II B RAHY 
 
 OF THE 
 UN IVLR.SITY 
 OF ILLINOIS 
 
 973.5231 
 V58w 
 cop. 2 
 
 jjgjNOTSHTSTWr 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 
 in 2012 with funding from 
 
 University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/warondetroitchroOOverc 
 
CJje HafceStbe Classics 
 
 NUMBER TITLE YEAR 
 
 1. The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin. . . . 1903 
 
 2. Inaugural Addresses of the Presidents of the 
 
 United States from Washington to Lincoln.. 1904 
 
 3. Inaugural Addresses of the Presidents of the 
 
 United States from Johnson to Roosevelt. . . 1905 
 
 4. Fruits of Solitude by William Penn 1906 
 
 5. Memorable American Speeches 
 
 I. The Colonial Period 1907 
 
 6. Memorable American Speeches 
 
 II. Democracy and Nationality 1908 
 
 7. Memorable American Speeches 
 
 III. Slavery 1909 
 
 8. Memorable American Speeches 
 
 IV. Secession, War, Reconstruction 1910 
 
 9. The Autobiography of Gurdon Saltonstall Hub- 
 
 bard 1911 
 
 10. Reminiscences of Early Chicago 1912 
 
 11. Reminiscences of Chicago During the Forties 
 
 and Fifties 1913 
 
 12. Reminiscences of Chicago During the Civil War 1914 
 
 13. Reminiscences of Chicago During the Great Fire 1915 
 
 14. Life of Black Hawk 1916 
 
 15. The Indian Captivity of O. M. Spencer 1917 
 
 16. Pictures of Illinois One Hundred Years Ago. . . 1918 
 
 17. A Woman's Story of Pioneer Illinois by Chris- 
 
 tiana Holmes Tillson 1919 
 
 18. The Conquest of the Illinois by George Rogers 
 
 Clark 1920 
 
 19. Alexander Henry's Travels and Adventures in 
 
 the Years 1760-1776 1921 
 
 20. John Long's Voyages and Travels in the Years 
 
 1768-1788 1922 
 
 21. Adventures of the First Settlers on the Oregon 
 
 or Columbia River by Alexander Ross 1923 
 
 22. The Fur Hunters of the Far West by Alexander 
 
 Ross 1924 
 
 23. The Southwestern Expedition of Zebulon M. 
 
 Pike 1925 
 
 24. Commerce of the Prairies by Josiah Gregg. . . . 1926 
 
 25. Death Valley in '49 by William L. Manly 1927 
 
 26. Bidwell's Echoes of the Past — Steele's In Camp 
 
 and Cabin 1928 
 
 27. Kendall's Texan Santa Fe Expedition 1929 
 
 28. Pattie's Personal Narrative 1930 
 
 29. Alexander Mackenzie's Voyage to the Pacific 
 
 Ocean in 1793 1931 
 
 30. Wau-Bun, The "Early Day" in the North-West 
 
 by Mrs. John H. Kinzie 1932 
 
 31. Forty Years a Fur Trader by Charles 
 
 Larpenteur 1933 
 
 32. Narrative of the Adventures of Zenas Leonard 1934 
 
 33. Kit Carson's Autobiography 1935 
 
 34. A True Picture of Emigration by Rebecca 
 
 Burlend 1936 
 
 35. The Bark Covered House by William Nowlin. 1937 
 
 36. The Border and the Buffalo by John R. Cook. 1938 
 
 37. Vanished Arizona by Martha Summerhaycs. . 1939 
 
 38. War on the Detroit by Thomas Vercheres de 
 
 Boucherville and James Foster 1940 
 
Wf)t ILakt&ibt Classic* 
 
 War on the Detroit 
 
 The Chronicles of Thomas 
 
 Vercheres de Boucherville and 
 
 The Capitulation 
 
 by an Ohio Volunteer 
 
 EDITED BY 
 
 Milo Milton Quaife 
 
 SECRETARY OF 
 THE BURTON HISTORICAL COLLECTION 
 
 CHICAGO 
 
 R. R. Donnelley & Sons Co. 
 
 Christmas, 1940 
 
? 7 3 . S& 3 I 
 $trf»ltssf)er's; preface 
 
 UNDER the title of The Battle of Detroit, 
 we reprint the Journal of Thomas 
 Vercheres de Boucherville and "The 
 Capitulation" by James Foster as the con- 
 tent of this year's volume of The Lakeside 
 Classics. We do so somewhat apologetically, 
 as we realize that by the time this little book 
 reaches the reader, he will be thoroughly 
 surfeited with war literature, but the selec- 
 tion of the material was made, the editing 
 finished, and the type set before the collapse 
 of the French Army, and it was too late to 
 substitute a story of a more peaceful phase 
 of early Western history. 
 
 The Battle of Detroit is interesting as bring- 
 ing into sharp contrasts war as fought in 
 America in 1812 and the present holocaust 
 of Europe. Apropos the casualness of the 
 War of 1 8 12, we quote a paragraph from a 
 sales catalogue of war books: 
 
 "The War of 1812 was fought under the most peculiar 
 circumstances of any military venture in our history. 
 In the first place, the British Cabinet on June 1, 18 12 
 had conceded all but one American claim. The war, 
 
^ubUsfbtt'ti -preface 
 
 however, had been declared and was carried on regard- 
 less. In the second place, there was some question as 
 to whom we should be fighting. France had offended as 
 grievously as England and in the East particularly, 
 Napoleon was regarded as the great menace to world 
 peace. In the third place, the war was ostensibly 
 fought to protect New England Maritime Rights but 
 only the South and West were enthusiastic. New Eng- 
 land was against it from the start. The subject of 
 impressment which brought on the war was not men- 
 tioned in the Peace Treaty, and finally, its greatest 
 battle at New Orleans which made Jackson a popular 
 hero was fought after Peace had been concluded." 
 
 Gen. Hull, with headquarters at Detroit, 
 was in command of all military stations 
 throughout the West, which included Fort 
 Dearborn at Chicago. Unfortunately, Gen. 
 Hull, who had served with credit in the 
 American Revolution, had grown old and 
 timid and was entirely lacking in the vigor 
 and daring which was so essential to leader- 
 ship on the western frontier. Fort Detroit 
 was hundreds of miles out in the wilderness 
 and was surrounded by thousands of savages 
 to whom the British were paying $8.00 to 
 $12.00 apiece for American scalps. From 
 what happened in Detroit, as depicted in 
 this volume, we can easily judge that Gen. 
 Hull was thoroughly scared. Mackinac had 
 fallen into the hands of the British, and the 
 situation at Fort Dearborn seemed to be 
 even more precarious than that at Detroit. 
 
 vi 
 
PublfeJjet'si preface 
 
 Accordingly, Hull sent a message by Win- 
 nemeg, a friendly Potawatomi chief, to Capt. 
 Heald announcing the declaration of war 
 with Great Britain and the fall of Mackinac, 
 and ordering the evacuation of Fort Dear- 
 born, if practical, and retirement to Fort 
 Wayne. Unfortunately, the message was 
 interpreted by Capt. Heald as a positive 
 order to evacuate and he refused to be in- 
 fluenced by the arguments and protests of 
 his two fellow officers and Chief Winnemeg. 
 There was ample ammunition and food to 
 withstand a long siege and Winnemeg reports 
 that the troops, with their women and chil- 
 dren, would surely be attacked by the Pota- 
 watomis. On August 15, 1812, Fort Dearborn 
 was abandoned and the march started along 
 the shore of Lake Michigan, and at a point 
 two mile's south of the Fort, the Indians 
 attacked and most of the soldiers, women, 
 and children were massacred. Thus, due to 
 the timidity of Gen. Hull and the bullheaded- 
 ness of Capt. Heald, Chicago is indebted to 
 the only military drama in its history. 
 
 It is our good fortune that Dr. Quaife 
 called our attention to the English transla- 
 tion of the Journal of Thomas Vercheres de 
 Boucherville, which had lain for several 
 years on the shelves of the Burton Historical 
 Collection. It had been published in its 
 
 vii 
 
ItablteJjer'* preface 
 
 original French as a volume of The Anti- 
 quarian and Numismatic Society of Mont- 
 real, and we are beholden to the officers of 
 that Society for their courtesy in giving us 
 permission to print the English translation. 
 As the Vercheres Journal is little known by 
 the collectors of Americana, we believe it 
 will be an important addition to The Lake- 
 side Classics. 
 
 The Capitulation by an "Ohio Volunteer" 
 is also a rare item of Americana. Dr. Quaife 
 expresses doubt as to whether James Foster 
 was the author and also suspects that the 
 author, whoever he was, writing in the first 
 person, did not himself experience some of 
 the events which he described. Perhaps the 
 author was guilty of some plagiarism, but 
 we must credit Foster with the fact that he 
 never claimed to be the author, as his name 
 only appears as the owner of the copyright, 
 and whether he or some other "Ohio Volun- 
 teer" told the story, it is well told and gives 
 us a realistic picture of the "Rabble in Arms" 
 during the first year of the War of 1812. 
 The Publishers. 
 
 Christmas, 1940. 
 
 Vlll 
 
Contents! 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 Historical Introduction xiii 
 
 Journal of Thomas Vercheres de Boucherville 3 
 
 The Capitulation . . 179 
 
 Index 323 
 
 IX 
 
THE NORTHWEST IN 
 
Historical Introduction 
 
LAKE 
 ST. CLAIR 
 
 THE DETROIT FRONT IN THE WAR OF 1812 
 
 Adapted from a contemporary map drawn by a British army engineer. 
 
iMsitortcal Sntrobuctton 
 
 WE pen these lines in mid-May, 1940; 
 before they meet the reader's eye 
 they will have passed into history. 
 Through our open window may be seen the 
 prodigal bloom of the lovely magnolias, the 
 fresh hues of new-leaved maples and elms, 
 green-carpeted lawns, jewelled with beds of 
 yellow daffodils and flaming tulips. Bare- 
 headed college youths stroll past, an old 
 man, feeble and bent with age, a young 
 mother leading a child, in the street a steady 
 procession of vehicles richer than King 
 Midas ever knew. The entire scene is 
 charged with eager, radiant life. 
 
 So it might have been in the town of 
 Detroit in May, 18 12. No motor cars or 
 cement-paved streets then met the eye, of 
 course, but children and mothers, youths and 
 old men went their accustomed ways; then, 
 as now, the majestic river slipped past the 
 town, hurrying to its union with the ocean in 
 the distant Gulf of St. Lawrence. Then, as 
 now, the mid-May sun shed its brilliance 
 over the peaceful land, maples and elms 
 
 xiii 
 
^tetorical Sntrobuctton 
 
 donned anew their robes of summer verdure, 
 while peach and apple and cherry were 
 prodigal of their fragrant bloom. 
 
 But over the peaceful scene a terrible 
 menace impended. Across the sea, even as 
 in 1940, a world-shaking conflict was going 
 on. Although America desired to have no 
 part in it, our national rights and our peace- 
 ful commerce were assailed with fine im- 
 partiality by both warring nations. Presi- 
 dent Jefferson, the greatest exponent of 
 pacifism in our history, strove earnestly to 
 promote the rule of sweet reason in a world 
 where brute force alone was respected, and 
 toward the end longed only to terminate 
 his administration before the deluge arrived. 
 Thus it was reserved for his political heir, 
 President Madison, to pilot the country 
 through a three-year war. With the cheerful 
 unconcern which habitually characterizes 
 America in her international relations, with 
 no real military machine and with practically 
 no effort to provide one, we declared war in 
 18 12 upon the greatest military power in the 
 world. If Denmark in the spring of 1940 had 
 declared war upon Germany and confidently 
 anticipated romping into Berlin in a few 
 weeks' time, the exhibition of national folly 
 suggested would have been scarcely more 
 astounding. As it turned out, such factors 
 
 xiv 
 
^fetortcal Snttobuctton 
 
 as our distance from Europe and the pre- 
 occupation of Great Britain with the Na- 
 poleonic struggle preserved America from 
 the national defeat and dismemberment we 
 had so rashly invited. Saved by a hairs- 
 breadth from such a fate, our political lead- 
 ers, with cheerful inconstancy of memory, 
 almost immediately began to beat the tom- 
 toms on the glories of America's achieve- 
 ment in the war; with such success that even 
 today but few Americans have any real 
 knowledge of the disgraceful conduct of our 
 armies in the War of 1812, while one of the 
 few historical concepts which practically all 
 Americans entertain is the fantastic untruth 
 that on the sea our navy was brilliantly 
 triumphant. 
 
 The narratives selected for this volume of 
 the Lakeside Classics Series offer much of 
 instruction and something of entertainment 
 to the reader who cares to know the truth 
 about the War of 18 12. The war began with 
 the Detroit campaign of General Hull, and 
 its first blood was shed in one of the tiny 
 skirmishes at the River Canard, where the 
 highway from Windsor to Amherstburg 
 crosses this unimpressive stream. The Hull 
 campaign, therefore, initiated the three-year 
 period of campaigns and marching armies 
 which with but infrequent exceptions con- 
 
 xv 
 
Historical introduction 
 
 stituted for America one continuous night- 
 mare of military ineptitude and impotence. 
 General Upton has best summarized the 
 painful story in sentences cutting as the sur- 
 geon's knife. 1 For the entire war, he shows 
 that the United States enlisted 527,000 
 soldiers, exceeding in number the entire 
 population, of both sexes and all ages, of 
 Canada. Although Henry Clay had affirmed 
 that Kentucky alone could conquer Canada 
 in a few weeks' time, the close of the war 
 found the United States invaded on both its 
 borders, with imminent danger that New 
 England would leave the Union and that much 
 more of the territory won by the Treaty of 
 1783 would be lost to the United States. As 
 for the Northwest, the theater of action of 
 the narratives we reprint, Upton states the 
 results in these words: 
 
 The cost of dispersing the 800 British regulars, who 
 from first to last had made prisoners of Hull's army 
 at Detroit, let loose the northwestern Indians, de- 
 feated and captured Winchester's command at French- 
 town, besieged the Northwestern army at Fort Meigs, 
 and then invaded Ohio, . . . teaches a lesson well worth 
 the attention of any statesman or financier. 
 
 Not counting the hastily organized and half-filled 
 regiments of regulars sent to the West, the records of 
 the Adjutant General's office show that about 50,000 
 
 1 Emory Upton, The Military Policy of the United 
 States (Washington, 1912), especially chaps. IX-XII. 
 
 xvi 
 
JfMgtortcal introduction 
 
 militia were called out in 1812 and 18 13, for the 
 states of Ohio, Kentucky, Tennessee, Pennsylvania 
 and Virginia for service against Proctor's army. 
 
 As the ultimate fate of the Scandinavian 
 countries in the war of 1940 depends upon 
 the final issue of the war between Germany 
 and her allied foe, so in 18 12 the fate of Fort 
 Dearborn and other points in the Northwest 
 was determined by the issue of the cam- 
 paigns on the Detroit frontier. The stories 
 which our authors set forth, therefore, are an 
 intimate part of the history of Chicagoland. 
 But the journal of Thomas Vercheres de 
 Boucherville is much more than this. He be- 
 longed to a prominent family of Quebec. In 
 early manhood he entered upon the fur trade 
 of the Far Northwest and after a year of 
 service here he gained a new foothold in 
 the commercial world as a junior clerk in a 
 mercantile establishment of Toronto (then 
 called York). By winning the confidence of 
 his employer he advanced to the status of 
 trusted agent in charge of the latter's 
 business at Amherstburg, and presently to 
 the ownership and conduct of his own 
 business there. When the opening storm of 
 war struck the Detroit River area in the 
 summer of 18 12, he naturally volunteered in 
 support of his country's cause. His old-age 
 narration of the experiences he underwent, 
 
 xvii 
 
Historical 3utrobuctiou 
 
 although necessarily inaccurate in certain 
 matters of detail, reproduces admirably the 
 point of view of a French-Canadian partici- 
 pant in the struggles he describes. For 
 vividness of narration and ability to bring 
 back the scenes described to lifelike reality, 
 his story fairly rivals the well-known recital 
 of Major John Richardson in his War of 
 1812. Unlike the latter narrative, however, 
 that of Vercheres remained unpublished for 
 almost a century after the occurrence of the 
 events it describes. Then it was printed in 
 Volume III of The Canadian Antiquarian 
 and Numismatic Journal at Montreal. The 
 Journal itself, however, is a relatively ob- 
 scure publication, and Vercheres' story 
 seems never to have attracted the attention 
 of either Canadian or American historians. 
 Its present publication in English transla- 
 tion in one of the Lakeside Classics volumes 
 should serve to bring to its author the 
 measure of popular interest and of scholarly 
 appreciation which hitherto has been denied 
 him. 
 
 A few words of explanation concerning the 
 way the editorial task has been performed 
 are in order at this point. The translation of 
 the narrative into English was made some 
 years ago by Mrs. L. Oughtred Woltz, 
 archivist of the Burton Historical Collection. 
 
 xviii 
 
^tetortcal Sntrobuction 
 
 She was a competent scholar, but she per- 
 formed her task with no thought of eventual 
 publication in mind. Although the transla- 
 tion we present is basically her work, the 
 present Editor has revised it to such an ex- 
 tent that it would not be fair either to Mrs. 
 Woltz or to the reader to hold her respon- 
 sible for it. Since there can be no pretense 
 of an exact translation, we have aimed 
 throughout at presenting the author's evi- 
 dent meaning, without caring or pretending 
 to supply a precise or literal rendering of his 
 words. We have also corrected numerous 
 individual mistakes, having to do with such 
 details as proper names, statements of dates 
 or distances, etc. Whenever the propriety of 
 exercising such editorial discretion has 
 seemed at all in doubt we have retained the 
 author's statements, calling attention, on 
 occasion, to their inaccuracy in an ex- 
 planatory footnote. 
 
 It should afford added interest to the 
 reader of Vercheres' narrative if along with 
 it he can peruse the story of a soldier who 
 fought in the opposing army. For this reason 
 we reprint the now rare little volume en- 
 titled The Capitulation^ or a History of the 
 Expedition Conducted by William Hull, 
 Brigadier-General of the Northwestern Army, 
 originally published at Chillicothe in the 
 
 xix 
 
J^tetorical 3ftttrobuctton 
 
 autumn of 1812. The author modestly con- 
 ceals his identity under the pseudonym of 
 "An Ohio Volunteer," and our examination 
 of the narrative suggests that he may have 
 had good reasons for his shyness. Librarians 
 generally have followed the lead of Peter G. 
 Thomson, the Ohio bibliographer of half a 
 century ago, in naming James Foster as the 
 author. Their reason for doing so lies in the 
 fact that on October 23, 18 12, James Foster 
 appeared before the clerk of the U. S. Dis- 
 trict Court of Ohio and applied for a copy- 
 right on the book, "whereof he claims as 
 proprietor." That he was also its author is 
 an easy, although by no means necessary, 
 assumption. Our own efforts either to verify 
 or disprove it have been without positive 
 result, yet they have elicited certain frag- 
 mentary data which should prove of some 
 interest to the reader. 
 
 The narrative purports to be a first-hand 
 relation of the observations and experiences 
 of the writer, and in the preface we are di- 
 rectly informed that "while in the State of 
 Ohio" he enlisted in a company which was 
 captured at Detroit at the time of Hull's 
 surrender, and that on his return to "this 
 place" — presumably Chillicothe — he yielded 
 to the persuasions of his friends that he 
 write a history of the campaign. 
 
 xx 
 
Historical 3fotrotruction 
 
 All of this is commonplace enough, even to 
 the affected modesty which induces a writer 
 to publish a book merely in response to the 
 solicitations of his friends; but certain other 
 aspects of the situation are of less usual oc- 
 currence. For example, a soldier is ordinarily 
 proud of his military organization, much as 
 a student is proud of his college connection. 
 Both this reason and the considerations of 
 clarity and good faith unite to lead a soldier, 
 relating his experiences, to identify his 
 military unit and his own place in it. Yet 
 the "Ohio Volunteer/' in addition to con- 
 cealing his name, conceals, also, all knowl- 
 edge of the identity of the unit in which he 
 served. The reasons for such shyness be- 
 come the more intriguing when we note that 
 — assuming the validity of the statements in 
 the preface — his identity was known to his 
 friends, and apparently to the members of 
 the army in general. Insofar as the present 
 Editor's knowledge goes, The Capitulation 
 was the first "history" of the Hull campaign 
 to be committed to print. The Ohio soldiers 
 who marched with Hull to Detroit in the 
 summer of 1812 commonly returned to their 
 homes about the beginning of September. 
 All America at the moment was avid for 
 news of the campaign, and the book has all 
 the earmarks of a compilation hastily thrown 
 
 xxi 
 
historical Hfotrobuction 
 
 together with the object of capitalizing upon 
 this current popular interest. Apart from a 
 generous offering of military orders and 
 other contemporary public documents, the 
 84-page narrative contains the supposedly 
 personal recital of the author's observations 
 and experiences. Our admiration for the 
 perspicuity displayed therein is not lessened 
 by the discovery that a large proportion of 
 the recital has been copied directly from the 
 journal of another "Ohio Volunteer," Robert 
 Lucas. Lucas was an intelligent and enter- 
 prising officer under Hull, who subsequently 
 served as Governor both of Ohio and of Iowa 
 Territory. His journal of the campaign was 
 not published until 1906, when the State 
 Historical Society of Iowa brought it out; 
 but it had been utilized by Lewis Cass as the 
 basis of his diatribe against General Hull 
 which proved a powerful factor in procuring 
 the latter's court martial and death sentence; 
 and it was evidently placed at the disposal 
 of our author, the extent of whose copying 
 will be evident to any reader who takes the 
 trouble to compare the two narratives. 
 
 Who then was the author, and why did he 
 not record his own observations instead of 
 appropriating those of another? The possi- 
 bility — despite the statements in the preface 
 — that he was a professional journalist or 
 
 xxii 
 
Historical Snttobuttion 
 
 hack-writer who did not himself participate 
 in the campaign he describes, cannot be 
 ignored. Concerning James Foster, the pu- 
 tative author of the book, we have found 
 only a little information. The Roster of Ohio 
 Soldiers in the War of 1812^ belatedly 
 published by the State of Ohio in 1916, lists 
 among the more than 26,000 soldiers carried 
 on the army muster rolls the name of James 
 Foster, sergeant in Captain William Keys' 
 company. Although the compiler of the 
 volume identifies this as "probably from 
 Ross County," we know from other sources 
 that Captain Keys was a pioneer settler 
 and long a prominent citizen of Highland 
 County, and it is a fair presumption that 
 the company he led to Detroit in 18 12 came 
 from this county. But one searches the pub- 
 lished history of Highland County in vain 
 for any mention of James Foster, although 
 he may have been an unnamed member of 
 the clan of five Foster brothers who were 
 numbered among the pioneer settlers of Pike 
 and Ross counties. In the Ohio army of 
 1 8 12 about one-fourth the entire number 
 held rank as commissioned or noncommis- 
 sioned officers. If Sergeant James Foster 
 of Captain Keys' company was in fact the 
 author of our narrative, his lowly rank sug- 
 gests that he was either a very young man 
 
 xxiii 
 
^tetortcal Sntrobuctton 
 
 or one of no outstanding influence in his 
 home community. That the author — who- 
 ever he was — did not actually live in Ohio 
 is inferentially twice suggested: first, in the 
 preface, where he states that "while in the 
 State of Ohio" he joined the company; and 
 secondly in the Shakespearian quotation ac- 
 companying the copyright notice, beginning 
 "My business in this state made me a Looker 
 on here in Vienna." With this statement of 
 these various clues we place the problem 
 in the lap of the reader — was the author in 
 fact, as bibliographers have heretofore sup- 
 posed, James Foster, a soldier in Hull's army; 
 or was he some unknown journalist who uti- 
 lized the Lucas journal and other contem- 
 porary sources of information to compile 
 a narrative to satisfy the popular demand 
 for information, without himself having 
 served in the campaign? 
 
 However these things may be, the Ohio 
 Volunteer's narrative is a useful historical 
 record. The observations copied from Lucas 
 are at least as valuable as those the putative 
 author might have set down, and the record 
 as a whole discloses clearly the contempo- 
 rary state of the public mind in Ohio, not 
 merely with respect to General Hull but 
 also concerning such things as military dis- 
 cipline and the art of war in general. If 
 
 xxiv 
 
Hfetortcal 3httrobuction 
 
 present-day Americans have the capacity 
 to profit by the lamp of experience, they 
 will derive from a reading of The Capitula- 
 tion important light upon how not to organ- 
 ize and conduct our future armies. 
 
 We have no knowledge of the number of 
 copies of The Capitulation that were pub- 
 lished, but all the attendant circumstances 
 justify the inference that it was consider- 
 able. As long ago as 1880, however, the 
 book had become decidedly rare. Thomson, 
 the Ohio bibliographer, had never seen more 
 than three copies; 2 and such institutions as 
 the Library of Congress, the State Library 
 of Ohio, the Ohio Archeological and His- 
 torical Society Library, and the public li- 
 braries of Detroit, Cincinnati, and Cleveland 
 are today without them. The Union Catalog of 
 American Libraries lists copies of the book 
 in seven institutions. American Book Prices 
 Current records but few sales of it, and these 
 at relatively high prices. In twenty years 
 but three copies have been sold, for $140, $175, 
 and $240 respectively. Quite likely many 
 Ohio attics conceal additional copies, but 
 
 2 The present Editor has never seen any; it is in- 
 teresting to observe that the photostat copy of the one 
 he has utilized bears on the title page the signature 
 of Thomas Worthington, Governor of Ohio and U. S. 
 Senator. 
 
 XXV 
 
Historical Sntrobuctton 
 
 until these shall yield up their contents it 
 is obvious that most readers will find access 
 to the original edition either difficult or im- 
 practicable. Its first reprinting in the Lake- 
 side Classics Series, after an interval of 128 
 years, should constitute a real, if modest, 
 contribution to the study of Midwestern 
 American history. Save for editorial an- 
 notations, we reprint the book verbatim as 
 it came from the frontier Chillicothe press 
 of James Barnes in the autumn of 18 12. 
 
 M. M. Quaife 
 
 Detroit, 
 May 15, 1940. 
 
 XXVI 
 
Journal of 
 Thomas Vercheres de Boucherville 
 
Journal of Thomas 
 Vercheres de Boucherville 
 
 $art I 
 
 FUR TRADER AND MERCHANT 
 
 IN the year 1803 I left my father's house 
 for Lachine, having engaged for a seven- 
 year term of service with Sir Alexander 
 Mackenzie as clerk for the New Northwest 
 Company in the Upper Country. Three 
 days after my arrival at Lachine I embarked 
 in a canoe belonging to Mr. Maillou, a trader 
 at the Grand Portage. Our guide was called 
 Larocque; the steersman's name was Robil- 
 lard; both were famous chanteurs de voyage. 
 My fellow-clerks, for the company as well 
 as on this voyage, were Vienne, Curotte, 1 
 McMullin, Gordon and Cameron. 
 
 1 Apparently this man was Michael Curot (Curotte), 
 a clerk of the Company who was sent to spend the 
 ensuing winter of 1803-04 on the upper waters of the 
 Chippewa River in northwestern Wisconsin. He kept 
 a journal of his experiences, which is preserved in the 
 Dominion Archives at Ottawa and has been pub- 
 lished in the Wisconsin Historical Collections^ Vol. 
 XX, 396-471. 
 
Max on tfje Bettoit 
 
 After a journey of several days we reached 
 Lake Nipissing, where we were detained 
 three days by a northeast wind, accom- 
 panied by a considerable fall of snow. With 
 no protection but our light canvas tents we 
 were nearly frozen and this gave me my 
 first taste of the seductive influence of cold 
 at the last extremity. On the fourth day, 
 however, we were able to launch our canoes 
 and continue our journey to Sault Ste. 
 Marie, though not without great discomfort. 
 
 A youth of eighteen, and never before 
 away from the paternal home for any long 
 journey, I understood next to nothing of 
 the barbaric jargon of the voyageurs nor 
 did I know anything of their habits and 
 manner of life. Alone with them in this 
 frail craft, only now did I begin to reflect 
 upon the folly which had induced me to 
 share such an adventure. The prospect of 
 a seven years' engagement, with no hope 
 of drying the tears of my poor mother, who 
 was even now grieving over my wayward- 
 ness, was almost more than I could bear, 
 and my restless fearlessness was fast giv- 
 ing way to the cravings of nature, when the 
 sonorous voice of the steersman began to 
 intone the words of the merry song "Where 
 are we going to sleep tonight ?" and I was 
 about joining in the reply "At home as 
 
3fountal of ^Terdjere* 
 
 ever, laridondee," when I found myself chas- 
 ing back a flood of tears. Instead of a good 
 bed in a warm and comfortable room there 
 was only a tent for covering and a couch 
 upon the bare earth. But I soon mastered 
 my grief and at the second refrain was 
 ready to join with the others, only in place 
 of the usual words I sang "My dear tent 
 as ever." By the time we arrived at Sault 
 Ste. Marie my homesickness was beginning 
 to abate somewhat although I was still far 
 from cured. For two days I had been un- 
 able to eat food of any kind, and of all the 
 maladies I have ever experienced, this was 
 one of the most painful. 
 
 We learned at the Sault that the Cheva- 
 lier 2 had arrived with his brigade some days 
 in advance of us. We were invited to take 
 breakfast with him in his tent at ten o'clock, 
 and without waiting for a second invita- 
 tion (especially I who had eaten nothing for 
 forty-eight hours) we hastened to accept. 
 Our worthy host regaled us in princely style. 
 
 2 Sir Alexander Mackenzie, who had been knighted 
 in 1802 in recognition of his achievements as an ex- 
 plorer. Alexander Mackenzie' s Voyage to the Pacific 
 Ocean in I79J> edited by the present writer, was 
 published as the Lakeside Classics volume for 1931. 
 An account of his career, and of his connection with 
 the various North West companies, is given in this 
 volume, pp. XIV-XXVII. 
 
Max on tfje Detroit 
 
 Soup and fresh meat, with broiled white 
 fish, made a delicious menu and believe me, 
 we feasted. I was delighted to find here 
 someone I knew, a Mr. Lamothe, who told 
 me that the Nolins also lived at the Sault. 
 I felt it my duty to call upon the family of 
 my friend of early days at the College of 
 Montreal (directed by the Sulpician broth- 
 ers), and this I did before leaving for the 
 Grand Portage. I was received with much 
 kindness by Mr. Nolin who had already 
 heard of me from his son who had left for 
 the Upper Country a year before. 3 
 
 The seventh day after our arrival we 
 were ordered to be ready to sail on the 
 schooner Perseverance* commanded by Cap- 
 
 3 The Nolin (Nolan) family had been prominent 
 in the Northwest fur trade since early in the eighteenth 
 century. The writer's schoolmate was probably a son of 
 either x^ugustin or Jean Baptiste Nolin, both of whom 
 were associated with Sault Ste. Marie and the fur trade 
 in this period. Prior to the War of 1 8 12 Augustin Nolin 
 built a residence at the Sault and retired from active 
 trade. At the capture of Mackinac in July, 181 2, he 
 was influential in restraining the Indians from massacre, 
 and in 181 5 he forewarned the Americans of an impend- 
 ing attack upon Sault Ste. Marie. Various documents 
 in the Detroit Public Library disclose that Jean Bap- 
 tiste Nolin was associated in some capacity with the 
 North West Company while a resident of the Sault. 
 
 4 The Perseverance, in which Vercheres traversed 
 Lake Superior, was an 85-ton schooner built by the 
 
journal of ^Jertfjerefi 
 
 tain White. The Chevalier, with McKenzie 
 and George Moffatt, 5 his two nephews, were 
 to sail with us. About three in the after- 
 noon we were all on board, when the anchor, 
 yielding to the sturdy pull of the sailors, 
 appeared above the surface of the water. 
 Every man was at his post and the wind 
 was blowing a hurricane, when the captain's 
 voice was heard above the plaintive groans 
 of the rigging and the lashings of the tern- 
 North West Company for service on that lake. A 
 companion vessel on Lake Superior was the Nancy, 
 which was built at Detroit in 1789. In 18 14 an Ameri- 
 can army under Major Holmes raided the Sault, burned 
 the North West Company warehouses and other prop- 
 erty, blew up the canal locks, and attempted to run 
 the Perseverance down the rapids into Lake Huron; 
 she ran upon a rock, and was thereupon burned by 
 her captors. The Nancy sought hiding in Notawasaga 
 Bay (head of Georgian Bay), but being discovered 
 and in danger of being taken by the Niagara, Perry's 
 flagship in the battle of Lake Erie, she was fired and de- 
 stroyed by her crew. The ruins of the Nancy have been 
 found in recent years at the scene of her destruction. 
 5 George Moffatt was born in England, Aug. 13, 
 1787. He came out to Canada in 1801, entered the 
 fur trade, and achieved success and fortune. He sub- 
 sequently held important political offices in Lower 
 Canada. He made his home at Montreal, where he 
 died in 1865. W. Stewart Wallace, historian of the 
 North West Company, states that confirmation of 
 Moffatt's supposed relationship to Sir Alexander Mac- 
 kenzie is lacking. 
 
 7 
 
2Uar cm tfje ©etrott 
 
 pest, "Hoist the sails! Hoist the sails !" 
 In less than two minutes time we felt the 
 pitching of the vessel as she was borne 
 along over the rough waves, and we were 
 embarked on the broad waters of majestic 
 Lake Superior. 
 
 For the rest of that day and the follow- 
 ing night and day we sailed before a driv- 
 ing wind. About six in the evening the 
 sky became suddenly overcast; thick, black 
 clouds shut out the daylight, while rolling 
 up from the west came a threatening mass, 
 pierced by vivid streaks of lightning. 
 
 All of us watched this heavy mass of 
 black cloud with the anxious countenance 
 of the mariner who sees the arbiter of his 
 fate approaching. Yet was I spellbound 
 in admiring wonder at the superb poise of 
 our masts, now bending their heads to the 
 level of the water as though in playful 
 sport with the waves, now rising in the 
 gleam of lightning flashes only to plunge 
 downward again. The thunder roared with 
 redoubled force at every shock. The swiftly 
 repeated detonations were like bombs burst- 
 ing about us from every point of the horizon. 
 Suddenly a brilliant flash reflected millions 
 of rays from all parts of our vessel and a 
 thunderbolt struck the water with a ter- 
 rific crash not more than ten paces from us. 
 
journal of ^ercfjereg 
 
 A shudder as of death ran through me. 
 This terrible shock was a warning from 
 God to prepare for the last voyage to eter- 
 nity, and involuntarily I raised my eyes to 
 heaven as though imploring its aid. The 
 waves beat furiously against the sides of 
 our vessel. All the forces of evil seemed 
 united in a conspiracy for our destruction 
 so fierce were the assaults upon our ship. 
 Then above the unspeakable tumult came 
 the comforting cry, "Land! Land!" 
 
 Clinging fast to the bowsprit mast dur- 
 ing the tempest, in a brief flash of light- 
 ning Captain White had caught a glimpse 
 of the Milons or Baribux Islands. We were 
 about to strike on the outlying rocks when 
 by a dexterous turn of the wheel he saved 
 us from our perilous position. This feat 
 alone should add much to his renown. For 
 some time he had lost his bearings owing 
 to the rapidity of our course during that 
 terrible night of storm. 
 
 It was necessary that the prow be kept 
 to windward, and the vessel pitched and 
 rolled so that we could no longer stand up- 
 right. We were so sick that a stranger to 
 the scene would have said we had all taken 
 a strong emetic, and even the Chevalier, 
 who had made several ocean voyages, was 
 as sick as the rest. The ship rolled to a 
 
Max on tfje ©etrott 
 
 height of ten feet or more from one side to 
 the other and during this time two valuable 
 cows, whose loss we could ill afford, were 
 washed from the bridge. Towards morn- 
 ing, the sky began to clear and the wind 
 diminished perceptibly. We were not yet 
 out of danger, however, for the waves ran 
 high and threatened to dash us on the rocks 
 at any minute. 
 
 By a very special providence the wind 
 shifted some degrees, enabling us to tack 
 and withdraw some distance from that 
 dangerous shore. Soon we were under full 
 sail and happily reached the Grand Por- 
 tage which I had so often heard mentioned 
 when a boy by the voyageurs of the village. 
 
 You can doubtless imagine with what 
 relief I again set foot on land. Although 
 free from the dangers of the deep I was 
 most unsteady and stumbled over every 
 little pebble in my path. So lightheaded 
 was I that I seemed to be climbing and 
 descending the waves at every step, but 
 like all matters of the imagination these 
 illusions passed and though sad at heart 
 and stealthily drying a tear for my dear 
 parents I set myself to the task at hand, 
 got my box and bed of two blankets ashore, 
 and carried them up to the fort. Situated 
 on the brow of a sloping hill, over a mile 
 
 10 
 
SFournal of "Wtxtfyzxtst 
 
 from the landing, the view from here was 
 very fine. It had been built by the North- 
 west Company and consisted of palisades 
 of tall cedar pickets with bastions at the 
 four corners. Within the enclosure were 
 several good buildings for the use of mem- 
 bers of the Company, and towering over 
 all was an immense flagstaff from which, 
 on Sundays and when heralding the arrival 
 of the principal bourgeois, floated a large 
 and very handsome flag. 6 
 
 During my whole stay at the Grand Por- 
 tage and until I had orders from the Cheva- 
 lier to set out for winter quarters I was 
 employed at the shed where our liquors 
 were stored. I was told to repair to the 
 
 6 For Alexander Henry's account of his visit to 
 Grand Portage a generation earlier than Vercheres, 
 see Alexander Henry's Travels and Adventures, the 
 Lakeside Classics volume for 1921, Chap. 8. The 
 trading post and fort — also known as Grand Portage 
 —was long the chief station of the North West Com- 
 pany in the interior of the continent. For several dec- 
 ades prior to 1804 it was the center of the fur trade of 
 the Far North West. About the time of Vercheres' 
 visit the place underwent an abrupt decline, the dis- 
 covery that it lay south of the international boundary 
 causing the traders to remove their activities to Fort 
 William, which was established in 1804. In recent 
 years, governmental authorities have undertaken the 
 task of excavating the remains of the ancient post 
 and constructing a modern replica of it. 
 
 II 
 
Hilar on tfje Detroit 
 
 place where the canoes destined for the 
 North were in waiting. My effects were 
 carried on the backs of my men and at the 
 far end of the Portage, which is nine miles 
 long, I found others busy gumming the 
 canoes preparatory to our departure on the 
 morrow. The guide assigned to me for this 
 northern journey was called Ducharme; and 
 my steersman's name was Laporte; neither 
 had that gift of song I had so much en- 
 joyed on the way to Sault Ste. Marie. At 
 daybreak we began to load the canoe for 
 Fort Dauphin and by nine in the morning 
 were ready to set out. It was not long 
 before we encountered quite a little fall 
 of water, called The Partridge, and were 
 obliged to portage. Desirous of helping 
 my men, the heavier end of a barrel of 
 gum fell on my hand, cutting off a part 
 of the index finger. This was very painful 
 but fortunately I had brought along a small 
 bottle of turpentine. I applied a few drops 
 and it was not many days before the wound 
 was healed. 
 
 We had a comfortable voyage as far as 
 Rainy Lake, a distance of one hundred and 
 thirty leagues from our starting point. 
 Here I was very glad to make the acquaint- 
 ance of the clerk, Lacombe, a cousin of the 
 Lacombe family of my native parish, more 
 
 12 
 
journal of ^ercfjetetf 
 
 especially as we were delayed eight days 
 while waiting for orders from our superiors. 
 These came at last, and reloading our canoes 
 with corn, tallow, and other provisions, we 
 again set out. On the twelfth day, after 
 encountering many falls and portages, we 
 reached the head waters of Winnipeg River. 
 
 Here I will relate an incident of the 
 journey that seemed to me very amusing. 
 At the rapids between Rainy Lake and this 
 place we met with vast numbers of peli- 
 cans, called by the Indians chietecs, either 
 flying over our heads or resting on the 
 water. These birds would raise themselves 
 a little, then with incredible swiftness they 
 would disappear for an instant under the 
 water and come up with a fish in the beak. 
 With a gulp this was stored away in their 
 pouch and the fishing continued until the 
 weight of the prey forced the bird to retire 
 to a safe distance for leisurely digestion, 
 always in some fear, no doubt, of becom- 
 ing in turn the prey of the voyageurs, who 
 could then easily capture them. 
 
 We remained several days at the head- 
 waters of this river, which we left about 
 the first of September to enter the lake of 
 the same name. 7 These were days of per- 
 
 7 They had descended Winnipeg River from Lake 
 of the Woods to Lake Winnipeg. 
 
 13 
 
Max on tfje Betroit 
 
 feet calm. After several days' journey, at 
 the turn of a point called Pike's Head we 
 came upon an encampment, having many 
 large bark canoes drawn up on the land 
 while their owners were engaged in stretch- 
 ing their nets in the hope of obtaining enough 
 fish for their subsistence. This induced us 
 to do likewise. I had my tent pitched, 
 stored the goods in a safe place, and then 
 made ready for a visit to these new-found 
 neighbors, believing them to belong to the 
 old North West Company, the competitor 
 of the one I now represented. Nor was I 
 mistaken; they proved to be employees of 
 that company who had camped here for 
 several days to engage in fishing while on 
 their way to the shallows of the Winnipeg 
 River. 
 
 I found these poor people almost desper- 
 ate, having barely caught enough fish to 
 supply their daily food since making their 
 encampment. Their leader was pacing up 
 and down the beach. I inquired his name 
 and, having been told it was Jacob, I went 
 up to him and we quickly struck up an 
 acquaintance. He was from Lower Canada 
 and had a married sister at Boucherville. 
 Without further ceremony I invited Mr. 
 Jacob to come with me to my tent for re- 
 freshments and he eagerly accepted. My 
 
 14 
 
Hfoumal of "^Jercfjeres 
 
 cook made fritters of flour and suet and with 
 the salted meat I gave him the best I had. 
 After this frugal repast we spent the eve- 
 ning in conversation of indifferent interest 
 to anyone but ourselves. Our talk was inter- 
 rupted some two hours after midnight by 
 my guide, who came to say that we ought 
 to take advantage of the calm weather to 
 cross the bay which extended about nine 
 miles before us. Accordingly, we launched 
 the canoes and continued our journey. 
 
 Leaving Lake Winnipeg in our rear we 
 entered another called Manitoba. The wind 
 having freshened, we had navigated fully 
 three-quarters of the distance across when 
 suddenly the canoe I was in grounded in a 
 shallow and sprang a leak! The water poured 
 in over our feet and what was worse our 
 goods went overboard. Fortunately the 
 other canoes came to our rescue and col- 
 lected all the articles that were floating 
 gaily away. A few days later we reached 
 the Dauphin River and were then only a 
 few miles from the Fort itself. 
 
 This structure is called a fort because it is 
 surrounded with pickets and equipped with 
 bastions, although it has no cannon. It is 
 built of logs and is shaped like the head of a 
 dog. A single clay chimney rises from the 
 center; the openings are hung with undressed 
 
 15 
 
iUar on tfje Betrott 
 
 hides and the outside is covered with slabs of 
 elm bark. So now you see this famous fort. 8 
 
 I at once made over my canoes to the 
 chief clerk of the post and their contents to 
 the factor. A few days after my arrival the 
 Commandant, whose name was McMurray, 
 told me that he had orders from Sir Alex- 
 ander Mackenzie to keep me under his 
 charge for the winter. 
 
 It was about the middle of September. I 
 had here the extreme pleasure of meeting 
 young Nolin, whom I have mentioned above. 
 This young adventurer was employed by the 
 old Northwest Company. Notwithstanding 
 the jealousy existing between the two com- 
 panies he contrived to see us often. 
 
 Since my arrival I had been busy mixing 
 strong liquors which, when thus combined, 
 were called High Wines, a beverage beloved 
 by the savages because of its quick action 
 in reducing them to a state of drunken in- 
 
 8 The first Fort Dauphin was established by the 
 sons of Verendrye on the northwest shore of Lake 
 Manitoba. It was soon destroyed by the Indians, but 
 was rebuilt in 1743 and was probably occupied until 
 the downfall of New France. The Fort Dauphin of 
 Vercheres' time was also called Dauphin Lake House. 
 Subject to several removals, the fort (or its successors) 
 was maintained for almost 100 years. See Ernest 
 Voorhis, Historic Forts and Trading Posts of the French 
 Regime .... (Ottawa, 1930), 58. 
 
 16 
 
Sfournal of ^Xerrijere* 
 
 toxication. It was the "firewater" which 
 proved so disastrous in its effects upon the 
 aborigines of all the tribes. 
 
 On November 15 Mr. McMurray sent me 
 on a trading expedition among the Indians. 
 I was to be located about one hundred and 
 twenty miles away and to have with me an 
 interpreter called Clermont and five men to 
 carry the goods. We left the next morning 
 at four, our destination being Vichiosnose- 
 pinque, the Sauteuse name meaning "Two 
 Rivers." 9 
 
 All that day we tramped, sometimes 
 through dense forests, sometimes over broad 
 plains where fire had once raged, leaving 
 a black, charred waste. We soon looked 
 the same. From time to time as I glanced 
 at my men, in spite of fatigue and aching 
 limbs I could scarcely refrain from shouts 
 
 9 The map drawn to illustrate the exploration of 
 the region west of Lake Superior by S. J. Dawson in 
 1857-58 shows Two Rivers on the Assiniboine about 
 160 miles almost due west of present-day Winnipeg. 
 This would be about the right distance south (and 
 slightly west) of Fort Dauphin to comply with the 
 author's statements concerning his trading destina- 
 tion; the vagueness of these statements, together with 
 editorial unfamiliarity with the local geography, pre- 
 vent anything other than this tentative identification 
 of the scene of Vercheres' initial experiences as a trader 
 in the Far Northwest. 
 
 17 
 
Max on tije Betrott 
 
 of laughter, so grotesquely funny were their 
 dirty begrimed faces. We were like so many 
 negroes. 
 
 Once I missed my dog, a faithful, affec- 
 tionate companion. Going back a few paces 
 I called "Osmar! Osmar!" Instead of the 
 big tawny animal I knew, something black 
 came rushing towards me, leaping over me 
 with such force that I lost my balance and 
 fell to the ground. Before this I could not 
 believe it was my dog, so that was what I got 
 for doubting him. 
 
 About five in the afternoon we entered a 
 magnificent grove of tall pines, standing out 
 a few rods from the main forest. The last 
 rays of the setting sun gilded the tree tops 
 and the blue of the firmament rivalled the 
 Soul of the Virgin in purity. Yet the cold 
 was intense, coming in sudden gusts with 
 the wind that had sprung up from the north. 
 I was in distress. It seemed impossible to 
 proceed another step, but I must either go 
 on or be left behind alone in that dense 
 forest. If we were not there first the rival 
 company would get our trade. I knew not 
 what to do. Still there was only one decision 
 to make, and however much I hesitated I 
 knew I must be left behind. With strict in- 
 junctions, therefore, to leave me a clear 
 blazed trail for the morrow, which they 
 
 18 
 
journal of ^errijere* 
 
 promised faithfully to do, I let my men go 
 on without me. I kept my dog, and a gun 
 and a dagger in case of surprise. As soon as 
 my men were gone I began searching for the 
 best place to camp. I then made a great 
 fire and laid in a supply of dry branches for 
 the night. It was now about nine in the 
 evening and time I should think of prepara- 
 tions for supper. I put a piece of venison 
 before the fire to roast while I had my first 
 sleep, then wrapped in the blanket I had 
 taken the precaution to bring with me I lay 
 down on my pile of branches as gratefully 
 as in the most comfortable bed. In spite of 
 all this, however, I could not sleep. It is 
 my habit to be as wakeful as a sentry, with 
 one ear open for any disturbance, no matter 
 how slight, and at each rustle of the leaves 
 in the frosty air I would reach for my gun. 
 About an hour after midnight my dog, 
 who was sleeping at my feet, raised himself 
 stiffly alert with his eyes fixed on the edge 
 of the woods as though to pierce the dark- 
 ness. He remained in this attitude for a 
 minute or so, then lay down again. Soon he 
 roused the second time, growling hoarsely, 
 and made several circuits of my bed before 
 he came back to lie down. Clearly he sensed 
 the approach of danger. I examined and 
 primed my gun, felt the edge of my dagger 
 
Max on tfje Betrott 
 
 to be sure it would be ready in case of need, 
 and satisfied that both were in order, I began 
 to make a hasty ascent of a great pine tree. 
 My poor dog watched every movement and 
 seemed to understand, for as soon as he saw 
 me hiding as well as I could in the foliage 
 he naturally gave a thought to his own safety 
 and plunged quietly into the thickest part 
 of the wood. I soon heard a heavy crackling 
 tread which came nearer and nearer. I was 
 not afraid but my limbs shook and my 
 teeth chattered. Then by the light of the 
 fire I saw something white approaching lei- 
 surely through the wood and could make 
 out the huge head of some strange animal. 
 It was a polar bear, come to pay me a visit. 
 Without waiting for me to descend from my 
 aerial retreat that I might offer him the 
 hospitality of my frugal supper, he pro- 
 ceeded to help himself and with his great 
 paw drew it from the fire and devoured 
 every morsel in no time, much to my dis- 
 pleasure, needless to say. How I should have 
 liked to send him a leaden messenger asking 
 the reason of his impertinent intrusion! But 
 I saw that this dangerous cannibal had not 
 noticed me in my hiding place and I thought 
 it the better part of valor to let him depart 
 without starting a quarrel. Besides I was 
 not entirely without recompense since, for 
 
 20 
 
Sfoumal of "Wzxtfyzvzg 
 
 some inexplicable reason which I cannot 
 even yet understand, his presence had en- 
 tirely relieved me of that dreadful ache 
 in my legs from which I had been suffer- 
 ing previous to his appearance. The night 
 seemed to me interminably long but like all 
 other nights it came to an end at last and 
 soon the sun, gloriously radiant, mounted 
 step by step above the horizon and shedding 
 its brilliance on all around bathed me, too, 
 with light and called me to leave my im- 
 provised resting place. 
 
 I needed no second warning but descended 
 without more ado and with equal prompti- 
 tude gathered up my belongings, fearful that 
 my nocturnal visitor, now graciously retired 
 somewhere near, might be tempted to an 
 embrace before my departure to reward me 
 for the excellent repast I had provided. He 
 had kindly overlooked the morsel of dried 
 meat that was wrapped in my blanket and 
 he might well conceive the idea of returning 
 to see if I were still so hospitably inclined. 
 I therefore ate a part of this in haste, for I 
 was almost famished, and saved the rest 
 for my evening meal. Without more delay 
 I then set out, followed by my faithful com- 
 panion, Osmar. 
 
 My people had made a clear blazed trail, 
 as they promised, either by chipping the 
 
 21 
 
31©ar on tfje Betrott 
 
 trunks of trees with their hatchets or by- 
 cutting off the ends of branches after the 
 manner of the Indians. My dog, who on 
 seeing Mr. Bruin take leave of me had re- 
 turned to sleep at the foot of the tree where 
 I had so nimbly retired, now followed every 
 step and by his joyous gambols seemed try- 
 ing to divert my mind from the profound 
 solitude in which I now found myself. With- 
 out this experience I could never have con- 
 ceived anything like the oppressive silence 
 of these immense forests. So I walked the 
 whole of that day. Night was falling and I 
 had nothing but the small piece of dried 
 meat I had kept from breakfast. I was faint 
 from fatigue and wholly demoralized. To 
 add to my misery the thought of my father's 
 house haunted me in a manner not calcu- 
 lated to give me the slightest comfort or 
 consolation. Why had I placed myself in 
 such an extremity? I must have been crazy! 
 And now came the torments of a consuming 
 thirst. I had tried to extract moisture from 
 wild rosebuds, but all to no avail, and I 
 suffered the pangs of martyrdom. Sud- 
 denly I was drawn from the pit of my de- 
 spair by the sound of a gun fired at no great 
 distance. It gave me new life. Then just 
 as quickly as I had felt the joy of salvation 
 came the sensation of fear. I was only too 
 
 22 
 
Sfoumal of ^Xerdjere* 
 
 well aware of the war then going on between 
 the cruel tribe of Gros-Ventres and those 
 Indians with whom we traded, and it might 
 easily happen that I was now in the vicinity 
 of a party of these warriors, who would either 
 scalp me on the spot or carry me away cap- 
 tive to their own country and perhaps adopt 
 me, wholly deprived of all the blessings of 
 civilization. Either alternative caused me 
 to forget the pangs of thirst which had 
 seemed so intolerable a moment before. 
 Came a second detonation, this time still 
 nearer, then every fear vanished as almost 
 in the same breath I heard my name called. 
 Shamed as I am to acknowledge it, I was 
 beside myself with joy. I made haste to 
 answer by firing my own gun and within a 
 few minutes I was among my own people. 
 They had foreseen that I might become a 
 prey to hunger and had brought some cooked 
 venison, a feast in itself. 
 
 My first words when they were still some 
 twenty paces distant were to ask if they had 
 seen water near, knowing well they would 
 not bring any along. In this region of lakes, 
 rivers, and streams, big and little, such an 
 idea would never have occurred to them. 
 One of them came forward saying that a 
 spring of pure water was quite near, and I 
 threw myself among them with a cry that 
 
 23 
 
Max on tf)e Betrott 
 
 they take me to it at once. Soon I had the 
 unspeakable bliss of quenching a thirst that 
 had tormented me for hours. I quickly saw 
 that I could not satisfy it at one draught 
 and we camped in that spot where it was 
 possible to eat and drink at will, a more 
 copious and varied entertainment than we 
 had enjoyed for days. 
 
