Henry W. Leman, accompanying his decision with an able and exhaustive report, in which he reviewed, in detail, all the facts and circumstances connected with the matter, closing his decision with these manly words : “I, therefore, find said Henry W. Leman to be duly elect- ed State Senator from the Sixth Senatorial District. To arrive at any other conclusion would, in my judgment, be to violate my oath of office to support the Constitution and see that the laws are faithfully executed. On the contrary, I would, by issuing a certificate to Mr. Brand, be giving life and effect and success to one of the greatest crimes ever known in the history of the State. It has been, and may yet be, urged that such decision as I hereby render is without precedent among my predecessors in the State. That may be. But I answer that it may be said, to the great credit of the people of the State, that there is no pre- cedent in the commission of suc-h a heinous crime as this upon the elective franchise and rights of popular govern- ment in the history of the State. That I have a right to POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 479 construe the meaning of the Constitution as to the duties pertaining to my office, and am clothed with power to do so, independent of co-ordinate branches of the State govern- ment, is established by the best of authority.” Mr. Brand, supported by able counsel, made a show of contesting the seat of Mr. Leman before the State Canvass- ing Board, but when it became evident to everybody that the attempt to claim the seat of Mr. Leman was simply an effort to disfranchise the voters of the Sixth Senatorial Dis- » trict, then it was that Mr. Brand and his friends quietly withdrew all proceedings, thus sanctioning the action of Governor Hamilton in issuing the certificate of election to Mr. Leman. No sooner had the perpetration of this fraud reached the attention of Bichard S. Tuthill, United States District Attorney for the Northern District of Illinois, than did he institute prompt and vigorous proceedings to bring the per- petrators of the crime to justice by presenting the matter to the grand jury of that court, which was then in session. The facts which moved Mr. Tuthill to action, are these: On November 18, the Canvassing Board of Cook County reached the second precinct of the eighteenth ward. Upon the face of the returns from that precinct appeared a mani- fest erasure and change, as follows: The vote for Senator in the Sixth Senatorial District was given in the return as for Henry W. Leman 220 votes and for Rudolph Brand 474 votes. The figures “four” and “two” had been erased and transposed, and it was apparent that the true and correct return was for Henry W. Leman “420 votes” and for Rudolph Brand “274 votes.” While the erasure and change were apparent, the Canvassing Board decided that it must take the face of the returns as conclusive, and refused to take evi- dence as to the truth or falsity thereof. Here it became evi- dent to Mr. Tuthill that it was his duty to investigate the 480 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. matter, as the election was held for a representative in the Congress of the United States, and the United States stat- utes gave the United States Courts full jurisdiction over frauds at such elections, a jurisdiction which was in no respect weakened by the fact that State officers were voted for at the same election. Accordingly, on the 21st day of November he had a subpoena duce tecum issued out of the United States District Court, directed to Michael W. Eyan, County Clerk of Cook County, Illinois, ordering him to ap- pear before the grand jury forthwith, and produce the returns of said precinct, including the ballots. In answer to this subpoena, Mr. Eyan appeared with the poll-books and tally- lists, on the afternoon of November 21st, and told the grand jury that he doubted his right to produce the ballots. He was informed in reply that the ballots must be produced, when he agreed to bring them at once. Upon leaving the jury room he consulted a lawyer, and on the same afternoon re- turned to the grand jury and said that he had been advised by counsel not to produce the ballots, and consequently he would not do so. On November 22, Mr. Tuthill applied, in the United States District Court, for a rule on Mr. Eyan to show cause why he should not be attached for contempt for failing to obey the subpoena of the court. The rule was granted and made returnable on Monday, November 24, at 10 A. M., on which day Mr. Eyan appeared by his counsel, A. W. Green, and contested the right of the grand jury to have and open the ballots, on the ground that they must be kept intact and unopened by the County Clerk for a period of six months in case a contest should arise. Arguing to the same end appeared Allan C. Story, who stated that he represented Mr. McAuliff, a defeated candidate for Eepresentative in the Legislature, and who had been voted for at that elec- tion. The Court, however, ordered the ballots to be pro- duced on the following day, November 25th. LIB»A(?V OF THE 'inweo^tTy OF tLiNAfg. / POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 481 This subpoena to Mr. Eyan was served on him at about 1 : 45 p. m., on November 21st. At about 2 p. m. the same day Joseph C. Mackin, who had been present when the ser- vice was made, went to the office of P. L. Hanscom Print- ing Company and ordered a ticket printed in fac-simile of the Eepublican ticket used in the Eighteenth Ward, with the exception that the name of Eudolph Brand was sub- stituted for that of Henry W. Leman, as a candidate for Senator in the Sixth Senatorial District. This order was accepted by the printing company, who in turn ordered an engraved heading for the ticket from Baker & Co., en- gravers. The ticket was printed by the printing company, being actually set up by W. H. Wright, and the engraving was done by S. W. Fallis and F. N. Tucker, of the firm of Baker & Co. The printing was done on the night of November 21st, and about 2,000 of said tickets were delivered to Mackin at his room in the Palmer House, Chicago, at about 10 o’clock -the same night. The ballots were produced by Mr. Eyan before the grand jury November 25th, and at that time there were found among them two hundred and thirty of the spurious tickets which had been printed November 21st, seventeen days after the election. The names on the poll-books which corres- ponded with the numbers on the spurious tickets enabled the grand jury to summon the persons who had apparently voted these tickets, and they testified under oath that they had voted the regular Eepublican ticket which bore the name of Henry W. Leman, and that they had not before seen the fraudulent tickets. This was conclusive. The grand jury, as a result of its investigation, found two indictments, one against Joseph C. Mackin, Arthur Gleason and Henry Biehl, and one against the judges and clerks of election at said precinct. The jury had then been in session thirty-two days, —81 482 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. a large portion of the time being spent upon these election frauds. Some time after the discharge of the jury, which occurred December 12th, it was discovered that Wm. J. Gallagher was one of the conspirators and the person who h id dene the work of forgery. It was then impracticable to convene a grand jury, as the funds for that purpose were ex- h lusted. Accordingly, on the 20th day of January, 1885, an information in regular form and in accordance with all previous precedents was filed in the United States District Court against said Mackin, Gallagher, Gleason and Biehl. They were tried before Judge Henry W. Blodgett. Bichard S. Tuthill, assisted by John B. Hawley and Israel N. Stiles, appeared for the prosecution. Mackin was defended by David Turpie, of Indianapolis, Indiana, and Frank D. Tur- ner; Gallagher by Henry Wendell Thompson; Gleason by Leonard Swett and Peter S. Grosscup, and Biehl by Wm. S. Young, Jr. The jury was composed of the following persons : John N. Hills, of Bavenswood, foreman; Seymore M. Arnold, Galesburg ; Charles Hunt, Harvard ; Geo. W. Par- ker. Poplar Grove; James Carr, Scales Mound; Albert M. Weaver, Peoria; Charles E. Smiley, Maple Park; D. W. Wilson, Annawan ; Thomas Brownlee, Galva ; A. W. Thomp- son, Pecatonica; Geo. B. Vastine, Austin, and Charles Welch, Thompson. The trial occupied a period of seventeen days. The grave character of the offense, the vigor with which the prosecution was waged, and the eminent legal talent on either side, attracted, from day to day, a large number of anxious spectators, and many were the speculations as to what would be the final result; law-abiding men felt sure of conviction, while the friends of the accused were equally confident of acquittal. But the jury was not long in making up its judgment, when the case closed, being out only a few hours, when it rendered a verdict of guilty as to POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 483 Mackin, Gallagher and Gleason, and not guilty as to Biehl. The defendants’ counsel entered a motion for a new trial, which was heard by the Court, March 12, and overruled. Mackin and Gallagher were sentenced to two years’ impris- onment in the Joliet Penitentiary, and to pay a fine of $5,000 each, and stand committed till such fines were paid. Glea- son was not then sentenced, owing to the absence of his counsel, and his motion for a new trial was left pending. Subsequently, the defendants’ attorneys applied to Judge Gresham, of the United States Circuit Court, for a supersedeas . He decided that the “question was of sufficient difficulty and importance to entitle the defendants to a writ of error and an order staying proceedings under the sentence.” Under this decision the defendants were admitted to bail. The cause was heard in the Circuit Court of the United States for the Northern District of Illinois, John M. Harlan and Walter Q. Gresham sitting as such Court. They dis- agreed on five points, and at the request of the United States District Attorney and the defendants’ counsel, their differ- ence of opinion was certified to the Supreme Court of the United States by the Clerk of the Circuit Court of the United States, at its nest session. Retrospective, it is but just to say that the honest, upright citizens of Chicago, irrespective of party, came forward with manly courage in support of District Attorney Tuthill, in his bold attempt to enforce the law against the perpetrators of the infamous fraud. There was organized a citizens’ committee, numbering eighty members, of the best citizens, and over $100,000 was subscribed by the business men, in aid of the investigation and prosecution. While each mem- ber of this committee was willing to see that the law was enforced, no matter who the guilty party might be, yet recognizing the necessity of the concentration of action, an 484 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. ^executive committee, consisting of Albert W. Day, Chair- man; A. A. Carpenter, 0. S. A. Sprague, Francis B. Pea- body and J. H. McVicker, with Augustus H. Burley, Treas- urer, and John C. Ambler, Secretary, was authorized to act lor the whole, and to dare and do that which would best •serve the ends of justice. The work of this executive committee was performed fearlessly, and while we have no disposition to be invidious in our praise of individuals, yet to Messrs. Tuthill, Hawley and Stiles, for their able and manly prosecution of the cause, and to Melville E. Stone, for his bold and timely ex- posure of the crime through the columns of the Daily News , ithere is due a high meed of praise. Subsequently, Mackin was arraigned in the State court for the crime of perjury. In January, 1885, a special grand jury was called in Cook County for the purpose of investi- gating election frauds, and in the investigation Joseph C. Mackin was called before the jury as a witness. Numerous questions w r ere asked him in regard to having ordered cer- tain spurious ballots printed, and having received them at his hotel. He denied all knowledge of them, stating that he had never ordered any ballots printed, never received any ballots, and never had anything to do with the matter. An indictment for perjury was found against Mackin, based on his testimony. The indictment was returned into court at the adjournment of the jury on the last of January. The case was called before the petit jury on the 29th of June, 1885. Thomas A. Moran presided as Judge, and there ap- peared on behalf of the people Julius S. G-rinnell, State’s Attorney, Joel M. Longenecker, Assistant State’s Attorney, and I. N. Stiles, Associate Counsel. Emery A. Storrs ap- peared on behalf of the defendant. On the 29th of June, a jury was secured, consisting of the following persons: M. Homing, L. Franke, Gr. Samuelson, Henry Brusharber, POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 485 John Saul, Peter H. Nelson, John H. Peters, Joseph Myers, J. M. Arnold, Henry Hill, George Gray and Frank J, Gaz- zolo. On June 80th, the testimony was heard, consisting of the evidence of the printers from whom the tickets were ordered, to the effect that Mackin did order them, and the special grand jurymen testified that Mackin swore before them that he did not know anything about the tickets. No evidence whatever was introduced in behalf of the defend- ant. The case was ably prosecuted, and as ably defended, the arguments being heard on July 1st, and the next day the jury returned a verdict of guilty, and fixed the penalty at five years in the penitentiary at hard labor. This was a great triumph for Mr. Grinnell, the leading counsel for the State, as well as for his associates, for the reason that the friends of Mr. Mackin believed that it was impossible to convict him before a Cook county jury. An application was made for a new trial without success, and the case was car- ried to the Supreme Court upon a writ of error. It was hoped by many well-meaning people that the court would decline to grant the criminal a hearing, but this tribunal being unwilling that Mackin should be made a political martyr, promptly granted his prayer. The people were rep- resented by Attorney-General George Hunt, and Emery A. Storrs and John C. Eichberg appeared for the defendant. Mr. Hunt’s presentation of the case was able and convinc- ' ing, while the appeal of Mr. Storrs in behalf of the rights of his client was one of the many able efforts in the life of this great lawyer, who was stricken down by death a few hours after the conclusion of his argument. The Supreme Court affirmed the decision of the lower court without dissent. Justice Scott delivered the opinion, closing it with these significant words : “Every phase of this case, and every point made for a reversal, have been most carefully and patiently considered, and no error has been discovered, nor has any been pointed out of sufficient gravity to warrant 486 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. the reversal of the judgment.” The opinion of the court was promulgated November 15th, and at 2 :30 p. m. on the 19th, Joseph C. Mackin entered upon his five years’ term in the penitentiary at Joliet. In the case in the Supreme Court of the United States, Mackin was represented by J. C. Richberg, of Chicago. It was not heard until early in March, 1886, and on the 22d day of the same month, Justice Gray delivered the opinion. The Court held that the crimes charged against Mackin and Gallagher were infamous within the meaning of the Consti- tution, and that defendants could not be held to answer in the Courts of the United States, otherwise than by indict- ment by a Grand Jury. It has been seen, however, that the trial in the United States Court was not in vain, for it enabled the Governor to prevent the disfranchisement of the people of the Sixth Sen- atorial District in the Thirty-fourth General Assembly, and resulted in the conviction of Mackin in the State Court, though not on the same charge, but none the less grave. CHAPTER LXII. STATE GOVERNMENT- 1885, Thirty-Fourth General Assembly— Contest for Speaker— Action of the Sen- ate over the Leman-Brand Resolution Censuring Governor Hamilton— Contest for United States Senator— Work of the Session— State House. Governor — R. J. Oglesby. Lieutenant-Governor— John C. Smith. Secretary of State — Henry D. Dement. Auditor of Public Accounts — Chas. P. Swigert. Treasurer — Jacob Gross. Superintendent of Public Instruction — Henry Raab. Attorney-General — George Hunt. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 487 In consequence of the failure of the House to organize promptly, the State officers-elect did not qualify until Jan- uary 30th. Governor Oglesby, upon assuming the duties of the office of Governor for the third time, appointed H. J. Caldwell his Private Secretary. Governor Oglesby is the first person who has yet had the honor of occupying the gubernatorial chair of Illinois for the third time. This calls to mind the historical fact that Samuel Cranston of Rhode Island was elected twenty-nine successive times Governor of that Colony. It is remarkable that he should have been chosen so often amid the popular convulsions that swept away every other official in the Colony. He served from March, 1698, to April 26, 1727, on which latter date he died. In Vermont the same person has held the office of Governor sixteen different times ; in New Hampshire, fourteen ; in New York, seven; in Connecticut and Georgia, five; in Maine and Tennessee, four; in Ohio, Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Nebraska, Arkansas, Nevada and Pennsylvania, three. Delaware is the only State in the Union which has not elected the same person twice to the office of Governor. Thirty-Fourth General Assembly. The Thirty-fourth General Assembly convened January 7th, and consisted of the following members : Senate. George E. White, Chicago. C. H. Crawford, Chicago. John H. Clough, Chicago. T. A. Cantwell , Chicago. W. H. Ruger, Chicago. Henry W. Leman, Chicago, Wm. J. Campbell, Chicago. Ira R. Curtiss, Marengo. Wm. E. Mason, Chicago. E. B. Sumner, Rockford. Thomas Cloonan , Chicago. James S. Cochran, Freeport. Millard B. Hereley , Chicago. Henry H. Evans, Aurora. E . B . Shumioay, Peotone. H. K. Wheeler, Kankakee. Lyman B. Ray, Morris. George Torrance, Pontiac. William C. Snyder, Fulton. Green P. Orendorff ’ Hopedale. Henry A. Ainsworth, Moline. A. W. Berggren, Galesburg. 488 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. James W. Duncan, Ottawa. A . J . Streeter, New Windsor. L. D. Whiting, Tiskilwa. Andrew J. Bell, Peoria. Henry Tubbs, Kirkwood. Lafayette Funk, Shirley. Jason Eogers, Decatur. M. B. Thompson, Urbana. Henry VanSellar, Paris. W. B . Galbreatli ,* Charleston. E. N. Rinehart, Effingham. John M. Darnell, Bushville. Maurice Kelly, t Liberty. James W. Johnson, Pittsfield. Frank M. Bridges * Carrollton *Died. tResigned. t Vice Brid* Robert H. Davis, t Carrollton.. David Gore , Carlinville. L. F. Hamilton, Springfield. Elizur Southworth, Litchfield. D . B . Gillliam, Upper Alton. Wm. S. Forman, Nashville. Thomas E. Merritt, Salem. Eobley D. Adams, Fairfield. W. II. McNary , Martinsville*. Richard L . Organ, Carmi. Henry Setter, Lebanon. John J. Higgins, DuQuoin. Wm. S. Morris, Golconda. Geo. W. Hill , Murphysboro. Daniel Hogan, Mound City. es, deceased. House of Eepresentatives. Kobert B. Kennedy, Chicago. Francis W. Parker, Chicago. James McHale, Chicago. Wm. H. Harper, Chicago. H. A. Parker, Normal Park. Ernst Hummel, Hyde Park. Abner Taylor, Chicago. J ohn W. E . Thomas, Chicago. Thomas J. McNally, Chicago. Thos. C. MacMillan, Chicago. Matthew Murphy, Chicago. James F. Quinn, Chicago. Wm. S. Powell, Chicago. Joseph Mahoney, Chicago. Wm. A. Dorman, Chicago. Henry S. Boutell, Chicago. Eugene A. Sittig, Chicago. S. F. Sullivan, Chicago. John Humphrey, Orland. Geo. G. Struckman, Elgin. Clayton E. Crafts, Austin. Charles E. Fuller, Belvidere. James Pollock, Millburn. Elijah M. Haines, Waukegan. Frederick S. Baird, Chicago. Chas. E. Scharlau, Chicago. Dennis Considine, Chicago. A. F. Brown, Stillman Valley .- David Hunter, Eockford. E. M. Winslow, Winnebago. Adam C. Oldenburg, Chicago*. John O'Shea, Chicago. J. J. Schlesinger, Chicago. D. A. Sheffield, Apple Eiver*. Simon Greenleaf, Savanna. E. L . Cronkrite, Freeport. P. A. Sundelius, Chicago. B. Brachtendorf, Chicago. T . F. Mulheran, Chicago. Luther L. Hiatt, Wheaton. John Stewart, Campton. Thomas O'Donnell, Aurora. Henry H. Stassen, Monee. James C. Morgan, Joliet. George Bez, Wilmington. M. F. Campbell, Kankakee. J. L. Hamilton, Wellington. Free P. Morris, Watseka. H. C. Whittemore, Sycamore^ Wm. M. Hanna, Lisbon. Andreiv Welch , Yorkville. Albert G. Goodspeed, Odell. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 489 ) Charles Bogardus, Paxton. Michael Cleary , Odell. Charles H. Ingalls, Sublette. Robert E. Logan,* Morrison. D. S. Spafford,! Morrison. Caleb C. Johnson , Sterling. Julius Watercott , Henry. Samuel Patrick , Washburn. Ernest F. Unland, Pekin. H. C. Cleveland, Rock Island. T. Nowers, Jr., Atkinson. J . H. Paddelford , Cleveland. Orrin P. Cooley, Oneida. Wm. J. Orendorff, Canton. Samuel P. Marshall , Ipava. Samuel C . Wiley , Earlville. C. L . Hoffman , Farm Ridge. Frank P. Snyder, Mendota. A. W. Graham, Biggsville. C. R. Gittings, Terre Haute. Alfred N. Cherry , Tioga. Albert W. Boyden, Sheffield. James H. Miller, Toulon. V. Raley , Granville. Mark M. Bassett, Peoria. John Downs, Peoria. Wm. McLean, Chillicothe. C. M. Rodgers, Monmouth. W.H. McCord, Blandinsville. Wm. H. Weir, Colchester. Samuel B. Kinsey, McLean. Ivory H. Pike, Bloomington. S. H. West, Arrowsmith. C. S. Lawrence, Elkhart. R. Temyleman, Mt. Pulaski. James M. Graham, Niantic. Wm. F. Calhoun, Clinton. Virgil S. Ruby, Bement. Wm. B. Webber, Urbana. E. E. Boudinot, Danville. C. A. Allen, Hoopeston. E. R. E. Kimbrough , Danville S. M. Long, Newman. Henry Sheplor, Greenup. J . P. McGee, Brushy Fork. Thomas N. Henry, Windsor. John H. Baker, Sullivan. W. C. Headen, Shelbyville. Perry Logsdon, Rushville. J. H. Shaw* Beardstown. W. H. Weaver,! Petersburg. G. W. Langford, Havana. Fred , P. Taylor, Quincy. Samuel Mileham, Camp Point. Wm. H. Collins, Quincy. W. H. Brackenridge, Vers’lles J. W. Moore, Mound Station. Peter C. Barry, Hardin. H. C. Massey, Jerseyville. Byron McEvers, Glasgow. T. S. Chapman, Jerseyville. E. L. McDonald, Jacksonville F. R. McAliney, Staunton. George J. Castle, Carlinville. Ben F. Caldwell, Chatham. Charles A Keyes, Springfield. Charles Kerr, Pawnee. Robert A. Gray, Blue Mound. George M. Stevens, Nokomis. H. H. Hood, Litchfield. W. R. Prickett, Edwardsville^ Wm. W. Pearce, Alhambra. Jones Tontz, Grant Fork. M. A. Morgan, Okawville. Milton M. Sharp , Greenville. Charles C. Moore, Carlyle, G. H. Varnell, Mt. Vernon. Geo. H. Dieckmann, Vandalia. Henry C. Goodnow, Salem. William T. Prunty, Olney. Alfred Brown, Albion. Edward McClung, Fairfield. J. M. Higlismith, Robinson. Isaac M. Shup, Newton. David Trexler, Newton. J. R. Campbell , McLeansboro" J. M. Sharp, Mount CarmeL W. T. Buchanan, Law’en’viile ♦Died. t Vice Shaw, deceased. XVice Logan, deceased,. 490 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. James M. Dill , Belleville. W. V. Choisser, Harrisburg. F. Heim , East St. Louis. Dar'id T. Linegar * Cairo. J. B. Messick, East St. Louis. Philip V. N. Davis , Anna. Thomas James, Chester. W. S. Rogers, Murphysboro. Peter Bickelhaupt , Waterloo. Janies M. Fowler, Marion. Henry Clay, Tamaroa. William C. Allen, Vienna. John Yost, Elba. Quincy E. Browning, Benton. Simon S. Barger, Ecldyville. In the Thirty-fourth General Assembly, new members largely predominated. Through the resignation of Mr. Hunt, by reason of his election to the office of Attorney-General, and the death of Mr. Bridges, there were 27 senators elected to this General Assembly, 25 in even districts, and two in the odd, 3 of whom had not before been members of any legisla- tive body. In the House, out of the 155 Representatives, 2 of whom were elected to fill vacancies caused by death, there were 109 who had never before served in a legislative as- sembly. In the Senate, Mr. Whiting had been longest con- nected with the legislation of the State, having first been elected a Representative in the Twenty-sixth General Assembly, then delegate to the Constitutional Convention of 1889-70, and Senator in the Twenty-seventh, serving con- tinuously since that time. In the House, Mr. Haines had seen the most service as a legislator, having been elected to the Twenty-first, Twenty-second, and Twenty-third General Assemblies, and delegate to the Constitutional Convention of 1869-70 ; was Representative in the Twenty-seventh, Twenty- ninth, and Thirty-third General Assemblies. In the Twenty- ninth he was both temporary Speaker and Speaker, as he was in the Thirty-fourth. His long experience and compre- hensive knowledge of parliamentary law, gave him great power over the deliberations of the House, and though often ruling to the displeasure of both Republicans and Democrats, he never failed to assure them that “no rights would be lost.” * Died. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 491 The Senate convened at 12 o’clock m. Wednesday, January 7th, 1885, and organized promptly by the election of William J. Campbell, Eepublican, President pro tempore , over Henry Seiter, Democrat, by a vote of 26 to 25. And Lorenzo F. Watson, Secretary, over Wiley Jones, by a similar vote. The House met at the same hour, H. D. Dement, Secre- tary of State, calling it to order, saying that the hour fixed by the Constitution for the convening of the Legislature had arrived. He introduced Rev. A. H. Ball, who offered a prayer. J. H. Paddock acted as Clerk. On the call of the roll all the members answered to their names except Messrs. Bickelhaupt, Brachtendorf, Murphy and O’Shea. Mr. Dement said the next thing in order would be nominations for temporary Speaker. Mr. Chapman named J. B. Messick. Mr. Baker named Elijah M. Haines. The roll was called, but the Democrats refrained from voting. There were 76 votes cast, of which Mr. Messick had received 75. Mr. Mes- sick voted for Luther L. Hiatt. Mr. Dement remarked that the roll showed less than a quorum voting, and ordered another roll-call. Again the Democrats refrained from vot- ing. The result of the roll-call was the same as before. Mr. Kimbrough said he would ask, on behalf of the Demo- cratic side of the House, that there be a call of the roll for the purpose of ascertaining who were present. Mr. Haines said that the House was now under no rules of parliament- ary law ; that all not voting were absent ; if they vote, they are present and should be recorded. Mr. Fuller said : “Mr. Speaker, I am not sure that it is necessary that a quorum should be present in order to effect a temporary organiza- tion of the House. I think not; but if I am mistaken in this, it appears from the presence of the two gentlemen, (Kimbrough and Haines,) who have just addressed the chair, that an actual quorum is present. They have addressed the chair, and by their remarks have demonstrated that there 492 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. is a quorum of members present, — seventy-five members having voted, and two others being present. The chair now knows that there are seventy-seven members, or a quorum,, present, and a temporary Speaker has been elected.” The chair ruled the point not well taken, and ordered the roll-call to be proceeded with, when 152 members responded to their names. On the third ballot Mr. Haines received 76 votes, and Mr. Messick 75. Mr. Haines voted for Mr. Varnell, and Mr. Messick for Mr. Hiatt. Mr. Dement declared Mr. Haines duly elected temporary Speaker. Mr. Fuller raised a point of order in effect that Mr. Haines had not been elected, as it required a majority of all the mem- bers present to elect. Mr. Haines wanted to know if the chair had announced the vote. Mr. Dement answered in the affirmative. Mr. Haines said, “then the thing is closed.’' “No,” said Mr. Dement, “I made a mistake.” Mr. Haines said: “Mr. Chairman, I had decided to help the chair out by refusing to accept the position. The Senate has decided this question long ago. This is not for the Speaker; it is only a temporary thing. I will say right here to my col- league from Boone, that under no condition would I accept this place, and I am not obliged to anybody for offering it to me.” Mr. Dement repeated that he was in error in an- nouncing the result. Mr. Haines then wanted to know if the chair repudiated the rules of the Senate. Mr. Dement intimated that he knew nothing of the traditions of the Senate. Mr. Haines insisted that it was a question of history, and that the ruling of the chair was unprecedented. Mr. Dement maintained his point, when the House ad- journed until Thursday at 11:30 a. m. When the House met on Thursday, every member was present, and on the first ballot Mr. Haines was elected tem- porary Speaker by a vote of 77 to 74 for Mr. Messick, Mr. Sittig voting for Mr. Haines. Mr. Messick voted for Mr. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 493 Hiatt. Mr. Haines did not vote. Mr. Haines accepted the trust, and the further temporary organization was proceeded with. Robert A. D. Wilbanks, Democrat, was elected Clerk, over J. K. Magie, Republican, by a vote of 77 to 76. Sub- sequently, Mr. Haines held that he had been elected Speaker; that the Constitution recognized no such officer as tem- porary Speaker, and he successfully resisted, for fourteen days, the election of E. L. Cronkrite, the Democratic caucus nominee, when, tiring of the conflict, and failing to assert his authority as Speaker, he resigned. This was late in the evening. No sooner had he vacated the chair, than there was a grand rush from both sides of the House for the rostrum. Mr. Pike, Republican, was the first to ascend the platform, and in a loud tone called the House to order. He had hardly gotten the words out of his mouth, before Messrs. McAliney, McHale and McNally, from the Democratic side, had violently thrown him from the stand, and Mr. Baker, Democrat, snatched the gavel from him and handed it to Mr. Cronkrite. The scene was one of great excitement. In the midst of the tumult, Mr. Fuller put a motion that Mr. Linegar be made temporary Speaker, but Mr. Cronk- rite, guarded by the Democrats, held the chair. The Democrats put a motion to a viva voce vote, declaring Mr. Cronkrite permanent Speaker, and announced it carried. Mr. Fuller mounted a desk and moved that Mr. Cronkrite be designated as the temporary presiding officer of the House until a permanent organization was effected, which question was put by Mr. Fuller to a vote and unanimously agreed to by the House, thereby settling the dispute as to the tem- porary organization, in opposition to the claim of Mr., Haines that a permanent organization had been effected, when, on a motion of Mr. Fuller, the House adjourned until 10 o’clock a. m., January 21.* ♦See House Journal, page 45. 494 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Mr. Cronkrite continued to occupy the chair until the 28th of January, when Mr. Haines was elected Speaker as the caucus nominee over Charles E. Fuller, the Republican caucus nominee, by the vote of Mr. Fuller, he having pre- viously expressed his willingness to vote for his opponent whenever he should have secured the united support of his own party, and Messrs. O’Donnell and Linegar having finally yielded to party pressure and cast their votes for Mr. Haines, giving him 76 votes, or enough with his own to have elected him ; and Mr. Haines having stated that he would not vote for himself, Mr. Fuller arose and said : “Mr. Speaker, there appearing now to be a united majority upon the other side of this house, I, for one, am willing to concede that, being united, they are entitled to the organization of this house, and to the election of a Speaker, and in order that there may be the best of feeling between the two parties of this house in starting out upon what we all hope will be a peaceable, prosperous and successful session of this Legis- lature, I take pleasure, at this time, in changing my vote, which I cheerfully cast for my distinguished colleague from Lake, the honorable E. M. Haines. ,, This ended the long and bitter contest over the Speakership. On taking the gavel, Mr. Haines said, in a trembling voice and with tears in his eyes: “Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, I have again to thank you for this renewed evidence of your confidence and esteem. Perhaps there has never been, in the history of this State, any person so highly honored in his election to this place.” Mr. Wilbanks was subsequently elected Clerk, when the business of the Thirty-fourth Gen- eral Assembly began. Until the organization of >tfte General Assembly there could be no canvass of the vote for State offi- cers, nor could the messages of the retiring Governor, and incoming Governor be received by the respective houses. Governor Hamilton’s message was read in both houses on POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 495 the 30th. The vote for State officers was canvassed on the same day, and Governor Oglesby was sworn into office with- out ceremony, and after the reading of his inaugural address, Lieutenant-Governor J. C. Smith, H. D. Dement, Secretary of State, C. P. Swigert, Auditor of Public Accounts, Jacob Gross, Treasurer, and George Hunt, Attorney-General, re- ceived the oath of office, and the wheels of government again moved on in the ordinary way. One of the important duties to be discharged by this body was the election of a United States Senator to succeed John A. Logan. Ordinarily the two houses would have met Tues- day, January 20th, to ballot for Senator, but a statute of the United States requiring the respective houses to meet on the second Tuesday after the organization, for {he purpose of electing a United States Senator, prolonged the time until the 10th of February, but at that time there was no formal vote, and the Joint Assembly did not meet until the 13th of February, but no vote was had on that occasion and no business transacted, except the formal nomination of candi- dates. Hilon A. Parker presented the name of John A. Logan, and D. T. Linegar nominated W. E. Morrison. The rolls of the Senate and House were called, and two hundred members answered to their names. The Speaker then di- rected that as the roll was called, each member should rise to his feet and declare the name of his choice for the Sen- atorship, but the rolls were called through without a single vote being cast. The Speaker, holding in his hand a slip of paper showing that no votes had been cast, promptly an- nounced: “The rolls have been called, and no person has been voted for for Senator. No one has been elected, and there is no election. ” The contest for Senator was the most prolonged and portentous in the history of all the States, extending from the 13fch of February, until the 19th day of May. In a subsequent chapter we give the details of the contest. .496 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. The Speaker, in making up the committees, made Mr. Sittig, Eepublican, who had voted for him for temporary ( Speaker and Speaker, Chairman of the Committee on Claims. Mr. Duncan’s Resolution of Censure. While the House was wrangling over the election of a Speaker, the Senate was engaged, for a time, in a very bit- ter controversy over a series of resolutions introduced by Mr. Duncan, condemnatory of the action of Governor Ham- ilton in disregarding the face of the election returns from the Sixth Senatorial District, and issuing the certificate of election to Henry W. Leman instead of Rudolph Brand. He insisted that the action of the Governor was a plain viola- tion of law ; no matter what might have been the justifica- tion, or how broad the cause, it was a dangerous precedent to establish, and the record of the Senate should bear a pro- test against it. The resolutions of Mr. Duncan were signed by all the Democratic Senators, except Messrs. Organ and Streeter. Mr. Morris followed Mr. Duncan in a speech of much warmth, claiming that the protest had no business before the Senate, since it related to the action of a coordi- nate branch of the government, and not to the proceedings of the Senate. Mr. Bell replied with much feeling that the action of Governor Hamilton was unconstitutional, and merited censure at the hands of the Senate. Mr. Merritt expressed a similar view. Mr. Clough said, there seemed to be no dispute from the other side as to the fact that fraud had been committed, and therefore he moved that the words “if any” L after the word “fraud,” and the words “if any were committed,” in another portion of the protest be stricken out. To this motion Mr. Merritt made the point of order that the protest, being a right of the minority, could not be amended by the majority. The President ruled that the resolutions were not in the POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 497 form of a protest, and therefore were subject to amendment, when Mr. Duncan presented an amendment, making the document read “we protest” instead of “be it resolved.” Mr. Mason attacked the protest in a vigorous speech of :an hour, in the course of which he said: “If John M. Hamilton had taken the Constitution and torn it into shreds, and had broken every law of record in order to pre- sent the perpetration of this, the most damnable fraud in the history of this State, the people would thank him for having the courage to violate one law in order to keep a higher one.” Mr. Southworth denounced Governor Hamilton as having been a partisan of the most bitter type, who held the inter- ests of his political party as more sacred than the mandates of the Constitution of his State. No Governor, said he, had a right, in a contested election case, to go quietly to Chicago, and on evidence of ex parte testimony there heard by him, return to the Capital and decide the case in the face and in contradiction of the official returns of the dis- trict. Mr. Johnson regretted that the Republican side should re- gard the question as a political one. He hoped that they could come before the Senate, and discuss a plain, legal question without the Republicans in any way construing it as political. Referring to the language of Mr. Mason, he greatly deplored that this gentleman should have so far for- gotten himself as to indffige in such violent language. This, said he, should be discussed as a legal question, and yet no man on the other side had sought in any way to justify the action of Governor Hamilton as being right in the eyes of the law. Addressing himself to Governor Ham- ilton, who occupied a seat on the Republican side, Mr. Johnson said : “We are here protesting, because the rights ,of this Senate have been invaded; because a coordinate —32 498 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. branch of the State Government had dared to cross the threshold of this Senate, and usurp its rights. We protest in the name of the Democratic party, in the name of the people, and in the name of the future.” Mr. Clough now demanded a vote on his amendment. The yeas and nays were demanded, but the Democrats refused to vote, and no quorum was declared present. Mr. Duncan again obtained the floor and spoke at length, criticising the action of Gov- ernor Hamilton severely, and said it was nofc calculated to win for him respectability in the legal profession. A man who would illegally traduce the constitution he had sworn to protect, was a lamentable spectacle in the eyes of his fel- lows. Mr. Morris arose and defended the course of Governor Hamilton in burning language, saying that it was the duty of the Governor to ascertain, when a dispute existed, as to who was really elected. Mr. Johnson wanted to be shown the law for that. Mr. Morris replied that it was written in the eternal law of truth and right. Mr. Johnson repeated the question, when Mr. Morris said: “I understand it to be the duty of the Governor, under the law, when the returns have been presented to him, to issue the certificate to the party who is entitled to it by the returns. I take the posi- tion that it was his duty, as Governor, to ascertain which were the genuine returns. I say, that we need not go to the statutes to find what is right. It is written in the eter- nal law of right and truth. When it is found that certain returns are forgeries, he should not give effect to the attempt to advance any political party.” Mr. Whiting introduced a substitute, which recited the fact that the grand jury of Cook county held, “that out of 171 precincts into which the city of Chicago was divided, there were but 7 in which there were not violations of the election laws, and that the evidence indicates that fraud was at- tempted or committed at every step as the election pro- gressed ; fraud at the registration, fraud at the reception POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 499 and counting of the ballots, and fraud at the final canvass of the returns.” Mr. Whiting made a brief but vigorous speech in support of his substitute, charging that the at- tempt to count in Rudolph Brand as the Senator from the Sixth District, was an offense against the laws of the State, for which its perpetrators could atone only by serving a term in the penitentiary, and that if Governor Hamilton should live a hundred years, he could never do a braver act- in the cause of good government than he did in declining to issue the certificate of election to the fraudulent claimant for Senator in the Sixth District. Mr. Merritt objected to the substitute being received, making the point of order that it was not germane. The Republicans, said he, had no right to present that as a sub- stitute to be placed over the signatures of the Democrats. Mr. Mason replied that there was no desire to make the substitute appear over the names of the Democrats, but merely to have it substituted in place of the whole protest. The President overruled Mr. Merritt’s point of order. Mr. Bell offered an amendment to the amendment of Mr. Whit- ing. Mr. Clough insisted that an amendment to a substi- tute was not in order, and was sustained by the Chair. Mr- White spoke violently in support of the substitute, charging the Democrats with having been willing to legalize a fraud previous to Governor Hamilton’s decision. Mr. Rinehart spoke passionately, and said the question was not whether a fraud had been committed in the Sixth District, but whether the Governor had the right to act as he did upon the face of the returns ; whether or not a fraud had been committed, he held that the Governor had no excuse for hi& action. Mr. Streeter said he was neither in favor of the substitute; nor of the original resolutions ; both, he thought, were en- tirely out of order. The course of Governor Hamilton he 50 © POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. heartily endorsed, and said that, under the same circum- stances, he would have done the same thing. Whatever might be the letter of the constitution, the Governor was justified in throttling what the State at large recognized as an infamous fraud. Mr. Streeter moved that the substitute be referred to the committee on elections. The motion pre- vailed, and Mr. Clough withdrew his amendment, striking out the words “if any,” making the protest declare the fraud a fact. A vote was then taken on the original protest, and it was defeated by a vote of 24 to 21, Mr. Streeter voting in the negative, and here the contest rested. Lieutenant-Governor Smith entered upon the discharge of his duties as presiding officer of the Senate, January £0th, and although elected twice to the office of State Treasurer, yet he was without any legislative experience, but he was not long in acquiring the knowledge of parliamentary law, which en- abled him to preside with ease to himself and satisfaction to the Senators. Contest for United States Senator. The contest before the Thirty-fourth General Assembly to choose a successor to John A. Logan, in the United States Senate, was the most memorable in the history of this country. When the Joint Assembly convened, it was politically a tie. The Republicans ruled the Senate by a majority of one, and the Democrats the House by a like number ; hence there was a dead-lock, so far as the election of a United States Senator was concerned. William R. Morrison had received the caucus nomination of the Dem- ocratic party, though not without a spirited contest. The friends of Carter II. Harrison believed that he had won the honor in leading a forlorn hope in the canvass for Governor, and a few of these vowed a determination never to vote for Mr. Morrison. Then there were a few others in either POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 501 house who were bitterly opposed to his election upon prin- ciple or from personal motives ; prominently among these were E. M. Haines, of the House, and A. J. Streeter, of the Senate. Mr. Haines had been, in times past, a Republican, but was elected to the Thirty-third General Assembly as an independent, and so conducted himself in that body, but in the election at which he was chosen a member of the Thirty- fourth General Assembly, he posed as a Democrat, and was so accepted by that side of the house, and the man- agers sought to confirm his association with them by mak- ing him the presiding officer, but this was done without any pledges from Mr. Haines on the senatorial question. Mr. Streeter was originally a Democrat, but severed his connection with that party when the Greenback party was organized. He was the Greenback candidate for Congress in the Tenth District in 1878, and in 1880 he headed that ticket for Governor, and as the leader of his party won no little distinction, as he was recognized as an able and honest man. He had been elected to a seat in the Senate in a Republican district, through the combined vote of the Dem- ocratic and Greenback parties. But while he was under obligations to the Democratic party, in some measure, for his election, yet he felt that he could not betray his prin- ciples by voting for Mr. Morrison, whose record in Congress was contrary to his views. He was willing to vote for a Democrat like John C. Black, or A. E. Stevenson, but he would not stultify himself by aiding in the election of Mr. Morrison. The opposition of these two men alone, rendered the election of Mr. Morrison out of the question. On the Republican side there was a little stubborn opposi- tion to the election of John A. Logan. He had received the nomination at the hands of the caucus of his party without opposition, yet there were a few who would have 502 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLNOIS. preferred the selection of some other person as the candi- date, but that opposition was not long in giving way, for on the first test ballot, Logan received the vote of every Republican present. The whole number of members in attendance was 202, of which John A. Logan received 101 votes, William R. Morrison 94, E. M. Haines 4, John Smith 1, Jas. H. Ward 1, and Francis Lawler 1. Total 202. Mr. Streeter voted for John Smith. On this ballot Mr. Haines voted for Mr. Morrison. Good parliamentarians maintain that Logan was really elected on this ballot, for the reason that the vote of Mr. Streeter was in reality for no particular person, and that it should have been counted as a blank ; this would have given Logan a majority of one over all the votes cast, but no such claim was made by Logan or his friends, and the contest went on from day to day, and from week to week, and month to month, without the hope of a satisfactory solution of the issue. So long as the Joint Assembly remained a tie, there were but two ways of breaking the dead-lock ; one was by party betrayal, and the other by voting through mistake. At any time, when either party had all the members present and voting, if only one member of the other side had voted, no matter for whom, so that a majority of all the members elected was shown as voting, the contest would have been ended ; but no army was ever better drilled in military tac- tics, than were the members of the respective parties in the maneuvers of this struggle ; but the great wonder, after all, is, that where there were so many men-, unskilled in the art of political diplomacy, some one did not make a mistake and “elect the wrong man.” On the 19th of February, every member of the respective houses was present; John A. Logan received 100 votes, William R. Morrrison 94, E. M. Haines 4, A. E. Stevenson 1, Andrew Shuman 1, E. B. Washburne 1, James H. Ward POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 503 1, Francis Lawler 1, J. R. Hoxie 1. Total 204. Necessary to a choice, 108. Morgan of Will and Schlesinger voted for Haines, Brachtendorf and Mulheran for Ward, O’Shea for Hoxie, MacMillan for Shuman, and Sittig for Washburne. There were three ballots taken on this occasion. In the last Logan received 101 votes ; Morrison 98, Haines 2, Ward 2, Washburne 1. Total 204. Sittig voted for Washburne, Morgan of Will and Schlesinger for Haines, Brachtendorf and Mulheran for Ward. On the 26th of February, Rep- resentative Logan died. From this time until the 12th day of March there was no trial of political strength. On this day 202 members were present. Logan received 99 votes, Morrison 99, W ashburne 1, Blake 1, Ward 1, Black 1. Sittig voted for Washburne, MacMillan for Blake, Mulheran for Ward. Senator Bridges died on the 20th of March, and there ensued another lull in the contest. Hi3 successor had not been elected before Representative Shaw died. This added to the confusion of the struggle, and the Joint Assembly met from day to day only to go through the mere form of casting a ballot. By this time the Democrats began to tire of their candidate, and they cast their votes at random. To illustrate — on May 9th, William R. Morrison received 12 votes, William R. Prickett 8, John H. Baker 1. In the meantime the Logan forces remained the same as they were in the opening of the contest. Those who had voted for him contended that if they could not elect him they could not elect anybody, and that they would stand or fall by his side, while those who had not supported him continuously proclaimed their willingness to vote for him whenever their votes would elect. But in choosing a suc- cessor to Representative Shaw, the people had elected a Re- publican in the person of William H. Weaver, which gave the Republicans control of both houses, and on the 14tli of 504 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. May, the day prior to the seating of Mr. Weaver, the Demo- crats, hoping to snatch victory out of defeat, rallied every man on their side of the house, and by a previous under- standing they concentrated their entire vote upon William E. Morrison, which occurred on the third ballot, and then withdrew his name. During the fourth roll-call, however, he received 51 votes, Lambert Tree 2, John C. Black 2, A. E. Stevenson 1, John M. Palmer 1, Carter H. Harrison 14, E. W. Townshend 5, Wm. J. Allen 7, William Brown 10, N* E. Worthington 1, J. P. Altgeldt 2, William M. Springer 1, W. C. Goudy 1, H. F. Donavan 1, Whn. M. Tilden 1. Total 100. Mr. Haines did not vote. On the 6th ballot Lambert Tree received 89 votes, scattering 7. The Eepublicans re- frained from voting, although there were present 99 mem- bers, but nevertheless, they were anxious spectators, and watched every movement of their wily adversary. At 8 : 22 p. m., the Joint Assembly took a recess until 7 :30 p. m* Onre-assembling at that hour the balloting was resumed, with Mr. Crafts as acting Speaker of the House of Eepresenta- tives. The roll-call showed 105 members present. On the 1st ballot Lambert Tree received 91 votes ; scattering 9* On the 2nd ballot, Lambert Tree received 101 votes, John - A. Logan 1, Total 102. Mr. Euger voted for Logan. When all the Democrats had voted, Mr. Crafts continued to have the Plouse roll called for absentees. While this was proceed- ing for the fourth time, Mr. Fuller arose and vigorously pro- tested against it as being unprecedented, and asked Mr. Crafts how many times he proposed to call the absentees. Mr. Crafts replied, “as long as any one desires to vote,” when he directed that the call proceed, but before it was con- cluded, Mr. Haines, who had been occupying the Speaker’s room, came in and took the chair, amidst great applause on the Eepublican side. When order was restored, Mr* Fuller arose and said, amidst sensation and great excite- ment : POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 505 “Mr. Speaker, there is a rule in the House, and I suppose it applies to the Joint Assembly as well, that only members are allowed on the floor. While I was over on the other side of the house a while ago, I saw a man who is not en- titled to the privileges of the floor, but who was lobbying among the members. He is a lobbyist, and I overheard him making a proposition, and trying to unduly influence the vote of a member of this Joint Assembly. ” Here followed cries of “Who is he!” Name him!” “Put him out !” The excitement was intense on the Republican side, and members sprang from their seats as quick as thought to the side of Mr. Fuller, who pointed to ex-Treas- urer John Dunphy, of Chicago, who was standing at the extreme right, as the man whom he meant, as having at- tempted to corrupt members. Dunphy, with a face as red as a comet, stood for a moment staring Mr. Fuller in the face, and then disappeared. Mr. Merritt tried to ridi- cule the idea that undue means were being attempted to be used to influence Republican votes, to which Mr. Whiting said : “It is as plain as the sun in the heavens, that there is an effort being made to buy a seat in the United States Senate.” It was some time before order was restored, when the Speaker announced the result of the ballot, amidst al- most painful silence, the Democrats hoping that Tree would be declared elected, and the Republicans fearing such a re- sult. But the suspense was broken when the Speaker said : “Tree 101, Logan 1. Total 102. No quorum voting, and there is no election of United States Senator.” The third and last roll-call began quietly, and progressed throughout without any undue excitement. No one voted but the Democrats. Tree received 100, and Morrison 1. Here the Republicans made an effort to secure an adjourn- ment, but the Democrats forced a recess until 8 : 30 a. m. This ended the most critical moment of the long contest. Just one more vote from the Republican side would have 506 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. secured the election of Lambert Tree. So confident were the friends of Mr. Tree that that vote would be cast, a tele- gram was sent that night to Washington, D. C., announcing his election, and it was published in the city papers the next morning. When the Joint Assembly convened at 8:30 a. m., May 15th, the roll-call showed 198 members present. The object in prolonging the session of the Joint Assembly was to pre- vent the admission of Mr. Weaver to his seat, and if pos- sible, to elect, if not Lambert Tree, some other Democrat to the United States Senate ; but the Republicans were not to be outgeneraled in broad daylight, and they determined to end the session of the Joint Assembly at all hazards, and. compel the seating of Mr. Weaver. Before the proceedings of the Joint Assembly began, Mr. Weaver’s credentials were presented to the Speaker, who remarked that he would '‘accept service.” The roll-call was then proceeded with. When the name of Mr. Ruger, who was not in the hall, was reached, Mr. Merritt answered for him. Republican Sena- tors interposed an emphatic protest, when the President of the Senate directed that the roll be called again, which be- ing done, the answer was not repeated. When the last name on the House roll-call had been reached, Mr. Fuller obtained the floor and said : “Mr. Speaker, I desire to have the name of Mr. Weaver called. He is a member of the House of Representatives, duly elected. He has taken the oath of office, and has presented his credentials to the Speaker of this body. He wants to be recorded.” “Every- thing in its order,” said the Speaker, “according to the apostle.” “I insist,” said Mr. Fuller, “that the calling of Mr. Weaver’s name is in order.” “The chair,” said the Speaker, “takes notice. No rights will be lost. Let us see where we are before we take in any strangers.” Here Mr. Weaver took a place at the side of Mr. Fuller. The Speaker insisted upon announcing the result of the roll-call, but Mr. Weaver POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 507 proceeded to say, amidst great excitement: “Mr. Speaker, I come here as a duly elected member of the House of Rep- resentatives. I have the Governor’s certificate, and have taken the oath of office in this chamber. I have presented my credentials to the Speaker, and I ask that he direct the Clerk of the House to call my name.” Mr. Weaver had, at the suggestion of some of General Logan’s legal friends, taken the oath of office the evening before in the hall of the House of Representatives, as prescribed tjy the Constitu- tion. It was administered by Judge William L. Gross. During the delivery of Mr. Weaver’s remarks, there was great excitement on the Democratic side, but when he had concluded, Mr. Mason got the floor and forced attention. “The prolongation of the Joint Assembly last night by tak- ing a recess,” he said, “was no more nor less than an attempt to disfranchise the voters of the 34th district.” He demanded that no business be transacted until Mr. Weaver answered the roll-call. The recess in the afternoon was for the sole purpose of giving a chance to influence men by corrupt means to desert their party. When the sun was in the sky they could not do it, but had to wait for the cover of darkness. Now they would try to prolong the joint session again till night, when they would again renew their nefarious work. He ended his speech by moving that Mr. Weaver be recognized. The Speaker said he had examined the credentials, and they were correct, but the admission of Mr. Weaver must be in some formal way. Mr. Fuller here remarked that he had no objection to having Mr. Weaver sworn in a second time. The hour of 10 o’clock having arrived, which being the regular hour for the meeting of the House under the rules, Mr. Fuller raised the point of order that the Joint Assembly could not be in session ; he suggested that the Senate retire to its own chamber, and demanded that the Speaker call the House to order. Both the House and Senate had, the day 508 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS* before, adjourned until 10 o’clock the next morning, and he- held that there could be no legal Joint Assembly until each house had met in pursuance of such adjournment. He cited the case of Senator Harlan, in the Thirty-fourth Congress. Harlan went to the United States Senate with proper cre- dentials from the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the Governor of the State of Iowa. The State Senate had adjourned from Friday till Monday. The Joint Assem- bly met Saturday, and it was on this vote that Harlan was declared elected. His seat was contested, and it was shown that the State Senate had adjourned from Friday till Mon- day, but that in an alleged Joint Assembly held on Satur- day, Harlan had received the majority of the votes. The United States Senate ousted him on the ground that there could have been no Joint Assembly in session, and, conse- quently, no election. The Speaker thought that this was probably done before the present law of Congress was enacted ; that whatever was done by the Illinois Legislature would probably be reviewed by the United States Senate ; but he thought the only thing in order was k ballot for Senator. Mr. Mason called attention to the fact that the Senate adjourned the night before, to meet at 10 o’clock the next day. That hour having arrived, he thought the President of that body should call it together in its own chamber. Whereupon the President said : “ On retiring from the Joint Assembly last night, the Senate adjourned till 10 o’clock this morning. It is now the duty of the Senate to proceed to the Senate chamber and resume its business.” The Republican Senators then left the hall in a body, be- ing followed by two or three Democratic Senators. When order was restored, Mr. Fuller again called the attention of the House to the fact that Mr. Weaver was present, and just before noon, tried to get in a motion that his name be placed on the roll, and that the Clerk be directed to call it. POLITICS AS TD POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 509 The Speaker refused to put the motion. “Then,” said Mr. Fuller, standing on his desk, and in a loud voice, “if the Speaker refuses to put the motion, I will do it. Those in favor say aye.” There was a loud response of ayes from the Republican side, but when he put the negative side of the question, there was no response from the Democratic side, and Mr. Fuller declared the motion carried unanimously. Here the Democrats became bewildered. They did not know what to expect next. There was great excitement all over the house, but more especially among the Republicans. Just then the tall form of Mr. Messick was seen advancing down the aisle, and when within a few feet of the Speaker, shaking his fist at him, he declared, in a tone that was dis- tinctly heard all over the hall, “not another vote shall be taken for Senator until Mr. Weaver is recognized and ac- corded his rights ; mark that.” The sentiment expressed by Mr. Messick was fully echoed by all the Republican mem- bers, and no vote was taken until Mr. Weaver was seated. It was now 12 o’clock, and the Senate had returned. While the roll-call was being proceeded with, some of the more conservative Democrats advised the abandonment of the at- tempt to keep Mr. Weaver longer out of his seat, and after some consultation between the managing committees of the respective parties, Mr. Duncan, speaking for the Democrats, stated that an agreement had been made by which there was to be a practical suspension of balloting until Tuesday, the 19th of May, which was assented to by Mr. White on the part of the Republicans. The roll of the Joint Assembly was then called, but no one voted, and it adjourned. The Speaker then called the House to order, when Mr. Crafts called up the credentials of Mr. Weaver, and he was duly installed as a member of the House. Good feeling was again restored. The Joint Assembly only formally met on Satur- day and Monday, the 16th and 18th of May. On the 16th, there were but 17 votes cast, as follows : Lambert Tree 11, 510 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Wm. R. Prickett2, John A. Logan 2, S. Corning Judd 1, Henry Seiter 1. A fewer number were cast on the 18th, but each side was all the while busily engaged in getting ready for Tuesday, which all believed would end the contest one way or the other. When the Joint Assembly met at high noon, May 19, every member was in his seat, ready for the last grand struggle which was to end the great contest for the Senator- ship. General Logan was present, w r atching every move- ment with the same intensity that characterized him in leading a charge on the battle field. Colonel Morrison sat unconcerned in the midst of the Democrats, while Judge Tree was seen moving carelessly about the outskirts on the Democratic side. The galleries and all the available space in the hall were literally packed with men and women of all political shades, eager to hear and see all that occurred in the final test of strength between the two great parties. When the roll-call had been concluded, the Speaker re- marked that it might be important to know what the rules of the Joint Assembly were understood to be, and in order that there might be no mistake, he would state them. On the vote for Senator, he said, there would be but one roll- call of absentees, but a member not having voted on either the regular call or the call for absentees, would have the right to vote at any time prior to announcing the result of the ballot. The right to change one’s vote would be ob- served in the same way. The President of the Senate then directed the Secretary of that body to proceed with the roll-call of Senators. Mr. Adams being the first, responded distinctly, “John A. Logan.” So did Mr. Ainsworth. When Mr. Bell’s name was reached there was no response, which was taken by the Democrats as a hint not to vote. The roll-call pro- ceeded without interruption, every Republican voting for John A. Logan. When the House roll-call was proceeded POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 511 with, the Democrats refrained from voting, but one by one the Republicans voted for John A. Logan, until the name of Mr. MacMillan was reached, but the Clerk did not give him time to respond before proceeding to call another name, but Mr. MacMillan was on his feet in an instant and declared himself distinctly for John A. Logan. Here was a sup- pressed cheer on the Republican side, which General Logan silenced by a mere shake of the head and wave of the hand. The incident called out a pleasant remark from Mr. Mer- ritt, and the suspense under which all seemed to labor was somewhat relieved by the Speaker’s replying that “every- thing was going well, and no rights were being lost.” When the name of Mr. Sittig was reached, he did not vote. There was a death-like quiet while the roll-call proceeded to the end. When the absentees were called, the Democrats still re- fusing to vote, every eye in the house was turned toward Mr. Sittig, who, when his name was reached, asked the privilege of explaining his vote; but all uncertainty vanished when he had concluded a speech of fifteen minutes with the words, “I vote for John A. Logan.” This gave Logan the necessary 103 votes. Here was a picture for the pencil of a Nast. Shouts rent the air, handkerchiefs waved, hats went up, and Logan was tossed about as though he had been a child, while the hand of Sittig was shaken again and again by delighted Republicans. The Democrats now demanded to be recorded, but under the rules laid down by the Speaker at the outset, the absentees could not again be called, and now the Democrats of the House proceeded to vote in irregular order, just as they could claim the attention of the Clerk, all voting, with only an occasional exception, for Lambert Tree. Mr. Taylor of Adams declined to vote at all. Then there was a parley among the leaders, when Mr. Baker mounted his desk, and getting the atten- tion of the Speaker, said : “I wish to change my vote from •512 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Lambert Tree to Charles B. Farwell. ,, This was taken as a signal for a stampede from Tree to Farwell, but this role was soon checked by the Democratic member, Mr. Barry, who, rising in his seat, said: “I change from Lambert Tree to John A. Logan. ” The Republicans greeted this with loud applause, and Mr. Barry was pulled about by the Democrats in every direction, and while under the severest pressure, changed his vote from Logan to Tree. In doing so he said : “ 1 want to be in har- mony with my party, but I want to see everything done fairly. I give notice that before any Republican shall take this election away from John A. Logan, I will vote for Logan.” - All the Democrats of the House changed from Tree to Farwell except Messrs. Barry, Dill, Linegar and Prickett. The absentees of the Senate then commenced voting, and all changed their votes from Tree to Farwell except Messrs. Gore, Merritt, Rinehart and McNary. Mr. Farwell received 72 votes in the House, and 21 in the Senate— total 93. Finding that the followers of Logan were immovable, the Democrats then desired to correct their record, and changed their votes from Farwell, as follows: Tree 96 votes, Black 2, Morrison 1, Hoxie 1, Schofield 1. Total, 101. This was announced by the Speaker to be the last opportunity for changing, and then, with a wearied air, he said : “Gentlemen, are you through?” There being no response, he proceeded to announce the result of the vote, as follows: Logan 103, Tree 96, Black 2, Morrison 1, Hoxie 1, Schofield 1. Total, 204. Pausing a moment: “ Of which number John A. Lo- gan has received a majority. Therefore, I declare him duly elected United States Senator.” Here the outburst qf applause was uncontrollable, Demo- crats as well as Republicans rejoicing. When the excitement had lulled, the Speaker appointed Messrs. Merritt, Fuller and Chapman as a committee to conduct the Senator-elect POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 513 4o the Speaker’s stand, and as Mr. Merritt and Gen. Logan proceeded, arm-in-arm, to the presence of the Speaker, the hall rang loud and long with shouts of delight. The greet- ing between the Speaker and the Senator-elect was ex- tremely pleasant, and when General Logan had returned thanks for the great honor conferred upon him, the Speaker spoke briefly, saying that he had tried to preside in a way to suit both sides, and expressed the belief that everybody’s rights had been respected. He then thanked every one for the consideration shown him, when the Joint Assembly adjourned sine die . Recurring to the struggle between Logan and Morrison for the mastery, it is worthy of remark that nothing was done by either of them that in the least alienated their friendship, which had existed since their early manhood. Although the Joint Assembly met formally 83 times, and balloted 118 times, in all that time there were but 14 test ballots of party strength ; either members were absent on business, sick, or some one had died. Besides the three deaths, there was a great deal of sickness from time to time, and not infrequently were members on either side carried from the sick chamber to vote for Senator ; but this is no new thing in the politics of legislative assemblies. We have an illustrious example in the first election for United States Senators in Missouri. When Thomas H. Benton began his thirty years’ seat in the United States Senate, his right to represent Missouri in that body was strongly contested by John B. C. Lucas, and it required every supporter of Mr. Benton, to be present. It is related that Daniel Balls, a member from Pike county, lay dying. In this condition he was brought before the Joint. Assembly. When his name was called he whispered “ Benton,” and was then carried to his room, which he never left again alive. —33 514 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Work of the Session. The Senatorial contest over, the two honses went vigorously to work, and what promised to be an un- profitable session, proved a profitable one. One hun- dred and thirty-one acts were passed, making many important changes in the laws of the State. Among these were seven election acts, three drainage, and a civil rights bill. The latter provided that colored peo- ple should have equal rights with the whites in hotels, restaurants, theatres, and other public places. An ap- propriation was made for the erection of a Soldiers* and Sailors’ Home. Convict labor was a subject which claimed the attention of both houses more or less during the entire session. Neither house seemed willing -to meet that issue in its broadest sense, and the subject was finally disposed of by the introduction of a joint resolution, introduced in the Senate by Mr. Mason, proposing an amendment to the constitution, to be submitted to a vote of the people at the general election for members of the Gen- eral Assembly in 1886. The resolution passed the Sen- ate by a vote of yeas 49, nays 1. The House concurred in the passage of the resolution by a vote of yeas 119, nays 9. The defeat of the bill requiring the State to again pay the canal claims, which were settled in full years ago, is an act which commands the respect of right- thinking men all over the State. The total appropriation of this session for all pur- poses amounted to $7,774,978.54. Out of the one hundred and thirty-one acts passed, all became laws by the approval of the Governor, ex- cept four, which were allowed to become so without his signature. We recall no similar case in the history y, in the 64th year of his age. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 543 CHAPTER LXV. CAMPAIGN OF 1886. The State campaign oi 1886, though a contest be- tween four parties, — Republican, Democrat, Union Labor and Prohibition, — was attended with no great excitement, and the people were rather left to their own choice of candidates for the respective offices. The total vote of the State was 574,080, and the aggregate vote of the several candidates is given below : State Treasurer. John R. Tanner, R 276,680 Henry F. J. Ricker, D 240,864 H. W. Austin, P 19,766 John Budlong, U. L 34,821 Superintendent of Public Instruction Richard Edwards, R... 276,710 Franklin T. Oldt, D 240,782 U. Z. Gilmer, P 19,402 Daniel L. Brancher, U. L 34,701 The proposed amendment to the Constitution, abolishing the contracting of convict labor, was en- dorsed by the Democratic and Republican parties, in State convention, without any regard to the merits of the question ; but notwithstanding this, the amend- ment received but a beggarly majority of 19,525 in a total vote of 574,080. 544 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. The election of Mr. Edwards again restored the political unity of the State government, which has only been broken three times since the Republican party came into power in 1861, namely, in 1862, when Alexander Starne w 7 as elected Treasurer ; in 1874, when S. M. Etter was elected Superintendent of Public Instruction; and again in 1882, when Henry Rabb was elected to the same office. Prior to 1861, the reign of the Democratic party had been perpetual from Territorial times, with the exception of the administration of Gov. Bissell, who was elected in the Fremont campaign of 1856. Congressmen. The contest for Congressmen was unusually exciting in many of the districts, and there was factious oppo- sition in the districts which w T ere then represented by Democrats, and the result was that the Republicans gained four members, namely: Wm. E. Mason, in the Third district; Philip Sidney Post, in the Tenth; Wm. H. Gest, in the Eleventh; and Jehu Baker, in the Eighteenth. The last named w T as regarded as almost a marvel in politics, as Mr. Morrison was deemed invincible, and because of this, some of his friends raised the cry of fraud, but the high character of Mr. Baker put the charge to instant flight. The truth was, Mr. Morrison had not been able to distribute the patronage of the National administration to the entire satisfac- tion of his political followers; and again, they were not all in accord with him upon the question of the tariff, and it is reasonable to assume that these differ- ences were the prime cause of his defeat. In the Thirteenth district, Mr. Springer’s vote, by the same causes which contributed to the defeat of Mr. Morrison, was reduced from a plurality of 3,837, in 1884, to! 980. Although all the counties were Democratic, yet POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 545 Mr. Connolly carried two of them, — Morgan and San- gamon, — and reduced Mr. Springer’s majority in all the others. The Prohibitionists adhered to their candidate with unwavering fidelity, insisting that they were fighting the battle upon a question of principle, and not with the hope of immediate success. This was peculiarly the view Judge McCullough, of the Tenth district, took of the question, when it was suggested to him that he ought to get out of the way, so as to allow Mr. Post a fair race with Mr. Worthington. The following is the aggregate vote for Congressmen in the several districts: First District. R. W. Dunham, R 12,321 Edgar Terhune, D 7,258 Harvey Sheldon, Jr., U. L 6,358 Geo. C. Christian, Pro 337 Second District. Chas. W. Woodman, R 3,976 Frank Lawler, D 7,369 Daniel F. Gleason, U. L 7,353 J. W. Lee, Pro 33 Third District. Wm. E. Mason, R 13,721 B. W. Goodhue, U. L 6,352 J. L. Whitlock, Pro 422 J. B. Taylor, D 223. Fourth District. Geo. E. Adams, R 12,147 J. B. Taylor, D 7,480 S. A. Haw'kins, U. L 4,997 G. W. Gray, Pro 644 Fifth District. Albert J. Hopkins, R 14,222 J. F. Glidden, D 6,259 Chas. Wheaton, Pro 2,121 —35 546 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Sixth District. Robt. R. Hitt, R 13,106 Jas. McNamara, D 8,650 Spencer Rising, Pro 1,878 Seventh District. Thos. J. Henderson, R 12,586 Sherwood Dixon, D 7,731 David E. Holmes, Pro 1,296 Eighth District. Ralph Plumb, R 16,827 Hiram H. Cody, D 13,893 Daniel B. Turney, Pro 1,013 Geo. H. Locey, U. L 545 Ninth District. Lewis E. Payson, R 13,753 Matthew H. Peters, G.-D 10,633 Jas. McGrew, Pro T. 1,009 Tenth District. Nicholas E. Worthington, D 15,157 Philip Sidney Post, R '. 15,186 David S. McCullough, Pro 869 Eleventh District. Wm. H. Neece, D 16,397 Wm. H. Gest, R 16,733 J. Ross Hanna, Pro 1,133 Twelfth District. Geo. A. Anderson, D 18,718 Oman Pierson, R 12,755 Samuel Woods, Pro 1,079 Thirteenth District. Wm. M. Springer, D 17,433 Jas. A. Connolly, R , 16,453 Uriah M. Browder, Pro 1,366 Fourteenth District. Jonathan H. Rowell, R 15,319 Wm. Yoorhies, D 12,917 Wm. W. Alder, Pro 1,786 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 547 Fifteenth District. Jos. G. Cannon, R ! 16,739 W. D. Lindsey, D 15,314 Archibald Eastin, Pro 810 Sixteenth District. Silas Z. Landes, D 16,424 Chas. Churchill, R 15,564 Hale Johnson, Pro 720 Seventeenth District. Edward Lane, D 14,937 Robt. McWilliams, R 11,557 Henry B. Kebley, Pro 1,231 Eighteenth District. Jehu Baker, R 15,396 Wm. R. Morrison, D 14,234 Wm. H. Moore, Pro 709 Nineteenth District. Richard W. Townshend, D 16,316 Jas. S. Martin, R 11,972 Robt. R. Link, Pro 758 Twentieth District. John R. Thomas, R 16,246 Wm. Hartzell, D 15,074 Samson D. Poor, Pro 584 The same reason which actuated the Prohibitionists in running candidates for Congress, moved them to nominate candidates for Senators and Representatives in all the districts, but they succeeded in electing but a single Representative, — Mr. Lainont, of Winnebago County, — out of the 180 Senators and Representatives chosen at that election. The result of the election otherwise was, that the Republicans elected twenty Senators and seventy-eight Representatives, thus giving them, with the twelve hold-over Senators, a majority in both houses. ■548 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. STATE GOVERNMENT— 1887, Governor — B. J. Oglesby. Lieutenant-Governor — John C. Smith. Secretary of State — Henry D. Dement. Auditor of Public Accounts — Charles P. Swigert. Treasurer — John E. Tanner. Attorney- General — George Hunt. Superintendent of Public Instruction — Eichard Edwards. Thirty-Fifth General, Assembly. The Thirty-fifth General Assembly convened January 5 , 1887 . Senate. Adams, Eobley D., Fairfield. Bacon, Chas. H., Lockport. Bacon, George E., Paris.. Bell, Andrew J., Peoria. Berggren, A. W., Galesburg. Burke, Eichard M., Chicago. Cantwell, Thomas A., Chicago. Chapman, T. S., Jerseyville. Cochran, Jas. S., Freeport. Crabtree, John D.. Dixon. Crawford, C. H., Hyde Park. Curtiss, Ira E , Marengo. Darnell, John M., Eushville. Dean, George W., Adams. Eckhart, B. A., Chicago. Fvans, Henry H., Aurora. Forman, Wm. S., Nashville. Funk, Fafayette, Shirley. Garrity, Michael F., Chicago. Gibbs, George A. , Chicago. Gore , David, Carlinville. Greenwood, C. F., Sycamore. Hadley, W. F. L., Edwardsville. Higgins, John J., DuQuoin. Hill, Geo. TF., Murphysboro. Hogan, Daniel, Mound City. Humphrey, John, Orland. Johns, Wm. C., Decatur. Johnson, Jas. W.. Pittsfield. Knopf, Philip, Chicago. Leman, Henry W., Chicago. McGrath, Thos. L., Mattoon. Monahan, James, Chicago. Orendorff, G. P., Hopedale. Organ, Richard L., Carmi. Pearson, Isaac N., Macomb. Pierce, John H., Kewanee. Reavill, A. J., Flat Bock. Eeinhardt, Joseph, Peru. Seiter, Henry, Lebanon. Shutt, Wm. E., Springfield. Southyiorth, E., Litchfield. Stephenson, L. B., Shelby ville. Strattan , A. M., Mt. Vernon. * Streeter, A. J., New Windsor. Sumner, Edward B., Bockford. •(•Thompson, M. B., Urbana. Torrance. George, Pontiac. Washburn, E. A., Princeton. Wheeler, H. K., Kankakee, Yost, John, Elba. ♦Greenback-Democrat. tDied. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 549 House of Representatives. Allen, Chas. A., Hoopeston. Allen, Henry W., Kirkwood. * Archer, Wm. R., Pittsfield. Bailey, Geo. S , East St. Louis. Baker, John H., Sullivan. Barger, Simon S., Eddyville. Bicklehaupt, P., Waterloo. Blackburn, H. P., Danville. Bogardus, Chas., Paxton. Bradshaw, B. H., Compton. Breeden, R G., Tennessee. Brokoski, F. A., Chicago. Browne , Edgar S., Mendota. ♦Brown, Alfred, Albion. Brown, John J., Vandalia. Brubaker, Aaron H., Benson. Bundy , Wm. H., Marion. Calhoun, Wm. F., Chnton. Campbell, J. R., McLeansboro. Carr, James, Scales Mound. Chase, Durfee C., Englewood. Clark, David W., Chicago. Cleary, Michael, Odell. Cole, Charles B., Chester. Collins, Wm. H., Quincy. Condo, Jos. P., Moccasin. Converge, A. L., Springfield. Conway, Bryan , Chicago. Cooley, Orrin P., Oneida. Coppinger, John W., Alton. Cox, Isaac, Marine. Crafts, Clayton E., Austin. Crawford, W. F., Taylor Ridge. fCrim, W. L., Frankfort. Curtiss, C., Downer’s Grove. Davis, Robert H., CaiTollton. Day, Wm. Scott, Jonesboro. Decker, Henry, Chicago. Dixon, Chas. G., Chicago. Dwyer, Leo. P., Chicago. Dwyer, Michael J., Chicago. Eastman, Kirk N., Chicago. Ecton, Geo. F., Chicago. Eddy, John , Bloomington. Earley, John W., Chicago. Farrell, James H., Chicago. Faxon, Edgar W., Fox. Firoved, Jas. P., Monmouth. Fisher, H. V., Geneseo. Fletcher, G. V. E., St. Elmo. Ford, John S., Chicago. French, Geo. F., Sumner. Fuller, Chas. E., Belvidere. Furlong, John J., Chicago. Galloway, Wm. C., Aledo. George, C. C., Blackburn. Gittings, C. R., Terre Haute. Gleason, Jas. F., Chicago. Grason, Wm., Cerro Gordo. Gray, Robt. A., Blue Mound. Green, E. B., Mt. Carmel. Halpin, M. D., Beardstown. Hamer, Thomas, Vermont. Hamilton, F. Y., Bloomington. Hamilton, J. L., Watseka. Hart, John M., Eden. Haven, Dwight, New Lenox. Herrick, 0. W., Chicago. *Heimann, H. H., Aviston. Herrington, James, Geneva. Holcomb, Hiram, Sycamore. ♦Hoskinson, W. W., Benton. Huling, Thomas, Kankakee. Hunt, Daniel D., DeKalb. Hunter, David, Rockford. Jay, Nelson D., Elmwood. Johnson, Caleb C., Sterling. Jones, Alfred H., Robinson. Jones, Wiley E., Springfield. Karlowski, Victor, Chicago. fKaune, Wm. G., Breese. Kenny, James, Peoria. Keyser, Hiram M., Momence. Kinsey, Samuel B., McLean. Kister, Wm. H., Henry. Kret zinger, Wm. H., Latham. JLamont, James, Rockford. Larrabee, Jame Latona. Littler, David T., Springfield. Lowry, Alex. K., Mt. Sterling. McElligott, T. G., Chicago. McKinlay , Robt. L., Paris. McLaughlin, D., Braidwood. McNabb, John, Hardin. MacMillan, T. C., Chicago, Mahoney, Jos. P., Chicago. Marshall, S. P., Ipava. Merritt, Thos. E., Salem. Messick, J. B., East St. Louis. Meyer, John, Chicago. Miller, James H., Toulon, f Miller, Samuel, Minonk. Moran, Thos. J., Chicago. Morgan, M. A., Okawville. Morrasy, Anthony, Sheffield. Murphy, Everett J., Chester. ♦Died. fSuccessor to Hoskinson. 550 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Neely, Chas. G., Chicago. Nellis, Chas. F., Cairo. O’Connor, James, Chicago. * Patrick, Samuel , Washburn. Partridge, C. A., Waukegan. Peel, F. M., White Heath. Pepoon, Geo. W., Warren. Phillips, Barrel, Hillsboro. Piatt, John T., Cambridge. Pierce, Hiram L., Lincoln. Pollard, O. W., Dwight. Pomeroy, Sterling, Ohio. Purdvnn , Chas. A., Marshall. Reynolds, S. A., Chicago. Reiley, Thos. H., Joliet. Rice, Eugene, Camargo. Rohrbach, Geo. F., Chicago. -(•Rude, A., Bone Gap. *Ruby, Yirgil S., Bement. Ruggles, James M., Havana. Sawyer, Lewis M., Streator. Saivyers, Jas. D., Oxville. Scharlau, Chas. E., Chicago. Schneider , J. J., Effingham. Schoenew T ald, F. E., Chicago. Sloan, Wei. G., Harrisburg. Smith, Geo. W., Jacksonville. Stewart, John, Elburn. Stover, Emanuel, Lanark. Symonds, John, S., Flora. Taggart, Wes ford, Tuscola. Taylor, J. F., Harrisburg. Trench, J. P., LaSalle. Tyler, Ira, Richfield. Yeile, Jos., Millstadt. Yickers, A. K., Yienna. Waite, George, Yolo. Ward, Wm. M., Greenfield. Wedig, John, Nameoki. Wells, Albert W., Quincy. White, John W., Tampico. Wilkinson, Fred, Petersburg. Williams, W. C., Carthage. Wilson, Jas. B., Carlinville. Wilson, Jas. P., Woosung. Wilson, Samuel F., Neoga. Wilson, Thomas A., Flora. Wright, John E., Murray ville. Wright, Wm. P., Chicago. Yocum, Reuben S., Cairo. Seawell, Charles W., Greenville. Lieut.-GoY. Smith presided over the Senate. A. W. Berggren was elected President pro tern., and L. F. Watson Secretary. W. F. Calhoun was elected Speaker over Clayton E. Crafts, by a vote of 78 to 63; Chas. G. Dixon received 8 votes for Speaker, and James Lamont 1. John A. Reeve was elected Clerk. The death of Senator Logan devolved upon this General Assembly the duty of choosing his successor. It was difficult to realize that the man who had fought successfully so many hard battles, and won so impos- ing a victory over a strong and valiant foe, only two years before, was no longer among the living. The Senate and House met in their respective cham- bers, on Tuesday, January 17th, to ballot for a United States Senator to succeed John A. Logan. *Died. + Prohibition. tSuccessor to Heimann. tSuccessor to Samuel Patrick. tSuccessor to Alfred Brown. Republicans in Roman, Democrats in Italic , and United Labor in Small Capitals. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 551 The vote in the Senate was as follows: Chas. B. Farwell, 32; Wm. K. Morrison, 16; B. W. Goodhue, 2. There was one absentee. The vote in the House was as follows: Chas. B. Farwell, 78; Wm. R. Morrison, 63; B. W. Goodhue, 8; David S. McCullough, 1. There were three absentees. On Wednesday, January 18th, the two houses met at 12 M. in joint assembly, to declare the result of the vote for United States Senator. The records of the two houses were read, when the Speaker declared Chas. B. Farwell duly elected United States Senator, to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Senator Logan. Taking the character of the legislation of this ses- sion as the index, it is fair to say that the Thirty- fifth General Assembly was one of the most useful that has met under either of the three constitutions. Of the 1,281 bills introduced by the two houses, but 212 became law's, 203 with the approval of the Governor, and nine without. There were two vetoes, both of which were sustained. Sixty-four of the acts related to appropriations. Among the more important laws were, an act to suppress bucket shops and gambling in stocks, bonds, grain and provisions ; an act enlarg- ing the powers of the Railroad and Warehouse Com- mission; an act relating to bribery at elections; an act establishing a general banking system; an anti- riot act; an anti-boycott act; an act relating to con- spiracy; an anti-dynamite act; an act giving the police additional powers, and an act regulating the sale of intoxicating liquors outside of incorporated cities, towns and villages. This body adjourned sine die on the 15th of June, 1887. 552 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Printing Investigation. As one of the sensations of the Thirty-fifth General Assembly was the investigation of what is familiarly know T n as the “printing combine/’ we devote a few pages to the subject. In September, 1886, the public printing was let to a firm known as H. W. Rokker & Co., at figures con- siderably in advance of those at which the printing had been let at any time since the memorable inves- tigation of the public printing in 1874. But the con- tract made with H. W. Rokker & Co. did not equal the maximum rates fixed by law in any of the several classes. When it became known that the rates were higher than usual, notwithstanding a number of large printing firms had been bankrupted by taking the State printing at enormously low figures, induced by close competition, certain newspapers took up the matter, and the cry of fraud was sounded throughout the borders of the State, and in order to satisfy what seemed to be a public demand, the Senate authorized an investigation of the subject, and Ira R. Curtiss, H. K. Wheeler, Geo. A. Gibbs, J. J. Higgins and Henry Seiter were appointed a committee to perform that task, with F. C. Dodds as short-hand reporter. The committee made an investigation, which developed the fact that Fred. Gehring, Phillips Brothers, Frank Hudson, Jr., Thos. S. Pinckard, Thomas W. S. Kidd, Charles Edwards, C. H. Davenport, H. W. Rokker r Thomas Rees and Chas. T. Strattan had “formed a co-partnership under the firm name of H. W. Rokker & Co., for the purpose of obtaining and executing the State contract for printing the six different classes. ” It was shown in the evidence that the bid on which the award was made was signed only by the firm name of H. W. Rokker & Co., and that the commissioners did not know at the time the contract was let what POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 553 persons composed the firm other than Mr. Rokker. It was also shown that there were four other bids, namely; Phillips Bros., F. Gehring, Frank Hudson, Jr., and Shober & Carqueville Litograph Co. All were higher than the bid of H. W. Rokker & Co., except that of Mr. Gehring, who bid only on two classes; it was lower on the first class, but the bid was thrown out because of informality. In summing up the case, majority and minority re- ports were submitted to the Senate for its action, the former being signed by Messrs. Curtiss, Wheeler and Gibbs, while the latter contained the names of Messrs. Seiter and Higgins. The majority report charged the existence of a conspiracy to obtain the printing con- tract, without passing upon the question as to whether the rates were too high, and recommended the annull- ing of the contract, while the minority jeport sought in addition the censure of the Commissioners of State Contracts for a dereliction of duty, at the same time singling out the Secretary of State, H. D. Dement, as an object of special censure. Mr. Dement promptly appeared with a fiery answer, in which he indignantly combatted every reflection upon himself or upon his co-commissioners, and asked that it be made a part of the record in the investigation. He closed his answer in these words: “For what reason the minority of the committee have seen fit to single me out as a target for their censure, I am at a loss to know, but I am conscious of being actuated in my conduct in this whole matter by the sole desire of simply doing my duty as an honest official, and confidently submit to the Senate, as well as to the tax payers of the State, that there is nothing in the facts or the evidence which warrants the unjust accusations made against me by said minority report. ” The contractors also appeared with a vigorous pro- test against the action of the committee, and asked that it be made a part of the record in the proceedings 554 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. They avowed that their partnership was in no sense a conspiracy, and claimed that they had been denied fair treatment at the hands of the committee. Their protest opened thus: “ Gentlemen, having been denied the right of present- ing testimony in our behalf, refused the privilege of appearing by counsel, and not allowed to examine the evidence taken before your committee, we hereby re- spectfully protest against such treatment, and confi- dently assert that the history of legislation in this State will show no other instance where such rights have been withheld.” The minority report provoked a heated discussion on the floor of the Senate. Senators Thompson, Crabtree, Wheeler, Southworth and Johns spoke for the commissioners, avowing their belief in the strict integrity of each and all of them, and Senators Seiter, Higgins and Forman, advocated earnestly and with warmth, the adoption of the minority report. When the vote was taken on the question, it resulted in, yeas 11 and nays 35. Acting in conformity with the recommendations con- tained in the majority report, the General Assembly inserted a clause in the appropriation bill for public printing, which rendered the contract with H. W. Rokker & Co. nugatory, and subsequently, the Commissioners of State Contracts declined to pay the company a balance claimed to be due them on printing at the time of the adjournment of the Legislature, when a writ of man- damus was applied for in the Sangamon Circuit Court by H. W. Rokker & Co., to compel the payment of their claim. The Attorney-General filed an answer to the petition for the mandamus, in which he set up very fully the alleged combination, and insisted that the contract was obtained by fraudulent means, and was therefore null and void, and that no further pay- ment ought to be made by reason or on account POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 555 thereof. To this answer the plaintiffs filed a general demurrer. Judge Creighton sustained the demurrer, and concluded his opinion in these words: “It appears, under the averments in the answer, that the contract set out in the petition is not void, but merely voidable at the instance of the defendants. It appears that there has been a performance and acceptance under the contract to the amount of $32,722.11. It appears that the defendants could not in the nature of the case, and that they have not attempted to place petitioners in statu quo by return- ing the goods or product. It is presumed from the law and facts of the case, and appears from the silence of the answer on this point, that the contract price is not above the fair market price, and that the State has sustained no legal loss or damage by reason of the alleged fraud or ‘combine, 5 and it appears that there is due to the petitioners the sum of $8,722.11, as claimed in the petition, for work done and delivered by petitioners and accepted, used and consumed by the State. “I am of opinion that the defendants may avoid further performance of the contract, but I am also of the opinion that under the admitted facts in this case, and the law, that the defendant ought to perform pro tanto. They ought to pay the contract price for all goods or product they have accepted, distributed, used and consumed. 55 It is related that while the investigation was in progress, a sub-committee waited upon Gov. Oglesby, and demanded the removal of Printer Expert Hughes, alleging cause, and when this became known to the public, the invectives which had been hurled at the commissioners were turned, in a great measure, upon Mr. Hughes. But the Governor took no action till sometime in August, when he peremptorily removed Mr. Hughes from office, he having declined to resign without being given a reason for the desire to remove him. This action of the Governor gave Mr. Hughes occasion to defend himself, and he addressed a formal 556 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. communication to him, detailing at length his connec- tion with the letting of the contract. Referring directly to the Governor, he said. “Now, what are the facts? When the bids were opened by the commissioners, last September, you were present. There were several bids, but all were by the commissioners thrown out for irregularities, except the bid of H. W. Rokker & Co. There was, therefore, nothing, under the law^, for the Printer Expert to do. The single bid spoke for itself — there was no other bid with which to compare it, and it was both the lowest and the highest bid. Now, it required no Printer Expert to see that that bid was higher than the suc- cessful bid of two years before, and whether it should be accepted or not lay entirely with the commissioners and yourself. Surely you do not need me to tell you that, without your approval, the bid could not have been accepted and made the basis of a contract; and that, with your approval, this bid and all bids might have been rejected. “I was present at the time referred to, and though not required so to do by the law, but of my own motion, I made an estimate of the amount of money that would be required to execute a contract based on such bid, upon the basis of the quantity of work specified in the circular instructing bidders, and re- ported the same to the commissioners and yourself before the bid was accepted. That estimate showed that it would require about $78,700, if this bid was accepted, for public printing for the next two years. At the same time you were informed by me that the. last contract required only about $34,000, so that the Rokker & Co. bid exceeded the prior contract by over $44,000. “With this information before you, you deliberately, and after a week’s delay, approved the Rokker & Co. bid, thereby giving your official sanction to an in- creased expenditure for public printing of over $44,000. “Under the law, you have the power to remove me from office and appoint my successor, but under 'the circumstances stated, and with a consciousness that my resignation would be construed as a tacit admis- POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 557 sion of wrong-doing on my part without foundation in fact, I most respectfully decline your invitation to allow myself to be made a voluntary sacrificial offering to appease an outraged public sentiment.’ 7 The Governor rested his action in removing Mr. Hughes, without deigning a reply, thus leaving the inference that he was not unwilling to assume all the responsibility of approving the contract which right- fully belonged to him. It is hardly probable that the Governor would have disturbed Mr. Hughes had he known that he was in- nocent of the charge of wrong doing, and whatever may have been his motive for desiring a change in 'the office of Printer Expert, Mr. Hughes evidently be- lieved that he sought his removal because of a belief that he had committed some improper act in connec- tion with the consummation of the contract with H. W. Rokker & Co., and he therefore addressed the Governor in self-defense. Mr. Hughes 7 critical statement taken in connection with his testimony and that of the commissioners before the committee, together with the answer of Mr. Dement to the accusations made in the minority re- port, and the protest of, the contractors, exposed the whole transaction to full view; and while a combina- tion may have existed, it is shown by the testimony of the commissioners that they had no foreknowledge of what the bidders had done at the time the bids were opened and the contract awarded. Subsequently, the case was carried to the Supreme Court of the State, which reversed the opinion of the lower court and remanded it. This calls to mind a similar investigation which took place under the direction of the House of Repre- sentatives at the adjourned session of the Twenty- eighth General Assembly, in 1874. James 13. Bradwell 558 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. and John H. Oberly, the first a Republican and the other a Democrat, were the leading members in the investigation, and to whose persistence the people are chiefly indebted for the passage of the law which now so rigidly protects their interests in the matter of awarding State contracts. The investigation developed a grave conspiracy in connection with the printing contract of 1872, and wide-spread extravagance in the manner in which the printing was executed. There was a majority and a minority report. The name of Mr. Oberly appeared on the first, and that of Mr. Bradwell on the other. The majority report expressed the conviction that while the commissioners had not exercised the judgment and care that the interests of the State required, yet they had not been guilty of any "corrupt motives in reference to the matters in- vestigated. The minority report was silent on this subject, but pointed out in detail the manner in which the conspiracy was consummated and the many irreg- ularities in doing the printing. It w^as shown that $ 10,500 had been expended in securing the withdrawal of bids at the time the contract was awarded, in August, 1872, at maximum prices for composition and presswork. Although the public printing was then not more than half of what it is now, it cost the State $108,316.69 for the two years. This was accomplished, says the report of the committee, by a system of measurements which allowed payment on constructive composition and presswork. In one instance it was shown that $9,750 had been allowed for presswork, when at the maximum price, at which the contract had been authorized by law, the charge should not have exceeded $1,275. It is therefore easy to under- stand how the cost of the printing could have been swelled to such fabulous figures. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 559 In this connection it is just to say that while this investigation arrested a great wrong, yet it has enabled the State to secure its printing since that time at ruinously low prices, and while the printing under the contract of 1886 would have exceeded that of the contract of 1884 more than forty-four thousand dollars, the bid was twenty-five per cent, below the maximum figures fixed by law, and with that fact before them, the commissioners, no doubt, felt war- ranted in awarding the contract upon the single bid of H. W. Rokker & Co. But, the Supreme Court of the State, in passing upon this case, so construed the law as to hereafter enable the Commissioners of State Contracts to pro- tect the interests of the State, and yet authorize them to reject bids which might seem to involve bidders in bankruptcy. CHAPTER LXVL CAMPAIGN OF 1888, Republican State Convention. The Republicans were the first to marshal their forces for the contest of 1888, but long before the time for calling the convention to nominate a State ticket, a strong desire became manifest in different parts of the State for a change in the roll of public servants, and such journals as the Champaign Herald, Peoria Transcript, Quincy Whig, Bureau County Republican, Mt. Carroll Mirror, and Belleville Advo- cate, came out strongly advocating a change in the State administration, and by the time the convention met the sentiment had become so universal that it was evident that candidates who had held office for 560 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. more than one term would have but little support in convention. The feeling in favor of what the Cham- paign Herald had denominated new blood was so strong that, although Gov. Oglesby was present, the convention lacked the courtesy to invite him to address the body, and adjourned without making a single reference to his administration. Here was a sad spectacle for a man who had been a soldier in two wars — a major-general in one — a State Senator, three times Governor of his State — twice receiving the nomination without opposition — and once a United States Senator; a man who executed the law without fear when the whole State trembled for the safety of his life. But such is the fate of those who follow the fortunes of politics. One day their flag flies from the temple of fame, and the next it trails in the dust. A mob received Douglas in Chicago, in 1854, on his return from Congress. In 1858 the people elected a legislature which triumphantly returned him to the United States Senate. In 1860 he was egged at a public meeting in Montgomery, the capital of Ala- bama. In 1861 Chicago honored him in a manner that made the close of his illustrious life most glorious. But returning to the work of the convention, which convened May 2, there were never before so many candidates for public trusts, and it was in great con- trast with the convention of 1876. Then there were but two soldier candidates for Governor, neither of whom was nominated, and but one soldier secured a place upon the ticket. But this time nearly every candidate for office had been a soldier, and four of the six nominees served in the war for the Union. The candidates for Governor were Gen. John McNulta, Gen. John I. Rinaker, Gen. John C. Smith, Lieut. -Col. James A. Connolly, Col. Clark E. Carr, Lieut. Francis WKHTKItX HANK NOTK CO CHIC POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 561 M. Wright, and Private Joseph W. Fifer. With the exception of Col. Carr, all had been soldiers in the war for the Union, but he was in active service on the staff of Gov. Yates during that period. Gen. Rinaker was mustered in as colonel of the 122d Illinois Infantry. All the others tendered their ser- vices as privates, and came out of the conflict with the rank hereinbefore affixed to their respective names. McNulta served four years, two months and fifteen days; Rinaker, two years, ten months and twelve days; Smith, two years,, ten months and twenty-seven days; Connolly, two years and ten months; Fifer, three years, one month and nineteen days; Wright, lour years and one month. Not since 1880, when Logan and Farwell measured arms over Grant on the third term question, have, what is popularly denominated, machine politics been so widely practiced in Illinois as they were in the campaign of 1888. The convention of 1880 arbitra- rily selected eighteen delegates to the National Con- vention favorable to the nomination of Gen. Grant for President a third time. The matter was carried by C. B. Farwell to the National Convention, where the action of the State Convention was set aside, and the delegates, who had been chosen by districts, were admitted to seats in the convention. That we may not be misunderstood as to the use and meaning of the term machine, we borrow an idea from Benton’s Thirty Years’ View in the United States Senate. Machine politics, said he, enables the few to subvert the will of the people, leaving them no more the control over the nomination of candidates for office than the subjects of Kings have over the birth of the child that is born to rule over them, and that those who promote the nomination of any par- ticular man for a high trust, do so to enable them to , 36 562 . POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. eat out of the public crib, and that the system rele- gates to retirement the men of ability and brings into public life the mediocre. The most conspicuous example we have of machine politics in the United States was in 1824. A minority of the Democratic members of Congress nominated William H. Crawford for President. This action was not accepted by the Democratic masses as being the will of the party, and Andrew Jackson was brought forward as the People’s candidate. John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay were brought out by bodies of their personal friends in different States. At the election, •which followed in November, Jackson received, of the popular vote, 155,872; Adams, 105,321; Clay, 46,587 ; Crawford, 44,282. Of the electoral vote, those of Delaware, Georgia, Louisiana, New York, South Carolina and Vermont were chosen by the State Leg- islatures, and the popular vote for President in those States is not therefore known, but out of the seventy- one electoral votes chosen by the machinery of the legislatures, Jackson received only 15, namely, Louis- iana 3, New Y T ork 1, and South Carolina 11. The whole number of electoral votes was 261, of which Jackson received 99, Adams 84, Crawford 41, Clay 37. Necessary to a choice 131. No one having a majority, the election devolved upon the House of Representa- tives. Under the constitution, as it then existed, the choice by the House was confined to the three candi- dates who had received the highest number of votes in the Electoral College, and each State was entitled to one vote. Clay not being one of the three, his name was excluded. The Representatives from some of the States, whose electoral votes were given for Jackson, voted for Adams. Illinois was included in that num- ber. Daniel P. Cook was then our only Representa- tive in Congress, and he voted for Adams, although POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 563 Jackson carried the State by a plurality of 359. The vote of Kentucky was also cast for Adams, and Henry Clay was openly charged with bargaining it away that he might become Secretary of State, and whether the charge was true or false, it so shocked the sensi- bilities of the people that it drove him out of the Democratic party into the Whig, and marred his fame as long as he lived. There was opposition to the con- firmation of Clay, and although the vote of Illinois had been cast for Adams, the Senators were divided upon the question; Kane voted for his confirmation and Thomas against. It is a remarkable fact that Andrew Jackson and William Henry Harrison were both United States Senators at that time, and both were afterward elected President of the United States. • At the next election for Kepresentatives in Congress, a body was chosen which opposed the administration of Adams. Mr. Cook was defeated in Illinois by Joseph Duncan, a strong Jackson man, and at the ensuing presidential election, in 1828, Jackson was elected over Adams by a vote of more than two to one. Jacksoii received 178 electoral votes, and Adams 83. The total popular vote was 1,156,328. Jackson received 647,- 231; Adams, 509,097. Jackson’s majority, 138, 134‘. In Illinois, his majority over Adams was 5,182, out of a total vote of 8,344. Illustrative of the power of the caucus in conven- tions, we note the fact that Cook County, with her 170 delegates, though selected from ten different Sen- atorial districts, 117 voted as a unit in the State con- vention, and thus exercised a controlling influence in its work. McLean County, the next in strength, with nineteen delegates, voted as a unit, but they were not selected without a strong protest from Gen. McNulta, a citizen of the county, and candidate for Governor. He addressed an open letter to his friends, 564 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. under date of March 19, 1888, in which he avowed that his candidacy was r confined to one county, but extended into 102, anu in it appeared this bold passage : “The chairman of your county committee has in many important matters usurped the functions vested in the whole committee, and has prostituted his posi- tion by sending broadcast throughout the State his stereotyped letters, in which he arrogated to himself the right to represent the Republicans of the county. These letters, bearing the stamp, and significantly stating the fact that he was chairman of the com- mittee, their animus being vicious and unfair, clearly indicates what may be expected. The machine is against us, and determined to resort to all known political expedients to prevent us from getting a favorable delegation. They claim that their candidate is the strongest in the State, but have refused to assent to sending a delegation to vote solidly for the one that develops the greatest strength in the State, the weakest man to be withdrawn. They refuse to allow delegates to the State convention to each candi- date in proportion to his strength in the county con- vention, but insist upon the enforcement of the unit rule. I do not want to appear in person, or by proxy, either as a beggar for votes or a brawler for delegates. I say, do not go near the primaries or county con- vention. Let them have the delegates, and make them in their own way.” But the caucus work was not alone confined to the densely populated counties. In Massac, the friends of Maj. James A. Connolly felt confident that delegates lavorable to his nomination for Governor would be chosen, but to their surprise they were instructed to vote as a unit for Joseph W. Fifer for Governor. It had been broadly stated by candidates themselves, before the assembling of the convention, that a com- bination had been formed by which the nomination of a ticket would be confined to the voice of the few instead of being the clearly expressed will of the con- POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 565 vention, and candidates for governor, whose names were not included in the combination, sought to break it by having their delegates stand firm, but in this they failed. The first roll call stood : Fifer 288, McNulta 136, Carr 115, Connolly 100, Rinaker 98, Smith 58, Wright 48, Oglesby 4. Total 847. Neces- sary to a choice 424. The second ballot was, Fifer 349 r McNulta 133, Connolly 96, Rinaker 77, Carr 110, Smith 45, Wright 33, Oglesby 4. Third ballot, Fifer 398, McNulta 144, Connolly 89, Rinaker 62, Carr 97, Smith 36, Wright 21. Fourth ballot, Fifer 606, McNulta 111, Connolly 58, Rinaker 32, Carr 9, Smith 17, Wright 14. It is evident by the first ballot that if the delegates had adhered to their respective candi- dates that the combination would have lost its power before the nomination of Governor was consummated. There were four names presented for Lieutenant- Governor, namely, W. H. Collins, R. H. Sturgis, L. B. Ray and J. S. Cochran. On the first ballot the vote stood, Collins 277, Sturgis 81, Ray 364, Cochran 125. On the second ballot the name of Sturgis was with- drawn, when Ray was nominated. The vote was r Collins 97, Cochran 256, Ray 494. Here the combi- nation went to pieces amidst great confusion. Five candidates were announced for Secretary of State. Isaac N. Pearson was nominated on the fifth ballot. There were eleven candidates for Auditor of Public Accounts. C. W. Pavey was nominated on the fifth ballot. Charles Becker was nominated for Treasurer, without opposition. The names of George Hunt and James H. Miller were placed in nomination for Attorney- General, but before the first roll call was concluded, the name of Mr. Miller was withdrawn, when the nom- ination of Mr. Hunt was made unanimous. 