 Next morning we left at dawn for the 
 Indian camp and arrived about ten o'clock. 
 Had I not myself experienced the hospitality 
 and kindness of these savages I would never 
 have believed it. They welcomed me as a 
 friend. The head chief assigned me one of 
 his own tents and loaded me with atten- 
 tions. He was called Wacagobo, "The Mer- 
 ciful One," and his countenance reflected 
 the attributes his name implied. It was the 
 likeness of St. Charles Borromeo. I was 
 obliged to remain with them more than a 
 month because of inflammation in my legs 
 from the long and wearisome tramp, but 
 my men left the next day v/ith the peltries 
 obtained in trade. Before they set out I 
 asked my interpreter, Clermont, to explain 
 to the chief what care I must have during 
 my illness and to assure him of ample recom- 
 pense both for himself and his family when 
 I should be well enough to return to Fort 
 Dauphin. He replied in terms eloquent in 
 
 24 
 
Sfoumal of ^ercfjere* 
 
 their simplicity: "If we take good care of 
 the young Frenchman it will not be for pay. 
 You know that we have always loved the 
 French. Our first father was a Frenchman 
 and we love his children." How I longed to 
 be able to converse in their own language 
 during my sojourn with them. They had 
 set a great number of traps and caught many 
 beaver, apparently without any difficulty, 
 and were ready to trade the skins when my 
 men came back for me. I confess that I was 
 not sorry to say good-bye, kind as they had 
 been, preferring a more civilized life than I 
 had led with these hospitable savages, but 
 their sorrow at the parting touched my 
 heart. It was now the middle of December 
 with three feet of snow on the ground, and 
 we were obliged to make the return trip 
 on snowshoes. In three days we were at 
 the Fort. 
 
 This was my first expedition in the service 
 of the Company. It had been accomplished 
 under difficulties and I was glad to find my- 
 self back in safety. No more sleeping in 
 dug-outs in the snow, as we had done for 
 the last three days, and although my father 
 would not have kept his cattle in as miser- 
 able a structure as the one we lodged in at 
 the fort, I felt quite happy and contented 
 after my late experience. 
 
 ?5 
 
Mat on tfje Betrott 
 
 On New Year's Eve as a diversion I went 
 with Lafleur to set traps on the ice not far 
 from the fort. I wished to discover whether 
 I could meet with the same success that re- 
 warded the efforts of the savages. Early 
 next morning we returned and found we 
 had a fine catch. Several martins, otter, 
 and other animals were in the traps, but 
 our last trap, placed at some distance from 
 the others, was not in its place. It was 
 necessary to learn what had become of it, 
 and we decided to follow the tracks. After 
 we had walked fully three-quarters of an 
 hour we came to a dense clump of saplings 
 at the foot of a tree and here was a big white 
 wolf in the act of gnawing his foot off to 
 regain his liberty. Even as we came up the 
 operation was completed. Another second 
 and he would be off. I had raised the toma- 
 hawk for a blow when he seized the handle 
 in his terrible teeth and snapped it in two. 
 Lafleur, nothing daunted, quickly struck him 
 with a club. He staggered a few steps, fell, and 
 we finished him. All aglow with such deeds of 
 prowess I returned to the fort thinking my- 
 self already a big shot. Then for a whole 
 week I remained indoors, not sorry for the 
 leisure after all the exertions I had made. 
 
 See us now reduced to one meal a day and 
 that of smoked meat, the hunt having en- 
 
 26 
 
journal of ^errijere* 
 
 tirely failed for some weeks owing to the 
 adverse weather. But our fast was not of 
 long duration. 
 
 Towards the end of January, Mr. Mc- 
 Murray returned from a trip among the 
 Indians and reported many wigwams at 
 Duck Mountain 10 filled with peltries. I was 
 told to prepare to spend the remainder of 
 the winter there. Accordingly I set out early 
 in February with five men from our fort, 
 Boisvert, Goulet, Lauzon, Allaire, and Cler- 
 mont, the interpreter. We had with us two 
 large dogs, hitched to a toboggan piled high 
 with our trade goods and liquors, and at mid- 
 night we set out. The weather was intensely 
 cold but dry, the humidity of the winter 
 atmosphere in Lower Canada being un- 
 known here. In three days we reached the 
 Indian camp and found them most impatient 
 for our coming, having expected us daily for 
 some time. The trade having been made 
 and the fall credits pre-arranged, we pre- 
 sented them two barrels of rum of ten gal- 
 lons each. This is the custom after a trade 
 of any consequence, but before delivering it 
 
 10 Duck Mountain is the height of land, rising some 
 600 or 700 feet, lying west of Lake Winnepegosis; it 
 is about 75 miles northwest of Fort Dauphin, which 
 in Vercheres' time was located at the southwest end, 
 or corner, of Lake Dauphin. 
 
 27 
 
Slat on tfje Bettott 
 
 I took the precaution of having all the chiefs 
 meet me in solemn assembly that I might 
 get possession of all the guns, knives, and 
 other weapons they had among them, and 
 thus prevent an indiscriminate carnage when 
 the firewater began to take effect. I had 
 been forewarned about their devilish con- 
 duct under intoxication and the reality did 
 nothing to disabuse my mind. It was loath- 
 some in the extreme. Cries and shrieks were 
 heard on all sides, and men and women alike 
 presented the most disgusting spectacle. The 
 night was a veritable hell, a nameless orgy; 
 even the damned could present nothing more 
 hideously frightful than I was obliged to 
 witness that night. 
 
 The third day after this debauch, when 
 the Indians were beginning to recover from 
 its effects, I sent off two of my men with the 
 peltries we had received from them, keeping 
 with me the three who understood, more or 
 less, the language of these aborigines. Then, 
 through their chiefs, I had the weapons re- 
 turned that we had taken for safe keeping 
 before their disgraceful carnival. We re- 
 mained with them all through February and 
 part of March, when we set out for another 
 village some miles distant to trade the re- 
 mainder of our goods. When this had been 
 accomplished we returned to the first camp. 
 
 28 
 
SJQUtnal of ^ertfjere* 
 
 It was now the middle of March and the 
 weather was exceptionally fine, as though 
 spring were at hand. The Indians had even 
 begun to tap the maple trees preparatory 
 to sugar-making. For the first time we 
 learned to use steeped wild cherry instead 
 of tea and found it a delicious beverage. 
 
 The Masgnegon tribe now came to join 
 the Indians with whom we had been trad- 
 ing. Among these forest people there are 
 always some who practice sorcery and tents 
 are especially reserved for their use. One 
 evening when all the hunters were gathered 
 together in some sort of dance, a rhythmic 
 movement to the raucous beating of the 
 drum and the chichaquoi^ 1 the old chief 
 appeared suddenly in their midst and said 
 in a loud voice: "Young men retire each of 
 you to your own wigwams. I shall spend the 
 night in my juggling tent that tomorrow at 
 sunrise I may tell you what is happening all 
 around us." He addressed them in the na- 
 tive tongue, and precisely at midnight he 
 
 11 The chickaquoi (variously spelled) was a rattle 
 constructed from a deer hoof or other suitable material. 
 The Chippewa word for rattlesnake was shishikwe, 
 which may suggest the derivation of the name, al- 
 though the implement was not confined to any single 
 tribe. For one rather dramatic illustration of its use 
 in Indiana in 1790 see Henry Hay's narrative, in Wis. 
 Hist. Soc. Proceedings for 19 14, 248. 
 
 2o 
 
Max on tfje Betroit 
 
 entered his tent. For some minutes there 
 was a profound silence, after which his voice 
 could be heard in a plaintive chant which 
 suddenly changed to a low murmur of words. 
 Then the most frightful shrieks were heard, 
 continuing for at least two hours. The hide- 
 ous ceremony continued until sunrise, when 
 he ordered all the hunters to assemble and 
 thus addressed them: "My braves, prepare 
 for war! A terrible struggle will commence 
 this very night. The enemy awaits only the 
 shades of darkness to surprise and destroy 
 you. The White Crow came to me last 
 night in warning, a sure sign of approaching 
 trouble." 12 
 
 My interpreter translated the message for 
 me and I could not repress a smile. This 
 displeased them exceedingly, and one of 
 them came up to me and asked: "Does the 
 young Frenchman despise the coming of the 
 White Crow? He does not understand nor 
 realize that this is our leader in misfortunes. " 
 Again my interpreter translated for me. He 
 with my other two men, all somewhat super- 
 stitious and inclined to give credence to the 
 
 12 Readers of the Lakeside Classics volumes will 
 wish to compare this recital by Vercheres with Alex- 
 ander Henry's interesting report upon the arts of the 
 medicine man; see especially chaps. 14 and 11 of his 
 
 Travels and Adventures. 
 
 3° 
 
SToumal of IcXerrijere* 
 
 predictions of the great chief, then began to 
 urge me to return to Fort Dauphin, taking 
 with me the two dogs. At the same time 
 they cautioned me not to go by the lake 
 because of the recent rapid thaw. Accord- 
 ingly I left early that same morning, with 
 the two dogs harnessed to the sled and a 
 dozen beaver skins packed on it. Descend- 
 ing the mountain, about five o'clock in the 
 evening I reached the shore of Lake Dau- 
 phin, where I found an Indian wigwam and 
 an aged couple of the Sonnant tribe. The 
 old man tried to persuade me to go no 
 farther if I valued my life, but I did not at 
 the time understand what he was trying to 
 tell me. Later, at the fort, it was all ex- 
 plained and I saw what a risk I had taken. 
 The next morning, therefore, I set out, the 
 old couple watching my departure with the 
 most mournful expression. I proceeded in 
 safety until about three in the afternoon, 
 now over half-melted ice, now through beds 
 of rushes seven or eight feet high, my dogs 
 always close at my heels. What was my 
 surprise, then, on emerging from such a 
 thicket to find myself facing a swift current 
 from the mountain filled with cakes of float- 
 ing ice. It was more than three hundred 
 feet across and for a moment I was terror- 
 stricken at the sight, realizing what it meant 
 
 3 1 
 
Max on tfje Betrott 
 
 for me. At whatever risk I must make the 
 plunge, so I fastened the pack on my back 
 and with the aid of my poor dogs succeeded 
 in reaching mid-current. But now I was 
 beyond my depth and gave myself up for 
 lost, the more so as just then an enormous 
 cake of ice came rushing down from above 
 with the sole aim, as it seemed to me, of 
 crushing me to the bottom of the river. 
 But no! All it wanted was to relieve me of 
 my pack, and with renewed courage and re- 
 doubled effort and care I reached the farther 
 bank, all but exhausted, needless to say. 
 Here, I stripped off my clothes and wrung 
 them piece by piece, as much to lessen their 
 weight as to make them more pliable and 
 free from ice. Despite all this, I had not 
 forgotten my pack of beaver skins and I at 
 once hastened to the rescue of this precious 
 freight, the property of my employer. Thanks 
 to the instinct of my dogs I found it a little 
 farther down the bank from where I had 
 myself escaped the fury of ice and current. 
 I fastened it in a tree which was of such 
 unusual shape as to be easily recognized by 
 a searching party from Fort Dauphin. 
 
 Starting out again, I soon came to an 
 immense plain extending on this side, di- 
 rectly up to the lake shore. Here there was 
 a deep bay and I venture to say without 
 
 3 2 
 
journal of ^Terrfjere* 
 
 any exaggeration, many thousands of birds, 
 swans, bustards, cranes, wild geese and ducks, 
 all within easy gunshot, but, alas! I had 
 no such desirable weapon. I was in despair, 
 but what could I do ? For fully ten minutes 
 I watched them sporting at their bath in the 
 water, then, approaching near enough to 
 attract their attention, discordant cries 
 rent the air on every side and a great flock 
 took to the air with a deafening roar of 
 wings. It was like a big black cloud passing 
 over the disk of the sun and obscuring its 
 light for at least five minutes. Never had 
 I witnessed such a sight. Later, of course, 
 on other excursions, the scene recurred again 
 and again. Arrived at the place where I was 
 to pass the night, I hastily prepared a good 
 fire and warmed myself, for I was still chilly 
 from my icy bath of the morning. I had no 
 kind of covering at my disposal to make a 
 bed, so I remained near the fire all night, 
 seated between my two dogs whose warmth 
 of fleece I envied. When by chance sleep 
 got the better of me, my dreams were any- 
 thing but pleasant. Early in the morning I 
 resumed my journey and reached Fort Dau- 
 phin at three o'clock in the afternoon, ex- 
 ceedingly tired and almost famished, clear 
 water having been my only sustenance since 
 I left the Indians. 
 
 33 
 
Max on tfje Betroit 
 
 Mr. McMurray was not expecting me 
 until May and was much surprised when he 
 saw me, but having listened to my story and 
 heard the reasons for my hasty return he 
 expressed approval and immediately dis- 
 patched four trusty fellows in search of my 
 interpreter and his two companions, and a 
 fifth to bring in the pack of beaver skins I 
 had left in the tree after my momentous 
 crossing of the small river, as I have already 
 related. These men had a perilous journey 
 because of the condition of the trails and 
 they reached the mountain only to find the 
 camp deserted. A few tent poles were all 
 that was left lying about. 
 
 To return to the events that followed 
 the sorcery of the chief and my precipi- 
 tate departure; that very night the Gros 
 Ventres pounced upon them, with about 
 equal slaughter on both sides. The men 
 whom I had left went with the old people 
 and the women to a distant camp of the 
 Sonnants and returned to Fort Dauphin 
 eight or ten days after my return; those 
 sent by Mr. McMurray came back later 
 without having met them. It was the in- 
 terpreter who told me what had happened 
 after I left. 
 
 My sufferings on this last expedition 
 brought on a high fever and the inflamma- 
 
 34 
 
journal of Uercfjere* 
 
 tion in my legs was worse than ever. For 
 fifteen days I was unable to move and I had 
 nothing to eat but some dried cherries, an 
 excellent hygienic regimen in its way but 
 not exactly nourishing. As May progressed 
 I was feeling better, and taking my gun I 
 went out a short distance from the fort in 
 quest of game. As good luck would have 
 it, I killed a pheasant, a bird resembling a 
 partridge, and brought it in to my com- 
 panions, happy in the thought of giving them 
 some fresh meat, for they were nearly as 
 weak as I was myself. That no part of the 
 bird might be wasted, it was plucked and 
 put in the pot whole with some asquibois 
 roots. It made a fine broth dark green in 
 color and deliciously bitter. There were 
 fifteen of us to share the feast and it is 
 enough to say that all fared liberally and 
 that our hunger was appeased by this plente- 
 ous repast ! 
 
 A few days after this I told Mr. McMur- 
 ray that since I was so helpless I had de- 
 cided to return to Lower Canada. It would 
 be better for the Company than to hold a 
 young man to his engagement who was only 
 an expense, not to say a positive detriment. 
 Seeing how ill I really was the good man 
 gave me every assistance in my preparation 
 for the journey home and was so thoughtful 
 
 35 
 
Mat on tfje Detroit 
 
 as to give me the following statement to 
 hand to my father: 
 
 Fort Dauphin, May 24, 1804 
 Sir 
 
 Not having the honor of your acquaint- 
 ance I take the liberty, by the bearer, Mr. 
 Thomas de Boucherville, your son, of ad- 
 dressing to you a few words exempting him 
 from any blame whatever. I assure you 
 that he is leaving us solely on account of the 
 trouble in his legs, from which he suffers 
 continually when obliged to walk long dis- 
 tances, and not because of any improper 
 conduct or injudicious deportment for or 
 against the interests of the Company. Par- 
 don me, Sir, for the liberty I take in thus 
 intruding upon your notice but courtesy to 
 your son impels me to do him justice. 
 I remain, Sir, with respect, 
 
 Your servant, 
 Thomas McMurray 13 
 To Mr. Rene A. De Boucherville. 
 
 13 Thomas McMurray, the author's benefactor, was 
 born at Montreal about the years 1778-79. He entered 
 upon the fur trade in early manhood and eventually 
 (18 16) became a partner in the North West Company. 
 He continued his activities after the union of the North 
 West and Hudson's Bay companies, finally retiring 
 in 1843. 
 
 In 1771 Tobias Isenhart, a Detroit trader, was 
 murdered by his clerk, Michael Due, and the corpse 
 
 36 
 
journal of ^errfjeretf 
 
 Without such a statement I would never 
 have dared to show myself before my worthy 
 parent, who never allowed anything to inter- 
 fere with what he called duty. But strangely 
 enough now that I was fortified with the 
 permit to return, and held in my hands the 
 certificate which testified to the true reason 
 for my going, and made it wholly justifiable, 
 all at once I was beset by a thousand con- 
 flicting emotions. 
 
 What would people say when they saw 
 me returning so soon? I was a coward, 
 surely, and could not bring myself to do my 
 duty. Danger and privation frightened me 
 and I could no longer face such terror. True, 
 I had the certificate testifying to the cause 
 of my withdrawal from the service of the 
 company, but might not this limb trouble 
 be only a pretext in spite of everything? 
 Very well, I would go on. The torture of 
 these long tramps, both while on the march 
 and afterwards, I would bear it all. For 
 
 was buried under the floor of its defunct owner's 
 house. Suspicion centered on Due, who was eventu- 
 ally tried and hanged at Montreal for his crime. It 
 seems probable that Thomas McMurray was the son 
 of Thomas McMurray, Sr. and the widow of Isen- 
 hart, whom he married in 1772. See Burton Hist. 
 Coll. Leaflets, IV, 39, and W. Stewart Wallace, Docu- 
 ments Relating to the North West Company (Toronto, 
 1934), 483- 
 
 37 
 
Mat on tfje Betrott 
 
 whose word but my own was accountable? 
 Had I a trifle more determination, more 
 strength of will, the pains would disappear 
 perhaps? I ought not to give up. My repu- 
 tation would suffer enormously by any false 
 step. Long nights through I was a prey to 
 these delirious fancies. 
 
 At length, however, I realized the source 
 of my trouble and what it was that had in- 
 duced me to ask for my release. There was 
 indeed the passionate longing to embrace 
 my father and mother and to see all the 
 family again, but more than anything else 
 I felt I must find some occupation less trying 
 to my health. All these carried the day, and 
 I held firmly to my first resolve. 
 
 The month of May was drawing to a close 
 before I began my preparation to leave Fort 
 Dauphin. Mr. McMurray gave me six good 
 men whose time with the Company had 
 expired and who were desirous of going to 
 the Grand Portage to meet those who had 
 wintered at the other posts. A supply of 
 provisions had just come in, so he had us 
 store away a bag of pemmican and a cake 
 of lard. We had also a net to set for fishing, 
 to supplement by this means, if possible, our 
 small supply of food, which must last us until 
 we reached the shallows of the Winnipeg 
 River. It was still May when we left the fort, 
 
 38 
 
journal of ^Xercfjereg 
 
 and with infinite sorrow I said Good-bye to 
 my good friend, Mr. McMurray. 
 
 We were all voluntary companions for 
 this voyage, no one having any more author- 
 ity than another. All in the canoe were on 
 the same footing and I did my share of the 
 work the same as the others. The fourth 
 day we reached Lake Winnipeg with our 
 provisions already exhausted, having been 
 unsuccessful so far in fishing. In fact, hun- 
 ger had been our inseparable companion. 
 One evening, as we camped on an island, 
 we stretched the net and had a fairly good 
 haul. That was a feast, indeed. Much en- 
 couraged, we set out again the next morn- 
 ing. In the course of the day, what was our 
 joy, famished creatures as we were, to see 
 a column of smoke rising in the air at a little 
 distance and to hasten our course we pulled 
 harder than ever at the oars. As we drew 
 near to an island two men, attracted by our 
 singing, came to meet us on the shore, and 
 stepping from the boat I noticed a canvas 
 tent on the outskirts of the wood, which 
 I immediately recognized as belonging to 
 the North West Company. I was impa- 
 tient to know the occupant — De Roche- 
 blave, 14 someone told me. I then went for- 
 
 14 Pierre Rastel, Sieur de Rocheblave, partner and 
 long prominent in the affairs of the North West Com- 
 
 39 
 
Max on tfje Detroit 
 
 ward to greet him and as soon as he learned 
 who I was he received me most kindly for 
 he was well acquainted with my father. He 
 begged me to remain with him for the day 
 but this was impossible because of my com- 
 panions. I told him, however, how we had 
 suffered for want of provisions and he made 
 us a present of a bag of pemmican and some 
 grease to prepare it. We left this gentle- 
 man's camp in the afternoon and on the 
 third day were at the shallows of the river. 
 Here I transferred my canoe to the care 
 of the Commandant and re-embarked in one 
 of the big canoes called rabasca, which 
 come from the more distant posts and are 
 on their way to the Grand Portage. As it 
 was not loaded, we made good time and 
 reached the Portage with neither discom- 
 fort nor fatigue, the two great drawbacks 
 to life in the Upper Country, as it is called. 
 
 pany. He was a son of Philippe Francois Rastel, 
 Sieur de Rocheblave, commandant in the Illinois coun- 
 try at the time of George Rogers Clark's invasion of it. 
 Clark sent him a prisoner to Williamsburg, Va., whence 
 he eventually escaped by evading his parole. See 
 The Conquest of the Illinois, the Lakeside Classics volume 
 for 1920, passim. Pierre Rocheblave gradually with- 
 drew from fur trade activities, beginning in 18 16, and 
 resided at Montreal, where he held important political 
 offices and was a prominent citizen generally until 
 his death in 1840. 
 
 40 
 
journal of ^erdjereg 
 
 It was now the end of June and we spent 
 some days resting and wandering about, 
 waiting for the Company's schooner, Perse- 
 verance, which makes the passage of Lake 
 Superior. Our orders were to go aboard as 
 soon as she weighed anchor. Several clerks 
 who were returning to Canada embarked 
 with us, besides a member of the North 
 West Company named Thain 15 with twelve 
 of his voyageurs. His canoe was also put on 
 board. July had arrived before the anchor 
 was raised and after a twelve days' voyage, 
 at times in the face of contrary winds though 
 with none of the hurricanes often prevalent 
 at that season, the vessel arrived at Sault 
 Ste. Marie. 
 
 Mr. Thain asked me if I would like to 
 accompany him to Mackinac, or did I wish 
 to go direct to Montreal. Thinking I might 
 never have another opportunity to see this 
 
 15 Thomas Thain was a native of Scotland and a 
 nephew of John Richardson, who was long prominent 
 in the Montreal fur trade. How long Thain had been 
 in America prior to the author's contact with him is 
 unknown. He was long active in the conduct of the 
 Northwest fur trade, both in the interior and at Mont- 
 real. Business reverses and ill health eventually 
 assailed him; he returned to Scotland, where he died 
 in 1838, and where for a time he was an inmate of an 
 asylum for the insane. See Wallace, Docs. Relating 
 to the North West Company, 501-502. 
 
 41 
 
WLav on tfje Betrott 
 
 noted post, I accepted the invitation with 
 pleasure. 
 
 The post of Mackinac is strongly built; 
 there are also several fine dwelling houses, 
 and some storehouses belonging to the Com- 
 pany of the South. An American fortress 
 commands the approach. I was acquainted 
 with several families living here and was 
 rejoiced to hear that my brother, Pierre de 
 Boucherville, had come in on his way to the 
 Illinois country. I went at once to see him 
 and his surprise was not less than my own 
 that we should find each other in this far- 
 away land, so difficult to reach. 
 
 The third day of our stay here Mr. Thain 
 notified me to be in readiness to leave in his 
 canoe. It was near the end of August, 1804, 
 and we traveled so rapidly that in less than 
 twelve days after leaving Mackinac we set 
 foot in Montreal, 16 not without a feeling, for 
 
 16 This was, undoubtedly, rapid traveling. The great 
 Simon McTavish, however, set a record of y^4 days for 
 the journey from Fort St. Joseph to Montreal. Lieu- 
 tenant George Landmann, a young British army officer 
 of sporting proclivities, determined to lower this record. 
 He bought a light canoe, 25 feet in length, and engaged 
 a famous guide and nine other picked voyageurs. 
 Providence provided a favoring wind on Lake Huron, 
 and Landmann established the all-time canoe record 
 from St. Joseph to Montreal of j]4 days. Considered 
 purely as a sporting event, with no gallery to cheer him 
 
 42 
 
SFournal of ^Xercfjereat 
 
 me, at least, of joyous gladness. I went the 
 next day to the new North West Company, 
 on whom I was dependent for my regular 
 discharge, and found there was no objection. 
 Mr. Thain gave me some money to buy 
 clothes that I might present a good appear- 
 ance before my family in Boucherville. 
 
 In passing through the old market I 
 bought from an old woman a little pie that 
 looked especially tempting. This I hid as 
 well as I could in my coat, intending it for 
 a treat at a more convenient moment, not 
 having even seen a bit of pastry for so many 
 months. What was my surprise and disgust 
 on breaking it open to find the contents so 
 utterly different from what I had expected. 
 I may not be credited when I say that my 
 pie was made of a barnyard rat! The feast 
 I had anticipated turned to sickening loath- 
 ing and my appetite was entirely appeased! 
 
 As I went on I saw a merchant standing 
 in the door of his shop and I asked him to 
 direct me to the new market. "Young man," 
 he said, "have you not just come in from 
 the Northwest?" In all innocence I replied 
 "You can see that easily enough by my 
 clothes!" He then began to whisper in my 
 
 on, this exploit was superb. To adjust it to our author's 
 journey, one may allow the latter perhaps a day to 
 cover the distance from Mackinac to St. Joseph. 
 
 43 
 
ffllar on tfje ©etrott 
 
 ear the most alluring inducements and so 
 well did he succeed that I entered his shop 
 and spent all my money. I bought a pair of 
 olive-colored corduroy trousers, a red jacket, 
 and a waistcoat of the same material as my 
 trousers. I was penniless. 
 
 Thus gaily appareled, I took passage that 
 afternoon for Boucherville, my native village 
 and the scene of my youthful follies. My 
 mother welcomed me with great joy but my 
 father was very grave. I did not know what 
 to make of it, when suddenly an idea seized 
 me, and I quickly took out my pocketbook 
 and handed him Mr. McMurray's letter. 
 This precious document had a marvellous 
 effect and I was now received by the head 
 of the family with all his customary kind- 
 ness. 
 
 Though comfortably settled now at home 
 and enjoying all the delights of family inter- 
 course, I became more and more distraught 
 and anxious. My mother was quick to notice 
 this change in me and one day she took me 
 aside and begged me to tell her the trouble. 
 I said everything I could to relieve her mind 
 but at length was obliged to admit that I was 
 apprehensive about the future; that here I 
 was doing nothing; that I wanted to go into 
 business but knew not to whom to apply, for 
 I had no acquaintances in trade, and lastly 
 
 44 
 
journal of ^ercfjereg 
 
 that I dare not ask my dear father to interest 
 himself in my behalf, seeing how much trou- 
 ble I had given him by my foolish pranks 
 even before my departure for the Upper 
 Country. Always tenderly sympathetic, my 
 mother promised to intercede for me with 
 my father. The change in me was so marked 
 that my father could not but notice it, yet 
 it was a long time before he would consider 
 my case and my mother used every possible 
 entreaty before she could persuade him to 
 do anything for me. She succeeded, how- 
 ever, and came to me with the good news. 
 In some magical manner I seemed reborn, 
 and a new sun appeared above my horizon. 
 By a happy coincidence, a gentleman of 
 French origin, who had come to Canada a 
 few years earlier with a group of royalist 
 friends, among whom was the Count de 
 Puisaye, 17 conceived the idea of settling here. 
 
 17 The Count de Puisaye, born in 1755, was a promi- 
 nent upholder of the royalist cause in the French Revo- 
 lution and leader of the ill-fated Quiberon expedition of 
 1795. Along with other royalists he found asylum in 
 England, where in 1798 he undertook to establish for 
 himself and a large number of associates a new and 
 final home in Canada. His efforts led to the establish- 
 ment of the French Royalist colony of Windham about 
 twenty miles north of Toronto in 1799. For a number 
 of reasons, including internal dissensions, the enterprise 
 proved a failure, and in 1802 Puisaye went back to 
 
 45 
 
5Uar on tfje Betroit 
 
 He was paying a visit to my brother-in-law, 
 Lieutenant Colonel de Lery, 18 with whom 
 he had important business relations, and he 
 was also slightly acquainted with my father. 
 His name was Quetton de St. George and he 
 lived in the little town of York, now known 
 as Toronto. One day when he was dining 
 at our house the conversation incidentally 
 touched on trade and he remarked that he 
 was about to lose a valuable clerk, who was 
 leaving him as soon as he returned to York, 
 and he was looking for a young Canadian 
 
 England, where he died in 1827. During the life of his 
 American enterprise he lived on the Canadian side of 
 Niagara River about three miles above Queenston, 
 where he built a home in 1799. See Wallace, Dictionary 
 of Canadian Biography ^ and references therein cited. 
 
 18 Colonel de Lery, brother-in-law of the author, be- 
 longed to one of the most distinguished military 
 families of Canada. His grandfather was a military 
 engineer, pupil of Vauban, who was employed in fortify- 
 ing Quebec and Montreal. His father, also a military 
 engineer, was at Detroit in 1749, where he drew the 
 best known early-day map of the city, and at Fort 
 Duquesne in 1754, where he penned perhaps the best 
 contemporary account of the humiliating surrender of 
 George Washington and his Virginia army to the con- 
 quering French-Indian force. Colonel de Lery served 
 many years in the French army in Europe, but in 1794 
 returned to Canada, where he spent the remainder of his 
 life. He married Charlotte Boucher de Boucherville, 
 sister of Vercheres, May 20, 1799. See Wallace, Diet. 
 Can. Biography and references therein cited. 
 
 46 
 
journal of ^Xerdjere* 
 
 to replace him; the clerk's name was Vi- 
 gneau and his home was also in Boucherville. 
 
 My mother, whose foresight nothing es- 
 caped, seized the ball on the rebound and 
 promptly asked Mr. St. George if he would 
 not like to employ me. He turned to me 
 and asked if hardship had any fears for me? 
 I replied with some spirit that I feared 
 neither poverty nor hard work, and that I 
 knew something of both, having lived at 
 close quarters with them in the Northwest. 
 The arrangements were concluded ere we 
 rose from the table and I was given three 
 days in which to prepare for my journey. 
 
 Again I left the paternal roof, this time in 
 October, 1804. Mr. St. George sent me on 
 to Lachine with a letter to his agent, Mr. 
 Grant, saying that he wished the boats to 
 be ready the next morning. He himself 
 arrived early and by eleven o'clock we were 
 off, with our boats well loaded. The voyage 
 was uneventful as far as Kingston, formerly 
 known as Frontenac or Cataraqui. This is 
 a fine place, well suited for a harbor. Here 
 Mr. St. George took me to see a friend, who 
 was also a French emigre, named de Boiton. 
 Mr. St. George told me, too, of a Mr. Fore- 
 tier who lived here and whom I wished to 
 see, for he had served with my brother-in- 
 law, Mr. de Lery, and my brother, in the 
 
 47 
 
IBar on tfje Betrott 
 
 Royal Canadians. Mr. St. George accompa- 
 nied me and we were heartily welcomed by 
 this gentleman, who had sons living at De- 
 troit. 
 
 The day following our departure from 
 Kingston the wind blew so violently that I 
 thought the boat would capsize any minute; 
 with short, high waves, now up, now down, 
 producing motions which were exceedingly 
 distressing. But the voyage was short, for 
 the powerful gale was in our favor. Having 
 anchored in the bay at York, we landed 
 without delay and were soon at the house 
 which was to be my home. 
 
 I soon became acquainted with my fellow- 
 clerks in the store; John Dettor, bookkeeper, 
 John McDonald, senior clerk, and Edward 
 Vigneau, whose place I was taking. They 
 were all very kind to me while I remained 
 with them. It was the rule of the house that 
 the young clerks should perform the severest 
 tasks in the shop, and for a year I had my 
 full share of them. Details are superfluous, 
 but I would like to say here that any young 
 man who would faithfully do his duty must 
 never hesitate at any task assigned him pro- 
 vided it conforms to his conscience. 
 
 In the fall, after the new goods were dis- 
 posed of, I spent some days with the Count 
 de Chalus and his brother, the Viscount. 
 
 4 8 
 
journal of ^Tercfjere^ 
 
 They were also French emigres, friends of 
 Mr. St. George, who lived twelve or fifteen 
 miles from York. 
 
 The winter passed without any unusual 
 event and I had every reason to think that 
 my employer was satisfied with me. In 
 July, 1805, a man who owed Mr. St. George 
 a large sum of money left the country. He 
 asked me if I felt capable of pursuing him, 
 adding that by going by way of Niagara 
 and Fort Erie I might possibly overtake 
 him at Buffalo, on American soil. I replied 
 in the affirmative, the more readily as the 
 rascal had only two days the start of me. I 
 was provided with a warrant for his arrest 
 in case I should be lucky enough to catch 
 him, and I set off with a friend, Mr. Cam- 
 eron, in a small Indian canoe supplied us 
 by some Mississaugas. It was about four 
 in the afternoon and very calm when we 
 started in our frail craft to cross for Niagara, 
 thirty miles distant. We had a compass to 
 guide us and a lantern with a candle to give 
 the light necessary to watch the needle so 
 that we might not deviate from a direct 
 course. I chose the night time for the dan- 
 gerous crossing because in summer nights 
 scarcely a breath of wind ruffles the surface 
 of the water. About midnight something 
 high loomed up before our canoe. T asked 
 
 49 
 
Max on tfje Betrott 
 
 Mr. Cameron what he supposed it was. He 
 said it seemed to him to be the masts of a 
 vessel that was becalmed and waiting for 
 a favorable breeze. We approached quietly 
 and when near enough I hailed the ship. 
 The watchman answered, "Toronto" Cap- 
 tain Hall was in command and he kindly 
 asked us aboard, where we soon found our- 
 selves, but he could not conceal his surprise, 
 nor could he refrain from something of a 
 lecture at our temerity, foolhardiness was 
 more like it, in venturing such a distance 
 out on the lake in a little bark canoe. If a 
 wind should spring up we were sure to go 
 to the bottom and nevermore be counted 
 among the living. He treated us to a glass 
 of excellent wine, and we continued on our 
 journey to Niagara, which was still fifteen 
 or eighteen miles distant, according to Cap- 
 tain HalPs reckoning. At sunrise we could 
 see the outline of the high coast, but still 
 so far away that it seemed to recede before 
 us as we approached it. 
 
 At Niagara Mr. Farcy took me to see 
 Count de Puisaye, who fitted me out with 
 a good strong horse. Without waiting to 
 eat breakfast I started for Chippewa and 
 while resting here a few minutes I had the 
 good fortune to learn that my quarry had 
 passed through that same morning on his 
 
 5° 
 
Sfonxnal of ^Tercijere^ 
 
 way to Fort Erie. I remounted my horse 
 and set off at a more rapid pace than before 
 so as to reach Fort Erie as soon as possible. 
 After a long and exhausting ride, at nine in 
 the evening I pulled up at an inn where, 
 to my unbounded relief, I found my man 
 seated tranquilly at supper. The hotel was 
 called the Front. 
 
 Immediately, in the presence of two wit- 
 nesses I read the warrant and had the ab- 
 sconder arrested in the name of His Majesty. 
 He passed the night under guard of my two 
 men and the next day was conducted to the 
 prison at Niagara, and from here to the one 
 at Toronto. 
 
 Having completed this difficult and ardu- 
 ous task, I left Fort Erie for the establish- 
 ment of Count de Puisaye and from there 
 to Niagara, where Mr. Cameron awaited 
 my return with an anxiety easily imagined, 
 especially as the Toronto was on the eve of 
 sailing for York. This time we shipped our 
 canoe and took passage ourselves with feel- 
 ings of the utmost relief and satisfaction. I 
 cannot but admit that such were my senti- 
 ments when I again met Mr. St. George. 
 The success that had crowned my efforts 
 and the news of the arrest of the defaulter 
 gave him keen enjoyment. From now on he 
 treated me with absolute confidence. 
 
 5 1 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF 
 ILLINOIS LIBRARY 
 
<Uar on tije Detroit 
 
 In the month of September I had the ill luck 
 to fall sick with ague. Every day, about two 
 in the afternoon, I was seized with a head- 
 ache and severe pains between my shoulders, 
 followed by a chill that shook the bed on 
 which I lay, despite the abundant and heavy 
 covering. This lasted about two hours without 
 cessation, followed by a burning fever which 
 threw me into a dripping perspiration. For 
 three long months I was the victim of these 
 wearing effects of the disease, then little by 
 little the attacks became less violent and 
 frequent, until at last they ceased altogether 
 and I was able to resume my duties at the 
 store. That region is known to be a hotbed 
 of malaria, and very few people who remain 
 there any length of time escape its ravages. 
 
 As the winter progressed I was given 
 charge of the trade in peltries with the Mis- 
 sissauga Indians and I grew daily in the 
 favor of my employer. Our business in- 
 creased also, and every evening found us 
 busy with invoices and accounts. Our trade 
 included shipments to England, the United 
 States, and Montreal, and when spring came 
 and the inventories had been completed 
 they showed a profit to Mr. St. George of 
 almost eighty thousand dollars. 
 
 The daily routine with the inhabitants of 
 the place kept us on our feet from five in 
 
 5 2 
 
journal of ^Jercfjere* 
 
 the morning until ten or eleven at night. In 
 the spring Mr. St. George went to New York 
 to buy goods for the summer trade, and was 
 gone almost two months. One morning 
 while he was still absent I had just opened 
 up the store when I saw a feeble old man 
 and woman passing whom Mr. McDonald, 
 the chief clerk, told me were fortune tellers. 
 Despite the early hour both of them were 
 rather drunk. To have a little amusement 
 before beginning the toil of the day I asked 
 them in, speaking poor English, for I had 
 not yet had time to master the language. 
 They told me that I was about to go on a 
 journey, and many other things, but on the 
 whole my horoscope was not bad. 
 
 On his return from New York Mr. St. 
 George told me of a plan he had in mind of 
 sending me to Amherstburg to open a branch 
 store. He had an idea that we would do a 
 good business there, considering the class 
 of people in the neighborhood and the style 
 in which they lived. I was not very anxious 
 to go, for I was much attached to this gentle- 
 man and did not like the thought of leaving 
 him. But he seemed so fixed in his resolve 
 that I accepted his offer and having se- 
 lected a stock of merchandise to the value 
 of £2500 sterling, I took my departure for 
 Amherstburg. 
 
 53 
 
©Mar cm tfje Betrott 
 
 I went to Niagara, and from there to 
 Queenston, where I arranged with a local 
 merchant for the transport of my goods to 
 Fort Erie. Here I remained twelve days at 
 the Front Hotel, awaiting the arrival of a 
 vessel bound for Detroit. At last one ap- 
 peared, flying the American flag and com- 
 manded by Captain Lee. 19 The ship was 
 loaded with furs belonging to the North 
 West Company, which were being forwarded 
 by Angus Mcintosh, 20 one of the Com- 
 
 19 This was William Lee, one of the earliest American 
 vessel owners and navigators on Lake Erie. The British 
 had sailing vessels on the Upper Lakes for a generation 
 before the advent of American enterprise in this field. 
 Lee (who may have been an Englishman) was a lake 
 captain at least from 1 795 to 1 8 1 2. Among the vessels he 
 commanded (and some of which he built) were the Erie 
 Packet, the Good Intent, the Contractor, and the Friend's 
 Good Will. The Good Intent, a thirty-ton sloop, built 
 by Captain Lee in 1799, was probably the vessel on 
 which Vercheres sailed. She was lost with all on board off 
 Point Abino near the eastern end of Lake Erie in 18 16. 
 
 20 Angus Mcintosh was born in Inverness, Scotland, 
 in 1762. His father was head of the Mcintosh Clan, and 
 both parents had actively supported the cause of Prince 
 Charles Edward Stuart in his efforts to recover the 
 throne of his ancestors. The rebellion failed and the 
 family estate of Mcintosh was forfeited. Angus came 
 to Canada and Detroit as a young man and for nearly 
 half a century was a merchant and prominent resident 
 of this community. Following the American occupation 
 in 1796 he established his home and business on the 
 
 54 
 
SFournal of ^Jercfjere* 
 
 pany's agents, and the Captain had orders 
 to return to Detroit as soon as his vessel 
 could load. This exactly suited me, and 
 I lost no time in getting my goods on board. 
 The ship was a well-built schooner, with 
 ample canvas, making her an unusually fast 
 sailer, so that on the third day after leaving 
 Fort Erie we came in sight of Amherstburg, 
 where our vessel soon cast anchor. The 
 Captain landed immediately for clearance 
 with the customs and a moment after a long- 
 boat with several people aboard put off 
 from the shore and came alongside. What 
 was my surprise to recognize among them 
 an old college friend, Mr. Maisonville, 21 
 
 Canadian side of the river, opposite the lower end of 
 Belle Isle, in eastern present-day Windsor. In 1783 he 
 married a member of the ancient Navarre family of 
 Detroit. In 1827, now about seventy years of age, he 
 returned to Scotland to enter into belated possession of 
 his ancestral estate and dignity. The family is still 
 prominent in Scotland and elsewhere. 
 
 21 The Maisonville family has been associated with 
 the Detroit River area since the time of Cadillac. One 
 of the prisoners upon whom George Rogers Clark in- 
 flicted war-time atrocities at Vincennes in 1779 was 
 a Maisonville. The individual who was the friend of 
 Vercheres was one of the several sons of Alexis Loranger 
 dit Maisonville, who came to Detroit River about 1770 
 and in 1773 married, as his second wife, Margaret 
 Joncaire de Chabert. Alexis Maisonville lived at Petite 
 Cote, below Sandwich. He was buried at Sandwich, 
 Sept. 16, 1 8 14. 
 
 55 
 
Max on tlje Detroit 
 
 whose father and mine were also friends. 
 I was also introduced to a young man named 
 Frederic Rolette, 22 who was a clerk for Mr. 
 Robert Reynolds. 23 
 
 22 Charles Frederic Rolette, whose exploit (pres- 
 ently to be described) of capturing the American 
 packet Cuyahoga constituted the initial hostile act 
 of the War of 1812, was born at Quebec in 1783. 
 He was already a veteran seaman, having entered 
 the Royal Navy at an early age and served under 
 Lord Nelson in the battles of the Nile and Trafal- 
 gar. He served actively throughout the War of 
 1 812 on the western front. He commanded one of 
 Barclay's ships in the Battle of Lake Erie, was 
 wounded at Frenchtown, and taken prisoner in the 
 Battle of the Thames. He died at Quebec, March 
 17,1831. 
 
 23 Robert Reynolds was born at Detroit in 1781, his 
 father being Thomas Reynolds, barrack-master for 
 many years at Detroit and (subsequently) Amherst- 
 burg. Robert, who was still a young man when 
 Vercheres came to Amherstburg, had recently married 
 (Nov. 16, 1803) Therese Bouchette Desrivieres, widow 
 of Thomas Hypolite Desrivieres, a young army officer 
 who had been killed in a duel in 1801. He was a stepson 
 of James McGill, the great Montreal merchant (founder 
 of McGill University), and besides his widow he left a 
 child (James McGill Desrivieres), who of course became 
 the stepson of Reynolds. Robert Reynolds built 
 (possibly with money received from the McGill estate) 
 an imposing Georgian mansion, which is still beautifully 
 preserved, facing the river road just below Amherst- 
 burg. His old-age recollections of the War of 18 12 are 
 recorded in Wm. F. Coffin's 181 2: the War and its Moral 
 (Montreal, 1864). 
 
 56 
 
journal of ^Jertfjereg 
 
 As soon as Captain Lee had made his re- 
 port he returned to the vessel and set about 
 unloading my merchandise, and storing it 
 in a warehouse belonging to Mr. William 
 Duff, a merchant of the place, until such 
 time as I could open a store of my own. 
 I now set about finding a good business loca- 
 tion, at the same time making inquiries con- 
 cerning the general trend of trade here, to 
 see what hopes I might entertain of success. 
 These were not of the brightest; money was 
 scarce and merchants for the most part 
 bartered their goods for corn, flour, and 
 other products. All this was somewhat dis- 
 couraging and I began to fear that I would 
 not be able to dispose of my merchandise to 
 the advantage of my patron. 
 
 One day I was walking back and forth on 
 the balcony of the house where I was stay- 
 ing on Queen Street, feeling gloomy and 
 depressed, when young Rolette, who lived 
 near by, came in to see me. We were almost 
 the same age, and had conceived a mutual 
 attraction. I learned that he was from Que- 
 bec and was distantly allied to the old and 
 respectable Bouchette family, and that Mr. 
 Reynolds, by whom he was employed, had 
 married a Miss Bouchette. From this time 
 we were united in a friendship which ceased 
 only with his death. He became a lieutenant 
 
 57 
 
Max on tfje Detroit 
 
 in the Royal Navy during the War of 1812, 
 in which he commanded His Majesty's brig, 
 Lady Prevost. 
 
 At last I rented a large room that would 
 do both for store and living quarters and 
 here I displayed my goods to the best ad- 
 vantage possible. They had been carefully 
 selected and proved very suitable. To my 
 great surprise, and that of all the inhabi- 
 tants of the place, on the very first day I 
 opened my store I sold more than two hun- 
 dred dollars' worth, and this continued 
 throughout the entire summer. 
 
 On my first Sunday in Amherstburg I 
 called on Mr. Jacques Baby, who was not a 
 stranger to me, as I had met him at my 
 father's house. I also called on Father 
 Marchand, 24 who lived at Sandwich, about 
 eighteen miles from Amherstburg. I ar- 
 rived during High Mass. From no indiffer- 
 ence on my part, but simply because there 
 was no church to attend, I had not gone to 
 any religious service since leaving Boucher- 
 ville. I was much affected, therefore, as I 
 
 24 Rev. Jean Baptiste Marchand was Superior of the 
 College of Montreal when upon the death of Father 
 Dufaux, parish priest at Sandwich, he was appointed to 
 the latter station. He arrived at Sandwich on Christ- 
 mas day, 1796, and served the parish continuously until 
 his death, April 14, 1825. 
 
 58 
 
Sfoumal of ^ercfjere* 
 
 entered this one, and I listened devoutly to 
 the remainder of the mass and to the sermon 
 that followed. At the close of the service I 
 went to greet the worthy father. He re- 
 membered having seen me at the College of 
 Montreal when he was its Director, although 
 I was then but ten years old. The year 
 after my enrollment in this excellent school 
 he had been sent to Amherstburg as a mis- 
 sionary, where he died in 1825. I also called 
 at the home of Mr. Maisonville, senior, feel- 
 ing confident that I would find there a young 
 lady of the family who had visited us at 
 Boucherville some years previously, when 
 on her way to the Ursuline Convent at 
 Quebec. She was related to our former cure, 
 Father Conroy, on the Chabert side. Her 
 visit had been made in 1801, the year our 
 church at Boucherville was built. 
 
 My business continued to prosper and I 
 made my returns regularly to Mr. St. George 
 through his agents, who furnished me with 
 bills of exchange on the house of Inglis, 
 Ellice & Co. of London, and on the Commis- 
 sary-General, Mr. Robinson, of Quebec. 
 
 Here I shall digress from my own affairs 
 for a moment to give a short description of 
 Amherstburg and its environs. 
 
 Not even in the south of France nor in 
 Italy — countries internationally famous as 
 
 59 
 
Mat on ttje Detroit 
 
 health resorts — are there many places to 
 compare with the region lying on both sides 
 of the Detroit River. The climate is tem- 
 perate, and even the most barren soil is cov- 
 ered with fruit trees of every kind: apples, 
 pears, peaches, apricots, plums, all yield 
 abundantly and have a delicious flavor. The 
 land is generally fertile, and a splendid river, 
 issuing from Lake Superior, here joins its 
 waters with those of Lake Erie. The river 
 teems with fish, as well as with aquatic 
 game. The buildings on the British side 
 are good but they do not compare with those 
 on the American shore in the Territory of 
 Michigan. Amherstburg is the home port 
 of the Royal Navy, whose vessels cruise 
 over Lake Erie and Lake Huron. The garri- 
 son is quite strong. From June to Septem- 
 ber the Indians gather here to receive their 
 presents from the British government, and 
 at times more than a thousand are assembled 
 representing the different tribes. At such 
 times the streets are crowded with painted 
 warriors and God alone knows what scenes 
 are enacted, especially when, like big, unruly 
 children, they indulge in a drunken orgy. 
 In the spring of 1808 Mr. St. George wrote 
 to me asking if I would not like to go into 
 business on my own account. He said he 
 wished to reward me for the many services 
 
 60 
 
STouwal of ^Jetcijereg 
 
 I had rendered him, and at the same time 
 he assured me that he would be my security 
 with the merchants of Montreal and New 
 York for my merchandise. Needless to say, 
 I accepted this kind offer. Accordingly, I 
 took an inventory of the goods on hand and 
 reported it to him. Without going into de- 
 tails, I can say that my little store always 
 repaid me handsomely. For the year 1810 
 my sales amounted to eight thousand dol- 
 lars. In August, 181 1, I went to York and 
 from here Mr. St. George accompanied me 
 to Montreal to buy goods. 
 
 With what joy I looked forward to seeing 
 my father and mother who, thanks to Mr. 
 St. George for his good report of me, awaited 
 my coming with open arms. The day after 
 our arrival at Montreal I repaired to Bouch- 
 erville, leaving my kind companion to follow 
 as soon as he had finished the business he 
 had in hand. Great was the rejoicing at 
 home. Mr. St. George rejoined me there 
 and was with us several days. 
 
 As I have mentioned above, this gentle- 
 man was French by birth and consequently 
 shared in the gaiety of his countrymen. We 
 had a happy time in the fullest sense of the 
 word during his stay with us. His business 
 affairs were considerable and he had count- 
 ing houses in different places, one at York 
 
 61 
 
Max on tfje Betrott 
 
 under the direction of Messrs. Baldwin and 
 Jules Quesnel, another at Niagara with Mr. 
 Despard in charge, and a third at the head 
 of Lake Ontario managed by J. McKay. He 
 therefore went to Montreal for his mail. 
 There he found a letter from his clerk at 
 Niagara and the same evening he returned 
 to Boucherville a different man. He was 
 very pale and his usual gaiety had given 
 place to an icy reserve of manner. I knew 
 that he was upset but I hesitated to ask 
 him the cause. When we had retired to our 
 own rooms I ventured to inquire what bad 
 news he had received at Montreal to make 
 him so distressed. He hesitated a moment 
 and then said: "I know I can trust you. I 
 am a ruined man. Read that but do not 
 breathe a word to anyone. " The letter he 
 handed me was from Mr. Despard and read 
 as follows: "Sir — I beg to inform you that 
 your merchants of New York and Schenec- 
 tady have shipped to your order, per Messrs. 
 Walton and Co., some goods valued at fifty- 
 eight thousand dollars and these are now 
 held up by the customs at Lewiston, on the 
 American side. That government is strictly 
 enforcing the Embargo law and your goods 
 are not allowed to come into Canada." 
 
 Our private conversations caused my poor 
 mother to suspect that something serious 
 
 62 
 
Journal of ^ercfjeretf 
 
 had happened, and my refusal to answer 
 her questions disturbed her greatly. I was 
 so upset all that day that I gave scarcely 
 any heed to the story my father was telling 
 me of his own voyages to Detroit when I 
 was a child. He had gone there by water 
 and had been shipwrecked at Point Pelee 25 
 on Lake Erie. I knew this place very well 
 (it is about forty miles from Amherstburg) 
 for I traded there with the Indians whom I 
 employed to hunt for bear and wild cats, 
 which are numerous in that vicinity; but 
 my thoughts wandered from the subject and 
 all the time my father was entertaining me 
 with his talk my mind was elsewhere, and 
 I was forming a resolution which honor itself 
 seemed to dictate to me. I interrupted my 
 father's narrative to say that I thought I 
 must leave home again very soon as I was 
 getting anxious about my store. I had left 
 it in charge of a clerk who was rather inex- 
 perienced and my trade might suffer were I 
 longer away. My father approved my de- 
 cision but my mother was obdurate. Never- 
 
 25 Point Pelee, which juts out several miles into Lake 
 Erie near its western end, is the southernmost point of 
 the mainland of Canada; Pelee Island, which lies some 
 miles out in the lake, represents the southern extreme 
 of territory under Canadian rule. Point Pelee is now a 
 Dominion National Park. 
 
 6? 
 
WLav on tfje Betroit 
 
 theless I succeeded in consoling her to the 
 extent of reconciling her somewhat to my 
 sudden departure and I left home, promis- 
 ing to return the following year. 
 
 Mr. St. George could not accompany me 
 at this time for he had a good deal of busi- 
 ness to transact at Montreal but as we sepa- 
 rated I assured him that he would hear from 
 me when I reached Niagara. He did not seem 
 to understand me. 
 
 My mind was made up. I was determined 
 to spare no effort to recover the goods ille- 
 gally confiscated and detained at Lewiston 
 by the Americans. On my arrival at Kings- 
 ton I got a boat for Niagara, had a quick 
 voyage, and on landing hurried away to 
 interview Mr. Despard. He was very glad 
 to see me and asked whether Mr. St. George 
 had received his letter. I replied in the 
 affirmative, adding that the latter believed 
 himself completely ruined, but that I had 
 hastened back with the sole object of aiding 
 to recover the goods; I had said nothing of 
 this to him, save that as I wrung his hand 
 in parting I had told him that he would hear 
 from me at Niagara. 
 
 Mr. Despard gave me all the information 
 I needed to lay my plan of attack. He had 
 been at Lewiston the very day the goods 
 were unloaded from the vessel but no ques- 
 
 6 4 
 
journal of ^errijere* 
 
 tion had been raised in his presence about 
 the regularity of the shipment. He knew 
 personally that the goods had all been stored 
 in a shed which stood at the water's edge 
 and the customs officer slept on the second 
 floor, usually leaving the trap door open 
 which communicated to the floor below. A 
 serious obstacle to the success of my project 
 was the presence of two vessels which were 
 moored to the wharf. After listening atten- 
 tively to his recital, I told him that here was 
 a chance to do some smuggling some night 
 and I went out to think matters over. For 
 several hours I paced the shore, trying to 
 collect my thoughts and form some plan of 
 action, for I was determined to leave nothing 
 undone to recover the goods of my bene- 
 factor. 
 