566 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. The convention remained in session from 3 o’clock p. m. until 12:15 a. m., adjourning without a single ratification speech. With the selection of delegates- to the National Convention, the formation of the electoral ticket, State Central Committee, and the nomination of candidates for Governor and Lieutenant-Governor, the power of the combination ceased. Bad blood was apparent in every quarter. Candidates, whose names had been associated with the combination, charged each other with bad faith, while others, who had stood aloof from intrigue, were loud in its denuncia- tion, and for a time the success of the ticket was endangered. On the 16th of September, Mr. Fifer opened the campaign in an elaborate speech, delivered at the opera house in Springfield. After quoting the charges of the Democratic State convention against the State administration and the Legislature, Mr. Fifer said: “ Here, then, we have the charge not only of extrav- agance, but also a charge of corruption. Now it is highly probable that the man who wrote the Demo- cratic platform, and a large majority of those who voted for its adoption, knew at the time that the statements made were false in every line, word and syllable; and there is no good reason known to me why a political party should not be held morally re- sponsible for its falsehoods and slanders to the same extent as an individual. “The impression sought to be, and which, no doubt, largely has been, made on the minds of the people by this Democratic falsehood is, that the expenditures for the year 1887 were $1,500,000 in excess of what they were for the preceding year, and that through extrav- agance or dishonesty, or both, the expenditures of the State have increased $1,500,000, in one year. I will set the Democratic party a high example of candor at the very beginning of the campaign, and concede, if this charge is true, that the Bepublican POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 567 party has forfeited all claim to the confidence of the people of Illinois, and should be defeated in this State at the coining election. But if, on the other hand, the charge is false, and the political party making it knew it was false, then that party should be held responsible for its falsehoods and slanders, and should be kept out of power in this State for another thirty-two years. * * * * “It is true, the levy bill of 1887 provided for raising about $ 1,500,000 more revenue in that year than the levy bill of 1885 provided for the year 1886. But, mark you, it was not because the Legislature of 1887 appropriated more money than did the preceding one, for just the reverse of this is true. That is to say, the appropriations made by the Legislature of 1885 aggregate $7,776,458.54, while those made by the Legislature of 1887 amount to $7,731,398.02, making a difference in favor of the Legislature of 1887 of $45,060.52. Yet, in the face of these facts, it is dis- honestly sought to make it appear that there has been an increase in the expenditures of the people’s money amounting to $1,500,000 in one year, and consequently that there is corruption and extravagance in the management of the financial affairs of the State by the Republican party. * * * * “The Legislature of 1885 was Democratic in the lower house, Hon. E. M. Haines, the sage of Lake County, being Speaker of the House. All the com- mittees were controlled by Democrats ; and the records will show that this house, dominated as it was by Democrats, reduced the levy bill of 1885 to a point too low to meet the appropriations made by that same house. It was an open secret at the time that the levy bill was cut down for the deliberate purpose of compelling the next succeeding Legislature to increase the tax rate, and thus, by comparing the levy of 1886 with that of 1887, lay the foundation for the false charge that is now being made, namely: That the Republicans have, by extravagance and corruption, increased the State expenditures $1,500,000 in one a ear, and have increased the tax rate from 35 cents, in 1886, to 53 cents, in 1887, on each $100 of taxable 568 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. property. It remains to be seen whether the voters of Illinois can be deceived by a piece of political dis- honesty so transparent as this. * * * * “The whole point, then, is here: While the last two Legislatures have been required to provide for an increased outlay of money amounting to about $1,500,000, the Democratic House of 1885 was enabled in the manner stated to reduce its levy bill, while the Legislature of 1887, which was Republican, was com- pelled to raise, by its levy bill, a sufficient sum to pay the full amount of its appropriations. On this cir- cumstance alone is founded all this cry of extrava- gance and corruption which is being shouted so ener- getically by the Democratic managers of the State. ” This unequivocal defense of the party administra- tion was received with some surprise by the friends of Mr. Fifer, but it is, indeed, a brave man who declines to defend the administration of his party when openly assailed by an enemy, who seeks its overthrow. We remember but two illustrious examples, wherein the interests of the people were made paramount to party. When the Secretary of the Treasury, Bristow, and the Solicitor, Wilson, were charged with the duty of in- vestigating the whisky conspiracy, and although it led to the very portals of the White House, they did not relax their efforts to ferret out the guilty, but Grant, conscious of his own purity of character, said, “Let no guilty man escape, no matter how close he may claim to be to the administration/’ and having boldly and broadly laid this command upon Bristow aad Wilson, he stood by it, although its execution sent to the penitentiary such old-time friends as McDonald and Joyce, and resulted in the indictment and prosecution of his own Private Secretary, Gen. Babcock. AVhen the Star-Route frauds were brought to the attention of President Arthur for prosecution, although his personal friend, Stephen W. Dorsey, an ex-United States Senator, and Thomas J. Brady„ POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 569 Second Assistant Postmaster-General, were implicated, he directed that the prosecution proceed, and the names of Dorsey and Brady went down in disgrace, that the public service might be purified. Contrary to the usual political methods, John C. Campbell, Chairman of the Democratic State Central Committee, chose to become personally responsible for the utterances of the committee, and he addressed an open letter, in reply to that portion of Mr. Fifer’s speech which referred to the charges of the Democratic State convention, in which he called in question the truth of his every statement regarding the political control of the House, and the responsi- bility for the passage of the appropriation and levy bills. Said he: “ We are told by Mr. Fifer that the House of Repre- sentatives of the Thirty -fourth General Assembly was controlled by the Democrats. Now let us see how much truth there is in that statement. It is granted by him that the Senate was Republican, and I wall pass that for the consideration of the House, the political complexion of which was, 76 Republicans, 76 Democrats, and 1 Independent. The House met on January 7, with Secretary of State Decent in the chair, and adjourned until 11:30 a. m. Wednesday, the 8th, when Mr. E. M. Haines was elected temporary Speaker, over Mr. J. B. Messick, by a vote of 77 to 74. One Republican member voted for Mr. Haines, vdiich secured his election. Without such vote he could not have been elected, for he did not and w^ould not vote for himself. The two parties had nominated their respective candidates for the several offices. The Democrats selected Mr. E. L. Cronkrite for Speaker, and the Republicans Mr. Charles E. Fuller. But no election took place until January 29, notwithstanding the House balloted each day for that purpose. In the meantime Mr. Cronkrite ceased to be a candidate, when the Democrats nominated Mr. Haines in his stead. On January 29, Mr. Haines was elected Speaker, the vote standing, Haines, 78; Fuller, 74; Cronkrite, 570 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 1. Mr. Haines’ election was secured by the vote of two Republicans, Messrs. Sittig and Fuller. Mr. Haines voted for Mr. Cronkrite. “It is here made plain that the .Republicans were re- sponsible for the organization of the House, and more especially in the selection of Mr. Haines as Speaker. If the Republicans had wanted to facilitate the business of the session, the same gentlemen who voted to make Mr. Haines temporary and permanent Speaker could have done so by voting for Mr. Cronkrite. “Now let us see how far the majority of the House remained in the hands of the Democrats. Mr. W. H. Weaver, Republican, was sworn in the 15th of May as Representative from the Thirty-fourth District as the successor of Mr. J. H. Shaw, deceased. This gave the Republicans, from tnat time forward, a majority of one in the House, the same as they had in the Senate, and through this majority Gen. John A. Logan was reelected United States Senator. From that very day, notwithstanding Mr. Haines remained as the nominal Speaker, the Republicans dominated the legislation of the two houses as completely as though Mr. Haines had not been in the chair. Mr. Haines proposed at the time Mr. Weaver was sworn in to retire and allow the Republicans to elect Mr. Fuller Speaker, but that gentleman said no, and although Mr. Haines remained Speaker during the session, he was nothing more nor less than a figure-head for the Republicans. These are the facts as to the control of the House. “Now a word as to the appropriations. Fifty-three appropriation bills became laws, forty-one of which originated in the Senate and twelve in the House. Of those in the Senate, thirty-one were introduced by Republicans and ten by Democrats. In the House, seven were introduced by Democrats and five by Republicans. But up to the time the Republicans se- cured a majority in the House, which gave them com- plete mastership of the legislation of the General Assembly of 1885, there had been passed and approved but five appropriation bills, which aggregated only $42,400 of the $7,774,978.54 which were appropriated during that session. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 571 “I now turn my attention to the passage of the levy bill. On the 19th of June, the Senate sent to the House, Senate Bill No. 472, for ‘An act to provide the necessary revenue for State purposes.’ Mr. Cald- well, Democrat, obtained unanimous consent, and the bill was read at large the first time and ordered to a second reading. June 24, the bill was again called up, on motion of Mr. Caldwell. Mr. Cronkrite moved to amend by striking out in line five, section one, the words and figures $2,000,000, and insert $1,500,000, and to strike out in lines six and seven the words and figures $2,000,000, and insert, $1,500,000. Mr. Cald- well moved to lay the amendment on the table, which was lost by a vote of, yeas, 58 ; nays, 59. Messrs. Castle, Hamilton, Hood, Kinsey, Morgan of Wash- ington, Pollock and Ruby, Republicans, voted in the negative. The question recurring on the amendment of Mr. Cronkrite, the yeas and nays were taken — yeas, 66; nays 63. Messrs. Baird, Bogardus, Chapman, Hamilton, Hood, Morgan of Washington, Pollock and Yost, Republicans, voted in the affirmative. On June 25, the bill passed, as amended, by a vote of, yeas, 103; nays, 1. The bill was returned to the Senate, June 25, for its concurrence, and was made the special order for 2:30 o’clock, when the Senate declined to concur by a vote of, yeas, 6 ; nays, 34. A committee of conference was appointed by the Senate, consisting of L. B. Ray, Henry Tubbs and" E. Southworth. On the same day, the House appointed a committee of conference, consisting of E. R. E. Kimbrough, H. C. Whittemore and D. S. Spafford. Here were four Republicans to two Demo- crats on this committee. The committee recommended that the House recede from the amendment in line five of section one, and that the Senate concur in the amendment in lines six and seven of section one. The report of the conference committee was concurred in in the House by a vote of, yeas, 124; nays, 4; and in the Senate by a vote of, yeas, 46; nays, 0. This reduced the levy bill just $500,000 from what it was as it originally passed the Senate. Mr. Cronkrite did not believe in demanding so large a sum of money from the tax payers, when the Auditor’s report for 1884, showed a balance in the treasury of the general 572 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. revenue fund of $3,127,556.67, and the report of the same officer for 1886, still showed a balance to the credit of the same fund of $2,663,570.01. It is therefore conclusive to every intelligent mind that there was no necessity for a greater levy in the bill of 1887, than was made in the levy bill of 1885. I leave the candid public to weigh the state- ments made by Mr. Fifer and myself, and to judge between us as to w T ho has told the truth regarding the appropriation and levy bills, and as to whether it was the Democrats or Republicans who controlled the House, and turn upon him his own interrogatory : 4 Should not an individual be held morally responsible for falsehoods and slanders uttered in the very face of the public records Mr. Campbell continued these open letters during the campaign, but did not elicit a response from any quarter until he assailed the conduct of the State Charitable Institutions, charging that it cost more to pay the office-holders and employes of the several institutions than it did to feed the inmates. This aroused the anxiety of Gen. Martin, Chairman of the Republican State Central Committee, and he called upon Rev. Fred. H. Wines, Secretary of the State Board of Public Charities, to refute the charges, and on the 8th of October, Mr. Wines came out with a circular justifying the management of the institutions, and defiantly challenging the truth of Mr. Campbelhs allegations, but, unreasonable as it may seem, he ad- mitted that it cost $668,220.23 to pay the officers and employes of the several institutions for the fiscal years of 1885 and 1886, while the 6,000 inmates had been fed for the same period for $489,840.31. These figures were taken by Mr. Campbell as the basis for a renewal of the charges, which he reiterated with ten- fold vigor, but Mr. Wines made no further reply. The National campaign was lost sight of by Mr. Campbell, and he addressed himself apparently in the interest of POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 573 those who pay the taxes which support government, and while his charges often gave great offense to his opponents, yet he seemed willing to stand or fall by them. The criticisms within and without party lines, during the campaign, as to the extravagance of the State government, made its impress, for when the Legisla- ture met an effort was at once instituted to limit its expenditures. So it was with political management. The Senate organized without intrigue. Mr. Theo. S. Chapman, a popular and capable man, was elected President pro tern., as the free will of the majority. In the House, Col. A. C. Matthews, distinguished as a soldier and civilian, was chosen Speaker in like manner. It had been announced long before the assembling of the body that he was a candidate, and although there were three other names mentioned, the popular tide was so strong in his favor that when the time came for the caucus to name a candidate no one stood out against him, and he was nominated by acclamation. The effect then of public sentiment in the State upon both these matters was for the good of the whole people. But recurring to the tendency of organized politics, a retrospective view will show that the masses of a party tire of the methods of the caucus. In 1868, Gen. John M. Palmer carried the State over his Dem- ocratic competitor by a majority of 50,099. The aggregate vote of the respective candidates was, Palmer, 249,912; Eden, 199,813. Total, 449,725. In 1888, Fifer’s plurality over Palmer was 12,547. The aggregate vote of each was, Fifer, 367,860; Palmer, 355,313. Total, 723,173. These figures show an increase in the vote of the two parties of 273,448 for governor over that of 1868. Harrison’s plurality in the State over Cleveland was 22,104, and Palmer’s 574 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 6,942. Evidently there was not that zeal in the Republican party that existed when Illinois was given to Lincoln and Yates in 1860. There was much disappointment at the result of the election. The Democrats fondly hoped to carry the State for Palmer, while the most zealous friends of Fifer believed he would be elected by a plurality of 30,000, but when it became known that he had polled fewer votes than Harrison, and run behind his asso- ciates, then it was that reasons were sought to account for the result, and among others it was claimed that the Anarchists had voted for Palmer, but when the vote of Cook County was fully canvassed, it became evident that such was not the case. Har- rison only carried the county over Cleveland by a majority of 804, while Mr Lifer’s associates carried it by majorities over their respective Democratic com- petitors of from 2,021 to 3,871. Mr. Hunt, who had prosecuted the condemned Anarchists in the Supreme Court of Illinois and the Supreme Court of the United States, received a majority of 3,293 over Mr. Creighton, his Democratic competitor, which demonstrates that the Anarchists do not depend upon the ballot as a means of redress for real or imaginary wrongs. So far as Palmer’s vote in Cook County is concerned, his most intelligent friends attribute his victory in that county to his speech at Battery D, which was devoted to a review of his acts as Governor, at the time Chicago was laid in ashes. That meeting is said to have been the largest and most intelligent that greeted him during the entire campaign, and his unreserved discussion of all the matters connected with that memorable period, won for him many new admirers in that great city, who had never before really under- stood the facts regarding the conflict between Gen. Sheridan and the Governor, which occurred after the POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 575 fire, and that this important epoch in the history of the State may not be lost, sight of, we devote a chapter to the subject. But so far as Mr. Fifer’s vote in Cook county or in the entire State is concerned, men whose minds are not warped by prejudice or hate, accept his election as a triumph. Having for a competitor a man who w 7 as accepted as the most distinguished representative of his party, a great lawyer and a soldier, who had won the commission of Major-General in the United States Army w 7 hile serving his country in the tented field, and to whose administration as Governor of the State, he had invited the criticism of friends and foes alike, it was not strange that Mr. Fifer should have run behind his ticket. Mr. Fifer, like Col. Bissell, in 1856, was not physi- cally able to make the canvass expected of a candidate heading his party ticket, but he placed himself in the hands of the State Central Committee, and w T ent whenever and wherever his party called him, and he sustained himself with an ability that surprised his adversaries and challengedthe admiration of his friends. Democratic State Convention. The Democrats were the last to make their State nominations, and they naturally took advantage of every mistake the Republican party made. In 1880, the last of the State debt had been paid off, and it was widely predicted by Republican officials that when this debt became ext inct the burden of State taxation would be a thing of the past, but eight years had elapsed since that time, and instead of a reduction in the State tax, there was a gradual increase, therefore, the Democrats arraigned the Republican party for gross extravagance in the State administration, charg- 576 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. ii>g that there had not been that care and scrutiny, in the disbursement of the public money, that ought to be observed by men bound by an oath to see that the laws are faithfully administered, and that the public revenue is honestly disbursed. There were four names presented to the convention for Governor, namely, John M. Palmer, Andrew J. Bell, Henry Seiter and W. A. J. Sparks. Palmer was esteemed as the most distinguished representative of his party, and had served more than five years as a soldier in the war for the Union, having been mustered into the service as Colonel of the Fourteenth Illinois Infantry, May 25, 1861, and mustered out, October 1, 1866, by reason of his resignation. His nomina- tion was consummated before the announcement of the result of the first roll-call. A. J. Bell was nom- inated for Lieutenant-Governor, N. D. Ricks for Sec- retary of State, Andrew Welch for Auditor of Public Accounts, Charles H. Wacker* for Treasurer and Jacob R. Creighton for Attorney-General. When the nominations were concluded, Gen. Palmer w^as presented to the convention, and spoke as follows : Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention:— My days of office-seeking for the gratification of am- bition are over. I owe services to the Democratic party of the State and to the people, and to them I am willing and anxious to be useful. Without preface, therefore, I gratefully accept the nomination conferred upon me, and I will exert my best efforts to give your whole ticket success. I do not suppose that you have nominated me for the Presidency. I suppose you are sat- isfied with the man who was nominated four years ago, when the Democratic party vindicated its wisdom by placing in nomination for the Presidency its pre- sent incumbent, one of the most sensible, practical, earnest, patriotic men of the age. Nor do I suppose that you have nominated me for the Senate of the *Wacker declined the nomination, and Francis A. Hoffman, Jr. was se- lected by the State Central Committee, to fill the vacancy. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 577 United States. I suppose that you believe, and I know “that you know that I believe, that the Constitution of the State of Illinois is a binding obligation. And when that Constitution declares that the Governor of the State shall not be eligible for any office during the term for which he was elected, and he takes an oath to support that Constitution, you expect it to be obeyed. When I had the honor to be Governor of this State years ago, I said that I was the independent Governor of the State of Illinois. I asked nothing of the Legislature. I asked them to do their duty to the people and I would do mine. If I shall be elected Gov- ernor again I will again be the independent Governor of the State of Illinois. And I will ask no favors of anybody. I gave four honest years of service before, and I will do so again if the people of this State shall honor me with their confidence; and, gentlemen of the convention, let me say to you that the time has come when the people of the State of Illinois shall be con- sidered in our political canvasses. We have devoted years to the making of Presidents. Now, Illinois must have some friends, and we must now appeal to the people of the State of Illinois to look after their own interests, and inquire why things are as they are to- day. We must inquire why it is that taxation lias increased and is increasing. They must be told why it is. They must be asked why it is that the State has become an object of such contempt that standing armies are raised in its midst to furnish mercenaries to Pennsylvania and Iowa — wherever and under what authority they act; how it is that private men may organize soldiers in the State, hirelings to go with their Winchesters and overawe the people. If I am elected Governor, the people of this State shall have a firm government so far as it depends upon me; as firm as the law — no firmer; as weak as the law and no w r eaker. The government of the State of Illinois shall not, under my administration, if I am elected, tempt by its feebleness weak men to crime, and then hang them for it; and men shall be told that the laws are supreme; that the. law will furnish redress for every wrong; that the law deserves their respect, and that 37 578 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. the State of Illinois deserves obedience to its legisla- tion. The interests of the people of Illinois have been disregarded. We have been but a mere electoral dis- trict. The Governors of the State have only regarded this honorable place to which you have nominated me as a stepping-stone to other places. They have filled up all the State boards — penal, reformatory, educa- tional, and benevolent — with rings that are members of the Legislature, and the members of the Legisla- ture in turn make Senators of the Governors. That must be stopped. Gentlemen of the convention, if I shall have the strength to make the canvass of this State this year, I will leave the making of Presidents to those to whom you have assigned that duty. I will endeavor to talk to the people of the State of Illinois about Illinois — God bless her. I love her. Her people are worthy of the best services of the best men everywhere, and if I shall be elected Governor, the State of Illinois shall have the benefit of earnest, sincere service devoted to its interests. Let Cleveland run the National government ; that is his business. He won't need my help, and, as you recollect a little incident in my experience some years ago, I shall not need his. Gentlemen of the convention, I promise you fair, earnest, honest service during this canvass. I want to see the canvass conducted in Illinois upon plain, square, practical issues; that there shall be no dodg- ing anywhere; that when we point out the extrava- gance or the negligence of Republican administration, we shall not be answered by hired bands singing ‘Marching Through Georgia . 5 I shall tell the people what the people have a right to know, and it will be no answer that they shall talk to us about the beauties of protection and the advantages of shackling commerce that the rich may grow richer and the poor may grow poorer. Gentlemen, I am done . 55 The occasion evidently inspired this speech, and again and again Gen. Palmer was cheered in a man- ner that made the great hall ring long and loud with his praise, for this was the first occasion where a Democrat or Republican had dared to denounce the spoils system of politics, or to speak plainly regard- POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 579' ing the conduct of public servants. He had seen two Governors elevated to the United States Senate while holding the office of Governor, in contravention of Article Y, Section 5 of the Constitution of 1870, which is in these words: ‘•Neither the Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, Auditor of Public Accounts, Secretary of State, Superintendent of Public Instruction, nor Attorney-General, shall be eligible to any other office during the period for which he shall have been elected.” The riot at East St. Louis, on the 9th of April, 1886, in which eight persons were shot dead, and the Haymarket tragedy at Chicago, May 4, of the same year, were evidently still fresh in the mind of the speaker when he gave utterance to the words, “If I am elected Governor, the people of this State shall have a firm government so far as it depends upon me ; as firm as the law — no firmer; as weak as the law and no weaker.” Gen. Palmer made his opening speech of the cam- paign at the opera house, in Springfield, the latter part of June, in which he elaborated the ideas he gave vent to at the time of his nomination, and there rested his cause until the State Central Committee had formulated a series of appointments. But in the meantime, his adversaries were not idle. His administra- tion while Governor was critically reviewed, and every supposable weak point brought to the surface, and he thus became the subject of universal attack, and official reports of the State were quoted in order to make the assaults the more effective. The fact that he had once been a Republican, was urged as a reason why pu > Republican should vote for him . He was ac- cused of courting the influence of the anarchists, and an anonymous circular to this effect was spread •580 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. broad-cast. His controversy with Gen. Sheridan, at the time of the Chicago fire, was revived. He was charged with resigning his command in the army in front of the enemy, and Sherman’s Memoirs were cited to prove the charge. Gen. Palmer bore these assaults with good grace. In his opera house speech, he had anticipated his enemies by saying that his career in public life had been long and varied, and he expected to have a great deal to say in regard to himself before the close of the campaign, and when the committee had arranged a list of appointments, he entered upon the canvass with a vigor that marked him as a man capable of meeting any emergency. He held that his administration was an open book, that he had committed no act while Governor of which he was ashamed ; he concealed nothing, and gave a reason for every official act while he was the Executive, which had been made a subject of the campaign. Some of his adversaries, in their public speeches, not infrequently advised the soldiers to vote as they shot, and there was perhaps no unkind word written or spoken of him during the heated contest that so touched his manly pride, as did the attempt to cast odium upon his name as a soldier, and when the campaign was over, he resigned his membership in the Grand Army of the Kepublic, as an evidence of the displeasure he felt toward those of his comrades who had allowed polit- ical prejudice to call in question his acts as a soldier. The canvass of the State by Gen. Palmer was re- garded as the most illustrious since that between Douglas and Lincoln, in 1858. He spoke, not in- frequently, to 10,000 people, sometimes in the scorch- ing sun, sometimes in the pattering rain, sometimes by the dim light of the torch, but always with a power and clearness upon the questions of the hour, that arrested the attention of the whole country, and POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 581 those nearest him, who felt the public pulse as he mingled with the masses, assumed that but for the ever pressing influence of the National campaign, he would have been elected. The campaign of 1888 w 7 as one of many vicissitudes. President Cleveland had, in his annual message in December, 1887, addressed himself wholly to the ques- tion of reducing the tariff, with the view of a reduc- tion of the surplus in the treasury. The message re- ceived the general approval of his party at the time, and afterward in National convention. Many leading Republicans throughout the country also endorsed it, and the Chicago Tribune, the most widely read Repub- lican journal in the Northwest, gave it an unqualified approval. This threw the Republicans of Illinois into some confusion, and for a time it looked as though the party would be wrecked on the issue, but the more dogmatic were in favor of a protective tariff, and they determined to maintain that line, and to force the Tribune into the support of the their position or drive it from the leadership of the party. The Tribune, however, was strong in its convictions, and while it was unwilling to be forced into the support of views which it did not believe were for the best interests of the country, yet it was unwilling to be classed as a Democrat, and therefore stood firm. When the Repub- lican National Convention met at Chicago, and nom- inated Harrison and Morton for President and Vice- President, adopting a platform, which declared in no doubtful language in favor of protection, the Tribune pronounced against the platform but loyally sup- ported the nominees of the convention. Mr. Blaine, who was then abroad, had given utterance, in an in- terview, to views which were antagonistic, in some re- spects, to the platform, and on his return home em- 582 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. phasized them by making a speech in harmony with the views expressed in his interview. Later, the Repub- licans in the United States Senate formulated a bill, which antagonized the platform equally as much as did the editorials of the Tribune, or the speech of Mr. Blaine, which left the question, so far as it related to the Republican party, with many sides. The Tribune never supported the tariff plank, but criticised and condemned it as erroneous and wrong in principle, and at variance with the past record of the party as set forth in its previous platforms, and in the teachings of its leading statesmen, such as Garfield, Sherman, Allison, Grant and Arthur. But it opposed the Mills Bill as being unfair and sectional in its provisions, and endorsed the Senate Bill as a fairer and better means of arriving at a proper settlement of the ques- tion. Mr. Blaine took the leading part in the cam- paign, and though he spoke in many States in the East and West, yet he spoke independently of the platform, preferring to represent his own views rather than accept those of the party as promulgated by the National convention. The letter of acceptance of Mr. Harrison and his speeches during the campaign were calculated to relax the language of the platform, yet the battle was really fought by the Republicans, as against the Democrats, upon the question of protec- tion as against free trade, notwithstanding the Dem- ocrats stoutly maintained that the policy of the party was contrary to free trade. But the result of the election showed that the people of the manufacturing districts of the country did not antagonize Cleveland on this account, for although he lost New York and Indiana, yet he carried New Jersey and Connecticut, both largely interested in manufacturing industries. In the agricultural sections of the country the Repub- lican vote was largest, while in the business centers POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 583 the Democrats carried the day by increased majori- ties, which shows that the skilled labor of the country did not- wholly believe in the doctrine of protection, and yet the farmers, who had declared in their insti- tute assemblies in favor of tariff reform even before the promulgation of the President’s message, may have concluded pfter all that there was something in the theory of a home market for the products of the field. Illustrative of this fact, we will remark that in 1884, Blaine had a majority over Cleveland in Cook County of 8,618, while he went into Chicago with but 14,209 majority, making a total of 24,827. Harrison went into Chicago with a majority over Cleveland of 21,300, while in Cook County his majority was only 804, being 7,814 less than was Blaine’s over Cleveland. In Illinois, there was particularly great confusion upon the subject of the tariff, and there were many changes from one party to another. We call to mind, K. R. Cable, Democrat, President and General Mana- ger of the Chicago, Rock Island and Pacific Railway, who renounced the cause of Cleveland and supported Harrison; ex-State Senator L. D. Whiting, who had been a Republican from the birth of the party, but never a protectionist, favoring a tariff for revenue only, supported Cleveland; Charles Ridgely, President of the Springfield Iron Company, who was the Dem- ocratic candidate for State Treasurer in 1870, re- nounced his allegiance to the Democratic party, in a public speech, and allied himself with the Republican party; ex-Representativc A. D. Pierce, whose Repub- licanism had before been unfaltering, declared himself as being opposed to the protective system, and can- vassed Southern Illinois in behalf of the success of the Democratic State and National tickets. We might con- tinue this list much farther, but this will suffice to show that the political changes, as a rule, were not 584 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. made for mercenary purposes, but that men of high character, everywhere, in every walk of life, changed their political affiliations from motives of principle. But, after all, it was not the tariff issue that de- feated Mr. Cleveland. Although twenty-three years had elapsed since the close of the war for the preser- vation of the Union, there was a latent feeling in the North, which was not confined to the Republican party, that the control of the government, under the administration of Mr. Cleveland, had mistakenly passed into the hands of the men who, tw T enty-seven years before, had sought the dismemberment of the Union, and that until this order of things was changed the solid South would be continued against a divided North, and consequently there could not be that fraternity of feeling that should exist between the respective sections. Besides this, the reflecting people of the South, the men who wore the gray, and who accepted in good faith the terms of Grant at Appomattox, had grown restive under the continuous clamor of demagogues about the solid South, and they stood ready to break it themselves. Illustrative of this, we refer to the vote of Missouri in the guber- natorial canvass, the Republican increase in her rep- resentation in Congress; the vote in West Virginia, Virginia and Delaware, and the election of a Republi- can United States Senator in the latter State, this being the first Republican Senator elected in that State. The reason, then, is obvious, for the return of the people to Republican rule, and if the administration of Mr. Harrison shall be wise as to the government of the South, as it is believed it will be, we shall again have a united and happy country in fact, as well as in name. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 585 The campaign, in Illinois, was of such a nature as to suggest the question, are we not fast becoming a nation of politicians? For months, the people did little else than talk politics and attend political dem- onstrations. The log cabin and coon, of 1840, were revived, and in many Republican processions were scores of old men who had voted for the grandfather of Gen. Harrison, in 1836, and again in 1840. In either party every conceivable style of uniform and transparency was instituted, and women, black and white, were often seen in the marching column, some- times on horseback and sometimes on foot, carrying the flaming torch, and it was no uncommon thing to see 10,000 people gathered together in the rural dis- tricts, to hear the questions of the hour discussed by the respective party champions. Although the Prohibition vote was even less in the State than was expected by the most conservative advocate of the suppression of the liquor traffic as a beverage, yet it was 21,703 as against 10,854, in 1884, which signifies a strong and growing sentiment in favor of more radical laws upon the subject, but whether it shall result in the utter overthrow of the saloon system or not is a question as difficult of so- lution as was the abolition of slavery, at the time of the Boston broadcloth mob, in October, 1835 — so- called because it was instigated and led by men of high standing — broke up an anti-slavery meeting, and dragged William Lloyd Garrison through the streets of that city with a rope around his neck, or, in 1839, when Wendell Phillips, the great anti-slavery orator, renounced the profession of law, because he would not hold himself bound by an oath to support a consti- tution which protected the institution of slavery. The question of prohibition is regarded by its foremost advocates as one of greater importance than was even 586 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. the slavery question, for they hold that it addresses itself to every home in this broad land, and that the fathers and mothers of the present generation are seriously considering the question as to whether the children of their children are to be made to support the many thousand saloons, which now exist in Illinois, from the daily earnings of almost every occupation of life, and whose victims fill our alms-houses, our asylums, our penitentiaries, or end their days on the gallows. But it was a cross to bear in the last cam- paign for the sincere Prohibitionist, if he had been a Democrat, to be told that he was a renegade-, and that he was simply a tail to the Republican kite, or, if of former Republican affiliations, to be taunted with the discourteous suggestion, that he was simply an annex to the Democratic cause. This course evidently lost the prohibition cause many thousand votes from either party in the State, and shows how potent the party lash may be when systematically applied, but like the slavery question, the opposition to the liquor traffic will not end until one or the other of the great parties has taken the subject in hand and given it that attention its gravity demands, or until a new party shall have been formed out of the material of the present organizations, as was the case in 1856. Illinois took a very prominent part in that Avork. A State convention was held at Bloomington, May 29, of that year, which was composed alike of Whigs, Democrats and Americans. No thought of a disturb- ance of slavery, in the States where it existed, was en- tertained, but it was held in their platform, which was revised by Lincoln, that under the constitution, Con- gress possessed the power to prohibit it in the Terri- tories, and while acknowledging all the constitutional rights of the South, they held that justice and humanity required that that power should be exer- POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 587 cisecl to prevent the extension of slavery into Terri- tories then free from the institution. They expressed themselves, also, as unalterably devoted to the Union, and with a purpose to defend it against all efforts to overthrow it. Illinois simply anticipated the action of the National Republican Convention, which assem- bled at Philadelphia, June 17, 1856, and nominated John C. Fremont for President. That body merely reiterated and emphasized what had been expressed in the platform of the Bloomington convention, which was presided over by John M. Palmer, with Abraham Lincoln, 0. H. Browning, Owen Lovejoy and John Wentworth as advocates upon the floor. For thirty years the anti-slavery men of the country had been warring against the extension of slavery, but they only arrived at practical ideas in 1856. But in 1860, the National Republican Convention was held in Chi- cago, with great accessions of leading men from all political parties. This time Abraham Lincoln was not a floor manager, but his friends were pressing his name for President. The delegates from New York supported Wm. H. Seward, and recognizing that Lin- coln was a dangerous adversary, said to the Illinois delegation give Seward the first place and we will accord you the second. But Illinois said through John M. Palmer, who was made the spokesman on the occasion, “We come together, not as Whigs, not as Democrats, not as Americans, but as members of all political parties with a purpose to stay the spread of slavery and yet preserve the Union. It will not do to select two former Whigs as candidates for President and Vice-President and hope for success. We will name a Whig for the first place on the ticket and you a Democrat for the second, and we have 40,000 Democrats at our command in Illinois whose votes we will give you on election day,” and the result was 588 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Abraham Lincoln was nominated for President and Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, an original Democrat, for Vice-President, and Illinois cast her electoral vote for the first time in her history against the Demo- cratic party, and for the Republican party. But returning to the question of prohibition, its his- tory thus far has been similar to the early struggle of the anti-slavery men, except that its labors are under different auspices, so far as they relate to the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States. All of the decisions of this Court were adverse to the principles of the anti-slavery men, famous among which was the Dred Scott decision, promulgated as late as December 1, 1856, which declared that a negro possessed no civil rights under the laws of the land. But on the contrary, this Court has already estab- lished the doctrine that States have the right to pro- hibit the manufacture and sale of spirituous liquors. In the license cases, 5 Howard, 504, decided in 1847, Chief Justice Taney, who delivered the opinion, said: “If any State deems the retail and internal traffic in ardent spirits injurious to its citizens, and calculated to produce idleness, vice or debauchery, I see nothing in the Constitution of the United States to prevent it from regulating and restraining the traffic, or from prohibiting it altogether, if it thinks proper. 55 The constitutionality of prohibitory laws thus early an- nounced has been reaffirmed by the Court in the follow- ing opinions: Bartemeyer v. Iowa , 18 Wallace, 129, rendered 1873; Boston Beer Co. v. Massachusetts , 7 Otto, 25, rendered May 13, 1878; Foster v. State of Kansas , 112 U. S. 206, rendered November 10, 1884; Mugler v. State of Kansas , rendered December 5, 1887; Bowman v. C. and N. TV. By. Co ., rendered March 19, 1888; Kidd v. Pearson et al ., rendered October 22, 1888. In Bowman v. C. and N. TV. By. Co., the Court POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 589 decided unconstitutional the provision of the Iowa law, which prohibits railroads from shipping intoxi- cating liquors into the State from other States, on the ground that Congress has the exclusive control over inter-state commerce. The other features of the law were sustained. But a later decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in the Iowa liquor cases seems to have settled the last point of conflict between the police power of the State and the general govern- ment to regulate inter-state commerce. The decision is, that though the State cannot prevent the impor- tation of unbroken packages of liquor, yet it can prevent its sale, either in broken or unbroken pack- ages, after it has been imported. The opinion in Kidd v. Pearson was written by Justice Lamar, in the course of which he said: “In the case of Mugler v. Kansas, wherein the very question was raised, the Court decided that a State has the right to prohibit or restrict the manufacture of intoxicating liquors within her limits; to prohibit all sale and traffic in them in said State; to inflict penalties for such man- ufacture and sale, and to provide regulations for the abatement as a common nuisance of the property used for such forbidden purposes, and that such legislation by a State is a clear exercise of her undisputed police power, which does not abridge the liberties or immunities of citizens of the United States.” This opinion holds also that it is constitutional to prohibit the manufac- ture of intoxicating liquors, even for the purpose of exportation. These opinions are regarded by the men and women, who are the earnest advocates of prohi- bition, as a bulwark of strength, and it must there- fore be apparent that the agitation of the subject will continue until the liquor traffic ceases altogether, or its sale, as a beverage, is restricted in some manner which shall be acceptable to the masses. 590 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. The first opinion here cited and the last were deliv- ered by men whose political associations had been with the Democratic party. The Republican party gave to the people of Kansas and Iowa prohibition, and it re- mains to be seen whether it will attempt congressional legislation on the' subject. A resolution was adopted as a part of the Republican platform of 1888, which expressed sympathy with all well directed efforts for the promotion of temperance and morality, but how much significance can be given to this is wholly a matter of conjecture. Rut so far as National legisla- tion upon this subject is concerned it involves a grave question. It is a familar principle that the powers conferred upon the federal government by the Consti- tution of the United States are necessarily exclu- sive of the powers of the States over the same subject. Repeated decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States, made under the fugitive slave law, which is now obsolete, and with respect to other amendments to the Constitution and Statutes of the United States fully support this proposition, so that in point of law any amendment to the Constitution of the United States of the character suggested would probably oust the Stales of jurisdiction over the whole subject embraced within the amendment. Any legislation by the federal government intended to give effect to such an amendment would take from the municipalities of the States all the control they at present possess over the subject, and would disable the State Legislatures from passing any law for the same object. Then, for the first time in the history of the Union, the federal government would by a system of laws assume the functions now exercised by the authorities of the States, including the powers of cities, towns and villages, and it is thought it would create a necessity for an enormous federal police to take the place of POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 591 officers existing under State authority. It would also compel the creation of numerous courts, under federal laws, to take jurisdiction of the infinite violations of the prohibitory statutes. The States would be filled with officers appointed by distant authority, and it is feared that the result would be that either conflicts would take place between the police authorities of the States and the federal government, or the police officers ap- pointed by federal authority would absorb the whole police jurisdiction of the States. Thus it will be seen, if these fears are well founded, that it would be a com- plete alteration in the whole system of government established by the federal constitution, and would break down all the barriers between the now separate powers of the federal and State governments, so far as they might relate to the control over the liquor traffic. It is no wonder, then, that there should be a wide diversity of sentiment in the minds of the advo- cates of prohibition as to whether it shall be left to the States, or whether it shall be transferred to the control of the United States. So far as the public mind has been attracted to the subject in National elections, it may be judged by the fact that in 1872 the Prohibitionists put forth their first candidate for President, in the person of James Black, of Pennsylvania. He received but 5,608 votes, which were confined to Connecticut, Michigan, New Hampshire, New York, Ohio and Pennsylvania. In 1876, Green Clay Smith was the candidate. His vote was 9,522. In 1880, Neal Dow was the candidate. His vote was 10,305. In 1884, JohnP. St. John was the candidate. He received 151,062. In this contest his- tory repeated itself. In 1844, just forty years before, the candidates for President were Jas. K. Polk, Dem- ocrat; Henry Clay, Whig, and Jas. G. Birney, Liberty. The whole number of electoral votes was then but 592 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 275; necessary to a choice 138. Clay carried Con- necticut, Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland, Massachu- setts, New Jersey, North Carolina, Ohio, Rhode Island, Tennessee and Vermont, whose electoral votes num- bered 105, and with the vote of New York he would have had 141, three more than were necessary to a choice. But the anti-slavery men were bent on the abolition of slavery and they voted for Birney, not- withstanding it was widely proclaimed that Clay was an emancipationist. Birney polled 15,812 votes in New York, which gave the State to Polk, by a plu- rality of 5,940. So it was in 1884, the vote of St. John gave the State of New York to Cleveland, and that defeated Blaine. In 1888, Clinton B. Fisk was the candidate. Electoral tickets were nominated in all the States save South Carolina, and the vote ag- gregated 249,937 or 98 875 more than St. John re- ceived four years before. The Prohibition movement resembles in another re- spect the policy pursued by the anti-slavery men. They oppose the liquor traffic in all the States, and while they do not expect immediate results, yet they confidently hope to keep the traffic out of the new States, and finally to proclaim the emancipation of all the States from the saloon system. But with prohi- bition in one State, local option in another, high license in another, and the National Government li- censing the sale of spirituous liquors in all the States and Territories, the solution of the question yet re- mains an unsolved problem in the bosom of the future. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 593 OFFICIAL VOTE. Governor. Joseph W. Fifer, R 367,860 John M. Palmer, D 355,313 David H. Harts, Pro 18,874 Willis W. Jones, U. L 6,394 Lieutenant-Governor. Lyman B. Ray, R 371.170 Andrew J. Bell, D 348,221 Joseph L. Whitlock, Pro 21,334 John M. Foley, U. L 7,535 Secretary of State. Isaac N. Pearson, R 371,773 Newell D. Ricks. D 346,486 J. Ross Hanna, Pro 21,461 Lloyd W. Robertson, U. L 7,685 Auditor of Public Accounts. Charles W. Pavey, R 370,492 Andrew Welch, D 347,666 Uriah Copp, Jr., Pro 21,316 George W. Collins, U. L 7,661 Treasurer. Charles Becker, R 369,881 Francis A. Hoffman, Jr 348,834 John W. Hart, Pro 21,410 Nathan Barnett, U. L 7,491 Attorney-General. George Hunt, R 371,294 Jacob R. Creighton, D 347,171 F. E. Andrews, Pro 21,174 John M. Dill, U. L 6.946 Congressmen.— First District. Abner Taylor, R 26,553 James F. Todd, D 22,697 Harry S. Taylor 981 Theophiln Laramie 145 Second District. Daniel F. Gleason, R 12,969 Frank Lawler, D 19.051 Frank J. Sibley 142 38 594 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Third District. Vm. E. Mason, R 23,671 Milton R. Freshwater, D 21,295 Chas. G. Davis 734 Frank A. Stauber 937 Fourth District. Geo. E. Adams, R 22,273 Jonathan B. Taylor, D 19,755 L. D, Rogers 1,353 Henry T. Lloyd 59 Fifth District. Albert J. Hopkins, R 20,077 James Herrington, D 10,018 John M. Strong 1,765 Sixth District. Robt. R. Hitt, R 18,139 Rufus M. Cook, D 11,903 George Richardson 1,659 Seventh District. Thos. J. Henderson, R 16,380 Owen G. Lovejov, D 11,341 Alfred M. Hanson 1,185 Eighth District. Charles A. Hill, R 20,596 Lafayette W. Brewer, D 17,454 J. L. Reber 1,661 John McLaughlin 321 Ninth District. Lewis E. Payson, R 16,871 Herman W. Snow, D 14,490 Milvil C. Smith 1,345 E. R. Wiley 74 Tenth District. Philip S. Post, R 18,824 Nicholas E. Worthington, D 16,166 James H. Sedgwick 804 Eleventh District. Wm. H. Gest, R 19,657 Wm. Prentiss, D 17,580 Joseph W. McIntosh 1,109 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 595 Twelfth District. Scott Wike, D 21,938 Wm. H. Collins, R 10,628 John H. Rives 905 L. N. Wise 1,106 „ Thirteenth District. Wm. M. Springer, D 21,364 Charles Kerr, R 18,450 Lafe Swing 1,520 John Alsberry 260 Fourteenth District. Jonathan H. Rowell, R..... 18,570 Ethelbert Stewart, D 16,740 Albert F. Smith 1,745 Fifteenth District. Jos. G. Cannon, R 19,897 Robert L. McKinlay, D 17,204 Jarius C. Sheldon 1,095 Alexander C. Barton 189 Sixteenth District. Edwin Harlan, R 17,037 George W. Fithian, D 17,742 Hale Johnson, Pro 684 Thomas Ratcliff 315 Seventeenth District. John J. Brown, R 14,775 Edward Lane, D 19,385 Jasper L. Douthit 1,187 Eighteenth District. Jehu Baker, R 16,151 Wm. S. Forman, D 16,167 W. W. Edwards 652 Geo. W. Wickline 926 Nineteenth District. Richard W. Townshend,* D 18,086 W. L. Crim, R 15,615 Calendar Bohrbough 425 Twentieth District. George W. Smith, R 19,005 Thomas T. Robinson, D 17,186 John C. McReynolds 667 ♦Died at Washington, D. C., March 9, 1889. J. It. Williams elected to fill vacancy. 596 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP ILLINOIS. Electors — Harrison, R. Charles H. Deere 370,473 James M. Truitt 370,467 John Creour 370,471 Michael B. Kearney 370,469 John R. Wheeler 370,475 Orrin W. Potter 370,469 Harvey A. Jones 370,468 Duncan Mackay, Jr 370.464 James Dinsmoor 370,462 Isaac C. Norton 370,468 Richard J. Hanna 370,465 Edgar A. Bancroft 370,468 Robert Moir 370,467 Thomas Worthington, Jr 370,467 Dietrich C. Smith 370,468 Vespasian Warner 370,470 William R. Jewell 370,467 Ethelbert Callahan 370,462 Alexander H. McTaggart 370,467 Emery P. State 370,469 Allen Bleakley 370,464 Henry C. Horner 370,460 Cleveland, D. Monroe C. Crawford 348,278 Charles H. Schwab 348,371 Moses J. Wentworth 348,364 William H. Joyce 348,364 Robert J. Smith 348,363 Michael W. Robinson 348,362 Joseph F. Glidden., 348,363 Thomas J. Sheean 348,361 William C. Green 348,366 Edwin Porter 348,363 George 0. Barnes 348,350 Harden W. Masters 348,362 Timothy J. Scofield 348,360 James M. Riggs 348,359 William P. Callon 348,357 Isaac A. Buckingham 348,362 Alfred C. Ficklin 348,362 Levi H. Brewer 348,361 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 597 Cleveland, D.— Continued. Erastus N. Rinehart 348,363 Edward C. Pace 348,362 James R. Williams 348,363 John Burks May ham 347,978 Fisk, Pro. James S. Tichnor 21,695 James Felter 21,696 Isaac H. Pedrick 21,698 Stephen F. Welbasky 21,701 (Walter J. Bennett 21,702 Henry W. Austin 21,701 iForrest J. Crissey 21,701 Joseph P. Wayland 21,701 Albert M. Hansen 21,702 Isaac Claflin 21,701 Jervice G. Evans 21,703 David J. McCullough 21,702 Isaac M. Kirkpatrick 21,702 Andrew C. Wilson 21,703 John R. Lockridge 21,703 Jerome R. Gorrin 21,702 T. J. N. Simmons 21,701 Robert E. Mathis 21,702 Henry B. Kepley 21,703 W T . Henry Moore 21,678 A. M. Sturman 21,702 George A.. Gordon 21,701 Streetek, U. L. Frank C. Fedon 7,090 Andrew M. Glasgow 7,093 Walter Willis 7,134 John B. Banning 7,134 John H. Randall 7,134 Bernard Frese 7,134 Vitringa W. Panton 7,134 John Budlong 7,134 Timothy Sammons 7,133 L. C. Shumaker 7,134 0. W. Barnard 7,134 John H. Armstrong 7,134 John D. Murphy 7,134 598 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Streeter, U. L. — Continued. J. F. Lane 7,134 H. A. Peabody 7,134 Daniel L. Brangher 7,134 Jesse Harper 7,134 C. E. Garwood 7.134 Edward Rossler 7,133 H. C. Bonghan 7,133 Henry F. Kelchner 7,133 John Dupoint 7,133 The popular vote of Illinois for president in 1888, was as follows : Harrison, 370,475; Cleveland, 348,371; Fisk, 21,703; Streeter, 7,534. Total, 748,083. In the United States it was, Harrison, 5,441,902; Cleve- land, 5,538,500; Fisk, 249,937; Streeter, 147,521. Total, 11,392,429. Cleveland’s plurality, 96,658. The electoral vote was, Harrison, 233; Cleveland, 168. The figures relating to the vote for president in Illinois, have been taken from an official publication by the Secretary of State, and those of the other States from the Chicago Daily News Almanac of 1889. Harrison carried California, Colorado, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minne- sota, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, New York, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Vermont, Wisconsin ; and Cleveland carried Alabama, Arkansas, Connecticut, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, Missouri, New Jersey, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia, West Virginia. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS, 599 STATE GOVERNMENT — 1889. Governor — Joseph W. Fifer. Lieutenant-Governor — Lyman B. Ray. Secretary of State — Isaac N. Pearson. Auditor of Public Accounts — Charles W. Pavey. Treasurer — Charles Becker. Attorney- General — George Hunt. Superintendent of Public Instruction — Richard Edwards. Thirty-sixth General Assembly. f The Thirty-sixth General Assembly convened January 9, 1889. Senate. Bacon, Chas. H., Lockport. Karraker , David W., Jonesboro. Bacon, George E., Paris. Bassett, Mark M., Peoria. Berry, Orville F., Carthage. Bogardus, Charles. Paxton. Brink , F. E. W., Hoyleton. Burke, Richard M., Chicago. Campbell , James R., McLeansboro, Chapman, T. S., Jersey ville. Crawford, C. H., Hyde Park. Dean , Georpe W., Adams. Eckhart, B. A., Chicago. Evans, Henry H., Aurora. Frisbee, William J., Bushnell. Fuller, Charles E., Belvidere. Garrity, Michael F., Chicago. Gibbs, George A. , Chicago. Greenwood, C. F., Waterman. Griswold, Charles A., Fulton. Hadley, W. F. L., Edwardsville. Hagle, Dios C., Flora. Hamer, Thomas, Vermont. Hip bee, Harry , Pittsfield. Hogan, Daniel, Mound City. Humphrey, John, Orland. Johns, Wm. C., Decatur. Kerrick, Thomas C., Bloomington. Knopf, Philip, Chicago. Deeper, Arthur A., Virginia. *Lehman, Lewis L., Mattoon. McDonald, E. L., Jacksonville. MacMillan, Thomas C., Chicago. Matthews, Milton W., Urbana. Monahan, James, Chicago. Newell, Martin L., Minonk. Pierce, John H., Kewanee. Reavill, A. J., Flat Rock. Reinhardt, Joseph, Peru. Rickert, Joseph W., Waterloo. Secrest, Conrad, Watseka. Stiter, Henry, Lebanon. Sheets, Benjamin F., Oregon. Shumway, Hiram P., Taylorville. Shutt, Wm. E., Springfield. Stephenson, L. B., Shelbyville. Strattan, A. M., Mt. Vernon. Thomas, Horace H., Chicago. Washburn, E. A., Princeton. Wiles, Robert H., Freeport. Yost, John, Elba. ♦Successor to McGrath, deceased. tRepublicans in Roman, Democrats in Italic , and United Labor in Small Capitals. 600 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS, House of Kepresentatives.1- Allen, Chas. A., Hoopeston. Allen, Henry W., Kirkwood. Allen , Sylvester, Oxville. Anderson, James O., Oquawka. Baker, George S., Chicago. Ball, Jonas T ., Toluca. Bartleson, Horatio R., Macomb. Blair, Eugene K ., Waverly. Bowler, William H., O’Fallon. Bradshaw, B. H., Compton. Bray, Levi T., Lanark. Breeden, R. G., Tennessee. Brokoski, F. A., Chicago. Brown, Julius A., Monticello. Browne, Edgar S., Mendota. Buchanan, James N., Chicago. Buckley, William, Chicago. Carmody, Henry P., Chicago. Carstens, John, Nokomis. Chott, Quida J., Chicago. Cochennour, John S., Olney. Cochran, William G., Lovington. Coen, Peter A., Washburn. Cole, Walter, Marshall. Combs, Joseph A., Mulberry Grove Converse, A. L., Springfield. Cooley, Orrin P., Oneida. Cox, William, Grand Detour. Crafts, Clayton E., Austin. Craig, Isaac B., Mattoon. Crawford, W. F., Taylor Ridge. Crossett, Dwight, Courtland. Davis, Robert H., Carrollton. Dalashmutt, Wm. G., Martinsville. Dixon, Sherwood, Dixon. Doolittle, Edwin A., Carrollton. Ecton, Geo. F., Chicago. Eddy, John, Bloomington. Enslow, David C., McVey. Farmer, Wm. M., Vandalia. Farrell, James H., Chicago. Fisher, H. V., Geneseo. Ford, John S., Chicago. Fowler, James M., Marion. Getman, Jethro M., Chicago. Gill, Joseph B., Murphysboro. Gould, Edson, Bone Gap. Graham, Nicholas R , Wheaton. Green, Reed, Cairo. Gregg, Hugh C., Elba. *Died April 25, 1889, + Republicans in Roman, Small Capitals. *Haines, Elijah M., Waukegan. Hart, John M., Eden. Hawley, Edgar C., Dundee. Hayes, Samuel C., Chicago. Hill, Josiah A., Sharpsburg. Hill, Robert H., Boody. Hopprn, Bushrod E., Englewood. Hunt, Daniel D., DeKalb. Hunter, David, Rockford. Hunter, James W , Hermon. Hurst, Elmore W., Rock Island. Ireland, Robert M., Elgin. Johnson, Wm. L. R., Buckley. Jones, Wiley E., Springfield. Keller, David P., Macon. Kenny, James, Peoria. Kent, William E., Chicago. Kretzinger, Wm. H., Latham. Kunz, Stanley H., Chicago. Lacey, Royal R., Elizabethtown. Lee, Milton, Rossville. Lester, Andrew J., Springfield. Logsdon, Perry, Rushville. Lyman , William PI., Chicago. .Lyon, Charles M., McLeansboro. McCall, Peter, Spring Valley. McClanahan, John P., Alexis. McCreery, William T.. Huntsville. McDonald, John, Hardin. McDowell, Andrew S., Clayton. McElligott, T. G., Chicago. McGee , James Park, Tuscola. McLaughlin, D., Braidwood. Mahoney, Jos. P., Chicago. Marshall, Thos. A., Keithsburg. Martin, Samuel H., Carmi. Matthews, Asa C., Pittsfield. Merritt, Thos. E., Salem. Meyer, John, Chicago. Mieure, Wm. H. II., Lawrence ville, Miller, Jacob, Chicago. Miller, James H., Toulon. Monaghan, James L., Chicago. Mooney, William, Braidwood. Morrasy, Anthony, Sheffield. Morris, Free P., Watseka. Myer, N. J., Ocoya. Myers, Joseph C., Clinton. O'Donnell, Joseph H., Chicago. O'Toole, James J., Chicago. in Italic, and United Labor in POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 601 House of Representatives. — Continued. Oglevee, William H., Clinton. Paddock, Daniel H., Kankakee. Padon , Henry H., Troy. Parker , Isaac A. J., Vienna. - Partridge, C. A., Waukegan. Pepoon, Geo. W., Warren. Phillips , Frederick B ., Belleville. Pike, Ivory H., Bloomington. Pollard, O. W., Dwight. Prince, George W., Galesburg. Pugh , John TV., Mason City. Quinn , James F ., Chicago. Ramey, Thomas T., Brooks. Ramsay, Rufus N., Carlyle. Reynolds, Stephen A., Chicago. Rice, Eugene, Camargo. Rice, Thomas J., Tamaroa. , Ross, David, Oglesby. Schneider , J. J., Effingham. Schuwerk, William M., Evansville. Scudamore, Joseph B., Wayne City. Simpson, Robert, Rockford. Sloan, Wm. G., Harrisburg. , Smiley, Samuel C., O’Fallon. Smith, James A., Chatsworth. Southworth, G. S., Woodstock. ' Sparks, David R., Alton. Spitler, Frank, Sullivan. Stinson, Robert B., Anna. Stookey, David B., Cramer. Stoskopf, Michael , Freeport. Sullivan, Thomas, Jr., Akin. Sundelius, Peter A., Chicago. * Tee fey, John J., Mount Sterling. Telford, Matthew, Dix. Terpening, Henry L., Cropsey. Tilton, George R., Danville. Towse, Watson A., Carlin ville. Trench, J. P., LaSalle. Tyler, Ira, Richfield. Updike, Pierson B., Litchfield. Walker, James R., Columbia. Walsh j James, Chicago. Wells, Albert TV, Quincy. White, John W., Tampico. White, John TV, Allentown. Whitehead, Edward J., Austin. Wilk, William F., Chicago. Wilke, Fred, Beecher. Willeford, Edward L ., Old Ripley. Willet, Reuben W., Yorkville. Williams, Wm. 6r., Newton. Wisner, Frank J., Chicago. Governor Fifer was inaugurated January 14, 1889. The Republicans had a working majority in both houses. Lyman B. Ray presided over the Senate as president. Theo. S. Chapman was elected president pro tempore. In the House A. C. Matthews was chosen speaker, but on the 10th of May resigned the office, having been appointed First Comptroller of the Treasury of the United States, when James H. Miller was elected to fill the vacancy. S. M. Cullom was reelected United States Senator on the 22d day of January, over John M. Palmer, by a vote of 115 to 84. The legislation of this session was not unlike that of many previous assemblies. The good men of the body sought to serve the best interests of the people, but with no great leader in either house of either Died. No Successor. 602 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. party to direct intelligent action, such measures as related to the equalization of taxation, prison manage- ment and the purification and protection of the ballot- box failed, but it is not believed that any pernicious legislation found its way upon the statute-books. If we except the proposition to allow the people to vote upon the question of prohibition — a right they have long petitioned for — the defeat of the ten proposed amendments to the Constitution of the State was wise. The changing of an organic act in whole or in part, without mature consideration, is abvays at- tended with dangerous consequences, but to have con- sented to the replacement of the present Constitution with a new one, when statesmanship is dethroned and the mere politician holds sway, v r ould simply have been a leap in the dark. The aggregate appropriations of this assembly were $7,390,381.78. The levy bill provided for a levy for the years 1889 and 1890 of $5,400,000. These lavish appropriations do not indicate the same desire for economy which prevailed in 1848, when we take into consideration that the biennial report of the Bureau of Labor Statistics of Illinois, for 1888, shows that there were 8,082,794 acres of land put under mortgage during the year 1887, as security for the payment of $147,320,054. It is apparent from these figures that the agricultural interests of the State are not in a prosperous condition, and hence the wide-spread demand by the owners of farm lands for an equalization of taxation. There were 170 acts passed by this bodv, 88 of which originated in the Senate and 82 in the House. The Governor approved 86 of the Senate bills and 79 of the House, and vetoed three of the House bills and two of the Senate. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 603 This assembly was confronted with an unpleasant duty. During the campaign of 1888, Governor Oglesby had been openly charged by political adversaries with an unlawful use of the public money, and subsequently the State Grange passed a series of resolutions demanding an investigation of the matter by the General Assembly, and soon after its organization a committee was appointed in the Senate, on motion of Mr. Shumway, for that purpose, but the action of the committee was so partisan in its labors as to defeat the object of the investigation. There were two reports — a majority and a minority. The one acquitted the Governor and the other found him guilty, and thus the people are left in doubt as to the truth or falsity of the charges. Abuses find their way into the administration of almost every high trust within the gift of the people, either through carelessness or a willful disregard of the strict letter of the law, but un&er our form of government no man ever attains such eminence as to preclude him from accountability to the people for his acts as their servant, and a legislative body that declines to pass impartially upon charges preferred against a public servant, is unmindful of its duty to itself and to its constituents. John M. Palmer was Governor of Illinois when the Constitution of 1870 went into effect, and in his mes- sage to the Twenty-seventh General Assembly, at its special session in May, 1871, he addressed himself thus on this very question : The salary of the Governor was, by the Constitu- tion of 1847, fixed at the sum of fifteen hundred dol- lars, and no more; but at successive sessions of the General Assembly, appropriations were made of con- siderable sums, to be expended under the direction of the Governor, that were regarded and treated as ad- ditions to his constitutional salary. 604 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. At the session of 1869, the sum of forty-five hun- dred dollars per annum was appropriated for fuel and 'lights for the Executive Mansion, and to defray the expense of keeping the same, and the grounds thereto i attached, in repair, payable quarterly upon the order i of the Governor. This sum of money has been regu- larly drawn by me, and after the satisfaction of the special objects of procuring fuel and lights, and keep- ; ing the grounds in repair, as intended by the act, the excess that remained has been treated as appropriated for my own personal use. I state this matter at length for the double object of illustrating the vicious system of appropriations that had grown up under the Constitution of 1847, in which every department of the government was, to a greater or less extent, involved, and of giving force to the expression of my opinion that similar appro- priations and constructions are impossible under the Constitution now in operation. Besides the investigation of the case of Governor Oglesby, the Senate was involved in an investigation which affected its own integrity. It was publicly charged, in an alleged interview with Jacob Bunn, which appeared in the Chicago Tribune, that $50,000 had been raised to defeat the passage of the Merritt Anti-Trust Bill which had previously passed the House, but the investigation acquitted the Senators from any dishonorable methods in connection with the defeat of the measure. In times past it has not been an uncommon thing to see Senators and Representatives rise in their places in open session, or in committee, and pronounce some measure before the body “a steal,” or to charge, in the same manner, that the passage of certain measures were hindered or accelerated by the improper use of money, but when a newspaper reporter dared to com- municate to the press what was the common talk before the body, members have been known to rise to questions of privilege and assault the reporter in un- measured terms. POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 605 At the session of the Thirtieth General Assembly, in 1877, there were three committees appointed to inves- tigate charges of corruption and bribery of members of the House upon three different subjects. Indeed, the entire session was clouded with the cry of bribery, but the only definite thing done in the way of an investigation was to send the reporter of the Chicago Tribune to the jail of Sangamon County for an indefi- nite period, as a contumacious witness, because he w r ould not divulge the name of the member who had told him that he had been offered $5,000 to vote for a certain measure. Another notable case was in 1885. A reporter in the the House stated, in his correspondence, that he had in his possession the names of twenty -three members who had compromised the dignity of the House by making corrupt propositions to corporations. This startled the members, and an investigation was at once instituted, and, although it developed the fact that two members of the House w^ere guilty of the charge, yet the report was smothered by being denied, by a vote of the House, a place upon its journal, and the reporter was denounced by members in the severest terms. The lesson this last investigation teaches us is, that if members of a legislative body will, from day to day, publicly proclaim that there are “ sand-baggers 77 in their midst whose votes are controlled by the improper use of money, it would be strange if somebody did not believe it, and it would be equally strange if some newspaper reporter did not put it into the public press as a fact. The tendency of all this is to drive the better class of men from the halls of legislation, but will it not result’ in the near future, in such a revolution in pub- lic sentiment as prevailed at the time the Constitu- 606 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. tion of 1848 was framed, which transferred the power of the government from the officeholders to the people ? The rumor of influencing the vote of the Senate in opposition to the passage of the Anti-Trust Bill brings vividly to mind the time when John A. Logan was last elected United States Senator. The very air was full of all sorts of rumors of corruption. The joint assembly, with all the members elected present, numbered 204, but a bare majority of the two houses, voting in joint assembly, could have elected a United States Senator; that is, if 100 Democrats and the one Independent had voted for Mr. Morrison, and only two Republicans for Logan, Mr. Morrison would have been legally elected United States Senator, or, if the 102 Republicans had voted for Logan, and only one Democrat for Mr. Morrison, or any other candidate, Logan’s election would have been secured beyond question. Up to the 14th of May the Democrats had been unable to unite their forces upon Mr. Morrison. On that day he received, in joint as- sembly, the 100 votes of his party and the one Inde- pendent twice in succession, when his name was with- drawn. The Republicans refrained from voting. At this juncture the name of Lambert Tree was intro- duced. Three other ballots were taken, when a recess occurred until 7:30 p. m. The first vote taken after assembling in the evening was, Tree 91, scattering 9. The second ballot, Tree 101, Logan 1. Total 102. Necessary to a choice 103. The one vote for Logan threw the assembly into the wildest confusion, and Republican Senators and Representatives boldly charged corruption, and lobbyists were pointed out as being upon the floor for the purpose of improperly influencing Republicans in their vote for Senator. The last time we saw General Logan he related to us many POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 607 interesting details concerning that hard-fought battle, in which he said it had often been stated that $50,- 000 had been provided to secure his defeat, but that, alarming and unreasonable as the statement might seem, the sum was even greater. Said he: “The man to whom $60,000 had been given to corrupt Republi- can members placed that money in my hands that I might see with my own eyes what was going on, and 1 could have put it into the Leland safe had I so desired; but they gave the money to a friend, and not an enemy as they supposed, and thus the scheme of bribery failed.” Degrading and doubtful as this statement may seem to be, yet, coming from a man like Logan, it must be accepted as true. Spoils System. Though the two great political parties of this country stand committed in national convention against what is denominated the spoils system, yet many Senators and Representatives of either party practice the doc- trine that to the victors belong the spoils, and whenever and wherever the President dares to make an appointment outside of the persons they may have named for this or that office, he is charged with exercising a right which is not sanctioned by the Constitution. President Grant experienced much opposition from such Senators, yet it is not believed that he ever yielded to senatorial dictation. President Hayes became a victim to the wrath of Senators who sought to con- trol the patronage of his administration. The sudden taking off of President Garfield, by an assassin whose mind was dethroned by a morbid desire for office, has left the world in doubt as to what would have been the character of his policy with respect to the dispo- sition of the public trusts; but his successor, Chester 608 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. A. Arthur, won the respect of the Nation by his admirable administration. President Cleveland dis- pleased many of his party followers, and Senators as well, because he did not remove all the Republican officials from office, and it had its effect in the cam- paign in which he sought a reelection. President Harrison came into office, not without experience in public life, with a purpose to administer the affairs of the government wisely and well, and yet three months had not elapsed before he was confronted with an obstinate senatorial dictation which threatened the harmony, if not the success, of his administration ; but, imitating the example of his illustrious predeces- sor, Grant, he turned neither to the right nor to the left. The repeated conflicts that have taken place between the Executive and the Senators, from administration to administration, is fast serving to stimulate the belief that the Senators who prostitute their high calling by becoming the mere hucksters in office will finally be driven from power by an outraged public sentiment, while the principle enunciated in the sub- joined paragraph’, taken from one of the platforms of the party which Abraham Lincoln first led to victory, will live when the mere politician — the spoilsman— shall have gone into utter oblivion: Under the Constitution the President and heads of departments are to make nominations for office, the Senate is to advise and consent to appointments, and the House of Representatives is to accuse and prosecute faithless officers. The .best interest of the public service demands that these directions be re- spected; that Senators and Representatives who may be judges and accusers should not dictate appoint- ments to office. The invariable rule in appointments should haye reference to the honesty, fidelity and capacity of the appointees, giving to the party in power those places where harmony and vigor of ad- ministration require its policy to be represented, but POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 609 permitting all others to be filled by persons selected with sole reference to the efficiency of the public ser- vice, and the right of all citizens to share in the honor of rendering faithful service to the country. Yea, we repeat, if this “ government of the people, for the people, and by the people, ” is to be continued, the doctrine set forth in the above paragraph must become the settled policy of whatever party may be in power. A Political Revolution. The government of Chicago has for years been under the control of what is termed “political bosses” of one or the other great parties, and because of this it has been shifted at different times from one party to the other by the force of a mighty revolution. In 1877 Carter H. Harrison, a Democrat, was elected mayor by an overwhelming majority, and he was re- elected four successive times; but, in 1886, his star began to wane, and in 1887 he declined to be a can- didate. In that year John A. Roche, Republican, was elected mayor by a majority of 30,000, but in 1889, although he received the renomination without oppo- sition, and had the support of all his party papers, and the Chicago Times as well, he was defeated by DeWitt C. Cregier, Democrat, by a majority of over 12,000, and the whole city and county tickets were carried down with him by similar majorities, save Franz Amberg, the candidate for city clerk, who had been relieved by the State administration of the office of Penitentiary Commissioner. Such a defeat, coming so soon after the Republican triumph in 1888 in the State and Nation, shows how deeply seated is the prejudice of the people against the despotic rule of “political bosses,” and it gives hope that the govern- ment of the country will outlive them and all their methods. 39 *1 ' LIBRARY OF THE university of iu.n°is. APPENDIX CHAPTER I. ILLINOIS. Formation into a Territory— Qfficers^Formation of Legislative Districts— Territorial Legislation— Personal. We learn from the History of the United States that the Illinois country was first explored by LaSalle, the French Missionaries and Indian traders, who formed the earliest settlement at Kaskaskia, in 1683; that the coun- try was first owned by the French and was afterward ceded to Great Britain, when it became a part of the possessions of Virginia. The questions growing out of the ownership, by several States, of vast tracts of unoccupied land, were very difficult of solution, owing, in many in- stances, to rival claims based on the comprehensive, ill- defined, and often conflicting grants made by different sovereigns of England to colonies and colonists in the new world; and the conviction in various quarters that all the territory acquired from Great Britain by the treaty of 1783, having been secured by the blood and the treas- ure of the whole people, should be held by all the States as common property. The data in possession of the European governments in relation to this continent were so vague that it was impossible to define their grants with anything like accuracy; and they seemed to think that the country was so expansive that there was scarcely any 1 2 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. limit to its extent or their power over it; and the result was that different colonies claimed the ownership of the same territory, and in various instances it was claimed by several conflicting authorities. These questions proved for a time serious obstacles in the way of accord among the several States; and so complicated did they become that at times they seemed impossible of adjustment. But the sound common sense and the enlightened patriotism that had governed the statesmen of that day, throughout their perilous conflict, proved sufficient for this last emergency. Virginia took the first practical step in the direction of a settlement, by the cession to the confederacy, in 1784, of all her land Northwest of the Ohio river — which was accepted by Congress— and in relation to which the Ordinance of 1787 was subsequently adopted. By this measure the ob- stacles were removed. From this territory was formed five States — Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan and Wisconsin — all devoted to freedom. (See Hickey’s Constitution of the United States.) Illinois was a part of Indiana Territory when organized as a Territory. February 8, 1809, Congress passed an act dividing the Indiana Territory into two separate governments, and establishing the Territory of Illinois. President Madison appointed John Boyle, an Associate Justice of the Court of Appeals of Kentucky, Governor of the Territory, but he declined, and Ninian Edwards, Chief Justice of the same Court, was appointed in his stead. Nathaniel Pope was appointed Secretary; Alexander Stuart, Obadiah Jones and Jesse B. Thomas, Judges; Benjamin H. Boyle, Attorney- General. This composed the Territorial Government. Under the Ordinance of 1787, and the act of Congress February 3, 1809, the Governor and Judges constituted the law-making power of the Territory, and as such they met for the first time at Kaskaskia, June 13, 1809, and their first act was to resolve that the laws of Indiana Territory, APPENDIX. 3 in force prior to March 1, 1809, which applied to the government of the Territory, should remain in full force and effect. The duration of the session was seven days, in which thirteen acts were passed. The second session of the Council was held in 1810, at which fourteen acts were passed,* and the third and last session was held in 1811, at which five acts were passed. Among the laws enacted were some from the Georgia, Kentucky, Pennsylvania and South Carolina statutes. In May, 1812, Congress passed an act authorizing the formation of five Legislative districts in the Territory which were to be apportioned by the Governor, and from each of which was to be elected a member of the Legislative Coun- cil, who should hold the office four years ; the number of Representatives to be elected was not to be less than seven nor more than twelve, until the number of ‘ free male, white inhabitants ” should equal six thousand, and after that time the number was to be governed by the Ordinance of 1787. The office of Representative was for two years. Governor Edwards called the first election for Council- men and Representatives for October 8, 9 and 10, 1812. Territorial Government, 1812. Governor — Ninian Edwards. Secretary of the Territory— Nathaniel Pope. Auditor of Public Accounts— H. H. Maxwell. Attorney-General — B. M. Piatt. Treasurer — John Thomas. First Territorial Legislature. The first session of the Territorial Legislature under the act of Congress of May 12, convened at Kaskaskia, No- vember 25, 1812, and was composed of the following members : Council. Pierre Menard, Randolph. Samuel Judy, Madison. Benjamin Talbott, Gallatin. Thomas Ferguson, Johnson. William Biggs, St. Clair. 4 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. House of Represent attves. George Fisher, Randolph. Joshua Oglesby, St. Clair. Alexander Wilson, Gallatin. Jacob Short, St. Clair. Philip Trammel, Gallatin. William Jones, Madison. John Grammar, Johnson. Pierre Menard was -elected President of the Council, and John Thomas Secretary. George Fisher was elected Speaker of the House, and William C. Greenup Clerk. The duration of this session was thirty-two days, and the whole number of acts passed was twenty-seven. The salary of the Attorney-General was fixed at $175 per an- num; Auditor, $150; Treasurer, $150; and members of the Legislature at $2 per day. A second session of this body convened November 8, 1813. Thirteen laws were passed, principal among which was one to prevent the sale of liquor to the Indians, and another to prevent the emigration of negroes or mulattoes into the Territory. Second Territorial Legislature. The Second Territorial Legislature convened on the 14th of November, 1814, and was composed of the following members : Council. Piorre Menard, Randolph. Samuel Judy, Madison. Wm. Biggs, St. Clair. Thomas Ferguson, Johnson. Benj, Talbott, Gallatin. House of Representatives. Risdon Moore, St. Clair. Philip Trammel, Gallatin. Wm. Rabb, Madison. Thos. C. Browne, Gallatin. Jas. Lemen, Jr., St. Clair Owen Evans, Johnson. Jas. Gilbreath, Randolph. The officers of the Council were the same as in the preceding Legislature. In the House, Risdon Moore was elected Speaker, and William Mears, who had succeeded B. M. Piatt as Attorney-General, Clerk. APPENDIX. 5 The laws excluding Judges of the Courts and surveyors from holding seats in the Legislature, and taxing land, which had been passed by the preceding Legislature, were repealed. A contract was made with Nathaniel Pope for revising the laws. Acts were passed incorporating Shaw- neetown and authorizing the payment of $50 for every hos- tile Indian killed. An adjournment was taken December 24 to the 4th of September, 1815. On the reassembling of this body, agreeably to adjourn- ment, Jarvis Hazleton, of Randolph, appeared as the Rep- resentative instead of Gilbreath, and John G. Lofton, of Madison, in place of Owen Evans. Daniel P. Cook was elected Clerk. The duration of this session was thirty- nine days. Thirty-eight acts were passed, one of which was to tax each billiard table $150 per annum, and another to punish counterfeiters of bank-bills by fine and whipping, and if the offender was unable to pay the fine, he was to be sold by the Sheriff at public vendue to satisfy the judgment. Third Territorial Legislature — 1816-17. The third Territorial Legislature convened December 2, 1816, and was composed of the following members: Council. Pierre Menard, Randolph. John Grammar, Johnson. John G. Lofton, Madison, Thomas C. Browne, Gallatin. Abraham Amos, St. Clair. House of Representatives. George Fisher, Randolph. Joseph Palmer, Johnson. C. R. Matheny, St. Clair. Seth Gard, Edwards, Wm. H. Bradsby, St. Clair. Samuel O’Melveny, Pope. Nathan Davis, Jackson. Pierre Menard was elected President of the Council, and Joseph Conway Secretary. In the House, George Fisher was elected Speaker, and Daniel P. Cook, who had become Auditor of Public Accounts, Clerk. 6 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. This Legislature was in session from December 2, 1816, to January 14, 1817, when it took a recess to December 1, following. There were twenty-eight acts passed at this session. One of the important acts was to establish a bank at Shawneetown, with a capital of $300,000. The Indiana Legislature had passed an act prohibiting non- resident lawyers from practicing in the courts of that State, and in retaliation an act was passed at this session imposing a fine of $200 upon any Indiana lawyer found practicing in the Territory, and the same act imposed a fine of $500 on any judge who, knowingly, allowed an Indiana lawyer to practice in his court. The second session convened December 1, 1817, agree- ably to adjournment. Willis Hargrave, of White, appeared as Representative instead of Nathan Davis, and M. S. Davis, of Gallatin, in place of Samuel O’Melveny. Fifty acts were passed, notably among which were acts estab- lishing banks at Kaskaskia, Edwardsville and Cairo, and another incorporating medical societies at Kaskaskia and Carmi. An adjournment took place January 12, 1818, which terminated Territorial legislation. Quite a number of the members of the Territorial Leg- islature became eminent in the councils of the State. Thomas C. Browne was twice elected to the Supreme bench, and Pierre Menard was Lieutenant-Governor under Gov. Bond. Mr. Menard was a Frenchman, and was con- sidered an able and excellent man. The county of Menard was named in honor of him, and a kind friend, in the per- son of Charles P. Chouteau, of St. Louis, recently presented to Illinois $10,000 for the erection of a monument to his memory, which is to be placed in the grounds of the new State House.* Ford, in his history, relates this anec- dote of Menard : While presiding over the Senate, an act passed that body which proposed to make the notes of the State b.anks receivable at the land office. Menard, in put- ting the question, said : “ Gentlemen of de Senate, it is *The bronze statue, representing Menard as trading with an Indian, was placed upon the pedestal May 22, 1886. APPENDIX. 7 moved and seconded dat de notes of dis bank be made land-office money. All in favor of dat motion say aye ; all against it say no. It is decided in de affirmative. And now, gentlemen, I bet you one hundred dollar he never be made land-office money.” Daniel P. Cook represented the State in Congress from 1820 to 1827, and discharged, with great ability, his duties as a member of the Committee of Ways and Means, and was con- sidered by such men as Calhoun and Judge McLean as a man of remarkable talents. In 1824, when John Quincy Adams was elected President by the House of Representa- tives, he cast the vote of Illinois for Adams, notwithstand- ing the majority of the people of his State had voted for General Jackson. CHAPTER II. ADMISSION AS A STATE, Constitutional Convention— Peculiarities of the Constitution— Boundaries of the State. Congress passed an act April 18, 1818, enabling the people of the Territory to form a State Constitution pre- paratory to admission into the Union. The election for delegates was authorized to take place on the first Mon- day of the ensuing July, and the convention to meet on the first Monday in August, following. There were then but fourteen counties in the Territory, and the enabling act fixed the number of delegates at thirty-three. The convention assembled agreeably to law, and was composed of the following delegates : Jesse B. Thomas, John Messinger, James Lemen, Jr., George Fisher, Elias Kent Kane, Benjamin Stephenson, Joseph Borough, Abraham Prickett, Michael Jones, 8 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Leonard White, Adolphus F. Hubbard, Hezekiah West, Wm. McFatridge, Seth Gard, Levi Compton, Willis Hargrave, Wm. McHenry, Caldwell Cams, Enoch Moore, Samuel O’Melveny, Hamlet Ferguson, Conrad Will, James Hall, Jr., Joseph Kitchell, Edward N. Cullom, Thomas Kirkpatrick, Samuel G. Morse, William Echols, John Whiteaker, An- drew Bankson, Isham Harrison, Thomas Boberts. The convention organized by the election of Jesse B. Thomas President, and William C. Greenup Secretary. The constitution was adopted by the convention, August 26, but was not submitted to a vote of the people, as subsequent constitutions have been. There were but eight articles. We note some of the peculiar features of the instrument : The salary of the Governor was fixed at $1,000; Secretary of State, $600; Judges of the Supreme Court, $1,000. The mode of voting was to be viva voce until the General Assembly should change it; Judges of inferior courts were to hold their offices during good behavior; Judges of the Supreme Court were to be removed from office on the request of two-thirds of the members of each house of the General Assembly; every person who had been bound to service by contract or indenture, by virtue of the laws of Illinois Territory, were held to a specific performance of their contracts or indentures, and negroes and mulattoes who had been registered in conformity with the aforesaid laws, to serve out the time appointed by said laws; and the children born to such persons after that time were to be free, the males at the age of 21 years, the females at the age of 18 years, and every child born of indentured pa- rents was to be registered with the clerk of the county in which they resided within six months after birth. Congress fixed the boundaries of the State as follows : “Beginning at the mouth of the Wabash river; thence up the same, and with the line of Indiana, to the northwest APPENDIX. 9 corner of said State ; thence east, with the line of said State, to the middle of Lake Michigan ; thence north, along the middle of said lake, to north latitude 42° and 30'; thence west to the middle of the Mississippi river, and thence down along the middle of that river to its confluence with the Ohio river, and thence up the latter river, along its northwestern shore, to the place of begin- ning: Provided, that this State shall exercise such juris- diction upon the Ohio river as she is now entitled, or such as may hereafter be agreed upon by this State and the State of Kentucky.” The State was admitted into the Union December 3, 1818. It is not generally known that when the people of Illinois petitioned Congress for admission into the Union as a State, that the northern boundary line did not include the port of Chicago. Our delegate in Congress, Mr. Pope, discovered this fact, and secured the assent of Congress to a change in the northern line, which gave us the present boundary, and which made the great city of Chicago a part of Illinois. The full significance of this foresight on the part of Mr. Pope may be better realized when we state that Wis- consin afterward claimed, under the ordinance of 1787, fourteen of the northern counties of Illinois. There were some peculiar features about the first Constitution. It provided that the Governor and Lieutenant-Governer should have been citizens of the United States for thirty years before their election, but in the schedule it was provided that any citizen of the United States, who had resided in the State for two years, might be eligible to the office of Lieuten- ant-Governor. This provision was made, says Ford, to enable Pierre Menard, a Frenchman, who was an old settler in the country, but who had not been nat- uralized until a year or so before, to become Lieutenant- Governor. We have spoken elsewhere of a peculiar 10 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. provision respecting the question of slavery. The legislatures of Indiana and Illinois Territories, notwith- standing the Ordinance of 1787 had dedicated the Territory to freedom, had passed laws allowing a quali- fied introduction of slavery. It had been enacted that immigrants to the country might bring their slaves with them, and if the slaves, being of lawful age to consent, would go before the clerk of a county and voluntarily sign an indenture to serve their masters for a term of years, they should be held to a spe- cific performance of their contracts. If they refused to give such consent, their masters might remove them out of the Territory in sixty days. The children of such slaves, being under the age of consent, might be taken before an officer and registered, and then they w^ere bound by those laws to serve their masters un- til they were thirty -two years old. Many slaves were held under these laws, and it is a fact that there was, in different localities in this State, tacitly, slavery up to the time of the adoption of the amendment to the Constitution of the United States abolishing the in- stitution. When the State was admitted, a code of “black laws,” which are referred to at length in an- other chapter, became the law of the land as to the rights and privileges of the negro. CHAPTER HI. STATE GOVERNMENT-1818-22. The first State government began October 6, 1818, with the following officers : Shadrach Bond, of St. Clair, Gov- ernor; Pierre Menard, of Randolph, Lieutenant-Governor; Elias Kent Kane, of Randolph, Secretary of State; Elijah C. Berry, of Fayette, Auditor of Public Accounts ; John APPENDIX. 11 Thomas, of St. Clair, Treasurer; Daniel P. Cook, of Ran- dolph, Attorney-General. Under the constitution of 1818, the Governor and Lieu- tenant-Governor were the only State officers who were elected directly by the people. The others were chosen from time to time by the General Assembly. Gov. Bond assumed the duties of his office October 6. One of his first recommendations to the General Assem- bly was for the construction of a canal connecting Lake Michigan with the Mississippi river. The first General Assembly convened October 5, 1818, and adjourned October 18, and convened again January 4, 1819, and adjourned March 31. It was composed of the following members: Senate. Lewis Barker, Pope. George Caldwell, Madison. Thomas Cox, Union. Willis Hargrave, White. Alexander Jamison, Monroe. Martin Jones, Bond. Michael Jones, Gallatin. William Kinney, St. Clair. Joseph Kitcheli, Crawford. Zariah Maddux, Washington, John McFerron, Randolph. Thos. Roberts, Johnson. Guy W. Smith, Edwards. Conrad Will, Jackson. House of Representatives. Wm. Alexander, Monroe. Levi Compton, Edwards. J. G. Daimwood, Gallatin. Jesse Echols, Union. Elijah Ewing, Franklin. Green B. Field, Pope. Jes3e Gregg, Jackson. Robert Hamilton, Pope. John Howard, Madison. A. F. Hubbard, Gallatin. E. Humphreys, Randolph. Francis Kirkpatrick, Bond. John Marshall, Gallatin. Sam’l McClintock, Gallatin. Wm. McHenry, White. John Messenger, St. Clair. Risdon Moore, St. Clair. William Nash, White. Alexander Phillips, White. David Porter, Crawford. Abraham Prickett, Madison. Scott Riggs, Crawford. D. S. Swearingen, Washingt’n. James D. Thomas, St. Clair. Henry Utter, Edwards. Samuel Walker, Randolph. John Whiteaker, Union, Samuel Whitesides, Madison. Isaac D. Wilcox, Johnson. Pierre Menard was the presiding officer of the Senate, and William C. Greenup was elected Secretary. In the House John Messinger was elected Speaker, and Thomas Reynolds Clerk. 12 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. There is quite a contrast between the General Assem- bly of the present time and then, the whole number of members of this body being eight less than now compose the present Senate, and we* print this roster more with a view of showing the contrast as to size between the re- spective General Assemblies. The time of this General Assembly was occupied in passing laws necessary to put the machinery of State in working order. The population was sparse, and there was no great demand for legislation. Ninian Edwards and Jesse B. Thomas were chosen United States Senators at this session. In 1819, R. K. McLaughlin succeeded Thomas as Treas- urer, and William Mears succeeded Cook as Attorney- General. An act was approved February 4, 1819, making applicable to Illinois, the common law of England, all statutes or acts of the British Parliament made in aid of the common law prior to the fourth year of ;the reign of King James I., excepting the second section of the sixth chapter of XLIII. Elizabeth, the eighth chapter XIII. Elizabeth and ninth chapter XXXVII. Henry VIII, which were of a general nature and not local to that Kingdom. They ivere to remain in full force until repealed by legislative authority. The early laws of Illinois ivere borrowed from the statutes of Kentucky and Virginia, and remained the law of the land until the broad ideas of the free north obtained the mastery. The wants of the people were few and simple. The instruction in the schools was confined to reading, writing and arithmetic and it was not thought nec- essary that the preacher of the gospel should be a scholar. What he lacked in information he made up in violent action. The preacher of that day, Ford tells us, drew vivid pictures of the blessedness of heaven and the awful torments of hell. Nevertheless, APPENDIX. 13 these first .preachers were of incalculable benefit to the country. They preached without charge, work- ing week days to support themselves, and to them are we indebted in a great measure for the Christian character Illinois has sustained from her first organi- zation as a government. CHAPTER IV. CAPITALS. Kaskaskia— Vandalia— Springfield— Population of Kaskaskia in 1820— Popu- • lation now— An Island of the Mississippi— Towns which Wanted the Capital— When Eemoved from Yandalia. Illinois has had three capitals — Kaskaskia, Yandalia and Springfield. When Kaskaskia became the seat of government it was also the county seat of Randolph county. There were then but two counties in the Territory, Randolph and St. Clair. The first session of the Terri- torial Legislature was convened November 25, 1812 — and the first Legislature of the State, October 5, 1818. In 1820, the seat of government was removed to Yan- dalia; there were then nineteen counties. The first ses- sion of the Legislature convened there December 4, 1820. The Capital was removed to Springfield in 1839, at which time there were seventy-two counties. The first session of the Legislature convened there December 9, 1839. When the joint resolution removing the capital to Springfield passed the General Assembly, in 1838, on the first ballot, there were eighteen towns voted for as being the proper place for the capital. On the first ballot Springfield received 35, Vandalia 16, Alton 15, Jackson- ville 14, Decatur 4, Carrollton 3, Illiopolis 3, Bloomington 14 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. 2, Mt. Carmel 2, Paris 1, Palestine 1, Grafton 1, Shaw- neetown 1, Pittsfield 1, Kaskaskia 1, Shelbyville 1, Hills- boro 1, Caledonia 1, and the geographical centre 3. On the fourth and last ballot Springfield received 78 votes, Vandalia 16, Jacksonville 11, Alton 6, Peoria 8, Illiopolis 3, Hillsboro 1, Shawneetown 1, Bloomington 1, Essex 1, Grafton 1, and Caledonia 1. Some earnest efforts have been made at different times to remove the capital from Springfield to Peoria and else- where, but the building of the new State House, which will cost, when completed, something over $3,500,000, has doubtless silenced the serious consideration of this question for generations to come. Of Kaskaskia, Peck’s Gazateer of 1834 says : “ The early French explorers made one of their first settlements at this spot, shortly after the visit of LaSalle, in 1683; and so long as the French continued in posses- sion of the Illinois country, Kaskaskia was its capital, and was flourishing and populous. In 1721, when Charlevoix visited it, there existed a Jesuit college. In 1763, when the country east of the Mississippi was ceded by France to Great Britain, it contained about one hundred families.” In 1820, Kaskaskia attained its greatest population. The United States census of that year reckoned the number of inhabitants at 7,000. Soon after the removal of the capital to Vandalia, which occurred during the year 1820, the population of Kaskaskia began to decline rapidly. The census of 1880 showed but 305 inhabitants. On the 18th of April, 1881, the Mississippi and Kaskaskia rivers were united, and Kaskaskia became an island of the Mis- sissippi, since which time its population has been reduced to less than 150, and but a few years at most will pass before all that remains of this historic place will mingle with the debris of the father of waters. It is worthy of note, however, to say that the house where the first Ter- ritorial Legislature met, is still in a good state of pre- servation. And it is lamentable that so noted a place APPENDIX. 15 in the history of the country as Kaskaskia can not be preserved. Yandalia has had a more fortunate career. While the town has not grown to a great city, yet it is one of the brightest and most pleasant in the State, and is now improving rapidly. There are quite a number of substan- tial and flourishing manufactories, and two well-conducted newspapers — Democrat and Union. The old State House is intact, and is now used as a court house. CHAPTER V. SECOND GENERAL ASSEMBLY-1820-22, In 1820, the seat of government was removed from Kas- kaskia to Yandalia, and the second General Assembly convened there December 4, and adjourned February 13, 1821. Lieut. -Gov. Menard presided over the Senate, and James Turner was elected Secretary. John McLean was elected Speaker of the House, and Thomas Reynolds Clerk. Gov. Bond’s administration closed in December, 1822. It had been faithful and blameless, and he retired with the confidence and respect of the people. Prior to his election as Governor he had been a delegate to Congress, and held the office of Receiver of Public Moneys, at Kas- kaskia. When Gov. Bond was a delegate to Congress, it is related of him that he and his wife made the trip from Illinois to Washington on horseback. Mr. Bond had six children — Thomas S., Emily, Julia R., Mary A., Isabella F. s and Benjamin N., but all are dead except Dr. Benja- min N. Bond, who is a highly respected citizen of Stan- bury, Missouri. Julia R. Bond married Col. Frank 40 16 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Swanwick, of Randolph county; Mary A., Joseph B. Holmes, a merchant at Chester; Isabella F.,- James P. Craig, of Chester. Quite a number of the grand* children of Gov. Bond reside at Chester, while others make their home on the Pacific slope, and others still, in the sunny South. Gov. Bond died April 12, 1882, at Kaskaskia, where he was buried, but in April, 1881, the remains of himself and wife were removed to Chester, and consigned to the same vault, over which the State has erected a monument, which bears this inscription : “ In memory of Shadrach Bond, The first Governor of the State of Illinois ; Born at Fredericktown, Maryland, November 24, A.D. 1778. Died at his residence near Kaskaskia, April 12, A.D. 1832. In recognition of his valuable public services, this monument was erected by the State A.D. 1883. Governor Bond filled many offices of trust and importance, all with integrity and honor.” CHAPTER VI. OUR FIRST BANKING, The first bank established in the Territory was at Shaw- neetown ; it was chartered by an act of the Legislature of 1813, and limited to twenty years ; the capital could not exceed $300,000, and the Territory was authorized to sub- scribe one-third of the stock. John Marshall, Daniel Ap- person, Samuel Hays, Leonard White and Samuel R. Campbell were constituted Commissioners to take sub- scriptions. In 1819, an act was passed by the Legislature chartering the State Bank of Illinois, for twenty-five years, with a capital limited to $4,000,000; the State was to take APPENDIX. IT $2,000,000 of the stock. The bank was located at Kas- kaskia, and subscription books were opened at Kaskaskia, Golconda, Edwardsville, Harrisonville, Belleville, Vienna, Carlyle, Palmyra, Carmi, Shawneetown, Palestine, Jones- boro and Brownsville. The stock could be paid in State warrants. In 1821, the Legislature passed an act chartering the State Bank of Illinois at Vandalia, with branches at Ed- wardsville, Brownsville, Shawneetown, and at the county seat of Edwards county. The act provided for issuing $300,000 in notes, on the credit of the State. The State Treasurer was authorized to deposit the public moneys with the bank, and contractors were to be paid in its notes. Congress was memorialized to authorize the land- offices to receive the notes of the bank in payment for lands. The charter of the bank established in 1819 was repealed by this act. As to the character and operations of this institution. Ford’s History has this to say: “ It was founded without money and wholly on the credit of the State. It was authorized to issue one, two, three, five, ten and twenty-doll ar notes, in the likeness of bank bills, bearing two per cent, annual interest, and payable by the State in ten years. A principal bank was established at Vandalia, and four or five branches in other places; the Legislature elected all the directors and officers, a large number of whom were members of the Legislature, and all of them professional politicians. The bank was directed by law to lend its bills to the people, to the amount of one hundred dollars, on personal security ; and upon the security of mortgages upon land for a greater sum. These bills were to be receivable in payment of all State and county taxes, and for all costs and fees, and salaries of public officers ; and if a creditor refused to endorse on his execution his willingness to receive them in payment of debt, the debtor could replevy or stay its collection for three years, by giving personal security. “ In the summer of 1821, the new bank went into oper- ation. Every man who could get an indorser borrowed his hundred dollars. The directors, it is believed, were 18 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. all politicians ; and either were then, or expected to be, candidates for office. Lending to everybody, and refusing none, was the surest road to popularity. Accordingly, $300,000 of the new money was soon lent, without much attention to security or care for eventual payment. It first fell twenty-five cents, then fifty, and then seventy cents below par. And as the bills of the Ohio and Kentucky banks had driven all other money out of the State, so this new issue effectually kept it out. Such a total ab- sence was there of the silver coins, that it became utterly impossible, in the course of trade, to make small change. The people, from necessity, were compelled to cut the new bills into two pieces, so as to make two halves of a dollar. This again further aided to keep out even the smallest silver coin. For about four years, there was no other kind of money but this uncurrent State bank paper. In the meantime, very few persons pretended to pay their debts to the bank. More than half of those who had borrowed considered what they had gotten from it as so much clear gain, and never intended to pay it from the first. “ By the year 1824, it became impossible to carry on the State government with such money. The State reve- nue varied from twenty-five to thirty thousand dollars per annum, which was raised almost exclusively by a tax on lands, then owned by non-residents, in the military tract lying northwest of the Illinois river. The resident land tax in other parts of the State was paid into the county treas- uries. The annual expenditures of the State government were about equal to the annual revenues; and as the taxes were collected in the bills of the State bank, the Legislature, to carry on the government, was compelled to provide for its own pay, and that of all the public officers, and the expenses of the government, by taking and giving enough of the depreciated bills to equal in value the sums required to be paid. So that each member, instead of re- ceiving three dollars per day, received nine dollars per day. The salaries of the Governor and Judges, and all other expenses, were paid in the same way. So that, if $30,000 was required to pay the expenses of government for a year, under this system it took $90,000 to do it. And thus, by the financial aid of an insolvent bank, the legis- lature managed to treble the public expenses, without in- creasing the revenues or amount of service to the State. In fact, this State lost two-thirds of its revenue, and ex- pended three times the amount necessary to carry on the government. In the course of ten years it must have lost APPENDIX. 19 more than $ 150, 000, by receiving depreciated currency; $150,000 more by paying it out, and $100,000 of the loans, which were never repaid by the borrowers, and which the State had to make good, by receiving the bills of the bank for taxes, by funding some at six per cent, interest, and paying a part in cash in the year 1831. ” The result of all this was that the banks became insol- vent, and everywhere hard times prevailed, and in 1813, the Legislature passed an act compelling the banks to go into liquidation, and here ended the first trials of the people with reckless banking. First Canvass before the People for Governor. In 18*22, there were no distinctive parties in Illinois, and the race for Governor was free for all. The candidates were Joseph Phillips, then Chief Justice of the Supreme Court; Edward Coles, Register of the Land office at Ed- wardsville; Thomas C. Browne, Associate Justice of the Supreme Court, and James B. Moore, General of the State Militia. The State was then very sparsely settled. The election took place in August, and the total vote of all the candidates was but 6,309. Coles received 2,810 ; Phil- lips, 2,760; Browne, 2,543; Moore, 522. Coles’ plurality over Phillips was but 50. There is a striking contrast between the vote of the State then and now. In the elec- tion of 1884, the total vote for State officers was 652,255. It will be observed that there were two candidates for the office of Governor from the Supreme Court. Since then, however, the Supreme Court has been tacitly divorced from the politics of the State, out of deference to to an unmistakable expression of public sentiment in favor of a pure, unpartizan judiciary. 20 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS, CHAPTER VII, STATE GOVERNMENT— 1822-26, The second State Government was inaugurated Decem- ber 5, 1822, with Edward Coles, of Madison, as Governor ; Adolphus F. Hubbard, of Gallatin, Lieutenant-Governor; Samuel D. Lockwood, of Madison, Secretary of State; Elijah C. Berry, of Fayette, Auditor of Public Accounts; B. K. McLaughlin, of Fayette, Treasurer; James Turney, of Washington, Attorney-General. The Third General Assembly convened December 2, 1822, and adjourned February 11, 1823. Lieut. -Gov. Hubbard presided over the Senate, and Thomas Lippincott w T as elected Secretary. William M. Alexander was elected Speaker of the House, and Charles Dunn Clerk. This was a stormy session. In the campaign, in which Gov. Coles was elected, the question of making Illinois a slave State had been broadly mooted, and a pro-slavery Legislature had been elected. In his inaugural address Gov. Coles took strong ground against slavery, which arrayed both branches of the Legislature against him, but of the final outcome of the controversy we speak at length in a subsequent chapter. Gov. Coles was fearless in the discharge of his public duties, and although violently opposed during his administration by the pro-slavery men, he came out of the contest which sought to make Illinois a slave State, more than conqueror. APPENDIX. 21 The reports of the Auditor and Treasurer for the fiscal years of 1821 and 1822 were duly presented, the two containing but twelve pages of printed matter. There was shown to be a balance of $17,720.13 in the treasury on the 27th of December, 1822. An act was passed at this session imposing a fine of $20 upon dealers in spirituous liquors for selling liquor to Indians. The price of drinks was fixed in the same act at 15 cents each. The law-makers of that period evidently had a higher regard for the morals of the red men than for those of the white. Among other acts was one making the Sangamon River a navigable stream. Early Salt Making. One of the most interesting subjects of the pioneer his- tory of the State is salt making in Gallatin county. Tra- dition says that the salt springs near Equality were ex- tensively worked by the prehistoric race of the continent, long before the Anglo-Saxon race had penetrated the wilds of Illinois. The evaporating kettles used were found at Negro Salt Springs and at Salt Lick, near Equality. The kettles were between three and four feet in diameter, made of clay and pounded shells, moulded in basket-work or cloth, which left the impression on the outside of the kettle and looked like artistic hand-work. Little or nothing is known as to the length of time the springs were worked by the Indians, but Congress gave attention to the subject in 1812. On the 12th of February of that year, an act was passed setting apart six miles square of land to support the Equality Salines. Under Congressional authority the springs were leased to parties to work. The labor was nearly all performed by slaves brought from Kentucky and Tennessee, of which reference is made in Article six, Sec- tion two, of the Constitution of 1818. Many of these ne- groes, by extra work, saved sufficient money to buy their freedom, and these were the negroes from whom descended 22 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. the large number that resided in Gallatin and Saline counties before the war for the Union. Salt, under the Government leases, sold at $5 per bushel, and found a ready market in Indiana, Tennessee, Kentucky, Alabama and Missouri. It was transported in keel-boats up the Tennessee and Cumberland rivers, and to St. Louis in the same manner. The inhabitants of the neighboring States would often come hundreds of miles upon horseback and carry away the salt on pack-saddles. In 1818, Congress gave these lands to Illinois, and the State continued the leasing system, furnishing the kettles. Among the lessees we call to mind Leonard White, Timo- thy Guard, Chalin Guard, E. D. Taylor and John Cren- shaw. The last lease made was to Mr. Crenshaw, Decem- ber 9, 1840; it was for ten years. He became very wealthy, and at one time exercised a large political influ- ence in that portion of the State. He was. a Demo- crat of the Jackson school, and his word was esteemed as political law. by very many people. Under an act of the General Assembly of February 28, 1847, the lands were sold, and the school trustees of T. 9, E. 9, bought that portion containing the salt wells. In 1852, the lands were sold at public auction, and in 1854, Castles & Temple took charge of the property and devel- oped it by an improved system which had its origin in France, and through this system produced two hundred barrels of salt per day. As late as 1870, it was no uncom- mon thing to see from three to four wagons drawn by from four to six mules, on the road between Equality and Shawneetown, laden with salt for the various markets of the South and West. But in 1878, Castles & Tem- ple, in consequence of the panic, over-production and ruinous prices, closed the works, and engaged in the man- ufacture of coke and mining, on the same property. APPENDIX. 23 Governor Coles on Titles. One of the most noted ‘of the Governors of Illinois, was Edward Coles, who was as modest as he was able, as the following letter, which we find in “Washburne’s Sketch of Edward Coles, ” addressed to the editors of the Illinois Intelligencer , will show : “ Yandalia, Dec. 10, 1822. “Gentlemen: — Our State constitution gives to the per- son exercising the functions of the Executive the appella- tion of Governor — a title which is specific, intelligible and republican, and amply sufficient to denote the dignity of the office. In your last paper you have noticed me by the addition of ‘His Excellency/ an aristocratic and high-sounding adjunct, which I am sorry to say has be- come too common among us, not only in newspaper com- munications, but in the addressing of letters, and even in familiar discourse. It is a practice disagreeable to my feelings, and inconsistent, as I think, with the dignified simplicity of freemen, and to the nature of the vocation of those to whom it is applied. And having made it a rule through life to address no one as His Excellency, or the Honorable, or by any such unmeaning title, I trust I shall be pardoned for asking it as a favor of you, and my fellow-citizens generally, not to apply them to me. “ I am, &c., &c., “ Edward Coles. “ Messrs. Brown & Berry, “ Editors of the Illinois Intelligencer .” Gen. Lafayette Visits Illinois. When Gen. Lafayette, the great French patriot, who came to America during the revolutionary war, and ren- dered such valuable aid, with men and money, in prose- cuting the war for our independence, visited the United States in 1825, he came to Illinois, at the request of the General Assembly. (See Washburne’s Sketch of Coles.) He visited two places, Kaskaskia and Shawneetown. At Kaskaskia, Gov. Coles, who had met the old soldier in Paris seven years previous, made the address of welcome, and he was elegantly entertained by the Governor and 24 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. other distinguished citizens. From there he proceeded to Shawneetown, accompanied by Gov. Coles, where the citi- zens came out en masse to welcome him; carpets were spread from the steamboat landing to the Rawlins’ man- sion, where a grand banquet was tendered him, and the little girls lined his pathway with sweet May flowers, for that was the month in which he was there. The house at which he was entertained in Shawneetown is still standing, but that at Kaskaskia, like the great patriot himself, has long since given way to the cycles of time. Shawneetown in 1817. In the early settlement of Illinois, Shawneetown, like Kaskaskia, was one of the few important towns in the country. Indeed Shawneetown was the gateway to the Territory. Morris Birkbeck, in his “Notes on a Journey in America,” printed in London, in 1818, writing under date of August 2, 1817, speaks thus of Shawneetown: “ This place I account as a phenomenon, evincing the pertinacious adhesion of the human animal to the spot where it has once fixed itself. As the lava of Mt. iEtna can not dislodge this strange being from the cities which have been repeatedly ravaged by its eruptions, so the Ohio, with its annual overflowings, is unable to wash away the inhabitants of Shawneetown. Here is the land office for the Southeast district of Illinois, where I have just con- stituted myself a land-owner, by paying seven hundred and twenty dollars as one-fourth of the purchase money of fourteen hundred and forty acres. This, with a simi- lar purchase made by Mr. Flower, is part of a beautiful and rich prairie, about six miles distant from the Big, and the same distance from the Little, Wabash.” The gentleman referred to here by Mr. Birkbeck, was George Flower, who was one of the founders of the Eng- lish colony in Edwards county, in 1817-18, which settle- ment has proved a monument to his memory, for the people who came with him were of the highest order, and Edwards county has ever been famed for the intelligence and good order of its inhabitants. APPENDIX. 25 An act was passed by Congress in 1814, providing for laying off two sections of land in town lots at Shawnee- town, which was to be done under the supervision of the Surveyor-General. (See U. S. Laws-at-large, 1818-20.) The same year the town was incorporated by the Legis- ture. (See Public Laws of Illinois of 1814.) Mr. Birkbeck was a prominent and honored citizen of Illinois in his day, and took an active part with Gov. Coles in his efforts to prevent Illinois from becoming a slave State. He was Secretary of State from October 15, 1824, to January 15, 1825, when he resigned. CHAPTER VIII. FOURTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY- 1824-23, % The Fourth General Assembly convened November 15, 1824, and adjourned January 18, 1825. A second session convened January 2, 1828, and adjourned January 28. Lieut. -Gov. Hubbard presided over the Senate, and Raphael Widen was elected Secretary. Thomas Mather was elected Speaker of the House, and David Blackwell Clerk. David Blackwell, of St. Clair, became Secretary of State April 2, 1828, and resigned October 15, 1824, and was suc- ceeded by Morris Birkbeck, of Edwards. Abner Field, of Union, became Treasurer, January 14, 1823. George Forquer, of Sangamon, became Secretary of State in 1825. Gov. Coles retired from office December 6, 1826. His administration was an eventful one. He had boldly met 26 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. the party which had atttempted to make Illinois a slave State, and triumphantly defeated it, and thus preserved our fair inheritance to freedom. Gov. Coles was born in Albemarle county, Virginia, December 15, 1786; he graduated at William and Mary College ; was Private Secretary to President Madison, who sent him on a mission to Russia, in 1817. On his return, in 1818, he removed to Illinois. After his retirement from the office of Governor he mingled but little in politics, and in 1888 removed to Philadelphia, where he died July 7, 1868. His widow, his eldest son Edward, and a daughter, survived him. Gov. Coles was the companion and friend of such eminent men as Patrick Henry, Thomas Jefferson, Nicholas Biddle and James Monroe, with whom he was in frequent correspond- ence ; and he wielded a considerable influence in shaping the affairs of the country. CHAPTER IX,’ SLAVERY IN ILLINOIS. When and How Slaves were Held in Illinois— G-allatin County made an Ex- ception in the Constitution— An Attempt in 1822 to make Illinois a Slave State— Vote of the House of Representatives on the Question— A Hot Campaign before the People — Vote of the State Against Slavery. Illinois being originally a part of Virginia, there were naturally quite a number of slaves in the Territory when it was ceded to the United States, in 1784, and it was then stipulated that persons who claimed to have been citizens of Virginia prior to the cession should be protected in their property, which meant that they should be protected in the right to hold their slaves. But in 1787, Congress passed APPENDIX. 27 an ordinance which declared that neither slavery nor in- voluntary servitude should exist in the Northwestern Ter- ritory, of which Illinois was a part ; and it will be observed that the framers of the constitution of 1818 endeavored to carry out the will of Congress. Sections 1, 2 and 8 of Article 6 read thus : 1. “ Neither slavery or involuntary servitude shall here- after be introduced into this State, otherwise than for the punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted ; nor shall any male person, arrived at the age of 21 years, nor female person arrived at the age of 18 years, be held to serve any person as a servant, under any indenture hereafter made, unless such person shall enter into such indenture while in a state of perfect free- dom, and on condition of a bona fide consideration received or to be received for their service. Nor shall any inden- ture of any negro or mulatto, hereafter made and executed out of this State, or, if made in this State, where the term of service exceeds one year, be of the least validity, except those given in cases of apprenticeship. 2. “No person bound to labor in any other State, shall be hired to labor in this State, except within the tract reserved for the salt works near Shawneetown, nor even at that place for a longer period than one year at any one time ; nor shall it be allowed there after the year 1825. Any violation of this article shall effect the eman- cipation of such person from his obligation to service. 8. “ Each and every person who has been bound to service by contract or indenture in virtue of the laws of Illinois Territory heretofore existing, and in conformity to the pro- visions of the same, without fraud or collusion, shall be held to a specific performance of their contracts or in- dentures ; and such negroes and mulattoes as have been registered in conformity with the aforesaid laws, shall serve out the time appointed by said laws : Provided , however , that the children hereafter born of such person, negroes or mulattoes, shall become free, the males at the age of 21 years, the females at the age of 18 years. Each and every child born of indentured parents, shall be entered with the clerk of the county in which they reside, by their owners, within six months after the birth of said child.” While Illinois was in no true sense a slave State, yet slavery existed in the State until 1840. The United States 28 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Census of 1810, shows that there were 168 slaves in the Territory ; that of 1820, that there were 917 in the State ; that of 1830, 747 ; that of 1840, 331, and that of 1850, that the institution had become utterly extinct so far as the force of law governed it. Slavery, however, did not exist in the sense that it did in the slaves States proper, but merely in the form of an indenture. But the constitution of 1818 did not fully settle the agitation of the slavery question in the State, for a most determined effort was made during the administration of Governor Coles to change the organic law so as to make Illinois a slave State, and the effort seems to have been as dishonest as it was earnest. In his inaugural address, in December, 1822, Gov. Coles took the ground that, notwithstanding slavery was pro- hibited by the Ordinance of 1787, and by the constitution itself, yet it existed in Illinois, and he sought to impress upon the attention of the law-making power the idea that the institution was inhuman and morally wrong, and that it was the duty of the General Assembly to pass such laws as would effectually overthrow the institution in what- ever form it might exist. But this rational and just rec- ommendation was utterly disregarded by the pro-slavery men, who, being largely in the majority, deliberately went to work to put in motion the machinery by which the constitution was to be so changed as to make of Illinois a slave State. In both houses the pro-slavery men had a large majority; but when the final test came in the House, they lacked one vote of having the required constitutional majority. The journal of the House of that session shows that there had been a contest between Nicholas Hansen, anti-slavery, and John Shaw, pro-slavery, both of Pike county ; and that on the 9th of December, 1822, the House declared Hansen entitled to the seat. But when it became evident to the pro-slavery men that they needed one APPENDIX. 29 additional vote to insure the passage of a resolution calling a convention to amend or revise the constitution, Alexander P. Field of Union county, moved to reconsider the mo- tion by which Hansen was admitted. This was on the 28th of January, 1828, over two months after Mr. Hansen had been declared entitled to represent his district in that body. It was pretended that some new evidence had been developed, and on this pretext Hansen was unseated and John Shaw admitted in his place. The convention reso- lution having previously passed the Senate, needed only the formality of a vote in the House to render its passage certain, and the election for a convention to frame a new constitution was therefore called for the first Monday in August, 1824. The contest was a bitter one from the very first hour the question was mooted, and it grew in bitter- ness as the canvass progressed. Speaking of the passage of the convention resolution, Ex-Gov. Reynolds, himself a pro-slavery man, thus refers to the proceedings of the General Assembly : “ This pro- ceeding in the General Assembly looked revolutionary, and was condemned by all honest and reflecting men. This outrage was a death-blow to the convention.” Ex-Gov. Ford, in his History of Illinois, bears testimony to the same effect, wherein he says: “ The night after this resolution passed, the convention party assembled to triumph in a great carousal. They formed themselves into a noisy, disorderly, and tumultu- ous procession, headed by Judge Phillips, Judge Smith, Judge Thomas Reynolds, late Governor of Missouri, and Lieutenant-Governor Kinney, followed by the majority of the Legislature, and the hangers-on and rabble about the seat of Government ; and they marched, with the blowing of tin horns and the beating of drums and tin pans, to the residence of Gov. Coles, and to the boarding houses of their principal opponents, towards whom they manifested their contempt and displeasure by a confused medley of groans, wailings and lamentations. Their object was to intimidate, and crush all opposition at once.” 30 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. The Judge Phillips referred to was then the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the State, and his appearance in such company and in such a cause, shows how deeply seated was the slave power upon the very vitals of our State. The contest, as we Jiave said, was waged with won- derful energy on both sides. Gov. Coles was the chosen leader of the anti-slavery party, and to his courage and sagacity may be ascribed the fact that Illinois was not cursed with the blight of slavery. We quote another pas- sage from Ford’s history, as the best means of getting be- fore the reader the true character of the campaign: “ The anti-convention party took new courage, and rallied to a man. They established newspapers to oppose the convention : one at Shawneetown, edited by Henry Eddy; one at Edwardsville, edited by Hooper Warren, with Gov. Coles, Thomas Lippincott, George Churchill, and Judge Lockwood, for its principal contributors; and finally, one at Vandalia, edited by David Blackwell, the Secretary of State. The slave party had established a newspaper at Kaskaskia, under the direction of Mr. Kane and Chief Justice Reynolds; and one at Edwardsville, edited by Judge Smith ; and both parties prepared to appeal to the interests, the passions, and the intelligence of the people. The contest was mixed with much personal abuse ; and now was poured forth a perfect avalanche of detraction, which, if it were not for the knowledge of the people that such matters are generally false, or greatly exaggerated, would have overwhelmed and consumed all men’s reputations. Morris Birkbeck, an Englishman, who settled an English colony in Edwards county, Gov. Coles, David Blackwell, George Churchill, and Thomas Lippin- cott, wrote fiery hand-bills and pamphlets, and the old preachers preached against a convention and slavery. Elias K. Kane, Judge Thomas Reynolds, Judge Samuel McRoberts, Judge Smith, and others, wrote hand-bills and pamphlets in its favor. These missive weapons of a fiery contest were eagerly read by the people. The State was almost covered with them; they flew everywhere, and everywhere they scorched and scathed as they flew. This was a long, excited, angry and bitter contest. It was to last from the spring of 1823, until the August election of 1824 ; the rank and file of the people were no less excited APPENDIX. 31 than their political leaders. Almost every stump in every county had its bellowing orator, on one side or the other ; and the whole people, for the space of eighteen months, did scarcely anything but read newspapers, hand-bills and pamphlets, quarrel, argue, and wrangle with each other whenever they met together to hear the violent harangues of their orators. The people decided by about two thou- sand majority in favor of a free State. Thus, after one of the most bitter, prolonged and memorable contests which ever convulsed the politics of the State, the ques- tion of making Illinois a slave State was put to rest. 75 The vote of the counties, and there were then but thirty in the entire State, as shown by the election re- turns in the office of the Secretary of State, was, for convention, 4,950; against, 6,822 — majority against conven- tion, 1,872. Subsequently, the question as to the right to hold slaves in the State under the indenture system, was frequently brought before the Supreme Court, but no further attempt was ever made to fasten the institution upon the State through the organic law. CHAPTER X. STATE G0VERNMENT-1826-1830. The third State government was inaugurated December 6, 1826, with Ninian Edwards, of Madison, as Governor; Wm. Kinney, of St. Clair, Lieutenant-Governor; George Forquer, of Sangamon, Secretary of State; James Turney, of Washington, Attorney-General; Elijah C. Berry, Auditor of Public Accounts, and Abner Field, of Union, Treasurer. The Fifth General Assembly convened December 4, 1826, and adjourned February 9, 1827. Lieut. -Gov. Kinney presided over the Senate, and Emanuel J. West was elected Secretary. John McLean was elected Speaker of the House, and Wm. L. D. Ewing Clerk. 41 32 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. In v this Assembly was Wm. S. Hamilton, of Sangamon, a son of Alexander Hamilton, the first Secretary of the Treasury, who was killed in a duel with Aaron Burr, who was Vice-President under Thomas Jefferson. Mr. Wm. S. Hamilton was born in New York, and came to Illinois in 1817, settling in Sangamon county. He emigrated to Wisconsin in 1827, and from thence to California, where he distinguished himself. He died in that State October 9, 1850, and a monument marks his resting place. CHAPTER XL CAIRO IN 1818, As far back as 1818, the territory now occupied by the city of Cairo was regarded as one of the best sites in Illi- nois for a flourishing city, and it will be both interesting and amusing to read the following preamble to an act which was approved January 9, 1818, incorporating the place : “ And, whereas, the said proprietors represent that there is, in their opinion, no position in the whole of the extent of these Western States better calculated, as respects com- mercial advantages and local supply, for a great and im- portant city, than that afforded by the junction of these two great highways — the Mississippi and Ohio rivers ; but that nature, having denied to the extreme point formed by their union a sufficient degree of elevation to protect the improvements made thereon from the ordinary inunda- tions of the adjacent waters, such elevation is to be found only upon the tract above mentioned (the present site of Cairo), so that improvements made and located thereon may be deemed perfectly and absolutely secure from all such ordinary inundations, and liable to injury only from the concurrence of unusually high and simultaneous inun- dations in both of said rivers — an event which is alleged APPENDIX. 33 but rarely happens, and the injurious consequences of which it is considered practicable, by proper embankments, wholly and effectually and permanently to obviate. And, whereas, there is no doubt but a city, erected at ? or as near as is practicable to, the junction of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, provided it be thus secured by sufficient embankments, or in such other way as experience may prove most efficacious for that purpose, from every such extraordinary inundation — must necessarily become a place of vast consequence to the prosperity of this growing Ter- ritory, and, in fact, to that of the greater part of the in- habitants of these Western States. And, whereas, the above named persons are desirous of erecting such city, under the sanction and patronage of the Legislature of this Territory, and also of providing for the security and prosperity of the same, and to that end propose to appro- priate the one-third of all the moneys arising from the sale and disposition of the lots into which the same may be surveyed, as a fund for the construction and preserva- tion of such dykes, levees and other embankments as may be necessary to render the same perfectly secure; and, also, if such fund shall be deemed sufficient thereto, for the erection of public edifices and such other improve- ments in the said city as may be, from time to time, con- sidered expedient and practicable, and to appropriate the other two-thirds parts of the said purchase moneys to the operation of banking.’’ (See Laws of the Session of 1818.) John G. Comyges, Thomas H. Harris, Charles Slade, Thomas F. Herbert, Shadrach Bond, Michael Jones, War- ren Brown, Edward Humphreys and Charles W. Hunter were designated as proprietors of the then prospective city. In the sixty-six years that have passed since this legis- lation, Cairo has had a hard struggle for the mastery of the floods. In the spring of 1882-88-84, respectively, the height of the rivers exceeded that of all former years, yet the levees successfully resisted the pressure of the water, which clearly demonstrates that human skill has placed Cairo beyond the power of the floods. 34 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. PEORIA IN 1824, Peoria, now with her forty thousand busy, prosperous people, her many grand railways, her great commerce, her immense manufactories, and her flourishing schools, col- leges and churches, had but a feeble existence when Ed- ward Coles was Governor. In a report to the Secretary of the Treasury (See Peck’s Gazetteer of 1834), regarding the title to town lots in the then village of Peoria, Mr. Coles made the following minute reference to the early history of the place, which, in view of the great achieve- ments since, is worthy of preserving as a part of the his- tory of the State : “ The village of Peoria is situated on the northwest shore of Lake Peoria, about one and a half miles above the lower extremity or outlet of the lake. This village had been inhabited by the French previous to the recollection of any of the present generation. About the year 1778, the first house was built, in what was then called Laville de Maillet — afterwards the new village of Peoria — and of late the place has been known by the name of Fort Clark. The situation being preferred in consequence of the water being better, and its being thought more healthy, the in- habitants gradually deserted the old village, and, by the year 1796 or 1797, had entirely abandoned it and removed to the new village. “ The inhabitants of Peoria consisted generally of Indian traders, hunters and voyagers, and had formed a link of connection between the French residing on the waters of the great lakes and the Mississippi river. From that happy facility of adapting themselves to their situation and associates, for which the French are so remarkable, the inhabitants of Peoria lived generally in harmony with their savage neighbors. It would seem, however, that about the year 1781, they were induced to abandon their village from the apprehension of Indian hostilities ; but soon after the peace of 1783, they again returned to it, and con- tinued to reside there until the ahtumn of 1812, when they were forcibly removed from it and the place destroyed by a Capt. Craig, of the Illinois militia, on the ground, it was APPENDIX. 35 said, that he and his company were fired on in the night, while at anchor in the boats, before the village, by the Indians, with whom the inhabitants were suspected, by Craig, to be too intimate and friendly. The inhabitants of Peoria, it would appear, and from all I can learn, settled there without any grant or permission from the authority of any government ; that the only title they had to the land was derived from possession.” CHAPTER XII. SIXTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY-1828-30. The Sixth General Assembly convened December 1, 1828, and adjourned January 23, 1829. Lieut. -Gov. Kinney pre- sided over the Senate, and Emanuel J. West served as Secretary. John McLean was elected Speaker of the House, and William L. D. Ewing Clerk. James Hall, of Jackson, became Treasurer February 12, 1827. Alex. P. Field, of Union, became Secretary of State December 31, 1828. Ninian Edwards ceased to be Governor December 9, 1830. Mr. Edwards discharged the duties of the Executive with ease to himself and satisfaction to the people, having had nine years experience as Governor of the Territory. Gov. Edwards was born in Montgomery county, Mary- land, March, 1775. He graduated at Dickinson College; studied both medicine and law, but devoted himself to the practice of law. Removing to Kentucky, he was twice elected to the Legislature ; he was appointed Circuit Clerk and subsequently Judge of the General Court of Kentucky ; Judge of the Circuit Court ; Judge of the Court of Appeals, and finally Chief Justice of the State, which position he 36 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. resigned to accept the office of Governor of the Territory of Illinois, and, while holding this trust, he had many conflicts with the Indians. Before Congress had adopted any measures on the subject of volunteer rangers, he organ- ized companies, supplied them with arms, built stockade forts, and established a line of posts from the mouth of the Missouri to the Wabash river, and was thus enabled to protect the people against the assaults of the Indians. Gov. Edwards had three sons, Ninian W., Albert G. and Benjamin S.*-all of w 7 hom are living; and two daughters, Julia Catherine, who married Daniel P. Cook, and Mary B., who married Joseph S. Lane, of St. Louis, Missouri, - — both of wdiom died some years ago. Gov. Edwards died July 20, 1888. CHAPTER XIII, ALTON AS A RIVAL TO ST, LOUIS. Alton as a Rival to St. Louis— Massacre at Fort Massac— One of the Land- marks of 1837. One of the things contemplated in the internal improve- ment system of this State in 1837, was to make Alton the rival of St. Louis, as a great commercial center; and all who did not bow down to that idea were regarded as com- mon enemies of the State, but it is interesting to know that all our public men did not accept as practical the policy of confining our commerce and the business of our railroads within the limits of the State. Among the pro- jected roads was one from Alton to Mt. Carmel, known as the Southern Cross railroad. Governor Zadok Casey, ♦Benjamin S. Edwards died Feb. 6, 18S6, in his 68th year. APPENDIX. 87 father of the well-known Samuel K. Casey, and also of Thomas S. and Newton B. Casey, hardly less well-known, clearly saw the inutility of making Alton its terminus, and made an earnest effort to secure its diversion to St. Louis, but it was unavailing, as the following incident will show : He planned an extensive campaign along the pro- posed line, and made his opening speech at Fairfield, and, as it turned out, his last one on the subject. A great crowd gathered on the public square of that village, now a thriving little city, and the Governor, a man of fine presence and pleasing address, mounted a goods-box and proceeded to open up the subject in a manner which brought forth hearty applause, but when he suggested St. Louis, instead of Alton, as the terminus of the road, a change came over the spirit of his hearers, and they unceremoniously assisted him off the box; and here ended his campaign in the interest of a railroad from Mt. Carmel to St. Louis. But it is creditable to his foresight to say that such a road is now in operation. It is known as the Air-Line, running from Louisville to St. Louis, and tra- verses the identical section of country mapped out by Gov. Casey forty-six years ago. Massacre at Fort Massac. Peck’s Gazetteer of Illinois, of 1834, gives the following Interesting account of an Indian massacre of French sol- diers at Fort Massac, in what is now Massac county, when Illinois was owned by the French government : “Fort Massac, formerly a military post, was situated on the Ohio river, on the dividing line of Johnson and Pope counties, eight miles below Paducah, at the mouth of the Tennessee. A fort was erected here by the French when in possession of the Western country. The Indians, then at war with them, laid a curious stratagem to take it. A number of them appeared in the day time on the opposite side of the river, each of whom was covered with r bear skin and walked on all fours. Supposing them to 38 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. be bears, a party of the French crossed the river in pur- suit of them. The remainder of the troops left their quarters, to see the sport. “In the meantime a large body of warriors, who were concealed in the woods near by, came silently behind the fort, entered it without opposition, and very few of the French escaped the massacre. They afterwards built another fort on the same ground, and called it Massac, in memory of this disastrous event.” On this memorable spot there is not now a vestige of the old fort. One of the Landmarks of 1837. One of the few landmarks of the internal improvement system of 1837, is the bank building of the “Bank of Illinois, ,, of Shawneetown, which was erected in 1838-40. It is of massive stone and brick, four stories high, fifty feet front and ninety feet deep. It is of Doric architect- ure, with five solid stone columns, forty feet high and sixty inches in diameter. The building, which cost $83,000, is imposing in appearance, and although constructed forty- six years ago, would grace any of our modern cities. The “Bank of Illinois” had six branches — Galena, Quincy, Alton, Jacksonville, Pekin, and Lawrenceville. The bank and its branches were forced to close business in 1843, and the banking house at Shawneetown was sold some years after to Joel A. Matteson, who started a bank there in 1853 or 1354, in charge of A. B. Safford, as cashier. Subsequently Mr. Safford removed to Cairo, when L. B. Leach took control of it until the war for the Union en- sued, when the bank ceased to do business, and Mr. Matteson, fearing that the country would be overrun by the rebels, sold it to Thos. S. Bidgway, for the trifling sum of $6,500, and since 1865 it , has been occupied by the “First National Bank,’ , with John McKee Peeples as President, and Thos. S. Ridgway as Cashier, until the death of Mr. Peeples, when Mr. Ridgway became Presi- dent, and Wm. D. Phile Cashier. APPENDIX. 39 STATE GOVERNMENT— 1830-34. The fourth State government was inaugurated December 9, 1830, with John Reynolds, of St. Clair, as Governor; Zadok Casey, of Jefferson, Lieutenant-Governor; Alex. P. Field, of Union, Secretary of State ; James T. B. Stapp, of Fayette, Auditor of Public Accounts; James Hall, of Jackson, Treasurer; George Forquer, of Sangamon, At- torney-General. The Seventh General Assembly convened December 6, 1830, and adjourned February 16, 1831. Lieut. -Gov. Casey presided over the Senate, and Jesse B. Thomas was elected Secretary. Wm. L. D. Ewing was elected Speaker of the House, and David Prickett, Clerk. The business of this session was routine, except the bitter fight over the election of a treasurer. John Dement, a Jackson man, and James Hall, anti- Jackson, were the candidates. Dement, after a heated struggle, was successful. CHAPTER XIV. PROGRESS IN SCHOOLS. Novel School Laws— School Tax Paid in Produce— Alton the first to Es- tablish a Free School— Normal Schools— Colleges— State Teachers* Asso- ciation-Prominent Educators— Superintendents of Public Instruction- School Journals. Among all the grand achievements of our State, there is none of which the people have reason to feel a greater pride than in the progress made in the school system. Its success has been the foundation stone of all other successes, whether moral, religious or industrial. A con- templation of the past and present of the system can not fail to prove both entertaining and instructive, if not amusing. 40 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. The General Assembly of 1821 passed an act which authorized Upper Alton to levy a tax not exceeding sev- enty-five cents on each town lot, to be applied to the support of teachers, erection of school buildings or repair- ing. The proprietors of Upper Alton having donated one hundred town lots, one-half of which was for the support of the gospel, and the other half for the support of public schools, the act exempted these lots from this tax. Under this act Alton established the first free school, which was declared to be free to all, of suitable age, within the limits of the town. Up to this time no school system had been adopted, and no provision made by the General Assembly for the support of the schools, with the exception of the small amount realized from leasing the school lands. In 1825, the General Assembly passed the first act establishing free schools throughout the State, the preamble of which reads as follows : “To enjoy our rights and liberties we must understand them ; their security and protection ought to be the first object of a free people ; and it is a well-established fact, that no nation has ever continued long in the enjoyment of civil and political freedom, which was not both virtuous and enlightened. And believing that the advancement of literature always has been and ever will be the means of more fully developing the rights of man; that the mind of every citizen in a republic is the common property of society, and constitutes the basis of its strength and hap- piness, it is therefore considered - the peculiar duty of a free government, like ours, to encourage and extend the improvement and cultivation of the intellectual energies of the whole.” Section one provided that there should be established a common school or schools in each of the counties of the State, which should be open and free to every class of white citizens between the ages of five and twenty-one years ; provided, that persons over the age of twenty-one years might be admitted into such schools on such terms as the trustees might prescribe. The schools were wholly APPENDIX. 41 under the direction of the trustees. The county boards in the several counties were required, by the same act, to establish school districts containing not less than fifteen families. The legal voters were given the power to vote an annual tax, either in cash or good merchantable pro- duce, upon the inhabitants of their respective districts, not exceeding one-half per centum, nor amounting to more than ten dollars per annum on any one person, and two dollars out of every hundred received into the State treasury was appropriated for the support of the schools. For the purpose of building or repairing school houses, supplying furniture and fuel, the people could classify themselves and determine the amount of work, material or money, in lieu thereof, each should give. But no one was required to contribute in this way unless he sent a child to school. The tax levy, made in produce, might be transferred to the teacher, who was empowered to make the collection. In case of disagreement as to the price of any produce offered, arbitration was provided for. But this law went further than the wishes of the people, and in 1827 the General Assembly repealed the clause making the appropriation of two dollars from the State treasury, and the law was further amended so that no person might be taxed without his consent. This left the support of the schools so precarious that they made but little progress. In 1829, the General Assembly passed an act which provided for the sale of school and seminary lands, which laid the foundation for the present township fund system. In 1845, the General Assembly again empowered the dis- tricts to vote a tax, but a two-thirds vote was required, and the tax was limited to fifteen cents upon the hundred dollars. This power of taxation was enlarged by the Gen- eral Assembly in 1849, and again in 1851. But it was not until the enactment of the free school law of 1855, nearly 42 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. in the form prepared by Ninian W. Edwards, who had been appointed State Superintendent of Public Instruction the year before, that the school system was put upon a firm basis by the requirement that in each district the schools should be maintained for at least six months in each year, and by granting the school boards power to levy taxes for whatever amount they found necessary for building purposes and for current expenses. And a two- mill State tax for the support of schools was also author- ized. From this time our public school system made rapid progress. The school for the Feeble-Minded at Lincoln, and the schools for the Deaf and Dumb, and for the Blind, at Jacksonville, all supported by the State, are properly con- sidered a part of the State’s system of education. The Industrial University, at Champaign, chartered in 1867, is a State institution of high standing as a school of technology and art, and offers fine facilities for an ex- tended literary course. It is supported mainly by the in- come from the sale of lands, which were donated by Con- gress for the establishment of agricultural colleges in the several States, and partially by State aid. Tuition fees are nominal. Dr. Selim H. Peabody, a man of high char- acter and eminent scholarly attainments, is President. The State maintains two normal schools, one at Normal and the other at Carbondale, partly by the income of college and seminary funds, and partly by direct appro- priations from the State treasury. In both, tuition is free to persons intending to teach. Cook county has for years maintained a normal school of high rank, which has been liberally patronized. The frequent attempts made in the General Assembly to repeal the laws founding these Normal Schools, make it necessary to say that their purpose is simply to fit per- sons to teach and manage schools. APPENDIX, 43 In Prussia, where the educational standard is of the highest order, no one is allowed to teach who has not a certificate from the Normal; and in our ow T n country the Normal system is growing in greater favor daily. In many of the older States it has become widely founded ; in Penn- sylvania there are ten of these schools, and in Massa- chusetts seven, which will suffice to show that our State is not over-taxed in this regard. In point of Colleges, we have made less progress than some of the older States, for the reason that we have not concentrated our energies in that direction. Where other States have taken one or two colleges as a basis on which to create great and grand schools, we have founded many, and the result has been that while we have a number which rank well, yet we have few which have become widely known. Prominent among these we mention Knox College, Galesburg; Elgin Academy, Elgin; Morris Ac- ademy and Scientific School, Morris ; Wheaton College, Wheaton; Lombard University, Galesburg; University of Chicago, Kush Medical College, Chicago Manual Training School, Chicago ; Northwestern University, Evanston ; Mt. Carroll Seminary, Mt. Carroll ; Almira College, Greenville ; Baptist Union Theological Seminary, Morgan Park ; Shurt- leff College, Upper Alton; Illinois Wesleyan University, Bloomington ; Rockford Seminary, Rockford ; Monticello Female Seminary, Godfrey ; Eureka College, Eureka ; Illi- nois College and Whipple Academy, Jacksonville. At the capital of the State is a school for the education of young ladies, which deserves more than a passing men- tion— the Bettie Stuart Institute — founded in 1868 by Mrs. McKee Homes, so named in memory of a lovely daughter of the late John T. Stuart, who was the early friend and preceptor of Abraham Lincoln. Unlike many schools of its character, it is not under the domination of any religious sect, yet it is surrounded by every moral and religious in- fluence that tends to direct the mind of the child to a life of purity and usefulness. Its government is all that / 44 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. human agency can devise. The annual catalogues of the Bettie Stuart Institute show that its patrons are not con- fined to the boundaries of Illinois, but that they come from many of the States, North and South, East and West. Mrs. Homes is an able and gifted woman, and she has been most fortunate in the selection of her teachers, drawing from time to time upon the graduates of the best colleges in the country. Besides the regular classical course, which is thorough in every department, the school excels in instruc- tion in German, French, music, drawing and painting; while the motherly care of Mrs. Homes*over the manners and morals of the young ladies confided to her care, has given the institution great popularity at home and abroad. The proud position Illinois occupies, in an educational point of view, is due perhaps as much to the State Teach- ers’ Association as to any other cause. It has really been the power behind the throne. Through its influence came the present school system, the State superintendency, the County superintendency, the Normal and the Industral University. The primary organization of the association took place at Bloomington on the 28th of December, 1858. The circular calling the meeting was signed by Alexander Starne, Secretary of State and ex-officio Superintendent of Public Instruction, the Presidents and Professors of Shurtleff College, Wesleyan University and Knox College. The Rev. W. Goodfellow was elected President; Rev. H. Spaulding, Thomas Powell and C. C. Honney, Vice Pres- idents, and Rev. D. Wilkins Secretary. Committees were appointed to petition the Legislature to create the office of State Superintendent of Public Instruction, and for the passage of an act establishing Normal schools. The next meeting of the Association was held at Peoria, December 26, 1854, since which time the organization has been kept intact, and each year it has increased in numbers and in usefulness. In point of education, we venture the opinion that Illinois is not behind other States. In the great array of men and *Mrs. Homes died August 3, 1888, in the 65th year of her age. The Institute is now under the management of Mrs. A. M. Brooks. APPENDIX. 