 After a time I noticed a man near me who 
 appeared to be a foreigner. He, too, was 
 pacing back and forth, and for a moment I 
 thought I recognized him as General Moreau, 
 one of Napoleon's officers, whom I had met 
 on the stage going from Fort Erie to Queens- 
 ton to view the Falls of Niagara. So steadily 
 did I regard him that he in turn noticed 
 me, and approaching asked me in English 
 if I were a foreigner. "No." I replied, "I 
 have just come from Boucherville in Lower 
 Canada." "But I am well acquainted with 
 
 65 
 
WLav on tfje Betroit 
 
 a gentleman of that name/' he said, "who 
 is an ensign in the Royal Canadians. I too 
 had the honor of belonging to this regiment. 
 My name is Chinic, and I am from Quebec." 
 
 We conversed for a time and he asked 
 me several questions, finally coming out 
 bluntly, "What is it you have in mind that 
 you are so absorbed? Have you a scheme 
 of any kind on hand?" I could not avoid 
 answering him in the affirmative. He then 
 begged me to take him into my confidence, 
 promising on his honor to aid me in any way 
 possible. 
 
 I then disclosed to him my bold design of 
 crossing over to the American side the next 
 night, and said that he could accompany me 
 if he cared to do so. "But what is the object 
 of this nocturnal visit," he asked. I now 
 told him that I was acting as a friend of Mr. 
 St. George to whom I was deeply indebted, 
 and that I wished at a single stroke to 
 render him the important service of rescuing 
 his merchandise and preserving his credit. 
 "Why, he is one of my closest friends," he 
 replied, "he has helped me in many ways in 
 recent years, and I shall be only too glad to 
 join you in the enterprise." 
 
 Without delay we returned together to 
 the house of Mr. Despard and there laid 
 our plans. We decided to engage a number 
 
 66 
 
Sfoumal of "Wtvtfyixtg 
 
 of discreet, trusty Canadians with several 
 boats, in one of which we would place a 
 ladder for use in mounting to the second 
 floor of the building where the customs offi- 
 cer lived. We would each have a small 
 whistle for use in case it became necessary 
 to give an alarm, and weapons for defense 
 in case of attack. The crossing was to be 
 made a little above the village of Queenston 
 and as soon as we reached the American 
 side some of our men were to be stationed 
 as a guard. 
 
 The next day the men we had engaged 
 came to us a few at a time, as had been 
 agreed, so as not to excite suspicion. They 
 were all solemnly sworn to secrecy and I 
 treated them to my best, although no one 
 was allowed to leave the house again for fear 
 of treason. We were about forty in number, 
 and I could scarcely keep from laughing as 
 I remembered the farce I had played on 
 them. The so-called Evangel to which they 
 had religiously applied their lips was nothing 
 but an ordinary spelling-book. 
 
 After telling them what was on foot, I 
 promised each of them ten dollars for the 
 night's work. Forty dollars were paid to a 
 man named Lambert who supplied a large 
 boat, and twenty dollars for each additional 
 boat. 
 
 6 7 
 
Max on tfje Betrott 
 
 At eight o'clock in the evening the expedi- 
 tion left Niagara for Fort George, where the 
 garrison was stationed. Here the sentinel 
 placed every boat under guard as the Com- 
 mandant had given strict orders that no 
 small craft should pass after nine in the 
 evening, the Embargo being already in force 
 and the two countries on the eve of a rup- 
 ture. The sergeant of the guard informed 
 me that on no account could he allow a 
 single boat to pass, but if I wished to see 
 the Commandant about it he would be glad 
 to take me to him. To this I readily agreed. 
 It was Colonel Procter of the Forty-first 
 Regiment of the line, who at the moment 
 was playing a game of cards with some ladies. 
 
 I asked him for permission to take only 
 such boats as belonged to the inhabitants 
 of the place. He wanted to know what I 
 was up to? I replied candidly that I in- 
 tended to cross the river to recover the goods 
 belonging to Mr. Quetton de St. George, 
 which the American authorities had unlaw- 
 fully seized. On hearing this he ordered the 
 sergeant to let me have the boats, and on 
 bidding me good-bye wished me complete 
 success. I was most sincere in my thanks. 
 The men went to get the boats, wrapping 
 the oars in cloth to deaden the sound as 
 they dipped in the water. Despard, Chinic 
 
 68 
 
Sfonvnal oi ^erdjere* 
 
 and I then gave each man a half-measure 
 of rum to stimulate them for the execution 
 of their difficult task. 
 
 There was a blockhouse at the foot of the 
 hill at this place, on the river bank, and I 
 asked the sentinel if he would loan me a long 
 ladder of which I stood in need. He handed 
 it over without a question or any hesitation. 
 Everything was now in readiness and we 
 crossed the river at eleven o'clock under 
 cover of a thick darkness. We were all well 
 armed, having only the gallows to face and 
 that right soon if in spite of every precau- 
 tion we were discovered and taken prisoners. 
 At a quarter of an hour past midnight we 
 landed and followed the path to the ware- 
 house where the goods were stored, having 
 made the necessary dispositions to prevent ex- 
 posing ourselves to an ambush. We reached 
 the warehouse and placed the ladder at the 
 edge of the second-story window. I was to 
 mount first, followed by Mr. Despard and 
 Mr. Chinic. Believe me, dear reader, I would 
 not have given two cents for my life at that 
 moment, for if by chance the officer was 
 expecting this nocturnal visit, as soon as I 
 appeared at the window I was likely to re- 
 ceive a bullet in the head. Happily for me 
 he was sleeping like a saint. Noiselessly we 
 approached the bed, with our pistols in hand 
 
 6 9 
 
©Hat on tfje Uetrott 
 
 for use in case of need. Our lantern was half 
 open to let him see that we were armed; on 
 opening his eyes he realized his danger and 
 sitting up in bed he begged us not to kill 
 him, assuring us that the goods of the Eng- 
 lish subject which we demanded so sum- 
 marily were at our disposal. I immediately 
 applied the gag I had brought with me to 
 prevent any outcry, and after tying his hands 
 securely we left him under guard of one of 
 the men while we descended to the first 
 floor, where the goods we had come for were 
 stored. At the signal agreed upon a boat 
 silently drew up to the wharf and was filled, 
 then made way for another and so on, until 
 nothing remained in the American customs 
 house. On our return to Queenston the mer- 
 chandise was stored in a building under guard 
 of the blockhouse, which was manned by a 
 score of British soldiers. 
 
 The men rowed back to Niagara, not wholly 
 free from fear, for the river was very narrow 
 in places. The same day the American gov- 
 ernment issued a proclamation offering a 
 reward of a thousand dollars for the capture, 
 dead or alive, of anyone who had taken part 
 in this criminal affair, but this alluring offer 
 remained a dead letter. We paid off the men, 
 thanking them for their services, and then 
 separated, Mr. Chinic going to Montreal 
 
 70 
 
Sfonxnal of ^errijerea 
 
 where business required his attention, Mr. 
 Despard to remain at his post, and I to 
 return to York to announce the good news 
 to Mr. St. George, as I knew he would be 
 home by this time. In fact, I met him in the 
 company of an army officer near Fort Rou- 
 ille. He recognized me at once and turned 
 pale as death. "Why, it is you," he ex- 
 claimed, "but where have you been?" "Do 
 not worry," I said, "Your goods which the 
 Americans confiscated are all safe under Brit- 
 ish protection." 
 
 How happy the good man was! When he 
 could speak, he turned to me and said, "This 
 is Governor Gore." I saluted him with ap- 
 propriate deference. Mr. St. George then 
 explained what the trouble had been and 
 my share in it, and that I might have reason 
 to fear the consequences. Governor Gore 
 relieved my mind on this score, even though 
 I were recognized as one of the leaders in 
 that hazardous expedition into American ter- 
 ritory, for it was nothing more than a case 
 of smuggling. War was declared, however, 
 the next year and Mr. St. George made a 
 fortune from this same merchandise of not 
 less than four hundred thousand dollars. It 
 was the greatest achievement of my life, 
 repaying to some extent the debt of grati- 
 tude I owed my benefactor, one which can- 
 
 7 1 
 
3Uar on tfje Detroit 
 
 not be acknowledged too often. I remained 
 with him a few days and then set out for 
 Amherstburg, where I arrived considerably 
 fatigued. 
 
 My business had not suffered by my long 
 absence and I was glad to hear that the 
 Forty-first Regiment had been relieved by 
 the One-hundredth. The officers of the 
 Forty-first were cordially detested by every- 
 one. Colonel Procter was stationed farther 
 up with his regiment, in which, however, 
 there were some good officers, among others, 
 Major Muir, Captain Tallan, Lieutenants 
 Bernard, Bender, Taylor, Troughton, Suth- 
 erland, Faulkner, Dixon, and Cadiz, all de- 
 serving of mention. 
 
 Many important events might be recorded 
 here but unfortunately I have lost my jour- 
 nals and I cannot conscientiously relate them 
 from memory. Nevertheless I can relate an 
 incident that concerns the Indians which 
 possesses considerable interest for its bearing 
 on their sense of justice. 
 
 It was the spring of 1812, about the 8th 
 of April, when they came in with their sugar 
 made from the sap of the maple trees, and 
 other products to trade. Three young Ottawa 
 braves from Saginaw entered my store and 
 saying in French that they were our "friends," 
 added: "Our old chief with his family, to 
 
 72 
 
Hfoumal of ^Jerrijereg 
 
 which we belong, arrived late last evening. 
 He has a quantity of sugar and many skins, 
 muskrats, wildcats and some beaver. He 
 asks if you will come to his tent and sit with 
 him while smoking the pipe of peace. Come 
 at sunrise and do not fail, for he regards you 
 highly. He liked the presents you gave him 
 last fall and he wants to thank you himself 
 and to tell you about the bad conduct of a 
 merchant of this place who deceived him 
 shamefully in selling him washed silverware." 
 It was true that a man named Laferte, a 
 jeweler here, had sold the Indians a lot of 
 silverware, such as necklaces, earrings, brace- 
 lets,etc.,made of copper with a silver coating. 
 The next morning I went early to the 
 Indian camp. The chiefs tent was easily 
 distinguished by the flag in the doorway and 
 entering I seated myself near him. He was 
 smoking his pipe in solemn state. "Good 
 morning, comrade," I said, to which he re- 
 sponded: "Have you come to visit your 
 brother, the Indian? I am glad to see you 
 and so are my young people. We have much 
 to trade with you this time. The women 
 have made many mococks of sugar but they 
 will not sell it to you. Do not be angry with 
 them, brother, before the sun sets you will 
 know the reason why." He then called the 
 young braves and squaws into his tent and 
 
 73 
 
(Slat on tfje Betrott 
 
 said to them: "Take your wares to the Moni- 
 conini (the Montreal merchant)/' the name 
 by which I was known among them. Before 
 I left he wanted to know if "the cows are 
 still giving milk," his way of asking if I 
 would give them some bottles of rum. "Yes/' 
 I told him. "Migouentche (I thank you)" he 
 replied. 
 
 The whole band then came to the store, 
 the women remaining outside according to 
 their custom and the men doing the trad- 
 ing. This took four long hours. They traded 
 about fifteen thousand weight of sugar, a 
 quantity of peltries, and other articles, and 
 when it was all completed came my turn. 
 I made them a present of a score of braces of 
 tobacco, and a ten-gallon barrel of rum, and 
 their joy was unbounded. 
 
 But to return to the man called Laferte; 
 although the Indians did not like him, the 
 squaws took him thirty mococks of sugar, 
 receiving in exchange cloth, blankets, and 
 such like. He was only half pleased as his 
 profit on these goods was little enough in 
 any event. The whole trade was in favor of 
 the squaws who were taking their revenge 
 for the washed silver. 
 
 Some hours later he passed my store and 
 told me that he had just bought from the 
 women of the head chief Miliomaque a quan- 
 
 74 
 
journal of ^Xerrijere* 
 
 tity of sugar which he was now on his way to 
 sell to the mess-sergeant of the regiment, who 
 had asked him that very afternoon if he 
 thought he could get some. He had sent on 
 the sugar to the garrison to be weighed, and 
 was on his way then to conclude the trans- 
 action. Later, when I heard what had hap- 
 pened, I was not at all surprised. It seemed 
 the sergeant had emptied each mocock in or- 
 der to assure himself of the uniform quality 
 of the sugar, and to his astonishment dis- 
 covered that each one was three-fourths filled 
 with sand. Laferte was obliged to take back 
 both the sugar and the sand, bitterly regret- 
 ting the cloth and blankets he had traded 
 to the wicked squaws. The copper he had 
 sold for silver the previous autumn had led 
 to this result. Such was one of the charac- 
 teristics of these poor aborigines, but who 
 can blame them? They learned it from the 
 white man, the so-called Christian! 
 
 75 
 
$art2 
 
 THE WAR OF I 8 12 
 
 THERE had been frequent rumors of 
 hostilities between Great Britain and 
 the United States before the final an- 
 nouncement of June 23 that all bonds of 
 friendship between the two countries were 
 broken and that both had decided to meet 
 in open conflict without further delay. On 
 either side there was manifest a readiness to 
 measure forces and each now waited only a 
 favorable opportunity to begin. Word went 
 abroad that the American Governor Hull 
 was already en route with two thousand 
 soldiers of Kentucky and Virginia to rein- 
 force the garrison of Detroit and to take over 
 the command in place of General Macomb, 
 who, it seemed, failed to inspire confidence. 26 
 26 The author's memory has led him astray here. 
 General Alexander Macomb, although a native of 
 Detroit, did not participate in the war on the north- 
 western frontier. The commandant during General 
 Hull's extended eastern absence in 1811-12 was Cap- 
 tain John Whistler of early Fort Dearborn (1803-10) 
 fame. The soldiers of Hull's army comprised the Fourth 
 U. S. Infantry, which had come West in 181 1 to serve in 
 the Tippecanoe campaign, and three regiments and 
 some additional minor units of Ohio militia, newly 
 levied for this expedition. 
 
 76 
 
journal of ^Jerrfjeres 
 
 This was naturally alarming news for the 
 inhabitants of Amherstburg and they im- 
 mediately decided to organize a company 
 for guard duty. It was composed of the 
 merchants of the place for the most part. At 
 two o'clock in the afternoon of July 14 a 
 small vessel appeared sailing lightly from 
 the open lake into the mouth of the river but 
 the wind was unfavorable and her speed 
 lessened somewhat. With the aid of a glass 
 it was easily discovered that she carried the 
 American flag, and it seemed probable that 
 her captain was unaware of the knowledge 
 we had, that war had been declared. 
 
 Finding myself by chance in the shipyard 
 where the Queen Charlotte was under con- 
 struction, I came upon Lieutenant Frederic 
 Rolette in the act of launching a boat man- 
 ned by a dozen sailors, all well armed with 
 sabers and pickaxes, and I hastened to ask 
 him where he was going with that array. 
 "To make a capture," he replied, as he or- 
 dered his men to row in all haste in the di- 
 rection of the vessel which was slowly but 
 steadily making her way up the river, all 
 unconscious of the fate awaiting her. I asked 
 some Indians who were standing around if 
 they would follow that boat. They expressed 
 their readiness for the venture and we hur- 
 riedly entered one of their canoes, our sole 
 
 77 
 
Mat on tfje Betrott 
 
 weapons being three guns loaded with duck 
 shot and two tomahawks. Rolette's boat 
 reached the vessel's side a few minutes ahead 
 of us and the men boarded her without meet- 
 ing any resistance. Either the crew was un- 
 aware that war had been declared or they 
 were uncertain of the relations between the 
 two countries. The next instant I came up 
 with my Indians and to leap aboard required 
 only a moment. My friend Rolette then ran 
 up the British flag and ordered the American 
 band to play "God save the King." I should 
 have stated that this vessel carried all the 
 musical instruments of Hull's army, besides 
 much of the personal baggage of his men. 
 This was the first prize of the war and it was 
 taken by a young French-Canadian. 27 
 
 27 Although General Hull knew that war was immi- 
 nent, it is one of the bizarre facts of America's military 
 effort in this period that the government declared war 
 upon Great Britain without troubling to afford him 
 timely notification of its action. On reaching the 
 Maumee River, in his northward march to Detroit, 
 Hull placed aboard the Cuyahoga, a small sailing vessel 
 he found there, a number of sick soldiers, several army 
 wives, the band instruments, and other paraphernalia, 
 including his own military correspondence. The seizure 
 of this vessel, well-described by our author, marked the 
 beginning of actual hostilities in the war. The amateur- 
 ish state of mind in which America embarked upon the 
 conflict is illustrated by the action of Hull, upon reach- 
 ing Detroit, in sending Colonel Cass to Amherstburg to 
 
 78 
 
journal of ^XercJjere* 
 
 General Hull and his army made slow 
 progress, being obliged to open a road for his 
 wagons and artillery. Every evening at sun- 
 set he caused a cannon to be fired which we 
 could hear distinctly from the moment he 
 reached River Raisin, known now as French- 
 town. 28 
 
 During the following week a party of Indi- 
 ans crossed the river on their way to Browns- 
 town where the Hurons had had a village 
 before the breaking out of hostilities. When 
 the war began they had evacuated the place 
 and crossed the river to place themselves 
 under the British flag. The object of the 
 party in question was to reconnoiter the 
 
 ask the British authorities to return to the Americans 
 much of the property they had seized with the vessel. 
 28 Detroit was the mother settlement of all the area 
 adjoining the western end of Lake Erie. Settlers from 
 Detroit established themselves on the Raisin River 
 about the close of the American Revolution, without 
 troubling to give their community a formal name. The 
 name Frenchtown would have no particular significance 
 to French settlers, and was obviously a Yankee des- 
 ignation. In the summer of 1817 President Monroe 
 visited Detroit, and Governor Cass complimented him 
 by creating the new county of Monroe and naming it in 
 his honor. Soon thereafter the seat of justice was 
 established by executive proclamation in the village 
 which is still called Monroe. Thus after a third of a 
 century of continued existence the settlement acquired 
 its permanent name. 
 
 79 
 
Mat on tfje Betrott 
 
 enemy and ascertain the strength of the 
 army which was advancing to Detroit. It 
 returned the third day, after scouting Hull's 
 entire army, and reported to Colonel Procter 
 that the "Long-knives," as they called the 
 Americans, or in their own language Kitchi- 
 mokoman y were as numerous as the mos- 
 quitoes in the woods, and that they were cut- 
 ting down the trees as they advanced to 
 open a passage for their wagons. 
 
 It was practically impossible for us to 
 oppose the advance of the enemy at this 
 time, because of the weakness of our garri- 
 son, which consisted of only a few companies 
 of regular troops and a single company of 
 militia, recently organized and commanded 
 by Captain Elliott, while the Indians were 
 also few in number. The arrival of Tecumseh 
 and his tribe was momentarily expected, how- 
 ever, as well as the Potawatomi, the Sacs, and 
 the Winnebagoes; but these did not arrive 
 until after Hull had marched into Detroit. 
 
 As soon as he reached this place he set 
 about constructing floating batteries to effect 
 the bombardment and burning of Amherst- 
 burg and the conquest of the garrison of that 
 place. But through some combination of 
 misfortunes I am unable to relate, this project 
 ran aground. He then erected batteries op- 
 posite Sandwich and bombarded that town. 
 
 80 
 
Sfournal of IrXercfjere* 
 
 One of the cannon balls struck the house of 
 Colonel Jacques Baby without, however, in- 
 juring anyone. The next day Baby mus- 
 tered as many of the militia as he could rally 
 and marched to Amherstburg. 
 
 Hull now crossed the river above Sand- 
 wich with ten companies of soldiers and 
 pitched camp on the farm of Mr. Jean 
 Baptiste Baby, establishing his headquart- 
 ers in the beautiful mansion which that 
 gentleman had just built, and causing much 
 damage to this fine estate. A small en- 
 trenchment was thrown up to protect the 
 soldiers from any surprise by the Indians 
 during the night. 
 
 Upon his arrival at Amherstburg, Colonel 
 Baby came to stay with me, a circumstance 
 which gave me great pleasure. During the 
 month of July we had several skirmishes with 
 the enemy, the most important one being at 
 the bridge over the Canard River, between 
 Sandwich and Amherstburg and about three 
 miles from the latter village. Here we had a 
 picket composed of a company of infantry and 
 some artillery men in charge of the fieldpieces 
 stationed there, besides some savages for pa- 
 trol duty. The Americans attacked this picket 
 but were forced to retire in great haste. 
 
 One day in July a band of Indians com- 
 posed of Shawnees with Tecumseh at their 
 
 81 
 
Max on tfje Betrott 
 
 head, besides some Ottawas and Potawatomi 
 came to my store — I have always enjoyed 
 the confidence of these children of the forest 
 — and asked me if I would go with them to 
 Petite Cote, three miles beyond our picket 
 at River Canard, to deliver a blow at the 
 enemy. I could not refuse, since in that 
 case I would have sunk very low in their 
 estimation, so I answered that I would gladly 
 go with them. Accordingly, I made my 
 preparations, not exactly those for a ball, 
 but rather to try to exchange some English 
 for American balls. I dressed lightly, the 
 better to make my escape if necessary, for 
 the moment the Indians believe themselves 
 vanquished they take to their heels and run 
 like rabbits; then with my musket, powder 
 and balls, I joined the others and we all 
 marched off. There were about a hundred 
 and fifty warriors, with myself the only 
 white man among them. On reaching Petite 
 Cote we arranged ourselves according to the 
 Indian fashion on either side of the road, 
 hidden among high stalks of corn so as not 
 to be seen, and waited thus in ambush for 
 the American cavalry, which, the Indians 
 said, usually came in the afternoon to drill 
 just beyond reach of our fieldpieces which, as 
 I have mentioned, guarded the bridge. About 
 three o'clock several fine squadrons ap- 
 
 82 
 
journal of ^ercfjere* 
 
 proached. They were soon opposite the field 
 where we were hidden, when suddenly from 
 both sides came a furious discharge of mus- 
 ketry accompanied with arrow flights, which 
 felled a large number of these men on their 
 handsome mounts. Those who were not 
 slain on the field begged for mercy but the 
 Indians are absolutely deaf to all such en- 
 treaties, demanding nothing less than the 
 death of their enemy. What a carnage fol- 
 lowed! Those with the slightest chance to 
 escape tried to do so, some successfully, 
 others less fortunate. One poor horseman 
 who had received only a slight wound which, 
 however, prevented him from keeping his 
 saddle, threw himself from a bridge into the 
 river, hoping thus to elude his terrible ad- 
 versaries. It was in vain; swift as winged 
 steeds the warriors pursued, avid for blood. 
 As the wounded horseman jumped into the 
 water a young Shawnee brave leaped upon 
 him and killed him with a single blow of 
 his tomahawk. After a couple of hours 
 the warriors returned from hunting the 
 fugitives, having slain several of them. For 
 the first time in my life I had taken part 
 in a frightful carnage. I was filled with a 
 horror of the war. Yet I must admit that 
 the heart soon becomes hardened when 
 these bloody scenes are repeated; this I 
 
Mat on tije Betrott 
 
 learned when I engaged in similar excur- 
 sions later on. 
 
 I have almost forgotten to mention that 
 in the previous month we had received an 
 unexpected reinforcement. Messrs. Lacroix 
 and Berthelet, who traded in the South, ar- 
 rived here on their way to Post St. Joseph. 29 
 The military authorities judged best to de- 
 tain both them and their vessels for there 
 was good reason to fear that in passing De- 
 troit the enemy would make them prisoners 
 and take possession of all they had. Conse- 
 quently, their goods were unloaded and stored 
 in the King's warehouse under efficient 
 guard. A few days later, these same boats 
 were converted into gunboats, each under 
 the command of an officer of marines, thereby 
 adding much to our strength. 
 
 But to return to hostilities. On Tuesday 
 evening, August 7th, a vigorous alarm was 
 sounded, the drummer who patrolled the 
 streets beating the call to arms. I was at 
 dinner with the gentlemen who were staying 
 with me, and I hurried out to ask the drum- 
 mer what he meant by his racket. His name 
 was Molesworth, of the Forty-first Regiment. 
 He replied that Major Muir was about to cross 
 
 29 The British post on St. Joseph Island in the Ste. 
 Mary's River. Joseph and Estelle Bayliss, Historic St. 
 Joseph Island^ supplies an admirable history of this fort. 
 
 84 
 
journal of ^Tercijere* 
 
 the river to Brownstown with several com- 
 panies of soldiers and a large number of Indi- 
 ans to intercept the Americans coming from 
 River Raisin to Detroit with provisions for 
 their army; he needed all the loyal subjects 
 of the King who would join him, and all were 
 welcome. I deliberated a little and resolved 
 to join the expedition. Hurrying back to 
 the dining-room I informed my clerks of my 
 decision, as also Messrs. Lacroix and Ber- 
 thelet. Unknown to anyone I then went 
 out to bury at the corner of my house two 
 full gallons of coins, doubloons, guineas, and 
 piasters. This I did without the knowledge 
 of a single soul, indiscreet as it was should I 
 receive a mortal wound. Without further 
 hesitation, and forgetful of all else but the 
 expedition, I set out for the Shipyard, the 
 place fixed for its departure, and placed my- 
 self under the command of Major Muir as a 
 volunteer. I met Tecumseh there, at the 
 head of the Indian bands. Truly it was a 
 beautiful spectacle to see so many boats and 
 nearly three hundred canoes assembled to- 
 gether. The aborigines rent the air with 
 their war whoops. Other volunteers joining 
 Major Muir were Alexis Maisonville, Jean 
 Baptiste Barthe, James Eberts, the two 
 Cadotte brothers, and Alexis Bouthilier, a 
 native of Longueuil; also Mr. Jean Baptiste 
 
 85 
 
Mat on tfje Betrott 
 
 Baby, accompanied by Richardson 30 of 
 Amherstburg of the regular army. The 
 officers of the Forty-first Regiment whom I 
 knew were Major Muir, Captain Tallan, 
 Lieutenants Clemow, Bender, and Suther- 
 land, and Dr. Faulkner. Undoubtedly there 
 were others, but I do not remember any 
 more. 
 
 Setting out about three o'clock in the 
 afternoon, it was a little after four when we 
 disembarked on the other side of the river at 
 the place best suited for our operations. The 
 first thing done was to construct a long cabin 
 of branches to shelter us from bad weather. 
 All the next day we lay expecting the enemy 
 but they gave no sign of life for they had 
 been warned by spies that a strong party of 
 British and Indians were in waiting at 
 Brownstown. I cannot conceive how these 
 despicable beings had managed to come near 
 
 30 Although the allusion may be to Dr. Robert 
 Richardson, surgeon of the garrison at Amherstburg 
 and local magistrate, it is more probably his son John, 
 who took part in the Monguagon and Brownstown 
 operations. He became in later years a well-known 
 Canadian author, and his history of the war on the 
 Northwestern front is his best-known work. He wrote 
 several works of fiction, and his Hardscrabble, or the Fall 
 of Chicago, and Waunangee, or the Massacre of Chicago, 
 published in 1850 and 1852 are among the earliest 
 literary productions having Chicago as their locus. 
 
 86 
 
journal of ^Jercfjeteg 
 
 enough to be able to report that we were 
 there to dispute the way, seeing that we had 
 immediately stationed Indians in the woods 
 as a patrol. 
 
 We had strict orders not to light any fire 
 during the night lest we attract the attention 
 of the Americans. It was very damp, being 
 in the neighborhood of the lake and sur- 
 rounded by marshes, and we suffered from 
 the cold, the more so as we had not yet re- 
 ceived any blankets nor even provisions. 
 The empty stomachs of the soldiers were 
 crying aloud with hunger. 
 
 That night I was hunting for a comfort- 
 able place to lie down alone, for I could no 
 longer endure the cabin crowded with the 
 main body of our soldiers, when I passed 
 close to a man hidden in the bushes and 
 sleeping soundly under the protection of a 
 blanket. Envy possessed me and I promptly 
 yielded to it so far as to think this person 
 altogether too fortunate. Softly, so as not 
 to disturb his slumber, I managed to de- 
 prive him of the coveted object and with- 
 drawing to a discreet distance from him I 
 passed the remainder of the night in sound 
 repose. At daybreak I left my retreat and 
 entered the encampment where I immedi- 
 ately encountered Mr. Jean Baptiste Baby 
 storming about in a very bad humor. Seeing 
 
 87 
 
2Har on tfje Bettott 
 
 me, he burst out, "Dog's devil !" (an oath 
 in common use among Canadians at that 
 time) "Someone stole my blanket last night! 
 My face was covered with dew when I awoke 
 and my clothes were all wet ! Some devil of 
 an Indian, I suppose, treated me in this 
 fashion. They never have any manners !" 
 I was so embarrassed that I could not look 
 the good man in the face for shame over 
 what I had done, and at the moment I was 
 much too ashamed to confess my fault. Some 
 days after, however, I returned the blanket 
 by the hand of one of my Indian friends with 
 my humble apologies. That same day Major 
 Muir procured the provisions we needed and 
 I received from home my personal toilet 
 articles. 
 
 We had been preceded on the evening of 
 our arrival at Brownstown by a band of 
 Shawnees and Ottawas who had been sent 
 by Superintendent Elliott to reconnoiter the 
 American position at River Raisin. They 
 told us that they had seen wagons loaded 
 with provisions for Hull's army at Detroit, 
 which was in need of stores of all kinds. 
 Pressed by hunger, Hull that same day sent 
 a body of cavalry to meet the reinforcement 
 that was coming to him and of which he 
 stood in such need, but it had been attacked 
 by our Indians that afternoon between 
 
journal of ^errijereg 
 
 Brownstown and Monguagon. 31 According 
 to their custom they formed an ambush on 
 each side of the road which Hull had opened 
 for the passage of his army through the dense 
 forest and the American troops fell into the 
 trap. Arrows and musket balls rained upon 
 them from every side, sowing death and creat- 
 ing a panic in the ranks easy to understand. 
 All who had not already bitten the dust 
 fled galloping away to escape being taken by 
 their ferocious enemy. A young Shawnee 
 named Blue Jacket, who was very agile and 
 courageous, rushed upon one of the American 
 cavalrymen, and leaping up behind him, with 
 his right hand killed the American with his 
 tomahawk in the very instant the latter was 
 about to run him through with his sword. 
 Another American who had witnessed this 
 struggle between his friend and the young 
 
 31 The battle of Brownstown, here described was 
 fought on August 5. On the American side were about 
 200 Ohio mounted militia, led by Major Van Home, 
 and on the British an unknown number of Tecumseh's 
 Indians (according to Major Richardson, only 25). 
 The Americans rode into Tecumseh's ambuscade and 
 promptly fled, with a loss of 17 dead, half of them being 
 officers. The mortality list lends countenance to the 
 charge subsequently made by General Hull that the 
 militia ran away, leaving their officers to be massacred. 
 See M. M. Quaife, "The Story of Brownstown" in 
 Burton Hist. Coll. Leaflet, IV, 65-80. 
 
 89 
 
Mat on tfje Betrott 
 
 warrior turned back and attacked poor Blue 
 Jacket, who, exhausted by his exertions, was 
 overcome and slain. The carnage which the 
 Indians perpetrated in this encounter was 
 horrible. They scalped everyone they could 
 overtake and placed these trophies of their 
 bravery on long poles which they stuck up 
 in the ground by the roadside. They also 
 drove long stakes through the bodies of the 
 slain which were left lying thus exposed. It 
 was a hideous sight to see and little calcu- 
 lated to encourage the enemy when passing 
 by it on the way to Detroit. 
 
 As soon as we reached Brownstown we 
 saw that this band of savages had met the 
 enemy. There, on the bare ground, lay 
 stretched a poor young Virginian, the body 
 covered with blood from two deep gashes 
 with a knife. Needless to say, it, too, was 
 scalped. A moment later another young man 
 radiant with life was brought to us, who had 
 been captured by the Potawatomi. The chief 
 of the tribe, a perfect savage and avid for 
 human blood, at once summoned several old 
 squaws who were in the habit of following 
 the warriors to take care of their camps, and 
 ordered them to kill his captive in our pres- 
 ence. Major Muir was at hand with several 
 companies of the Forty-first Regiment and 
 they interposed, seeking by every possible 
 
 90 
 
journal of Uercijere* 
 
 means to redeem the unfortunate prisoner who 
 awaited such a terrible fate. After a lengthy 
 parley with this demon thirsting for human 
 blood he finally consented not to slay the 
 poor fellow on our promise that when we re- 
 turned to English territory he would be 
 given a barrel of rum and outfits of clothing 
 for all his family. 
 
 While we were thus treating for the re- 
 demption of the prisoner, and even as the 
 affair was being concluded in the interests 
 of humanity, piercing shrieks resounded 
 from the depths of the forest. It was the 
 death cry of some of the savages who had 
 defeated the American cavalry in the after- 
 noon. A funeral convoy then appeared be- 
 fore our eyes. Four members of the tribe of 
 Blue Jacket carried his body on their shoul- 
 ders and the procession was now in our midst. 
 I knew at once that all was over for our 
 young American, and that nothing in the 
 world could save him from a cruel death. 
 They deposited the body of Blue Jacket 
 at the feet of the prisoner. The blow of the 
 cavalryman had almost severed the head, 
 and as though for the first time the young 
 man comprehended the sad fate that awaited 
 him. He became pale as death, and looking 
 round at us all in turn, in a low voice and 
 with an expression torn by anxiety, asked 
 
 9 1 
 
Mat on tfje Detroit 
 
 if it were possible the English allowed such 
 acts of barbarity. The shrieks of the sav- 
 ages drowned whatever response was made, 
 though it seemed to be one of sympathy. 
 
 The chief had already raised the hatchet 
 over his head, entirely oblivious of the ar- 
 rangement for ransom consummated be- 
 tween Major Muir and himself, and with 
 ferocious and bloodshot eyes regarded his 
 prey. The old squaws drew near and at a 
 signal from this tiger, for he was one really, 
 one of them plunged her butcher knife into 
 the neck of her victim, while another stabbed 
 him in the side. The young soldier staggered 
 and was about to fall when the chief laid 
 him at his feet with a powerful blow of the 
 tomahawk. 32 
 
 Spectators of this disgusting scene, we all 
 stood around overcome by an acute sense of 
 shame! We felt implicated in some way in 
 this murder, for murder it was and of the 
 most atrocious kind! And yet under the 
 circumstances what could we do? The life 
 
 32 Major Richardson, like Vercheres an eye-witness 
 of this scene, has described it somewhat differently in 
 his War of 1812, first published in 1 842. See Casselman, 
 Richardson s War of 18 12 (Toronto, 1902), 27-30. He 
 describes the slaughter of two prisoners (the first 
 instance evidently not the one related by Vercheres) 
 and identifies the slain chief as Logan, rather than Blue 
 Jacket. 
 
 92 
 
SFournal of ^Jerdjeretf 
 
 of that man undoubtedly belonged to the 
 inhuman chief. The government had des- 
 perate need of these Indian allies. Our garri- 
 son was weak and these warriors were nu- 
 merous enough to impose their will upon us. 
 If we were to rebuke them in this crisis and 
 compel them to observe our manner of war- 
 fare, in place of leaving them to their own 
 barbarous practices, they would withdraw 
 from the conflict and retire to their own 
 country on the Missouri whence they had 
 come to join us. 
 
 A whole week elapsed while we lay in 
 waiting for our adversaries. 33 We had been 
 daily in hopes that as the need of provisions 
 grew more pressing, since the green apples 
 to which they were reduced afforded but 
 little nourishment, Hull would send out a 
 considerable force to bring in the more 
 health-giving supplies from the River Raisin. 
 But no! He would not measure his strength 
 
 33 Here, as elsewhere, the author's memory is in- 
 accurate in the matter of dates. The battle of Browns- 
 town was fought on August 5; the battle of Monguagon, 
 on August 9. Both Richardson and Vercheres agree 
 that Brownstown had been fought before Major Muir 
 crossed the river to oppose the advance of the second 
 American detachment. Richardson states that the 
 crossing was made on August 6. The interval of wait- 
 ing, until the battle of Monguagon, therefore, could 
 not have exceeded three days. 
 
 93 
 
(Uar on tfje Detroit 
 
 with ours, preferring to suffer the pangs of 
 hunger. 
 
 We had come out solely on the strength of 
 engaging in a surprise attack. Sunday ar- 
 rived and Major Muir decided to send us 
 back to our respective firesides that after- 
 noon. No one opposed this decision of the 
 commander. For my part I was very glad, 
 for I had left home in hope of something en- 
 tirely different than a tiresome wait for the 
 enemy to show himself. 
 
 We were already under arms and in the 
 act of embarking, under the command of 
 Lieutenant Bender, when the loud war cries 
 of our savage scouts attracted our attention. 
 They soon came up and reported to Major 
 Muir that the Americans, for whom we had 
 so long been in waiting, were just above us, 
 like the mosquitoes of the swamp in number, 
 and that they had several pieces of cannon. 
 It was true. Unable to wait longer, unless 
 he wished to see his army perish from 
 hunger and his garrison weakened, Hull 
 was obliged to send out a force sufficient 
 to engage with the British and open a 
 passage. 
 
 Immediately on the receipt of this news 
 our orders were reversed, and w T e were told 
 to march in all haste for the ravine at Mon- 
 guagon and there await the enemy. After 
 
 94 
 
journal of ^Tertfjereg 
 
 the first volley we were to charge the enemy 
 with the bayonet. This was Tecumseh's 
 plan, and as it was especially adapted to 
 that locality it was accepted by Major 
 Muir. This intrepid Indian was to hide in 
 an adjacent cornfield and give us the aid 
 of all his following when the right moment 
 arrived. 
 
 We put sprigs of the basswood tree in our 
 caps so as to be recognized by our allies in 
 the encounter and struck out with redoubled 
 speed on the road which had already been 
 so disastrously disputed and on which Blue 
 Jacket had received his death wound. What 
 a frightful scene was this! Even yet I am 
 seized with terror, and shudder as I recall 
 it. There were displayed all the corpses of 
 the cavalrymen, already decomposed and 
 transfixed with stakes by the savages, and 
 gnawed and mangled by crows and other 
 carnivorous creatures of the forest. The 
 stench from these rotting bodies is impossible 
 to describe. And the same fate might soon 
 be ours, marching to war with consequences 
 no one could predict? 
 
 Before we left Brownstown Major Muir 
 had sent a canoe to notify Colonel Procter 
 of the approaching engagement and to ask 
 him to send over a company of soldiers with- 
 out delay for our relief in case of need. 
 
 95 
 
liar on tfje ©etroit 
 
 Arrived at Monguagon and stationed in 
 the ravine awaiting the enemy, our men had 
 a brief rest. I found that I had on my left 
 my good friend, Mr. Jean Baptiste Baby, 
 and I asked him for a pinch of snuff to keep 
 me in countenance a little. An instant later 
 and we could easily hear the American drum- 
 mer who seemed to beat with less assurance 
 as he approached the ravine where we lay 
 flat on our bellies, as though he feared some- 
 thing of the kind. The enemy formed a 
 square to receive us on all four sides. Still 
 hidden, we awaited the signal to charge. 
 Scarcely a moment elapsed when a brilliant 
 officer mounted on a superb steed appeared 
 on an eminence. His hat was crowned with 
 plumes fully three feet in length. But his 
 inspection was of brief duration for on the 
 instant a bullet struck him and he fell dead 
 at his horse's feet. Firing now began on our 
 left, the Indians in the cornfield being near- 
 est to the approaching enemy. They quickly 
 advanced upon us, and the engagement be- 
 came general. For fifty minutes the firing 
 was terrible. Fortunately the balls and 
 grapeshot of our adversaries lodged in the 
 treetops, in place of striking our ranks. At 
 the appointed moment, with the two ranks 
 face to face, Major Muir ordered the bugler 
 at his side to sound the bayonet charge. Just 
 
 9 6 
 
Hfoutnal of ^Xertfjere* 
 
 then the company of grenadiers of the 41st 
 commanded by Captain Bullard, which Gen- 
 eral Procter had sent to reinforce us, came 
 up. We were not at all sorry to see them for 
 things were getting decidedly hot for us. 
 At this moment an officer of the regiment 
 stationed on my left, shouted to me, "Take 
 care de Boucherville! The Kentuckians are 
 aiming at you !" But he himself received the 
 bullet in his head and fell over into my arms. 
 "Well, old fellow !" I said to myself, "You 
 came out of that all right !" I was not yet 
 safe, however, for an instant later I was 
 wounded in my turn. 
 
 The grenadiers, who had been sent by the 
 General to reinforce us, were stationed in the 
 center. The signal which Major Muir was 
 to give for the charge had not been explained 
 to them, and thinking it was an order to re- 
 treat, they turned to the rear without firing a 
 single shot. The fusillade on both sides was 
 very heavy. There was not the slightest 
 breeze and the smoke became so dense we 
 could not see twenty paces before us. Fin- 
 ally, we were obliged to draw back because 
 of the unexpected and groundless retreat 
 of the grenadiers and that, too, at the very 
 moment of victory, for the enemy's center 
 had broken. Only the two wings of their 
 army were composed of regular soldiers, and 
 
 97 
 
WLav on tfje ©etrott 
 
 these were wavering because of the great 
 number of killed and wounded. Thus the 
 grenadier company, in place of helping us, 
 succeeded only in throwing our ranks into 
 disorder and was the sole cause of our defeat. 
 This is painful to say, yet it is the simple 
 truth. 
 
 Our troops defiled at a quick step and as 
 they retreated fired their guns behind them, 
 thus exposing the wounded in the rear of the 
 army to death. Among those exposed to 
 this irregular fire were a Mr. Berthe, another 
 soldier, and myself. There had been many 
 others but they were on ahead. We dove 
 into the woods to escape the shower of bul- 
 lets which poured upon us from both 
 sides, for the enemy were in close pursuit 
 of our men. Out of sight at last, we hid 
 under the trunk of a big tree which had 
 fallen into the water of the surrounding 
 cedar swamp. 
 
 Our soldiers returned to Brownstown and 
 rushed into the boats for Amherstburg which 
 were under the command of Lieutenant 
 Bender. Tecumseh and his Indians crossed 
 the river in their canoes. It is well to men- 
 tion here that our forces in the moment of 
 action did not exceed two hundred regulars, 
 about fifteen Canadian volunteers, and two 
 hundred Indians, while those of our ad- 
 
 9 8 
 
journal of ^Tercfjereg 
 
 versary, commanded by Colonel Miller, 
 were two thousand five hundred strong, 
 according to their own report of the engage- 
 ment. 34 
 
 The Americans spent the night on the 
 field of battle, carrying off and burying their 
 dead, that the number of casualties might 
 not be known. I can speak truthfully of this 
 for I passed the night with my companions 
 only a few hundred feet from them. The 
 Kentuckians, who seemed to be stationed as 
 sentinels, were often almost upon us but 
 fortunately we were not discovered. At last, 
 in spite of the inky darkness, we ventured to 
 
 34 The American force at Monguagon consisted of 
 the Fourth U. S. Infantry, a company of Detroit 
 militia, 240 Ohio militia, and a few artillerymen, in all 
 about 600 men, commanded by Colonel James Miller. 
 Upon the issue of the battle the fate of Detroit de- 
 pended, and Hull had placed more than one-fourth of 
 his entire army under Colonel Miller's command. Both 
 the American force and the American losses probably 
 exceeded the British, although we have no definite 
 knowledge of the number of Tecumseh's Indians. 
 Participants in a battle commonly exaggerate both the 
 numbers and the losses of their opponent. Hull re- 
 ported the American loss as 18 killed and 57 wounded. 
 Colonel Procter reported 4 white soldiers killed and 15 
 wounded, and 2 Indians killed and 6 wounded. It 
 seems improbable that he knew accurately the extent 
 of the Indian casualties. It is clear, however, that the 
 Americans suffered more heavily than did their op- 
 ponents. 
 
 99 
 
Max on tfje Betrott 
 
 leave this amphibian retreat, seeking, if pos- 
 sible, a more comfortable shelter. About 
 ten in the evening the rain began to fall in 
 torrents and we were soaked to the bone. 
 The thunder growled incessantly over our 
 heads but luckily the lightning served to 
 guide us. We suffered cruelly from hunger 
 and seemed to be getting weaker. At last 
 we came upon a slight elevation in the cedar 
 swamp, which, although almost surrounded 
 by water, was relatively dry and at least out 
 of sight of the enemy. 
 
 I treated my wound as well as I could, 
 for it was bleeding some though quite pain- 
 less, by applying a little earth after the man- 
 ner of the Indians, then tied it up with a 
 towel which I had taken the precaution to 
 bring with me in case of accident. We 
 passed the remainder of the night here in 
 this sad plight, for the rain lasted until 
 dawn, and it was followed by a gale so violent 
 that the limbs of the trees fell all around us. 
 We were in quite as much danger, if not 
 more, than in the battle of the preceding 
 afternoon, but a divine providence came to 
 our aid and saved us alike from strife and 
 storm, both equally murderous. All that 
 awful night we were beset with mosquitoes, 
 who made war upon us in their own fashion. 
 The soldier with us, tired and hungry, had 
 
 ioo 
 
SToumal of ItXerrfjereg 
 
 slept with his mouth open and wakened only 
 when it was too full of these hateful insects 
 for further sleep, to spit them all out. 
 
 At daybreak I told Mr. Berthe that we 
 must leave our hiding place and try to reach 
 the river, which could net be far away. After 
 a prayer to God to lead us safely into harbor 
 I struck out with my two companions. All 
 three of us had muskets. About four in the 
 afternoon we reached the bank of the De- 
 troit River and decided to make our way 
 to Brownstown, being careful not to fall into 
 the hands of the enemy, who might easily 
 have taken up their quarters in that place. 
 Not a soul was in sight, but we were not yet 
 out of our difficulties. To get to Amherst- 
 burg we must have a boat, and where could 
 we find one here? Without boat or canoe, 
 what could we do? Suddenly it occurred to 
 me to search the ruins where we had taken 
 refuge, the former habitation of an old Huron 
 chief who had gone to Canada at the break- 
 ing out of hostilities, for some boards and 
 strands of basswood which the Hurons usu- 
 ally kept on hand in these wigwams. Provi- 
 dence had indeed come to our aid for there 
 was an abundance of both, as well as some 
 dry planks. 
 
 We built a raft, then without waiting to 
 consider the risk of our undertaking, we de- 
 
 IOI 
 
Mat on tfje Betrott 
 
 cided to cross the river as far as a certain 
 island about two and a half miles distant. 35 
 We reached it, though not without consider- 
 able danger. More and more we were yield- 
 ing to fatigue, but we hastily crossed the 
 island under cover of its deep verdure so as 
 to get in sight of Amherstburg and if possi- 
 ble signal for help. On the shore lay a quan- 
 tity of bark, left there in the spring by the 
 Indians, and the soldier, overcome by fatigue 
 and hunger, threw himself down on a pile 
 to rest. Immediately several rattlesnakes 
 crawled out from beneath it, scaring him so 
 that he jumped into the water and would 
 not come out but stood there waiting for 
 someone to come to his rescue. Mr. Berthe 
 and I wiped out our muskets and fired sev- 
 eral shots to attract attention. We also 
 made flags of our shirts on the ends of long 
 poles and used these for a signal. Soon a 
 boat manned by some Hurons came out in 
 our direction but hesitated, as though fearing 
 a ruse on the part of the Americans. In mid- 
 stream it stopped as though uncertain what 
 
 35 There are several small islands in the mouth of 
 Detroit River, grouped around the lower end of Grosse 
 He. Probably the one here noted was either Hickory or 
 Sugar Island. The name Isle St. Lawrence, which the 
 author gives farther on in his narrative, has never been 
 encountered elsewhere by the present Editor. 
 
 I02 
 
Sfouxnal of ^Terdjere* 
 
 to do. We were anything but encouraged. 
 A moment afterward a medium-sized canoe 
 filled with Sauteau started out directly to- 
 ward us. Never have I seen one man so glad 
 to see another as the Indian in command of 
 the boat was to see me. He said nothing to 
 my companions, scarcely recognizing them, 
 in fact, in accord with Indian etiquette. 
 
 Without loss of time we took our places in 
 this light craft. There were seven of us and 
 I really experienced more fear in that cross- 
 ing than in that from the American side to 
 Isle St. Laurence, which we had just left. 
 Arrived at Amherstburg, from all sides came 
 my friends, officers, civilians, and natives, 
 to congratulate me on my safe return. They 
 all thought they would never see me again, 
 since some Indians had reported that they 
 had seen me in the battle covered with blood 
 and with a dead soldier at my side. In fact 
 there had been one, the young officer who 
 had so coolly called out "De Boucherville, 
 take care. The Kentuckians are aiming at 
 you!" After I had thanked all who had 
 come down to the shore to greet me, we 
 separated to go to our respective homes. 
 
 Entering mine, the first thing I did was to 
 throw myself on a sofa to rest. At once I 
 fell into a sleep as deep as though I had 
 taken a strong dose of opium. In the mean- 
 
 103 
 
ifllat on tfje Betrott 
 
 time many visitors called to inquire after 
 my health, among others Tecumseh and the 
 officers of the 41st, who remained for my 
 wakening to enter into conversation with 
 me. It was five in the afternoon before I 
 roused from my long sleep to find myself in 
 a goodly company. How comforting were 
 my sensations at this moment! In the first 
 place I had joined the army of His Majesty 
 my King as a volunteer from a sense of duty. 
 I had played the part of a good soldier and 
 had shed my blood as the loyal Canadian I 
 was. In fact I can but admit that deep in my 
 inmost soul there was a feeling of pride. 
 
 My wound was troubling me somewhat 
 at this time. The earth I had applied 
 naturally caused an inflammation. Next day 
 the surgeon extracted the ball but he could 
 not do the same for the shot scattered in 
 my left thigh, which still bothers me, espe- 
 cially in damp weather. The good Tecumseh 
 brought me an Indian doctor who was a 
 recognized healer among the Shawnee and 
 who used nothing but herbs. This man as- 
 sured me that the wound would soon heal if 
 I bathed it with what he would give me and 
 nothing else, and that he would guarantee 
 that in a few days I would again be fit to 
 serve my King and Country. I consulted 
 with Dr. Faulkner of the regiment and with 
 
 104 
 
Sfouwal of ^errijere* 
 
 Dr. Richardson, 36 my regular physician, and 
 both agreed that there was no harm in the 
 treatment. My Indian doctor therefore re- 
 turned the next day and started in with his 
 herbs. Ten days later the wound was healed 
 and I was able to resume my duties. I first 
 paid my respects to Colonel Procter, who 
 received me with marked courtesy. Then I 
 visited Messrs. Baby, Reynolds, Maison- 
 ville, and others, not forgetting my friend 
 Rolette, whom I loved as a brother. 
 
 All was tranquil for several days, but on 
 August 24 General Brock arrived in a vessel 
 from Long Point, 37 with several companies of 
 
 36 Dr. Robert Richardson was the father of Major 
 John Richardson, Canadian soldier and author, whose 
 War of 181 2 has been previously noted. Dr. Richardson 
 was a native of Scotland who came to Upper Canada in 
 1792 as assistant surgeon of the Queen's Rangers. The 
 Rangers were disbanded in 1802 and as many of the 
 regiment as desired it were returned to England. Dr. 
 Richardson remained in Canada, making his home at 
 Amherstburg, where he served both as garrison surgeon 
 and as local magistrate. He married twice and left 
 many descendants. His first wife, Madelaine Askin of 
 Detroit, had an Indian mother, and Major Richardson, 
 the author, was therefore of one-fourth Indian descent. 
 Dr. Richardson died at Amherstburg in 1832. 
 
 37 The author's chronology of Brock's Detroit cam- 
 paign is confused. General Brock reached Amherstburg 
 from Niagara on Aug. 13. He summoned Hull to sur- 
 render (being then at Sandwich) about noon of Aug. 15. 
 The summons being spurned by General Hull, he 
 
 105 
 
Max on tfje ©etrott 
 
 regular soldiers and organized militia. He 
 immediately issued a proclamation to hold 
 ourselves in readiness to go to take Detroit. 
 
 Before continuing my narrative of this ex- 
 pedition I must not forget to report our losses 
 at the battle of Monguagon. 
 
 We had one officer killed, the one stationed 
 close to me whom I have already men- 
 tioned. Major Muir and Lieutenant Clemow 
 were wounded, and among the Canadian 
 volunteers who suffered wounds were Joseph 
 Berthe, Jean Baptiste Cadotte, Alexis 
 Bouthilier, de Longueuil, a soldier, and my- 
 self. Several Indians were also wounded. 
 There may have been some of the regular 
 soldiers killed but if so the fact did not come 
 to my knowledge. The Americans on the 
 other hand lost a large number. 
 
 But to return to the attack of General 
 Brock on Detroit. Quite late in the after- 
 noon he left Amherstburg with his regular 
 troops and militia. Captains Elliott and 
 Caldwell had each a company under his 
 
 crossed the river about dawn of Aug. 16th, several 
 hundred Indians having preceded him in crossing 
 during the night. The surrender and occupation of 
 Detroit took place technically at noon, but actually a 
 little later, on Aug. 16. These statements will serve to 
 correct the author's chronology throughout his narra- 
 tive of the event. 
 
 1 06 
 
Sfoumal of ^Jercfjerejes 
 
 order. Major Muir, Captain Tallan and 
 other officers of the Forty-first Regiment of 
 infantry brought with them three-fourths 
 of the garrison. Then came the militia, 
 which made up four companies. I had en- 
 rolled at the head of one of these as captain, 
 the grade I held in Lower Canada. 
 
 We soon reached the outskirts of Sand- 
 wich, directly opposite Springwells on the 
 American side, and here we bivouacked, 
 waiting for the artillery, which came up but 
 did not halt. It was commanded by Major 
 Cadiz,LieutenantTroughton, Captain Dixon, 
 and several other officers, and continued on 
 its way to the upper part of Sandwich, oppo- 
 site Detroit, where it threw up intrench- 
 ments to pass the night there. 
 
 We on our part were inspected by the Gen- 
 eral before crossing to the opposite shore. 
 While this was going on, the savages arrived 
 in their bark canoes to the number of three 
 hundred. According to custom they had 
 spent the preceding night at Amherstburg 
 dancing the war dance. It was an extraor- 
 dinary spectacle to see all these aborigines 
 assembled together at one time, some cov- 
 ered with vermillion, others with blue clay, 
 and still others tattooed in black and white 
 from head to foot. Their single article of 
 clothing was a breechcloth, always worn 
 
 107 
 
liar on tf)e Betroit 
 
 when going to war. An European witnessing 
 this strange spectacle for the first time would 
 have thought, I truly believe, that he was 
 standing at the entrance to hell, with the 
 gates thrown open to let the damned out 
 for an hour's recreation on earth! It was 
 frightful, horrifying beyond expression. Ac- 
 customed as I was to seeing them on such 
 occasions I could not but feel overcome, as 
 though under the influence of some kind of 
 terror which I was powerless to control. 
 
 Between seven and eight in the evening 
 the crossing was effected at Springwells, 
 General Brock leading, then Tecumseh with 
 his tribes, Shawnee, Potawatomi, Ottawa, 
 Sauteau, Sacs, and Winnebagoes following 
 him. From the shore it must have been an 
 impressive sight to see all those boats draw- 
 ing off in perfect order and landing together 
 on the other side. The debarkment was 
 made without any confusion and there we 
 remained till dark, the Indians surrounding 
 the American garrison from the wooded side, 
 the orders being to scale the fort at midnight 
 with the ladders we had brought for the 
 purpose. 
 
 Soon the bombs of the British began to 
 burst. The balls were fired by our artillery 
 stationed opposite Detroit and they fell like 
 hail upon the town. The bombardment be- 
 
 108 
 
journal of ^Terdjere* 
 
 came ever fiercer; not for a single instant 
 did the explosion of shells above and within 
 the fort cease. The terrific din was in- 
 creased by the howls of the savages, impa- 
 tient to take part in the combat. It was the 
 first time I had ever witnessed the firing and 
 effect of a bomb and I was deeply impressed. 
 
 All this terrible noise had so frightened 
 General Hull that he dared make no reply 
 to our bombardment, although he had every- 
 thing at hand for his defense. More than 
 three thousand men were under his orders, 
 and cannon of every caliber, including some 
 24 pounders, were mounted advantageously 
 against us. To tell the truth he lacked the 
 capacity for vigorous action. 
 
 General Brock remained at our head, ready 
 to advance when the moment came for an 
 assault on the fort at the point of the bayo- 
 net, in conjunction with the savages. Thus 
 we passed the whole night under arms. What 
 was our surprise to see at dawn a white flag 
 floating over the fort, and soon General 
 Brock opened negotiations with the Ameri- 
 can commander. Their garrison surrendered 
 to the little British army, which entered by 
 the gate on the forest side of the fort while 
 the Americans marched out through the 
 river gate. Cries of "Long live the King," 
 were heard on all sides, even from the Sand- 
 
 109 
 
Max on tfje Detroit 
 
 wich shore across the river. The band 
 played Rule Britannia and the British flag 
 was raised. It was nearly seven in the morn- 
 ing when we took possession of Detroit. 
 
 The American militia from Virginia and 
 Kentucky embarked on small vessels bound 
 for Cleveland and thence to their respective 
 homes on parole. The action terminated, 
 the Indians rode through the streets of the 
 town in the fine carriages of the American 
 officers. Soon every savage among them was 
 dead drunk, either stretched out in the car- 
 riages or lying full length in the dust of the 
 streets. Their joy would not have been com- 
 plete if they had not presented this dis- 
 gusting spectacle. 
 
 We found four officers dead in the mess- 
 room, their brains scattered over the walls. 
 They had been killed by the bursting of a 
 bomb during the bombardment. A number 
 of soldiers had also been killed by shells 
 and grapeshot. It seemed apparent that if 
 the attack had been deferred until the next 
 day, our soup would have been much hotter, 
 for the garrison was on the eve of being 
 reinforced by a body of regular troops com- 
 manded by Colonel McArthur, who was even 
 then at the gates. But on learning that the 
 flag had just been lowered he hastily re- 
 treated, swearing that if he had been present 
 
 no 
 
Sfoumal of ^Xercfjere* 
 
 at the moment of capitulation he himself 
 would have put a bullet through General 
 Hull, who was a coward and more fit to be 
 a cowherd than the commander of an army. 
 He considered the surrender disgraceful, the 
 place being so well supplied with men, am- 
 munition, and especially with cannon. He 
 regretted most the brass cannon which had 
 been captured from Burgoyne, a general who 
 resembled Hull in more ways than one, and 
 who had made such a costly sacrifice for the 
 British. 38 
 
 38 After the failure of two attempts (battles of 
 Brownstown and Monguagon) to reopen his line of 
 communications with Ohio, Hull had sent Colonels 
 Cass and McArthur with a force of several hundred 
 men to proceed by an inland route (the present-day 
 U. S. 112) from Detroit to Monroe via Ypsilanti, in 
 the effort to contact and bring on the needed supplies 
 for his army. While they were absent, General Brock 
 demanded and obtained the surrender of Detroit. Al- 
 though Cass and McArthur were loud in their denun- 
 ciations of the surrender, there is but slight ground for 
 supposing that had they been present the outcome 
 would have been any different. The simple truth is 
 that the American army was deplorably lacking in 
 both the capacity for leadership and the elements of 
 discipline. 
 
 The Burgoyne cannon have had a long and interest- 
 ing history. Captured at Bennington by General Stark 
 on Aug. 16, 1777, after a thirty-five year career in the 
 American army, they were now restored to British 
 possession. They were again recaptured by the Amer- 
 
 III 
 
©Bar on tfje Betrott 
 
 That evening we were sent back to Am- 
 herstburg with the exception of the regulars, 
 who remained in garrison for some time. 
 General Brock returned to Niagara taking 
 with him the incorporated militia. After 
 the capture of Detroit matters remained 
 tranquil for quite a long time. The regular 
 troops of the enemy who had been made 
 prisoners of war were hurried off to Quebec 
 the following week. 
 
 Major Muir wrote me on behalf of Colonel 
 Procter asking if I would assume command 
 of a company to conduct the American 
 militia to Cleveland. I replied that much as 
 I felt flattered by this mark of confidence 
 from the commander I greatly preferred to 
 be left for some days to the management of 
 my business, which had been much dam- 
 aged by my repeated absences since the be- 
 ginning of the campaign; that he could not 
 doubt my willingness and my desire to serve 
 my King when it was a question of meeting 
 the enemy, but that this was an entirely 
 
 icans the following year, when General Vincent sur- 
 rendered Fort George on the Niagara, May 27, 18 13. 
 One of them is still preserved at the state capitol of 
 Vermont, and another in the historical museum at 
 Bennington. 
 
 For their story, see J. P. Earle, "The Bennington 
 Cannon," in New York History y XXXV (July, 1937), 
 312-17. 
 
 112 
 
journal of IrTerrfjeretf 
 
 different matter, which could be executed 
 quite as well by persons who had remained 
 at home in Amherstburg as by me and many 
 others who had assisted in the reduction of 
 Detroit. Colonel Procter was quite in agree- 
 ment with my reasoning, and to my great re- 
 lief he immediately appointed another officer. 
 
 The autumn passed tranquilly enough but 
 provisions were very dear and merchandise 
 scarce. The commander shipped some of 
 the cannon taken at Detroit to Amherst- 
 burg, but all the brass pieces which had been 
 taken from General Burgoyne were sent to 
 Quebec. During this period of suspended 
 hostilities the construction of several war 
 vessels was begun. These, added to what 
 we had taken from the enemy, should assure 
 us the mastery of Lake Erie and of the posts 
 above, Mackinac and the rest. On the other 
 hand, the Americans were also building ves- 
 sels at Presqu'ile on the shore of Lake Erie, 
 with the intention of preventing us from 
 acquiring any superiority on this lake. 
 
 In December orders came for us to have 
 the hoods of our great coats edged with 
 black, at least all those who could afford it 
 and who would have occasion to accompany 
 the Indians on an expedition. At the end 
 of this same month I learned with profound 
 grief of the death of my venerable father, 
 
 ll 3 
 
8Har on tfje Detroit 
 
 which had occurred in the preceding month 
 of September; my brother sent this informa- 
 tion to me. 
 
 By this time my goods were entirely ex- 
 hausted and I had absolutely nothing to do. 
 Trade was totally suspended, for one could 
 scarcely find a skein of thread for mending, 
 whether at Amherstburg, Sandwich, or De- 
 troit. I therefore conceived the idea of pay- 
 ing a visit to my dear mother to console her 
 for the cruel loss she had suffered. Major 
 Muir, to whom I disclosed my project, far 
 from opposing me, strongly advised me to 
 undertake the journey. So I begged my 
 friend Woolsey to look after my house dur- 
 ing my absence, which surely would not be 
 long, and started. 
 
 On January 5, 18 13, I set out through the 
 deep snow with a man named Francis Alain, 
 whom I had engaged to take me by cariole 
 as far as Boucherville. My baggage did not 
 amount to much, consisting of a single suit- 
 case. I had also in a small box a complete 
 outfit for an Indian warrior, cloak, leggins, 
 potomagane, and other things. The head 
 of the potomagane (a kind of tomahawk) 
 represented a serpent with a bone in its 
 mouth. On the fifth day after my departure 
 I reached the house of my good friend, Mr. 
 St. George, in York, and here I would gladly 
 
 114 
 
journal of ^Jerdjere* 
 
 have remained for some days, but duty for- 
 bade and I started the next day for Kings- 
 ton. On the way we were constantly de- 
 layed to let convoys of forty or fifty wagons 
 loaded with provisions, ammunition, can- 
 non, etc., pass, which were being hurried on 
 to Upper Canada. These various meetings 
 caused us infinite delay, especially between 
 York and Kingston. 
 
 Arrived at Montreal, after resting only a 
 couple of hours, I set out for Boucherville. 
 How surprised my dear mother was to see 
 me! Such a visit was beyond her fondest 
 anticipations! She had heard from my 
 brother that I had been wounded, and she 
 could not believe that I was well enough to 
 undertake such a long, wearisome journey. 
 
 I remained almost a month with the 
 family, the days following each other in 
 happy intercourse. My mother wanted me 
 to see Quebec, a kind of terra incognita for 
 me. She urged it so pressingly that at last 
 I decided to go, the desire to meet two of 
 my brothers weighing heavily with me; one 
 was cure at Charlebourg, the other provin- 
 cial aide-de-camp of General Provost, Gov- 
 ernor of Canada. 
 
 I made the trip by carriage in five days, 
 accompanied by a young man whom I had 
 engaged for this purpose. On the evening 
 
 ii5 
 
iSJar on tfje Betrott 
 
 of the fifth day I reached Ste. Foy and then 
 Quebec. I had some difficulty in finding 
 where my brother lived for I had stupidly 
 forgotten to ask my mother for his address. 
 The next day I visited families to whom we 
 were related and from whom I received re- 
 peated courtesies, but I was most pleased to 
 meet my two brothers, whom I had not seen 
 for many years. If the kindness and hospi- 
 tality of Quebec people were ever in question 
 I could never be silent. I passed the winter 
 resting from the fatigues I had endured 
 during the preceding summer, which had 
 materially affected my health. My pleasant 
 situation soon made me forget the evil days 
 I had undergone. But soon the clouds re- 
 turned to darken the sky. 
 
 At the beginning of spring I received a 
 letter from Mr. St. George, who was then in 
 Montreal, advising me strongly to return to 
 my store. The reasons he gave were so con- 
 vincing that I immediately decided to leave 
 Quebec the next day by stage for Montreal. 
 Not finding him there I went on at once to 
 Boucherville and was unable to return to 
 Montreal for several weeks owing to the 
 impassable condition of the roads in spring. 
 At length, however, I made the journey and 
 joined him at his hotel, kept by a man 
 named Clamp, on the old market. I spent 
 
 116 
 
journal of IcTerrijereg 
 
 several days with him and purchased an 
 assortment of merchandise the most suit- 
 able for my trade, completing it at the house 
 of Messrs. Gillespie & Co., the whole amount- 
 ing to about thirteen thousand dollars. 
 
 I well knew the risk I was running in ship- 
 ping such a quantity of merchandise up to 
 Amherstburg, for the Americans now had a 
 strong naval force on Lake Erie. But there 
 was no drawing back. I returned to Boucher- 
 ville to engage my men and to procure four 
 large bark canoes at Repentigny. They were 
 veritable rabascas, and cost one hundred 
 dollars apiece. 
 
 In spite of my anxiety to get away, vari- 
 ous matters occurred to delay me. My chief 
 fear was that my goods would be seized by 
 the Americans, for they had just taken sev- 
 eral boatloads of merchandise at the Thou- 
 sand Islands. Major de Bercy, of the Watte- 
 ville Regiment was leaving with some of his 
 men for Kingston and I resolved to join his 
 brigade with my canoes. Accordingly, we 
 left Lachine in the afternoon of June 5th. 
 The way was clear as far as Kingston and 
 we got on well enough except for one little 
 scare at the Thousand Islands, which, how- 
 ever, did not amount to anything. 
 
 At Kingston I hurried away to find my 
 brother, the aide-de-camp, who was in serv- 
 
 117 
 
(filar on tfje Betrott 
 
 ice with Sir George. I asked him to inquire 
 of His Excellency if he would like to send 
 any munitions by me to Amherstburg. He 
 was very glad of the offer and had four bar- 
 rels of powder loaded in my canoes and the 
 next day we set out. 
 
 From Kingston I crossed the Bay of 
 Quinte for the Trent River Portage, and 
 thence to the shore of Lake Ontario. Each 
 canoe had four oarsmen in the center besides 
 the man at the rudder and the end man or 
 guide. The latter was called Parisien and 
 he was from Perrot Island. I paid him one 
 hundred dollars for the trip and the others 
 fifty dollars each. There were thirty-three 
 men in all, those from Boucherville being 
 Pierre Lamoureux, Desjardins, Rocque, and 
 Charbonneau. All the others were from 
 Perrot Island and Lachine. 
 
 And now the danger from the enemy was 
 real enough. No need to fancy anything. 
 After a steady pull all day we camped in a 
 deep bay so as to be out of sight of the for- 
 midable gunboats which ordinarily patrolled 
 the lakes during the night, the better to cap- 
 ture British vessels. My men were very 
 tired, for it had been a hard day, and were 
 glad of the prospect of a good night's rest 
 even though it were out in the open, in the 
 woods and on the lake shore. As a measure 
 
 118 
 
STournal of ^Xercfjere* 
 
 of precaution I had them stack all the bales 
 in front of the camp. I had a presentiment 
 that we would have plenty of excitement 
 during the night. My tent was pitched at 
 the edge of the wood and the canoes, turned 
 upside down, were placed out of sight. 
 
 About two o'clock I was wakened with a 
 start from a deep sleep by my young lad, 
 Lapointe, whom I have forgotten to include 
 in the above list of men engaged, who was 
 saying, "Bourgeois! Bourgeois! Wake up! 
 I hear the sound of oars out on the lake!" 
 In fact, a gunboat of the enemy was crossing 
 the bay but they had not yet seen us so far 
 as we could judge, although it was bright 
 moonlight and very calm. I arose in haste 
 and struck my tent and woke the men. We 
 prepared to defend ourselves stoutly in case 
 of attack, taking our stand behind the bales 
 with our guns in our hands. The sound of 
 the oars ceased and I withdrew a little dis- 
 tance from the camp to reconnoiter our po- 
 sition. I was greatly surprised to see, on the 
 other side of a point of land, that the men 
 from the gunboat were most of them lying 
 stretched on the ground while the rest were 
 cooking supper. By the light of the fire I 
 could clearly distinguish the gunboat and 
 the American flag, the arms stacked on 
 either side and a small cannon in front. 
 
 119 
 
ffliar on tfje Betroit 
 
 Having seen all that was necessary, I re- 
 turned to my men and gave directions for 
 launching and loading the canoes as quietly 
 as possible so as not to attract the attention 
 of the enemy. While this was going on I 
 took two men and stationed them a little 
 distance apart so that being in communica- 
 tion with me they could give the signal 
 agreed upon for departure. I myself must 
 watch the movements of the enemy and if 
 necessary go to York by land, as the main 
 highway could not be very far away. 
 
 I was soon convinced, however, that there 
 was nothing to fear and returned to the men 
 whom I had placed as sentinels. There I 
 found only one, the other having gone away. 
 Under the impression that he had returned 
 to the camp I hurried thither with the other 
 and asked where was Rocque. All replied 
 that they had not seen him. This worried 
 me greatly for we were all ready to set out. 
 I retraced my steps, searching carefully for 
 my man, when suddenly I saw a figure hid- 
 ing in the brushwood. Without hesitating 
 I asked who was there, but got no answer. 
 Again I tried, this time in English, but with 
 no better result. Persuaded that he was a 
 spy, I raised my gun and fired. Luckily for 
 him, the weapon did not immediately take 
 fire. "Oh! It's me!" he cried, scared to 
 
 1 20 
 
Sfoumal of ^Tercfjeres 
 
 death. "But what the devil are you doing 
 here," I replied, "I took you for a spy. Why 
 did you not answer me?" "Because I 
 thought you were an American," he said, 
 "you looked like a giant." "Come on at 
 once!" I told him, and running and out of 
 breath we reached the canoes all ready to 
 start. Soon we were beyond reach of the 
 American cannon, even supposing that we 
 had been discovered and that they wished to 
 fire. The next day we were at York. A few 
 days before this there had been a serious 
 naval engagement on the lake. We passed 
 several dead bodies floating on the water, 
 not a pleasant sight, believe me! 
 
 On my arrival at York I found Mr. St. 
 George returned from Montreal, having 
 made the journey on horseback. He strongly 
 urged me to settle at the head of the lake, 
 saying that business was very promising 
 there, but I was determined to return to 
 Amherstburg where I already had a store, 
 although it was empty at the moment. All 
 the others were empty also, and I felt cer- 
 tain that I would recover my former trade. 
 I therefore continued my journey as I had 
 planned to do at Montreal. At Burlington 39 
 
 39 Present-day Hamilton, Ontario, which lies on the 
 shore of Burlington Bay at the western end of Lake 
 Ontario. 
 
 T2T 
 
Max on tfje JSetrott 
 
 I fell in with a picket of soldiers commanded 
 by a sergeant who, at my request, furnished 
 me with a passport. There was a strong, 
 contrary wind when I entered the bay and 
 followed the course in the direction of the 
 portage which must be made at a place called 
 the Grand River. 
 
 Three of my canoes were on ahead but the 
 fourth, in which I was traveling and which 
 carried a small flag in the rear, was hailed by 
 a schooner anchored in these waters and 
 signaled to come alongside. We did not 
 stop, however, but continued our way in 
 spite of the violence of the wind and of the 
 waves, which threatened to swamp us any 
 minute. Seeing that we paid no attention 
 to their signal and that we were obstinately 
 pursuing our course, they fired several shots 
 over our heads but the second discharge was 
 better aimed and this time a ball came dan- 
 gerously near, passing between me and La- 
 moureux, who were seated on the bales facing 
 the schooner. "Monsieur," he cried, "those 
 devils are determined to send us to the bot- 
 tom! Look! They are loading the cannon!" 
 In fact, they seemed determined upon doing 
 us a bad turn and in face of such an argu- 
 ment there was nothing to do but submit, 
 whether or no. It was with the greatest 
 difficulty that we were able to approach that 
 
 122 
 
journal of ^Tetcfjereg 
 
 troublesome vessel. At last when we were 
 near enough I demanded to know what they 
 meant by this and why they had fired upon 
 us, British subjects, adding that I had re- 
 ported to the picket at the entrance to the 
 bay and was provided with a passport. All 
 they had to say in reply was that they must 
 obey orders. "But what have you to say 
 now that we are here? ,, "Nothing," replied 
 the captain, "nothing whatever." I was 
 furious and I assured him that General Vin- 
 cent, who commanded at Burlington Heights, 
 would hear of his conduct as soon as I got 
 there. I was so angry that if he had been 
 on land I really believe I would have rushed 
 at him with one of the paddles. By the time 
 we reached Burlington, however, my ordi- 
 nary peace of mind was so restored that I 
 thought it better to attend to my own affairs, 
 which were pressing enough, and let the 
 stupid fellow go. It was lucky for him that 
 I did so, for if I had reported him he would 
 have been obliged to face a court-martial 
 and dismissal from the service, so Major 
 Muir told me afterwards. 
 
 I engaged twelve heavy wagons, one for 
 each canoe and the remaining eight for the 
 merchandise. Each wagon was drawn by 
 four horses, while we followed on foot. It 
 was a long way and we were tired enough 
 
 123 
 
Max on tfje Betrott 
 
 when we reached Long Point on Lake Erie, 
 but this was the last of the wearisome por- 
 tages of the route, and now it was over, thank 
 God. 
 
 At dawn the next day we were on the lake 
 with our faces toward Amherstburg but not 
 yet safe from the dangers to which we were 
 exposed on the way. In this fresh-water sea 
 there are many points of land, all fairly 
 accessible; as soon as you double one of 
 these promontories you see another a league 
 or two ahead, with a deep bay between them, 
 and this makes the voyage dangerous when- 
 ever the wind rises even a little. 
 
 But my fears, for the most part, were not 
 because of such dangers. There might easily 
 be an unexpected and unwelcome encounter 
 with a hostile gunboat hidden behind anyone 
 of these points in quest of a prize. Not for 
 a moment did I lay aside my glass, nor did I 
 cease to scan the horizon with it. On leaving 
 Long Point I had been warned by the picket 
 there that American gunboats were con- 
 stantly patrolling the lake, and that their 
 fleet under Commodore Perry had been seen 
 not far from the mouth of the Detroit River. 
 However, I was not disturbed and not at 
 all intimidated. I was young and my goods 
 were paid for. Tf ill luck overtook me I 
 could easily recover, whatever happened! 
 
 124 
 
Sfonvnal of ^Jerrfjere* 
 
 But these considerations did not in any way 
 lessen the necessity of taking the precaution 
 which prudence and wisdom suggested in 
 such circumstances. Besides, all these peo- 
 ple with me had the right to expect from me 
 the greatest possible care to bring them safe 
 and sound to their journey's end. 
 
 When still some distance away I noticed 
 a cottage on a cliff and advised the guide to 
 land there for the night, to which he willingly 
 agreed. I went up to the dwelling and found 
 it occupied by a family of Germans named 
 Wolff, who could speak a little English. 
 There on the shore we passed the night, one 
 of the most beautiful of the month of July, 
 never once lighting a fire lest we attract the 
 attention of the enemy. Our cook prepared 
 the supper of bacon and peas in the house, 
 the German asking nothing better than to 
 oblige us. I bought a small supply of pork 
 from him for the next day. 
 
 We talked a long time about the route, its 
 dangers and places of refuge, and I decided 
 to engage him as guide as far as Point Pelee, 
 about eighty leagues from Amherstburg. 40 
 
 40 The distance is nearer twenty leagues than eighty. 
 Since Vercheres was thoroughly familiar with the 
 geographical situation, it seems probable that the state- 
 ment in the text is due to the error of a copyist rather 
 than of the author. 
 
 125 
 
3Har on tije ©etroit 
 
 I promised to give him twenty dollars for 
 his services. 
 
 The good old fellow was a safe and careful 
 guide. In the course of the day as we were 
 passing some high cliffs known to be very 
 dangerous in bad weather, but now under a 
 bright warm sun, suddenly a black object 
 was hurled through the air and fell in the 
 water between my canoe and the one follow- 
 ing. I could not imagine what it was. Then 
 a fine deer came to the surface, having 
 thought to take his bath among us, unluckily 
 for him as he was soon clubbed to death with 
 heavy blows of our oars. We pulled him out 
 of the water and into one of the canoes, and 
 when we camped that night we made a good 
 supper of him, my men being gratified to 
 have some fresh meat. 
 
 At dawn next day we were on our way. 
 About two o'clock in the afternoon I saw 
 with the glass some object on the horizon 
 which it seemed prudent to investigate. It 
 soon proved to be the American fleet, no 
 doubt at all about it, and this terrible barrier 
 presented a serious obstacle to our further 
 progress. It was anchored at a point oppo- 
 site Colonel Talbot's, whose storehouse the 
 enemy had pillaged of four hundred barrels 
 of flour some days previously. I consulted 
 the old German and he assured me that the 
 
 126 
 
journal of ^Terdjere* 
 
 danger was not so near but that we could 
 proceed for almost another mile to a little 
 stream called Kettle Creek, and there we 
 would be quite safe. We made this refuge 
 and waited there two whole days in hopes 
 that the enemy would take himself off any 
 minute and leave the way clear for us. The 
 third day the fleet was still there and I was 
 almost desperate, but something had to be 
 done. If we left our hiding place we could 
 hope to escape only by passing between the 
 enemy and the shore. There was no question 
 of taking to the open lake. I crossed the 
 wooded land to see for myself what distance 
 the fleet lay from the shore; they were at 
 least three miles out, and probably waiting 
 for a favorable wind to sail away. 
 
 I had only two more days in which to fin- 
 ish the voyage according to agreement and 
 I was very anxious to arrive on time. So 
 without waiting for the favorable wind the 
 Americans seemed so much to desire I de- 
 cided to run the risk of an attack from them 
 in the event we were discovered. Returning 
 to my men I told them how matters stood, 
 and that we would now free ourselves from 
 this blockade. With infinite caution we suc- 
 ceeded in passing the fleet in the darkness of 
 the night without being discovered and at 
 dawn the next morning were happy in find- 
 
 127 
 
<Uar on tfje Detroit 
 
 ing ourselves beyond the reach of their 
 cannon. 
 
 The next point was called the Pines, 41 
 famous for its rattlesnakes and therefore 
 impossible as a camping place. We must 
 of necessity go on to the next. The weather, 
 too, seemed lowering. The wind came in 
 gusts, piling up the waves. I gave orders to 
 the guide to make a landing and we would 
 have breakfast, though it was now near 
 noon. While resting there, the wind fresh- 
 ened and the waves increased in height. 
 Nevertheless my men continued the voyage, 
 the German and myself following the canoes 
 by land, keeping close to the shore. About 
 five in the afternoon, with the wind stronger 
 than ever and the waves running dangerously 
 high, the canoes were obliged to take to the 
 open lake lest they become grounded on the 
 sandbars. Frequently they disappeared from 
 sight in the trough of the waves and we 
 would give them up for lost. I tried in every 
 way possible to make them come ashore 
 but all my signals were ignored, for the ex- 
 perienced voyageurs knew too well what to 
 expect if they tried to land in such a sea. On 
 the contrary, they decided to go on until 
 
 41 Frequently called Point au Pins, and now Rondeau 
 National Park, maintained by the Dominion govern- 
 ment. 
 
 T28 
 
Journal of ^errijere* 
 
 they reached a place sufficiently sheltered 
 from the wind. 
 
 We had been walking along the shore for 
 probably six or seven leagues when the Ger- 
 man began to feel tired and expressed regret 
 that he had not gone in one of the canoes. I 
 was feeling much the same. The night was 
 very dark and we had no idea what had be- 
 come of the rest of our company. It was 
 with difficulty we could distinguish the fallen 
 trees in our path. We went ahead, taking 
 one fall after another. My companion, no 
 doubt wishing to comfort me, kept saying 
 that the canoes were probably wrecked, for 
 they were too heavily loaded. 
 
 Day was breaking when he fell down again, 
 this time in a way that set me off laughing 
 in spite of my anxiety, for he had fallen over 
 a man whom I recognized at once as one of 
 my employees. Stretched on some branches 
 of a tree, he was sleeping like a dead man. 
 I wakened him and begged him to tell me 
 where his companions were. "They are all 
 sleeping around here somewhere," he said. 
 With the aid of a little torch which I 
 made from some birch bark I soon found 
 them all. 
 
 Parisien, the leader, then explained to me 
 that he had found it necessary to keep far 
 out in the lake to prevent the canoes from 
 
 129 
 
21$ar on tfje Detroit 
 
 being stranded on the sandbars or even on 
 the shore itself. Several times he had thought 
 they were running aground, but at last they 
 had made land, though not without accident, 
 for one of the canoes had broken through in 
 the middle and all the goods fell into the 
 water. However, nothing was lost, with the 
 exception of one small box. When it was 
 fully light what was our surprise to find our- 
 selves quite near Point Pelee, Point of Pines 
 having been passed without knowing it. I 
 could not but regret the loss of my poor 
 little box for it contained a quantity of sil- 
 verware for the savages and a complete 
 Indian costume that had belonged to Mr. 
 St. Luc de Lacorne, 42 the gift of my aunt, 
 who was his wife. 
 
 In the afternoon some Indians who were 
 out bear hunting in the neighborhood came 
 to our camp. I knew them, having often 
 traded with them at Amherstburg. I didn't 
 like the idea of rounding Point Pelee, ex- 
 posed to the fire of the Americans who were 
 
 42 As an officer in the Seven Years War, St. Luc de 
 Lacorne defended Canada against British attack, and 
 as a British officer he defended it against the Americans 
 in 1775-76. In 1777 he was the leader of the Canadian 
 and Indian contingents in the army of General Bur- 
 goyne which surrendered at Saratoga. He was a 
 member of the Legislative Council of Quebec from 1775 
 until his death in 1784. 
 
 130 
 
SFournal of ^Jerrfjere* 
 
 always in waiting there for some prey! I 
 mentioned this to my acquaintances, when 
 they offered to conduct me to a portage that 
 would avoid this dangerous passage. They 
 took us to the place indicated and here I 
 said Good-bye to my German friend, who 
 had given me such good service from the 
 time I first met him. 
 
 When this last portage was accomplished 
 we went on by water to a place inhabited by 
 a colony of Germans 43 and thence pushed 
 on vigorously in the direction of Amherst- 
 burg. While still some distance from this 
 town we sighted three American vessels a 
 short distance away. They were on the 
 
 43 Following the close of the Revolution the British 
 government provided a refuge for distressed loyalists 
 and disbanded soldiers by laying out 200-acre lots 
 stretching along the north shore of Lake Erie for many 
 miles eastward from the mouth of Detroit River. This 
 became known as New Settlement, and the town of 
 Colchester was laid out as its market and educational 
 center. Many of the refugees were Germans, some of 
 whom had been brought to America as mercenary sol- 
 diers and had been captured at Saratoga in 1777. This 
 is evidently the community to which the author alludes. 
 One of its members was Daniel McKillip, whose holding 
 was only a mile or two east of Colchester. McKillip 
 was slain in the battle of Fallen Timbers, and his young 
 widow subsequently became the wife of John Kinzie of 
 early Chicago fame, and the inspirer of her gifted 
 daughter-in-law in writing the book Wau Bun, the 
 Lakeside Classics volume for 1932. 
 
 U 1 
 
Mat on tfje Detroit 
 
 lookout about two leagues from shore and 
 from time to time would sail in sight of 
 Amherstburg as though challenging the Brit- 
 ish fleet, which was anchored at the foot of 
 Bois Blanc Island awaiting orders to meas- 
 ure forces with the enemy. 
 
 Favored by distance and darkness we 
 happily passed this danger without accident 
 and made no stop whatever during the whole 
 night. In the morning we stopped to change 
 our clothes that we might enter the town, so 
 long the haven of our desires, suitably cos- 
 tumed. We breakfasted and then the canoes 
 were joyfully directed thither. In passing 
 the British fleet I had my canoe drawn up 
 that I might make a report to the com- 
 mander, Commodore Barclay, who graciously 
 invited me aboard and expressed the sincere 
 pleasure he felt in the success of my venture 
 at a time when the communications were 
 interrupted and very dangerous. Before tak- 
 ing leave I had to accept a glass of excellent 
 Madeira, which was certainly not to be 
 scorned. Descending to my canoe, which 
 was lying alongside the vessel, we directed 
 our course to Colonel Elliot's Point 44 where 
 
 44 Elliot's Point, just below the town of Amherstburg, 
 took its name from the adjoining farm and residence of 
 Colonel Matthew Elliot, noted British Indian Super- 
 intendent and leader of the Indians in unnumbered 
 
 T^2 
 
Sfoumal of ^Terdjere* 
 
 the others were in waiting, and some min- 
 utes later I was again at home after an 
 absence of seven months. 
 
 Immediately I was the center of a crowd 
 of friends, all rejoiced to see me again, above 
 all in times such as these. Several had even 
 come out in a longboat to meet me, among 
 them Major Muir, Captain Tallan, Dr. 
 Faulkner, and Lieutenants Bender and 
 Troughton. On the spot I disposed of all my 
 liquor at the rate of ten dollars a gallon, half 
 of it Jamaica rum and the other half wine, 
 reserving only a very small quantity of the 
 latter for my personal use. When I reached 
 my store there was old Meloche still in 
 charge, who seemed much surprised to see me. 
 
 The next day I was so busy in the store 
 that I had scarcely any opportunity to ex- 
 amine my invoices and place the goods on the 
 shelves. Customers were all about the place, 
 inside and outside, and each had to await 
 his turn. You see by this time they were in 
 need of everything and no one wanted to 
 miss such a splendid chance. The crowd be- 
 came so great that in addition to my two 
 clerks I was obliged to employ four of my 
 
 forays and campaigns against the Americans. The 
 ruined remains of Colonel Elliot's home, built about the 
 year 1784 are still standing, probably the oldest build- 
 ing in the entire Detroit River area. 
 
 *33 
 
Max on tfje Betrott 
 
 voyageurs whose experience and honesty 
 were known to me. It was a great success, 
 I do not deny, and I was proud of it all. The 
 first day I took in more than two thousand 
 four hundred dollars, the second eight hun- 
 dred, and the third over sixteen hundred. 
 On the last-named day I paid all my voy- 
 ageurs and they immediately set off in one 
 of my big canoes of which I had made them 
 a present in token of my esteem. 
 
 Everybody, townsmen, soldiers, sailors, 
 Indians, had a supply of army bills, bearing 
 interest. The British government had now 
 no merchandise to give the Indians for pres- 
 ents and had passed out this paper money as 
 a substitute. Nor had any merchant dared 
 to make the trip to Montreal either by land 
 or water for a supply of goods, considering the 
 dangers that must be encountered at every 
 step. I was, therefore, master of the situation. 
 
 My health, it may readily be imagined, 
 was such that I suffered great physical fa- 
 tigue and much mental disturbance during 
 this long, dangerous voyage, and five days 
 after my return I had a second attack of 
 ague and fever, known also as malarial fever, 
 but fortunately it was not very serious. I 
 was obliged to keep my bed for some days, 
 however, and was attended by Dr. Alle- 
 mand, who was as strong as a horse. 
 
 134 
 
journal of ^ercJjerei 
 
 There was now much questioning concern- 
 ing the operations which were due to be 
 made by Commodore Barclay as soon as the 
 reinforcements which he was expecting from 
 Newfoundland should arrive. 45 He was anxi- 
 ous to attack the American fleet anchored 
 at the mouth of the river, opposite Bois 
 Blanc Island. The encounter could hardly 
 be postponed. 
 
 A few words in relation to the condition 
 of commerce at this moment may not be out 
 of place. Army bills bearing interest were 
 so abundant, as also gold doubloons, that 
 even the poorest savage had more of them 
 in his tobacco pouch than he knew what to 
 do with. Judge, therefore, my readers, how 
 many more favored individuals were likely 
 to have. Naturally, people were willing to 
 hold on to the doubloons but merchandise 
 was preferable to the paper money. The de- 
 sire to obtain it, therefore, was overwhelm- 
 ing, regardless of the price, which was ex- 
 orbitant. I did not dare fix it myself, in 
 fact, for I was ashamed. Third quality mus- 
 
 45 The Royal Newfoundland Regiment was organized 
 in 1803. In the War of 18 12 its members served as 
 marines on Lake Erie and Lake Ontario. They were 
 represented in most of the engagements on the North- 
 western frontier, including Frenchtown, the Battle of 
 Lake Erie, and the defense of Mackinac in 18 14. 
 
 J 35 
 
IHar on tfje Betroit 
 
 lin sold for eight shillings a yard, cloth cost 
 from four to five pounds sterling a yard, 
 smoking tobacco was ten shillings a pound, 
 and salt, which was very scarce, was as high 
 as thirty dollars a bushel. Luckily I had 
 bought a cargo of salt at Cayuga on the 
 American side before the commencement of 
 hostilities, and I still had thirty barrels on 
 hand. Other things were in proportion. And 
 while I was in the thick of my commercial 
 dealings I was attacked by this wretched 
 fever which, although quickly overcome, dis- 
 tressed me not a little. 
 
 Commodore Barclay now had orders from 
 Sir James Yeo to sail to attack Perry on 
 Lake Erie. He raised anchors about one in 
 the afternoon and with a favorable wind was 
 soon in touch with the enemy, the engage- 
 ment beginning near the islands of San- 
 dusky. 46 Our vessels were armed with can- 
 non of heavy caliber, the guns from the fort 
 being placed aboard the Queen Charlotte and 
 the St. Lawrence^ while the smaller guns — 
 1 8, 25 and 32-pounders — were aboard the 
 brigs. While the wind continued in our 
 favor the Americans got the worst of it, but 
 
 46 The author was not a participant in this battle, 
 and his account is not wholly accurate. Barclay sailed 
 in search of Perry early in the morning, and the battle 
 began at 11:45 A.M. 
 
 136 
 
journal of ^ercfjere* 
 
 before long the breeze diminished and our 
 big ships were unable to maneuver and their 
 broadsides against the enemy began to 
 weaken. The hostile gunboats were not slow 
 to perceive our disadvantage and came up 
 rapidly with a shower of bullets upon our 
 fleet, firing with such skill and advantage 
 that in a very short time all our cannon were 
 silenced, a circumstance that augured badly 
 for us. Perry, in fact, was victorious. He cap- 
 tured our whole fleet and conducted it to a 
 place of safety among the Sandusky Islands. 
 We remained four or five days without re- 
 ceiving any definite news of the engagement. 
 On the fifth day Procter, who now had the 
 grade of general, anxious to know what had 
 become of our fleet, dispatched some Indians 
 during the night to seek whatever informa- 
 tion would throw light on his anomalous 
 position. Their report confirmed our worst 
 fears. 47 The American flag floated over the 
 British vessels. 
 
 47 Various accounts agree that the cannonading could 
 be heard at Amherstburg, and some of them indicate 
 that its conclusion could be witnessed by anxious ob- 
 servers in the vicinity. Major Richardson states that, 
 save as the battle smoke obscured the view, the fleets 
 could be seen from the lake shore; the report of John 
 Kinzie, a prisoner at Amherstburg at the time, of the 
 outcome of the battle is related in Mrs. Kinzie's Wau 
 Bun, 292-93. Regardless of the accuracy of these re- 
 
 137 
 
©Sat cm tfje JSetrott 
 
 On receiving this disastrous news the Brit- 
 ish commander promptly issued a proclama- 
 tion commanding all loyal subjects of His 
 Majesty the King to follow the army to 
 Sandwich, to which place he retreated upon 
 evacuating Amherstburg. All the store- 
 houses of the King, the barracks, the ship- 
 yard, etc., were burned, and desolation 
 reigned supreme. 
 
 Not wishing to be considered lacking in 
 loyalty, no matter what my loss, I prepared 
 to take out with all possible haste as much 
 of the merchandise in my store as I could, 
 storing it in the houses of trusted inhabi- 
 tants who could not leave home to go with 
 the army, which was already on its way to 
 Sandwich. I was still in the store making 
 my final preparations when I was warned to 
 hurry, for already the hostile fleet was in 
 sight at Elliot's Point opposite Bois Blanc 
 Island. I turned over my books and all my 
 important papers to a friend, a reliable man, 
 tied all the Army bills that I possessed, 
 amounting to six thousand dollars, in a 
 handkerchief about my waist as a belt, said 
 
 ports, it seems certain that Procter could not have 
 remained long in ignorance of the result of the battle; 
 the mere failure of the British fleet to return, would in 
 itself have afForded convincing evidence of Barclay's 
 defeat. 
 
 i 3 8 
 
journal of ^Jerrfjere* 
 
 Good-bye to my two clerks, old Meloche and 
 his son, leaped upon my horse, and was off 
 at a gallop. I was the last man to leave the 
 town. At the Canard River I found the 
 bridge destroyed. What to do I knew not 
 and was cursing my ill luck when I spied a 
 log and decided to cross the river, which is 
 quite wide but not very deep, on it, with 
 my horse swimming in tow. This was ac- 
 complished without accident in a few min- 
 utes of time, and I galloped at full speed to 
 Petite Cote, where I made a brief call on 
 Captain Bondy. 48 He gave me a glass of 
 whiskey and water which I swallowed with 
 as much pleasure as though it were the finest 
 Madeira or the most expensive champagne. 
 From Captain Bondy's I rode to the house 
 of the Honorable Jacques Baby, and here I 
 remained several days. 
 
 General Procter with the army and also 
 the savages, some of whom had come in 
 
 48 Captain Lawrence Bondy of the First Essex 
 Militia, who was born at Sandwich in 1771 and who 
 was fatally wounded at the siege of Fort Meigs in 18 13. 
 His grandfather, Joseph Bondy, came to Detroit from 
 Lower Canada prior to 1732, married and reared a 
 family here, and subsequently returned to Vercheres, 
 Quebec, where he died in 1760. The facts suggest that 
 our author may probably have been acquainted with 
 Captain Bondy 's Quebec relatives before coming out to 
 Amherstburg. 
 
 *39 
 
Max on tije Betrott 
 
 canoes, reached Sandwich at the same time 
 as myself. The soldiers pitched their tents 
 and the officers were billeted among the peo- 
 ple of the town. All that day we waited 
 expectantly for the army of the American 
 general, Harrison, aboard the fleet of Com- 
 modore Perry. We were all eager for a fight, 
 but the Americans did not show up. In- 
 stead, they remained several days at Am- 
 herstburg, during which time Harrison issued 
 a proclamation and circulated warrants 
 against all who had followed the British 
 troops. They hunted out the property be- 
 longing to these people and part of my goods 
 were found in the possession of the persons 
 where I had hidden them, and taken into the 
 town by Major PuthufT. 49 
 
 The day following my unexpected arrival 
 at the house of Mr. Baby, that hospitable 
 gentleman gave a banquet, inviting General 
 Procter, Major Muir, and several other offi- 
 cers of the Forty-first and of the artillery, 
 Colonel Elliot, Superintendent of Indian 
 
 49 Major William Henry Puthuff enlisted in the army 
 from Ohio as a volunteer in 1812. He served through- 
 out the war and at Detroit won the warmest esteem of 
 the citizens. From 181 5 to 1824 he held the office of 
 Indian Agent at Mackinac. He died at Detroit July 16, 
 1824, and was accorded an imposing funeral two days 
 later. See Detroit Gazette July 23, 1824; Wis. Hist. 
 Colls., XIX, 407-408. 
 
 140 
 
Sfouwal of ^erdfjere* 
 
 Affairs, the famous Shawnee chief Tecumseh, 
 Sheriff William Hands, 50 and his brothers, 
 Jean Baptiste and Francis Baby. Tecumseh 
 was seated at my left with his pistols on 
 either side of his plate and his big hunting 
 knife in front of him. He wore a red cloak, 
 trousers of deerskin, and a printed calico 
 shirt, the whole outfit a present from the 
 English. His bearing was irreproachable for 
 a man of the woods as he was, much better 
 than that of some so-called gentlemen. 
 
 The first courses had been served and dis- 
 posed of when there came a knock on the 
 dining-room door and a sergeant entered, 
 who without further ceremony announced 
 that the fleet was at this moment coming up 
 the river, though there was but a light breeze 
 and it was making very slow progress. Te- 
 cumseh did not understand all that was 
 being said but he arose from the table and 
 had the words of the sergeant explained to 
 him by Colonel Elliot's interpreter, a man 
 
 50 William Hands was born near London in 1756. He 
 was engaged in trade at Detroit as early as 178 1. Fol- 
 lowing the American occupation he removed to Sand- 
 wich, preferring to remain a British subject. Here he 
 held numerous offices of public trust, and here he died, 
 Feb. 20, 1836. His wife was Mary Abbott of Detroit. 
 Her brother, James Abbott, in 1804 married at Chicago 
 Sarah Whistler, eldest daughter of Captain John 
 Whistler, the builder of Fort Dearborn. 
 
 i 4 i 
 
Mat on tfje Betroit 
 
 named Cadotte, who was in waiting in an 
 adjoining room. The chief turned pale and 
 placing a hand on each of his pistols ad- 
 dressed General Procter in these words: 
 "Father, we must go to meet the enemy and 
 prevent him from coming here. We are 
 quite numerous enough. We must not re- 
 treat, for if you take us from this post you 
 will lead us far, far away, perhaps even to 
 the shores of the great salt lake, and there 
 you will tell us Good-bye forever, and leave 
 us to the mercy of the Longknives. I tell 
 you I am sorry I have listened to you thus 
 far, for if we had remained at the town we 
 have just left we could have taken our stand 
 behind the great sandbanks of Father Elli- 
 ot's point; here, without any doubt we could 
 have prevented the enemy from landing and 
 kept our hunting grounds for our children. 
 Now they tell me you want to withdraw to 
 the River Thames and there entrench your- 
 self and build bakehouses for the soldiers. I 
 am tired of it all. Every word you say 
 evaporates like the smoke from our pipes. 
 Father, you are like the crawfish that does 
 not know how to walk straight ahead. " 51 
 
 51 The author here presents another interesting ver- 
 sion of Tecumseh's speech protesting the British evacu- 
 ation of Amherstburg and Detroit. It should be com- 
 pared with Major Richardson's version, given in 
 
 142 
 
Sfoumal of ^errijere* 
 
 As soon as the chief concluded this harangue, 
 all hurried to pack up preparatory to a re- 
 treat that same day to the River Thames. 
 The fleet had already reached Turkey Island, 
 halfway up the river. 
 
 Orders were at once sent to Fort Detroit, 
 still in our possession, to evacuate without 
 delay and to cross the river to this place. 
 Before leaving they were to burn all the 
 buildings that might be of use to the enemy. 
 Soon the fire was doing its work. It was a 
 beautiful if sad sight that met our eyes that 
 third of October, 1813. 52 
 
 Richardson's War of 18/2, 205-206. Richardson and 
 others commonly agree that the speech was delivered 
 at Amherstburg instead of at Sandwich. Although not 
 identified with this particular speech, Amherstburg 
 residents still point out a boulder on which Tecumseh 
 is supposed to have stood when addressing his followers. 
 52 The author's chronology is again at fault. The 
 American victory of Lake Erie, Sept. 10, 18 13, com- 
 pelled the abandonment of Detroit, since Procter could 
 no longer provision his army here. He evacuated 
 Amherstburg on Sept. 26, having first destroyed the 
 public works and stores. Harrison entered Amherst- 
 burg Sept. 27, and on the twenty-ninth advanced to 
 Sandwich. The same day he sent a regiment across the 
 river to reoccupy Detroit. Procter had destroyed the 
 public buildings on the twenty-seventh, and retiring 
 eastward, reached the River Thames on the twenty- 
 ninth. Harrison resumed his advance from Sandwich 
 October 2, and on October 5 overtook and destroyed 
 Procter's army in the Battle of the Thames. The 
 
 143 
 
2Har on tfje Detroit 
 
 The British troops and the Indians at once 
 started on the march for the River Thames. 
 I was also en route with three companions, 
 Messrs. Woolsey and Voyer of Quebec, and 
 another man named Bergeron. We four 
 were on horseback, with the intention of 
 going on to Montreal if we could, and fol- 
 lowed the army at a little distance, stopping 
 from time to time at the houses of settlers 
 whom we knew. The Americans were in 
 close pursuit, but were unable to get their 
 vessels up the river, and the soldiers, com- 
 manded by Harrison, were disembarked at 
 its mouth. For five days we awaited their 
 coming, stationed a short distance from the 
 Moravian village at the house of a distiller 
 named Dolsen, and where some of the sol- 
 diers amused themselves by drinking whiskey. 
 It was our sixth day when Harrison and his 
 men disembarked. The Kentuckians fol- 
 lowed the right bank of the river while the 
 rest marched directly upon our camp. The 
 two sides having joined in battle we were 
 completely defeated in no time. The Forty- 
 first Regiment and some companies of New- 
 victory added much to Harrison's fame, but the popular 
 emphasis is largely misplaced; the vigor with which he 
 conducted the pursuit is commendable; the actual 
 battle was a forlorn-hope affair on the part of the 
 British, and its issue was a foregone conclusion. 
 
 I 44 
 
journal of ^Jertfjeretf 
 
 foundlanders were made prisoners, and Te- 
 cumseh, who was on the other side of the 
 river, was killed. According to some of our 
 officers who were taken to Detroit as prison- 
 ers of war, that brave warrior was hacked 
 into little pieces by the enraged Kentuckians 
 and taken to Detroit, but I have never really 
 believed this barbarous story. The rout was 
 as unexpected as it was complete. Two of 
 our horses were killed and the other two 
 stolen, probably by the Potawatomi, who 
 are as great horse thieves as the Bedouins 
 of the desert. Procter was in full flight with 
 the remnant of his little army. 53 
 
 As I was well acquainted with the road to 
 York I proposed to these gentlemen to go 
 
 53 The author's account of the events attending the 
 destruction of Procter's army is both sketchy and in- 
 accurate. Dolsen's, where Procter made a temporary 
 stand, was about fifteen or sixteen miles above the 
 mouth of the Thames, and the battleground of October 
 5 was a similar distance above Dolsen's. Both Harri- 
 son's troops and Procter's followed the north side of the 
 Thames from its mouth as far as Dolsen's, since the 
 only available road then ran along this side of the river. 
 At the battle of October 5, however, all the forces en- 
 gaged were on one side (the right) of the river. Tecum- 
 seh and his Indians held the right of the British line, and 
 Procter's regulars and militia the left, adjoining the 
 river; the length of the entire line, from the river to the 
 swamp (which protected the British right flank) was 
 somewhat less than a mile. 
 
 M5 
 
Max on tfje ©etroit 
 
 through the woods. We struck out in the 
 direction of Oxford, whither a party of the 
 Forty-first Regiment had also fled. It had 
 been erroneously reported that this regiment 
 had been entirely captured by the enemy; 
 these soldiers made their way to the British 
 headquarters at Burlington Heights. 
 
 I should relate that before the battle 
 several ladies, the wives of officers, had 
 left the camp to go farther down from the 
 Moravian village and there take a large 
 bark canoe for Oxford. After the battle was 
 lost we repaired to the same place whence 
 these ladies had set out and rented a second 
 canoe which had just been gummed, the 
 property of Mr. Larocque or Mr. Lacroix, 
 both merchants of Montreal, to take us 
 also to Oxford, where the river ceased to 
 be navigable. 
 
 Without loss of time, we took our places 
 in the canoe, the ladies having preceded us 
 not more than an hour. The day was dark 
 and disagreeable, the wind blowing a gale 
 with frequent showers of cold rain. Every- 
 thing tended to make us the prey of an all- 
 pervading gloom, as in truth we were. The 
 River Thames narrowed considerably as we 
 proceeded and the bottom bristled with the 
 trunks of trees, making navigation very 
 dangerous for a bark canoe. 
 
 1+6 
 
Journal of ^ercfjere* 
 
 I tried to learn the names of the ladies who 
 had preceded us but no one knew who they 
 were. All anyone could say was that some 
 of them were the wives of officers who had 
 been taken prisoners by the Americans; from 
 Oxford they would be obliged to go to To- 
 ronto in a wagon. We gradually gained on 
 their canoe and were not more than a gun- 
 shot distant when suddenly piercing shrieks 
 smote our ears. The canoe had foundered on 
 the trunk of a tree hidden under the water; 
 it commenced to leak on all sides and every- 
 one in it faced almost certain death. The 
 worthless wretches who had brought them 
 this far, instead of exerting themselves to 
 save these poor drowning women, competed 
 with each other in seeing who would be first 
 to shore, which they quickly reached. We 
 boiled with rage and our indignation knew 
 no bounds. Employing our utmost exertions 
 we quickly reached the scene of the accident. 
 Never shall I forget the supplications of one 
 poor woman that we save the infant she 
 held in her arms. This we did and the mother 
 also, placing them both in the canoe. Mr. 
 Voyer then pulled another out of the water 
 and seated her beside her companion. There 
 was still a third to rescue, but our canoe was 
 already overloaded and in danger of swamp- 
 ing if we made the slightest move. What 
 
 147 
 
Max on tfje ©etrott 
 
 was to be done? The woman was gifted with 
 rare courage and this proved her salvation. 
 At our suggestion she clung fast to the canoe 
 with admirable coolness and was towed 
 ashore. The gratitude of these unhappy 
 women may easily be imagined. 
 
 None of their effects were lost, however, 
 as the canoe did not overturn, though nearly 
 filled with water. The men set about re- 
 pairing it and were soon ready to re-embark. 
 Although saved from shipwreck, the ladies 
 would be exposed to certain illness if they 
 continued the journey before they had dried 
 their soaked clothing, but those gross bar- 
 barians even yet seemed not to notice any- 
 thing wrong and ordered them into the 
 canoe at once. I remarked to Mr. Woolsey 
 that with such a craft it was our duty to 
 keep them in sight. He agreed with me, as 
 did also our two companions. It was really 
 all we could do, seeing that our canoe was 
 too small to hold us all at one time, and we 
 could not urge them to wait until their 
 clothes were dry and then have them take 
 passage with us. 
 
 Their canoe left about half an hour before 
 ours but it was impossible for us to overtake 
 them. I was under the impression that they 
 intended to travel all night and so be out 
 of reach as quickly as possible of the attacks 
 
 148 
 
journal of ^Jerrijere* 
 
 of the enemy, who were hotly pursuing the 
 remnant of our troops. We were nbw only 
 three leagues in a direct line from our start- 
 ing point although, owing to the windings of 
 the river, we had traveled more than seven. 
 
 It was now ten o'clock in the evening and 
 we were advised that it would be safer for 
 us to camp for the night. We therefore di- 
 rected our course to the south side of the 
 river, opposite to that on which the highway 
 the Americans were following ran, and we 
 decided not to make a fire, lest we attract 
 their notice. Profound silence reigned all 
 about us. We were preparing for a much 
 needed and well-earned rest when we heard 
 the echo of blows made by an axe. We 
 strained our ears to listen. The sound ceased, 
 then was immediately renewed. Cautiously 
 I advanced in the direction from which the 
 blows came. To my great surprise I saw 
 beyond some big trees, by the feeble light 
 of a little fire, the men who had preceded us. 
 I at once retraced my steps to report my 
 discovery to my companions. Mr. Voyer 
 was the only one awake and he willingly 
 agreed to go back with me. 
 