45 women who have been foremost in the school work, we feel free to select the following as having been intimately connected with our educational advancement : Newton Bate- man, W. H. Powell, C. E. Hovey, Bronson Murray, Simeon Wright, B. G. Roots, Prof. J. Y. N. Standish, W. H. Wells, W. M. Beeker, Dr. Richard Edwards, *Ninian W. Edwards, George Howland. J. L. Pickard, E. C. Delano. Thomas Metcalf, H. L. Boltwood, E. L. Wells, E. A. Gast- man, Andrew M. Brooks, Flavel Mosely, John C. Dore, Miss Harriet N. Haskell, Miss Anna P. Sill, Mrs. Francis A. Wood Shimer, Henry Raab, George Bunsen, Julian M. Sturtevant, James H. Blodgett, Dr. Samuel Willard, W. B. Powell, Prof. J. B. Turner, D. S. Wentworth, Samuel M. Etter, James P. Slade, S. W. Moulton, Dr. E. C. Hewett, Dr. Robert Allyn, and David A. Wallace. Messrs. N. W. Edwards, W. H. Powell, Bateman, John P. Brooks, Etter, Slade and Raab, have each been honored with the office of Superintendent of Public Instruction, while all of the others have been active workers and held many high trusts in our schools and colleges. Mr. Edwards was appointed Superintendent of Public Instruction by Governor Matteson in 1854, and held the office until January, 1857, when Mr. Powell became his successor through election by the people. Mr. Bateman was elected to the office five different times. As an auxiliary to the school work, a number of excel- lent school periodicals and journals have been established in the State, the first of which was the Illinois Teacher , published from 1855 to 1872. It was first established by the State Teachers’ Association, but later was published as a private enterprise by N. C. Nason, of Peoria. It ex- ercised a marked influence in leading and shaping public opinion upon school questions. Among the journals in ex- istence now, we take pleasure in mentioning the Illinois School * Elected Superintendent of Public Instruction in 188 G. 46 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Journal, published by John W. Cook, at Normal; Present Age , Practical Teacher , and the School Master , of Chicago. To review the history of the intellectual advancement of Illinois during the seventy-one years she has been one of the sovereign States of the National Union, is to conclude that, under wise direction and liberal and judicious legislation, we shall continue to advance in literature, art, science and good government. CHAPTER XV, EIGHTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY-1832-34, The Eighth General Assembly convened December 3, 183*2, and adjourned March 2, 1833. Lieut. -Gov. Casey having resigned, Wm. L. D. Ewing was elected President pro tempore of the Senate, and Jesse B. Thomas, Jr., Secretary. Alex. M. Jenkins was elected Speaker of the House, and David Prickett Clerk. An able and influential member of this General Assem- bly was John T. Stuart, of Sangamon. Mr. Stuart was born in Kentucky, November 10, 1807 ; he graduated at Centerville College, Danville, and having studied law, settled in Illinois. Abraham Lincoln studied law under him. Mr. Stuart served three terms in Congress — 1839- 41-43 and 1863-65 — the first two with ex-President John Quincy Adams, from whom he learned the useful lesson, that it was “better to wear out than rust out.” Though advanced in years, Mr. Stuart*is yet hale and hearty. He is the oldest ex-member of Congress and practicing lawyer in the State, being the senior member of the well-known law firm of Stuart, Edwards & Brown. John Dement, of Franklin, was elected Treasurer in February, 1831. *Died November 28, 1885. APPENDIX. 47 Gov. Reynolds was elected to Congress in 1834, and resigned the office of Governor November 17, when acting Lieut. -Gov. Ewing became Governor. Gov. Reynolds was born in Montgomery county, Penn- sylvania, February 26, 1789, of Irish parents, who landed in Philadelphia in 1786; he belonged to a company of scouts in the campaigns against the Indians, in 1812 and 1818; he was a lawyer by profession, and prior to his election as Governor, he was a Justice of the Supreme Court, and served one term in the Legislature; he com- manded the Illinois volunteers during the Black Hawk war, 1832 ; he served in the Legislature from 1846 to 1848, and -from 1852 to 1854; the last term he was Speaker; he published a pioneer history of Illinois in 1848; “Glance at the Crystal Palace, and Sketches of Travel,” in 1854; “My Life and Times,” in 1855, and at one time he con- ducted the Belleville Eagle, a daily paper. He died at Belleville May 8, 1865. Mormon War. Among our early intestine troubles was the Mormon war, led by Joseph Smith, who first organized the Mor- mon Society, at Fayette, New York, June 1, 1830. It then numbered but thirty members. In 1831, the whole church removed, temporarily, to Kirtland, Ohio, and sub- sequently located at Independence, Missouri. At that time the sect numbered nearly 2,000. Their assumptions of superiority, their intolerance of “gentiles,” and their anti- slavery opinions, made them obnoxious to the people of Missouri. In 1838, the whole colony was violently ex- pelled from that State, and in 1839, the society, in a body, came to Illinois, settling in Hancock county, where they founded a city called Nauvoo. The colony now numbered some 15,000, and among the new accessions were Brigham Young, Orson Hyde, Herber C. Kimball, and Parley P. Pratt. As in Missouri, they soon became unpopular, and 42 48 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. for a series of years there was an open state of warfare existing between them and the “gentiles.” Their leaders were repeatedly arrested for violations of law. In June* 1844, there was an uprising of the Mormons against the laws of the State, and Gov. Ford took the field in person, with a militia force, to keep the peace. Joseph Smith and Hiram, his brother, and two or three other leaders, were surrendered to the Governor, upon his pledge of the honor of the State that they should have a fair trial. They were lodged in jail at Carthage, but during the after- noon of June 27th, a mob of 200 disguised men assem- bled at the jail, overpowered the guard, and shot and killed both of the Smiths. (See Ford’s History.) At the death of Joseph Smith, Brigham Young was elected President, and he hurried forward the building of the great temple, which had been begun by Smith, but from that time forward there was a reign of terror in that section, and Nauvoo was fairly besieged. The temple was completed one day and demolished the next. The war was varied by arson and secret murder, on both sides. In January, 1846, the “high council” announced that a final home was to be sought beyond the Rocky Mountains. The emigration commenced in the following month, but in September, the impatient people of the neighborhood poured in and drove out the little remnant with fire and sword. They settled at Salt Lake, Utah, which was then a part of the possessions of Mexico, and since it became a Territory of the United States, the Mormons have given the General Government quite as much trouble as they gave Illinois. State Government — 1834-88. The fifth State government was inaugurated December 8, 1834, with Joseph Duncan, of Morgan, as Governor; Alex. M. Jenkins, of Jackson, Lieutenant-Governor; Alex. P. Field, of Union, Secretary of State; James T. B. Stapp, APPENDIX. 49 of Fayette, Auditor of Public Accounts ; John Dement, of Franklin, Treasurer; Ninian W. Edwards, of Sangamon, Attorney-General. The Ninth General Assembly convened December 1, 1834, and adjourned February 13, 1835. It convened again December 7, 1835, and adjourned January 18, 1836. Lieut. - Gov. Jenkins presided over the Senate, and Leonard White was elected Secretary. James Semple was elected Speaker of the House, and David Frickett Clerk. One of the eminent men of this General Assembly was Adam W. Snyder, of Belleville. He was the Democratic nominee for Governor in 1842, but died before the elec- tion, when Thomas Ford was nominated in his stead. He was buried at Belleville, and on his tombstone is in- scribed these words : “Ye men of genius, tread lightly o ? er his grave : he was your kinsman.” Thomas Mather was another member of this body who became widely known, and exercised a controlling influence in the political affairs of the State. Indian Wars. Like all the, Territories of the United States, Illinois had her trials with the Indians, of which there were many tribes, whose conflicts among themselves were more fre- quent than with the whites, which kept the Territorial, State and National authorities under arms for many years in order to subdue them. In 1827, we had what is called the Winnebago War. In June of that year we had an engagement with the Winnebagoes in the Galena country, in which their Chief, Bed Bird, was compelled to sur- render, which terminated the war. Bed Bird was kept in jail a long time, and we are told by Ford that he died in prison the victim of regret and sorrow for the loss of his liberty. The Black Hawk War, which is minutely de- scribed by Ford, prevailed from the spring of 1831 to August 1832, and culminated in the battle of Bad Axe, on 50 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. the Mississippi river, August 2, in which the Indians were utterly routed. Black Hawk and a number of his tribe were taken prisoners, and afterward conveyed to Washington, where they had an interview with President Jackson, whom Black Hawk addressed as follows : “ I am a man and you are another. We did not expect to conquer the white people. I took up the hatchet to revenge injuries, which could no longer be borne. Had I borne them longer, my people would have said, Black Hawk is a squaw, — he is too old to be a chief, — he is no Sac. This caused me to raise the war-whoop. I say no more of it. All is known to you. Keokuk once was here ; you took him by the hand, and when he wanted to return you sent him back to his nation. Black Hawk expects that, like Keokuk, we will be permitted to return, too.” From Washington they were taken to Fortress Monroe, where they remained prisoners until the 4th of June, 1833, when they were returned to their own country, by order of the President. Black Hawk lived until the 3d of Octo- ber, 1840, when he was gathered to his fathers at the age of eighty years, and was buried on the banks of the great river where he had spent most of his life. The Winnebago War terminated under the Adminis- tration of Gov. Edwards, and the Black Hawk under that of Gov. Reynolds. After the battle of Bad Axe the several Indian tribes turned their faces toward the setting sun, and we have now no visible recollections of them save through the mounds they builded, the counties, rivers, towns and cities which bear their names, and “ Starved Rock,” a most wonderful memento, which is situated on the east side of the Illinois river, a mile distant from Utica, LaSalle county. It stands two hundred feet above the level of the river, and its surface is equal to a half acre of ground, and is heavily studded with timber. It is perpendicular on all sides, except the southeast, where a natural rock stairway leads to the cavern, high up in the rock, w T hich is capable of holding APPENDIX. 51 many persons. Peck’s Gazetteer of Illinois , issued in 1884, has this to say of an incident connected with this famous rock, and from which it derived its name : “ Tradition says that after the Illinois Indians had killed Pontiac, the French Governor, at Detroit, the northern Indians made war upon them. A band of the Illinois, in attempting to escape, took shelter on this rock, which they soon made inaccessible to their enemies, and where they were closely besieged. They had secured provisions, but their only resource for water was by letting down ves- sels with bark ropes to the river. The wily besiegers con- trived to come in canoes under the rock and cut off their buckets, by which means the unfortunate Illinois were starved to death. Many years after, their bones were whitening on this summit.” Tenth General Assembly— 1836-88. The Tenth General Assembly convened December 15, 1846, and adjourned March 6, 1837. It convened again July 10, 1837, and adjourned July 22, 1837. Lieut-Gov. Jenkins having resigned, William H. Davidson was elected President pro tempore of the Senate, and Jesse B. Thomas,, Jr., Secretary. James Semple was elected Speaker of the House, and David Prickett Clerk. This was the General Assembly which put in operation the Internal Improvement system of 1837, of which we speak in detail in a subsequent chapter. In this body were many able, intellectual men. In the Senate, 0. IP. Browning, Cyrus Edwards, William J. Gatewood and John Whiteside; and in the House, Edward D. Baker, John Dement, John Dougherty, Stephen A. Douglas, Jesse K. Dubois, Ninian W. Edwards, Wm. L. D. Ewing, Augustus C. French, John J. Hardin, Abraham Lincoln, U. F. Lin- der, John A, McClernand, William A. Richardson, James Semple and James Shields, — all of whom afterward won distinction. 52 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. We have spoken elsewhere of most all these men, and will be excused if we digress to say a word of Col. Edward D. Baker, who was born in England, brought to this coun- try when a child, and was early left an orphan in Phila- delphia. His father was a weaver, and when a boy he worked at that business himself. He obtained an educa- tion under many difficulties ; first studied for the ministry, but soon turned his attention to the law, becoming famous as an advocate. He was serving in Congress when the Mexican war ensued, but resigned his seat and went to Mexico as a Colonel of volunteers, acquitting himself with credit at the battle of Cerro Gordo. On his return to Illinois he was re-elected to Congress from the Galena district. In 1852, he settled in San Francisco, devoting him- self to his profession ; he subsequently removed to Oregon, which State he represented as a Senator in Congress, taking his seat in March, 1861. At the outbreak of the Kebellion he raised a regiment, and while gallantly leading it in battle at Leesburg, Virginia, against a superior force, he was shot from his horse and killed, October 21, 1861. Col. Baker was a man of great intellectual ability, and in his day was not excelled as an orator. Governor Duncan was born in Kentucky in 1790; he was self-educated; was an ensign at the brilliant defense of Fort Stephenson under Col. Croghan, for which he received from Congress the testimonial of a sword, February 13, 1835. He settled in Illinois, and was soon elected Major-General of Militia. Prior to his election as Governor, he was a Senator in the Legislature, and originated the law which established common schools in the State, and was a Rep- resentative in Congress from 1827 to 1835, resigning his seat to become Governor. He died at Jacksonville, Flor- ida, January 15, 1844. Jesse B. Thomas, Jr., became Attorney-General Feb- ruary 12, 1835 ; Walter B. Scates succeeded him January APPENDIX. 53 18, 1886, and U. F. Linder succeeded Scates February 4, 1887. Levi Davis became Auditor of Public Accounts November 16, 1835. Charles Gregory became Treasurer, December 5, 1836; he was succeeded by John D. White- side March 4, 1837. First and Only Duel in Illinois. In Ford’s History we find this account of the first and only duel in Illinois : “ The year 1820 was signalized by the first and last duel which was ever fought in Illinois. This took place in Belleville, St. Clair county, between Alphonso Stewart and William Bennett, two obscure men. The seconds had made it up to be a sham duel, to throw ridicule upon Bennett, the challenging party. Stewart was in the secret, but Bennett, his adversary, was left to believe it a reality. They were to fight with rifles ; the guns were loaded with blank cartridges; and Bennett, somewhat suspecting a trick, rolled a ball into his gun, without the knowledge of his seconds, or of the other party. The word to fire was given, and Stewart fell, mortally wounded. Bennett made his escape, but two years afterwards he was captured in Arkansas, brought back to the State, indicted, tried and convicted of murder. A great effort was made to procure him a pardon, but Gov. Bond would yield to no entreaties in his favor, and Bennett suffered the extreme penalty of the law, by hanging, in the presence of a great multitude of people. “This was the first and last duel ever fought in the State by any of its citizens. The hanging of Bennett made dueling discreditable and unpopular, and laid the foundation for that abhorrence of the practice which has ever since been felt and expressed by the people of Illi- nois. ” There were afterward some pretences at duels between some of the distinguished men of the State, notably that of 1842, between James Shields and Abraham Lincoln, which was caused by the publication of an article in a news- paper, the Sangamo Journal , reflecting on the official con- duct of Shields, while Auditor of State ; and between Shields and Wm. Butler, growing out of the same matter. But the framers of the constitution of 1848 put an 54 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. end to the barbarous practice, in a summary manner, in the adoption of Section 25 of Article 13, which is in these words : “Any person who shall, after the adoption of this com stitution, fight a duel, or send or accept a challenge for that purpose, or be aider or abettor in fighting a duel, shall be deprived of the right of holding any office of honor or profit in this State, and shall be punished other- wise, in such manner as is or may be prescribed by law.” The framers of the constitution of 1870, doubtless be- lieving that the civilization of the age was against duel- ing, did not carry that provision into the new constitution, thus leaving public opinion to frown down the code. State Government — 1838-42. The sixth State government was inaugurated December 7, 1838, with Thomas Carlin as Governor; Stinson H. Anderson, Lieutenant-Governor; Alexander P. Field, Sec- retary of State ; Levi Davis, Auditor of Public Accounts ; John D. Whiteside, Treasurer; George W. Olney, Attor- ney-General. The Eleventh General Assembly convened December 3, 1838, and adjourned March 4, 1839. In 1839, the capital was removed to Springfield, and a second session convened there December 9, and adjourned February 3, 1840. Lieut. -Gov. Anderson presided over the Senate, and Benjamin Bond was elected Secretary. William L. D. Ewing was elected Speaker of the House, and David Prickett Clerk. There was quite a number of eminent men in this Legislature, among whom we mention Isaac P. Walker, who subsequently emigrated to Wisconsin, and w r as elected a United States Senator from that State in 1848. APPENDIX* 00 CHAPTER XVI. HOW A CHALLENGE WAS AVOIDED, This laughable, not to say serious, incident in the early life of Dr. Isaac Vandeventer, is related to us by one who was cognizant of the affair, and knew all of the parties mentioned. When W. A. Richardson was elected to the State Senate in 1838, his opponent was Dr. Isaac Vandeventer, a Whig, and one of the purest men in the State, but wholly ignorant of party usages or practices. He had been selected by the Whigs as the man most likely to defeat Richardson, for the District was largely Democratic, and T. Lyle Dickey, now of the Supreme bench, and James W. Singleton, since a member of Con- gress, then both young men, undertook the management of his campaign. When the returns came in, it was found that Richardson had beaten him only four or live votes ; and investigation showed that, on Sugar Creek, seven or eight illegal votes had been cast for him, some of which were polled by men having in their veins African blood. Dickey and Singleton resided at Rushville, and they sent for Vandeventer to come and see them, with the view of instituting proceedings to contest the election. Contesting was regarded as unpopular, and to throw the burden on Richardson, they induced Vandeventer to send him a letter, setting forth the fact that he claimed to be the Senator elect, and to save expense and trouble, to request Rich- ardson to resign his certificate and run the race over at a special election, — to which Richardson replied, in 56 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. substance, that he was fairly elected, but had no objections to running the race over, provided he could be assured that the Doctor would “stay beat,” and if he would give bond, with approved security, to that effect, he would consent to make the race over. Dickey and Singleton were indignant, and insisted that it was a personal insult, that could only “ be wiped out in blood,” and urged Yande venter to challenge Richard- son, and consenting to do so, they undertook the prepar- ation of the letter inviting the hostile meeting. Vande- venter went to his hotel for dinner and was to return to Dickey’s office at 1 o’clock that day and sign the chal- lenge, and then one of them was to bear it to Richard- son, but 1 o’clock came, 2, and then 3, and Yandeventer came not ; and on inquiry it was ascertained that he had paid his bill and left for home. Thus ended the duel and the contest, for Dr. Vandeventer was never again seen in Mr. Dickey’s office. Twelfth General Assembly — 1840-42. The Twelfth General Assembly convened November 23, 1840, and adjourned December 5. It convened again De- cember 7, and adjourned March 1, 1841. Lieut. -Gov. Anderson presided over the Senate, and Merritt L. Coveil was elected Secretary. William L. D. Ewing was elected Speaker of the House, and John Cal- houn Clerk. WTckliffe Kitchell became Attorney-General, March 5, 1839; Stephen A. Douglas, Secretary of State, November 30, 1840; James Shields, Auditor of Public Accounts, March 4, 1841, and Milton Carpenter, Treasurer, March 6, 1841. Josiah Lamborn, of Morgan, became Attorney-General, December 3, 1840. Gov. Carlin was born in Kentucky, July 18, 1789; he was self-educated; removed to Illinois in 1812; his first APPENDIX. 57 office was Sheriff of Greene county; in 1834, President Jackson appointed him Receiver of Public Moneys. He was Governor at the time Illinois became overwhelmingly involved in debt through the internal improvement sys- tem, and he used his best ability in piloting the ship of State through the financial storm. After his term as Governor he removed to Carrollton, and in 1849, was elected Representative to the Legislature, vice J. D. Fry, resigned. He died February 14, 1852. Chicago. No city in the world has had so prosperous or marvel- ous a growth as Chicago, and a history of Illinois would not be complete without a special reference to this great and grand metropolis. The Gazetteer of 1823 describes Chicago as “a village in Pike county, situated on Lake Michigan, near Chicago creek, containing twelve or fifteen houses and about sixty or seventy inhabitants.” Chicago was first laid out as a town in the autumn of 1829. The first map made of the place was drawn by James Thompson, and bears date of August 4, 1830. Cook county, of which Chicago is the county seat, was not organized until January 15, 1831. The first steamer to enter the port was in 1832. Gen. Winfield Scott was a passenger, en route to take part in the conference of the army, which related to the treaty of peace with Black Hawk, who had been utterly routed at the battle of Bad Axe. The year 1833 was signalized by the establishment of a postoffice and weekly mail; the same year a town government was organized, and a weekly newspaper, en- titled the Chicago Democrat , was founded by John Calhoun. In 1836, the then great enterprise of the western world, the Illinois and Michigan Canal, was inaugurated. In 1837, the Legislature passed an act incorporating the City of Chicago, (see House and Senate Journals of 1837), and in the 58 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. May following the city was organized under that charter, and William B. Ogden was elected mayor. The popula- tion of the city was then but 4,179. The records of the office of the Secretary of State show that Chicago has been listed as one of the towns of the State in eight dif- ferent counties: first as being in St. Clair; then Madison; then Edwards ; then Crawford ; then Clark ; then Pike ; then attached to Fulton temporarily; then Putnam; then it occupied a place in what is known as unorganized ter- ritory, and then the county of Cook was organized. The first railroad built to Chicago was the Galena and Chicago Union, the first ten miles of which was con- structed in 1847. Now that road forms a part of the Chicago and Northwestern Bailway, whose main lines and branches number 4,216 miles of magnificant railway, reaching far out into the broad domain of the Great West. W 7 hen the great fire of October, 1871, laid the city in ashes, it had acquired a population of 334,270. Within two years after, the city was rebuilt upon a grander scale than before. The United States census of 1880 gave the city a population of 503,000; and from a single railroad "in 1847, they have multiplied to twenty-one, wffiich aggregate, in miles, 21,394, and radiate to all points of the compass. New York and Boston have, respectively, according to the United States census of 1880, populations of 1,200,000 and 350,000. In these cities one sees the growth of over two hundred years, or ten generations, and the relics of colonial times, while in Chicago is seen the growth of less than fifty years, and a population, as shown by the same census, of 503,000. From that single weekly newspaper the press has mag- nified indefinitely, and in character, power and circulation is not surpassed, if equaled, by that of any city in the world. APPENDIX. 59 State Government — 1842-46. The seventh State government was inaugurated Decem- ber 8, 1842, with Thomas Ford, of Ogle, as Governor; John Moore, of McLean, Lieutenant-Governor; Lyman Trumbull, of St. Clair, Secretary of State; James Shields, of Randolph, Auditor of Public Accounts ; Milton Carpen- ter, of Hamilton, Treasurer; Josiah Lamborn, Attorney- General. The Thirteenth General Assembly convened December 5, 1842, and adjourned March 6, 1848. Lieut. -Gov. Moore presided over the Senate, and Isaac S. Berry was elected Secretary. Samuel Hackelton was elected Speaker of the House, and Wm. L. D. Ewing Clerk. There were many strong men, intellectually, in this body. The names which will sound familiar to the reader are Orlando B. Ficklin, of Coles; Gustavus Kcerner, of St. Clair; Stephen T. Logan, of Sangamon; John A. Mc- Clernand, of Gallatin, now of Sangamon ; and ex-Lieut. - Gov. Pierre Menard, of Tazewell, all of whom attained prominence, and have often been honored with various public trusts. CHAPTER XVII MURDER OF ELIJAH P, LOVEJOY, Establishment of his Press in St. Louis— Its Removal to Alton— Its Destruc- tion by a Mob— Re-establishment of the Paper— An Attempt to Tar and Feather Lovejoy— Meeting of the Citizens of Alton to Compel him to Abandon the Publication of his Paper— A Brave Speech in Self-De- fense— Murder of Lovejoy and Destruction of His Fourth and Last Press— His Funeral, In all her history, Illinois has never been famed for deeds of cruelty and wrong; but one of the most terrible 60 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. crimes, which stands as a living disgrace in the history of Illinois, is the heartless murder of Rev. Elijah P. Lovejoy, brother of the late Owen Lovejoy, by a pro- slavery mob at Alton, on the night of November 7, 1837. The event is worthy of more than a passing mention. Mr. Lovejoy was the editor of the Alton Observer , a reli- gious paper, which had been originally started in St. Louis in 1833, under the auspices of the Presbyterian Church, which he conducted for nearly three years ; but in June, 1836, the owners, fearing that the press would be destroyed by mob violence, deter- mined to remove it to Alton, and it had hardly been packed for shipment before a lawless body of men entered the premises and carried away a portion of the press and type and threw them into the Mississippi river. The rem- nant was shipped to Alton, arriving there on Sunday ; but the mob spirit of St. Louis had preceded Mr. Lovejoy, and that night a mob collected and threw what was left of the printing office and Mr. Lovejoy’s household furniture into the river. Next day, however, the better class of citizens assembled in a public meeting, denounced the action of the mob in the strongest terms, and subscribed money sufficient to buy another printing office and reim- burse Mr. Lovejoy in his personal losses; and on the 8th of September the first number of the Alton Observer made its appearance; but in Alton Mr. Lovejoy’s life and property were as much at the mercy of the whims of the pro-slavery outlaws as they had been in St. Louis, and he was never free from personal insult or assault ; he was pursued by day and by night, at home and abroad; four times was his press destroyed, and in defending the last he fell a martyr to the cause of free speech and free press. It is generally understood that Mr. Lovejoy was an ex- treme abolitionist, but a careful reading of the utter- ances of his paper, as reproduced in his Life, written by APPENDIX. 61 his brother Owen warrants us in saying, that he was sim- ply an emancipationist. In Tanner’s Martyrdom of Lovejoy, we find the follow- ing incident, illustrative of the moral courage of Mr. Love- joy: “On one occasion, some eight or ten citizens of Alton determined to tar and feather him and then send him adrift in a canoe down the Mississippi river. He lived at Hunterstown about three-quarters of a mile from Alton, and between ten and eleven o’clock at night, while on his way to a drug store in Alton to procure some medicine for his wife, he was met by these men, all disguised, who stopped him and at once disclosed to him their pur- pose. With the most perfect composure he replied : 'Gen- tlemen, I have but a single request to make of you; my wife is dangerously ill, and it is necessary that she should have this prescription, which I was on the way to town to procure. Will one of you take it and see that it is delivered at the house, but without intimating what is about to befall me ? I am in the hands of God, and am ready to go with you.’ For a few moments entire silence reigned, which was broken by a physician, who made up in part the disguised party, exclaiming : ‘ Boys, I cannot lay my hands on as brave a man as this,’ and, turning away, was followed by his accomplices, and Mr. Lovejoy was spared the degradation of being tarred and feathered.” It would seem that Mr. Lovejoy had resigned himself to fate and was ready for the worst; but he did not have long to wait for the culmination of the outrages which had followed his pathway for so many years. On the 2d of November, a public meeting of the citizens of Alton was held to take action in regard to the further publication of the Observer under his editorship, and after the appoint- ment of a committee to prepare resolutions expressive of the sense of the people of the community, adjourned until the 3d. On the reassembling of the meeting, the committee, through its chairman, Cyrus Edwards, then a Whig State Senator, reported the resolutions, the purport of which was that Mr. Lovejoy should abandon the pub- lication of the Observer . U. F. Linder, a member of the 62 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. committee, and then the Attorney-General of the State, supported the passage of the resolutions in a speech of much earnestness; and as Mr. Lovejoy was present, he was permitted to reply in his own behalf. We copy his remarks in full, as we find them printed in a little volume published in 1838, by Rev. Edward Beecher, brother of Henry Ward Beecher: “I feel, Mr. Chairman, that this is the most solemn moment of my life. I feel, I trust, in some measure, the responsibilities which, at this hour, I sustain to these, my fellow citizens, to the chureh of which I am a min- ister, to my country, and to God. And let me beg of you, before I proceed further, to construe nothing I shall say as being disrespectful to this assembly. I have no such feeling; far from it. And if I do not act or speak accord- ing to their wishes at all times, it is because I can not con- scientiously do it. “ It is proper I should state the whole matter, as I under- stand it, before this audience. I do not stand here to argue the question, as presented by the report of the com- mittee. My whole wonder is that the honorable gentleman (Hon. Cyrus Edwards, Senator from Madison county, and the Whig candidate for Governor), the chairman of that committee, for whose character I entertain great respect, though I have not the pleasure of his personal acquaint- ance, my only wonder is how that gentleman could have brought himself to submit such a report. “ Mr. Chairman, I do not admit that it is the business of this assembly to decide whether I shall or shall not publish a newspaper in this city. The gentlemen have, as the lawyers say, made a wrong issue. I have the right to do it. I know that I have the right freely to speak and publish my sentiments, subject only to the laws of the. land for the abuse of that right. This right was given me by my Maker; and is solemnly guaranteed to me by the Constitution of these United States and of this State. What I wish to know of you is, whether you will protect me in the exercise of this right; or whether, as heretofore, I am to be subjected to personal indignity and outrage. These resolutions, and the measures proposed by them, are spoken of as a compromise — a compromise between two parties. Mr. Chairman, this is not so. There is but one party here. It is simply a question whether the law 7 shall be enforced, or whether the mob shall be allowed, IlKiH,. i Of THE KITY OF \l APPENDIX. 63 as they do now, to continue to trample it under their feet, by violating with impunity the rights of an innocent in- dividual. “Mr. Chairman, what have I to compromise? If freely to forgive those who have so greatly injured me, if to pray for their temporal and eternal happiness, if still to wish for the prosperity of your city and State, notwithstanding all the indignities I have suffered in it ; if this be the com- promise intended, then do I willingly make it. My rights have been shamefully, wickedly outraged ; this I know, and feel, and can never forget. But I can and do freely forgive those who have done it. “ But if by a compromise is meant that I should cease from doing that which duty requires of me, I cannot make it. And the reason is, that I fear God more than I fear man. Think not that I would lightly go contrary to pub- lic sentiment around me. The good opinion of my fellow- men is dear to me, and I would sacrifice anything but principle to obtain their good wishes ; but when they ask me to surrender this, they ask for more than I can — than I dare give. Reference is made to the fact that I offered a few days since to give up the editorship of the ‘Observer’ into other hands. This is true. I did so, because it was thought or said by some that perhaps the paper would be better patronized in other hands. They declined accept- ing my offer, however, and since then we have heard from the friends and supporters of the paper in all parts of the State. There was but one sentiment among them, and this was that the paper could be sustained in no other hands than mine. It is also a very different question, whether I shall voluntarily, or at the request of friends, yield up my post ; or whether I shall forsake it at the de- mand of a mob. The former I am at all times ready to do, when circumstances occur to require it, as I will never put my personal wishes or interests in competition with the cause of that Master whose minister I am. But the latter, be assured, I never will do. God, in his providence — so say all my brethren, and so I think, — has devolved upon me the responsibility of maintaining my ground here ; and, Mr. Chairman, I am determined to do it. A voice comes to me from Maine, from Massachusetts, from Con- necticut, from New York, from Pennsylvania ; yea, from Kentucky, from Mississippi, from Missouri, calling upon me in the name of all that is dear in heaven or earth, to stand fast; and by the help of God, I will stand . I 43 64 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. know I am but one, and you are many. My strength would avail but little against you all. You can crush me if you will ; but I shall die at my post, for I can not, and will not, forsake it. “ Why should I flee from Alton ? Is not this a free State? When assailed by a mob at St. Louis, I came hither, as to the home of freedom and of the law. The mob has pursued me here, and why should I retreat again ? Where can I be safe, if not here ? Have I not a right to claim the protection of the law ? What more can I have in any other place? Sir, the very act of retreating will embolden the mob to follow me wherever I go. No, sir; there is no way to escape the mob, but to abandon the path of duty ; and that, God helping me, I will never do. “ It has been said here, that my hand is against every man, and every man’s hand is against me. The last part of the declaration is too painfully true. I do indeed find almost every hand lifted against me ; but against whom in this place has my hand been raised? I appeal to every individual present ; whom of you have I injured ? Whose character have I traduced ? Whose family have I molested ? Whose business have I meddled with? If any, let him rise here and testify against me. No one answers. “And do not your resolutions say that you find nothing against my private or personal character ? And does any one believe that if there was anything to be found, it would not be found and brought forth ? If, in anything, I have offended against the law, I am not so popular in this community as that it would be difficult to convict me. You have courts, and judges, and juries; they find nothing against me. And now you come together for the purpose of driving out a confessedly innocent man, for no cause but that he dares to think and speak as his conscience and his God dictates. Will conduct like this stand the scrutiny of your country? of posterity? above all, of the judgment-day? For, remember, the Judge of that day is no respecter of persons. Pause, I beseech you, and reflect. The present excitement will soon be over; the voice of conscience will at last be heard. And at some season of honest thought, even in this world, as you review the scenes of this hour, you will be com- pelled to say, ‘He was right; he was right.’ “ But you have been exhorted to be lenient and compas- sionate ; and in driving me away to affix no unnecessary disgrace upon me. Sir, I reject all such compassion. You can not disgrace me. Scandal and falsehood and calumny APPENDIX. 65 have already done their worst. My shoulders have borne the burthen till it sits easy upon them. You may hang me up, as the mob hung up the individuals of Vicksburg ! You may burn me at the stake, as they did McIntosh at St. Louis ; or, you may tar and feather me, or throw me into the Mississippi, as you have often threatened to do, but you can not disgrace me. I, and I alone, can dis- grace myself ; and the deepest of all disgrace would be, at a time like this, to deny my Master by forsaking his cause. He died for me; and I were most unworthy to bear his name, should I refuse, if need be, to die for him. “ Again, you have been told that I have a family, who are dependent on me ; and this has been given as a reason why I should be driven off as gently as possible. It is true, Mr. Chairman, I am a husband and a father; and this it is that adds the bitterest ingredient to the cup of sorrow I am called to drink. I am made to feel the wisdom of the apostle’s advice : ‘ It is better not to marry. ’ I know, sir, that in this contest I stake not my life only, but that of others also. I do not expect my wife will ever recover from the shock received at the awful scenes, through which she was called to pass, at St. Charles. And how was it the other night, on my return to my house? I found her driven to the garret, through fear of the mob, who were prowling round my house. And scarcely had I entered the house ere my windows were broken in by the brickbats of the mob ; and she so alarmed, that it was impossible for her to sleep or rest that night. I am hunted as a partridge upon the mountains ; I am pursued as a felon through your streets ; and to the guardian power of the law I look in vain for that protection against violence, which even the vilest criminal makes claim. “Yet, think not that 1 am unhappy. Think not that I regret the choice that I have made. While all around me is violence and tumult, all is peace within. An approving conscience, and the rewarding smile of God, is a full recompense for all that I forego and all that I endure. Yes, sir, I enjoy a peace which nothing can destroy. I sleep sweetly and undisturbed, except when awakened by the brickbats of the mob. “No, sir, I am not unhappy. I have counted the cost y and stand prepared freely to offer up my all in the service of God. Yes, sir, I am fully aware of all the sac- rifice I make, in here pledging myself to continue this contest to the last. (Forgive these tears, — I had not 661 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. intended to shed them, and they flow not for myself, but others.) But I am commanded to forsake father and mother, and wife and children, for Jesus’ sake ; and as his professed disciple I stand prepared to do it. The time for fulfilling this pledge in my case, it seems to me, has come. Sir, I dare not flee away from Alton. Should I attempt it, I should feel that the angel of the Lord, with his flaming sword, was pursuing me wherever I went. It is because I fear God that I am not afraid of all who oppose me in this city. No, sir, the contest has com- menced here ; and here it must be finished. Before God and you all, I here pledge myself to continue it, if need be, till death. If I fall, my grave shall be made in Alton*” The speech of Mr. Lovejoy, powerful as it was, failed to allay the madness of the hour; and he was followed in reply by Bev. John Hogan, a Methodist minister, who afterwards figured, to some extent, in the politics of St. Louis, in a speech of much bitterness, and when he con- cluded, resolutions 1, 2 and 4 were unanimously adopted, while 8, 5 and 6, those which counseled peace and order, were rejected, and, four days after, Lovejoy lost his life at the hands of the mob. We give place to an account of the affair by Mr. Tanner, who was in the warehouse at the time as one of the de- fenders of the property : “We have now arrived at the fatal night of the 7th of November, 1887, and I give the details of the occurrence from personal notes of my own. The fourth press had been shipped to Alton from Cincinnati, and had been received in the dead of the night on the 6th by the friends of Mr. Lovejoy, in presence of the mayor, and taken to its final destination. We were fully prepared to receive and de- fend it, having, in the building, about sixty men, well armed and drilled, stationed on different floors in squads or companies of sufficient strength to do full execution if the mob should attempt to take the press when landed from the boat. All was quiet in the city, and we considered the press safe from harm, as it lay on storage with the most re- sponsible and most respected firm in the city. As night approached, we gathered in the building to talk over the APPENDIX. 67 situation, and congratulated each other on peace. About nine o’clock the company of men began to disperse to their homes, when Mr. Gilman asked if some few of the number would not volunteer to remain through the night with him, for he intended staying, as a precaution in case the warehouse was attacked. Nineteen men answered the call, and the devoted little band prepared themselves for whatever might occur. An hour elapsed before any signs of disturbance were noticed, but then it was evident that a mob was gathering. Messrs. Keating and West asked per- mission to enter into the warehouse to confer with Mr. Gil- man, and being admitted, informed us that unless the press was given up the building would be burned over our heads. We had, early in the evening, selected for our captain, Enoch Long, who had seen some service, think- ing occasion might require concerted action on our part. His method of defense was much milder than some of us advocated, for we considered it best to fire on the mob and make short work of it ; but he commanded that no one should shoot without his order, an order which, from mistaken motives of mercy, he hesitated to give until it was too late to intimidate the besiegers. 44 The crowd gathered and attempted to force an en- trance, but were temporarily checked in consequence of the order of our captain to one of his men to fire upon them in return for their shot, which had entered the building. Our shot proved fatal, killing one of the mob, whose name was Bishop. The lull was short; the mob returned, reinforced by ruffians who had been drinking,, and with savage yells they shouted that they would 'fire the building and shoot every d — d Abolitionist as he tried to make his escape !’ No orders were given us for con- centrated fire at any time ; it was all hap-hazard, and every man did as he thought best. At this juncture, the mayor appeared, and we asked him to lead us out to face the mob, and, if they would not disperse upon his command, that he should order us to fire upon them. His answer was, that he had too much regard for our lives to do that, but at the same time he most distinctly justified us in our defense. He attempted, afterward, to disperse them himself, but his power was gone — they merely laughed at his authority, as his weak and nerve- less treatment of them on former occasions had destroyed all his influence as a magistrate. "Attempts were now made to fire the building, and against one side, in which there were no openings, a 68 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. ladder was placed to reach the roof, on which a man ascended with a burning torch. Captain Long called for volunteers to make a sortie, in order to prevent the accomplishment of their purpose, and Amos B. Boff, Boyal Weller, and Elijah P. Lovejoy promptly stepped forth to execute his order. As they emerged from the building, shots were fired from behind a shelter, and five balls were lodged in the body of Mr, Lovejoy, others wounding Mr. Boff and Mr. Weller. Mr. Lovejoy had strength enough to run back and up the stairs, crying out as he went, 'I am shot! I am shot! I am dead!’ When he reached the counting-room, he fell back into the arms of a bystander, and was laid upon the floor, where he instantly passed away without a struggle, and without speaking again. “ Soon Messrs. Keating and West again approached the building, and informed Mr. Gilman that the roof was on fire, but that ‘the boys’ would put it out if the press should be given up — that was what they wanted — and nothing should be destroyed or any one harmed if the surrender was made. Mr. Gilman, consulting with us all, said that there was property of great value on storage, and the ^interest of firms all over the State were repre- sented, that he felt great responsibility, as Mr. Godfrey, his partner, was absent. To save these interests, he thought the building had better be abandoned and the press given up. Others coinciding in the opinion, it was decided to surrender the press, on condition that the mob would not enter the warehouse until we had left, and fur- ther, that our departure should be without molestation. These terms being accepted, we secreted our arms, and left the building together, but we were hardly out before the rioters broke their truce and more than a hundred bullets passed harmlessly over our heads. The fire in the warehouse was extinguished, and the press was taken out and destroyed. “ The next morning we returned to where the dead body of Lovejoy lay, and removed it to his late home. “ His wife was absent at the house of a friend, so pros- trated by the shock of these terrible events that her life was despaired of for many days. Owen Lovejoy received the corpse of his brother at the house, and preparations for the funeral, to take place the following day, were then made. “ It was a rainy, depressing day, and I well remember now how Abram Breath, still a resident of Alton, and APPENDIX. 69 myself walked together, through mud and water, to the grave. The burial service was simple, consisting merely of prayers, by Mr. Lovejoy’s constant friend, the Rev. Thomas Lippincott ; no remarks being made, lest the mob should disturb the last sacred rites of our beloved friend. There had been no inquest over his body, no flowers were strewn over his coffin. Mob-law not only reigned, but was insultingly triumphant. “It was thought that the silence of death, under such circumstances, well became the burial of Liberty.” At the time this murder was perpetrated, Henry Clay was a United States Senator from Kentucky, and he boldly advocated gradual emancipation, in Congress, with the same freedom that he would have supported an appro- priation bill, and went forth in the discharge of his daily duties without the fear of molestation by anybody. Yet 1 in Illinois Elijah P. Lovejoy could not write or print his views upon the same subject without having his property destroyed, being himself personally abused and at last murdered by an infuriated mob. But the crowning act of this heartless outrage was the utter neglect of the courts to take cognizance of the mur- der of Lovejoy. John Carroll Power, custodian of the National Lincoln Monument, who visited the burial place of Lovejoy in 1870, writes that his grave was left unmarked by a stone until 1864, when Thomas Dimmock, a citizen of Alton, visited Boston, and procured a neat granite pedestal 25x 30 inches and 15 inches high, with a white marble slab 17x26 inches, which bears this simple inscription: HIC JACIT lovejoy; Jam parce Sepulto • 70 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. CHAPTER XVIII. FOURTEENTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY— 1844-40. The Fourteenth General Assembly convened December 2, 1844, and adjourned March 3, 1845. Lieut. -Gov. Moore presided over the Senate, and Mer- ritt L. Coveil was elected Secretary. William A. Richard- son was elected Speaker of the House, and Newton Cloud Clerk. James A. McDougall, of Morgan county, became Attor- ney-General, January 12, 1848; Thompson Campbell, Sec- retary of State, March 4, 1843; William L. D. Ewing, Auditor of Public Accounts, March 26, 1843. Mr. McDougall was born in New York; he removed to Pike county, Illinois, in 1837 ; in 1849, he originated and accompanied an exploring expedition to Rio del Norte, the Gila 'and Colorado; he afterward emigrated to Cali- fornia, and followed his profession at San Francisco; in 1850, he was elected Attorney-General of California ; was a Representative in Congress from that State from 1853 to 1855, and in 1861 he was elected United States Sena- tor ; he was a delegate to the Chicago Convention in 1864. He died at Albany, New York, September 3, 1867. The administration of Gov. Ford was a very arduous and embarrassing one. Besides the financial embarrass- ments of the State, he had the Mormon war upon his hands ; but he successfully subdued the Mormons, and by his wise counsel greatly assisted the General Assembly in passing laws which gave the State and the people partial relief from their indebtedness. APPENDIX. 71 Gov. Ford was born in Pennsylvania. In 1804, while a child, his parents emigrated to Illinois. When he attained manhood’s estate, and prior to his election as Governor, he was a Justice of the Supreme bench, which position he resigned to become Governor. He wrote a history of Illi- nois from 1818 to 1847, which # was printed by his friend, Gen. James Shields, after Gov. Ford’s death, which occurred at Peoria, November 2, 1850. Mexican War. In the war between the United States and Mexico, which Congress declared on the 11th of May, 1846, and which prevailed two years, Illinois bore an honorable and con- spicuous part. Six regiments of volunteer soldiers was her contribution in that sanguinary struggle. In a volume re- cently prepared by Adj.-Gen. Isaac H. Elliott, by author- ity of the General Assembly, we find the familiar names of Colonel John J. Hardin, who fell while gallantly lead- ing the first regiment in a charge at the battle of Buena Vista, February 28, 1847; Major William A. Richardson, Lieutenant. Colonel B. M. Prentiss, First Lieutenant Isham N. Haynie, Second Lieutenant John A. Logan, Lieutenant-Colonel James L. D. Morrison, Colonel Ste- phen G. Hicks, Major S. D. Marshall, Captain M. K. Lawler, Second Lieutenant Green B. Field, Colonel Edward D. Baker, Second Lieutenant William B. Fondey, Ser- geant Dudley Wickersham, First Lieutenant Richard J. Oglesby, Captain L. W. Ross, Sergeant Robert M. Pee- ples, Second Lieutenant John G. Ridgway, Colonel Wm. H. Bissell, and Lieutenant-Colonel Wm. B. Warren. The re- ports of that campaign, printed in the volume referred to, show that, in their official reports, Generals Taylor, Wool, Scott, Twiggs and Patterson each warmly commended the gal- lantry of Illinois soldiers ; and Gen. Taylor complimented personally the services of Colonel Bissell, Lieutenant-Colonel 72 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Morrison, Lient.-Col. Wm. B. Warren, Col. Wm. Weather- ford, Maj. X. F. Frail, Adjt. A. G. Whiteside, and Maj. Noah Fry, for gallantry at the battle of Buena Yista. Prentiss, Haynie, Logan, Hicks, Lawler, Baker, Oglesby and Wickersham served in the war for the Union. Baker represented Illinois in lower house of Congress, and w T as afterward U. S. Senator from Oregon; he was killed at the battle of Leesburg, Va., Oct. 21, 1861. State Government — 1846-49. The eighth State Government was inaugurated De- cember 9, 1846, with Augustus C. French, of Crawford, as Governor; Joseph B. Wells, of Bock Island, Lieu- tenant Governor; Horace S. Cooley, of Adams, Secretary of State; Thomas H. Campbell, of Bandolph, Auditor of Public Accounts; Milton Carpenter, of Hamilton, Treas- urer; David B. Campbell, of Sangamon, Attorney-General. The Fifteenth General Assembly convened December 7, 1846, and adjourned March 1, 1847. Lieutenant-Governor Wells presided over the Senate, and Henry W. Moore was elected Secretary. Newton Cloud was elected Speaker of the House, and John Mc- Donald Clerk. Constitutional Convention of 1847. The Convention which framed the Constitution of 1848 convened at Springfield, June 7, 1847. Zadok Casey was elected President pro tempore ; Newton Cloud President, and Henry W. Moore Secretary. There w r ere one hun- dred and sixty-two delegates, whose names are given below : William Laughlin, Wm. B. Powers, Jacob M. Nichols, Archibald Williams, Martin Atherton, Michael G. Dale, Daniel H. Whitney, James W. Singleton, James Brock- man, Alexander McHatton, Simon Kinney, Wm. Bosby- shell, Garner Moffett, Henry E. Dummer, Thompson B. Webber, D. D. Shumway, Wm. Tutt, Justin Harlan, Uri Manly, Peter Green, Benjamin Bond, Thomas A. Marshall, APPENDIX. 73 Thomas B. Trower, Patrick Ballingall, Francis C. Sher- man, Reuben B. Heacock, E. F. Colby, David L. Gregg, Nelson Hawley, Wm. H. Blakely, George H. Hill, George B. Lemen, Jeduthun Hatch, Samuel Anderson, Wm. Shields, George W. Rives, Alvin R. Kenner, John W. F. Edmonson, Joseph T. Eccles, George W. Akin, David Markley, Heze- kiah M. Wead, Isaac Linley, George Kreider, Albert G. Caldwell, Jacob Smith, Franklin Witt, L. E. Worcester, D. M. Woodson, George W. Armstrong, James M. Lasater, Thomas C. Sharpe, William S. Moore, Charles Choate, Robert Miller, Thomas Geddes, Andrew McCallen, Gilbert Turnbull, Joshua Harper, Lewis J. Simpson, Jesse 0. Norton, Alexander M. Jenkins, Richard G. Morris, Frank- lin S. Casey, Zadok Casey, Walter B. Scates, A, R. Knapp, Thompson Campbell, W. B. Green, 0. C. Pratt, John Oliver, Alfred Churchill, Augustus Adams, Thomas Judd, John West Mason, Curtis K. Harvey, James Knox, Horace Butler, Hurlbut Swan, Whn. Stadden, Abraham Hoes, John Mieure, John Dement, Samuel Lander, James Tuttle, David Davis, F. S. D. Marshall, James Graham, John M. Palmer, James M. Campbell, John Huston, John Sibley, Peter W. Deitz, Stephen A. Hurlbut, Cyrus Ed- wards, E. M. West, Benaiah Robinson, George T. Brown, Henry D. Palmer, George W. Pace, Edward 0. Smith, Thomas G. C. Davis, Benjamin F. Northcott, Frederick Frick, Hiram Roundtree, James M. Davis, Anthony Thornton, Newton Cloud, James Dunlap, Samuel D. Lockwood, William Thomas, James A. James, John D. Whiteside, Daniel J. Pinckney, H. B. Jones, John Crain, Wm. W. Thompson, Lincoln B. Knowlton, Onslow Peters, W 7 m. R. Archer, Harvey Dunn, William A. Grimshaw, Montgomery Blair, William Sim, Oaks Turner, Ezekiel W. Robbins, Richard B. Servant, Alfred Kitchell, John W. Spencer, John Daw r son, James H. Matheny, Ninian W. Edwards, Stephen T. Logan, N. M. Knapp, Daniel Dunsmore, William A. Minshall, Edward Evey, Wm. W. Roman, Wm. C. Kinney, John McCulley, George Bunsen, Seth B. Farwell, Thomas B. Carter, William H. Holmes, Henry R. Green, Samuel Hunsaker, John Canady, John W T . Yance, Charles H. Constable, Abner C. Harding, Zenos H. Vernor, James M. Hogue, Aaron C. Jackson, S. Snowden Hayes, Daniel Hay, Samuel J. Cross, Selden M. Church, Robert J. Cross, John T. Loudon, Willis Allen, Hugh Henderson, William McClure. 74 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Politically, this convention was rather evenly balanced. On the Democratic side there were such representatives as Zadok Casey, John Dement, John M. Palmer, Anthony Thornton, Walter B. Scates, Willis Allen, L. B. Knowl- ton, Thompson Campbell; and among the Whigs, Archi- bald Williams, James W. Singleton, Henry E. Dummer, Jesse 0. Norton, Stephen A. Hurlbut, David Davis, Cyrus Edwards, Samuel D. Lockwood, Stephen T. Logan and Abner C. Harding. The convention was in session eighty-four days. The constitution was voted upon and adopted by the people, March 6, and went into effect April 1, 1848. We note some of its peculiar features : It provided that the salary of the Governor should be $1,500; Secretary of State, $800 and fees ; Auditor of Public Accounts, $800 and “ no more ;” State Treasurer, $800 and “no more;” Judges of Supreme Court, $1,200 and “ no more ;” Circuit Judges, $1,000 and “ no more ;” military duty was confined to “ all free male able-bodied persons, between the ages of 18 and 45, ne- groes, mulattoes and Indians excepted;” a capitation tax was to be collected from “ all able-bodied free white male inhabitants ;” the pay of members of the General Assembly was fixed at $2.00 per day for forty-two days, and $1.00 per day for each day thereafter, and 10 cents mileage each way. Article fourteen provided that “the General Assembly, at its first session under the amended constitution, should pass such laws as would effectually prohibit free persons of color from immigrating to and settling in this State; and to effectually prevent the owners of slaves from bring- ing them into this State for the purpose of setting them free.” Article fifteen provided that there should be annu- ally assessed and collected a tax of two mills upon each dollar's worth of taxable property, in addition to all other taxes, to be kept separate and to be apportioned to the payment of the State indebtedness other than the canal APPENDIX. 75 and school indebtedness. This article was also submitted to a separate vote of the people; the vote for it was 41,- 449; against, 31,869; majority for, 9,580. This article laid the foundation for the extinguishment of the State debt, incurred by the internal improvement system of 1837, and it is of itself enough to immortalize the framers of that constitution, because it gave hope and courage to the people who wanted to pay the obligations of the State dollar for dollar, and it enabled them to do it. State Government — 1849-53. Under the constitution of 1848, a new election for State officers had occurred in that year, and Gov. French was re-elected ; William McMurtry, of Knox, was elected Lieut. - Governor; Horace S. Cooley, of Adams, Secretary of State; Thomas H. Campbell, of Randolph, Auditor of Public Ac- counts ; John Moore, of McLean, Treasurer. No provision having been made in the constitution for an Attorney- General, that office became extinct. The first session of the Sixteenth General Assembly convened January 1, 1849, the new constitution having changed the time of the meeting of the General Assembly from December to January. A second session convened October 22, and adjourned November 7, 1849. Lieut. -Gov. McMurtry presided over the Senate, and William Smith was elected Secretary. Zadok Casey was elected Speaker of the House, and Nathaniel Niles Clerk. The duties of this General Assembly were more than routine legislation. A new era marked the progress of the State. The framers of the new constitution had adopted a feasible plan for providing means for relieving the State of its financial embarrassment, and wise legislation was necessary to carry into effect the provisions of the con- stitution, and the people happily selected many able rep- resentatives, among whom may be mentioned, of the 7G POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Senate, John T. Stuart of Sangamon, Joseph Gillespie of Madison, J. L. D. Morrison of St. Clair, William Reddick of LaSalle, Joel A. Matteson of Will, and Norman B. Judd of Cook. Of the House, were Wesley Sloan of Pope, Za- dok Casey of Jefferson, U. F. Linder of Clark, Thomas Carlin of Greene, Richard Yates of Morgan, Ninian W. Edwards of Sangamon, Onias C. Skinner of Adams, and William Kellogg of Fulton. CHAPTER XIX. IMPROVEMENT SYSTEM, Internal Improvement System of 1837— Appointment of Fund Commis- sioners— Illinois and Michigan Canal— Board of Public Works— System of Railroads— Mail Routes— Improvement of the Rivers— $10,607,000 Ap- propriated by the General Assembly for Public Improvements— Who Voted for the Bill— Bankruptcy. The internal. improvement system of 1837, which bank- rupted the State and wrecked many private fortunes, was a gigantic enterprise, and while it was a signal failure, yet it taught the people a valuable lesson. In this sys- tem was included, incidentally, the project of construct- ing the Illinois and Michigan Canal, which had been mooted in the message of Gov. Bond as early as 1818, and it continued to be the subject of discussion and legis- lation by every Governor and General Assembly, until the collapse of the whole system. The canal was regarded as the means above all others for the development of the State. The General Assembly of 1826, in a memorial ad- dressed to Congress, asking for a donation of lands in aid of the construction of the canal, gave .vent to their views APPENDIX. 77 upon the importance of the work in these words : “ The construction of a canal connecting the waters of Lake Michigan with the Illinois river, will form an important addition to the great connecting links in the chain of in- ternal navigation, which will effectually secure the indis- soluble union of the confederate members of this great and powerful Eepublic. By the completion of this great and valuable work, the connection between the North and the South, the East and the West, would be strengthened by the ties of commercial intercourse and social brother- hood, and the Union of States might bid defiance to in- ternal commotion and sectional jealousy, and foreign inva- sion.” Acting on this memorial, Congress passed an act March 2, 1827, granting some 300,000 acres of land to the State, in aid of the canal. Stimulated by what Congress had done, the Legislature passed an act, January 22, 1829, authorizing the construction of the canal, but the termini was not fixed until March 1, 1833. The total expenditures for the construction of the canal, under the direction of the Canal Commissioners and Trustees, up to 1848, when it was opened for business, was $6,557,681.50. (See Beport of Auditor of Public Accounts to the Constitutional Con- vention of 1870.) The Records of the Auditor of Public Accounts further show that the total expenditures on this 92 miles of waterway was over $10,000,000. This enormous expenditure would have built, on the prairies of Illinois, 666 miles of railway. The law which authorized the internal improvement system was passed by the General Assembly in February, 1837. It provided for the appointment of Fund Commis- sioners, whose duties were to negotiate loans of money, on the credit of the State, and to promote and maintain a general system of internal improvements. The same act provided for the biennial election, by the Legislature, of a Board of Public Works, whose duty it was to take 78 t POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. charge of and prosecute the public improvements ; and it provided for the improvement of the navigation of the Wabash, Illinois, Eock, Kaskaskia and Little Wabash rivers ; the construction of a mail route from Vincennes to East St. Louis, and the following railroads : Cairo to Galena, Alton to Mt. Carmel, Alton to Shawneetown, Quincy to Danville and the State line, a branch from the Cairo and Galena via Hillsboro and Shelbyville east to Terre Haute; Peoria to Warsaw, Lower Alton via Hills- boro, to intersect the Cairo and Galena, Belleville to intersect the Alton and Mt. Carmel, Bloomington to Pekin and Peoria. There was appropriated by this act $400,000 for the improvement of the rivers, $250,000 for the mail routes, $9,460,000 for railroads, and $200,000 to counties in which no railroads were to be built. Provision was made for creating an internal improvement fund, and cer- tificates of stock were to be issued on the faith of the State. The journal of the House of that session shows that John Crain, John Dougherty, John Dawson, John Dement, Stephen A. Douglas, Jesse K. Dubois, Ninian W. Edwards, William F. Elkin, Augustus C. French, William W. Happy, John J. Hardin, John Hogan, Abraham Lin- coln, U. F. Linder, John A. McClernand, John Moore, Joseph Naper, James Shields, Eobert Smith, Dan Stone and James Semple voted for the bill, and that Milton Carpenter, John Harris, William McMurtry, William A. Minshall and William A. Eichardson voted against it. It will thus be seen that the internal improvement system was not the work of bad men, nor was it the creature of a combination for speculative purposes, for it was cham- pioned by some of the purest and ablest men of the State. In March, 1839, an act was passed by the Legislature providing for the construction of a railroad from Upper Alton via Hillsboro to Carlinville, and one from Eushville APPENDIX. 79 to Era. At the same session $150,000 was appropriated to the improvement of, the Little Wabash; $20,000 to im- prove the Big Muddy; $7,000 to improve the Embarrass, and $20,000 for mail routes. In 1840, the Legislature passed an act prohibiting the Board of Public Works from letting any more contracts, and providing for the settlement of the debts incurred by the system, and the offices of the Board of Public Works and the Board of Fund Commissioners were abolished. In 1841, the Legislature passed an act authorizing the Auditor and Treasurer of State to audit and settle the claims of contractors on public works. At the same ses- sion $100,000 was appropriated for the completion of the Northern Cross Railroad. Here we have the beginning and ending of the legislation relating to the internal im- provement system, in which was included the construc- tion of the Illinois and Michigan Canal. To illustrate the utter blindness of the system, we note the fact that Ford says, there were no previous surveys of the proposed roads, nor estimates of their cost of con- struction, and that the work was commenced on all of them at the same time, and at each end. Large brick depots were built at different points regardless as to whether the roads were built or not. One of these was burned at Equality some years ago, and another is still standing on the bank of the Ohio river at Shawneetown, as a monument to the folly of that age. When the affairs of the internal improvement system were settled, it was shown that the State was involved in a debt of $12,000,000, with nothing to show for it. Here, indeed, was a crisis in the affairs of the young State. The population was less than half a million. There was neither business nor commerce; and a loud cry went forth in favor of repudiation, but this was soon checked, 44 80 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. and by judicious legislation the people obtained temporary relief as to their personal financial burdens, and measures were devised for paying the public debt. It required years of toil and hardship, but the debt was finally paid in full, principal and interest, and the honor and credit of the State maintained. It is a remarkable fact that while all the roads pro- jected in 1837 failed of construction, private companies have since built them, in whole or in part. Seventeenth General Assembly — 1850-52. The first session of the Seventeenth General Assembly convened January 6, 1851, and adjourned February 17. A second session convened June 7, 1852, and adjourned June 23. Lieut. -Gov. McMurtry presided over the Senate, and William Smith served as Secretary. Sidney Breese was elected Speaker of the House, and Isaac B. Diller Clerk. The work of enacting laws to conform to the new consti- tution, was one of the grave duties of this Assembly. Of the new members there were such names as John M. Palmer, of Macoupin ; Wm. B. Plato, of Kane, in the Senate ; and in the House, Isham N. Haynie, of Marion; James C. Allen, of Crawford; Sidney Breese, of Clinton; William H. Snyder, of St. Clair; S. A. Buckmaster, of Madison; Wm. Thomas, of Morgan ; Anthony Thornton, of Shelby ; James W. Singleton, of Brown; Jesse 0. Norton, of Will, and 0. M. Hatch, of Pike. Gov. French retired from office in January, 1853, leav- ing behind him an honorable record. He had been the Ex- ecutive when the darkest clouds of the financial storm hovered over the State, but had ever counseled an honest payment of the State’s obligations, and he lived to see the debt almost wholly canceled. Gov. French was born in New Hampshire, in August, 1808; he attended Harvard University; removed to Illinois APPENDIX. 81 in his youth, and as early as 1835 became closely identi- fied with the politics of the State. He was a lawyer by profession, and was for several years President of the Board of Trustees of McKendree College, and Professor of Law in that institution. His last appearance in public life was as a member of the Constitutional Convention of 1862. He died at Lebanon, September 4, 1864. CHAPTER XX. OUR FIRST RAILROADS, Gov. Duncan’s Opposition to Railroads— Senator Gatewood’s Opposition- Report of Committee Favoring Canals in Preference to Railroads— Num- ber of Miles of Railway— Number of Miles of Canal— Amount of Taxes Paid by Illinois Central Railway— Amount Paid by Other Railways in 1883— Gov. Duncan’s Problem Solved. It will be difficult for the reader to realize, amidst the many grand railways which cross and re-cross the broad domain of Illinois, that there should have ever been any- body to oppose their construction, or doubt their success, but a study of the early legislation of the State shows that there was serious opposition, even among the brightest minds of the State. Gov. Duncan, in his message to the General Assembly, in 1834, gave utterance to the thought that it was yet to be determined whether railroads would be more benefit to the State than the Illinois and Michi- gan canal. Said he : “ No one who has visited the different canals and railroads in the United States, and compared the country through which they pass with the fertile lands which lie between the Lakes and the Mississippi, to say nothing of the un- bounded country that is washed by the twenty-five thou- sand miles of river and lake navigation, which this canal will unite by the shortest and most certain route that can possibly be made, can doubt that it will yield a larger 82 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. profit upon its cost, in a very few years, than any other work of the kind that has ever been, or can be, con- structed in this country. “In commencing this great work it should be borne in mind that its utility and success, as well as it expense, will greatly depend upon the kind of improvement that the Legislature shall adopt, and upon the plan of its con- struction. Of the different plans proposed, I find that the Board of Canal Commissioners and my worthy prede- cessors, have recommended a railroad, in which I regret that I am compelled to differ with them in opinion. “ In my judgment, experience has shown canals to be much more useful, and generally cheaper of construction, than railroads. When well made they require less expen- sive repairs, and are continually improving, and will last forever, while railroads are kept in repair at a very heavy expense, and will last but about fifteen years. In the pres- ent case especially, a canal should be preferred, because it connects, by a short and direct route, two great naviga- ble waters, that wash the shores of most of the States and Territories of the United States and British Provinces of North America, and thus opening a commerce between the remotest parts of the continent. By using the lake as a feeder to this canal, a large body of water will be turned into the Illinois river, which will improve its navi- gation, and by increasing the current, will, probably, ren- der its shores more healthy. “ An additional argument in favor of a canal, which should justly have great weight with you, is to be found in the fact, that it puts it in the power of every farmer to carry his own produce to market, which renders him independent of that monopoly which must always control fhe transportation on railroads. There appears to be but little force, in the present case, in the argument commonly used in favor of railroads — that transportation upon them is uninterrupted in winter — as this canal will be open several weeks longer in the fall and spring than either the lake or river, consequently no inconvenience can re- sult from its closing, especially as at that season the roads will be sufficiently good to accommodate all the traveling which will be required.” (See House Journal of 1835 .) Acting on the views of Gov. Duncan, a committee was appointed by the Senate to determine which system of internal commerce should be adopted. The committee APPENDIX. 83 gave the subject a wide consideration, and in the course of an elaborate report, expressed the deliberate opinion that canals were preferable to railroads, in these terms : “From all the lights of which the committee have been able to avail themselves, it would seem that the public judgment, in this State and elsewhere, has settled down in favor of canals in preference to railroads, wherever the country is peculiarly suited to their construction; and there can be no doubt that nature has declared that this is the character of the region of country lying between the navigable waters of the Illinois and Lake Michigan. That railroads are better adapted to the speedy trans- portation of passengers than canals, seems to be admitted ; and whenever that is the main object intended to be effected by their construction, they are, doubtless, entitled to a preference over canals. But such can not be the case in reference to this work. “ If we glance at the institutions and improvements of civilized man, in every portion of the world, we are struck with the fact that, in those countries, and among those people, where Ihe means of promoting the happiness of the social state are most profoundly understood, there canals abound ; and there the Government has been most anxious to increase the facilities for internal commerce and inter-communication between different parts of the same country. But we are not left to that brilliant ex- ample alone to cheer us to the undertaking — our neigh- bors, Ohio and Indiana, have profited by the wisdom and experience of other enlightened States, and their citizens are now enjoying an unparalleled prosperity, as the fruit of their sagacity and enterprise. Shall not Illinois do likewise? . . . The probable cost of the canal, to be supplied with water, will be $2,956,260.56.” It will be observed, from these figures, that the com- mittee went into details in calculating the cost of the construction of the canal, as fractions of dollars form a part of the estimated cost. (See Senate Journal of 1835.) At that session William J. Gatewood, a State Senator from Gallatin county, and a man of eminent ability, was one of many who earnestly opposed legislation in favor of railroads, but, nevertheless, the agitation of the ques- tion continued, and in 1839, the completion of the first 84 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. railroad in the State, known as the Northern Cross, was celebrated as one of the greatest events of the age. Geo. Gregory ran its first locomotive. The road extended from Jacksonville to Meredosia, a distance of twenty-four miles ; it was built by the State, and laid with flat iron. In 1841, it was extended from Jacksonville to Springfield, and in 1845, from Jacksonville to Naples. The State operated the road until 1847, when the Legislature passed an act, February 16, authorizing the sale of the road between the Illinois river and Springfield, fifty-two miles in length, at public vendue. One of the peculiar features of this law was, that it provided for a forty years’ lien upon the road, in order to secure the amount for which it might be sold. The sale took place soon after the approval of the act, and Nicholas H. Eidgely, of Springfield, became the pur- chaser, paying $21,100 in State indebtedness. Mr. Eidgely afterward sold Thomas Mather, of Springfield, and James Dunlap, of Jacksonville, each an interest. They changed its name to the Sangamon and Morgan Eailroad. During the time the State had operated it but two engines had been obtained, and when the new owners took possession they found them so worn as to be unfit for use, and for nine months they were compelled to run their trains with mules. The trains consisted of two cars drawn by two mules. There were two trains daily, one of which left Springfield in the morning for Naples, and the other, Naples for Springfield. Eeddick M. Eidgely was one of the conductors. About the close of the year 1847, the company received three new engines, when the services of the mules were dispensed with. The Legislature passed an act extending the charter of the road to the Indiana line, and in 1857, Mr. Mather visited New York and negotiated a sale of the road to Eobert Schuyler, who was then deemed the great railroad manager of the country, for $100,000; APPENDIX. 85 Mather and Eidgely continued stock-holders, and were elected local directors. In the same year Mr. Schuyler became the purchaser of the thirty-three miles of railroad between Meredosia and Camp Point, which had been built through the influence of Gen. James W. Singleton; it was known as the Quincy and Toledo Bailroad. In 1859, the name was changed to the Great Western Railway, and the work of extending it eastward was begun in earnest. In 1865, it was consolidated with the Toledo and Wabash Railway; January 6, 1877, the Wabash Railway Company was organized, and acquired the property of the Toledo, Wabash and Western Railway at foreclosure sale, in Feb- ruary, 1877, and in 1879, the name was changed to the Wabash, St. Louis and Pacific Railway. Now, that insignificant twenty-four miles of flat railroad is a part of what is known as the “Gould system/’ which has business connections from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean, and is esteemed one of the greatest railway com- binations in the world. The company owns in fee simple, or operates by lease, many thousand miles of railway in Illinois, Indiana, Ohio and Missouri. In 1847, the Galena and Chicago Union Railroad, which was chartered January 16, 1886, was put under construc- tion, and the close of 1848 found only ten miles completed. The capital stock of the company was then fixed at $100,000, with power to increase it to $1,000,000. So timid were the projectors of the road that they put a clause in the charter which authorized them to build a turnpike in case they failed with the railroad. It was in these words : “That if at any time after the passage of this act it shall be deemed advisable by the directors of the said corporation to make and establish a good, permanent turn- pike road upon any portion of the route of the railroad by this act authorized to be constructed, then the said directors are hereby authorized and empowered to con- struct a turnpike on any portion of the said route/’ 86 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Passing over the subsequent struggles of the road, we will say that from this modest beginning has grown the great Chicago and Northwestern Railway, with its 4,216 miles of unsurpassed track, traversing the Western States and Territories, and reaching far in the direction of the Pacific coast. The ninety-nine miles of railroad, connecting Quincy with Galesburg, which was built under a charter granted by the Legislature in 1849, by Nehemiah Bushnell, was bought by the Chicago, Burlington and Quincy Railroad Company, under a sale of foreclosure by the bondhold- ers, and it now forms an important link in the great sys- tem of roads operated by that rich and progressive com- pany. But since then the road has been extended from Cairo — where a bridge spans the Ohio River — to New 7 Orleans, and branch lines penetrate the North- western States. February 10, 1851, the Illinois Central Railroad, which had been projected during the internal improvement sys- tem of 1837, was chartered, and Congress gave the com- pany every alternate section of land along its line in aid of its construction, in consideration of which the State was to receive seven per cent, of the gross earnings. The line of road was from Cairo to Dunieith, now East Du- buque, with a branch to Chicago, embracing 700 miles — the whole of which was completed September .27, 1856. The completion of this great^line of railroad at once opened up a market for the products of the State, and brought the lands in active demand, and emigration poured in as never before. The United States census of 1850 had given the State a population of but 851,470, while that of 1860 swelled it to 1,711,951. Thus it will be seen that under the influence of this one railroad the State had gained in less than ten years APPENDIX. 87 1,060,485 inhabitants, as against 851,470 in the thirty-two years previous. No grant of land to a railroad company was ever more judiciously made. It enriched alike the railroad company and the State. As to the canal it cost the State over $12,500,000, two million five hundred thousand of which was ex- pended by Chicago long after the internal improve- ment system was abandoned. Its length in miles is but ninety-two. By a vote of the people it is proposed to cede the canal with all its rights and privileges to the United States under certain conditions, but con- gress has been slow in acting upon the matter. The truth is, the country has outgrown canals, and it is not likely that the State or the Nation will ever invest any considerable amount of money in this enterprise, as it has long since ceased to be a source of revenue to the State. It is a little strange that with railroads running parallel with it on either side, and with the canal closed hah* the year by being frozen, there is found anybody willing to spend time in advocating its enlargements or extension, for sooner or later it must be abandoned as a thing not belonging to the present age. The problem suggested by Governor Duncan has been fully solved. It seems almost in- credible to say that in 1841 Illinois had but one rail- road, and that there are now sixty-two, embracing 10,- 646 miles of main lines, branches and double track, as shown by the report of the Railroad and Warehouse Commission for December, 1888. There are but two counties in the State that are not penetrated by one or more railroads, and Poor’s Manual for 1888, shows that Illinois leads all of the States in the Union in its number of miles of railway. State Government — 1853-57. The tenth State Government was inaugurated with Joel A. Matteson, of Will, as Governor ; Gustavus Koerner, of St. Clair, Lieutenant-Governor; David L. Gregg, of Cook, 88 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Secretary of State; Thomas H. Campbell, of Randolph, Auditor of Public Accounts; John Moore, of McLean, Treasurer. The first session of the Eighteenth General Assembly convened January 3, 1858, and adjourned February 14. A second session convened February 9, 1854, and adjourned March 4. Lieut. -Gov. Kcerner presided over the Senate, and R. E. Goodell was elected Secretary. John Reynolds was elected Speaker of the House, and John Calhoun Clerk. This Legislature became famous for passing the black laws, of which an extended mention has been made in a preceding chapter. The bill passed the House February 5, 1858, by a vote of 45 yeas to 23 nays ; seven members were absent, or refrained from voting. The Senate passed the bill February 11, as it came from the House, by a vote of 13 yeas to 9 nays ; three Senators were absent or refrained from voting. On February 12, the bill received the approval of Gov. Matteson. CHAPTER XXL PRINTING, When Illinois was organized as a Territory of the United States, the arts of printing and journalism were in their infancy, not only in this, but in all countries. Research shows that Matthew Duncan was the pioneer journalist of Illinois, establishing the Herald , at Kaskaskia, in 1814. Prior to the establishment of the Herald legal notices were published, by act of December, 1813, in the Louisiana Territory (Missouri). In the Edwards papers we find a letter from Joseph Charless, publisher of the Missouri Gazette — now St. Louis Republic — under date of April 18, 1812, pro- posing to print two hundred copies of the laws of Illinois for $150. f APPENDIX. 89 The Herald was a three-column folio until 1816, when it was enlarged to a four-column folio. In 1817, Daniel P. Cook and Robert Blackwell bought it. Subsequently, its name was changed to Intelligencer, and in 1820 it was moved to Yandalia. The second paper in the State was the Emigrant, established as an anti- slavery paper, at Shawneetown, in 1818, by Henry Eddy and S. H. Kim- mell. The third paper, the Spectator, was established as an anti-slavery paper, at Edwardsville, in 1819, by Hooper Warren. In 1835, the number of weekly newspapers had multiplied to eighteen. The first daily paper in the State — Daily Express — was established at Chicago, in 1839, and the second — Democrat — in the same city, in 1840. John Wentworth was the editor of the latter. The first book or pamphlet, of which we have any knowl- edge, printed in Illinois, was by Matthew Duncan, at Kas- kaskia ; it bears date December 24, 1814. It contained an act establishing a Supreme Court, the letter of Judges Jesse B. Thomas and William Sprigg to the Legislature, challeng- ing the legality of the act ; the answer of the Legislature to the Judges, the address of Gov. Edwards to the Legis- lature, and the memorial of the Legislature to Congress, numbering, in all, 46 pages. In printing this book, there were but three fonts of type used — burgeois, small-pica and English. In an address delivered by William L. Gross before the Illinois State Bar Association, at Springfield, January 6, 1881, we find that Matthew Duncan also pub- lished the first volume of what is known as Pope’s Digest, in June, 1815. These books are in the possession of Mr. Gross, and they show the art of printing in its most primitive state. The first printing press used in Illinois was known as the Franklin Ramage, which was capable of printing but one page of a folio newspaper at a time, with a capacity of 240 90 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. impressions per hour. This required the services of one man and a boy. The next press in use was the Wash- ington, which printed two pages at a time, with a capacity of 300 impressions per hour. Then followed the power presses. The Konig, with a capacity of 1,000 to 1,800 impressions per hour; the Applegate, 5,000 to 10,000; the Hoe cylinder, 6,000 to 8,000; Hoe lightning, 10,000 to 15,000 ; Hoe ten-cylinder, 25,000. Then came the presses which printed the paper complete. The Walter, with a capacity of 11,000; Bullock, 11,000 to 20,000. The Walter and Bullock presses print from a web or continuous roll of paper. The last and most successful invention in newspaper presses, however, is the perfecting press, whose capacity is 30,000 to 32,000 per hour. On this press the paper is printed from a web, on both sides, cut, pasted and folded ready for the carrier. This is equivalent to 60,000 or 64,000 impressions per hour. The Inter Ocean was the first newspaper in this country to adopt the use of the perfecting press. The folder was an invention of Mr. Walter Scott, of Scotland, who was an employee of the Inter Ocean office for a number of years, and at that time foreman of the machinery department of that office. For a long time the question of attaching a folder to the web presses had been agitating the press- men and press- builders, but all attempts had failed until Mr. Scott perfected his experiment and attached it suc- cessfully to the several Bullock presses of the Inter Ocean , since which time his invention has been applied to all the web presses by whatever name manufactured, and the in- vention rightfully belongs to Illinois. Journalism did not begin in Chicago until 1833, when John Calhoun established the Chicago Democrat , a weekly parser. In 1840, the Chicago Democrat was issued as a daily under the editorship of John Wentworth, and in 1858 it was consolidated with the Tribune. APPENDIX. 91 In 1835 T. 0. Davis established the American as a weekly, which became an evening daily April 9, 1839, with Wm. Stuart as publisher. W. W. Brackett bought the Evening American in October, 1842, and changed its name to the Daily Express . In 1844, a company of Whigs bought the Express office and established the Daily Evening Jour- nal, with R. L. Wilson as editor, the first number of which was issued April 22, of that year. This was the beginning of the present Chicago Evening Journal, with whose editorial management Andrew Shuman has been connected for thirty-three years. He became chief assist- ant editor in 1856, managing editor in 1861, and editor- in-chief in 1878. He retired in January, 1889. April 4, 1840, Charles N. Halcomb & Co. issued the Weekly Tribune, the first newspaper of that name in the United States. The first number of the Daily Tribune was issued July 10, 1847. Its owners were James Kelly, John E. Wheeler and J. C. K. Forrest, the two last named being the editors. August 23, 1848, John L. Scripps be- came editor and owner. In September, 1855, Dr. Charles H. Ray, J. C. Vaughn and J. Medill became editors, and continued as such until July 1, 1858, when the Democratic Press and the Tribune were consolidated. Dr. Ray, J. Medill, J. L. Scripps and Wm. Bross became the editors. In 1861, Mr. Scripps was appointed Postmaster of Chi- cago, when his editorial connection with the Tribune ceased. Horace White became editor of the Tribune Jan- uary 20, 1867, and retired November 10, 1874, since which time J. Medill has been editor-in-chief. His brother, S. J. Medill,* was managing editor from 1874 to the time of his death, which occurred in February, 1883. Of the subsequent dailies in Chicago, which are now in existence, The Times was established in 1854, with James W. Sheahan editor, until 1861, when he was succeeded by W. F. Storey; the Illinois Staats Zeitung was established 92 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. in 1855; Demokrat , in 1870. John Y. Scammon estab- lished the Inter Ocean , in 1872, on the ruins of the Chi- cago Republican . In the latter part of that year the Inter Ocean was purchased by a stock company, and shortly after, William Penn Nixon became business manager, and subsequently secured a controlling interest, and the paper is now conducted under his direction. In 1870, the Neue Freie Presse was established ; in 1875, the News; in 1876, the Arbeiter Zeitung , and in 1881, the Herald . The first paper published at Springfield was the Sangamo Journal, in 1831, of which the Illinois State Journal is a continuation. The State Register was established at Vandalia, in 1836, but was removed to Springfield at the time of the removal of the State Capitol. With the journalism of Illinois there have been con- nected many eminent men, who have taken a prominent part in shaping the politics or destiny of the State, and we call to mind a few who have been a power in its councils : Henry Eddy, Shawneetown, who was the editor of the Illinois Emigrant , and wielded a vigorous pen in 1823, in opposition to the attempt to make Illinois a slave State; Rev, Elijah P. Lovejoy, Alton; John Wentworth, C. L. Wilson, Jas. W. Sheahan, T. Lyle Dickey, C, H. Ray, Joseph Medill, A. C. Hessing, Andrew Shuman, Horace White, John L. Scripps, W. F. Storey, Wm. Bross, Herman Raster, Herman Lieb, Samuel J. Medill, W. K. Sullivan, Chicago ; Austin Brooks, Quincy ; John W. Merritt, Salem ; E. R. Roe, Bloomington; George Scroggs, Champaign; C. H. Lanphier, who commenced his apprenticeship in the State Register , and afterwards became sole proprietor; D. L. Phillips, John M. Palmer, John A. McClernand, who established, edited and published the first Democratic newspaper in Southern Illinois; George Walker, Simeon Francis, who established the Sangamo Journal , Spring- field; Enoch Emory, Eugene F. Baldwin, Peoria; W. W. Sellers, Pekin. APPENDIX. 93 CHAPTER XXIL NINETEENTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY-1854-56, The Nineteenth General Assembly convened January 1, 1855, and adjourned February 15. Lieut. -Gov. Kcerner presided over the Senate, and Geo. T. Brown was elected Secretary. Thomas J. Turner was elected Speaker of the House, and Edwin T. Bridges Clerk. Among the familiar names in this Legislature were these: In the Senate, Norman B. Judd, Burton C. Cook, John M. Palmer, Silas L. Bryan and Joseph Gillespie; and in the House, Wm. J. Allen, S. W. Moulton, Stephen T. Logan, Chauncey L. Higbee and Owen Lovejoy. One of the important duties devolving upon this Legis- lature was the election of a United States Senator, to succeed Senator Shields, and the two houses met in joint session February 8, and balloted for Senator. James Shields was the Democratic candidate, and Abraham Lincoln the Whig. On the first ballot Shields received 41 votes ; Lincoln, 45 ; scattering, 13. On the second, Shields received 41; Lincoln, 43; scattering, 15. On the third, Shields received 41 ; Lincoln, 41 ; scattering, 16. On the fourth, Shields received 41 ;‘ Lincoln, 38; scattering, 19. On the fifth, Shields received 42 ; Lincoln, 34 ; scattering, 23. On the sixth, Shields received 41 ; Lincoln, 36 ; scat- tering, 21. On the seventh Shields’ name was withdrawn, and that of Joel A. Matteson substituted, who on this ballot received 44; Lincoln, 38; scattering, 16. On the eighth, Matteson received 46 ; Lincoln, 27 ; scattering, 25. On the ninth, Matteson received 47 ; and Lincoln’s name haying been withdrawn, Trumbull received 35 ; scattering, 16. On the tenth, Trumbull received 51 ; Matteson, 47 ; 94 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. scattering, 1. Mr. Trumbull having received a majority of all the votes cast, was declared by the Speaker Sen- ator-elect. This was at the time of the Kansas-Nebraska excite- ment. John M. Palmer, Norman B. Judd and Burton C. Cook, of the Senate, and Henry S. Baker and Geo. T. Allen, of the House, were Anti-Nebraska Democrats, and it was expected that in some stage of the contest they would vote with the Whigs, who were all Anti-Nebraska, for Lin- coln, which would have secured his election ; but when Mr. Lincoln found, through his friend John T. Stuart, whom he had authorized to confer with them, that they could not vote for him for the reason that they were in- structed by their constituents to vote for an anti-Nebraska Democrat, then it w 7 as that Mr. Lincoln, standing in the lobby, reached over with his long arm, touched a member of the House and directed him to withdraw his name, which being done, Mr. Trumbull was elected on the next ballot. This was the first break in the political control of the State by the Democratic party since its organization, and the election of Lyman Trumbull as an outspoken anti-slavery man was the forerunner of the or- ganization of the Republican party in 1856. APPENDIX. 95 CHAPTER XXIIL PHYSICAL RESOURCES. Washington Advocates the Establishment of an Agricultural Bureau— Organi- zation of the State Agricultural Society— Lincoln Signs the Bill— Law Authorizing the Organization of the Society— First Fair— Primitive Farm- ing— Pleasing Address by Professor Turner— Wonderful Advancement- Personnel of the State Board of Agriculture. On the physical resources of a State is dependent every- thing that contributes to make it great and grand, and Illi- nois possesses such elements in an eminent degree. In her onward march in greatness and wealth, agriculture and its kindred pursuits have kept pace with the rapid progress in other branches of industry, and a retrospective reference to the primitive days of agriculture will be pleasing and in- structive. In contrast with the early mode of doing farm work, we print an extract from a paper penned by W. C. Flagg, in 1876, which gives a vivid picture of early farming : “Forty or fifty years ago the mould-boards of the plows were made of wood, which were possibly, in some cases, covered with hoop iron. The plows were about the only implements used in working with the soil, harrows with wooden teeth and rollers being poorly made and but little used. Corn planters had not yet superseded the barefooted boys and girls, and wheat drills were entirely unknown. The grain cradle, a great improvement on the sickle, though used in Madison County, it is said, as early as 1819, was but just coming into vogue. Grass was still cut with the scythe and raked with hand rakes. Wheat and other grain was tramped out with horses, who traveled in a circle over a carefully adjusted ring of bundles, laid with heads lapping over the but-ends, and toward the coming hoofs. All this has changed. The gang and sulky plows have increased the capacity of human labor and decreased its severity. Ma- chines drill wheat, cut and even bind the grain, and thresh and winnow it. Machines cut, rake, load and pitch the hay.” 45 96 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. The farmers of Illinois were slow in pressing their claims upon the attention of the law-makers of the State and Nation. Although President Washington, in his annual message in 1796, recommended to Congress the necessity of the passage of an act creating an agricultural bureau, such a bureau was not authorized until April 15th, 1862, when the law received the approval of President Lincoln, and it is fitting that the names of these illustrious men, the one the father of his country and the other its preserver, should be so intimately connected with the great interests of agriculture.* Prior to this time the interests of this industry were assigned to a division in the Patent Office, in the Interior Department. The State Agricultural Society was not formed until as late as 1853, when a delegate convention was held at Spring- field, February 5, of that year, for that purpose, and out of the ninety-nine counties then organized, only seven were rep- resented. L. S. Pennington represented Whiteside County ; H. C. Johns, Piatt; C. E. Potter, Bronson Murray, L. W. Weston and T. L. Bullock, La Salle; I. N. Haynie, James T. Dwyer, J. M. Oglesby, C. W. Webster and A. J. Piercy, Marion; J. B. Turner, W. H. Hartley and Corridon Cox, Morgan ; A. G. Herndon, A. B. Cast, J. C. Crowder, Simeon Francis, A. B. McConnell, James McConnell, G. L. Lums- den, F. Dychus, C. W. Chatterton and Job Fletcher, Sanga- mon; James McBumey and A. E. Whitney, Lee. James McConnell was called to the chair, and Charles W. Chatterton was appointed Secretary pro tem. The per- manent organization was effected by the selection of L. W. Weston as President, L. S. Pennington, Vice-President, and C. W. Webster, Secretary. The Blinois State Agricultural Society was chosen as the name the organization should be known by. A constitution was adopted, and the following persons became members by paying the sum of $1 and signing the constitution: John Wood, David Wolf and Michael Collins, of Adams County; *In 1889 the Fiftieth Congress raised this bureau to a cabinet position, and Norman J. Colman was confirmed Secretary. APPENDIX. 97 John xi. Kennicott, Cook; John Wilbanks, Jefferson; T. L. Bullock, L. W. Weston, Bronson Murray, W. Chermesero, La Salle ; James McBurney and A. R. Whitney, Lee ; J. B. Turner, W. Brown, W T . H. Hartley, Corridon Cox and Edward Lusk, Morgan; Smith Fry and E. M. Powell, Peoria; H. C. Johns, J. Brittenham and John G. Hubbard, Piatt; Wm. Ross, Pike; W. K. Johnson, Fulton; Giles H. Turner, Greene; Lewis Ellsworth, DuPage; H. Prather, Macon; G. Haskell, Winnebago; Silas Bryan, C. W. Web- ster, J. M. Oglesby, J. T. Dwyer, Urial Mills, Jesse Ray and A. J. Piercy, Marion; J. M. Palmer, Macoupin; Asahel Gridley, J. E. McClun, W. F. M. Arny and George Young, McLean ; A. B. McConnell, Alonzo Holcomb, S. P. Opdycke, J. N. Browm, J. A. Pickrell, A. B. Cast, A. G. Herndon, Pascal P. Enos, G. W. Chatterton and J. B. Perkins, San- gamon; W. H. Bennett, St. Clair; E. A. Paine, Warren; L. S. Pennington, Whiteside, and T. L. Harris, Menard. James N. Brown was elected President ; George Haskell, John A. Kennicott, J. E. McClun, Smith Fry, M. Collins, Francis Aerenz, H. C. Johns, C. W. Webster, and I. Mitchell, Vice-Presidents ; Pascal P. Enos, Recording Secre- tary; Bronson Murray, Corresponding Secretary, andE.M. Powell, Treasurer. The Vice-Presidents represented the several Congressional districts. A resolution was passed asking the Legislature to appropriate $1,000 a year, for two years, and I. N. Haynie, Bronson Murray and H. C. Johns were appointed a committee to lay the matter before the General Assembly. J. B. Turner, Wm. Brown and T. L. Harris, were appointed a committee to draft an agricultural address to the people of the State. On the 8th of February, a bill signed by John Reynolds, Speaker of the House of Representatives, and G. Koerner, Speaker of the Senate, was approved by Joel A. Matteson, Governor, which constituted the society a legal corporation. 98 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. On February 11th, the Governor approved an act appro- priating $1,000 per annum for two years, for the promotion of agricultural and mechanical arts. (See first volume of State Agricultural Report.) The first State Fair was held at Springfield, October llth^ 12th, 13th and 14th, 1853, the total expenses of which were $3,893.49, leaving a balance in the treasury of $852.71. The total amount paid in premiums was $944.45 ; other expenses, $2,954.04. At the time the first fair was held the Northern Cross was the only railroad in the State, with the termini at Meredosia and Springfield. The Illinois Central was then only in course of con- struction. Here was really the beginning of the devel- opment of the State in point of agriculture. The Prairie Farmer , founded in 1841, was the first agri- cultural journal established in the State, and it has ever been foremost in pointing the way to advanced methods in farm work. The General Assembly of 1855, stimulated by what had been accomplished by the society during its short existence, made an appropriation of $50 to county societies to be paid as annual premiums to exhibiters, which sum was subsequently increased to $100. Such w as the beginning of what is now 7 known as the Illinois State Board of Agriculture, w hich has exerted a large influence in the development of agriculture in the State In an address delivered by Professor J. B. Turner at the fair grounds at Jacksonville, October 14, 1853, the speaker paid a very high and deserved eulogy to labor. Said he : “There is a good time coming. Poets have sung of their golden era. The devout of all ages have clung to this hope, and their sages and prophets, in the hoar of the darkest gloom, have ever fixed their eyes upon the future rising of this millenium dawn. God seems to have impressed the con- viction of its approach upon the mind and heart of the race. “But when poetry and art, and philosophy and faith shall greet the first risings of this long desired day, labor shall be APPENDIX. 