 We found these men seated around the 
 fire but the ladies were too far away to feel 
 anything whatever of its beneficent effects. 
 They were still completely soaked and the 
 
 149 
 
©Bar on tfje Betrott 
 
 night was quite chilly, with the wind blow- 
 ing from the northeast. Their blankets were 
 wet, as also their camp beds. With nothing 
 to eat and in such a pitiful plight, it was 
 impossible not to be affected even to tears. 
 
 We reproached the men bitterly, destitute 
 as they were of all feelings of humanity, and 
 threatened to report their infamous conduct, 
 sitting there before the ladies and taking 
 up all the fire. These poor creatures, one 
 with a little child on her knees, wept tears 
 of sympathy. Would you believe it, that 
 unfortunate mother was only nineteen years 
 of age; the other ladies were very little 
 older. 
 
 Mr. Voyer made them a good fire at the 
 risk of being surprised by the enemy, seeing 
 we were so near the river, and this gave 
 them new life. Before leaving them to go 
 to our camp for provisions, for they had 
 eaten nothing since the accident, I stretched 
 their blankets before the flames to dry them 
 a little and assure these women a comfort- 
 able rest for the remainder of the night. I 
 returned with Mr. Voyer to our camp and 
 hastened to waken Mr. Woolsey, who was 
 in charge of our small supply of food, and 
 told him of the wretched condition of these 
 unfortunate women. He was a kind-hearted 
 man and the story appealed so strongly to 
 
 150 
 
journal of ^erdfjere* 
 
 him that he offered to return to them with 
 us, but this I would not allow because his 
 health was very bad. He forced us to take 
 a little port wine in addition to some sugar, 
 tea, bread, etc., and we hurried back to the 
 ladies. I do not exaggerate when I say that 
 they welcomed us as having saved their 
 lives. We soon had some water boiling and 
 they drank their tea in absolute content. 
 The blankets were now quite dry and they 
 could wrap themselves for the much needed 
 rest with no fear of cold. Before leaving 
 them we poured for each a good glass of 
 wine to warm their benumbed limbs. They 
 tendered us a thousand thanks for our char- 
 ity, as they were pleased to call it, and we 
 took our leave, never to see them again. It 
 was nearly two o'clock in the morning when 
 we returned and lay down for a rest of some 
 hours. 
 
 At dawn the next morning we resumed our 
 journey. In passing the place where their 
 canoe had been the evening before, I saw 
 that they had already started, although not 
 much earlier, for their fire was still burning. 
 We made no further stop until we reached 
 Oxford about two o'clock in the afternoon, 
 a small place containing only a few houses. 
 There we learned that the ladies had come 
 in an hour previously and were lodged in one 
 
 J5 1 
 
Mat on tfje ©etrott 
 
 of the houses; satisfied with this news, I did 
 not go to call on them. 
 
 Here we abandoned our canoe and started 
 out on foot. A disagreeable rain fell all day 
 long and the road through the woods was 
 unusually bad. I had a small traveling-bag, 
 the kind one usually fastens at the back of 
 the saddle. When I was leaving Sandwich 
 on horseback I was reminded of it and so I 
 had brought it along. It did not hold much, 
 I can assure you. A couple of towels, a cake 
 of soap, a razor, a traveling-mirror, two 
 shirts, and a pocket handkerchief, that was 
 all. I still had my belt filled with Army bills 
 tied around my waist. 
 
 At midnight we camped in the woods, 
 making a little shelter from the rain, which 
 continued to fall heavily. Our provisions 
 were gone, the ground was wet and for- 
 bidding, and the water trickled steadily 
 down our necks, not a pleasant feeling, you 
 will admit, and little conducive to sleep. 
 We were off again very early the next morn- 
 ing, despite the rain, and did not halt until 
 four in the afternoon. Our weariness was 
 oppressive but not more so than the devour- 
 ing hunger. Suddenly we came upon a little 
 house, which we entered, and I asked an 
 elderly woman whom we found there if she 
 could give us something to eat, for which we 
 
 152 
 
HFournal of ^Jerdjereg 
 
 would pay her well. "Yes," she said, in a 
 sarcastic tone of voice, "that is what two 
 runaway soldiers said. They promised to 
 pay me well and after they had eaten my 
 bread and drunk my milk they went off 
 without giving me anything. No, I haven't 
 a bite for you!" I insisted, and told her 
 she must have something left and that she 
 would have to give it to us, willy-nilly; I 
 added that we were starving and that she 
 would surely be paid this time for whatever 
 she gave us to appease our hunger. She then 
 boiled a cabbage for us and charged us one 
 dollar each for it. Evidently we were to pay 
 heavily for the two dishonest soldiers. This 
 sum was handed to her at once and without 
 comment, for we would not take advantage 
 of our strength to resist her imposition. 
 
 In the twinkling of an eye this frugal meal 
 disappeared and we resumed our road, which 
 became steadily worse. We met a patrol of 
 a dozen British dragoons who were on their 
 way to protect from the Americans those 
 who were too hard pressed to leave General 
 Procter. The news of the defeat had reached 
 headquarters at Burlington Heights. These 
 men advised us to hurry, for it was rumored 
 that the American cavalry was hard on our 
 heels, having already made prisoners of 
 several soldiers. 
 
 153 
 
©SJar on tfje Detroit 
 
 We had no sooner received this comforting 
 intelligence when in passing through a cedar 
 swamp full of roots I was unlucky enough to 
 get caught in one of these and could extricate 
 myself from this awkward position only by 
 leaving my boot behind. This accident, 
 coming at the moment when it was necessary 
 to make all haste so as not to fall into the 
 hands of the enemy, was most unfortunate for 
 me. I was obliged to go on, one foot booted, 
 the other bare. It was very painful walking in 
 this way among the roots and stumps, and 
 the more so that I could not now keep up 
 with my companions as I wished to do. 
 
 About five o'clock in the afternoon, we 
 saw a house on the outskirts of the forest 
 and I begged my friends as a favor to stop 
 there, all of us, and rest and if possible get a 
 little food, the cabbage having scarcely 
 affected our hunger. There was a chance, 
 also, that I might get a boot to replace the 
 one I had so unexpectedly lost, for I could 
 not walk farther half shod as I was. We 
 went in, and were welcomed so hospitably 
 that we spent the night there in much com- 
 fort. I was also thankful to find an old pair 
 of boots for which I paid fourteen dollars, 
 and if the owner had asked it I would gladly 
 have paid much more, so anxious was I to 
 be shod on both feet. 
 
 154 
 
journal of ^Terdjeres 
 
 The next morning we said Good-bye to 
 our good Samaritans and by noon we agreed 
 that we must be near enough to the Grand 
 River to have no further fear of encountering 
 the enemy. Just then we met a man wear- 
 ing a blue cloak with a red collar and mounted 
 on a big, fine horse. At first we thought he 
 might be an American cavalryman, but ad- 
 dressing me in English he asked if I knew 
 anything about the defeat of the Forty-first 
 Regiment, and I saw at once that he was not. 
 I replied that we ourselves belonged to that 
 regiment and that for the most part it had 
 been captured and sent to Detroit, that the 
 remainder were being pursued by the enemy 
 and were scattered through the woods trying 
 to make their way to headquarters. As for 
 us, we intended to go on to Montreal by 
 way of York. After some further conversa- 
 tion he inquired anxiously if we knew any- 
 thing of the ladies attached to the army of 
 General Procter. "Yes," I said, "the wife 
 of Major Muir is on the way in a wagon 
 with her children. She is perhaps at Oxford 
 where some other ladies arrived yesterday 
 in a canoe. " I then gave him an account of 
 their accident, which seemed to cause him 
 unusual alarm. "Was there a young woman 
 with a baby among them," he asked anx- 
 iously. "But that is the very one I rescued!" 
 
 155 
 
Mat on tfje ©etroit 
 
 I answered. "Oh Lord!" he cried, "that is 
 my daughter and her child." His tears fell 
 as he explained that he was even now hurry- 
 ing to meet them. "Gentlemen," he cried, 
 "before we part, kindly give me your names 
 that I may always remember you!" "This 
 is Mr. Woolsey of Quebec," I said, "formerly 
 of the second battalion of Royal Canadians. 
 This is Mr. J. Voyer, also of Quebec, brother 
 of Colonel Voyer in command of the third 
 batallion of incorporated militia, while I am 
 from the parish of Boucherville." "What!" 
 he cried, "Boucherville? Are you the son of 
 the Seigneur of that name? Not the one 
 called Vercheres?" "Yes, Sir!" I answered. 
 Dismounting from his horse, he came up to 
 me and said, "My name is William Claus, 54 
 Indian Superintendent for this district of 
 Upper Canada. At one time, when I had the 
 honor of being stationed with my regiment, 
 the Sixtieth, at Boucherville, the house of 
 your distinguished father, as also several 
 others, was open to me and I spent some 
 
 64 Colonel William Claus was a grandson of Sir 
 William Johnson, and a nephew of Sir John Johnson, 
 one of the most noted loyalists of the Revolution and 
 after 1783 Superintendent-general of Indian Affairs in 
 North America. By reason of his family connections, 
 Claus enjoyed the confidence of the Iroquois, and on 
 June 13, 1796, he was appointed Superintendent of 
 Indian Affairs at Niagara. He died there in 1826. 
 
 156 
 
journal of ^zvtfyixtsi 
 
 happy hours there. You were young at the 
 time and may not recall coming to see me at 
 my house, near the dwelling of Mr. de la 
 Bruere, your kinsman. You were very fond 
 of playing at being a soldier." I remembered 
 then, vaguely at first, then more vividly as I 
 recalled the events to which he referred. 
 The good man could not find words in which 
 to thank us. Pressing the hands of all three 
 of us, he cried, "Come! Come, I say! Tell 
 Mrs. Claus who you are and you will be at 
 home there. Do not fail to tell her how you 
 rescued her daughter and child. She is the 
 daughter of Captain Hale, 55 of the Forty- 
 first Regiment. Never! never can we forget 
 you, Gentlemen, Good-bye. " He set off 
 then at full gallop in the direction of Oxford. 
 We were then only six leagues from the 
 Grand River which empties into Lake Erie 
 at a village called Six Nations. Captain 
 Brant had his home here and a man named 
 Norton, 56 the first an Indian and the other 
 
 65 Probably Lieutenant Harris Hailes, later colonel of 
 the Twenty-eighth Regiment, whose name might 
 readily be misspelled. He was captured by General 
 Harrison at the siege of Fort Meigs in May, 1813, and 
 again at The Thames on October 5 following. 
 
 56 John Norton was a half-breed, his mother being 
 Scotch and his father a Mohawk. He was educated in 
 England, and following the death of Chief Joseph 
 Brant in 1807 put himself forward as the principal chief 
 
 *57 
 
©Har on tfje Betrott 
 
 a Scotchman, but living like an Indian. We 
 slept that night in the village, where there 
 was a very good inn. There was much la- 
 menting here for we were now among our 
 own people, British subjects. Until now all 
 whom we met were more inclined to help 
 the Americans than the English. Most of 
 the people in that part of Oxford were Ameri- 
 cans and consequently republican to the 
 marrow. 
 
 We reached Burlington Heights in a rain 
 that had not ceased for four days and went 
 to the house of Mr. McKay who, as I have 
 already mentioned, kept a store there for 
 Mr. St. George. After drying our clothes 
 and eating an excellent dinner we again set 
 out and late that evening reached the Credit 
 River, a short distance from York, where we 
 put up at a very good hotel. 
 
 The next day at noon we entered York 
 and went to the house of Mr. St. George, 
 who was much surprised to see us. From a 
 messenger of General Procter, Mr. Reiffen- 
 
 of the Mohawk. Another account represents that he 
 was a Scotchman who, after service as a private in the 
 British army, settled on Grand River, where he adopted 
 the Indian mode of life. Whatever his origin may have 
 been, he was accepted by the British Indian Depart- 
 ment as a Mohawk chief. In the War of 1812 he led the 
 Mohawk contingent in the battle of Queenston. He 
 was living as late as the spring of 1819. 
 
 158 
 
journal of ^Tercfiereg 
 
 stein, he had heard that part of the Forty-first 
 Regiment had been made prisoners, and that 
 I was among the number. He kept us with 
 him three days until we were thoroughly 
 rested. 
 
 Mrs. Muir, the Major's wife, had left 
 Moraviantown before us in a wagon with 
 all her family, and we had the pleasure of 
 meeting her in York. I must remark in 
 passing, that women as courageous as she 
 was are extremely rare. She had not hesi- 
 tated a moment to set out in a wagon with 
 her young children, to go forty or fifty 
 leagues through a country almost devoid of 
 settlers, with steep hills difficult to descend 
 and much more so to climb, and this in a 
 time of war when savages were roaming the 
 woods ready to scalp anyone they met. I 
 cannot praise too highly the spirit of that 
 remarkable woman. 
 
 During our stay in York I went to see 
 Mrs. Claus, to whom I related the incident 
 of the River Thames and our meeting with 
 her husband, Colonel Claus. She over- 
 whelmed me with thanks and begged me 
 to bring my two companions to her, which 
 I did most gladly. They, too, received a 
 gracious welcome. More, she insisted that 
 we should remain at her house until the 
 return of her husband, but the season was 
 
 1 59 
 
WLax cm tfje Betroit 
 
 advancing and it was impossible for us to 
 take advantage of her hospitality. 
 
 We each bought a horse for the journey 
 from York to Montreal and on the fourth 
 day were forced to say Good-bye to our 
 worthy friend, Mr. St. George, not without 
 heartfelt sorrow, on my part at least, for I 
 feared the effect of the war on his business. 
 The Americans had now complete control 
 of Lake Ontario, and our loss of the western 
 front and the death of General Brock at 
 Queenston all tended to give them courage 
 and to induce them to make a raid on York 
 and burn the town, thus causing the ruin 
 of my generous benefactor. 
 
 On our arrival at Kingston we were ad- 
 vised to provide ourselves with passports, 
 as otherwise we would be sent back to York 
 when we reached Gananoque. I therefore 
 sought out Colonel Vincent, the commander 
 of the garrison, to obtain them. As briefly 
 as possible, I gave him an account of the 
 defeat of our army in the West. He ex- 
 pressed his pleasure in being thus informed 
 and thanked me for telling him. Then the 
 three passports were made out and handed 
 to me. 
 
 We left Kingston in the morning and were 
 at Gananoque a little after three in the 
 afternoon. As we came near the blockhouse, 
 
 1 60 
 
journal of ^Jercfjere* 
 
 which was built close to the highway, we 
 noticed an officer of the Voltigeurs approach- 
 ing in our direction. Thinking he wished to 
 examine our passports we drew rein, but 
 imagine my pleasant surprise in recognizing 
 a fellow-student at college, whom I had not 
 seen for many years. It was Captain Jacques 
 Viger, and on my part this meeting was as 
 happy as it was unexpected. However, our 
 conversation must necessarily be brief for 
 he had work to do and so had we. 
 
 At Prescott I met another friend, Lieu- 
 tenant Norbert Vignau, of the same regi- 
 ment. Our sojourn here lasted a few minutes 
 only, for the enemy were amusing themselves 
 by sending shells over from Ogdensburg. 
 We therefore went farther down for our 
 camp, not wishing to have the honor of 
 having our heads broken to no purpose. 
 
 On October 24, at three in the afternoon, 
 we reached Montreal. The state of our 
 clothes may easily be imagined. We were 
 literally in rags. As soon as we had stabled 
 our horses at an inn, my companions and 
 myself paid a visit to a merchant. I then 
 repaired to Government House, where Gen- 
 eral Prevost lived, hoping to see my brother, 
 his aide-de-camp, after which I would pre- 
 sent my respects to His Excellency, whom I 
 had met at Quebec the previous winter. 
 
 161 
 
Max on tije Betrott 
 
 Entering the parlor, I was accosted by an 
 aide-de-camp who no doubt took me for a 
 beggar, for he told me in plain terms that I 
 would find the door communicating with the 
 kitchen in the rear. Taken wholly by sur- 
 prise I said, "Sir, you are mistaken, I am 
 not a beggar. I come solely to see His 
 Excellency, Sir George Prevost, and for 
 nothing else." "You cannot see him," he re- 
 plied curtly. "Tell me the truth. If you want 
 to be let off from going with the local militia 
 to the front, I can tell you without further 
 parley that it is no use. You must do as the 
 others and go to join them. You are no 
 doubt a coward or you would not come here 
 in this manner." My ears reddened and 
 passion almost overcame me; I was so en- 
 raged that I could scarcely speak. 
 
 However, I succeeded in controlling my 
 indignation sufficiently to speak quietly: 
 "I wish to see His Excellency," I said. "You 
 should not judge a man by appearances. I 
 am a soldier who has served his country and 
 shed his blood for his King, and I demand 
 access to him as one coming from the army 
 of the West commanded by General Proc- 
 ter." On hearing this he was overcome with 
 surprise and made me a thousand apologies. 
 He then hastened to conduct me to Sir 
 George, who immediately had me admitted 
 
 162 
 
Journal of ^ercfjere* 
 
 to his presence in the large room he used as 
 an office. On entering, he shook hands with 
 me, to the great embarrassment of his aide- 
 de-camp. I begged His Excellency to pardon 
 the liberty I had taken in appearing before 
 him so unsuitably clad, adding as an ex- 
 tenuation for my presumption that a flag 
 fresh from the hands of its maker is never so 
 beautiful as when returning from the field 
 of battle soiled and torn. This appeared to 
 please him for he motioned me to take a seat 
 beside him. He asked a great many questions 
 about the details of Procter's defeat and I 
 told him frankly, to the best of my knowl- 
 edge, what I knew of the circumstances. 
 
 As the local militia was now at the front 
 I asked him respectfully if he wished me to 
 go immediately to join my battalion under 
 the command of Colonel de Lery. "No! 
 Stay with your mother a while and rest. 
 She is alone." I thanked him gratefully for 
 this high mark of his favor and retired. 
 
 Without loss of time I repaired to Bouch- 
 erville. Arriving at the paternal home I found 
 my mother talking about me with Mme. de 
 LaBruere, nee Weilbrenner. Imagine her 
 surprise when she saw my figure outlined in 
 the doorway. She had heard of our disaster 
 in Upper Canada but no word of my coming 
 down had reached her. What unspeakable 
 
 163 
 
Mat on tfje Betrott 
 
 joy I experienced in seeing once again my 
 good mother, my beloved sister, Mme. L. C. 
 de Lery, and Mme. de LaBruere. The hus- 
 bands of the last two ladies were at the front. 
 
 The first thing I did after reaching home 
 was to throw away my wretched clothes. 
 Everything I had on was saturated with 
 dampness, the continual downfall of rain 
 during our journey having penetrated, as it 
 seemed, to our very bones. My poor mother 
 could not believe I carried so much money; 
 neither could Mme. de LaBruere. The latter 
 had the curiosity to count the Army bills 
 in my handkerchief and the figures included 
 in my letters of exchange. The amount 
 seemed incredible to them, after an absence 
 of such brief duration. 
 
 Seven or eight days after my arrival home 
 an alarming report spread through the 
 country. It was rumored that the American 
 General Hampton was on his way with a 
 strong army to join General Dearborn for 
 the conquest of Canada. Clearly it was my 
 duty to hurry to the post where honor called. 
 Accordingly, I went at once to Montreal, 
 purchased a gray military cloak and a sword, 
 and repaired to Chateauguay where De 
 Lery's battalion, in which I held the rank of 
 junior major, was stationed. It was late in 
 the evening when I reached the lodgings of 
 
 164 
 
SFournal of ^erdfjereg 
 
 my colonel, a smoky little house. My brother- 
 in-law was sound asleep, as was also his 
 senior major, Moses Raymond of Laprairie. 
 One of the militiamen lit a candle for me and 
 this roused the two officers, who asked him 
 what was the matter. They were both much 
 surprised to see me and gave me a cordial 
 welcome. We talked a long time of my 
 journey and the news of their respective 
 families, and then retired for the remainder 
 of the night. The next day I had nothing 
 more pressing to do than to seek other 
 lodgings, which I obtained at the house of a 
 Mr. Baxter, a little distance from the others 
 but at any rate quite comfortable. Every 
 morning at three o'clock we marched about 
 half a league from camp to a place called 
 the alarm camp and remained there until 
 daylight. I thought this a very silly and use- 
 less maneuver, but what could I say or do? 
 Such were our orders and they must be 
 obeyed. We then returned to eat our rations, 
 for which we had a good appetite. 
 
 The only march I had to make during all 
 my stay at this place was to go on foot with 
 some companies to the camp of the Volti- 
 geurs commanded by Colonel de Salaberry 
 at Four Corners. On my arrival I went to 
 the tent occupied by Captain Hertel de Rou- 
 ville to get something to eat for I was as 
 
 i6 5 
 
Max on tfje Betroit 
 
 hungry as a dog. I devoured a great piece 
 of bacon, all the while complaining that it 
 was not chicken. In the evening I returned 
 from my expedition, exhausted with climbing 
 over fallen trees every minute or two. 
 
 The next day the three of us were invited 
 to dine with General de Watteville. He was 
 a French officer in command of an auxiliary 
 Spanish regiment and had his quarters some 
 little distance away in a very good house. 
 With him lived Surgeon Burke of the Forty- 
 ninth Regiment, whom I had known at Am- 
 herstburg before the war, when a part of this 
 regiment was in garrison there. The dinner 
 lasted four hours and we had been at it for 
 some time; I was exchanging the news of 
 the day with the doctor when I suddenly 
 noticed a large number of bottles arranged 
 in two rows. I asked him if all of them con- 
 tained wine. "Yes," he said, "and it is a 
 funny thing about this damned Frenchman 
 that when they are empty he orders them 
 'rear rank, take open orders' and I have to 
 go and examine them to see if all are in order. 
 Then comes 'close order/ and our dinner is 
 over, as you will see for yourself directly." 
 Doctor Burke was a great joker; I do not 
 remember ever to have met his equal. 
 
 We stayed here almost a month eating the 
 King's rations and not accomplishing any- 
 
 166 
 
SFournal of Uercfjeres 
 
 thing. Soon the weather became quite cold. 
 The Americans had withdrawn to their 
 winter quarters and orders came to us to do 
 the same. In a word, this was the only in- 
 convenience our militia of Lower Canada 
 experienced during the greater part of the 
 war, with the exception of the glorious en- 
 gagements between the Voltigeurs and the 
 organized militia with the enemy at Chateau- 
 guay, and elsewhere. 
 
 I had no sooner returned home than I fell 
 sick with the pleurisy and was not out again 
 all that winter. I was under the care of Dr. 
 Blyth and at the most critical period of my 
 illness he insisted that I tell him all about 
 the behavior of Tecumseh during all the 
 time he was with our army. 
 
 In the spring of 1814 I went to Quebec 
 and spent my time promenading the city to 
 regain my health. Mr. St. George came 
 down from York to rejoin me and we had 
 merry times together visiting some of the 
 best families in the city. 
 
 In January, 181 5, I set out for Kamou- 
 raska with my brother. It was so cold that 
 we had to cover our mouths with the carriage 
 robe in order to breathe. We stayed with 
 Seigneur Tache two days, receiving a most 
 cordial welcome, and on our return journey 
 visited at Riviere Quelle, St. Thomas, and 
 
 167 
 
Max on tfje ©etrott 
 
 other places with friends of my brother. 
 Everywhere we were welcomed with open 
 arms. When spring came I went to Mont- 
 real in a little schooner with Colonel Fre- 
 mont's family. A strong northeast wind en- 
 abled us to make the trip in two days. From 
 there I journeyed to Boucherville, not losing 
 a single minute in going to embrace my 
 mother. It was my intention to return to 
 Amherstburg, which had been evacuated by 
 the Americans at the close of the war, to 
 find out what had become of my merchan- 
 dise, books, bonds, notes, and other property 
 there. I bought some goods to defray the 
 expenses of the journey and at Repentigny 
 purchased a bark canoe from a man named 
 Lottinville, who was famous among the 
 Northwesters as the builder of fine canoes. 
 Early in June, therefore, I set out in my 
 canoe manned by six good fellows and in 
 ten days was at York. I made a beeline for 
 Mr. St. George's house, as he had delayed 
 his departure for Lower Canada expressly 
 to see me. But our visit was very brief. 
 We were both anxious to reach our respective 
 destinations, and the next day found me en 
 route, going by way of Niagara that I might 
 see for myself what the country was like 
 between Fort George and Fort Erie. Every- 
 where I saw devastation, homes in ashes, 
 
 168 
 
journal of ^ercfjere* 
 
 fields trampled and laid waste, forts de- 
 molished, forests burned and blackened, 
 truly a most pitiful sight. At Queenston I 
 sought out the spot where our brave Gen- 
 eral Brock fell with his equally brave aide- 
 de-camp Macdonell. It was in a corner of 
 the Secord garden, at the foot of a high bluff. 
 
 At Fort Erie I inspected the old British 
 fort, within whose walls so many soldiers of 
 the Eighth and Watteville Regiments had 
 perished the year before in a disastrous ex- 
 plosion. 57 All these brave fellows were buried 
 in the neighborhood, and I paid a devout 
 visit to their tombs. 
 
 We re-embarked with the merchandise 
 and were soon making our way over the lake, 
 coasting the British shore. The canoe was 
 chiefly manned by Boucherville men. The 
 steersman was Paul St. Germain, and he 
 sang from morning till night with really re- 
 markable spirit, always giving us something 
 new and in harmony with the occasion. He 
 was a model voyageur in this respect, and in 
 many others as well. The music kept time 
 with the movement of the oars and we made 
 
 57 The allusion is to the British assault on Fort Erie, 
 August 15, 1 8 14. For a detailed account of this affair 
 see Louis L. Babcock, The War of 1812 on the Niagara 
 Frontier {Buffalo Hist. $oc. Pubs., Vol. XXIX), 
 Chap. 14. 
 
 169 
 
Hat on tije Detroit 
 
 astonishing progress. With no fear of meet- 
 ing an enemy, it was a pleasant and peace- 
 ful voyage, and I yielded completely to the 
 charms of memory. The weather was ideal, 
 mild and with a soft breeze. How greatly 
 my present voyage differed from the last one! 
 
 Now I was nearing Amherstburg and al- 
 ready rejoicing in the thought of meeting 
 my former friends. Several were waiting 
 for me at the landing, and I was kindly re- 
 ceived by all my acquaintances and by a 
 crowd of Indians with whom I had been 
 connected in 18 12-18 13. All wanted to 
 shake my hand and to congratulate me on 
 my happy return to them, at the same time 
 expressing the hope that I had come to re- 
 open my store and trade with them as I had 
 done before the war. This was in fact my 
 intention, but I must first assure myself that 
 the country could support such a trade, 
 after being scourged by such a disastrous 
 war. 
 
 On landing, I went to the house of my 
 friend Maisonville, who would not listen to 
 my going to an hotel. My goods were stored 
 with Mr. William Duff, and after a few 
 hours rest, accompanied by Mr. Maison- 
 ville, I set out to see what changes the war 
 had made in the town. Directing my steps 
 to the site of my former home, I found it in 
 
 170 
 
Sfonvnal of ^errijere* 
 
 the saddest state imaginable. The Ameri- 
 cans had used it as a guardhouse. Every- 
 where one met nothing but dirt, the streets 
 were in a disgusting condition, and every- 
 thing reflected distress and poverty. I then 
 paid a visit to my clerks, whom I had left 
 behind when departing from Amherstburg. 
 
 In the course of the evening Mr. Maison- 
 ville told me much of the gossip of the place, 
 which interested me keenly. The Thirty- 
 seventh Regiment, with Colonel James in 
 command, had entered the town the same day 
 the Americans evacuated it to retire to 
 Detroit. Every-one liked the Colonel well 
 enough but it was otherwise with his officers. 
 For some unknown reason they were too 
 haughty with the merchants, and especially 
 with the French-Canadians, whom they 
 wrongfully regarded as lazy and disloyal sub- 
 jects. Every evening they would promenade 
 the town, conducting themselves rather as 
 blackguards than as gentlemen, and insulting 
 the ladies and the young girls. It was obvious 
 that they were very conceited. 
 
 A serious rupture with the townspeople 
 was inevitable, and it was not long delayed. 
 There was a fight one night in which one of 
 these bullies got a good beating and a couple 
 of black eyes. He at once sent a challenge 
 to one of the merchants, who accepted it 
 
 171 
 
Max on tfje 2©etrott 
 
 without the flicker of an eyelash. However, 
 the lieutenant who was said to have been 
 insulted was packed off to Fort Erie by an 
 order of his Colonel on the very morning 
 of the day fixed for the duel. It was a trick, 
 pure and simple, on the part of the officers 
 of the Regiment that they might replace this 
 inexperienced lieutenant with a renowned 
 duellist, a man, however, who had never 
 interfered with the townspeople. He was a 
 Frenchman named Lopineau, and the Regi- 
 ment gleefully anticipated the poor citizen 
 stretched out dead on the so-called field of 
 honor. The duel took place at Grosse He on 
 the American side, before a crowd of people 
 attracted either by curiosity or sympathy. 
 After the usual preliminaries, the two weap- 
 ons were discharged simultaneously, and the 
 officer fell pierced by a bullet, although not 
 mortally wounded, to the unspeakable joy, 
 I must admit, of the merchant, who had 
 fought a duel for the first time in his life, 
 against an adversary reputed to be a dead 
 shot and who was, in fact, fighting his 
 twelfth duel. The officer was placed in a 
 longboat and taken to the garrison on our 
 side of the river. He suffered severely from 
 his wound for some days, when he asked to 
 be taken to Quebec where he could receive 
 better care. Before leaving Amherstburg he 
 
 172 
 
journal of ^Terrijere* 
 
 told his more fortunate adversary that he 
 deeply regretted having been obliged to fight 
 against him but that he could not help it, as 
 the honor of the Regiment was at stake. This 
 sorry affair put an end to the trouble be- 
 tween civilians and military. The officers 
 had learned, you see, of what stuff the towns- 
 people were made, to use a common ex- 
 pression. 
 
 Some days later I spent a week at Sand- 
 wich but did not venture to cross the river 
 to Detroit lest I be apprehended for the part 
 I had played in the affair with the Lewiston 
 customs officer in 1811. I might easily be 
 reminded even yet of that night escapade. 
 During my absence from Amherstburg, Colo- 
 nel James issued an order requesting the 
 names of all those who had suffered losses 
 in the war and before my return the exami- 
 nation was unfortunately closed, so far as 
 my interests were concerned. I put in a 
 claim but the report was already on its way 
 to York, and I have never been able to ob- 
 tain payment for the merchandise which 
 was pillaged by the Americans. However, I 
 spoke to Colonel Baby about it before I left 
 for Montreal and I wrote to Colonel Claus, 
 in whom I placed great confidence, both 
 gentlemen having much influence at York 
 and elsewhere. 
 
 J 73 
 
Max on tfje Betrott 
 
 Old Meloche, my clerk, knew of all the 
 circumstances connected with the storing of 
 the merchandise at the time of Procter's 
 precipitate departure, and knew, too, that 
 it had become the spoil of the enemy, to- 
 gether with all my books and papers, silver- 
 ware, and other articles that I had been 
 forced to leave behind. He had interceded, 
 but without success, with the American 
 commander, Puthuff. My departure with 
 the British army was the sole reason for 
 treating me so badly. The goods were worth 
 at least eight thousand dollars. So that was 
 what the war did for me. After so many 
 years of hard work a good part of my earn- 
 ings was wiped out! 
 
 Fully realizing that I could not continue 
 in business at Amherstburg with any profit, 
 I sold out as much of the goods as I could 
 and left the remainder with Meloche to sell 
 for me, remitting the proceeds to me at 
 Boucherville after deducting his salary. In 
 the middle of July, I took final leave of the 
 place, but not without regret, for I had some 
 sincere friends there. The savages exhibited 
 deep distress over my departure, showing 
 such signs of sorrow that I was keenly af- 
 fected and my spirits much depressed. I gave 
 them a small present of ten dollars. After 
 my departure they spent it on a royal spree. 
 
 174 
 
journal of Uerdjere* 
 
 I now set out for York, where I hoped to 
 meet Mr. St. George, embarking on the 
 Mohawk. We sailed as far as Point Pelee, 
 where we had to wait a little while before 
 taking to the open lake. Soon the wind 
 freshened and shifted some degrees and we 
 hoisted full sail, but as night approached it 
 became a gale. Huge waves dashed against 
 the sides of our vessel and broke with a 
 crash. We all promptly became seasick, not 
 even excepting those, who, like myself, had 
 never been affected before, although I had 
 crossed Lake Superior in one of its fiercest 
 storms. The wind steadily increased its 
 violence and suddenly our mainmast snapped 
 off clean at the bridge and the sails dragged 
 in the water. Our situation was exceedingly 
 critical. Billows washed over the side of the 
 ship, so completely drenching us that I 
 thought each bath was to be my last. Hap- 
 pily we had a good crew, who extricated us 
 from the danger, and as the ship regained its 
 equilibrium it became more manageable. 
 The wind gradually became less violent and 
 our fears were quickly dissipated. At sun- 
 set perfect calm prevailed, although three 
 days passed before we came in sight of Fort 
 Erie. I settled with the captain and left for 
 Niagara, where I embarked in the schooner 
 Toronto for York. There I hastened to call 
 
 175 
 
SUar on tfje Betroit 
 
 upon Mr. St. George, who decided to ac- 
 company me to Lower Canada. Seldom did 
 he refuse any request of mine. After a 
 pleasant voyage we arrived at Boucherville, 
 where Mr. St. George remained in our home 
 several days, awaiting the arrival of his goods 
 from England. They did not come, how- 
 ever, until in the month of August. 
 
 I was a partner in this shipment, which 
 ended disastrously enough. Peace with Amer- 
 ica was proclaimed and prices cascaded to 
 one-fourth the existing scale. I turned over all 
 the cash I possessed. I had no regrets, but 
 things looked black indeed for me. Mr. St. 
 George sent the goods on to York, where he 
 turned his business over to Messrs. J. Ques- 
 nel and Baldwin while he went back to 
 France to visit his aged father. 
 
 For some time I had noticed a change in 
 him, without, however, being able to assign 
 the cause. One day I took it upon myself to 
 ask him and he told me the secret. It seems 
 he had been engaged to a young lady of 
 Quebec but the marriage did not take place, 
 owing to the interference of some people 
 whom he had considered his devoted friends. 
 It was this that decided him to take the 
 voyage overseas in hopes of dissipating his 
 profound sorrow. He wanted me to ac- 
 company him but I could not leave my 
 
 i 7 6 
 
journal of ^Tercfjereg 
 
 mother, who was alone at the time. With 
 keen regret I bade my good, kind friend 
 Good-bye. 
 
 The following autumn I purchased a prop- 
 erty at Boucherville and opened up a store, 
 but my business did not equal my advance 
 expectations and I decided to return to 
 Amherstburg, a place I had determined 
 never to see again. Accordingly, I once more 
 set out for the West with my merchandise. 
 
 I reached Niagara in July, 1816, and there 
 I found Mgr. Plessis en route for Sandwich 
 with his suite. We took passage on the Ver- 
 million ^ commanded by Captain Nelson, 
 uncle of the Montreal Nelsons, and in spite 
 of strong contrary winds landed at Am- 
 herstburg six days after leaving Niagara. I 
 stayed there two months, selling as many of 
 my goods as I could. I turned the remainder 
 over to Maisonville and again left the place, 
 this time, forever. 
 
 It was September when I returned to 
 Boucherville and again engaged in trade; 
 but I did not succeed and I gave it up, dis- 
 posing of my goods in Montreal. 
 
 In the year 18 19 I did what most men do, 
 I got married. In thus changing my estate, 
 however, I did not resign my citizenship, 
 but remained a property holder in my native 
 parish. But I have never gotten entirely 
 
 177 
 
Max on tfje Betrott 
 
 over my longing for the western part of 
 Upper Canada, where I passed so many 
 momentous years of my life. 
 
 And here my little journal ends. I pray 
 the reader who has patience enough to pe- 
 ruse it may be indulgent of my style and of 
 all the faults he finds in it. 
 
 Boucherville, April 15, 1847 
 Thomas Vercheres de Boucherville. 
 
 178 
 
The 
 Capitulation 
 

THE 
 
 CAPITULATION, 
 
 OR 
 
 A HISTORY OF THE EXPEDITION CON- 
 DUCTED BY WILLIAM HULL, 
 
 BRIGADIER GENERAL 
 
 OF THE 
 
 NORTH-WESTERN ARMY. 
 
 %$ an <©F)to Volunteer, 
 
 " My business in this state, made me a Looker-on 
 here in Vienna, where I have seen corruption boil and 
 bubble, Hill it overrun the stew." Shakespeare. 
 
 CHILLICOTHE: 
 
 Printed by James Barnes. 
 1812, 
 
preface 
 
 IN presenting to the public eye, the un- 
 polished narrative, of an obscure indi- 
 vidual, an apology may be expected by 
 those who are ignorant of the motives which 
 induced him to publish it. 
 
 The author while in the state of Ohio, be- 
 came a member of a company which soon 
 afterwards engaged in actual service — and 
 was consequently captured by the British 
 on the 1 6th of August, when Fort Detroit 
 was surrendered to general Brock. 
 
 On his return to this place, he was re- 
 quested by some friends, to write a history 
 of the campaign — he has done so. Many 
 facts of importance he has probably omitted, 
 because they were unknown to him; but 
 should this brief outline meet with common 
 approbation, he may be induced to enlarge 
 it by additional facts and documents. 
 
 The author will not attempt at ecclaircisse- 
 ment — neither will he offer any other plea 
 than the following, for the manner in which 
 he has written his history: 
 
 A young American having broken an ap- 
 pointment with doctor Franklin, came to him 
 the following day and made a very hand- 
 
 i8 3 
 
IBar on tfje Detroit 
 
 some apology for his absence: He was pro- 
 ceeding, when the doctor stopped him with, 
 "my good friend, say no more, you have said 
 too much already; for the man who is good 
 at making an excuse, is seldom good at any 
 thing else." 
 
 184 
 
The Capitulation, &c. 
 
 IN the month of April, 1812, a requisition 
 was made by the executive of the United 
 States, for twelve hundred of the militia 
 of the state of Ohio. In obedience to the 
 call, Return Jonathan Meigs, governor and 
 commander in chief of the militia of that 
 state, issued orders to the major general's of 
 the western and middle divisions, to furnish 
 their respective quotas of men, who were 
 to rendezvous at Dayton on the 29th of 
 April. 
 
 The governor, on his part, found but little 
 difficulty in convening the troops; for no 
 sooner was it known, that the government 
 was preparing for a necessary war, than the 
 love of country, and the zeal for its interest, 
 which the people of Ohio have ever mani- 
 fested, was then more evidently evinced, by 
 the voluntary tender of their services to the 
 government of their choice. 
 
 In a few day's the requisition was more 
 than complied with. Citizens, of the first 
 respectibility, were seen enrolling themselves, 
 and preparing for the dangers of the field — 
 contending with each other, who should be 
 foremost to avenge his country's wrongs. 
 
 185 
 
Max on tfje Betroit 
 
 Having elected their officers, and made 
 the necessary arrangement of their affairs 
 before their departure from home, and all 
 that domestic felicity had rendered dear to 
 them, they commenced their march and 
 arrived at Dayton, before any previous 
 preparations had been made for their com- 
 fortable reception. 
 
 Hurried, as they were, from various quar- 
 ters of the state, they had to encounter 
 many difficulties before they were prepared 
 to meet them. Here they discovered that 
 neither houses nor sheds were fitted up for 
 their accommodation, and that they were to 
 remain exposed to the inclemency of the 
 season, until tents could arrive from Pitts- 
 burgh and Cincinnati: And many of them 
 unacquainted with the fatigues of a cam- 
 paign, had neglected to furnish themselves 
 with blankets, which are articles most essen- 
 tial to the soldiers comfort. When inured to 
 the field, and covered at night with this 
 necessary companion, the weary veteran can 
 "Snore upon the flint 
 While resty sloth finds the down pillow 
 hard." 
 
 The want of tents remained a serious in- 
 convenience — but mostly did our volunteers 
 lament the necessity which compelled them 
 to become cooks, without having wherewith 
 
GWje Capitulation 
 
 to prepare their provisions — Culinary uten- 
 sils were at length procured, and the troops 
 becoming more used to the indispensable 
 duties of a soldier, were seen, sans ceremony, 
 up to their elbows in a barken dough-trough, 
 kneeding the bread which they had to eat, 
 or diving with as little formality, into a 
 camp-kettle of soup, after a dumpling, en- 
 riched by the flavor of a shin of beef. 
 
 By the middle of May, the troops were 
 provided with blankets, tents, and other 
 camp equippage, and had became tolerably 
 expert in the most useful military evolutions. 
 
 Brigadier-General William Hull, who had 
 been selected by government, to conduct the 
 expedition, having arrived, the encampment 
 was changed from the commonage at Day- 
 ton, to a Prairie on the western bank of Mad 
 river,* about three miles from town. 
 
 * When the troops were crossing Mad river, on their 
 march to camp Meigs, they were accompanied by 
 capt. Abr'm F. Hull, the general's hopeful son, and 
 aid-de-camp. Abraham was mounted on a spritely 
 steed, in full uniform, and seemed to entertain high 
 conceptions of his military appearance. At the beach 
 he gave his horse the spur, and both were instantly in 
 the middle of the stream. Here Abraham turned his 
 head to the shore he had just left, and at the same 
 moment his nag plunged him with violence into the 
 river. He gained the shore, however, completely 
 saturated. The troops on their march through the 
 
 187 
 
Max on tfje Betrott 
 
 Governor Meigs, having done his duty, in 
 convening the troops, and organizing them 
 into regiments,* had only in obedience to 
 the orders of the secretary at war, to sur- 
 render the command of them over to general 
 Hull. 
 
 The twenty-fifth of May being agreed on 
 as the day on which the army should change 
 commanders, the brigade was formed into 
 
 wilderness, would occasionally remind each other of the 
 circumstance and the antecedent cause, by crying out, 
 "who got drunk and fell in Mad river"? To which a 
 distant companion would answer "Captain Hull," and 
 a third respond "that's true." 1 
 
 1 Captain Abraham Hull expiated his father's faults 
 and his own, if any, by dying a soldier's death at the 
 crest of the height at Lundy's Lane, where British and 
 American soldiers fought hand to hand, guided by the 
 flashes ?of the guns, throughout the night of July 25, 
 1 814. Here his remains still rest, in the beautiful 
 churchyard which is the final home of many another 
 hero, almost in the shadow of the little church which 
 crowns the hill. The author's story reflects the distrust 
 of regular army men and the dislike of army discipline 
 which was practically universal among the Ohio 
 militia levies. 
 
 * For the first regiment of Ohio Volunteers, Duncan 
 M 'Arthur was elected colonel, and James Denny and 
 William A. Trimble, majors. For the second, James 
 Finley was elected colonel, and Thomas Moore and 
 Thomas B. Van Horn, majors. And for the third, Lewis 
 Cass was elected colonel, and Robert Morrison and 
 Jeremiah R. Munson, majors. 
 
Qtfje Capitulation 
 
 a close column and the following address de- 
 livered by governor Meigs: 2 
 
 OFFICERS AND SOLDIERS OF THE FIRST 
 ARMY OF OHIO 
 
 Collected suddenly and rapidly from vari- 
 ous parts of the state, you have manifested 
 a zeal, worthy the character of a free people. 
 You will soon be completely organized, and 
 I trust that harmony will forever continue. 
 Already you have made considerable ad- 
 vances in discipline: you will improve, it will 
 soon become easy, familiar and agreeable. 
 Subordination is the soul of discipline: order, 
 safety, and victory are its results. Honour 
 consists in an honorable discharge of duty, 
 whatever may be the rank. Respect each 
 other according to your stations. — Officers^ 
 be to your men as parents to children: Men, 
 regard your officers as fathers. You will 
 
 2 One of the chief horrors of war, as conducted a 
 century and a half ago, consisted in the rivers of oratory 
 to which the soldiers were subjected on every possible 
 occasion. The speeches of Governor Meigs and General 
 Hull, here presented, afford characteristic illustrations 
 of this practice. At Monguagon, with the British regu- 
 lars barely put to flight and with the wounded and dying 
 as yet uncollected and uncared for, Colonel Miller drew 
 up his little army in formal array to listen to his deliv- 
 ery of a stump speech, composed in the best Napoleonic 
 tradition. For it, see Burton Hist. Coll. Leaflet , IVV77. 
 
Max on tfje 5®etrott 
 
 soon march. My heart will always be with 
 you. The prayers of all good citizens will 
 attend you. 
 
 By direction of the president of the United 
 States, I have so far organized and marched 
 you: in his name I thank you. 
 
 I feel a great satisfaction in knowing, that 
 you are to be placed under the command and 
 guidance of Brigadier General Hull, a dis- 
 tinguished officer, of revolutionary experi- 
 ence; who being superintendant of Indian 
 Affairs, and Chief Magistrate of the territory 
 to which you are destined, was happily se- 
 lected for the service. His influence and 
 authority there, will enable him to provide 
 for your convenience. 
 
 I pray that each may so conduct, that 
 when you return to the embraces of your 
 friends and relations, they may be proud to 
 salute you as one who had, honourably, be- 
 longed to the first army of Ohio. — The sec- 
 ond army is organizing, and will follow if 
 necessary. 
 
 Our frontiers must be protected from 
 savage barbarity, our rights maintained; 
 and our wrongs avenged. 
 
 Go then! fear not! be strong! quit yourselves 
 like men, and may the GOD of armies be your 
 shield and buckler, 
 
 R. J. Meigs. 
 
 190 
 
®f)e Capitulation 
 
 In the delivery of this feeling and patriotic 
 valedictory address, our governor spoke as 
 he felt; for he considered the volunteers of 
 Ohio as his brethren. After he had con- 
 cluded; General Hull addressed the troops, 
 submitted to his command, as follows: 
 
 PATRIOTIC OFFICERS AND SOLDIERS OF 
 THE STATE OF OHIO 
 
 The manner in which his excellency, Gov- 
 ernor Meigs, has delivered over to my com- 
 mand, this part of the army, has excited 
 sensations which I strongly feel, but which 
 it is difficult for me to express. His great 
 exertions, and the talents he has displayed 
 in assembling, organizing, disciplining, and 
 preparing in every respect, for actual serv- 
 ice, so respectable a military force, are 
 known to you, and will be fully known to 
 his country: this knowledge of his conduct 
 will be his highest eulogium. Long may 
 he live, and long may he adorn his elevated 
 station. 
 
 The crisis now has arrived, when our 
 country has deemed it necessary to call into 
 the field her patriotic sons. The spirit which 
 has been manifested on this occasion, is 
 highly honourable to the officers and soldiers, 
 who compose this army, and to the section 
 of the union to which you belong. You have 
 
 191 
 
WLav on tfje Betroit 
 
 exhibited an example to the elder part of the 
 country, worthy of imitation. Citizens, dis- 
 tinguished for talents and wealth, have made 
 a voluntary tender of their services, to de- 
 fend the violated rights of the nation. — 
 Such men are entitled to the fair inheritance, 
 which was purchased by the valour and 
 blood of their fathers. A country with such 
 a defence, has nothing to fear. In any pos- 
 sible exigence, it is environed with a bul- 
 wark of safety. To officers and soldiers who 
 have engaged in the public service with such 
 honourable and patriotic motives, it is un- 
 necessary to urge the importance of regu- 
 larity and discipline, or the necessity of sub- 
 ordination and obedience to orders. The 
 same spirit which induced you voluntarily 
 to engage in the service of your country, will 
 animate you in the discharge of your duties. 
 With patience you will submit to the priva- 
 tions and fatigues incident to a military life, 
 and if you should be called to meet danger 
 in the field, you will manifest the sincerity of 
 your engagements by the firmness and brav- 
 ery of your conduct. In marching through a 
 wilderness, memorable for savage barbarity, 
 you will remember the causes by which that 
 barbarity has been heretofore excited. In 
 viewing the ground stained with the blood 
 of your fellow-citizens, it will be impossible 
 
 192 
 
^ije Capitulation 
 
 to suppress the feelings of indignation. Pass- 
 ing by the ruins of a fortress, 3 erected in our 
 territory by a foreign nation, in times of 
 profound peace, and for the express purpose 
 of exciting the savages to hostility and sup- 
 plying them with the means of conducting 
 a barbarous war, must remind you of that 
 system of oppression and injustice, which 
 that nation has continually practised, and 
 which the spirit of an indignant people can 
 no longer endure. If it is impossible that 
 time should obliterate the remembrance of 
 past transactions, what will be the impres- 
 sions on the present occasion? The wrongs 
 of the same nation have been continually 
 accumulating, and have at length compelled 
 our country to put on the armour of safety, 
 and be prepared to avenge the injuries which 
 have been inflicted. 
 
 3 The allusion is to British Fort Miamis, erected on 
 the Maumee a short distance above Toledo in 1794 and 
 garrisoned until the general British evacuation of the 
 Northwestern posts two years later. Since the occupa- 
 tion of Fort Miamis constituted a new encroachment 
 upon territory conceded to Americas by the treaty of 
 1783, its erection was regarded by President Washing- 
 ton and other American leaders as a greater affront to 
 American rights than the mere retention of the posts 
 which had been in existence and British occupancy 
 prior to 1783. The ruined earthworks of the fort, to 
 which Hull alludes, are still to be seen. 
 
 193 
 
(liar on tfje Betrott 
 
 In a few days you will be joined by a body 
 of troops of the United States' army. Among 
 them, you will have the pleasure of seeing 
 the fourth regiment of infantry, the gallant 
 heroes of Tippecanoe. 4 They will act by 
 your sides, in your approaching campaign, 
 and while they will be ambitious to main- 
 tain, and if possible, to encrease the glory 
 they have already acquired, your conduct 
 will be stimulated by the splendour of their 
 example, and you will be inspired with am- 
 bition to acquire laurels, at least as brilliant 
 as those they deservedly wear. That harmo- 
 ny and friendship may pervade this army, 
 and that glory and fame may attend it in 
 all its movements, are wishes, in which I am 
 confident you will all heartily join. 
 
 William Hull, 
 Brigadier-General, N. W. Army. 
 
 The arms which were deficient, having 
 been repaired by the artificers, the regi- 
 ments were ordered to "strike their tents 
 
 4 The Fourth U. S. Infantry had been brought from 
 the Atlantic seaboard to Vincennes in 1811 to cope with 
 the threatening situation precipitated by Tecumseh, 
 and had constituted the chief reliance of Governor 
 Harrison in his Tippecanoe campaign of the autumn of 
 181 1. It was now being transferred to Ohio, where it 
 comprised the sole regular unit in the army General 
 Hull was organizing for his northward march to Detroit. 
 
 I94 
 
tKfje Capitulation 
 
 and march away." 5 {For order of march &c. 
 see appendix A.) 
 
 On the first of June we bid adieu to camp 
 Meigs, and proceeded on to Staunton, a 
 small town on the east bank of Miami, where 
 we remained until the sixth of that month.* 
 
 At this place it was made known to the 
 general, by major James Denny, that the 
 guards were very remiss in the performance 
 of their duty; that while going the grand and 
 ordinary rounds, he had frequent occasion 
 to waken those who had fallen asleep on 
 their posts. To remedy this evil, an order 
 was immediately issued by the general, to 
 prevent the recurrence in future of such 
 criminal neglect. 
 
 At our departure from Dayton, it was sup- 
 posed that the river Miami was navigable, 
 
 6 This statement is much too optimistic. So misera- 
 ble were the small arms supplied for the army that 
 General Hull was compelled to organize traveling 
 forges, by which the guns were repaired at the rate of 50 
 a day while the army was advancing northward. Even 
 after the arrival of the army at Spring Wells on July 5, 
 the armorers were still laboring at the task of repairing 
 the arms. See Hull's order of July 6, 1812, post, 
 219. 
 
 * Capt. Abraham F. Hull, of the United States' addi- 
 tional army, and Robert Wallace, jun. were appointed 
 aids-de-camp to brigadier-general Hull, and Lieut. 
 Thomas S. Jesup, of the seventh regiment of U. S. 
 infantry, Brigade major, and doctor Abraham Edwards, 
 
 195 
 
Max on tfje Betrott 
 
 and that a considerable portion of our bag- 
 gage could be conveyed in boats to Fort 
 Loramie, but on learning here that the crafts 
 which had attempted to bring on our stores, 
 were stranded and could proceed no further, 
 the troops received orders to march to Ur- 
 bana, where we arrived on the seventh of 
 June. (See appendix B.) 
 
 A council was held on the next day by 
 general Hull and governor Meigs, with twelve 
 Indian chiefs, who had came in for the pur- 
 pose, by whom it was agreed to renew the 
 treaty of Greenville. After smoaking the 
 calumet of peace, both parties engaged to 
 support the several articles of that treaty, 
 calling on the Great Spirit to witness their 
 sincerity. The Indians appeared honest in 
 their professions of friendship, and without 
 hesitation granted permission to general 
 Hull, to march with his army through their 
 territory, and to establish as many garrisons 
 as he might deem requisite for his own and 
 their protection. 6 They also promised to 
 
 to superintend the medical department of the Army, as 
 hospital surgeon. 
 
 6 By the Treaty of Greenville, concluded by General 
 Wayne in August, 1795, the cession to the whites of the 
 southern and eastern portions of Ohio was made. The 
 famous Greenville Treaty line ran eastward across 
 central Ohio from Fort Recovery to Fort Laurens, 
 thence down the Tuscarawas and Cuyahoga rivers to 
 
 I96 
 
W$t Capitulation 
 
 bestow on the army while on its march 
 through the wilderness, all the assistance in 
 their power, and to give the general all the 
 information they could obtain, should other 
 Indians meditate an attack. 
 
 The following are the proceedings of the 
 council held by governor Meigs, two days 
 previous to the arrival of the army. 
 