99 there — labor — first in the primeval paradise before the fall — first companion of the Son of God ; first at the cross and first at the tomb ; first and almost sole to bear the triumphs of that cross abroad. Labor — the source and producer of all else shall be there, too, acknowledged tri- umphant, and crowned as the true glory and giver of all. “This millenium of labor is fast coming. I see it in its errand-boys, borne from the thunder-cloud, outracing the sun ; in its horses and chariots of fire and steel, that dash across every continent and every mountain height.” Speaking of the advancement the country had then made in point of new modes of travel, he said : “No longer ago than February 25, 1811, the celebrated Robert Fulton wrote from New York to his brother-in-law, Chancellor Livingston, in Albany, proposing to construct a locomotive that would run at the rate of four miles an hour . “The Chancellor replied in substance, that he thought so great speed for such enormous bodies exceedingly danger- ous and utterly impracticable “It took Fulton’s letter, as the correspondence shows, thirteen days to reach its destination “What has made the difference between this vast con- course of freemen, with all their multiform and varied pro- ducts, and the great councils of naked sachems and war- riors that gathered upon these same plains not half a century since ? The same sun and stars shone on them as on us ; the same soil and climate and productive powers of nature were theirs, and had been for ages ; while in bodily and muscular strength and hardihood they were greatly our superiors. Where, then, lies the difference ? You have mind, which they had not, and this is the whole of it — mind , mind, the great motive power of the universe, exists and works through you, as it did through them. This alone is the steam power of the eternities. It is the high prerogative of this mind to overmaster and enslave all matter and reduce it to a perfect subjection to its wants and uses. Mind is the only freeman, and matter the only slave God ever made. That man, therefore, or that class of men who have most mind, will most nearly approximate the condition of free- dom, and those who have least will invariably sink to the nearest level with the slave.” 100 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. Addressing himself to the education of the farmer, he said : “Do not imagine that when I speak of education, I have in my heart the malice prepense of designing to set you all, as industrial men, to jabbering Greek and Latin, or poring over the abstractions of mathematics and metaphysics, as though you, and all your great interests, and the whole uni- verse of God, were all tongue, or all cones and cobweb. . . . “I would have you look abroad upon the green earth, as God made it, and view at one and the same glance, with the true poet’s and philosopher’s eye, the fields and woods you range — the soil you till— the flocks you tend — the products you raise or produce — their highest adaptations and capabili- ties — the latest causes of their failure or success — the best means of evolving from the productive powers of earth the finest products and greatest amount of human weal with the least amount of toil — your personal rights, and your highest duties to your family, your neighbors, your country, to posterity and to God. These are themes that pertain to your business, as industrial freemen — to your interests, and the interests of your race — to the development in each of you, your sons and your daughters, of that health and vigor of body, peace and serenity of mind, self-respect, and re- spect of the world, in your vocations, so essential to your highest interests, and the entire perfection of your man- hood. “These are themes which shall give you that power of mind and enlargement of soul in your pursuits, which moves the world — that has this day exhibited its products and its triumphs over our more savage predecessors, on this same soil — and shall, at no distant future, achieve such miracles of wonder as the world has never before seen “We must awake to a sense of our own need, our dignity and our rights. We must respect ourselves, and our pro- fessions, as God and nature designed that we should, and then we shall have no need to challenge the respect of man- kind. We are not oppressed by our brethren of the pro- fessional classes ; we are simply depressed by neglecting to do for ourselves what they have already wisely and properly done for themselves ; and they now exhort us to do the same; and we must do it.” Professor Turner has lived to see the desire of his heart fulfilled almost to the letter. APPENDIX. 101 CHAPTER XXIV, JUDICIARY. First Supreme Court— The Chief Justice and Justices Hold the Circuit Courts— First Circuit Judges— Circuit Courts Abolished— The Chief Jus- tice and Justices of the Supreme Court Again Required to Hold the Cir- cuit Courts— One Circuit Judge Provided for— Supreme Court Again Re- lieved from Holding the Circuit Courts— Circuit Courts Again Abolished., and the Chief Justice and Associate Justices Again Required to Hold the, Circuit Courts— Constitution of 1848— The Judiciary Elected by the Peo- ple— A Chief Justice and Two Associate Justices Comprise the Supreme, Court— Constitution of 1870— The Elective System Continued— Personnel' of the Courts— The Supreme Court Increased from Three Members to Seven— Organization of the Circuit Courts— Creation of the Appellate Court— Clerks of the Supreme Court— Reporters of the Supreme Court— Illinois Reports. Illinois may well be proud of her judiciary, for it stands without a blemish upon its character, and a reference to its early organization and the many changes it has undergone under the three constitutions will doubtless prove a pleasing subject to many who read these pages. The Constitution of 1818 provided that the judicial power of the State should be vested in a Supreme Court, and such inferior courts as the Legislature should from time to time create. The Jus- tices of the Supreme Court, and the judges of the inferior courts, were selected by joint ballot of the General Assem- bly and commissioned by the Governor. The Justices of the Supreme Court were required at different times to hold the Circuit Courts in the several counties. In Freeman's his- tory of the Supreme and Circuit Courts, found in “Treatise on Pleadings and Practice,” we find that the first Supreme Court of the State consisted of Joseph Phillips, Chief Jus- tice; Thomas C. Browne, William P. Foster and John Rey- nolds, Associate Justices, all of whom were commissioned 102 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. on the 9th day of October, 1818. Chief Justice Phillips re- signed July 4, 1822, and was succeeded by Thomas Rey- nolds, as Chief Justice, who was appointed August 31, 1822, and re-commissioned January 14, 1828. Justice Foster resigned July 7, 1819, and on the same day William Wilson was appointed as his successor, and was re-commissioned February 6, 1821. Those whose commissions expired at the end of the first session of the General Assembly, which was begun and held after January 1, 1824, were : Thomas Rey- nolds, Chief Justice; Thomas C. Browne, John Reynolds, William Wilson, Associate Justices. The new court, commissioned January 19, 1825, consisted of William Wilson, Chief Justice; Samuel D. Lockwood, Theophilus W. Smith, Thomas C. Browne, Associate Jus- tices. The Supreme Court, as thus constituted, continued until the number was increased to nine, under the act of February 10, 1841. On the 29th of December, 1824, an act was passed provid- ing for five Circuit Judges. By this act the Justices of the Supreme Court were relieved of the performance of circuit duties. The Judges appointed under this act were John Y. Sawyer, Judge First Circuit; Samuel McRoberts, Judge Second Circuit ; Richard M. Young, Judge Third Circuit ; James Hall, Judge Fourth Circuit; James 0. Wattles, Judge Fifth Circuit ; all of whom were commissioned Jan- uary 19, 1825, and legislated out of office by act of January 12, 1827. The State was then divided into four judicial cir- cuits, and the Chief Justice and Justices of the Supreme Court were again required to perform circuit duties, and these continued to hold all the courts until a Circuit Judge was elected by the General Assembly in pursuance of an act of January 8, 1829, which provided for the election of one Circuit Judge, who should preside in the circuit to which APPENDIX. 103 he might be appointed, north of the Illinois River, and at the same session the Fifth Judicial Circuit was created, in which the Circuit Judge was required to preside. Richard M. Young was commissioned Circuit Judge, January 23, 1829, and assigned to duty in the Fifth Circuit. The Circuit Courts thus continued to be held until the passage of an act, January 7, 1835, which relieved, for a second time, the Justices of the Supreme Court from hold- ing courts in the circuits, and authorized the election of five Circuit Judges. The Judges elected under this act were Stephen T. Logan, 1 First Judicial Circuit; Sidney Breese, Second Judicial Circuit; Henry Eddy, 2 3 Third Judicial Circuit ; Justin Harlan, Fourth Judicial Circuit ; Thomas Ford, 8 Sixth Judicial Circuit. At the same ses- sion a Sixth Judicial Circuit was created. Richard M. Young 4 * * * continued to hold the courts of the Fifth Circuit. A Seventh Judicial Circuit was created by act of Feb- ruary 4, 1837, and John Pearson was commissioned Judge February 8, 1837, and resigned November 20, 1840. By act of February 23, 1839, the Eighth and Ninth Circuits were created. Stephen T. Logan was commissioned Judge of the eighth, February 25, 1839, but soon after resigned, and the Governor appointed Samuel H. Treat his successor, May 27, 1839. Judge Treat was elected and re-commis- sioned January 31, 1840. Thomas Ford was commissioned as Judge of the Ninth Circuit, February 25, 1839. 1 Judge Logan resigned in 1837, and was succeeded by William Brown, who was commissioned March 20, 1837. Jesse B. Thomas, Jr., was commissioned July 20, 1837, as the successor of Judge Brown, and William Thomas was commissioned February 25, 1839, as successor to Jesse B. Thomas, Jr. 2 Judge Eddy resigned February 10, 1835, and was succeeded by Alex. F. Grant, who was commissioned the same month, and Walter B. Scates was commissioned December 26, 1836, as successor to Judge Grant. 3 Judge Ford resigned in March, 1837, and Dan Stone was commissioned as his successor on March 4, 1837. 4 Judge Young resigned January 2, 1837, and was succeeded by James H Ralston, who was commissioned February 4, 1837, and resigned August 31, 1839. He was succeeded by Peter Lott, who was appointed by the Governor September 9, 1839, and elected and re-commissioned in the December follow- 104 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS, The judiciary was reorganized by the act of February 10, 1841. It repealed all former laws relating to Circuit Courts, and legislated the judges out of office, and it pro- vided for the election of five Associate Justices of the Su- preme Court, who, in connection with the Chief Justice and three Associates then in office, were to constitute the Supreme Court, and were required also to perform circuit duties. The Supreme Court, as organized under this act, was as follows : First Circuit, Justice Lockwood ; Second Circuit, Justice Breese 1 ; Third Circuit, Justice Scates 2 ; Fourth Circuit, Chief Justice Wilson ; Fifth Circuit, Justice Doug- las 3 ; Sixth Circuit, Justice Browne ; Seventh Circuit, Justice Smith 4 ; Eighth Circuit, Justice Treat; Ninth Circuit, Justice Ford 5 . The Judiciary thus constituted continued until the adop- tion of the Constitution of 1848. 1 Justice Breese resigned December 19, 1842, and was succeeded by James Semple, who was lelected and commissioned January 16, 1843. Resigned August 16, 1843, and was succeeded by James Shields, who was re-appointed by the Governor August 16, 1843, elected by the General Assembly February 17. 1845, and commissioned February 18, 1845. Justice Shields resigned April* 2. 1845, and was succeeded by Gustavus P. Koerner, who was appointed by the Governor April 2, 1845, elected by the General Assembly December 19, 1846, and commissioned December 21, 1846. 2 Justice Scates resigned January 11, 1847, and was succeeded by William A. Denning, who was elected by the General Assembly, January 18, 1847, and commissioned January 19, 1847. 3 Justice Douglas resigned June 28, 1843, and was succeeded by Jesse B. Thomas, who was appointed by the Governor August 6, 1843, elected by the General Assembly February 17, 1845, and commissioned February 18, 1845, and resigned August 8, 1845. Justice Thomas was succeeded by Norman H. Purple, who was appointed by the Governor August 8, 1845, elected by the General Assembly December 19, 1846, and commissioned December 21, 1846. 4 Justice Smith resigned December 26, 1842, and was succeeded by Richard M. Young, who was elected by the General Assembly, and commissioned February 4, 1843, and resigned January 25, 1847. Justice Young was succeeded by Jesse B. Thomas, who was elected by the General Assembly, and com- missioned January 27, 1847. 5 Justice Ford resigned August 1, 1842, and John D. Caton was appointed his successor by the Governor August 20, 1842. Justice Caton was succeeded by John M. Robinson, who was elected by the General Assembly, and com- missioned March 6, 1843, and died April. 27, 1843. Justice Caton was re-ap- pointed by the Governor May 2, 1843, as successor to Justice Robinson; elected by the General Assembly February 17, 1845, and commissioned Febru- ary 18, 1845. APPENDIX. 105 Under the Constitution of 1848, the tenure of office of the Judges was wisely placed beyond the control of partisan Legislatures, being for the first time, in the history of the Judiciary of the State, elected directly by the people, and their tenure of office was fixed by the Constitution itself, thereby giving greater stability, independence and useful- ness to that department of the State Government. Remark- ing on the existence of the Circuit Courts under the Con- stitution of 1818, Mr. Freeman, in his treatise referred to, says : “There can be but little doubt that it is correct to say, that originally, the Circuit Courts formed no part of the judicial system of the State as created by the Constitution of 1818. It is true, that there are some evidences in that instrument of the recognition of the existence of Circuit Courts; it is declared that the Justices of the Supreme Court should “hold Circuit Courts ” in the several counties, in such manner and at such times, and should have and exercise such jurisdiction as the General Assembly should by law prescribe; but that after a certain period (1824) the said Justices “should not hold Circuit Courts ” unless re- quired by law; and that the Circuit Courts , or the Justices thereof, should appoint their own clerks. “But it can hardly be said that arecognition of such courts in this manner would give them an existence without legis- lative enactment, when by the same instrument it was declared that the judicial power of the State should be vested in one Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts as the General Assembly should , from time to time, ordain and establish. The General Assembly undoubtedly understood that all other courts in the State, except the Supreme Court, depended upon legislative enactment for their existence. The language in several acts, embracing the period from 1827 to 1841, clearly indicates that the Legislature believed that the Circuit Courts were so far the creatures of that body that they had the power at any time to repeal them, and thereby to legislate out of office the Circuit Judges, whose tenure of office was during good behavior, and this was done, once in 1827, and again in 1841. ” The Supreme Court created under the Constitution of 1848, consisted of a Chief Justice and two Associate Justices, whose 106 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. terms of office were fixed at nine years, with alternate elec- tions. The first election took place September 4, 1849, and Samuel H. Treat, of the Second Grand Division, was chosen Chief Justice; Lyman Trumbull, of the First Grand Division, and John D. Caton, of the Third Grand Division, Associate Justices. Chief Justice Treat resigned in 1855, having been ap- pointed to the bench of the United States District Court, for the Southern District of Illinois. Onias C. Skinner was elected by the people to fill the vacancy occasioned by the resignation of Mr. Treat. Justice Skinner having also re- signed, his vacancy was filled by the appointment, by the Governor, of Pinkney H. Walker, who was afterwards elected by the people. Justice Trumbull resigned July 4, 1858, and Walter B. Scates was elected to fill the vacancy, and became the Chief Justice ; and upon his resignation, Sidney Breese was elected to fill the vacancy. Justice Caton became Chief Justice upon the resignation of Mr. Scates. Chief Justice Caton resigned in January, 1864, and Cory- don Beckwith was appointed by the Governor to fill the va- cancy ; Charles B. Lawrence was elected June 6, 1864, to succeed Justice Beckwith; Pinkney H. Walker* was re- elected June 8, 1867, Justice Breese was re-elected June 6, 1870. This constituted the Supreme Court up to the time of the adoption of the present constitution, on July 2, 1870, ^Justice Walker became Chief Justice at the June term, 1864; Justice Breese succeeded him in June, 1867; Justice Lawrence Jbecame Chief Justice in June, 1870; Justice Breese again became Chief Justice in June, 1873; Justice Walker again became Chief Justice in June, 1874; Justice Scott became Chief Justice in June, 1875; Justice Sheldon became Chief Justice in June, 1876; Jus- tice Scholfleld became Chief Justice in June, 1877; Justice Craigbecame Chief Justice in June, 1878; Justice Walker became Chief Justice for the third time in June, 1879; Justice Dickey became Chief Justice in June, 1880; Justice Craig again became Chief Justice in June, 1881; Justice Scott again became Chief Justice in 1882 ; Justice Sheldon again became Chief Justice in June, 1883 ; Jus- tice Scholfleld again became Chief Justice in June, 1884; Justice Mulkey be- came Chief Justice in June, 1885; and Justice Scott became Chief Justice for the third time in June, 1886. APPENDIX. 107 when the Supreme Court was increased from three to seven members. At this election Anthony Thornton, John M. Scott, Benj. B. Sheldon, and Wm. K. McAllister, were elected as the four additional Justices. Justice Thornton resigned May 3, 1873, and John Scholfield was elected June 4, 1873. Justice McAllister resigned Nov. 26, 1875 ; T. Lyle Dickey was elected Dec. 21, 1875, to fill the vacancy; Alfred M. Craig was elected June, 1873, to succeed Justice Lawrence. Chief Justice Walker was re-elected June 5, 1876; Chief Justice Breese died June 28, 1878; David J. Baker was ap- pointed by the Governor to fill the vacancy; John H. Mul- key was elected June 2, 1879, to succeed Justice Baker, and Justices Scott, Sheldon, Scholfield and Dickey were re- elected at the same election. Justice Walker died February 7, 1885, and D. G. Tunnicliff was appointed by the Gover- nor to fill the vacancy ; Simeon P. Shope was elected in 1885, to succeed Justice Tunnicliff ; Justice Dickey died July 22, 1885, and Benjamin D. Magruder was elected to fill the vacancy. The Court as now constituted, is as follows : John Schofield, Marshall; J. M. Bailey, Freeport; David J. Baker, Cairo; Alfred M. Craig, Galesburg; Simeon P. Shope, Lewistown; Benj. D. Magruder, Chicago; J. W. Wilkin, Danville. Under the present constitution it is possible for the people to change a majority of the personnel of the Supreme Court at a single election. In June, 1870, Judge Breese was re- elected under the constitution of 1848, and on July 2, of the same year, four of the seven Judges of the court, as pro- vided for in the new constitution, were elected for the period of nine years, from the first Monday in June, 1870. The constitution of 1870 did not interfere with the tenure of office of the then members of the Supreme Court, and there- fore five Judges are to be elected every nine years. 108 POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OF ILLINOIS. There have been, from first to last, five Reporters of the Supreme Court, namely: Sidney Breese, John Young Scammon, Charles Gilman, Ebenezer Peck and Norman L. Freeman. Mr. Breese published the first volume of the Reports, Mr. Scammon published four, Mr. Gilman published five, Mr. Peck published twenty, and Mr. Freeman has published ninety-five, which makes a total of one hundred and twenty-six volumes. The Judiciary of Illinois has ever been held in high esteem. Nowhere is its history marred with the charge of corruption, and this has given it the universal re- spect and confidence of the people. A great many anecdotes are related regarding the early courts, but the following, from Ford’s History, will serve to amuse the reader, and at the same time, show the wide con- trast between the practice of the courts then and now : “The Judges in early times, in Illinois, were gentle- men of considerable learning. In general, they were averse to deciding questions of law. They never gave instructions to a jury unless expressly called for, and then only on the points of law raised by counsel ask- ing for them. I knew one Judge, who, when asked for instructions, would rub his head and the side of his face with his hand, as if perplexed, and say to the lawyers, ‘ Why, gentlemen, the jury understand the case; they need no instructions; no doubt they w r ill do justice between the parties.’ This same Judge pre- sided at a court in w r hich a man named Green was convicted of murder, and it became his unpleasant duty to pronounce sentence of death upon him. He called the prisoner before him and said to him: ‘Mr. Green, the jury in their verdict say you are guilty of murder, and the law T says you are to be hung. Now, I want you and all your friends down on Indian Creek to know that it is not I who condemns you, but it is the jury and the law. Mr. Green, the law allows APPENDIX. 109 yon time for preparation, and so the Court wants to know what time you would like to be hung? 5 To this the prisoner replied, ‘May it please the Court, I am ready at any time; those who kill the body have no power to kill the soul; my preparation is made, and I am ready to suffer at any time the Court may appoint. 5 The Judge then said, ‘Mr. Green, you must know that it is a very serious matter to be hung; it cannot happen to a man more than once in his life, and you had better take all the time you can get ; the Court will give you until this day four weeks. Mr. Clerk, look at the almanac and see whether this day four weeks comes on Sunday. 5 The clerk looked at the almanac, as directed, and reported that that day four weeks came on Thursday. The Judge then said, ‘Mr. Green, the Court gives you until this day four' weeks, at which time you are to be hung. 5 The case was prosecuted by James Turney, the Attorney-Gen- eral of the State, who here interposed and said : ‘May it please the Court, on solemn occasions like the present, when the life of a human being is to be sen- tenced away for crime by an earthly tribunal, it is usual and proper for Courts to pronounce a formal sentence, in which the leading features of the crime shall be brought to the recollection of the prisoner, a sense of his guilt impressed upon his conscience, and in which the prisoner should be duly exhorted to re- pentance and warned against the judgment in a world to come. 5 To this the Judge replied, ‘0, Mr. Turney, Mr. Green understands the whole matter as well as if I had preached to him a month. He knows he has got to be hung this day four weeks. You understand it in that way, Mr. Green, do you not? 5 ‘Yes, 5 said the prisoner, upon which the Judge ordered him to be remanded to jail, and the court then adjourned. 55 INDEX About Colored People, 329, About Prohibition, 585. About Women, 452. A Case of Kidnapping, 343. According to the Gentleman from Jefferson, 417. Action of the General Assembly on the Occupation of Chicago by U. S. Troops, 368. Adair, A. M., 274, 276. Adams, Geo. E., 303, 473, 594. Adams, John, 1. Adams, John Quincy, 2. Admission of California, 17, 20. Adoption of Amendments to the Constitution of the United States, 351, 352. A Free Boy’s Experience, 346. Albright, F. E. 475. Aldrich, Wm., 253, 264, 276. Allen, J. C., 99, 101, 145, 146, 163, 164, 421. Allen, T. G. 104. Allen, W. J., 147, 166, 200, 266, 517. Allen, Willis, 517. Altgeldt, J. P., 473. Ambler, J. C., 104. Anarchist Riot at Chicago, 524. An Attempt to Kidnap Richard Yates, 106. Anderson, W. B., 244, 255. An Exciting Political Episode, 421. An Exciting Scene in Congress, 534. An Insult to the Nation and President, 287. A Political Revolution in Chicago, 609. A Remarkable Incident, 430. Appropriations of the General Assembly of 1889, 602. Armstrong, G. W. 44. A One-Idea Court, 197. Arnold, Isaac N., 130, 380, 37, 102, 146, 390, 530. Arntzen, Bernard, 99, 102. Arrest of Anarchist Leaders, 525. Ashcraft, E. M. 255. Aspern, H. T., 251, 253. Assassination of Lincoln, 195. Austin, H. W., 473. Avery, Julius, 216. A Vision of War— R. G. Ingersoll, 249. Bagby, J. C., 244. Baker, E. D., 379. Baker, H. L., 255. Baker, J. D., 30. Baker, Jehu, 45, 165, 200, 265, 595. Ba dwin, H. E., 472. Baldwin, S. G., 44. Barber, Hiram, 33, 264. Barber, R. ED 277. Barlow, W. H., 305. Barnes, G. O., 232. Bartlett, J. P., 473. Bartley, Milton, 147. Barriere, G., 232. Bateman, Newton, 43, 94, 99. 102, 145, 146, 164, 167, 199, 200, 216, 221, 227, 235. Bates, E. N., 205, 216, 221, 263. Batty, David, 244. Bayne, J. G., 243. Beard, T. A. C., 102. Beardsley, J. J., 35. 112 INDEX, Becker, Charles, 565 , 593, 599. Before The Conflict, 131. Belleville Advocate, 559. Bell, A. J., 593, 576. Bell, Robert, 266. Benton, Thomas H., 14, 21. Betts, Chas, 216. Beveridge, J. H., 164, 167. Beveridge, J. L. 230, 231, 235, 245, 248, 260, 422, 449, 474. Birney, James G. 3. Bishop, Richard. 216, 473. Bissell, Wm. H., 633, 39, 40, 96, 110, 378, 36, 41, 94, 220. Blackburn, B. F., 44. Blackburn, H. S., 100, 102. Black, J. C., 199, 230, 231, 254. Black, T. G., 474. Black W P 303 Black,’ Laws’ 41, 330, 333, 334, 335, 337, 338, 339, 342, 343, 344, 346, 347, 350, 351, 352. Black, Laws Approved, 333. Blaisdell, E. W., 473. Blood-Hounds, 351. Bond, Parmenus, 33. Bonham, Edward, 255. Boone, L. D. 35. Boyd, J. C. 473. Boyd, T. A., 254, 265. Breese, Sidney, 266. Brentano, Lorenz, 253. Brewer, Thomas, 206. Bribery Investigation of General Assemblies, 604, 605. Bright, Hiram, 44. Bronson, S. G. 232. Bromwell, H. P. H., 32, 34, 35, 104, 165, m Brooks, John P., 145, 146, 147, 164. Brooks, W. S., 264, Bross, Wm., 164, 167, 200, 227. Brown, C. C., 30, 96. Brown, D. A., 104. Brown, Elizabeth B., 301. Brown, W. R., 31. Browning, O. H., 294-300, 390, 414, 458, 587. Bryan, S. L., 233. Bryant, J. H., 439, 445, 447. Buchanan, J ames, 2, 5. Buck, E. B., 304. Buckmaster, Samuel, 96, 260. BurchardL H. C., 216, 232, 243, 254. Bureau County Republican. 559. Burke, B. T., 99, 102. Burr, Aaron, 1. Burr, A. G.. 200, 207. Bushnell, Wash., 206, 221 227. Butler, Wm., 94,99, 102, 145,227. Butterworth, Thomas, 275, 276. "By The Wars The People Elected Me,” 424 Cable, P. L., 216. Cable, R. R.. 583. Calhoun, John C., 19, 20. 2. Callahan, E. 165. Campbell, Alex., 243, 254, 264. Campbell, G. H., 102, 99. Campbell, J. C., 569. Campbell, Thompson, 104. Campbell, W. J., 316, 320. Canal Script Fraud, 217, 219. Cannon, J. G., 233, 244, 254, 265, 278, 304, 474. Carr, Clark, E., 560, 565. Carlin, W. E., 472. Carroll, Chas., 242, 243. Case, Henry, 200, 103. Casey, Samuel K., 33, 41, 165. Casey, Zadok, 417. INDEX, na Cass, Lewis, 5. Castle, Wm. B., 449. Cather, W. H., 99, 102. Caulfield, B. G., 243. Celestial Meridian of 36 deg., 30 min., 417. Chafee, G. D., 255. Chamberlin, M. H., 232. Champaign Herald, 559. Chicago Fire, 353. Chicago Tribune, 227, 581. Churcnill, Chas., 547. Cilley and Graves Duel, 310. Clark, C. C., 474. Clark, J. B., 473. Clay, Henry, 18, 2. Clements, Isaac, 233, 244. Clough, J. H., 499, 498, 496. Cochran, J. S., 565. Coffer, John, 35. Collins, Jr., L. C., 319. Collins, W. H., 565. Colored Jurors, 351. Compromise Measures of 1850, 16. Conkling, J. C., 104. Connolly, J. A., 423, 564, 565. 560. Constable, C. H., 35. Constitutional Conventions — 1862, 142; 1869, 70, 213. Constitution of 1848, 370. Constitution of 1870, 519. Contest for United States Senator in 1885, 500. Cook, B. C., 165. 199, 206, 216, 458, Cook County Corruption, 517. Cook, Daniel P., 562, 563. Copp, Jr., Uriah, 472. Corporations in the Courts, 454. Correspondence between Palmer and Grant, 362, 364. Correspondence between Lincoln and Browning, 295, 297. Corwin, Franklin, 202, 210, 232, 243. Coy, W. S., 251, 253. Crawford, Wm. H., 2. Craig, A. M., 449. Crebs, John M., 199, 207, 217. Cregier, DeWitt C., 609. Creighton, Jacob R., 593, 576. Creighton, James A., 555. Cullen, Wm.. 277, 303. Cullom, S. M., 32, 35. 165, 200, 207, 238. 251, 252, 257, 261, 270, 274, 275, 290, 319, 320, 321, 112, 601. Cummings, J. E., 104. Cunningham, J. T., 103. Cushman. W. H. W., 104. Danenhower, W. N., 35. uavidson, James W., 34, 44. Davis, David, 227, 262, 390, 451. Davis, Geo. R., 253, 264, 276, 303. Davis, J. C. 44. Davis, Jefferson, 18. Death of Douglas, 142. Death of Gen. Lippincott, 314. Death of Gen. Logan, 309. Death of Wm. H. Bissell, 110. Death of Judge Treat, 516. Debate Between Douglas and Lincoln— At Freeport, 45.— Correspondence Between Them, 49— Lincoln’s Opening Speech, 53.— Douglas’ Reply, 64.— Lincoln’s Rejoinder, 86. Dement, H. D., 274, 276, 290, 316, 472, 486, 491. Dement, JohA. 215, 326, 421. Delegates in Congress, 377. Democratic State Convention, 1888, 575. Dennis, J. H., 100, 102. Dickey, T. L., 146, 199. Dimmitt, J. P. 265. 114 INDEX. Dinsmoor, James, 232. Disbursement of State Funds, 397. Doane, John W. 302. Donnelly, Neil, 146. Doolittle, J. R., 264. Dougherty, John, 43, 104, 205, 221. Dougherty, M. J., 472. Douglas, Stephen A., 379, 388, 121, 24, 136, 138. Douglas and Lincoln, 1858, 45, 139, 142. 98, 43, 45, 99, 100, 371. Dred Scott Decision, 7. Drury, J. W., 104. Dubois, Jesse K., 6, 33, 36, 94, 99, 102, 147, 227. Duncan, Joseph, 6, 33, 563. Duncan’s Resolution of Censure, 496. Dunham, Chas., 254. Dunham, R. W., 302, 473, 545. Dunlap, M. L., 445. Durham, John, 35. Dyer, Thomas, 44. Early, Jno., 235, 450. Eastman, B. D., 34. Eckles, J. S., 165, 473. Eden, J. R., 146, 165, 205, 244, 255, 475. Edgar, W. H., 277. Edsall, J. K., 230, 231, 235, 251, 253, 257, 270, 455, 456, 460. Edwards, B. S., 207. Edwards, Ninian, 14, 387. Edwards, Richard, 543, 548, 599. Election of John Adams, 1. Election of Jefferson, 1. Election of United States Senators, 98, 169, 262, 273, 319, 512, 551. Elliott, I. H., 243. Ellwood, Reuben, 303, 473. Enos, C. W., 472. Etter, S. M., 243, 242, 245, 257, 263, 450. Eustace, J. W., 230, 231. Evans, Daniel, 277. Evans, J. W., 275, 276. Farmer’s Strike, 445. Farnsworth, John F., 129, 380, 34, 44, 146, 164, 199, 206, 216, 243, 253, 276, 390. Farwell, C. B., 216, 232, 243, 277, 512, 551. Ficklin, O. B., 32, 35. Feinse, Chas., 216. Fidelity of State Officers, 217. Fifer, J. W., 560, 561, 565, 566, 575. 593, 599, 601, 602. Fillmore, Millard, 5, 6, 20. Finerty. John F., 303, 473. First Colored School, 350. First Colored Vote in Cairo, 352. First Elec ion of Washington, 1. First Legislative Quorum Broken in Illinois, 433. Fithian, Wm., 35. Fixing Maximum Charges of Railways, 458. Flagg, W. C.. 445, 446. Fonaey, Wm. B., 43, 42. Formation of the Liberal Republican Party, 226. Formation of Parties, 1. Forsythe, A. P., 265, 278. Fort, G. L., 232, 243, 254, 264. Fouke, P. B., 45, 103. Fowler, E. S., 200. Fremont, John C., 5, 6, 28. French, A. C., 43. Frick, A. J., 104. Fuller, Allen C., 173, 103, 168. Fuller, Chas. E., 493, 494, 504, 509. • Fuller, M. W., 266. Fullerton, Hugh, 165. Funk, Isaac, 148, 159. INDEX, 115 Gale, Jacob, 44. Gates, Wm. B., 473. General Assemblies— Twentieth, 36— Twenty-first, 94— Twenty-second, 110, 117— Twenty-third, 148— Twenty-fourth, 167, 203, 204— Twenty-fifth, 201, 203, 204— Twenty-sixth, 208— Twenty-seventh, 221, 225, 226— Twenty-eighth, 235— Twenty-ninth, 245- Thirtieth, 257— Thirty -first, 270— Thirty- second, 290— Thirty-third, 316— Thirty-fourth, 487— Thirty -fifth, 548— Thirty- sixth, 599, General Logan Challenged, 305, Gillespie, Joseph, 32, 35, 103. Glenn, A. A., 245, 251, 252, 450, Goodhue B. W„ 472. ’ Gore, David, 242, 243. Governors, 375. Graham, Benj., 146. Grant, U. S., 280, 281, 284, 311, 313. Grant’s Correspondence with Lee, 284. Gray, O. C., 206. Great Fire in Chicago, 353. Green, E. B., 304. Green, Wm. H., 31, 435. Griffith, A. H., 34. Grimshaw, Jackson, 34, 44. Grinnell, J. S., 527, 518. Gross, Jacob, 472, 486. Growth of the Republican Party, 30. Gundlach. Geo., 251, 253. Gwin, J. W., 473. Haaff, H. H., 473. Haines, E. M., 199, 248, 323, 450, 490, 491, 494, 495. Hale, John P., 4. Hale, T. J., 35. Haley, P. C., 303, 474. Hall, F. H., 301. / Hall, F. M., 263. Hamilton, J. M„ 274, 276, 290, 316, 325, 478. Hamilton, R. J., 33. Hamlin, H. J., 475. Hammond, H. J., 216. Hammond. Royal, 474, Hanchett, H. S., 104. , Harding, A. C., 165, 199. Harlow, G. H., 230, 231, 235, 245, 251, 253, 257, 270. Harmon, Lawrence, 275, 276. Harper, Jesse, 265. Harrington, G. P., 474, Harrison, C. H., 231, 243, 253, 472, 609. Harrison, Wm. Henry, 2, 5, 6. Harris, C. M., 165. Harris, C. W., 146. Harris, S. W., 199. Harris, Thomas L.. 34, 44. Harts, D. H., 593. Hartzell, Wm., 217, 244, 255, 278. Hatch, O. M., 6, 33, 36, 94, 99, 102, 147, 227. Hathaway, M. D., 264. Hawk, R. M. A., 264, 277. Hawley, J. B., 206, 216, 232. Hawley, J. M., 104. Hayes, P. C., 254 , 264. Haynie, I. N., 104. Hay, J. B. 207, 217, 233, 278. Hecker, Frederick, 35. “He Knew Him Before the Flood,” 421. Henderson, T. J., 146, 243, 254, 277, 303, 473, 594. Henry, R. B., 244. Herrington, A. M., 35, 102, 206. Hicks, S. G\, 147. Higbee, C. L., 41, High License, 323, 322. Hill, Chas. A., 594. Hise, John, 164, 251, 253. 116 INDEX, Hilt, R. R., 303. 473, 594. Hobbs, James B., 472. Hoffman, F, A., 99, 102, 147, 227. Hoffman, Jr., F. A., 243, 576, 593. Holloway, Robt., 35. 277. Holmes, Samuel, 37. Honey, J. W.. 474. Hooton, M. M., 251, 253. Hope, T. M„ 45, 99, 101. Hopkins, A. J., 594. Hosmer, P. E., 278. How Col. Reuben Loomis was Killed, 419. How Ebon C. Ingersoll was Defeated for Congress, 438. How Grant Entered the Army, 281. How Lincoln came to Challenge Douglas, 195. How Lovejoy Conquored Prejudice, 105. How Lovejoy Helped the Democrats, 108. How Pinkney H. Walker Became Judge, 420. How the Constitution of 1848 Was Evaded, 436. Hoxie, J. R., 253. Hungato, J. H., 254. Hunt, Geo., 473, 485, 486, 490, 565, 599. Hunter, A. J., 216, 304. Hurd, Harvey B., 418, 521. Hurlbut, S. A., 232, 243, 253. “If They Will Let Me Out with as Good Character as I Had,” 425. Illinois and the National Government, 400. Illinois and the War, 171. Illinois in Congress, 377. Illinois in the Kansas Struggle, 418. Incidents and Anecdotes, 413. Ingersoll, E. C., 145, 146, 165, 199, 206, 216, 390, 438. Ingersoll, R. G., 103, 200, 249, 398. Ingram, W. T., 275, 276. Ingham, Geo., 6. Irwin, A. B., 472, Irwin, C. M., 104. Irwin, J. G. 301. Irwin, James S., 34, 35. “It Made Our Very Hair Frizzle,” 109. “I was Born a Poor, Barefooted Boy,” 422. Jackson, Andrew, 2. Jackson, R. H., 44. James, B. F., 34. James, W. A.., 273. Jefferson, Thomas, 1, 14, 13. Jenkins, Ezra, 33. Johnson, Hale, 473. Johnson, L. G., 277, 303. Johnson, M. C., 164. Johnson, M. Y., 104. Johnson, R. M., 2. Jonas, Abraham, 35. Jones, John (colored,) 341, Jones, Malden, 265. Jones, S. H., 423, 30. Joslyn, M. L., 35. Judd, N. B., 199, 105, 206. Judd, S. C., 104, 164. Kehoe, Miles, 264. Kellogg, Wm., 34, 44, Kellogg, W. P., 103. Kilburn, N.. 474. Killett, Wm. F., 473. King, J. M., 264, 277. Kinney, Wm., 6. Kirk, James, 474. Kitchell, E. 200. Knapp, A. L., 147. Knapp, N. M., 165. 103 . INDEX, 117 Knapp, R. M., 232, 254. Knofes, T. S., 474. Koerner, G-ustavus, 227, 229, 231. Kofer, John, 104. Kronkrite, E. L ., 263, 494. Kueffner, W. C. 305. Kuykendall, A. J., 166, 112. Labor Troubles of 1886, 523. ' v Lake Front, 426. Landes, S. Z., 474. J-^ane, Edward, 595. Lansing, James D., 34. Last Attempt to Return a Slave, 347. Last Time Gen. Grant Appeared in Public, 311. Lathrop, Wm.. 253, Lanphier, C. H., 230, 231. Lawler, Francis, 473, 593, 545. Law-making Under the Constitution of 1848, 409. Lawrence, C. B., 146, 449. Lawrence, R. D., 421. Lee, J. E., 473. Lee, John S., 277. LeMoyne, J. V., 232, 243, 253. Leroy, David, 44. Letter of Matte son to Committee of Investigation, 218. Lewis, J. H., 277, 304. Lewis, Morgan A., 448. Lincoln. Abbaham— Account of His Birth and Early Manhood by Himself, 181. Speech at Philadelphia, 183. Inaugural Address, 184. Speech at Gettysburg, 186. Kentucky Letter, 187. Second Inaugural Address, 189. Last Speech, 190. Assassination, 195, 133, 134, 196, 197, 32, 35, 43, 99, 100, 135. Linder, U. F., 415. Linegar, D. T., 103. Lippincott, C. E., 200, 205, 221, 228, 230, 231, 235, 245. Logan, John A.. 174, 177, 178, 32, 35, 45, 103, 199, 206, 273, 305, 309, 451, 510, 511, 513. Longenecker, J. M., 484. Lovejoy, Owen, 105, 108, 127, 34, 44, 103, 146, 390, 417, 529, 536, 587. Lovejoy, Owen G-., 594. Lynch, Edmund, 251. Macallister and Stebbins Bonds, 170, 394. Machine Politics, 561. Mackin Election Fraud, 477. Madison, James, 2. Maher, Hugh, 35, 99, 102. Maloney, Richard S., 34. Marshall, Samuel S., 34, 96, 165, 200, 207, 217, 233, 244. Marsh, B. F., 254, 265, 277, 304. Martin, J. S., 207, 233; 244. Mason, W. E., 473, 499, 594, 545, 594. Matheny, J H., 44. Mathers, John, 265. Matteson, Joel A., 38, 218. Matthews, A. C., 232, 573, 601. Mattocks, John, 276. McCartney, James, 274, 276 , 290, 316, 474. McClernand, John A., 126, 103. McConnel, J. L., 44, 104. McCormick, C. H., 164. McCullough, D. S., 545, 546. McKim, W. J., 206. McKinlay. R. L., 473. McLaughlin, Daniel, 301. McNeely, T. W.. 207. 217. McNulta, John, 232, 244, 565, 560, 564.. Meacham, U. D., 473. Melson, W., 233. Members of Congress. 377, 387. Merriam, J., 217. Merritt, T. E. 499, 505. Messick, J. B., 509. 118 INDEX, Miller, James, 6, 33, 36, 43. Miller, James H., 565. Miller, Orvil, 35. Mills, L. F. 518. Miner, O. H., 164, 167, 200, 227. •Minier, P. N., 304. Minier, G. W., 217, 244. Missouri Compromise of 1820, 12, 21. Mobbed on Account of His Yote, 350. Monroe, J., 100, 102. Moore, C. H., 232. Moore, John, 33. Moore, J. H., 206, 216. Morrison, Isaac L., 278, 323. Morrison, J. L. D., 104. Morrison, W. R., 96, 147, 165, 200, 233, 244, 255, 265, 278, 305, 475, 383. Morris, B. S., 33. Morris, Isaac N., 34, 44. Morris, W. S., 498. Moulton. S. W., 35, 147, 164, 227, 229, 278, 305. Mt. Carroll Mirror, 559. Munn, D. W., 217. Murphy, W. K., 305. Murray, Robt. N., 103. Neebe, Oscar, 277. Neece, W. H., 232, 304, 474. Needles, T. B., 251, 253, 257. 270, 423, 475. Negro Slave Marriages, 315. Neil, J. E., 104. Never an Abolitionist, 196. “Never Kept Liquor in my House and will not begin now,” 197. New Blood. 560. Niglas, J. N., 206. Noland, L., 104. Norton, J. O., 146. Number of Soldiers Furnished by Counties, 172. Oberly, J. H., 275, 276, 558. O’Brien, W. W., 206. Official Vote 1884, 472; 1888, 593. Oglesby, R. J., 44. 164, 167, 200, 230, 231. 241, 311, 472, 486, 487, 560. O’Harra, D., 230. Oldt, F. T., 543. Olney, John, 104. Orendorff, Alfred, 301, 472. Organization of the Republican Party, 25. Osgood, Uri, 34. Otis, L. B.. 231. Our State Banks, 407. Owen Lovejoy Egged in Bloomington, 413. Packard. Elizabeth P. W., 430. Palmer, John M., 211, 103, 105, 205, 208, 221, 227, 229, 238, 239, 421, 449, 587, 576, 593. Parish, Wm. H., 35, 450. Parker, G. W., 254. Pa ker, H. J., 474. Parks, G. D. A., 232. Pa rish, Wm. K„ 45. Parsons, L. B., 275, 276. Pattison, Jere, 254. Party Affiliations, 29. Pavey, C. W.. 278, 565, 593, 599. Payment of Canal Scrip, 394. Payson, Lewis E., 277, 304, 474, 594. Peace Resolutions, 152, 155, 158. Peoria Transcript, 559. Perryman, J. L.. 472. Peters, M. H., 546. Peters, M. T., 35. Petrie, Alex. P., 474. Phelps, D. P., 265. Phillips, D. L., 32, 35, 45, 227, 254. INDEX, 119 Phillips, J. J., 199, 205. Pickrell J. H., 244, 251, 252. Pierce, A. D., 583. Pierce, Franklin, 2, 5. Pierson, Laac N., 565, 599. Pinkney, D. J., 243. Plato, W. B., 103. Plumb, Ralph, 474. Pogue, W. H., 265. Political Changes, 373. Political Parties, 1. Polk, James K., 2. Post, Phillip S., 594, 546. Powell, Wm. B., 242, 243. Powell, Wm. H., 6, 33, 36. Power to Kegulate Charges by Public Warehouses, 455. Prentiss, B. M., 103. Presidential Electors, 1856, 35; 1860, 103; 1864, 166; 1868, 207; 1872, 233, 234; 1876, 255, 256; 1880, 278, 279, 280; 1884, 475, 476, 477; 1888, 596. Price, Wm., 303. Printing Investigation, 552. Prorogation of the General Assembly, 161. Prohibition Vote in National Elections, 591, 592, Purple, N. H., 104. Quincy Whig, 559. Baab, Henry, 301, 316, 486. Railroad Consolidation, 323. Ramsey, Silas, 199. , Randall, S. W., 104. Raum, G. B.. 200, 207, 233, 244. Rawlins, John A. 104. Ray, L. B., 565, 593, 599. Ray, W. H., 232. Reeves, E. F., 472. Remarks of R. G. Ingersoll over the Grave of his Brother, 443. Repeal of the Missouri Compromise 1820, 21. Representatives in Congress, 377. Republican Party, 25. Republican State Convention, 1888, 559. Reynolds, John, 6, 43. Reynolds, Wm. H., 277. Revision of the Laws, 521. Rice, E. Y., 217. Rice, J. B., 231. Richey, H., 244. Richmond, J. P., 35. Richardson, Wm. A., 6, 29, 33, 103, 390. Ricks, N. D. 576, 593. Ricker, H. F. J., 543. Ridgely, Chas., 216, 583. Ridgway, T. S., 242, 243, 245, 424, 422, 475. Right of Free Speech Denied to Douglas, 24. Riggs, J. M., 304, 474. Rinaker, J. I., 244, 560, 565. Riot at East St. Louis, 523. Riot in St. Clair County, 325. Robbins, Joseph, 254. Robinson, J. C., 44, 147, 164, 217, 232, 103. Robinson, Wm. H., 217. Roe, E. R., 99, 102, 416. Rogers, J. G., 104. Rogers, Judge, 525. Ross, G. C., 305. Ross, L. F., 207, 244, 445. Ross, L. W., 99, 102, 147, 165, 200. Rowell, J. H., 304, 447, 474. Rummell, Edward, 205, 221, 227, 230, 231. Rutheiford, F. S., 35. Rutz, Edward, 230, 231, 235, 251, 253, 257, 274, 276, 290, 422, 424. 120 INDEX, Santa Anna’s Wooden Leg, 316. Scholfield, John, 450. Scott, J. R., 278. Secession, 122. Seiter, Henry, 472. Senators in Congress, 387, 391. Shannon, J. R., 205. Shannon, Wm., 104. Shaw, Aaron, 34, 304. Shaw, James, 260, 447. Shaw, T. M., 2 4. Sheridan, H. F. 303. Sherman, F. C., 146. Sherwin, J. C„ 264, 277. Shuman, Andrew, 251, 252, 257, 270. Simons, C. F. 473. Simpson, Andr w. 244. Singleton, J. W., 206, 265, 277, 304. Slade, J. P., 263, 270, 290. Slavery Agitation, 10. Sloss, J. H., 35. Smith, B. B., 265. Smith, D. C., 278, 304. Smith, G-eo. W., 199, 200. Smith, George W., 595. Smith, H. S., 99, 102. Smith, John C., 263, 270, 301, 316, 472, 486, 500, 565, 560. Smith, J. D., 100, 102. Smith, Jr., Perry H., 277. Smith, Robert, 34, 147. Smith, Sidney, 243. Smith, W. M. 224. Snell, Thomas, 99, 102. Snow, D. J., 100, 102. Snow, Josiah, 35, 104. Sparks, Wm. A. J., 32, 35, 244,255, 265, 278,576. Snyder, Wm. H., 33, 207. Speakers of the House of Representatives, 37, 96, 149, 210, 224, 112, 168, 202, 238, 248, 260, 273, 293, 319, 494, 550, 601. Speech of Isaac N. Arnold, 130. Speech of Roscoe Conkling Nominating Grant, 403. Speech of JohnF. F rnsworth, 129. Speech of J. W. Fifer, 566. Speech of tt. G-. Ingersoll Nominating Blaine, 398. Speech of Owen Lovejoy, 127. Speech of John A. McClernand, 126. Speech of John M. Palmer to the Convention of 1888, 576, 579. Speech of Lyman Trumbull, 122. Spoils System, 607. Springer, Wm. M., 244, 254, 265, 278, 304, 475, 595. Stamper, Jonathan, 100, 102. t Starkel, L. C., 275, 276. Stark, James, 103. Starne, Alexander, 145, 147, 164, 220, 421. Starr, J. S., 474. State Campaigns— 1856- 32, 33, 34, 35. 1858-42, 44, 43. 1860-99, 104, 102, 103. 1862-145, 146. 1864- 162, 166. 1866-198, 199. 1868—204, 205, 206, 207. 1870—215, 216. 1872—226, 230. 1874-242. 1876-251. 1878—263. 1880-274. 1882-301. 1884-466. 1886—543. 1888—559. State Debt, 392, 393, 394, 396. State Funds, 391. State Governments— 1857— 36. 1859—94. 1861—110. 1863—147. 1865—167. 1867—200. 1869—208. 1871— 221. 1873-235. 1875-245. 1877-257. 1879—270. 1881—290. 1883-316. 1885— 486. 1887-548. 1889—599. States Carried by Cleveland, 598. States Carried by Harrison, 598. State House, 515. Steel Portraits— Lincoln, Douglas, Yates, Grant, Palmer. Logan— From the Great Con- spiracy, by Hart & Yon Arx, New York. Browning, Edwards, Coles— From Washburne’s Sketch of Coles, by A. C. McClurg & Co., Chicago. Owen Lovejoy. INDEX, 121 Stevenson, A. E., 244, 254, 265, 278, 304. Stevens, B. N., 210, 441. Steward, Lewis, 252. Stiles, E. B„ 146, 165. Stiles, I. N., 484, 518. St. Matthew, John H., 33. S to its, E. A., 486. Stoughton, J. C., 216, 264. Strattan, C. T., 301. Strawn, C. C., 264. Streeter, A. J., 265, 274, 275, 451, 499. Stuart, J. T., 100, 101, 146, 165. Sturgis, L. B., 565. Supreme Court Decisions of the United States Belating to Prohibition, 585. Swett, Leonard, 103, 146, 227. Swigert, C. P., 274, 276, 290, 316, 472, 486. Tanner, John R., 543, 548. Taylor, Abner, 593. Taylor, J. M., 474. Taylor, Zachary, 2, 5, 16, 17. Taxing Franchises and other Property of Corporations, 463. Taxing National Bank. Stock, 461. “Tell Old Hilliard to Come and See Me, Devilish Quick,” 424. Temperance Legislation. 40S. Terhune, Edgar, 545. Terry, E. P., 35. Thanks of Gov. Bissell to the Inceptors of the Illinois Central Railroad, 39. There is no use of this Investigation, 422. Thomas, H. H., 293. Thomas, Jesse B., 14, 388. Thomas, John R., 266, 278, 305, 475. Thompson, J. M., 275, 276. Thompson. J. S., 199. Three Branches of the Government Pro-slavery, 29. Thornton, Anthony, 104, 165. Thornton. S. Y.. 251, 253. Ticknor, J. S., 303. Tilden, Wm. M., 473. Till he was Conscripted, 415. Tipton, T. F., 254. 265, 449. “Tom Needles and John Bunn Know too D n Much,” 243. Townshend, R. W., 255, 266, 278, 305, 475. Transition from Slavery to Freedom, 339. Tree, Lambert, 264, 303, 512. Trials of Contrabands, 347. Trial of Owen Lovejoyfor Harboring Runaway Slaves, 529. Trial of the Anarchists, 537. Tribulations of free Negroes, 344. Truesdale, B. H., 277. Truesdale, Calvin, 232. Trumbull, Lyman, 122, 227, 229, 275. Tupper, N. W., W)4. Turner, J. B., 207, 244. Turner, T. J., 199. Turney, Wm. A., 164. Tuthill, R. S., 479, 480. Tyndale, Sharon, 164, 167, 200. U. F. Linder and the “Little Doctor,” 415. Underwood, W. H., 104. United States Senators, 387, 151, Yan Buren, Martin, 2, 4, 5, 6. Yande water, A. C., 472. Yan Epps. W. H., 205. Yan Hoorbeke, Gustave, 205. Yan Nortwick, John, 34. Yote for Congressmen, 18*8, 593. Yote for President, 1888, 598. Yote for State Officers, 1888, 593. 122 INDEX, Wagley, W. C., 104. Walker, F. W., 518. Wallace, J. A., 474. Wallace, M. E. M., 199, 206. Wallace, E. E., 277. Wall. G. W., 233, 458. Ward. J. D., 231, 243. Ward, J. H., 473. Warren, C. A., 104. Washburne, E. B., 34, 44,102, 146, 165, 199, 206, 390, 380. Weaver, W. H., 503, 506, 507 , 509. Welrh, Andrew, 576, 593. Weldon, Lawrence, 103, 227. Wentworth and Browning, 414. Wentworth, John, 164, 216, 227, 414. Westlake, B. F., 217. What Connecticut Did, 335. What Massachusetts Did, 337. What Owen Lovejoy Could Not Do, 408. What The Nation Did, 338. Whipped and Ordered from the State, 342. Whiting, L. D., 445, 449, 490, 499. 498, 583. Whiting, E. H., 244. Whitlock, H. G., 275. Why a New Party was Formed, 10. Wike, Scott, 241, 595. Wiley, Benj. L., 34, 255. Wilkins, Daniel, 216. Wilkin, J. W., 244. “Will The Sheriff Call Mr. Pffrimmer?” 414. Williams, John, 34. Williams, E. E., 206. Wilson, G. A., 254, 265. Wood, H. J., 474. Wood, John, 33, 94, 113, 6, 36, 37. Woodman, C. W., 545. Woodson, D. M., 104. Work of the Session, 514. Worthington, N. E., 232, 304, 474. Wright, F. M., 561, 565. Yates and the Kentucky Colonel. 109. Yates, Eichard, 99, 101, 109, 110, 114, 117, 149, 118, 147, 169, 228. Yost, W. J., 104. Young, Wm. H., 33. Index to Appendix. Address of James B. Turner to the Farmers, 98. Admission as a State, 7. Alexander, Wm. M., 20. Allen, J. C., 80. Allen, W. J., 93. Allen, Willis, 73, 74. Alton as a Eival to St. Louis, 36. Anderson, Stinson H., 54, 56. An Attempt to Make Illinois a Slave State, 28, 29, 30. A Pleasing Incident, 37. Baker, E. D., 51, 52, 71. Baldwin. Eugene F., 92. Battle of Bad Axe, 50. Berry, E. C., 20, 10, 31. Birbeck, Morris, 25, 24. Bissell, Wm. H., 71. Black Hawk, 49, 50. Black Laws, 88. Blackwell, David, 25. INDEX TO APPENDIX, 123 Bond. Shadrach, 15, 16, 11, 10, 33. , Breese, Sidney, 80. Brooks, Austin, 92. Bross, Wm„ 92. Browning, O. H., 51. Buckmaster, S. A., 80. Butler, Wm„ 53. By Whom Illinois Was First Settled, 1. Cairo in 1818, 32. Campbell, David B., 72. Campbell, Thomas H., 72, 88. Campbell, Thompson, 70, 73, 74, 75. Canal, 81, 83, 87. Capitals, 13. Carlin, Thomas, 54, 56, 76. Carpenter, Milton, 59, 72, 78. * Casey, Zadok, 36. 39, 73, 74, 75. Chicago, when First Settled, 57, 58. Child ten of Ninian Edwards, 36. Cioud, Newton, 72. Coles, Edward, 25, 20, 19, 24, 26, 28. Constitutional Convention, 1818, 7. Consli utional Convention, 1847, 72. Cook, B. C., 93, 94. Cook, D. P., 7, 5, 11, 89, Cooley, Horace S., 72, 75. Crenshaw, John, 22. Davidson, Wm. H., 51. Davis, David, 73, 74. Davis, T. G. C., 73. Davis, Levi, 53, 54. Death of Shadrach Bond, 16. Death of Ninian Edwards, 36. Dement, John, 46, 49, 51, 73, 74, 78. Destruction ol Lovejoy’s Printing Presses, 66. Destruction of the Mormon Temple at Nauvoo, 48. Dickey, T. Lyle, 55, 56. Difference in the Practice of Courts now and then, 108. Dougherty, John, 51, 78. Doug as, Stephen A., 51, 56. Dubois, Jessie K., 51, 78. Duncan, Joseph, 48, 52. Duncan, Matthew, 89, 88. Early Salt Making, 21. E idy, Henry, 89. Edwards, Cyrus, 51. Edwa ds, Ninian, 12, 2, 3, 31, 35, 50. Edwards, Ninian W., 49, 51, 73, 76, 78. Edwards, 13. S., 36. Elijah P. Lovejoy’s Brave Speech, 62. Elliott, Isaac H., 71. Emery, Enoch, 92. Ewing. Wm. L. D., 31, 35, 39, 46, 47, 51, 54, 56, 59, 70. Ficklin, Orlando B., 59. Field, Abner, 25. Field, Alexander P., 29, 35, 39, 48, 54. Field, Green B., 10, 71. First and Only Duel in Illinois, 53. First boundary of Illinois Did not Include Chicago, 9. First Canvass before the People for Governor, 19. First Capital, 13. First Settlement of Kaskaskia, 14. First Tenitoiial Legislature, 3. Fisher, George, 4, 5. Flower, 24. Fondey, W. B., 71. Ford, Thomas, 29. 49, 59, 71. Formation of Legislative Dis ricts, 3. 124 INDEX TO APPENDIX. Formation of the Territory, 1. Forquer, George, 25, 31, 39. Four Candidates for Governor before the People. 19. French, Augustus C., 51, 72, 75, 78, 80. Gatewood, W. J., 51, 83. General Assemblies— First, 11. Second, 15. Third, 20. Fourth, 25. Fifth, 31. Sixth, 35. Sev- enth, 39. Eighth, 46. Ninth, 49. Tenth, 51. Eleventh, 54. Twelfth, 56. Thifteenth, 59. Fourteenth, 70. Fifteenth, 72. Sixteenth, 75. Seven- teenth, 80. Eighteenth, 88. Nineteenth, 93. General LaFayette Visits Illinois, 23. Gillespie, Joseph, 76, 93. Governor Coles on Titles, 23. Governor Duncan’s Appeal for the Canal, 81. Gregg, David L., 87. Gregory, Charles, 53. Gross, Wm. L., 89. Hackelton, Samuel, 59. Hall, James, 35, 39. Hamilton, Wm. S., 32. Hansen, Nicholas, 29. Hardin, John J., 71, 78. : Hatch, O. M., 80. Haynie, I. N., 71, 80. Hesing, A. C., 92. Higbee, C. L., 93. Hogan, Rev. John, 66. How a Challenge Was Avoided, 55. , How Courts Were Created and Abolished at Will, 105. % How Many Places Desired the Capital, 13. How Trumbull Was First Elected United States Senator, 93, 94. , Hubbard, A. F., 20, 25, 8. Hurlbut, Stephen A., 73, 74. Illinois Central Railroad, 86. Indian Wars, 49. Internal Improvement System, 76. Jenkins, Alex M., 46, 48, 51. Journalism, 90. Judd, Thomas, 73. Judd, Norman B., 93, 94. Judiciary, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109. Judy, Samuel, 3. Justices of the Supreme Court, 101-107. Kane, Elias K., 7. Kaskaskia, 14. Kellogg, Wm., 76. Kinney, Wm., 31, 35. Kiichell, Wickliffe, 56. Koerner, Gustavus, 88, 59, 87, 93. Lamborn, Josiah, 56, 59. Lanphier, C. H., 92. Lawler, M. K., 71. Laws of England made Applicable to Illinois, 12. Lieb, Herman, 92. Lincoln, Abraham, 53, 78, 93. Lincoln’s First Candidacy for the United States Senate, 93. Linder, U. F., 51, 53, 76, 78. . Lippincott, Thomas, 20. Lockwood, S. D„ 20, 74. Logan, John A., 71. Logan, Stephen T., 59, 74, 93. Lovejoy, Owen, 93. Lovejoy’s Speech before his Murder, 62. Massacre at Fort Massac, 37. Mather, Thomas, 25, 49. Matteson, Joel A., 38, 45, 76, 87, 88, 93. Maxwell, H. H., 3. McClernand, John A., 51, 59, 78. INDEX TO APPENDIX 125 McDougall, James A., 70. McLaughlin, B. K., 12, 20. McLean, John, 15, 31, 35. McMurtry, Wm., 75, 78. Mears, Wm., 12, 4. Medill, Joseph, 92. Menard, Pierre, 15, 11, 4, 6, 10, 3, 59. Merritt, John W., 92. Messinger, John, 11, 7. Mexican War, 71. Monument to Pierre Menard, 6. Moore, Eisdon, 4, Moore, John, 59, 70, 75, 78, 88. Mormon War, 47. Morrison, J. L. D., 71, 76. Moulton, S. W., 93. Murder of Elijah P. Love joy, 59. Murder of Joseph and Hiram Smith, Mormons, 48. Newspapers, Eirst, 88, 57. Northern Cross Bai road, 84. Norton, Jesse O , 73, 74, 80. Novel School Laws, 40. Ogden, William B., 58. Varney, yy ., o*. One of the Landmarks of 1837, 38. Our Colleges, 43. Our Early Educators, 43. Our First Banking, 16. Our First Eailroads, 81, 84. Palmer, John M, 73, 74, 88, 93, 94. Peoria in 1824, 34. Personality of Journalism, 90, 91, 92. Phillips, D. L. 92. Physical Besources, 95. Piatt, B. M., 3. Plato, W. B., 80. Pope, Nathaniel, 3. Prentiss, B. M., 71. Priekett, David, 39, 49, 51. Primitive Farming, 95. Printing, 88. Progress in Schools, 39. Prominent Educators, 44, 45. Easter, Herman, 92. Eay, C. H., 92. Eemoval of the Capital, 13. Eemoval of the Mormons from Illinois, 48. Eeynolds, John, 39, 29, 47, 50, 88. Eichardson. Wm. A., 51, 55, 70, 71, 78. Bidgely, N icholas H, 84. Bidgway, Thomas S., 38. Eoe, E. B., 92. Boss, L. W., 71. Safford, A. B., 38. Scates, Walter B., 52, 73, 74. School Tax Paid in Produce, 41. School Journals, 45. Scripps, John L.. 92. Scroggs, Geo., 92. Second Capital, 13. Second Territorial Legislature, 4. Sellers, W. W., 92. Semple, James, 49, 51. Shawneetown in 1817, 24. Shaw, John, 28. Sheahan, J. W., 92. 126 INDEX TO APPENDIX, Shields, James, 51, 53, 56, 59, 71, 78, 93, Shuman, Andrew, 92. Singleton, James W., 55, 56, 72, 74. Slavery in Illinois, 26. Sloan, Wesley, 76. Snyder, Adam W., 49. Speakers of the House of Representatives, 10, 11, 20, 15, 25, 31, 35, 39, 46, 49, 54, 56, 59, 70, 72, 75, 80, 88, 93. Stapp, J. T. B., 48. Starved Rock, 50. State Agricultural Society, 96. State Government— 1818, 9. 1822, 20. 1826, 31. 1830, 39. 1834, 48. 1838, 54. 1842, 59. 1846, 72. 1849, 75. 1853, 87. Storey, W. F., 92. Stuart, John T., 46, 76, 94. Sullivan, W. K., 92. Talbott, Benjamin, 3. Territorial Legislatures— First, 3. Second, 4. Third, 5. Territorial Government, 3. Thomas, Jesse B., 12, v, 2, 89. Thomas, Jr., Jesse B., 51, 52. Thomas, John, 3. Thompson, James, 57. Thornton, Anthony, 80, 73, 74. Trumbull Lyman, 93, 94. Turner, Thomas J„ 93. Turner, J. B., 98. Turney, James, 20, 31. Yandalia, 13, 15. Yandeventer, Dr. Isaac, 56, 55. Walker, Geo., 92. Walker, Isaac P., 54. Warren, Wm. B., 71,72. Wells, Joseph B., 72. When Illinois Was First Inhabited, 1. When Kaskaskia Was Settled, 1. When Illinois Was Acquired from Great Britain, 1 When the Northwestern Territory Was Ceded by Yirginia to the United States, 2. When Illinois Ceased to be a Part of Indiana Territory, 2. When Illinois Territory Was Formed, 2. White, Horace, 92. Whiteside, John D., 51, 54. Wicker sham, Dudley, 71. Yates, Richard, 76. I \