 PROCEEDINGS 
 
 Of a council begun and held near Urbana, 
 Champaign county, Ohio, on Saturday the 
 6th of June, 1812, between his excellency 
 Return Jonathan Meigs ^ esq. governor and 
 commander in chief in and over the state 
 of Ohio, and Ta-he, (or Crane, principal 
 
 Lake Erie at Cleveland. Northwestern Ohio, lying 
 north of this line was still Indian country in 1812; hence 
 the necessity of treating with the chiefs for permission 
 to march an army through it, en route to Detroit. Not 
 until September, 1817, was the area lying between the 
 Greenville line and the Maumee River ceded to the 
 United States. The necessity of conciliating the oc- 
 cupants of this area lay in the fact that between 
 Urbana and Detroit almost 200 miles of wilderness 
 intervened. To march an army across it, and sustain 
 it afterwards on supplies brought from southern Ohio 
 would be a difficult task, even if the Indian occupants 
 of the country remained peaceful; if they should prove 
 actually hostile it would be impossible, as the failure of 
 all the efforts of George Rogers Clark and other rebel 
 leaders to reach Detroit during the American Revolu- 
 tion abundantly proved. 
 
 i 97 
 
Max cm tfje Detroit 
 
 chief) Sha-na-to, Scutush, Man-na-ham, 
 Dew-e-sew, (or Big River) chiefs of the 
 Wyandots, Cut-a-we-pa-sa, (or Black 
 Hoof,) Cut-a-we-pa, (or Lewis) Pi-a-ge-ha, 
 Pi-ta-ha-ge, Kit-e-kish-e-mo, Na-sa-ha-co- 
 the, chiefs of the Shawanoes, Ma-tha-me, 
 (or civil John) of the Mingoes. 
 His excellency addressed the chiefs, as 
 follows: 
 
 My red brothers^ chiefs of the Wyandots, 
 Shawanoes and Mingoes, I thank the Great 
 Spirit, that he has permitted us to come to- 
 gether where we can talk freely and sin- 
 cerely. As father of the people of Ohio, who 
 live as neighbors to you, I speak. 
 
 Brothers — Ever since the treaty of Green- 
 ville, we have lived in peace, and fulfilled all 
 the promises then made to you. We wish 
 always to live in peace with you; it is be- 
 cause we love peace, and not because we 
 fear war. The Wyandots, Shawanoes and 
 Mingoes, are brave nations, and brave men 
 will not break their promises. 
 
 Brothers — Our great father, the president 
 of the United States, whose eyes equally re- 
 gards all his children, desires that you should 
 live as we live, to raise your provision, and 
 provide for your families. 
 
 Brothers — Open your ears: listen to what 
 I say; I speak from my heart. — Bad men and 
 
Wqz Capitulation 
 
 liars have endeavoured to break the chain of 
 friendship. If you harken to the deceiver 
 called the Prophet, and the mad man, Te- 
 cumseh,his brother, your skies will be cloudy, 
 your paths will be dark, and you will tread 
 on thorns. The pretended prophet has 
 cheated some of the different tribes. He 
 does not communicate with the Great Spirit; 
 his counsels are foolish, and have stained the 
 land with blood. The Great Spirit delights 
 in seeing all his children live in peace, and 
 smiles upon them, when they do so; but he 
 frowned on the prophet at Tippecanoe, and 
 his deluded followers were destroyed. Be- 
 ware ', then. 
 
 Brothers — Open your eyes. An army of 
 my own children, of fifteen hundred men, 
 under the command of general Hull, the 
 father of the Michigan territory, is march- 
 ing; but, brothers, be not alarmed, although 
 his arm is strong, he will strike none but 
 enemies. 
 
 Brothers — Listen to me attentively. — 
 Your young men sometimes go rashly out 
 of the true path, and do mischief, and go to 
 war without your permission. You are their 
 chiefs and they must obey you. You must 
 restrain them, so that your wives and chil- 
 dren may sleep in peace, and the innocent 
 not suffer for the acts of the guilty. 
 
 199 
 
iflJar on tfje Detroit 
 
 His excellency then addressed himself par- 
 ticularly to Ta-he, the principal chief of the 
 Wyandots, and taking him by the hand 
 continued: 
 
 My brother Ta-he — Twenty-one years ago 
 I came from the Ohio to you at Sandusky, 
 through the wilderness; you took me to your 
 cabin; I was faint, and you refreshed me; I 
 was hungry and you fed me, — I will now 
 feed you, and will shew you the friendship 
 which my people shewed your people last 
 winter. After the battle of the Wabash, 
 many hundreds of your men, women and 
 children came among us, even to the banks 
 of the great river to hunt. I sent messages 
 to my children every where to treat your 
 men, women, and children with kindness, 
 and not to molest them, because I told them 
 you had a right to come among us by the 
 treaty of Greenville. Not one of all those 
 who came among us was injured. They 
 tarried all winter, and returned to their 
 towns in safety; and by that treaty you 
 must abide. 
 
 Brothers — I will not deceive you. The 
 Great Spirit who shakes the earth wills that 
 I tell you nothing but the truth. If you hold 
 fast to the treaties you have made; the 
 United States will hold them fast on their 
 part; but the tomahawk must not be stained 
 
 200 
 
®f)e Capitulation 
 
 with the blood of my children; if it is, it 
 shall be wrested from you, and sunk to the 
 bottom of the great Lakes. If you join the 
 enemies of the United States, there shall 
 be no peace for you. 
 
 Brothers — I lay my hand on my heart and 
 assure you, that if you are faithful, you shall 
 be protected. It is promised, and it shall be 
 fulfilled. 
 
 Brothers — You have listened to my voice, 
 I will now listen to yours. 
 
 Ta-he, after three hours spent in private 
 consultation with the chiefs of the different 
 nations, spoke as follows: 
 
 Brother — We suppose that the great Spirit 
 has ordered that we come together on this 
 day. We have met to make known our 
 friendship towards you. We thank the 
 Great Spirit that so many of us have been 
 able to come together at this time, and that 
 we can talk one with another. The Great 
 Spirit placed us here as brothers, and as we 
 believe, requires that we live together as 
 brothers ought to do. If we are willing to 
 live in friendship with each other, he will 
 permit us so to remain. I have heard often 
 of our great father, the president of the 
 United States. I have never seen him, but 
 I hope that not only ourselves, but that he 
 also will be of the same mind. 
 
 20 1 
 
Max on tfje Betrott 
 
 Brother — Listen; we have come to talk 
 with you. We have heard you, and we wish 
 that you would hear us. I hope that not 
 only you, but that our great father, the 
 president of the United States, will also lis- 
 ten, as we expect that he will hear what we 
 have to say at this time. 
 
 Brother — I have not much to say about 
 the treaty of which you have been talking. 
 I believe I remember, and have kept that 
 treaty, and hope the Great Spirit will help 
 me always to keep it. When our father gen. 
 Wayne, and ourselves, made that treaty, 
 we talked about it together; we then said 
 that the treaty should never be broken, that 
 we would always be at peace, that our 
 women and children might remain at rest; 
 we talked that we were old, and would not 
 long stay here, but that we should teach our 
 young men always to keep it. This is all I 
 have to say brother, for myself. 
 
 Brother — We are only from a few nations 
 who are here; but I will now speak to you 
 for them. This {handing his excellency a bit 
 of white wampum) is a token of peace. We 
 have received it from the Great Spirit. It 
 is clean and pure, and is unstained with the 
 blood of any white man. 
 
 Brother — The eye of the Great Spirit is 
 not only on all our actions, but sees our 
 
 202 
 
Wfyt Capitulation 
 
 hearts. He did not place us here to quarrel, 
 but to live in peace with one another. We 
 ought so to talk and have his name in our 
 hearts. We can only speak to you for our- 
 selves; a number of my people are a great 
 way off; those who are near me I speak for. 
 Brother I wish you to understand me, we 
 wish for peace. We will not listen to bad 
 men and liars, and we pray the Great Spirit 
 to shut our ears against them. 
 
 Brother — Here are the chiefs of the W 7 yan- 
 dots, Shawanoes and Mingoes. We answer 
 only for ourselves. We are all of one mind — 
 we all wish for peace. Brother, we are not 
 telling you any lies, and I hope that you and 
 our great father, the president of the United 
 States, will think so. The Great Spirit knows 
 our hearts, and knows that we are sincere. 
 We may deceive you but we cannot de- 
 ceive him. — Brother, this is all I have to say. 
 I hope our father general Hull, will soon be 
 here; I wish to speak to him and to you to- 
 gether as brothers. I hope that he may 
 succeed, and that if he should meet with any 
 enemies he may overcome them. 
 
 BLACK HOOF THEN SPOKE 
 
 Brother — I shake hands with you in friend- 
 ship. You have heard Ta-he. What he has 
 said, we have to say. We are all as one. 
 
 203 
 
Max on tfje Betrott 
 
 Father — I have got my instructions which 
 I received from my great father, the presi- 
 dent of the United States; I make them my 
 study, and walk in the path which he pointed 
 out, without turning to the right or to the 
 left. It is the wish of me and of all my nation 
 to be at peace with you, to be frugal and 
 industrious, that we may provide for our 
 women and children. I hope the Great 
 Spirit will admit the white people and me 
 and my people to shut their ears against 
 liars and all bad men. I intended to keep the 
 directions of our great father, the president, 
 and all those who have authority under him. 
 I look to you as one of my great fathers, who 
 will point out the road in which I have to 
 walk. From the place in which your people 
 have placed you — from your standing among 
 them — and from your grey hairs, I think you 
 have wisdom to direct me, and I shall listen 
 to what you say. I am glad you came here. 
 I hope you will help us to be at peace, and 
 take under your protection ourselves, our 
 women and our children, as you do your 
 white children, and do as you think best 
 with them. Your red children are poor but 
 their hearts are good. I am very happy to 
 see our father and brothers. I am happy to 
 shake hands with you, and you may rest as- 
 sured they never shall be parted. The writ- 
 
 204 
 
®fje Capitulation 
 
 ings and instructions I received from my 
 great father the president, I carry with me 
 when I go abroad, I have them when I re- 
 main at home, and when I sleep I lay them 
 under my pillow. You have heard the Wy- 
 andots — you have heard me — I have heard 
 you. I {handing another white wampum) give 
 you this from my heart, as a token of peace. 
 I have done. I thank you. 
 
 LEWIS THEN SPOKE 
 
 I have only a few words to say, father. I 
 have heard something from you this day 
 satisfactory to me. It appears that by the 
 dispensations of Providence, we have met 
 in peace at this time. I trust the Great 
 Spirit is now looking down and will witness 
 the sincerity of my heart in what I am going 
 to say. It is true what Ta-he has said; and 
 I also take my direction from the seventeen 
 fires which are burning throughout this 
 union, and from the president of the United 
 States. I am but a stripling in comparison 
 with my aged fathers who have spoke before 
 me, but I can speak the sentiments of my 
 own heart. When I went to my father, the 
 president, and secretary of war, I received 
 my instructions from them, and although 
 the Heavens should fall asunder and the 
 earth open beneath, I will not part with 
 
 205 
 
Mat on tfje Betrott 
 
 them, or wander from the path which they 
 pointed out. 
 
 Father — I have heard what you have said, 
 am glad in my heart. I shall take every 
 means to prevent my men from disturbing 
 the whites in any manner. — This is all I have 
 to say, I have and will follow the instruc- 
 tions of my father, the president, the secre- 
 tary of war, and of yourself. 
 
 Governor Meigs then told them gen. Hull 
 would arrive the next day— he would then 
 take their hands and place them in gen. 
 Hull's, to which they assented. The council 
 broke up. 
 
 Attest^ Jason Curtis, 
 
 Henry Bacon, 
 
 Secretaries. 
 
 The fourth regiment of United States' 
 infantry, which had so lately distinguished 
 itself at Tippecanoe, having arrived on the 
 ioth inst. within a few miles of our encamp- 
 ment — arrangements were made to receive 
 them in a becoming manner. A triumphal 
 arch being erected, adorned with an Eagle 
 and the words "Tippecanoe — Glory" the 
 regiments of Ohio volunteers under the com- 
 mand of colonels MP Arthur, Cass and Find- 
 ley, marched to a prairie about a mile from 
 town, for the purpose of escorting them in. 
 
 206 
 
Zf)t Capitulation 
 
 Having formed a line, these brave fellows 
 emerged from a wood at a little distance, 
 and appeared in our front, with col. Miller at 
 their head. The customary salutations being 
 exchanged, they were conducted through the 
 triumphal arch into camp. (See appendix C.) 
 
 Nothing now remained to prevent the 
 army from moving on to Detroit, and ar- 
 rangements were accordingly made for the 
 purpose. (See appendix D.) 
 
 On the eleventh of June, the regiment 
 commanded by colonel M'Arthur was de- 
 tached to cut the road as far on as the Scioto 
 river. Having passed by Manary's block- 
 house and Solomon's town, a small Indian 
 village near the boundry line, we began our 
 labours through an extensive wilderness of 
 excellent level land. 7 
 
 On the 1 6th we commenced building two 
 block-houses, on the south bank of the Scioto 
 river, each 20 by 24 feet, which were con- 
 nected and strengthened by a strong stock- 
 ade, and in honor of our meritorious colonel, 
 we called the place "Fort M'Arthur"* 
 
 7 Manary's Blockhouse, built by Captain James 
 Manary's company of Ross County militia, was three 
 miles north of Bellefontaine. Solomon's Town was a 
 small Shawnee village, north of the Greenville line. 
 
 8 Fort McArthur was in the northwest corner of 
 Buck Township, Hardin County, about three miles 
 west of present-day Kenton. It consisted of a weak 
 
 207 
 
liar on tfje Detroit 
 
 While these buildings were under way, a 
 very unfortunate occurrence took place. 
 Peter Vassar, an eccentric Frenchman, at- 
 tached to capt. Lucas's company, having 
 been on guard, and probably feeling sleepy 
 or more probably intoxicated, laid himself 
 down by a tree to rest; but being disturbed 
 by noise, or "instigated by the Devil," he 
 arose and seized a musket which was beside 
 him, and having examined whether it was 
 charged, deliberately took aim at Joseph 
 England, a centinel then on post, and shot 
 him through the left breast, about four inches 
 above the heart. England was carried to his 
 tent, and Vassar bound and confined until 
 the other regiments would arrive, in order 
 that the punishment due to such malignant 
 licentiousness, should be awarded by a court 
 martial. Mr. England, notwithstanding the 
 dangerous wound he had so undeservedly 
 received, recovered, and in a few weeks 
 returned to Chillicothe. 
 
 To prevent the repetition of calamities of 
 this kind, which too frequently occur while 
 
 stockade, enclosing one-half acre of ground with log 
 blockhouses at the southeast and the northwest angles. 
 They were about twenty feet square, with the upper 
 story projecting about a foot beyond the one beneath. 
 For further interesting details concerning the fort see 
 History of Hardin County, Ohio (Chicago, 1883) 394-97. 
 
 208 
 
W$t Capitulation 
 
 the mind is under the influence of inebria- 
 tion, a regimental order was issued by the 
 colonel, restraining the suttlers from selling 
 liquors to non-commissioned officers and sol- 
 diers, who had not the written permission 
 of their commanding officer. 
 
 On the evening of the 19th general Hull, 
 with the residue of the army arrived, and 
 encamped on the north side of the river, and 
 on the 21st colonel Findley was ordered to 
 proceed on, for the purpose of cutting the 
 road to Blanchard's fork of the Auglaize. 
 
 On the next morning the army decamped, 
 with the exception of a part of capt. Dill's 
 company, which was left, at Fort M'Arthur, 
 for the double purpose of protecting the 
 sick and defending the fort, should it be 
 invested. 
 
 A continual rain for a number of day's 
 had tended to render the roads we had to 
 travel (which were for many miles through a 
 country, where creeks and rivers have their 
 origin) uncommonly bad and almost im- 
 passible for our waggons. 
 
 In the mean while, the army progressed 
 but slowly; the first day of our march was 
 occupied in traveling about twelve miles, 
 when we were forced to encamp on a miser- 
 able swampy piece of ground, where the mud 
 was ancle deep in our tents. Here a block 
 
 209 
 
<Uar on tfje Detroit 
 
 house was erected and most appropriately 
 named "Fort Necessity. " 9 
 
 In consequence of the baggage waggons 
 not being able to keep pace with the army, 
 and forage (from some cause) being so scarce, 
 that the general, "from a sense of duty," was 
 compelled to put the horses and oxen on 
 short allowance; every man in camp who 
 could make a pack-saddle was detailed for 
 the purpose — the general having ordered the 
 baggage to be conveyed on pack-horses. A 
 sufficient number being made, the order was 
 rescinded — the waggons proceeded on, and 
 the pack saddles were deposited in Fort 
 Necessity, for which purpose it was probably 
 erected. 
 
 Shortly after the arrival of general Hull at 
 Dayton, general Robert Lucas 10 and Mr. 
 
 9 Near the southwest corner of Madison Township, 
 Hancock County, about a mile southwest of the village 
 of Williamstown and about three miles northwest of 
 Dunkirk. See History of Hardin County, Ohio, 397-98 
 and History of Hancock County, Ohio (Chicago, 1886), 
 319-20. 
 
 10 Robert Lucas in subsequent years served both as 
 Governor of Ohio and of Iowa Territory. He kept a 
 journal of this campaign which has been published by 
 the State Historical Society of Iowa (Iowa City, 1906), 
 and which affords a valuable contemporary record of 
 the operations of Hull's army. Lucas set out upon his 
 mission to Detroit on May 25, and rejoined Hull at 
 Camp Necessity on June 22. 
 
 2IO 
 
Wbt Capitulation 
 
 William Denny, were sent to Detroit with 
 dispatches for Mr. Atwater, 11 then the acting 
 governor of the Michigan territory. Gen. 
 Lucas returned to our camp at Fort Neces- 
 sity — and gave a very unfavorable report 
 of the state of affairs in the territory. He 
 was present at several councils held by Mr. 
 Atwater, with the chiefs of the Wiandot, 
 Attawa and Chippawa tribes, who expressed 
 their intention to be friendly, except Walk- 
 in-the-water, of the Wyandot nation, who 
 declared that the American government was 
 improperly interfering, by sending an army 
 into the country which would stop their 
 communication with Canada, and observed 
 that the Indians were their own masters and 
 would go where they pleased, and that the 
 trouble which had taken place on the Wa- 
 bash, was altogether the fault of governor 
 Harrison. 
 
 From the best information gen. Lucas 
 could obtain, it appeared evident, that the 
 British had convened large bodies of Indians 
 at Maiden, who were supplied with arms 
 and ammunition, and were ready to strike 
 on our frontiers at the signal of the British. 
 
 n Reuben Atwater (Attwater), Secretary of Michigan 
 Territory, 1808-14, and acting governor during Gover- 
 nor Hull's absence, 1811-12. Atwater Street in Detroit 
 is named in his honor. 
 
 211 
 
Max on tfje Betroit 
 
 Fort Detroit, he represented as by no 
 means prepared for defence, and that the 
 American citizens were much pleased that 
 an army was approaching for their defence. 
 
 General Lucas had no opportunity of 
 visiting Fort Maiden, but from information 
 he had received at Detroit, believed that it 
 was in a worse situation than the fort at the 
 latter place. (See appendix E.) 
 
 The weather having assumed a more 
 favorable appearance, the army marched, 
 and in three days arrived at Fort Findley, 
 which stands on a handsome eminence on 
 the west side of Blanchard's fork. 12 
 
 On the 26th instant, the day previous to 
 our leaving this place, colonel Dunlap, ar- 
 rived express from Chillicothe, with dis- 
 patches from the secretary at war to general 
 Hull, which, although they were confidential, 
 were supposed to contain official intelligence 
 of the declaration of War. Indeed it was be- 
 lieved by every one, that war had been de- 
 clared, as the general had ordered all the 
 heavy camp equipage to be left at Fort 
 Findley, and determined to commence a 
 forced march. 
 
 12 On the site of present-day Findlay,Ohio. The fort 
 was built by Colonel Findlay's regiment of Ohio 
 militia, sent in advance by Hull to open the road and 
 establish the fort. 
 
 212 
 
GWje Capitulation 
 
 Having stationed the balance of capt. 
 Dill's company at Fort Findley, and de- 
 tached col. Cass' regiment to cut the re- 
 mainder of the road to the Rapids, the 
 army proceeded on, (but not with more 
 than usual celerity) and in a few days en- 
 camped on the bank of the Miami of the 
 Lake, opposite the battle ground of general 
 Wayne, and in view of a little town at the 
 foot of the rapids. 13 
 
 This is the most beautiful and romantic 
 country we had seen on our journey. Here 
 a beam of joy animated every countenance, 
 and gave fresh energy and fortitude to those 
 who had underwent with difficulty, the se- 
 verity and fatigues of a march, at once 
 gloomy and oppressive. On men who had 
 just emerged from a dreary wilderness, un- 
 incumbered by a solitary hut, reared by the 
 hand of civilization — unoccupied by naught 
 
 13 The "town" was the old French (subsequently 
 British) trading settlement at the foot of the Maumee 
 Rapids. General Wayne in 1794 thoroughly razed the 
 houses and other property of the inhabitants. In the 
 years following the American occupation of the North- 
 west, American settlers gradually established them- 
 selves at the old French trading center, so that by 1812 
 a considerable number were living here, under the juris- 
 diction of the government of Michigan Territory. 
 Following Hull's surrender, they fled in panic haste to 
 points of refuge within the American frontier. 
 
 213 
 
Max on tfje Betrott 
 
 but beasts of prey and unrelenting savages, 
 the change of scenery had an effect too happy 
 for description. 
 
 The army continued here about one day, 
 then crossed the river and marched in order 
 through the town. We encamped that night 
 on the "pasture ground" adjacent to the 
 ruins of the British Fort Miami. 
 
 At this place a small schooner, 14 owned by 
 capt. Chapin was engaged to carry a quan- 
 tity of baggage, belonging to the army to 
 Detroit. About 30 officers and privates 
 were put on board, to whose protection it 
 was intrusted. Previous to the sailing of the 
 vessel (it being the last of the month) com- 
 plete muster rolls of every company in the 
 brigade, were made out and deposited in a 
 trunk and put on board the schooner. 
 
 Lieut. Robert Davidson, of col. Cass' regi- 
 ment and twenty-five men, were left at this 
 place to build a block-house; and an open 
 boat was sent in company with capt. Chapin, 
 with the sick attached to the army. 
 
 On the first of July (after the general had 
 made arrangements, which shall be noticed 
 in course) the army recommenced its march, 
 and that night encamped on a large prairie. 
 The next day our march was principally 
 
 14 This was the Cuyahoga, whose seizure at Amherstburg 
 by Lieutenant Rolette has been described ante, 77-78. 
 
 214 
 
Qtfje Capitulation 
 
 through a beautiful country, interspersed 
 with French settlements. At the first of 
 these settlements, a party of twenty-five 
 Indians, of the Tawa tribe, came to us with 
 a white flag. Like the Indians at Urbana, 
 they professed friendship, and solicited per- 
 mision to march with the army. Among 
 these natives of the wilderness were four old 
 squaws, the most hideous animals that the 
 votaries of Vulcan have ever crowned with 
 the emblems of ugliness. To describe the 
 physiognomy of each, would be a task for 
 Job, indeed! One particularly attracted my 
 attention. She was low of stature and re- 
 markably corpulent. The numberless wrin- 
 kles on her broad bloated face, were pre- 
 sumptive proofs that an hundred winters 
 at least had past by without shattering her 
 frame. Her large black eyes, scarcely di- 
 vided by a nose, the massy sides of which ex- 
 tended or rather rested on her cheecks and 
 eclipsed the intervening carbuncles, could 
 hardly be considered as fellows — with one 
 she looked the general full in the face, and 
 with the other re viewed the army. Around 
 her neck, innumerable rows of beads were 
 strung to which was attached a silver cross, 
 suspended between a pair of breasts, wrin- 
 kled with age and lengthened by their weight. 
 In short, if the witch of Endor was such a 
 
 215 
 
WLav on tfje Detroit 
 
 squaw as this, no wonder she could "call 
 spirits from the vasty deep!" 
 
 At the river Raisins, information was re- 
 ceived that the vessel which had attempted 
 to pass by Maiden, with our baggage, &c. 
 was taken by the British, and the crew and 
 passengers made prisoners. We were also 
 informed that the enemy had previously re- 
 ceived the declaration of war. 
 
 It is a fact, worthy of remark, that the 
 first intimation we had from gen. Hull, of the 
 existence of war, was subsequent to the cap- 
 ture of the schooner. 
 
 The evening before we arrived at the river 
 Raisins, the colonels of each regiment com- 
 municated to their men, that the general had 
 received official information of the declara- 
 tion of war against Great Britain, and that 
 it was expected every man would be anxious 
 to do his duty — that the important situation 
 of the army required them to declare to the 
 troops the absolute necessity of strict sub- 
 ordination, and that as the crisis had now 
 arrived, when justice had declared, that 
 reparation for past indemnities was to be 
 sought for at the point of the bayonet, firm 
 and determined bravery was essentially 
 requisite to insure victory and honor to our 
 arms. Each man was then supplied with ten 
 rounds of cartridge and an extra flint. 
 
 216 
 
W$t Capitulation 
 
 The conduct of our volunteer field officers, 
 on this occasion was dignified, and well cal- 
 culated to 
 
 Fire the untutored soul with hopes of fame, 
 And bid him spurn existence for a name — 
 To tempt the deedless warrior or to dare, 
 With untried sword the terrors of the war; 
 Thus with the fathers acts, the soul inspire, 
 And teach the son to emulate the sire; 
 Each daring thought, each generous spark to fan, 
 Check every fear that would the soul unman; 
 With kindling rage bid his fierce bosom glow, 
 And turn with bursting vengeance on the foe." 
 
 On the morning of the fourth of July, we 
 arrived at the river Huron, 21 miles from 
 Detroit. From reports which we had heard 
 we were induced to expect an attack from 
 the Indians at this place. The line of battle 
 was formed immediately on our arrival, while 
 the pioneers were engaged in throwing a 
 bridge across the river. We continued under 
 arms the whole day, and had an attack been 
 made, it would have proved distructive to 
 the enemy — for never did men pray more 
 ardently for an opportunity to distinguish 
 themselves, than did the army of Ohio on 
 that memorable day. At this place we could 
 distinctly hear the firing of artillery at De- 
 troit. We had also a distant view of the 
 Queen Charlotte, on her way to Maiden with 
 
 217 
 
<Uar on tfje Betrott 
 
 troops. During the whole of that night, one 
 half of the troops were under arms. 
 
 On the next morning we marched at an 
 hour unusually early, and arrived at the 
 Spring Wells, where we encamped. This 
 place commands the town of Sandwich, 
 which is immediately opposite, and is well 
 calculated for defence — it is the best scite 
 for a fortress we had seen in the territory. 
 
 The following order which was issued the 
 day after our arrival, will serve to shew the 
 method which gen. Hull took to notify the 
 posts therein mentioned of the declaration 
 of war. 
 
 Head-Quarters, at Spring-Wells, 
 
 July 6, 1 8 12. 
 
 GENERAL ORDERS 
 
 Brigadier general Hull presents his thanks, 
 and he likewise considers it his duty to pre- 
 sent the thanks of the country to the officers 
 and soldiers of this army, for the firm and 
 persevering spirit they have manifested in 
 their march from Vincennes and the river 
 Ohio, to this place; the obstructions of nature 
 have been removed by their persevering in- 
 dustry and their march has been almost as 
 rapid, as if those obstructions had not ex- 
 isted. They have proved by their conduct 
 the sincerity of their engagements. 
 
 218 
 
Wfyt Capitulation 
 
 The commanding officer of the militia of 
 this territory, will make a return to the 
 brigade major of the volunteers and all the 
 militia now in service, distinguishing the 
 different discriptions. 
 
 The garrisons Detroit, Michilimacinack, 
 Chicago and Fort Wayne, being placed by 
 the president of the United States, under the 
 command of brigadier general Hull, the com- 
 manding officers of those garrisons are in- 
 formed, that congress has declared war 
 against Great Britain, and they will immedi- 
 ately place their garrisons in the best possible 
 state of defence, and make a return to bri- 
 gade-major Jesup, at Detroit, of the quan- 
 tity of provisions the contractor has on hand 
 at their respective posts, the number of offi- 
 cers and men, ordinance and military stores 
 of every kind, and the public property of all 
 kinds. The springs of water, near this encamp- 
 ment, will be dug out in a manner best to sup- 
 ply the army, and vaults will be sunk under 
 the direction of the quarter-master general. 
 The armorers under capt. Tharp will attend 
 solely, for the present, to repairing of the 
 arms. By command of brigadier-general Hull. 
 Thomas S. Jesup, Major of Brigade. 
 
 On the morning of the 6th of July, col. 
 Cass, was dispatched with a flag of truce to 
 
 219 
 
©Har on tfje Betrott 
 
 Maiden, which was commanded at that 
 time by lieut. col. St. George. The object of 
 his mission was to demand the surrender of 
 the baggage and prisoners taken from the 
 vessel which they had captured on her pas- 
 sage to Detroit. 
 
 On the arrival of colonel Cass at Maiden, 
 he was blindfolded; the object of his mis- 
 sion failed, and he returned to camp, ac- 
 companied by capt. Burbanks of the British 
 army. 
 
 It is a matter of astonishment, that colonel 
 Cass, should have permitted the general, on 
 that occasion, to trifle with his rank. There 
 is not a precedent in the history of military 
 diplomacy, that will sanction the conduct of 
 general Hull, in making a superior officer 
 the bearer of a flag of truce to an inferior one 
 — and although the courtesy of col. Cass, 
 may have induced him to submit to the in- 
 dignity, it can never palliate the insult given 
 him by his commander. The honor of a 
 soldier is as sacred as his existence. 
 
 On the 7th, five pieces of artillery were 
 brought from Detroit and placed on the bank 
 in front of our encampment, in a situation 
 to annoy the enemy at Sandwich. On the 
 same day general Hull held a council with 
 the principal chiefs of the Wyandot, Sha- 
 wana, Senaca, Pottowatomie and Mohalk 
 
 220 
 
®fje Capitulation 
 
 nations — which terminated in their pro- 
 fessing to be our friends. 
 
 From the situation of the encampment it 
 was thought adviseable to remove it; as it 
 was in the power of the British, to bombard 
 us from the upper side of Sandwich. On the 
 eighth, the whole army encamped in the 
 rear of the city of Detroit. 
 
 The city of Detroit, is handsomely situ- 
 ated on the western bank of the strait of St. 
 Clair. It contains about 150 houses and 
 700 inhabitants. The fort, which stands in 
 the rear of the town, was Originally a com- 
 pact square work with demi-bastions, on 
 the angles and casemates; with the exter- 
 ior order of a regular fortification to ac- 
 commodate 250 men. The position was, how- 
 ever, chosen without skill, the foot of the 
 scarp being more than 200 rods from the 
 river, and the town actually between the 
 river and the fort! 15 The works are earth 
 
 15 The author's comments disclose his complete ig- 
 norance of the situation which was responsible for the 
 building of the fort. The old French town was built on 
 a moderate elevation close to the river, and was a 
 stockaded fortification, entirely adequate for defense 
 against Indian attack, as the famous siege of 1763 
 sufficiently discloses. Across the little Savoyard River, 
 however, in the vicinity of present-day Fort Street, was 
 a somewhat higher elevation whose occupancy by a 
 white army equipped with artillery would render the 
 
 221 
 
iBlar on tfje Detroit 
 
 with a double stockade or line of pickets/ 
 It lies 725 miles N. W. by W. from Phil- 
 adelphia, N. latitude 42 40. West longi- 
 tude 82 56. 
 
 Before we leave Detroit, it will be neces- 
 sary to give a succinct sketch of the geo- 
 graphical limits, &c. of the territory of 
 which the city of Detroit is considered the 
 capital — for which I am partially indebted 
 to the intelligent pen of Augustus B. Wood- 
 ward, esq. 16 
 
 The boundary commences at the southern 
 extremity of lake Michigan, and is drawn 
 east from that point until it shall intersect 
 lake Erie. This line has never been actually 
 
 old fort and town untenable. Upon the news of Clark's 
 capture of Vincennes in 1779, coupled with the ex- 
 pectation that he would soon lead a rebel army to 
 Detroit, the new fort (Lernoult) was built on the height 
 across the Savoyard to anticipate its occupancy by 
 Clark. Fort Lernoult was never intended, therefore, to 
 control the river, but rather to protect the river-front 
 fortification against attack by a land army equipped 
 with artillery. 
 
 16 The brilliant and erratic judge of Michigan 
 Territory from 1805 to 1824, designer of the modern 
 city-plan of Detroit following the fire of 1805, and of 
 the University of Michigan with sixty-three depart- 
 ments of learning at a time when the entire Territory 
 contained less than 10,000 white inhabitants. Wood- 
 ward Avenue, Detroit's principal street, is named in his 
 honor. 
 
 222 
 
Wfyt Capitulation 
 
 run. 17 It is therefore uncertain where it 
 would intersect lake Erie — A minute of an 
 observation taken by a British gentleman 
 makes the latitude of the southern extremity 
 of lake Michigan a degree and a half south 
 of Detroit. This would carry the line en- 
 tirely south of lake Erie. Many oral com- 
 munications represent the southern extrem- 
 ity of lake Michigan as nearly west of De- 
 troit. The American government has been 
 taking measures to remove this ambiguity. 
 These however, may have been impeded by 
 the troubles which have recently prevaded 
 those regions. During the incertitude the 
 mouth of the river Miami has been assumed 
 as the line. 
 
 The boundary was common to Great 
 Britain and the United States, on the east, 
 and to the north. 
 
 From the southern extremity of lake Michi- 
 gan a line was required to run through the 
 middle of said lake to its northern extremity. 
 
 17 The author here alludes to the notable dispute over 
 the location of the Michigan-Ohio boundary which 
 eventually provoked the Toledo War of 1835 an< ^ P ro ~ 
 duced the unique situation of the State of Michigan 
 existing and functioning for a year and a half before 
 being admitted by Congress to the Union. In gen- 
 eral, the author's remarks reflect the degree of geo- 
 graphical ignorance of the region which prevailed as 
 late as 1812. 
 
 223 
 
Max on tfje Betrott 
 
 It is uncertain whether the northern ex- 
 tremity of lake Michigan is in Green Bay, 
 or at t he intermediate point between Green 
 Bay an d the strait of Michilimackinack. 
 
 From the northern extremity of lake 
 Michigan, a line due north to the northern 
 boundary of the United States, in lake Su- 
 periour, completes the western demarcation, 
 and closes the geographical limits of the 
 country. Its greatest length may be five 
 hundred miles, its greatest breadth three 
 hundred. It includes two peninsulas; one 
 very large t he other small. 18 
 
 From the mouth of the river Miami to the 
 head of the r iver St. Clair at the embouchiere, 
 or outlet of lake Huron, the country is set- 
 tled through in a very sperse manner, on a 
 continued line without any settlements in 
 the rear, every house forming as it were a 
 double frontier. There were formerly some 
 families at the river St. Joseph's near the 
 southern extremity of lake Michigan, and 
 
 18 Originally, Michigan Territory, whose boundaries 
 the author here describes, included the Lower Michigan 
 Peninsula and that portion of the Upper Peninsula 
 which lies east of a line drawn north and south through 
 the Straits of Mackinac. Following the admission of 
 Illinois in 1818, present-day Wisconsin and north- 
 eastern Minnesota were joined to Michigan, while for 
 a short time (1834-36) Iowa, Minnesota, and the east- 
 ern half of both Dakotas were added. 
 
 224 
 
{Wje Capitulation 
 
 the island of Michilimackinack had also a 
 few settlements. 
 
 The population of the territory of Michi- 
 gan, according to the last census, was 4,762 
 souls, of which about 1000 are of the military 
 age. The inhabitants are generally descen- 
 dents of the old French settlers. The Roman 
 Catholic is the predominant religion. 
 
 Every possible deligence was used from 
 the day we encamped at Detroit, until the 
 1 2th, inst. in preparing for the intended in- 
 vasion of Canada. The artificers were con- 
 stantly engaged in repairing our arms, and 
 mounting part of the ordnance on carriages. 
 The most patriotic exertions were used by 
 the colonels of regiments and commandants 
 of companies, to impress upon the minds of 
 the troops the necessity of strict obedience 
 to orders; they painted in prospective, the 
 glory which the brave man is alone entitled 
 to, and exhibited in the catching language of 
 sincerity, the necessity which compelled the 
 first army to become the invaders of Canada. 
 A small part of one company only, refused to 
 cross the river. 
 
 The night of the 10th was appointed to 
 make the attempt; but we were prevented 
 by the licentious conduct of a few of the 
 men, who kept constantly firing off their 
 peices. Major Munson of colonel Cass' regi- 
 
 225 
 
2Uar on tfje Betrott 
 
 ment, was severely wounded, by one of those 
 unnecessary discharges. 
 
 On the next evening, colonel M'Arthur 
 marched with his regiment to the Spring- 
 Wells, for the purpose of decoying the enemy 
 — a few boats accompanied the detachment, 
 and the noise which was made led the Brit- 
 ish to believe that we intended to land below 
 Sandwich. The manoeuvre had the desired 
 effect — the enemy supposing that we would 
 make an immediate attack on Maiden, (as 
 we certainly ought to have done) drew all 
 their forces towards that post. 
 
 On the next morning (July 12th) the army 
 marched about a mile above Detroit, to the 
 foot of Hog Island, and the boats being in 
 readiness, the regiments, commanded by 
 colonels Miller and Cass embarked and in 
 15 minutes effected a landing without op- 
 position.* 19 
 
 * Gen. Hull was among the last to embark — As the 
 boat, on board of which he was, touched the Canadian 
 shore, he was heard to exclaim, — "The critical moment 
 draws near!" 
 
 19 "Above" Detroit means eastward along the river 
 road running toward Lake St. Clair. Hog Island 
 was present-day Belle Isle. At its lower end stands 
 the lovely Scott Fountain, while close to the point 
 on the opposite shore where the American army 
 landed is the plant of the Ford Motor Company of 
 Canada. 
 
 226 
 
 
Wfyz Capitulation 
 
 The American flag was immediately un- 
 furled and the huzzas of the van were in- 
 stantly re-echoed by the rear and the Ameri- 
 can citizens of Detroit. The residue of the 
 army crossed over as soon as possible, and 
 formed an encampment at the farm of col. 
 Bawbee, (a British officer) opposite to De- 
 troit. The American flag was hoisted on a 
 lofty pole, in front of a brick house which the 
 general occupied as his quarters. 20 
 
 The following address 21 to the inhabitants 
 of Canada was issued by the general, and 
 distributed by his orders. 
 
 By William Hull, 
 Brigadier general and commander of the north- 
 western army of the United States 
 
 A PROCLAMATION 
 
 Inhabitants of Canada! after thirty years 
 of peace and prosperity, the United States 
 
 20 The Baby house which was utilized by Hull for his 
 headquarters during his 3^2 weeks stay in Canada is 
 still standing close to the business center of Windsor. A 
 movement to utilize it as the home of a local historical 
 museum is now (1940) being agitated. 
 
 21 This address gave great offense to the British 
 authorities, although the appeal to the Canadians, de- 
 signed to win their acquiescence in an invasion seems 
 for a short time to have had some effect upon them. 
 The threat to extend no quarter to British soldiers 
 fighting in alliance with Indians was particularly re- 
 
 227 
 
Hat on tfje Betrott 
 
 have been driven to arms. The injuries and 
 aggressions, the insults and indignities of 
 Great Britain have once more left them no 
 alternative but manly resistance or uncondi- 
 tional submission. The army under my com- 
 mand, has invaded your country, and the 
 standard of the Union now waves over the 
 territory of Canada. To the peaceable un- 
 offending inhabitant it brings neither danger 
 nor difficulty. I come to find enemies, not 
 to make them. I come to protect, not to 
 injure you. 
 
 Separated by an immense occean, and an 
 extensive wilderness from Great Britain, you 
 have no participation in her councils, no 
 interest in her conduct — you have felt her 
 tyranny, you have seen her injustice; but I 
 do not ask you to avenge the one, or to re- 
 dress the other. The United States are suf- 
 ficiently powerful to afford every security 
 consistent with their rights and your expec- 
 tations. I tender you the invaluable bless- 
 ings of civil, political and religious liberty, 
 and their necessary result, individual and 
 general prosperity. — That liberty which gave 
 decision to our counsels, and energy to our 
 
 sented. General Brock issued a counter proclamation 
 (printed in Richardson, War of i8i2 y 17-19) on July 
 22, in which stern retaliation for any infliction of Hull's 
 announced policy toward the enemy was threatened. 
 
 228 
 
{Efje Capitulation 
 
 conduct in a struggle for independence, and 
 which conducted us safely and triumphantly 
 through the stormy period of the revolu- 
 tion. That liberty, which has raised us to an 
 elevated rank among the nations of the world ; 
 and which afforded us a greater measure of 
 peace and security, of wealth and improve- 
 ment, than ever fell to the lot of any people. 
 In the name of my country, and by the 
 authority of my government, I promise you 
 protection to your persons, property and 
 rights; remain at your homes; pursue your 
 peaceful and customary avocations, raise 
 not your hands against your brethren. — 
 Many of your fathers fought for the free- 
 dom and independence we now enjoy. Being 
 children therefore of the same family with 
 us, and heirs to the same heritage, the arrival 
 of an army of friends must be hailed by you 
 with a cordial welcome. You will be eman- 
 cipated from tyranny and oppression, and 
 restored to the dignified station of freemen. 
 Had I any doubt of eventual success, I 
 might ask your assistance, but I do not. I 
 come prepared for every contingency — I have 
 a force which will look down all opposition^ 
 and that force is but the van-guard of a much 
 greater! If, contrary to your own interests 
 and the just expectations of my country you 
 should take part in the approaching contest, 
 
 229 
 
Max on tfje Betroit 
 
 you will be considered and treated as en- 
 emies, and the horrors and calamities of war 
 will stalk before you. If the barbarous and 
 savage policy of Great Britain be pursued, 
 and the savages are let loose to murder our 
 citizens and butcher our women and chil- 
 dren, this war will be a war of extermination. 
 The first stroke of the tomahawk — the first 
 attempt with the scalping knife will be the 
 signal of one indiscriminate scene of desola- 
 tion. No white man found fighting by the 
 side of an Indian will be taken prisoner; in- 
 stant destruction will be his lot. If the 
 dictates of reason, duty, justice and human- 
 ity, cannot prevent the employment of a 
 force which respects no rights, and knows no 
 wrong, it will be prevented by a severe and 
 relentless system of retaliation. I doubt not 
 your courage and firmness — I will not doubt 
 your attachment to liberty. If you tender 
 your services voluntarily, they will be ac- 
 cepted readily. — The United States offer you 
 peace liberty and security — your choice lies 
 between these and war — slavery and de- 
 struction. Choose then, but choose wisely, 
 and may he who knows the justice of our 
 cause, and who holds in his hand the fate 
 of nations, guide you to a result the most 
 compatible with your rights and interests. 
 
 William Hull. 
 
 230 
 
®f)e Capitulation 
 
 By the general \ 
 A. F. HULL, capt. oj the 13th U. S. ) 
 regt. of infantry and aid-de-camp. S 
 Head-Quarters, Sandwich, July 12th, 18 12. 
 
 It was truly astonishing to observe the 
 effect which the landing of our troops had 
 upon the affrighted Canadians. Had an 
 army of Cannibals invaded their country, 
 they could not have manifested stronger 
 symptoms of consternation. In fact, many 
 of the ignorant old women, afterwards, 
 acknowledged that they were taught to be- 
 lieve we would eat them — and in order to 
 avoid so horrible a death, fled to the woods 
 for safety — accompanied by their husbands 
 and their children. So much worse than 
 savages did they consider us, that almost 
 every house was evacuated for miles along 
 the Canadian shore. But on receiving the 
 general's proclamation, many of them were 
 induced to return to their homes and their 
 accustomed avocations. 
 
 This part of Upper Canada, is very hand- 
 somely situated, and in a high state of culti- 
 vation. The country for seventy miles up, 
 is as level as a prairie — covered with farms, 
 and in some places with a thick growth of 
 timber. The houses are generally built of 
 wood, and have mostly an antique appear- 
 ance. 
 
 231 
 
Mar on tfje ©etrott 
 
 The province of Upper Canada, is in 
 length, from east to west, about 1090 miles 
 — its greatest breadth from lake Erie, to the 
 northern line is 525 miles; the average 
 breadth is not more than 250 or 300. 
 
 Upper Canada, says Morse, is bounded 
 north by New Britain, N.E. by Lower 
 Canada, E. by the same and by the river 
 St. Lawrence, Lake Ontario and Niagara 
 river, which divide it from New York; 
 South by Lakes Erie, Huron and Superior, 
 and Winnepec river, which divide it from 
 New- York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan 
 territory and the N. W. parts of the United 
 States, VV. by Detroit river, lake St. Clair, 
 Huron river and lake, Winnepec river and 
 lake Winnepec. Like all the other British 
 provinces, Upper Canada has a lieut. Gov- 
 ernor, who acts in the absence of the gov- 
 ernor general. 
 
 This province is divided into 19 counties, 
 which are subdivided into townships. The 
 number of inhabitants in 1806, was 80,000. 
 They are composed chiefly of emigrants from 
 New-England and New-Jersey. Some of the 
 settlers are from Great Britain. 
 
 The militia in the several districts meet 
 annually. All the males except the Friends, 
 Tunkers and Mennonists, from 16 to 45, 
 bear arms. 
 
 232 
 
®f)e Capitulation 
 
 The country is generally level and in many 
 parts little elevated above the Lakes. In 
 the northern parts of the province is the 
 Canada range of mountains, which branch 
 from the Rocky mountain range near the 
 head of Columbia river, and preserves an 
 irregular course to the eastern shore of Lab- 
 rador. 
 
 Our camp presented the form of a hollow 
 square. On the 14th a breast work was 
 thrown up at every side, except that bounded 
 by the river, which was defended by artillery. 
 
 On the 13th, a detachment of about forty 
 men, commanded by Capt. Henry Ulry, 
 marched towards Maiden. At Turkey Creek 
 bridge, about nine miles from the encamp- 
 ment, the party discovered where 200 In- 
 dians had been in ambush the preceeding 
 night, for the purpose of cutting off such de- 
 tached portion of our troops as might at- 
 tempt to cross the bridge, which they had 
 partly broken up, and afterwards planted 
 themselves in positions calculated to annoy 
 a superior force with great effect. Captain 
 Ulry received from a Canadian farmer who 
 lived near the bridge, information that con- 
 siderable bodies of Indians were in the neigh- 
 borhood, and believing that it would be 
 extremely imprudent to risk a fight with a 
 force which was represented as infinitely 
 
 *33 
 
Max on tfje ©etrott 
 
 superior to his, thought it prudent to return 
 to camp, and make report to the general. 
 
 This night an alarm was sounded. We 
 were told that the British and Indians were 
 without the pickets, and intended to attack 
 the army. The alarm was soon found to be 
 predicated on error. 
 
 A detachment from capt. Sloan's company 
 of cavalry was sent up the river, on the 14th 
 to reconnoitre. About eight o'clock in the 
 evening, two of the party returned to camp 
 with information, that they had heard of a 
 body of Indians which had moved up the 
 river a short time before sunset. Col. 
 M'Arthur was immediately ordered to march 
 in pursuit of them with 100 men from his 
 own regiment, and a rifle corps from col. 
 Findley's. At half past nine, he marched 
 with his detachment, without provisions or 
 blankets — previous to which, however, the 
 whole of the detached cavalry returned to 
 camp — and were ordered to accompany col. 
 M'Arthur in his excursion. After marching 
 about eight miles the detachment halted, 
 about an hour before day, in an apple or- 
 chard, near the upper extremity of the Sand- 
 wich settlement. 
 
 At the dawn of day we recommenced our 
 march, expecting to overtake the Indians in 
 the first woods. At about 10 o'clock, capt. 
 
 234 
 
W$t Capitulation 
 
 Robinson and his company, fell in the rear of 
 the detachment, and as soon as col. M'Ar- 
 thur and the men belonging to his regiment 
 had advanced a few hundred yards, that 
 company returned to camp. 
 
 The detachment proceeded on to Bell 
 river, about 20 miles from Sandwich, where 
 the col. purchased a beef, and some flour and 
 whiskey for his men. After continuing here 
 about an hour, to prepare our provisions, we 
 resumed our march to the river Ruskin, 
 where we discovered that the Indians we 
 were in pursuit of, had just left their camp 
 at the mouth of that river, and proceeded 
 up in three canoes. The colonel and a few 
 dragoons pursued them with all possible 
 speed, followed by a detachment of infantry. 
 
 On observing col. M'Arthur and his party 
 approach, an old French woman and her 
 son, who resided some distance up the Rus- 
 kin, ran to the Indians and apprised them of 
 their danger — upon which they fled to the 
 woods for safety — but before they were one 
 hundred yards from their canoes they were 
 fired on by the colonel and those foremost 
 in the pursuit. The woods through which 
 the Indians made their escape was covered 
 with logs and thickly interwoven with 
 bushes; which prevented the mounted men 
 from coming up with them. A squaw and 
 
 2 35 
 
Max on tfje Betrott 
 
 three papooses who were unable to keep pace 
 with the pursued, were taken by the colonel. 
 Through the medium of an interpreter he 
 informed her that he had not come to make 
 war on women and children, and that if the 
 Indians would stay at home and attend to 
 their peaceable concerns they would be pro- 
 tected. He then left the squaw and her 
 defenceless progeny in possession of all her 
 property, except a few horses, which the In- 
 dians had left at their camp. 
 
 At this place capt. Smith, of the Detroit 
 dragoons, and a few of his men overtook 
 the detachment. The other horsemen were 
 then ordered on to the river La Tranche (or 
 Thames) to procure provisions. 22 
 
 We now proceeded on to the mouth of 
 the river Tranche, and encamped opposite 
 the house of Mr. Isaac Hull, brother to the 
 general, at which place, a corporal and six 
 British militia were stationed as a guard to 
 the family of Mr. Hull. 23 This guard col. 
 
 22 The Thames. The detachment marched eastward 
 from Sandwich to Lake St. Clair and along its southern 
 shore to the mouth of the Thames, and up that stream 
 to present-day Chatham. The River Thames settle- 
 ment, which was thus raided, was chiefly an outgrowth 
 of the parent settlement at Detroit. 
 
 23 Isaac Hull, younger brother of General William 
 Hull, was born at Derby, Conn., in 1760. About the 
 year 1804 he migrated to Upper Canada, where he was 
 
 236 
 
W&t Capitulation 
 
 M'Arthur disarmed and sent to their re- 
 spective homes. 
 
 The next morning the detachment marched 
 up the river about four miles to a Mr. Tru- 
 del's where the colonel again purchased a 
 beef and some bread. Here we were joined 
 by the dragoons, who were sent in advance 
 the preceeding evening. 
 
 Having breakfasted, we marched on to 
 capt Jacobs' — but before we arrived there, 
 capt Smith who had went in front with his 
 command, held a council with some Indians, 
 which he concluded before we reached him. 
 At Patterson's we found a considerable 
 quantity of flour — and at capt. Jacob's some 
 flour and considerable of military stores — 
 a flag staff which stood in capt. Jacobs' 
 yard we cut down and took a stand of Brit- 
 ish colours. 24 
 
 living when the War of J 812 began. Refusing to take 
 an oath of allegiance to the British government, he was 
 imprisoned for a time; the narrator's statement about 
 the guard of militia may refer to this difficulty. Hull 
 later removed to Maumee City, Ohio, and still later to 
 Monroe, Mich., where he died in 1829. See The Hull 
 Family in America^ 494. 
 
 24 George Jacob, following the American Revolution, 
 was a partner in trade at Detroit of Daniel McKillip 
 (for whom see ante y 131). The partnership of Jacob and 
 McKillip did not prosper, and was eventually dissolved. 
 McKillip settled near Colchester, Ontario, and from 
 here went to his death in August, 1794, fighting in the 
 
 2 37 
 
Mat on tfje Detroit 
 
 We continued our march up to M'Cune's 25 
 and Dolson's, where we found a considerable 
 quantity of flour, whiskey and salt. In 
 Mathew Dolson's stable, we discovered four 
 bales of three point blankets of a very 
 excellent quality, ioo in each bale — also 
 a roll of cloth. At M'Gregor's mill 26 we 
 found a large sail boat, which we loaded 
 with flour. 
 
 On the morning of the 16th, the detach- 
 ment returned down the river, taking with 
 it all the boats and canoes which could be 
 had, and loaded them at the different houses 
 where we had discovered provisions and 
 munitions of war. 
 
 Indian ranks against General Wayne in the battle of 
 Fallen Timbers. Jacob removed to River Thames, 
 where he was living in 1812 and serving as a captain of 
 dragoons in the Kent County militia. He died Dec. 27, 
 1833 and his grave may still be seen in beautiful St. 
 John Churchyard, Sandwich. 
 
 25 Thomas McCrae, a Detroit tailor during and sub- 
 sequent to the American Revolution. He was a loyalist, 
 who desired to remain a British subject, and who ac- 
 cordingly removed to River Thames, where he was 
 living in 1812. 
 
 26 McGregor's Mill, kept by John McGregor, a 
 former resident of British Detroit, was on McGregor's 
 Creek, within the limits of present-day Chatham. To 
 this point the Thames is navigable by lake vessels of 
 considerable size, and in 18 13 General Harrison's army, 
 pursuing General Procter, was attended thus far by 
 some of the vessels of Commodore Perry's fleet. 
 
 238 
 
tyfyt Capitulation 
 
 The colonel and dragoons encamped on 
 the night of the 16th, on the south side of 
 the river La Tranche opposite Mr. Hull's — 
 and major Denny descended lake St. Clair 
 by night with his fleet of boats. 
 
 Thus, the detachment under col. M'Ar- 
 thur penetrated near 70 miles into the 
 province, and returned in safety to camp 
 on the evening of the 17th of July, after 
 having taken a great number of boats — 
 near 200 barrels of flour — 400 blankets — 
 a number of guns, and a considerable quan- 
 tity of amunition and other military stores. 
 The colonel having receipted for every ar- 
 ticle, the same as if it had been private 
 property. We left the people our warm 
 friends. 
 
 This tour of 130 miles was performed in 
 four days and on four meals of provisions, 
 which were purchased by col. M'Arthur, 
 and paid for out of his own private funds, 
 and for which I believe he has as yet received 
 but little or no compensation. 
 
 Probably there is no portion of Upper 
 Canada, more beautiful or more prolific, 
 than that bordering on the river Tranche, 
 and that part of lake St. Clair immediately 
 adjacent. The fields of wheat and Indian 
 corn had a most charming effect; but as 
 every male subject capable of bearing arms, 
 
 2 39 
 
©Har on tfje ©etroit 
 
 had been drafted, vast quantities of wheat 
 remained ungathered. 
 
 Deserters from Maiden, were now croud- 
 ing in, and obtaining protections from the 
 general. Many of whom were known to re- 
 turn the moment after they had received 
 protection, with information to the enemy 
 of the situation of our camp, the operations 
 of the army, and such other information as 
 might advance the interest of the British, 
 and retard our own. 
 
 On the 1 6th, col. Cass and lieut. col. Miller, 
 marched with a detachment to the bridge 
 over the river Aux Canards. The subjoined 
 letter of col. Cass, to gen. Hull, will explain 
 the object, and supercede the necessity of 
 any other statement of that affair. 
 
 Sandwich, Upper Canada, July 17, 18 12. 
 
 Sir — In conformity with your instruc- 
 tions, I proceeded with a detachment of 280 
 men, to reconnoitre the enemy's advanced 
 posts. We found them in possession of a 
 bridge over the river Canards, at the dis- 
 tance of four miles from Maiden. After ex- 
 amining their position, I left one company of 
 riflemen, to conceal themselves near the 
 bridge, and upon our appearance on the 
 opposite side of the river, to commence fir- 
 ing, in order to divert their attention, and 
 
 240 
 
®f)e Capitulation 
 
 to throw them into confusion. I then pro- 
 ceeded with the remainder of the force about 
 five miles, to a ford over the Canards and 
 down on the southern bank of the river. 
 About sun set we arrived within sight of the 
 enemy. Being entirely destitute of guides, 
 we marched too near the bank of the river, 
 and found our progress checked by a creek, 
 which was then impassable. We were then 
 compelled to march up a mile, in order to 
 effect a passage over the creek. This gave 
 the enemy time to make their arrangements, 
 and prepare for their defence. On coming 
 down the creek we found them formed; they 
 commenced a distant fire of musketry. The 
 riflemen of the detachment, were formed 
 upon the wings, and the two companies of 
 infantry in the centre. The men moved on 
 with great spirit and alacrity. After the 
 first discharge the British retreated — we 
 continued advancing. Three times they 
 formed, and as often retreated. We drove 
 them above half a mile, when it became so 
 dark that we were obliged to relinquish the 
 pursuit. Two privates in the 41st regiment 
 were wounded and taken prisoners. We 
 learn from deserters, that nine or ten were 
 wounded, and some killed. 27 We could gain 
 
 27 This slight engagement marks the first actual 
 bloodshed of the War of 18 12. 
 
 2 4 I 
 
2Uar on tfje ©etrott 
 
 no precise information of the number op- 
 posed to us. It consisted of a considerable 
 detachment from the 41st regiment, some 
 militia, and a body of Indians. The guard 
 at the bridge consisted of 50 men. Our rifle- 
 men stationed on this side the Canards, dis- 
 covered the enemy reinforcing them during 
 the whole afternoon. There is no doubt but 
 their number considerably exceeded ours. 
 Lieut, col. Miller, conducted in the most 
 spirited and able manner. I have every rea- 
 son to be satisfied with the conduct of the 
 whole detachment. 
 
 Very respectfully, sir, I have the honor to 
 be, your obedient servant, 
 
 (Signed) Lewis Cass, 
 
 Col. 3d reg. 0. Vol. 
 His excellency brig. gen. Hull. 
 
 A British soldier who was killed, and after- 
 wards buried by the detachment, was taken 
 up by the Indians and scalped. This trophy 
 was taken to Maiden and presented to the 
 commandant; who paid the Indians their 
 premium, believing that it was actually the 
 scalp of an American drummer. Great feast- 
 ing and rejoicing took place upon the occa- 
 sion, in which the British officers cheerfully 
 participated. It was soon discovered, how- 
 ever, that the Indians had deceived their 
 
 242 
 
®fje Capitulation 
 
 masters; that they had only scalped an 
 Englishman and found an American drum. 28 
 
 In addition to the above, it is only neces- 
 sary to observe that captain Brown of the 
 4th regiment, took a flag of truce to Maiden, 
 contrary to the orders of col. Cass. On his 
 return to the detachment he was fired at by 
 the enemy.* 
 
 On the morning of the 17th, a reinforce- 
 ment arrived, consisting of the residue of 
 the fourth U. S. regiment, and a piece of 
 artillery, under the direction of Lieut. East- 
 man. 
 
 A council of officers was soon after con- 
 vened, a majority of whom insisted on evacu- 
 ating the bridge. Col. Cass and capt. Snell- 
 ing were anxious to maintain the post which 
 had so easily been gained, and which ap- 
 peared to them of the first importance; but 
 they were over-ruled by the rest of the 
 officers. The whole of the detachment then 
 returned to camp. 
 
 28 This incident affords a characteristic illustration of 
 wartime atrocity stories. For the British account of the 
 affair, see ante, 81. 
 
 * I have never been able to discover the object which 
 capt. Brown had in view, in thus taking to Maiden, a 
 flag of truce. It is said he was the bearer of private 
 letters to the prisoners at Amherstburgh — one thing is 
 certain — it was not to demand the surrender of the fort. 
 (See Hull's letter to Brock, dated Aug. 15th, 1812). 
 
 243 
 
Max on tfje Betrott 
 
 The bridge, which was thus abandoned, 
 was the chief obstruction between the en- 
 campment and Maiden, and it was obvious, 
 that the possession of it was paving the way 
 to an easy conquest of that fort — but it will 
 be recollected that col. Cass had no orders 
 to make a stand at the bridge, either prior 
 or subsequent to its surrender. He was de- 
 tached to "reconnoitre the enemy's advance 
 posts'' — not to hold the ground he might 
 conquer. 
 
 This evening (17th) a report was preva- 
 lent in camp, that the Queen Charlotte, a 
 British armed vessel, was sailing up the 
 strait, demolishing the houses, and impress- 
 ing the inhabitants as she proceeded; and 
 that the British had again possessed them- 
 selves of the bridge over the Aux-Canards. 
 In consequence of which col. Findley took 
 command of a small detachment and marched 
 to the bridge, which he found torn up, and 
 defended by the enemy, who had erected 
 a breast work of timber on the southern 
 side. The Queen Charlotte was also moored 
 in a favorable situation to defend it. Col. 
 Findley returned the 18th, and on the 
 evening of that day capt. Snelling, capt. 
 Mansfield and part of capt. Sloan's troop 
 of horse went to the bridge as a corps of 
 observation. 
 
 244 
 
W$t Capitulation 
 
 From the tenor of the following order, it 
 appears that gen. Hull, at one time wished 
 the troops to believe that he intended to 
 make a descent upon Maiden, and that such 
 officers and soldiers, as had unfortunately 
 lost their cloathing by the capture of capt. 
 Chapin's schooner, should have the pleasure 
 of wearing the second handed apparel of his 
 majesty's subjects — as soon as the orders 
 of the government would be known on the 
 subject. 
 
 Head-Quarters, Sandwich, July 18th, 1812. 
 
 GENERAL ORDERS 
 
 Whereas the private property, consisting 
 principally of necessary cloathing of the 
 officers and soldiers of this army, has been 
 seized by the British force, and is detained 
 at Maiden, or its dependencies, notwith- 
 standing application has been made for a 
 restitution of it. In order to remunerate 
 those officers and soldiers who have suffered, 
 the general directs that all personal property 
 of officers now serving in the British army at 
 the aforesaid post) shall be taken under special 
 orders from the general, and delivered to 
 the Quarter-Master General for safe keep- 
 ing, until the orders of the government are 
 known on the subject. 
 
 2 45 
 
2Uar on tfje Betrott 
 
 One hundred and fifty men properly offi- 
 cered will be detached for command to- 
 morrow morning at 5 o'clock from col. 
 M'Arthur's regiment. Col. M'Arthur will 
 command and will call at Head-Quarter's 
 for his instructions. 
 
 Wm. Hull, 
 Brigadier-Gen. Commanding. 
 
 Such an order as the above, never before 
 disgraced the character of an army, or 
 emanated from the mind of a general. It was 
 telling the troops in the plainest language to 
 strip the linen of an enemies back and place 
 it on our own. It evinces the dwarfiishness 
 of soul, and want of foresight, which after- 
 wards appeared so conspicuous in all the 
 movements of gen. Hull. But to return to 
 the routine of operations. 
 
 On the 19th, col. M'Arthur was ordered 
 to the river Aux-Canards, with a detach- 
 ment of 150 men from his own regiment, to 
 relieve capt. Snelling and the troops who 
 were sent down the day before. Col. M'Ar- 
 thur found capt. Snelling at the lower end 
 of the Petit-cote settlement, which is about 
 a mile above the Aux Canards bridge. From 
 this place to the bridge, three fourths of a 
 mile, or something more, is a beautiful plain 
 or dry prairie, lightly covered over with short 
 
 246 
 
SWje Capitulation 
 
 grass. Within 300 yards of the bridge there 
 is a small bank, or gradual elevation of 
 about six or seven feet. On the top of this 
 bank on the west side of the road, there is 
 about three or four acres covered with short 
 oak and hazel bushes, in which brushy 
 ground there are two or three oak trees, and 
 several stumps and logs. From the foot of 
 this bank to the river Canards, is a low 
 prairie somewhat wet and covered with long 
 grass. The river Canards is about twenty- 
 five or thirty yards wide, and very deep and 
 muddy. The timbered woods on the south 
 or lower side of the river, is from sixty to an 
 hundred yards from its margin, and the 
 woods appear very brushy. Colonel M'Ar- 
 thur's orders from the general were, not to 
 attempt to cross the river Aux-Canards, nor 
 go within the reach of the guns of the Queen 
 Charlotte, which lay at anchor in the De- 
 troit river, opposite the mouth of the Ca- 
 nards, where a gun boat was cruising about 
 her. The General stated that the object he 
 had in sending down Colonel M'Arthur was 
 to examine the situation of the bridge and 
 the position of the Queen Charlotte. The 
 Colonel formed his detachment in line of 
 battle, along the fence, at the lower end of 
 the Petit-cote settlement, and left it under 
 the command of Captain John Lucas, and 
 
 247 
 
Mar on tfje ©etrott 
 
 advanced with Adjutant Puthuff and a few 
 riflemen to the brushy ground on the top of 
 the bank, to reconnoitre. It was discovered 
 that the bridge was all taken up but the 
 sleepers, and that a battery was erected at 
 the south end of it, about which, and in the 
 adjacent woods, there appeared to be about 
 fifty Indians, twenty-five dragoons, sixty 
 regulars, and one hundred and fifty Ca- 
 nadian militia. The riflemen commenced a 
 fire on the enemy at their battery, there 
 being some of the Indians standing on it. 
 Soon after the firing commenced, three of 
 the Indians crossed the river on the sleepers 
 of the bridge and ran up the road about 
 forty yards and discharged their guns at our 
 men — one of the Indians, (Marpot) in turn- 
 ing about, received a ball in the neck, which 
 brought him full length to the ground where 
 he lay for several minutes, but at length rose 
 and staggered off until he was met by one of 
 his companions who took him by the arm 
 and assisted him back to the battery. This 
 firing lasted about forty-five minutes, dur- 
 ing which time Colonel M'Arthur and Adju- 
 tant Puthuff proceeded down the Aux-Ca- 
 nards towards the Charlotte to view her 
 with a spy glass. Whilst in this act they 
 were fired on by the gun boat, which had 
 slipped up along the shore, among the rushes 
 
 248 
 
©fje Capitulation 
 
 — the ball passed within three feet of the 
 adjutant's head. The Colonel then returned 
 to the riflemen who were left near the bridge 
 and ordered them back to the main detach- 
 ment. After some consultation with his 
 officers respecting the propriety of returning 
 to camp, he again went down near the bridge, 
 in company with Doctor M'Adow, to re- 
 examine the position of the enemy with his 
 glass. He found that the Indians had prin- 
 cipally left the bridge: about one hundred 
 yards from where he stood was the small 
 thicket of bushes, above mentioned, in which 
 about thirty Indians were concealed; whilst 
 others were seen passing towards the road, in 
 the rear of the main detachment. On this 
 information being received, Adjutant Put- 
 huff rode with haste to inform the Colonel. 
 At the moment the Adjutant was making 
 his communication to the colonel, the In- 
 dians who were concealed in the bushes fired 
 on them, but without effect. 
 
 The officers of the detachment were at 
 the same time issuing rations of whiskey to 
 the men according to the previous orders of 
 the colonel. They heard the guns and saw 
 the Indians firing on their colonel; and both 
 men and officers ran to meet him— he with 
 the assistance of the Adjutant, gen. Lucas, 
 and col. M'Donald, soon formed the line of 
 
 249 
 
©Mar on tfje Bettott 
 
 battle, and without halting, drove the In- 
 dians across the river. The colonel advanced 
 with his men in line of battle, but would not 
 suffer one of them to fire a gun, until they 
 were within less than 150 yards of the Indi- 
 ans, who stood their ground and kept a con- 
 tinual fire on our line, until the word was 
 given for our men to fire upon them — the In- 
 dians then broke and never stopped retreat- 
 ing until they crossed the river on the sleepers 
 of the bridge and arrived at their battery. 
 Our men continually advanced, and as con- 
 stantly fired at the enemy, until the left wing 
 was stopped by the river. As soon as we ad- 
 vanced near the river the whole force of the 
 enemy fired on us from the woods. Some times 
 our colonel would order a retreat for the 
 purpose of drawing the Indians from their 
 ambuscade, and as soon as they advanced 
 to the river, we were ordered to turn on 
 them, and never failed to drive them back. 
 
 The firing was however, badly directed on 
 both sides, the enemies fire passed continu- 
 ally over us, and no doubt ours over him — 
 notwithstanding the many cautions given 
 the men by the col. and other officers during 
 the action. 
 
 We had but two men wounded — the colo- 
 nel's horse was shot in the forehead, during 
 the action. 
 
 250 
 
W$t Capitulation 
 
 After returning in the evening nearly up 
 to the lower end of the Petit cote or French 
 settlement, Gen. Tecumseh and a party of 
 his warriors were seen in the rear, occasionly 
 firing at our line. The colonel ordered a halt; 
 then instantly commanded his men to face 
 to the right about and fire at the word. All 
 the Indians fell flat on the ground, except 
 gen. Tecumseh, who stood firm on his limbs, 
 without any apparent concern. The colonel 
 was about to order another discharge on 
 those straggling Indians, when he was in- 
 formed that many of the men had been bor- 
 rowing cartridges from their companions, 
 and that the ammunition was almost ex- 
 hausted, and was also reminded of the Indi- 
 ans who were seen passing towards the road 
 in the rear of the detachment. It was then 
 thought proper to return towards camp. 
 
 After resting a few minutes we marched 
 up the road — An express was sent to camp, 
 in the mean time with information, that the 
 detachment under col. M'Arthur, had ex- 
 pended all its ammunition. Col. Cass who 
 was always on the alert, and perhaps more 
 particularly so when col. M'Arthur was out 
 of camp on command, immediately rushed 
 down the road with 150 of his men, accompa- 
 nied by lieut. Edger of the artillery, and a 
 six pounder. Col. Cass and col. M'Arthur 
 
 251 
 
Mat on tfje ©etroit 
 
 met about sunset, a little above Turkey 
 creek bridge, where col. M'Arthur expected 
 to be attacked by the Indians, who were 
 said to have passed towards the road be- 
 tween him and camp. Colonel M'Arthur 
 immediately returned with col. Cass to the 
 Petit-cote settlement, where it was said the 
 Indians were committing depredations on 
 the French. This however, they discovered 
 not to be the fact; but that a party of them 
 had been up to Bontee's wind mill, 29 and had 
 drawn bread, as had been their custom. It 
 being late cols. M'Arthur and Cass en- 
 camped for the night, and next morning the 
 colonels with maj. T. and gen. Lucas, who 
 came down with col. Cass, proceeded near 
 to the bridge at the Aux Canards, where 
 they discovered that the enemy's force was 
 considerably augmented, and that some 
 pieces of artillery was at the battery. 
 
 Col. M'Arthur was unwilling to fatigue 
 his men by renewing an engagement with 
 the enemy — but at the request of col. Cass 
 and maj. Trimble, he again marched with 
 his detachment towards the bridge; where 
 we were soon assailed by the enemy's artillery 
 — which was answered by a few discharges 
 from our six pounder. Finding it impossible 
 to operate successfully on the enemy, we 
 
 29 Capt. Bondy, for whom see ante, 139. 
 252 
 
®fje Capitulation 
 
 returned to camp, much fatigued and re- 
 duced by hunger, having been two days on 
 short allowance.* 
 
 As Tecumseh was conspicuous in this en- 
 gagement, and has since been appointed a 
 brigadier general of the savage British army, 
 a brief description of him will not be unin- 
 teresting. 
 
 Tecumseh is about 45 years of age, of the 
 Shawanoe tribe, six feet high, well pro- 
 portioned for his height, of erect and lofty 
 deportment, penetrating eye, rather stern 
 in his vissage; artful; insiduous in preparing 
 enterprizes and bold in their execution — 
 His eloquence is nervous, concise and im- 
 pressive. In his youth, and before the treaty 
 of Greenville, he was of the boldest warriors 
 who infested the Ohio river — seizing boats — 
 killing emigrants — loading the horses he 
 took with the most valuable plunder — and 
 retiring to the Wabash, where, careless of 
 wealth himself — he soon lavished the treas- 
 ures of his rapine upon his followers, which, 
 when exhausted, he replenished by fresh 
 
 * One of the Ohio volunteers who had his musket 
 choaked while in the heat of the engagement, sat down 
 between the fires & with his tomahawk knocked off the 
 bands which connected the barrel and the stock to- 
 gether, and then unbreached his peice; having refitted 
 her, he resumed his station in the ranks and afterwards 
 fired several rounds at the enemy. 
 
 2 53 
 
Mat on tfje Betroit 
 
 depredations. Among the Indians, Tecum- 
 seh is esteemed the boldest warrior of the 
 west. 
 
 There was certainly something misterious 
 in thus sending detachments to the bridge, 
 with strict orders not to cross it. To con- 
 tend for a post without having the power to 
 take possession of it, in the event of its re- 
 duction, is an evidence either of consumate 
 vanity or unparelled treachery — and when 
 we recollect that this bridge and battery 
 were the greatest impediments in our course 
 to Maiden — that we had once possession of 
 it, and that we were ordered to evacuate it, 
 we are involuntarily forced to believe that 
 it was never the intention of gen. Hull, to 
 lead his army before the battlements of 
 Maiden. 
 
 On the 2 1 st the general crossed over to 
 Detroit, where he continued until the 26th, 
 during which time the command of the army 
 devolved on col. M'Arthur. 
 
 The rangers, or spies under capt. M'Cul- 
 loch, were ordered to examine whether a 
 back road to Maiden could be made, so as 
 to avoid the bridge. They returned on the 
 23d, and reported to the commandant, that 
 they had explored the country between Sand- 
 wich and the river Aux Canards and dis- 
 covered, that it would be impossible to make 
 
 2 54 
 
Wi)t Capitulation 
 
 a road which would be passable for artillery 
 or waggons. 
 
 It was reported in camp that a consider- 
 able body of Indians, were lurking about the 
 country in the neighborhood of the Aux 
 Canards bridge. Upon receiving this in- 
 formation, major Denny was ordered out 
 with a detachment of 117 men, consisting of 
 three corps under captains Lucas, Pinney 
 and Rose. The following is the letter of in- 
 structions given by the commandant to major 
 Denny. 
 
 Head Quarters, Sandwich, July 24, 18 12. 
 Major Denny, 
 
 Sir — You will proceed with the detach- 
 ment under your command, to some con- 
 venient place on this side of the river Aux- 
 Canards, where you will place your men in 
 ambush, near some road or trace where you 
 expect the Indians to pass. I think it would 
 be well to divide them into two parties, and 
 suffer the Indians, or enemy, to pass the first 
 unmolested, (unless the opportunity of tak- 
 ing them should be very good,) and let the 
 second party commence the fire on them, 
 and the first prevent their retreat: however, 
 in this case you will use your own judgment. 
 You will also fix on your ambuscade, where 
 you may think proper, but be careful not to 
 
 2 55 
 
©Hat on tfje Betrott 
 
 expose yourself and men in a situation where 
 you cannot retreat, in case the enemy's 
 force should be superior to yours. 
 
 I think it probable that there are some 
 pieces of artillery stationed near the bridge, 
 and that it would not be safe to approach 
 it in day light; yet, it might, perhaps, be 
 possible to approach so near that place, in 
 the night, by a spy or two, as to know whether 
 the enemy has an advanced picket in the 
 small thicket on the right of the road, near 
 the bridge. 
 
 Duncan M'Arthur, 
 
 Col. Com. 
 
 Major Denny marched with his detach- 
 ment in the night of the 24th, to the Petit- 
 cote settlement, where he halted about three 
 o'clock the next morning, in a wheat field, 
 three fourths of a mile from the bridge over 
 the Aux Canards. Here we had a temporary 
 repose, for near an hour, when the major 
 who had been on the alert during the whole 
 night, came round the men and roused them 
 to their arms. He had heared a boat on the 
 river, and believing that the enemy had 
 landed a body of troops in our rear, formed 
 the line of battle oblongly with the fence. 
 We observed the boat descending the river 
 with about twenty-five British soldiers on 
 
 256 
 
Gtfje Capitulation 
 
 board, but at too great a distance for our 
 shot to reach them. 
 
 About sun rise we quit the wheat field and 
 formed an ambuscado, in a neighbouring or- 
 chard — while in this position, the guards 
 observed a Frenchman and his two sons ap- 
 proach — who stated that they had came to 
 reap their harvest. The Frenchman pre- 
 tending not to understand our language, the 
 major had recourse to an interpreter, when 
 we soon discovered that his name was 
 Bontee, and that he was a captain of a com- 
 pany of Canadians, in actual service at Mai- 
 den — that he had came from the bridge in 
 the disguise of a farmer, to observe our situa- 
 tion and our force and then to report ac- 
 cordingly to the enemy. 
 
 He was considered as a spy and sent with- 
 out delay to camp under guard. 
 
 After marching and counter-marching un- 
 til near the middle of the day, within view of 
 the enemy's advanced post, we halted, for 
 the purpose of resting, under a convenient 
 shade, where we continued until two o'clock 
 — At this time a party of Indians were seen 
 marching within fifteen yards of us — more 
 than half of our men were asleep! The Major 
 observed the enemy, and a number of the 
 detachment being prepared — he cried out, 
 "Rush like Hell, boys^ and fire well." — The 
 
 257 
 
Mat on tfje Betrott 
 
 order was promptly obeyed, and seven of 
 the savages fell on the spot. — The remainder 
 of them were pursued by about twenty of 
 the detachment for half a mile, when we were 
 ordered to return to the main body, who, by 
 this time had been roused from their leth- 
 argy by the thunder of arms. 
 
 The enemy, by this time, had rallied and 
 augmented considerably — they were seen on 
 horseback and on foot, hurrying towards 
 Turkey creek bridge, which we had to cross 
 on our way to camp, for the purpose of in- 
 tercepting us, by placing us between their 
 fire and that of a party of British who joined 
 in the pursuit. 
 
 We were now formed in order of battle, 
 and marched to a point of woods, on our 
 right flank, which place the enemy was also 
 making for: This position, which appeared 
 of primary importance, we were unable to 
 gain; for as we approached it, we received a 
 heavy discharge from the enemy, which was 
 returned by the right wing of the detach- 
 ment with spirit, but the left gave way and 
 fell off from the right, and from the enemy. — 
 This, unfortunately, gave alarm to those on 
 the right, who supposing they were part of 
 the enemy believed themselves completely 
 surrounded; and observing at the same, that 
 the Indians were endeavoring to out-flank 
 
 258 
 
<P)e Capitulation 
 
 us, the only alternative was to gain the road 
 by which we had to return. 
 
 We were pursued through fields of wheat 
 and swampy thickets of prickly ash, for 
 three miles before we were able to reach the 
 road or lane — here the Major again en- 
 deavored to rally and form his men; but not 
 more than forty were to be found who ap- 
 peared willing to encounter an enemy which 
 appeared to have every possible advantage, 
 both in numbers and position. 
 
 Within half a mile of Turkey creek, the 
 firing ceased — and after having crossed it 
 we were met by Gen. Lucas and part of a 
 rifle company which had heard of the en- 
 gagement, and had came to our assistance. 
 We had six killed, and two wounded, one of 
 whom was taken prisoner — about fifteen of 
 the enemy, we understood were killed, most 
 of whom were afterwards found by the 
 Canadians, in the woods and the adjacent 
 wheat fields. 
 
 Captain M'Culloch, of the spies, scalped 
 an Indian whom he killed in this engage- 
 ment. — This was the first scalp taken from 
 the enemy. 
 
 After the return of Major Denny to camp, 
 reports very unfavorable to his character, 
 as an officer, were every where in circula- 
 tion. — The Major knew that he had done 
 
 259 
 
Max on tfje ©etrott 
 
 every thing in his power to prevent the dis- 
 orderly conduct of that portion of the de- 
 tachment, which tended so eminently to 
 create confusion and dismay — and without 
 hesitation requested a court of enquiry, 
 which acquitted him with honor. It is a fact, 
 that even those who reprobated the conduct 
 of Major Denny, previous to the sitting of 
 the court of enquiry, gave testimony, when 
 under oath, pointedly in his favor. The 
 following are the orders issued on the oc- 
 casion: 
 
 Sandwich, July 25th, 18 12. 
 
 BRIGADE ORDERS 
 
 In consequence of certain reports injurious 
 to the honor and reputation of maj. James 
 Denny of col. M'Arthur's regiment of Ohio 
 Volunteers, having been circulated through 
 the camp, by some person or persons un- 
 known — a court of enquiry to consist of 
 three members, is hereby appointed at the 
 particular request of major Denny, to ex- 
 amine and enquire into the nature of said 
 report, and the causes which have given rise 
 to them. 
 
 Col. Findley is appointed president and 
 col. Cass and major Vanhorn members — 
 Adjutant Puthuff will act as recorder— the 
 court will meet at the brick house in the 
 
 260 
 
W$t Capitulation 
 
 centre of the encampment at ten o'clock 
 P. M. of this day. 
 
 (Signed) Duncan M'Arthur, 
 
 Col. Com. 
 Sandwich, July 30th, 18 12. 
 
 GENERAL ORDERS 
 
 The court of inquiry, of which col. Find- 
 ley is president, having reported to the gen- 
 eral the testimony which has been before 
 them respecting the conduct of major Denny, 
 of col. M'Arthur's regiment of Ohio Volun- 
 teers, as commanding officer of a detach- 
 ment of about one hundred and seventeen 
 men, which advanced near the river Aux- 
 Canards, on the morning of the 25th and 
 was attacked by the enemy and compelled 
 to retreat. The general, after having care- 
 fully examined the testimony with all the 
 circumstances attending the expedition, is 
 of opinion that major Denny conducted like 
 a prudent and brave officer, and that no 
 imputation rests upon him, in consequence 
 of the retreat of the detachment. The court 
 of inquiry of which col. Findley is president 
 is dissolved. 
 
 (Signed) W. Hull, 
 
 , A , 7X Briz- Gen. Commandinz* 
 
 {A copy from record.) ^ TT7 TT ^ d 
 
 W. H. PUTHUFF, 
 
 Adjutant and recorder of the court. 
 261 
 
WLav on ttje ©etrott 
 
 The news of the unpropitious surrender of 
 Michillimackinac, which took place on the 
 17th, reached us about the 28th, and put a 
 period to our offensive operations in the 
 province — if we except the building of a for- 
 tification, about a half a mile below our en- 
 campment which was at once unskilful in its 
 construction, and disadvantageous in its 
 situation. 30 
 
 The fall of Michillimackinac, was cer- 
 tainly an event deeply to be deplored; but 
 when we bear in mind, that due exertions 
 were not made by gen. Hull, to prepare that 
 fort for defence, by giving the commandant 
 information of the declaration of war, other- 
 wise than by a general order, issued and 
 circulated at Detroit and Spring-wells only, 
 we must with one accord attribute the dis- 
 aster to that inactivity and want of zeal, 
 which were leading traits in the character of 
 gen. Hull. 
 
 As the surrender of that fort, if we may 
 believe gen. Hull, let open "the northern hive 
 of Indians," and tended to produce the 
 surrender of Detroit, the history of its fall 
 necessary comes within the precincts of our 
 narrative. The following copy of a letter 
 with the subjoined paper, addressed by 
 
 30 This outpost, within the limits of present-day 
 Windsor, was known as Fort Gowie. 
 
 262 
 
Gtfje Capitulation 
 
 lieut. Hanks to gen. Hull on that important 
 event, will preclude any other statement 
 which might be offered. 
 
 Detroit, 4th August, 18 12. 
 
 Sir — I take the earliest opportunity to 
 acquaint your excellency of the surrender of 
 the garrison of Michillimackinac, under my 
 command, to his Britannic majesty's forces 
 under the command of Captain Charles 
 Roberts, on the 17th ult. — the particulars of 
 which are, as follows: — 
 
 On the 1 6th, I was informed by the Indian 
 interpreter, that he had discovered from an 
 Indian that the several nations of Indians 
 then at St. Joseph, (a British garrison, dis- 
 tant forty miles) intended to make an im- 
 mediate attack on Michillimackinac. I was 
 inclined, from the coolness I had discovered 
 in some of the principal chiefs of the Ottawa 
 and Chippawa nations, who had but a few 
 days before professed the greatest of friend- 
 ship for the United States, to place confi- 
 dence in this report. I immediately called 
 a meeting of the American gentlemen at 
 that time on the Island, in which it was 
 thought proper to dispatch a confidential 
 person to St. Joseph to watch the motions 
 of the Indians. Capt. Daurman, of the 
 militia, was thought the most suitable for 
 this service. He embarked about sunset, 
 
 'J 
 
Max on tfje Betrott 
 
 and met the British forces within ten or 
 fifteen miles of the Island, by whom he was 
 made prisoner and put on his parole of honor. 
 He was landed on the Island at day break, 
 with positive directions to give me no intelli- 
 gence whatever. He was also instructed to 
 take the inhabitants of the village indis- 
 criminately to a place on the west side of the 
 island, where their persons and property 
 should be protected by a British guard; but 
 should they go to the fort, they would be 
 subject to a general massacre by the savages, 
 which would be inevitable if the garrison 
 fired a gun. This information I received 
 from doctor Day, who was passing through 
 the village when every person was flying for 
 refuge to the enemy. Immediately on being 
 informed of the approach of the enemy, I 
 placed ammunition &c. in the block-houses; 
 ordered every gun charged, and made every 
 preparation for action. About 9 o'clock I 
 could discover that the enemy were in pos- 
 session of the heights that commanded the 
 fort, and, one piece of their artillery directed 
 to the most defenceless part of the garrison. 
 The Indians at this time were to be seen in 
 great numbers in the edge of the woods. 
 At half past 11 o'clock, the enemy sent in a 
 flag of truce, demanding a surrender of the 
 Fort and Island to his Britannic majesty's 
 
 264 
 
Cfje Capitulation 
 
 forces. This, sir, was the first information I 
 had of the declaration of war; I, however, 
 had anticipated it, and was as well prepared 
 to meet such an event as I possibly could 
 have been with the force under my com- 
 mand, amounting to fifty seven effective 
 men, including officers. Three American 
 gentlemen, who were prisoners, were per- 
 mitted to accompany the flag: from them I 
 ascertained the strength of the enemy to be 
 from nine hundred to one thousand strong, 
 consisting of regular troops, Canadians and 
 savages; that they had two pieces of artillery, 
 and were provided with ladders and ropes 
 for the purpose of scaling the works if neces- 
 sary. After I had obtained this information, 
 I consulted my officers and also the Ameri- 
 can gentlemen present, who were very in- 
 telligent men; the result of which was, that 
 it was impossible for the garrison to hold 
 out against such a superior force. In this 
 opinion I fully concurred, from conviction 
 that it was the only measure that could pre- 
 vent a general massacre. The fort and garri- 
 son were accordingly surrendered. 
 
 "The enclosed papers exhibit copies of 
 the correspondence between the officer com- 
 manding the British forces and myself, and 
 of the articles of capitulation. This subject 
 involved questions of a peculiar nature; and 
 
 265 
 
Max on tfje Bettott 
 
 I hope, sir, that my demands and protests 
 will meet the approbation of my govern- 
 ment. I cannot allow this opportunity to 
 escape without expressing my obligation to 
 doctor Day for the service he rendered me 
 in conducting this correspondence. 
 
 "In consequence of this unfortunate affair, 
 I beg leave, sir, to demand that a court of 
 enquiry may be ordered to investigate all 
 the facts connected with it; and I do further 
 request, that the court may be speedily di- 
 rected to express their opinion on the merits 
 of the case. 
 
 I have the honor to be, Sir, very respect- 
 fully, Your obedient servant, 
 
 P. Hanks, 31 
 Lieutenant of Artillery, 
 
 31 Lieutenant Porter Hanks received his first army 
 commission, Jan. 17, 1805. ^ n November, 1806, he was 
 proceeding to Chicago with a detachment of troops, 
 aboard the schooner Tracy, destined for that place, 
 when in Lake Huron the captain of the vessel aban- 
 doned the voyage and returned to Detroit. The failure 
 to continue proved fateful for Lieutenant Hanks, for 
 during the enforced detention at Detroit he met, and 
 within two months married, Margaret McNiff. In 181 1 
 Captain Howard, commandant at Mackinac, died, and 
 Hanks, his subordinate, assumed command of the post. 
 It thus fell to his lot to surrender Mackinac to Captain 
 Roberts, July 17, 1812. Paroled and allowed to proceed 
 to Detroit, Hanks was undergoing court-martial on 
 August 16 for the surrender of Mackinac when a cannon 
 
 266 
 
W$t Capitulation 
 
 His Excellency, Gen. Hull, 
 
 Commanding the N. W. Army." 
 
 "P. S. The following particulars relative 
 to the British force were obtained after the 
 capitulation, from a source that admits of 
 no doubt: 
 
 Regular troops 
 Canadian militia 
 
 4.6 {including 4 offi- 
 260 cers) 
 
 Total 
 
 306 
 
 SAVAGES 
 
 Sioux 
 
 56 
 
 Winnebagoes 
 Tallesawains 
 
 48 
 39 
 
 Chippawas and 
 
 
 Ottawas 
 
 571 
 
 
 715 Savages. 
 306 Whites. 
 
 1021 
 
 "It may also be remarked, that one hun- 
 dred and fifty Chippewas and Ottawas 
 joined the British two days after the capitu- 
 lation. 
 
 P. H." 
 
 ball fired from the British battery across the river, 
 entered the room and killed him instantly. His widow 
 died Dec. 14, 1869, a g e d eighty-three years. 
 
 267 
 
Mat on tfje Betrott 
 
 "Heights above Michillimackinac, 
 "17th July, 1812. 
 
 "CAPITULATION 
 
 "Agreed upon between Captain Charles Rob- 
 erts^ commanding his Britannic majesty's 
 forces on the one part^ and Lieutenant 
 Porter Hanks , commanding the forces of the 
 United States ', on the other part. 
 
 "1st. The fort of Michillimackinac 
 shall immediately be surrendered to the 
 British forces. 
 
 "2d. The garrison shall march out with 
 the honors of war, lay down their arms, and 
 become prisoners of war; and shall be sent 
 to the United States of America by his 
 Britannic majesty, not to serve this war, 
 until regularly exchanged: and for the due 
 performance of this article, the officers pledge 
 their word and honor. 
 
 "3d. All the merchant vessels in the 
 harbor, with their cargoes, shall be in pos- 
 session of their respective owners. 
 
 "4th. Private property shall be held sa- 
 cred as far as it is in my power. 
 
 "5th. All citizens of the U. States, who 
 shall not take the oath of allegiance to his 
 Britannic majesty, shall depart with their 
 
 268 
 
Cfje Capitulation 
 
 property from the island in one month from 
 the date hereof. 
 
 Signed Charles Roberts. 
 
 Capt. commanding the forces of his Britan- 
 nic majesty. 
 P. Hanks, 
 Lieut, commanding the United States 
 
 troops." 
 
 "Supplement to the articles of Capitula- 
 tion signed on the 17th July: 
 
 "The captains and crews of the vessels 
 Erie, and Freegoodwill, shall be included 
 under the second article, not to serve until 
 regularly exchanged, for which the officers 
 shall pledge their word and honor. 
 Fort Michillimackinac, 
 "17th July, 181 2. 
 
 Charles Roberts. 
 Capt. commanding the forces of 
 his Britannic majesty. 
 granted, P. Hanks, 
 
 Lieut, commanding the United States forces. 
 
 In the mean while, information arrived by 
 express from Chillicothe, that capt. Henry 
 Brush with a company of volunteers, was 
 approaching Detroit with provisions for the 
 army. It was now well known, that our 
 communication with the states was partially 
 
 269 
 
WLav on tfje Betrott 
 
 excluded; in consequence of which, together 
 with the solicitude they felt for the patriotic 
 escort to the provisions, the colonels of Ohio 
 volunteers, made repeated endeavors to ob- 
 tain from the general, a sufficient force to 
 meet and convoy capt. Brush and the pro- 
 visions in safety to Detroit, but all their 
 exertions were unavailing. The general was 
 inexorable and appeared totally indifferent 
 either about the arrival of the provisions, or 
 the safety of the convoy. 
 
 At length, however, he consented to send 
 out, for that purpose, and as an escort to 
 the mail about 180 men, under major Van 
 Home, who was directed to join capt. Brush 
 at the river Raisins. 
 
 Major Van Home, crossed the river with 
 his detachment on the fourth of August, and 
 marched that night to the river d'Corce, 
 where the men were ordered to form an 
 ambuscade in the bushes, and to rest on 
 their arms until morning. 
 
 About the dawn of day the detachment 
 resumed its march preceded by four of the 
 spies, and passed through the village of 
 Maguaga, and from thence to the Big- 
 Appletree^ where some Indian traces branch 
 from the road to the right and left of a corn 
 field — unfortunately for capt. M'Culloch, 
 he took the left trace accompanied only by 
 
 270 
 
Wfyt Capitulation 
 
 a black servant of major Van Home's, and 
 was proceeding round the field, when about 
 12 or 14 Indians who were in ambush fired 
 at and killed him on the spot, and then 
 scalped and tomahalked him. 
 
 Thus fell M'Culloch, the intrepid and 
 patriotic captain of the spies, while in the 
 faithful discharge of his duty. His loss was 
 severely felt by the army, for he was the 
 brightest ornament of valour. His body was 
 conveyed by his friend and companion, gen. 
 Lucas, to a house at Maguaga, where cov- 
 ered with bark, it remained uninterred. 
 
 Shortly after this transaction, a number of 
 mounted militia, and several gentlemen who 
 wished to pass on to the river Raisins, joined 
 the detachment. Major Van Home was 
 here informed by a Frenchman, that three 
 or four hundred Indians and some British 
 were near Brownstown in ambush, for the 
 purpose of intercepting the detachment, but 
 we had been so much accustomed to hear 
 false statements from these deceptious peo- 
 ple, that little confidence was placed in the 
 report by major Van Home. 
 
 The detachment now marched on in the 
 following order. The front guard consisting 
 of 24 men was divided into two columns, 
 each preceded by three dragoons. The main 
 body nearly in the same order. Capt. 
 
 271 
 
Hilar on tfje Betrott 
 
 Rupe's, capt. Spencer's and capt. Robin- 
 son's companies formed the right, and capt. 
 Barrere's, capt. Ulry's and capt. Gilchrist's 
 the left column, & capt. Boersler's company 
 the rear guard. The columns marching, 
 where the ground would admit of it, one 
 hundred yards apart— and the mail with an 
 escort of horsemen in the centre. 
 
 In this manner the detachment advanced, 
 near to Brownstown, where the road passes 
 through a narrow prairie, surrounded on the 
 right by a miry creek, which is only fordable 
 at one place for a considerable distance up, 
 the opposite side of which is thickly covered 
 with bushes — on the left were a considerable 
 number of small Indian corn fields, and 
 thickets of bushes. Through this defile the 
 detachment had to march and consequently 
 the columns to incline within 40 yards of 
 each other. While in this situation, the Indi- 
 ans who were concealed in the bushes on the 
 opposite side of the creek, and on the left, 
 commenced a heavy fire upon the detach- 
 ment, which was at the onset principally di- 
 rected at those who were on horse back. 
 
 The fire soon became general on both 
 sides; but the major finding the enemy's 
 force, to be superior, and that the Indians 
 were endeavoring to surround him — pru- 
 dently ordered a retreat, which was per- 
 
 272 
 
Gtfje Capitulation 
 
 formed in as good order as the situation of 
 the troops would admit of and supported by 
 halting every favorable opportunity and fir- 
 ing upon the enemy. 
 
 Fortunately for major Vanhorne, a small 
 portion of his detachment which behaved in 
 rather a cowardly manner, by precipitantly 
 retreating, prevented a party of British and 
 Indians, who were detached for that pur- 
 pose, from cutting off his retreat. 
 
 The enemy continued the pursuit for four 
 miles — major Vanhorne retreated to the river 
 cTCorce, where he procured a canoe, and sent 
 the wounded to camp by water. — In this 
 action we lost seventeen men killed, and 
 several wounded. Among the killed were 
 captains M'Colloch, Ulry, Gilchrist, and 
 Boersler, lieut. Pentz, and ensign Robey. 
 
 When we reflect on the circumstance of 
 this detachment being attacked nearly eight- 
 een miles from Detroit by a superior force, 
 its escape must be considered as providen- 
 tial, and its loss, but comparitively small. And 
 when we review the advantageous positions 
 occupied by the enemy, and the honorable, 
 correct and brave deportment of major Van 
 Home, we can at least say that he done 
 all in his power to make good the retreat 
 of his detachment, after he found it im- 
 possible to fight the enemy to advantage, 
 
 2 73 
 
Max on tfje Betrott 
 
 and that, at least he merits the meed of 
 national gratitude. 
 
 The loss of the enemy, from every infor- 
 mation which we could afterwards procure, 
 was at least equal to ours. The great loss 
 of officers on our side, must be ascribed to 
 their exertions in stimulating, by example, 
 their men to acts of heroism. They have died 
 in the field of fame and their country re- 
 members their services with gratitude. 32 
 
 How sleep the brave, who sink to rest 
 With all their country's wishes blest — 
 When Spring, with dewy fingers cold. 
 Returns to deck their hallow'd mould, 
 She there shall dress a sweeter sod 
 Than Fancy's feet have ever trod. 
 By fairy hand's their knell is rung, 
 By forms unseen their dirge is sung: 
 There Honor comes, a pilgrim grey, 
 To bless the turf that wraps their clay; 
 And Freedom shall a while repair, 
 To dwell a weeping hermit there. 
 
 32 It may be doubted whether in all the scores of 
 volumes that have been published about this disastrous 
 war a more illuminating commentary upon the shame- 
 ful record of the American armies than this one has been 
 penned. Almost 200 American soldiers are sent upon a 
 definite mission, on whose performance the continued 
 existence of the army depends. They are waylaid and 
 driven in panic rout by two dozen savages, fleeing so 
 promptly that many of them do not once discharge 
 their guns. Yet the author, writing for popular acclaim 
 a few weeks afterward, finds ground for admiration in 
 
 2 74 
 
 
Wf)t Capitulation 
 
 On the 6th, the general was earnestly so- 
 licited by the colonels, to grant permission 
 to either of them to lead a detachment be- 
 fore Brownstown, sufficient to bury the dead, 
 and force open the communication to the 
 river Raisins, where it was understood Cap- 
 tain Brush was with the provisions. For these 
 purposes five hundred men were required, 
 but the general refused, in positive terms, to 
 permit more than one hundred men to go on 
 the expedition, which number being deemed 
 inefficient for such a hazardous enterprise, 
 the project was abandoned and the colonels 
 left their misguided general with disgust. 
 
 A council was convened on the same day, 
 at the general's quarters, consisting of the 
 field officers and Capt. Dyson and It. J. East- 
 man, of the artillerists, when it was agreed 
 by all, except the two latter, to make an im- 
 mediate descent on Maiden: In consequence 
 of which, the following was circulated among 
 the troops: 
 
 Sandwich, 7th August, 18 12. 
 
 Doctor Edwards will take charge of the 
 medical and surgical departments until fur- 
 
 the very celerity of their flight, and awards "the meed 
 of national gratitude" to the leader who led them into 
 ambush. In such a state of fatuous innocence did 
 America in 18 12 embark upon a life and death conflict 
 with the most warlike nation on earth. 
 
 275 
 
Max on tfje Betrott 
 
 ther orders, and will immediately make every 
 preparation for the army to take the field 
 against the enemy. All the tents and bag- 
 gage of the army, not necessary, will be im- 
 mediately transported to Detroit. The boats 
 not necessary for the movement of the army 
 will be sent to Detroit. An officer and 
 twenty-five convalescents will be left at the 
 fort at Gowies, with a boat sufficient to carry 
 them across the river if necessary. All the 
 artillery, not taken by the army, will be sent 
 immediately to Detroit. The army will take 
 seven days provisions; three days provisions 
 will be drawn from to-morrow morning, and 
 will be cooked, and the residue will be taken 
 in waggons. Pork will be drawn for the meat 
 part of the rations, one hundred axes, fifty 
 spades and twenty pick-axes will be taken 
 by the army, and a raft of timber and plank, 
 suitable for bridges will be prepared and 
 floated down with the batteries. Six long 
 canoes will attend the floating batteries. 
 Only one days whiskey will be drawn each 
 day, and twelve barrels will be taken in wag- 
 gons; all the artificers, and all men on any 
 kind of extra duty, will immediately join 
 their regiment. 
 
 Signed, 
 
 W. Hull, 
 Brig. Gen. commanding. 
 
 276 
 
tEJje Capitulation 
 
 The gloom which had hitherto pervaded 
 almost every countenance, was now quickly 
 exchanged for effulgent joy — Even the ten- 
 ants of hospitals, quit the bed of disease, and 
 seized their arms — the wounded leaped at 
 the idea that they would soon have an op- 
 portunity of avenging their wrongs, and be- 
 sought the surgeons to report them fit for 
 duty. In short, every man was engaged 
 either in cooking or repairing his arms — 
 When, to our astonishment, we were ordered 
 to strike our tents and cross over to Detroit! — 
 To encamp in the rear of the fort, and to give 
 up every pretention of a hostile nature. — 
 Great God! what were our feelings now? A 
 territory which we had invaded without op- 
 position, we quit with disgrace. The laurels 
 we had hoped to reap before the ramparts of 
 Maiden, were left ungathered — and we were 
 doomed to bear the agonizing burden of dis- 
 honor. 
 
 The fort which was erected at Gowies was 
 ordered to be garrisoned by one hundred and 
 thirty convalescents under the command of 
 major Denny. The following is a copy of his 
 instructions: 
 
 Sandwich, August 8, 1812. 
 Major Denny, 
 
 You will take command of the stockade 
 work at Gowies — the detachment consists 
 
 277 
 
Max on tfje Betrott 
 
 of one hundred and thirty non-commissioned 
 officers and privates, with the addition of 
 lieutenant Anderson's corps of artillerists. 
 The object of your command is, to hold 
 possession of this part of Upper Canada, and 
 afford all possible protection, to the well dis- 
 posed inhabitants — you will defend your 
 post to the last extremity, against musketry 
 — if cannon should be brought against it, and 
 the state of the army at Detroit should be 
 such, that no relief can be afforded to the 
 post, and the enemy should be so powerful, 
 that you cannot dislodge them by your can- 
 non and musketry in the fort, or by a sally 
 out of it, you will be authorised to retreat, 
 for which purpose boats will be provided, and 
 you will keep them in constant readiness — 
 you will complete the stockade as soon as 
 possible, and put it in the best state of de- 
 fence — you will not suffer your men, on any 
 account to straggle from the fort, or do any 
 injury to the inhabitants. Confiding in your 
 discretion, and good conduct, I am satisfied 
 you will defend your post, in a manner, hon- 
 orable to yourself and your country. 
 
 W. Hull, 
 Brig. Gen. commanding. 
 
 I have not had it in my power to obtain any 
 other statement of the battle of Maguaga, 
 
 278 
 
Qtfje Capitulation 
 
 than that made by Gen. Hull, and as it is 
 deemed correct, so far as it goes, I have 
 thought proper to insert the most important 
 parts of it. 
 
 "The main body of the army having re- 
 crossed the river at Detroit, on the night and 
 morning of the 8th August, six hundred men 
 were immediately detached under the com- 
 mand of Col. Miller, to open the communi- 
 cation to the river Raisins, and protect the 
 provisions, which were under the escort of 
 Capt. Brush. This detachment consisted of 
 the 4th United States' regiment, and two 
 small detachments under the command of 
 Lieut. Stansbury and Ensign M'Cabe of the 
 1st regiment; detachments from the Ohio 
 and Michigan volunteers, a corps of artiller- 
 ists, with one six pounder and an howitzer 
 under the command of Lieut. Eastman, a 
 part of Captains Smith and Sloan's cavalry 
 commanded by Capt. Sloan of the Ohio vol- 
 unteers. Lieutenant-Colonel Miller marched 
 from Detroit on the afternoon of the 8th 
 inst. and on the 9th, about four o'clock, 
 P. M. the van-guard, commanded by Cap- 
 tain Snelling, of the United States' regiment, 
 was fired on by an extensive line of British 
 troops and Indians, at the lower part of 
 Maguaga, about fourteen miles from De- 
 troit. At this time the main body was march- 
 
 279 
 
Max on tfje Detroit 
 
 ing in two columns, and captain Snelling 
 maintained his position in a most gallant 
 manner, under a very heavy fire, until the 
 line was formed and advanced to the ground 
 he occupied, when the whole, excepting the 
 rear guard, was brought into action. The 
 enemy were formed behind a temporary 
 breast work of logs, the Indians extending 
 in a thick wood on their left: Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Miller ordered his whole line to ad- 
 vance, and when within a small distance of 
 the enemy made a general discharge, and 
 proceeded with charged bayonets, when the 
 whole British line and Indians commenced a 
 retreat. They were pursued in a most vigor- 
 ous manner about two miles, and the pur- 
 suit discontinued only on account of the 
 fatigue of the troops, the approach of eve- 
 ning, and the necessity of returning to take 
 care of the wounded. The judicious arrange- 
 ments made by Lieut. Col. Miller, and the 
 gallant manner in which they were executed, 
 justly entitle him to the highest honor. From 
 the moment the line commenced the fire, it 
 continually moved on, and the enemy main- 
 tained their position until forced at the point 
 of the bayonet. The Indians on the left, 
 under the command of Tecumseh, fought 
 with great obstinacy, but were continually 
 forced and compelled to retreat. The vic- 
 
 280 
 
CJje Capitulation 
 
 tory was complete in every part of the line, 
 and the success would have been more brilli- 
 ant had the cavalry charged the enemy on 
 the retreat, when a most favorable oppor- 
 tunity presented. Although orders were 
 given for the purpose, unfortunately they 
 were not executed. Majors Van Home 
 and Morrison, of the Ohio Volunteers, were 
 associated with lieut. colonel Miller, as 
 field officers in this command, and were 
 highly distinguished by their exertions in 
 forming the line, and the firm and intrepid 
 manner they led their respective commands 
 to action. 
 
 Major Muir of the 41st regiment, com- 
 manded the British in this action. The regu- 
 lars and volunteers consisted of about four 
 hundred, and a larger number of Indians. Ma- 
 jor Muir and two subalterns were wounded, 
 one of them since died. About forty Indians 
 were found dead on the field, and Tecumseh 
 their leader was slightly wounded. The num- 
 ber of wounded Indians who escaped has not 
 been ascertained. — Four of major Muir's de- 
 tachment have been made prisoners, and fif- 
 teen of the 41st regiment killed and wounded. 
 The militia and volunteers attached to his 
 command were in the severest part of the 
 action, and their loss must have been great 
 — it has not yet been ascertained/' 
 
 281 
 
HUar on tfje Betroit 
 
 At the commencement of the engagement, 
 colonel Miller was thrown from his horse, 
 and continued on foot during the action — 
 consequently, the command devolved prin- 
 cipally on majors Van Home and Morrison, 
 to whose gallantry and judgment, the vic- 
 tory may be partially ascribed. 
 
 In this engagement, both officers and sol- 
 diers (with the exception of capt. Sloan, of 
 the Cincinnati dragoons, and capt. Hull, the 
 general's drunken son and aid) deserve the 
 highest commendations. Captains Brown 
 and Sanderson, who commanded companies 
 of the Ohio volunteers, on the right wing, 
 acted with great gallantry. In short the con- 
 duct of the whole detachment was such as 
 to admit of little discrimination. 
 
 Ten non-commissioned officers and pri- 
 vates of the 4th regiment were killed, and 
 32 wounded. Of the Ohio and Michigan 
 militia, eight were killed and 28 wounded — 
 no officers were killed. Capt. Baker, of the 
 1st regiment — Lieuts. Larabee and Peters 
 of the 4th— Ensign Whistler of the 17th— 
 Lieut. Silly of the Michigan militia, and en- 
 sign Flesher of the Ohio volunteers, were 
 among the wounded. 
 
 On the evening of the 9th, col. Miller 
 sent an express to gen. Hull, with infor- 
 mation of his success— requesting at the 
 
 282 
 
W$t Capitulation 
 
 same time, a supply of provisions for his 
 detachment. 
 
 About 10 o'clock, col. M'Arthur was or- 
 dered to take one hundred men from his 
 regiment and to proceed in boats down to 
 the encampment of col. Miller, with six hun- 
 dred rations, and to return to Detroit with 
 the wounded. 
 
 Colonel M'Arthur made immediate appli- 
 cation to David Baird, the contractor, for 
 the number of rations ordered. This man, 
 who had uniformly imposed on the troops, 
 and who was strongly suspected of being a 
 British agent in disguise, could not be pre- 
 vailed on to issue the requisite quantity of 
 rations until 2 o'clock next morning. — Shortly 
 after which, col. M'Arthur embarked his 
 small detachment on board of nine boats, 
 and proceeded to the camp below Maguaga. 
 
 The boats, on their passage, had to pass 
 within view of the Queen Charlotte and the 
 Brig. Hunter: but in consequence of a tre- 
 mendous rain they were not discovered. 
 
 After delivering, to col. Miller, the pro- 
 visions which had been brought down for 
 the use of his detachment, col. M'Arthur 
 made every exertion to place the wounded 
 on board the boats, and to return according 
 to orders. Colonel M'Arthur gave permis- 
 sion to as many of his men as wished it, to 
 
 283 
 
©Hat on tfje Betroit 
 
 continue with colonel Miller, as he had in- 
 structions to that effect from the general— 
 in consequence of which, the boats were but 
 poorly manned. The col. rowed one boat 
 himself, which was steered by a wounded 
 soldier. 
 
 Soon after the boats had left the camp, 
 which was nearly opposite to Maiden, signal 
 guns were fired from that fort, and answered 
 by the Charlotte and Hunter. As the boats 
 approached the upper end of an island, the 
 Hunter was seen sailing on the Canadian 
 side. The men immediately put to shore, 
 and all that were able, ran across a swampy 
 prairie to the woods, leaving behind them, 
 the wounded in the boats. 
 
 At this critical juncture, the energy of col. 
 M'Arthur was more particularly called into 
 action than on any previous occasion.— Hav- 
 ing landed his boat, he jumped ashore and 
 prevailed on the men to return to their duty. 
 He had on board of his boat a cask, which 
 contained a few gallons of whiskey, with 
 which he told the men to fill their canteens 
 and invited them to drink freely; he related 
 to them the anecdote of an Indian, who 
 finding himself descending with rapidity to 
 the falls of Niagara, seized his bottle of rum 
 and drank the contents ere he had reached 
 the dreadful precipice. 
 
 284 
 
Otfje Capitulation 
 
 In this manner, the col. encouraged his 
 men, and without difficulty they re-em- 
 barked. 
 
 By this time the brig Hunter had ad- 
 vanced to a position above the island, and 
 lay at anchor — the colonel proceeded up the 
 river with the wounded to a place where the 
 woods comes within one hundred and fifty 
 yards of the river — here he landed, and or- 
 dered the men to assist in carrying the 
 wounded to the woods, setting the example 
 himself — when the wounded were taken to 
 the woods the col. promised to defend them 
 to the last extremity — he then sent an ex- 
 press to Detroit for waggons. — Fortunately 
 for the colonel and for the wounded under 
 his protection, he had foreseen the difficulties 
 likely to arise from such a hazardous voyage, 
 before his departure from Detroit, and had 
 requested col. Godfrey and capts. Sibley and 
 Knaggs, of the Michigan militia, to meet 
 him with waggons, and their compliance 
 with the request, alone prevented the colonel 
 and those sent up with the wounded from 
 falling into the hands of the enemy. — The 
 express returned to the colonel, with infor- 
 mation of the approach of col. Godfrey, 
 with waggons and a re-inforcement. 
 
 The waggons proceeded to the river, about 
 a quarter of a mile above the boats, and 
 
 285 
 
Mar on tfje ©etrott 
 
 were loaded with the wounded — and in the 
 mean while, col. M'Arthur with a few men 
 re-embarked, and rowed the boats to the 
 waggons, which were immediately opposite 
 the brig. — During this time, the Hunter kept 
 up a constant fire of grape shot at the Michi- 
 gan militia, and of six pound balls at the 
 waggons, as they returned to Detroit, but 
 without effect. 
 
 Colonel Cass, whose bravery is only 
 equalled by his prudence, met the waggons 
 between the rivers cFCorce and Rouge, with 
 a detachment from his regiment, and has- 
 tened down to where the boats were left, but 
 he arrived too late to save them. 
 
 It was the intention of col. Miller to break 
 up his encampment soon after the departure 
 of col. M'Arthur with the wounded, but was 
 prevented by indisposition. An express was 
 immediately sent to general Hull with this 
 information, and with a request for more 
 provision; colonel Cass, who was below the 
 river d'Corce, with his detachment, was in- 
 formed by the express of the situation of 
 colonel Miller; upon which he sent the fol- 
 lowing pertinent and laconic note to the 
 general: 
 
 "Sir — Colonel Miller is sick — may I re- 
 
 lieve mm r 
 
 Lewis Cass. 
 286 
 
Wqz Capitulation 
 
 Colonel Cass encamped that night within 
 four miles of col. Miller, with full expecta- 
 tions of permission from the general to re- 
 lieve him and proceed to the river Raisins. 
 He continued in suspense until next morn- 
 ing, when he returned to Detroit. 
 
 Colonel Miller continued at his encamp- 
 ment until the nth, almost entirely destitute 
 of provisions — and on that evening, held a 
 council with his officers; but before they had 
 determined in what way to act, an express 
 arrived with peremptory orders for the de- 
 tachment to return to Detroit, where it ar- 
 rived the next day. 
 
 From the manner in which our flags of 
 truce had been treated by the enemy, the 
 general promised the colonels that no more 
 should be sent. But, notwithstanding, to 
 their surprize and to that of the whole army, 
 a boat was seen on the 12th instant descend- 
 ing to Sandwich with a white flag. At this 
 time, it was known, that general Brock was 
 at the town of Sandwich, with the 41st regi- 
 ment. 
 
 Colonels M'Arthur, Cass and Findley, 
 with a mixture of perplexity and indigna- 
 tion, called on the general to know why a 
 white flag was sent to the enemy; the general 
 declared that it was sent without his au- 
 thority, and denied having any knowledge 
 
 287 
 
Max on tfje Detroit 
 
 of its departure, or of its object. — The colo- 
 nels then offered to examine into the affair 
 and have the offender punished — the general 
 appeared much disconcerted at their de- 
 termined conduct, and observed, he would 
 enquire of capt. Hickman (a volunteer aid) 
 whether he had authorized any person to go 
 to the enemy's camp with a flag. — After an 
 absence of a few minutes he returned and 
 stated, that capt. Hickman had a conversa- 
 tion with capt. Rough on the subject; but 
 did not wish capt. Rough to consider him- 
 self permitted to take a flag — but that capt. 
 R. had probably understood that he had 
 permission. 
 
 The colonels now found an additional cause 
 for the suspicions they had entertained of 
 the infidelity of general Hull. — They ex- 
 tended their enquiries relative to the flag 
 no further; they left him, as they had on 
 many other occasions, with disgust and mor- 
 tification. 
 
 On the same day a letter was sent to Gov- 
 ernor Meigs, of which the following is a copy 
 from the original: 
 
 Detroit, August 12, 18 12. 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 From causes not fit to be put upon paper, 
 but which I trust I shall one day live to 
 communicate to you, this army has been re- 
 
 288 
 
®fje Capitulation 
 
 duced to a critical and alarming situation. 
 We have wholly left the Canadian shore, and 
 have left the miserable inhabitants who had 
 depended upon our will and our power to 
 protect them, to their fate. Unfortunately, 
 the General and the principal officers could 
 not view our situation and our prospects in 
 the same light. That Maiden might easily 
 have been reduced I have no doubt. That 
 the army were in force and in spirits enough 
 to have done it, no one doubts. But the 
 precious opportunity has fled, and instead of 
 looking back, we must now look forward. 
 
 The letter from the Secretary of War to 
 you, a copy of which I have seen, authorizes 
 you to preserve and keep open the communi- 
 cation from the state of Ohio to Detroit. It 
 is all important it should be kept open. Our 
 very existence depends upon it. Our supplies 
 must come from our State. This country 
 does not furnish them. In the existing state 
 of things, nothing but a large force of two 
 thousand men at least, will effect the object. 
 It is the unanimous wish of the army, that 
 you should accompany them.* 
 
 * From the patriotic conduct of Governor Meigs, 
 while the Ohio Volunteers were encamped at Dayton, 
 the troops had the most implicit confidence in his 
 courage and integrity — and it was ardently wished, by 
 all, that he would re-inforce us with additional troops. 
 
 289 
 
Ular on tfje Betrott 
 
 Every exertion that can must be made. If 
 this reaches you safely by Murray, he will 
 tell you more than I can or ought here to 
 insert. 
 
 Very respectfully, 
 I am your's, &c. 
 
 Lewis Cass. 
 
 Since the other side of this letter was written, 
 new circumstances have arisen. The British 
 force is opposite, and our situation has nearly 
 reached its crisis. Believe all the bearer will 
 tell you. Believe it, however it may astonish 
 you, as much as if told you by one of us. Even 
 a C is talked of by the — 
 
 -! The bearer will supply the va- 
 cancy. On you we depend. 
 
 Lewis Cass, 
 James Findley, 
 Duncan M'Arthur, 
 James Taylor, 
 E. Brush. 
 
 In the mean while the fortress at Gowies 
 was evacuated — major Denny and those un- 
 der his command left it with regret. They 
 had done everything to repel the assaults 
 
 Had it been possible for him to have done so, there is 
 no doubt but that Gen. Hull would have been divested 
 of the command. 
 
 290 
 
W&t Capitulation 
 
 which were expected to be made on it. After 
 having burnt the works, they crossed over 
 to Detroit. 
 
 On the 13th, the British were seen march- 
 ing up from Sandwich with a train of artillery 
 within point blank shot; yet the general 
 would not permit lieuts. Dalaby and Ander- 
 son to fire on them with their 24 pounders; 
 but they were suffered, unmolested, to erect 
 their batteries opposite to Detroit. 
 
 On the evening of the 14th, a detachment 
 consisting of three hundred men, exclusive 
 of officers, marched from the encampment 
 by a circuitous route for the river Raisins. 
 The detachment was composed of volun- 
 teers from the regiments of cols. M'Arthur 
 and Cass. Colonel M'Arthur remonstrated 
 against the usual practice of sending out de- 
 tachments without provisions; upon which 
 the general promised to send provisions after 
 the detachment on pack-horses; but this 
 promise was not complyed with. 
 
 After marching about twenty-four miles, 
 it was found impossible for the troops to 
 proceed further, as they had became so de- 
 bilitated by hunger and fatigue as to render it 
 impracticable to prosecute their march to the 
 river Raisins, which was forty seven miles 
 from where they halted. A council of officers, 
 therefore, deemed it expedient to return. 
 
 291 
 
Max on tfje Betrott 
 
 On the 1 5th, general Hull pitched a markee 
 in the centre of the encampment of a most 
 singular structure, with red and blue stripes 
 painted on the top and sides, bearing a strong 
 resemblance to the British flag. — As the 
 general had not erected a tent in camp since 
 the fourth of July, it was indeed, an object 
 of surprize, and evidently portentuous of the 
 issue. 
 
 About i o'clock, two officers arrived from 
 Sandwich, with a flag of truce, requiring the 
 surrender of Fort Detroit, to the arms of his 
 Britannic Majesty. 
 
 The following is a correct copy of Gen. 
 Brock's letter to Gen. Hull: 
 Head-Quarters, Sandwich, August i$th, 1812. 
 Sir: 
 
 The force at my disposal, authorises me 
 to require of you the surrender of Fort De- 
 troit. It is far from my inclination to join 
 in a war of extermination, but you must be 
 aware, that the numerous body of Indians 
 who have attached themselves to my troops, 
 will be beyond my control the moment the 
 contest commences. You will find me dis- 
 posed to enter into such conditions as will 
 satisfy the most scrupulous sense of honor. 
 Lieut, col. M'Donell and maj Glegg are fully 
 authorised to conclude any arrangement that 
 
 292 
 
Qtfje Capitulation 
 
 may lead to prevent the unnecessary effusion 
 of blood. 
 
 I have the honor to be, sir, 
 your most obedient servant, 
 (Signed) Isaac Brock, maj. gen. 
 
 His excellency brig. gen. Hull, 
 Commanding at Fort Detroit. 
 
 In the mean while, the British were de- 
 molishing a house opposite Detroit, behind 
 which they had erected a battery; and on our 
 side, lieuts Dalaby and Anderson were en- 
 gaged in building batteries and posting their 
 cannon. 
 
 So soon as it was known that the British 
 had demanded the surrender of Detroit, the 
 troops became invigorated, and while they 
 laughed at the idea of British impudence, 
 they were prepared to repel every attempt 
 which the enemy might make to reduce the 
 fort. At one moment, the general also 
 seemed determined to maintain his post — 
 to save his army from disgrace and his terri- 
 tory from invasion; and at another, evinced 
 a pussillanimity and weakness of soul, bor- 
 dering on superanuation — but in reality, 
 produced by infidelity to his government. 
 
 Doomed, as we were, to uneffable dis- 
 grace, it is easy to imagine our situation. 
 The threats to let loose the savages upon us, 
 
 2 93 
 
Max on tfje ©etrott 
 
 in the event of the general's refusing to sur- 
 render the fort, gave rise to no other uneasy 
 feeling than, a belief that prevailed, that the 
 army would eventually become prisoners of 
 war, in consequence of the absence of Colo- 
 nels M'Arthur and Cass, who it was believed 
 were sent away to facilitate the general's 
 views. The following is the answer to the 
 demand of Gen. Brock: 
 
 Head Quarters, Detroit Aug. 15. 
 
 Sir — I have received your letter of this 
 date. I have no other reply to make, than 
 to inform you that I am ready to meet any 
 force which may be at your disposal, and any 
 consequences which may result from any 
 exertion of it you may think proper to make. 
 
 I avail myself of this opportunity to in- 
 form you, that the flag of truce, under the di- 
 rection of captain Brown, proceeded con- 
 trary to the orders, and without the knowl- 
 edge of colonel Cass, who commanded the 
 troops who attacked your picket, near the 
 river Canard bridge.* 
 
 I likewise take this occasion to inform you, 
 that Gowie's house was set on fire contrary 
 to my orders, and it did not take place until 
 
 * In a previous note, I have stated, that it was not 
 known why the flag of truce was taken to Maiden by 
 Capt. Brown. I have since learnt from Col. M'Arthur, 
 that it was sent thither by order of Gen. Hull, and that 
 
 294 
 
®J)e Capitulation 
 
 after the evacuation of the fort. From the 
 best information I have been able to obtain 
 on the subject, it was set on fire by some of 
 the inhabitants on the other side of the river. 
 
 I am, very respectfully, 
 
 Your excellency's most obdt. servt. 
 
 (Signed) W. Hull, Brig. Gen. 
 
 Com. the N. W. army of the U. S. 
 His excellency maj. gen. Brock, 
 
 commanding H. B. Majesty's 
 
 forces, Sandwich, U. Canada. 
 
 The bearers of the flag of truce, having 
 returned, the British armed vessels appeared 
 below Sandwich, and their batteries com- 
 menced a tremendous fire upon the city of 
 Detroit, and threw a great number of shells, 
 at the fort, but without effect. The firing 
 was returned by the twenty-four pounders, 
 at our batteries with vigor — one of the en- 
 emies guns was silenced in a few minutes. 
 The enemy continued throwing shells until 
 10 o'clock that night — only one man was 
 injured in the fort. 
 
 although it was "contrary to the orders of Col. Cass" — 
 the general was privy to the affair. 
 
 The object of the general, in making this childish 
 statement, (which was as unnecessary as the apology for 
 burning Gowie's house,) was to shield himself from 
 censure, by throwing the odium on Captain Brown, 
 
 295 
 
liar on tfje ©etrott 
 
 At the commencement of the cannonading 
 all the troops, except general Findley's regi- 
 ment, were crowded into the fort, and posts 
 assigned them on the ramparts and bastions. 
 Col. Findley was stationed about 300 yards 
 north east from the fort. 
 
 Before the enemy had opened his batter- 
 ies, brigade major Jesup and quarter-master 
 Dugan, rode to Spring Wells to observe the 
 enemy at Sandwich. — They concluded, it 
 was his intention to make a landing the 
 next morning, as the Queen Charlotte was 
 anchored in a position to defend his troops. 
 
 After examining a spot in an adjacent or- 
 chard, where a battery could be built in half 
 an hour, perfectly secure from the Charlotte's 
 guns, the major returned to general Hull, and 
 requested him to send down to the Spring 
 Wells, a twenty four pounder for the purpose 
 of sinking the vessel — the general told major 
 Jesup that he had consulted his artillery offi- 
 cers on the subject, but they were of opinion, 
 that a bridge over a rivulet on the way, was 
 not sufficient to bear the weight of a twenty 
 four pounder — the major observed, that there 
 was plenty of timber near the bridge to make 
 it strong enough. — The general, however, 
 declined complying with his request.* 
 
 * What could have a stronger appearance of treason, 
 in our general, than his suffering the British to erect 
 
 296 
 
W$t Capitulation 
 
 Shortly after this affair, major Jesup, 
 again rode to Spring Wells, where he dis- 
 covered captain Snelling and a few men with 
 a brass six pounder. After rinding that the 
 British force was principally at Sandwich, he 
 returned to the general, and asked permission 
 to cross the river with one hundred men to 
 spike the enemy's cannon — the general told 
 him he could not spare that number — the 
 major then requested one hundred — to which 
 the general answered — "I will think of it." 
 
 On the morning of the 16th the enemy 
 re-commenced firing upon the fort and bat- 
 teries, which was promptly returned by our 
 artillerists, until about an hour before the 
 surrender, at which time orders were given 
 them to desist firing upon the enemy — having 
 previously silenced two of his guns. At this 
 time the enemy had effected a landing; and 
 his force, which "consisted of thirty Royal 
 artillerists — 250 of the 41st regiment — 50 of 
 the Royal Newfoundland regiment — 400 mi- 
 litia, and about 600 Indians," with three 
 six, and two three pounders, were advancing 
 towards the fort— the regulars and militia on 
 the margin of the river, and the Indians 
 through the woods west of the town. 
 
 their batteries unmolested, and his refusal to grant 
 Major Jesup and Capt. Snelling, pieces of artillery to 
 prevent their landing? 
 
 2 97 
 
liar on tfje Detroit 
 
 When they had advanced within three 
 quarters of a mile of the fort, two twenty 
 four pounders, each loaded with six dozen 
 of grape shot, and one six pounder with can- 
 nister, were pointed at them, and the artil- 
 lerists were ordered by capt. Forsythe and 
 lieut. Anderson to do their duty; but just as 
 they were in the act of applying the matches, 
 capt. Dyson, the senior commandant of ar- 
 tillery, approached, and with his sword 
 drawn, swore that the first man who would 
 attempt to fire on the enemy, should be cut 
 to pieces. 
 
 The British batteries, now kept up a con- 
 stant fire at the fort — one of their shot which 
 had nearly spent its force, fell into the fort, 
 and killed captain Hanks ensign Sibley and 
 doctor Reynolds, and wounded doctor Blood 33 
 — another passed through the gate and killed 
 two soldiers who were in the barracks — two 
 
 33 Lieutenant Porter Hanks, commandant of Macki- 
 nac until his surrender of that place on July 17, 18 12. 
 Artemas Sibley had been an ensign in the Fourth U. S. 
 Infantry since March 27, 1812. Dr. Reynolds, from 
 Zanesville, was surgeon's mate in Colonel Cass's regi- 
 ment of Ohio militia, and Dr. Blood, from Kentucky, 
 was a hospital surgeon's mate. Lucas records that 
 Reynolds had one leg shot off and the other "partly off." 
 He died in half an hour. His last words were, "Fight on 
 my brave comrades. I shall never see Zanesville. I die 
 in peace." The Robert Lucas Journal of the War of 
 iS/2 y 64. 
 
 298 
 
Gtfje Capitulation 
 
 men outside of the works, were also killed — 
 Their shells were well directed, but they 
 generally burst over the fort — but little in- 
 jury was sustained from them. 
 
 About 10 o'clock the Indians were seen 
 in the wood and commons in the rear of the 
 fort, shooting horses and catching some Me- 
 rino sheep, which had been taken from the 
 farm of lord Selkirk, while we were in pos- 
 session of the enemy's province. 
 
 The fort was now filled with women and 
 children; the men were stationed on the 
 ramparts, and found but little inconvenience 
 from those who had came in for protection. 
 
 At this time an officer of the Michigan 
 militia came riding into the fort, and en- 
 quired "if general Hull expected col. Brush 
 to defend the city with two or three hundred 
 men;" and at the same time stated, that 
 the British forces were at the tan yard be- 
 low the town. Gen. Hull immediately went 
 into a room in the barracks, and in less than 
 five minutes returned with a note which he 
 handed to his son; who hoisted a white flag 
 upon a pike staff, and after enquiring of the 
 general whether it would be necessary to say 
 any thing additional, departed. Other flags 
 were instantly hoisted on different parts of 
 the wall, and the British batteries discon- 
 tinued firing. 
 
 299 
 
Max on tfje Betrott 
 
 In a few minutes capt. Hull returned ac- 
 companied by lieut. col. M'Donell and major 
 Glegg, who went directly to the markee 
 pitched by gen. Hull the preceding day. 
 
 It was soon discovered that the gen. had 
 proposed terms of capitulation, and that 
 the troops were considered as prisoners of 
 war. 
 
 Col. M'Donell and major Glegg, after en- 
 tering into articles of Capitulation, with gen- 
 eral Hull, mounted their horses and repaired 
 to the ground occupied by the British forces. 
 During their absence the troops in the fort 
 were ordered to stack their arms, and the 
 regiment under the command of col. Findley 
 was marched in. The indignation evinced 
 by col. Findley at the abominable conduct of 
 general Hull, it is impossible to express — he 
 felt like a patriot, and the emotions of his 
 soul, were visible in his eyes. Nor was the 
 sensibility of that officer, alone, aroused. 
 The troops, with a few exceptions, wept bit- 
 terly; and while they indignanrly dashed 
 their arms to pieces, called down impreca- 
 tions on their perfidious general. 34 
 
 34 The story has been told for more than a century 
 that Colonel Cass performed the more or less theatrical 
 act of breaking his sword. Since he was not present at 
 the general surrender it seems improbable that he 
 should have done so. Lucas relates: "I saw Major 
 
 300 
 
Qtfje Capitulation 
 
 In a short time, the British troops marched 
 into the fort, with gen. Brock at their head. 
 We were then ordered into an adjoining 
 garden, where the following articles of ca- 
 pitulation were read to us: 
 
 Camp at Detroit, 16th August, 1812. 
 
 CAPITULATION for the surrender of 
 Fort Detroit, entered into between major 
 general Brock, commanding his Britannic 
 Majesty's forces on the one part, and briga- 
 dier general Hull, commanding the north- 
 western army of the United States on the 
 other part: 
 
 Art. 1. Fort Detroit, with all the troops, 
 regulars as well as militia, will be immedi- 
 ately surrendered to the British forces, un- 
 der the command of major-general Brock, 
 and will be considered prisoners of war; with 
 the exception of such of the militia of the 
 Michigan territory who have not joined the 
 army. 
 
 II. All public stores, arms, and all public 
 documents, including every thing else of a 
 public nature, will be immediately given up. 
 
 III. Private persons and property of 
 every description will be respected. 
 
 Witherall of the Detroit Volunteers Brake his Sword 
 and throw it away, and Several Soldiers broke their 
 muskets rather than Surrender them to the British." 
 The Robert Lucas Journal, G~j. 
 
 301 
 
Mat on tfje Bettoit 
 
 IV. His excellency Brigadier-General Hull 
 having expressed a desire that a detachment 
 from the state of Ohio, on its way to join his 
 army, as well as one sent from Fort Detroit, 
 under the command of col. M'Arthur, shall 
 be included in the above capitulation, it is 
 accordingly agreed to; it is however to be 
 understood that such part of the Ohio mi- 
 litia as have not joined the army, will be 
 permitted to return to their homes, on con- 
 dition that they will not serve during the 
 war. Their arms, however, will be delivered 
 up if belonging to the public. 
 
 V. The garrison will march out at the 
 hour of 12 o'clock this day, and the British 
 forces will take immediate possession of the 
 fort. (See Appendix F.) 
 
 (Signed) J. M'Donell, Lt. col. 
 
 militia^ P. A. D. C. 
 J. B. Glegg, major, 
 A. D. C. 
 J. Miller, Lt. col. 5th 
 
 U. S. infantry. 
 E. Brush, col. istregt. 
 Mich iga n m ilitia . 
 Approved, 
 W. HULL, brigadier-general, 
 
 Comm. the N. TV. army. 
 Approved, 
 
 ISAAC BROCK, Major-General. 
 
 302 
 
®f)e Capitulation 
 
 The detachment under col. M'Arthur, had 
 marched towards the fort with as much ex- 
 pedition as its enfeebled situation would 
 admit of; having been from Friday morning 
 until Sunday evening with no other aliment 
 than a few green pumpkins and raw potatoes, 
 which the men accidently discovered, and 
 which were eaten with avidity. 
 
 Col. M'Arthur arrived with his detach- 
 ment, within a mile of the fort, and was in- 
 formed of the surrender. He immediately 
 ordered the detachment back to the river 
 Rouge, where he ordered his men to kill an 
 ox, which was soon done, and eaten half 
 raw, without salt or bread. 
 
 After mature deliberation, a council of 
 officers, deputed capt. Mansfield with a flag 
 of truce to the fort — on his way he was rob- 
 bed of his horse, and arms and of every other 
 article worthy of an Indian's notice. 
 
 In the evening capt. Mansfield returned to 
 the detachment, in company with majors 
 Dixon and Givens of the British army. 
 About the same time capt. Elliott arrived 
 and handed the colonel the articles of capitu- 
 lation. The detachment then marched to 
 Detroit, and stacked their arms in the citidel. 
 
 Col. M'Arthur and Cass remonstrated 
 with the British officers against the surren- 
 dering of rifles belonging to individuals, and 
 
 3°3 
 
WLax on tfje Betroit 
 
 contended that the men should be permitted 
 to carry off their private property; but their 
 endeavors were without effect. Colonel 
 M'Arthur finally observed that he had sur- 
 rendered the musketry and must submit; 
 otherwise he would contend for the rifles — 
 vi et armis. 
 
 During the intermediate time, the Ameri- 
 can flag was pulled down, and the British 
 ensign hoisted in its place. 35 The batteries 
 
 35 Charles Askin, an intelligent Canadian militiaman 
 in Brock's army, has left one of the clearest descriptions 
 of the actual transfer of the fort to British hands: "We 
 marched into the town and from that up into Fort 
 Lernow; but there were so many American troops in it 
 that we could not all get in. I believe our marching in 
 was improper, and that it was done by mistake, for we 
 were but a few minutes there before we were ordered 
 to march out. I really think there was while we were 
 in the Garrison two Americans for one of us and they 
 had still their arms. We formed on the West side of the 
 Fort in line, until all the Americans had marched out, 
 but I was so situated that I could not see them coming 
 out. They did not march with the honors of War 
 though I am told they were allowed to do it by the 
 Capitulation but the Officers of the Am. Army were so 
 mortified that they had to surrender without fighting 
 that they were indifferent about it or anything else 
 there. The American colours were flying nearly an hour 
 after we first marched into the Garrison. After the 
 Americans had all marched out, the Grenadiers and 
 Light Infantry of the 41st Regt, and the Volunteers in 
 that Regt. . . . marched into the Fort, with Drum and 
 
 3°4 
 
W$t Capitulation 
 
 then commenced firing a feu de joye — the 
 Indians raised the yell of triumph, and 
 discharged their pieces in the air. Our 
 agitation had now reached its acme — Sul- 
 len bursts of indignation disturbed every 
 bosom, and where tears did not flow, it was 
 because, 
 
 "Grief drank the offering, ere it reached 
 the eye." 
 
 A British guard which was stationed in the 
 ordnance yard, pulled the knapsacks off our 
 backs, and our knives from our scabbards. 
 The savages at the same time were robbing 
 citizens of their property, and divesting our 
 officers and dragoons of their horses and 
 accoutrements. 
 
 Several pieces of brass ordinance, sur- 
 rendered on the sixteenth of August^ 1776 by 
 col. Baum, to the immortal Stark, were re- 
 viewed with pleasure by some of the British 
 officers, who in the extacy of joy, saluted 
 them with kisses. 36 
 
 fife, to the Tune of the British Grenadiers. I must say 
 that I never felt so proud as I did just then. As soon as 
 we were in the Fort, the American Colours were taken 
 down and ours hoisted. Three Cheers were given as 
 they were hoisted by the Militia and others outside the 
 Fort and the Indians when the Salute with the Cannon 
 was given gave an Indian yell every shot." The John 
 Askin Papers (Detroit, 1931), II, 719-20. 
 
 36 For the story of these cannon, see ante^ 111-12. 
 
 3°5 
 
WLav on tfje Betrott 
 
 The 4th regiment and the other troops 
 which had been surrendered, (except the 
 Michigan militia) were escorted by British 
 guards to the armed vessels and cartels, into 
 which they were stowed and floated down 
 the river nearly to the spring Wells. Colonel 
 M'Arthur's detachment embarked the next 
 morning. The regulars destined for Quebec, 
 and the volunteers for Ohio. 
 
 It will be recollected, that the vessel which 
 was sent from the Miami bay with part of 
 the baggage of the army was taken at Mai- 
 den, as she attempted to pass the guns of 
 that fort. It is now reduced to an absolute 
 certainty, that in a trunk belonging to gen- 
 eral Hull, the declaration of war was found 
 by the British boarding officers, and that it 
 was shown to the American prisoners. Previ- 
 ous to this affair, the British had no knowl- 
 edge of the existence of war, and it was 
 equally unknown to the prisoners. 
 
 This information I have from Lewis Dent, 
 paymaster to col. Cass's regiment, who was 
 among the captured. 
 
 It is difficult to tell the quantity of arms 
 surrendered to the enemy, as a considerable 
 number were deposited in the arsenal. On 
 the esplanade, and in the citidel however, 
 two thousand four hundred arms, at least, 
 were stacked by the prisoners. 
 
 306 
 
^fje Capitulation 
 
 To prove, that the army was not sur- 
 rendered in consequence of its want of pro- 
 visions and ammunition, it is sufficient to 
 state upon the authority of oral & official in- 
 formation, that for the twenty-four pound- 
 ers, six hundred rounds of fixed ammunition 
 was prepared, of which two hundred were 
 grape-shot; also, six hundred rounds for the 
 six pounders, and two hundred for the four 
 pounders. 
 
 The number of shells prepared is not 
 known, but was very considerable. 
 
 For the muskets, seventy-five thousand 
 cartridges were made up, besides twenty four 
 rounds in the car-touch box of each man. 
 
 In the magazine were sixty barrels of 
 powder, and one hundred and fifty tons of 
 lead. {See appendix G.) 
 
 In the contractor's store, were at least 
 twenty-five days provisions, and in the ter- 
 ritory, an abundance of wheat, and in the 
 vicinity of Detroit, a sufficiency of wind 
 mills to grind any quantity of flour for the 
 consumption of the troops. To the pro- 
 visions on hand, and the resources in the 
 neighborhood of Detroit, we may add, one 
 hundred and fifty pack horse loads of flour, 
 and three hundred head of cattle under an 
 escort commanded by capt. Brush, at the 
 river Raisins — which, had we been permit- 
 
 307 
 
Max on tfje Betrott 
 
 ted, might have been brought to the fort 
 and added to our stores — but this would not 
 have corresponded with the views of general 
 Hull. 37 
 
 It is unnecessary to add more— every 
 reader can form an opinion of the conduct 
 and character of general Hull. I will there- 
 fore close this little performance with the 
 subjoined lines, written by an officer of high 
 rank, immediately after the surrender. 
 
 37 Here, as elsewhere throughout the narrative, the 
 author's bias is apparent. Whatever the quantity of 
 supplies surrendered, they were insufficient to maintain 
 Hull's army; else why the forwarding of supplies from 
 distant Ohio, and the repeated efforts of Hull to main 
 tain, and of the British to interrupt, his line of com- 
 munications? As for the closing statement, Hull had 
 sent out three detachments in ten days' time to establish 
 connections with Monroe, two of them commanded by 
 the Ohio militia officers, and one by Colonel Miller of 
 the regular regiment. All failed, and returned to 
 Detroit without achieving their objective. If Colonel 
 Miller with one-third the entire army (including all its 
 regular soldiers), or Colonels Cass and Mc Arthurs en 
 tirely unopposed, could not march to Monroe, by what 
 magic art was Hull supposed to perform the task? 
 
 308 
 
©Ije Capitulation 
 
 Our hopes were fixed — our honor safe- 
 Fancy had shown us victory won, 
 Full blooded valour fill'd each breast — 
 Courage and country made us one. 
 Yet one there was, whose dastard soul, 
 Ne'er felt a pulse, but beat to fear — 
 Yes, Hull was there, he had controul, 
 And drew from bravery's eye the tear. 
 Curst be this wretch — forever curst, 
 Who has his country's trust betrayed, 
 May Hell with all its horrors burst, 
 And hurl destruction o'er his head! 
 
 THE END 
 
 309 
 
^ppenbtx 
 
 [A] 
 
 Head Quarters at Fort M'Arthur, 
 June 20th, 1812. 
 
 GENERAL ORDERS. 
 
 The army will march to-morrow morning 
 at 5 o'clock, the general will beat at half past 
 4, and the assembly at 5 — the following will 
 be the formation of the army: the 4th U. S. 
 regiment on the right, col. 1VT Arthur's on 
 the left, col. Findley on the left of the 4th, 
 and col. Cass on the right of col. M'Arthur, 
 the Cavalry on the right of the whole. 
 
 In marching, the Riflemen of the respec- 
 tive regiments will form the flank guards, 
 and on the day the army marches, they will 
 be excluded from other duty. 
 
 The Quarter masters of the respective 
 regiments, will attend to the issuing pro- 
 visions by the contractors for their regi- 
 ments, and deliver the same to the differ- 
 ent companies. 
 
 By order of Brig. Gen. Hull, 
 
 Thomas S. Jesup, 
 Major of Brigade. 
 
 3 11 
 
Mat on tije Detroit 
 
 [B] 
 Head-Quarters, at Urbana, June 8th, 1812. 
 
 GENERAL ORDERS 
 
 The general congratulates the army, that 
 they again have the pleasure of seeing his 
 excellency governor Meigs, before they leave 
 the state. 
 
 The whole army will parade this day at 
 one o'clock, will be received by his excellency 
 in the main street of Urbana — His excellency 
 will be attended by a number of general offi- 
 cers of the state, and other distinguished 
 civil and military officers. He will likewise 
 be attended by a number of friendly, re- 
 spectable Indian chiefs of several nations. 
 The general himself at the head of his army 
 will salute his excellency. 
 
 By order of the general, 
 (Signed) Thomas S. Jesup 
 
 [C] 
 Head-Quarters, at Urbana, 10th June, 18 12. 
 
 GENERAL ORDERS 
 
 The general congratulates the army on 
 the arrival of the fourth United States' Regi- 
 ment. The first army of the state of Ohio 
 will feel a pride in being associated with the 
 
 312 
 
gppenbtx 
 
 regiment so distinguished for its valor and 
 discipline. 
 
 The general is persuaded there will be no 
 other contention in this army than, which 
 most excel in discipline and bravery. What- 
 ever the rank of the regiment, or to whatever 
 description it belongs, it will in reality, be 
 the first regiment in the army. The Patriots 
 of Ohio, yielding to none in spirit and patri- 
 otism, will not be willing to yield to any in 
 discipline and valor. 
 
 By order of the General. 
 (Signed) Thomas S. Jesup, 
 
 Major of Brigade. 
 
 [D] 
 
 Extract from general orders, dated Head-quar- 
 ters of the North Western army on Kings 
 creek, three miles North of Urbana, 16th 
 June, 1812. 
 
 GENERAL ORDERS 
 
 In the honor of this army, the general 
 feels the deepest interest. He sincerely hopes 
 nothing will take place during the campaign 
 to tarnish the fame it has already acquired; 
 its glory, however, is not yet complete. Bare 
 professions of patriotism, however, do not 
 establish the character of a Patriot. — It is 
 
 3*3 
 
©Uar on tfje Betrott 
 
 necessary for this army, to meet with a 
 cheerful and manly fortitude the fatigues 
 and dangers it may be called to encounter, 
 before it can be entitled to the honorable 
 appellation of the patriotic army. It is easy 
 to boast of patriotism; It is hard to perform 
 the duties it requires. The general retains 
 the highest confidence in the honorable mo- 
 tives of this army, and he assures both offi- 
 cers and soldiers, that on the one hand, while 
 he will do all in his power for their comfort 
 and convenience, on the other hand, he ex- 
 pects a ready submission to his orders, and 
 a punctual discharge of all their duties. 
 
 By command of Brigadier gen. Hull, 
 
 comd't. 
 (Signed) A. F. Hull, aid-de-camp. 
 
 [E] 
 
 The conduct of Brigadier gen. Lucas, of 
 Scioto county, Ohio, during the whole cam- 
 paign, was such as entitles him to the highest 
 credit. — As a spy, he was prudent and brave 
 — as a soldier, he has no superior — to a cor- 
 rect knowledge of military tactics, he unites 
 those principles of correct policy, which 
 adorns the man. 
 
 To general Lucas, I am particularly in- 
 debted for some valuable information; and 
 
 3H 
 
a letter of his, which I have in my possession, 
 I regret that, from its extreme length, I am 
 compelled to leave unpublished, because it 
 contains information of considerable im- 
 portance 
 
 38 
 
 [F] 
 
 The following additional articles of capitu- 
 lation, which gen. Brock says "certain con- 
 siderations afterwards induced him to agree 
 to," were unknown to the troops at their de- 
 parture from Detroit. They were undoubt- 
 edly entered into by the American and Brit- 
 ish generals subsequent to our sailing. 
 An article supplemental to the articles of ca- 
 pitulation concluded at Detroit^ 16th August. 
 It is agreed that the officers and soldiers 
 of the Ohio militia and volunteers shall be 
 permitted to proceed to their respective 
 homes on this condition, that they are not 
 
 38 The author here errs through understatement. 
 Comparison of his narrative with The Robert Lucas 
 Journal leaves no room for doubt that instead of a mere 
 "letter" he had the entire journal at his disposal and 
 copied or abstracted it freely throughout. On Oct. 10, 
 1 812, Lucas wrote a somewhat extensive letter to 
 Secretary of War Eustis, giving an account of the Hull 
 campaign. For it see The Robert Lucas Journal, 78-81. 
 This may be the particular letter alluded to by the 
 author 
 
 3 J 5 
 
Max on tfje Detroit 
 
 to serve during the present war unless they 
 are exchanged. 
 
 (Signed) W. Hull, brig. gen. 
 
 Commanding N. W. army U. S. 
 
 Isaac Brock, maj. gen. 
 
 An article in addition to the supplemental arti- 
 cle of Capitulation , concluded at Detroit , 
 16th August. 
 
 It is further agreed that the officers and 
 soldiers of the Michigan militia and volun- 
 teers, under the command of maj. Wetherell, 
 shall be placed on the same principles as the 
 Ohio volunteers and militia are placed by 
 the supplemental article of the 16th inst. 
 (Signed) W. Hull, brig. gen. 
 
 Commanding N. W. army U. S. 
 Isaac Brock, maj. gen. 
 
 [G] 
 
 Return of the Ordnance taken in the fort and 
 batteries at Detroit, August 16th. 1812. 
 
 IRON. 
 
 24 pounders 9 
 
 12 do. 8 
 
 9 do. 5 
 
 6 do. 3 
 
 Total 25 
 
 BRASS. 
 
 6 pounders 3 
 
 4 do. 2 
 3 do. 1 
 8 inch howitzer 1 
 
 5 1-2 do. 1 
 
 Total 8 
 
 316 
 
RECAPITULATION 
 
 Iron pieces of Ordnance, 25 
 
 Brass do. 8 
 
 Grand Total 23 
 (Signed) Felix Troughton. 
 
 Lieut. Commanding Royal Arfy. 
 Major-General Brock, commanding the forces 
 in Upper Canada. 
 
 317 
 
In the foregoing pages, I am conscious 
 oj having committed many errors — although 
 the facts are substantially correct and col- 
 laterally detailed^ yet inattention to "the 
 rules oj the schools'" may have given to the 
 whole an aukwardness, which will appear 
 obvious to the most illiterate reader. 
 
 3 i8 
 
 
District of Ohio, to wit: 
 BE it remembered, That on the 23d day 
 of October, in the thirty-seventh year of the 
 independence of the United States of America, 
 JAMES FOSTER, of the said district, hath 
 deposited in this office, the title of a book, 
 the right whereof he claims as proprietor, in 
 the words following, to wit: 
 
 "THE CAPITULATION; 
 
 OR, 
 
 A history of the expedition conducted by Wil- 
 liam Hull y Brigadier-General of the North- 
 Western Army. 
 
 BY AN OHIO VOLUNTEER" 
 
 "My business in this state, made me a 
 Looker on here in Vienna, where I have seen 
 corruption boil and bubble, 'till it overrun 
 the stew." — Shakespeare. 
 
 In conformity to the act of congress of 
 the United States, entitled "An act, for the 
 encouragement of learning, by securing the 
 copies of maps, charts and books, to the 
 authors and proprietors of such copies, dur- 
 ing the times therein mentioned:" and also, 
 to an act entitled "An act supplementary to 
 an act, entitled, an act, for the encourage- 
 ment of learning, by securing the copies of 
 
 319 
 
maps, charts and books, to the authors and 
 proprietors of such copies, during the times 
 therein mentioned: and extending the benefit 
 thereof to the arts of designing, engraving 
 and etching, historical and other prints." 
 (L. S.) Humphrey Fullerton, 
 
 Clerk of the district of Ohio. 
 
 320 
 
 
Index 
 
Snbex 
 
 Abbott, James, marries Sarah Whistler, 141. 
 
 Abbott, Mary, wife of William Hands, 141. 
 
 Ague, Vercheres suffers, 52. 
 
 Alain, Francis, supplies transportation, 114. 
 
 Allaire, , voyageur, 27. 
 
 Allemand, Dr. , attends Vercheres, 134. 
 
 Amherstburg, Vercheres opens store, 53-61; town de- 
 scribed, 59-60; militia organized, 77, 80; Cuyahoga 
 captured, 77-78, 214, 216, 245, 306; bombardment 
 feared, 80; journey to, from Montreal, 117-33; 
 scarcity of goods, 133-34; British evacuate, 137-38; 
 devastation of, 171; difficulties with army officers, 
 171-73; visited, 177, 219-20. 
 
 Anderson, Lieut. •, artillery officer, 291, 293, 298. 
 
 Arms, Hull repairs, 194-95, 219. 
 
 Army bills, British issue, 134-36; Vercheres carries, 
 138, 152, 164. 
 
 Artillery, at Detroit, 107, 220, 291, 293, 295-98; 
 316-17; in Battle of Lake Erie, 136-37. See also 
 Batteries. 
 
 Askin, Charles, describes capture of Detroit, 304-305. 
 
 Askin, Madelaine, wife of Dr. Richardson, 105. 
 
 Atwater (Attwater), Reuben, career, 211. 
 
 Atwater Street, name of, 211. 
 
 Babcock, Louis L., work cited, 169. 
 
 Baby, Francis, dinner guest, 141. 
 
 Baby (Bawbee), Col. Jacques, visited, 58; rallies mili- 
 tia, 81; gives dinner, 140-42; influence, 173; resi- 
 dence occupied, 227. 
 
 Baby, Jean B., Hull occupies home, 81; in Brownstown 
 battles, 85-88; dinner guest, 141. 
 
 3*3 
 
3ftttiex 
 
 Bacon, Henry, records council, 206. 
 Baird, David, misconduct, 283. 
 
 Baby, Capt. , wounded, 282. 
 
 Baldwin, , Toronto merchant, 62, 176. 
 
 Band, instruments captured, 78; music, at capture of 
 
 Detroit, no, 304-305. 
 Barclay, Capt. Robert H., in Battle of Lake Erie, 
 
 56, 135-38; Vercheres reports to, 132. 
 Baribux (Milons) Islands, vessel reaches, 9. 
 Barnes, James, printer, xxvi. 
 
 Barrow, Capt. , in battle of Brownstown, 272. 
 
 Barthe, Jean B., in Brownstown battles, 85. 
 Batteries, Hull constructs, 80; bombard Detroit, no, 
 
 267; at Canard River, 248; opposite Detroit, 291, 
 
 293. See also Artillery. 
 Battle of Lake Erie, 56, 135-38. 
 Battle of the Thames, 56, 143-45. 
 
 Baum, Col. , surrenders cannon, 305. 
 
 Baxter, , lodges soldier, 165. 
 
 Bayliss, Joseph and Estelle, work cited, 84. 
 
 Bay of Quinte, traversed, 118. 
 
 Bears, Vercheres encounters, 19-21; at Point Pelee, 
 
 63. 
 
 Beavers, Indians catch, 25. 
 
 Bellefontaine, blockhouse built, 207. 
 
 Belle Isle (Hog Island), Hull crosses river from, 226. 
 
 Belle River, Americans raid, 235. 
 
 Bender, Lieut. — — , characterized, 72; in Brownstown 
 
 battles, 86, 98; greets Vercheres, 133. 
 Bennington, battle of, in. See also Burgoyne cannon. 
 
 Bercy, Major de, visits Kingston, 117. 
 
 Bergeron, , as traveling companion, 1 44-61. 
 
 Bernard, Lieut, — — , characterized, 72. 
 
 Berthe, Joseph, in battle of Monguagon, 98-103; 
 
 wounded, 106. 
 
 Berthelet, , vessels impressed, 84; mentioned, 85. 
 
 Black Hoof, see Cutawepasa. 
 
 3 2 4 
 
Snbex 
 
 Blanchard's Fork, road opened to, 209; Fort Findlay 
 
 built, 212. 
 Blankets, Vercheres purloins, 87-88; soldiers lack, 186; 
 
 raiders seize, 238-39. 
 Blue Jacket, slain, 89-93. 
 
 Blyth, Dr. , attends Vercheres, 167. 
 
 Boersler, Capt. , in battle of Brownstown, 272; 
 
 slain, 273. 
 Bois Blanc Island, naval operations near, 132, 135. 
 
 Boisvert, , voyageur, 27. 
 
 Boitonj , de, French emigre, 47. 
 
 Bondy, Joseph, career, 139. 
 
 Bondy, Capt. Lawrence, career, 139; Americans visit, 
 
 252; as spy, 257. 
 Bontee, see Bondy. 
 Boots, Vercheres loses, 154. 
 Boucherville, home of Vercheres, 14, 59, 61, 156, 177; 
 
 visits to, 44-47, 1 16-17, 163-64, 168, 176; home of 
 
 voyageurs, 118, 169. 
 Boucherville, Charlotte Boucher de, marriage, 46. 
 Boucherville, Pierre de, brother of Vercheres, 42. 
 Boucherville, Rene A. de, father of Vercheres, 36, 44, 
 
 61; relates Detroit experiences, 6^; death, 113-14. 
 Bouchette family, connections, 57. 
 Bouthilier, Alexis, in Brownstown battles, 85; wounded, 
 
 106. 
 
 Brant, Capt. , home of, 157. 
 
 Brant, Joseph, death, 157. 
 
 British Grenadiers, played at capture of Detroit, 304- 
 
 3°5- 
 Brock, Gen. Isaac, Detroit campaign of, 105-12, 183, 
 
 287, 292-309; death, 160; grave visited, 169; issues 
 
 proclamation, 228; letter of, 292-93. 
 Brown, Capt. , mission to Amherstburg, 243, 
 
 294-95. 
 Brownstown, Indians visit, 79-80; battle, 84-98, 270-74. 
 Bruere, Madam de la, relative of Vercheres, 157, 163-64 
 
 3*5 
 
3htbex 
 
 Brush, Col. Elijah, signs appeal, 290; defends Detroit, 
 299. 
 
 Brush, Capt. Henry, brings supplies, 269; Hull's efforts 
 to contact, 270-91. 
 
 Buliard, Capt. , commands Grenadiers, 97-98. 
 
 Burbank, Capt. , visits American army, 220. 
 
 Burgoyne, Gen. John, army, 130; story of cannon, 
 111-12,305. 
 
 Burke, Dr. , characterized, 166. 
 
 Burlington Heights, Gen. Vincent commands, 123; 
 fugitives seek, 146, 158; news of Procter's defeat 
 received, 153. 
 
 Cadiz, Lieut. , military service, 72, 107. 
 
 Cadotte brothers, military service, 85. 
 
 Cadotte, Jean B., wounded, 106. 
 
 Cadotte, , interpreter, 142. 
 
 Caldwell, Capt. , military service, 106. 
 
 Camp Meigs, mentioned, 187; evacuated, 195. 
 
 Cameron, , voyageur, 3; pursues debtor, 49-51. 
 
 Canada, conquest anticipated, xvi; French royalists 
 settle in, 45-46, 49; Hull invades, 164, 225-79. 
 
 Canadian Antiquarian and Numismatic Journal, pub- 
 lishes Vercheres' narrative, v. 
 
 Canard (Aux Canards) River, first bloodshed of war 
 at, XIII; military operations, 81-83, 139, 240-61. 
 
 Canoes, sunk, 15, 147; speed records, 42; on Lake 
 Ontario, 49-51; crew of, 118; purchased, 117, 168; 
 transported across portage, 1 23-24; gift to voyageurs, 
 134; on Thames River, 146-52. See also Rabascas, 
 Voyageurs, Songs, and Portages. 
 
 Capitulation , The, characterized, xix-xxvi; author- 
 ship of, xx-xxiv; rarity, xxv. 
 
 Cass, Col. Lewis, denounces Gen. Hull, xxii; carries 
 messages, 78-79, III, 219-20; election of, 188; 
 escorts Fourth U. S. Infantry, 206-207; leads in- 
 vasion of Canada, 226; role in Canard River opera- 
 tions, 240-42, 251-52, 294; on court of enquiry, 
 
 326 
 
3fobex 
 
 260-61; appeal to Gov. Meigs, 288-90; on Mon- 
 guagon expedition, 286-88; on River Raisin expe- 
 dition, 291; breaks sword, 300; protests surrender 
 of rifles, 303-304. 
 
 Casselman, Alexander C, work cited, 92. 
 
 Cayuga, salt purchased, 136. 
 
 Chabert, Margaret Joncaire de, wife of Alexis Maison- 
 ville, 55. 
 
 Chalus, Count de, visited, 48. 
 
 Chapin, Capt. , owner of Cuyahoga^ 214, 245. 
 
 Charbonneau, , voyageur, 118. 
 
 Chateauguay, military operations at, 164-67. 
 
 Chatham, site of McGregor's Mill, 238. 
 
 Cherries, eaten, 35. 
 
 Chicago, early literary productions, 86; troops sent 
 to, 266. 
 
 Chickaquoi, Indian rattle, 29. 
 
 Chinic, , joins raid, 65-71. 
 
 Chippewa, Vercheres visits, 50. 
 
 Chippewa Indians, friendship of, 21 1 ; capture Mackinac 
 263. 
 
 Chippewa River, trader winters, 3. 
 
 Cincinnati Dragoons, military service, 282. 
 
 Civil John, see Mathame. 
 
 Clamp, , hotelkeeper, 116. 
 
 Clark, George Rogers, abuses prisoner, 55; plans frus- 
 trated, 197. 
 
 Claus, Col. William, adventures of daughter, 146-52, 
 155-57; career, 156; wife visited, 159-60; influence, 
 
 Clay, Henry, optimism of, xvi. 
 
 Clemow, Lieut. , military service, 86. 
 
 Clermont, , voyageur, 17, 24, 27. 
 
 Cleveland, captives sent to, 112; terminus of Greenville 
 
 Treaty line, 197. 
 Coffin, Wm. F., work cited, 56. 
 Colchester, founded, 131; home of Daniel McKillip, 237. 
 
 3V 
 
Snbex 
 
 College of Montreal, Vercheres attends, 59. 
 
 Conroy, Father, mentioned, 59. 
 
 Contractor, lake vessel, 54. 
 
 Cooks, soldiers' difficulties, 187. 
 
 Crane, Indian chief, see Ta-He. 
 
 Credit River, fugitives reach, 158. 
 
 Curot (Curotte), Michael, career, 3. 
 
 Currency, British government issues, 134-36; Ver- 
 cheres carries, 138, 152, 164. 
 
 Curtis, Jason, records Indian council, 206. 
 
 Customs, vessel cleared, 55; goods confiscated, 62; 
 recovered, 63-72. 
 
 Cutawepa (Lewis), Indian chief, 198; speech, 205-206. 
 
 Cutawepasa (Black Hoof), Indian chief, 198; speech, 
 203-205. 
 
 Cuyahoga, vessel, captured, 77-78, 214, 216, 245, 306; 
 carries Hull's baggage, 214; captives from, de- 
 manded, 220. 
 
 Cuyahoga River, as boundary, 196. 
 
 DAUBA(Daliby) Lieut. James, military service, 291,293. 
 
 Dauphin Lake House, see Fort Dauphin. 
 
 Dauphin River, traders traverse, 15. 
 
 Dawson, S. J., map cited, 17. 
 
 Day, Dr. , gives information, 264-65. 
 
 Dayton, rendezvous of militia, 185-86. 
 
 Dearborn, Gen. Henry, invades Canada, 164. 
 
 Deer, encounter with, 126. 
 
 Denny, Major James, election of, 188; reports incom- 
 petence of militia, 195; mission to Detroit, 210-12; 
 conducts captured vessels, 239; role in Canard River 
 operations, 255-61; commands Fort Gowie, 277, 
 290-91. 
 
 Dent, Lewis, report attributed to, 306. 
 
 Desjardins, , voyageur, 118. 
 
 Despard, , storekeeper, 62; reports confiscation 
 
 of goods, 64-65; joins raiders, 66-71. 
 
 Desrivieres, Therese Bouchette, family history, 56. 
 
 328 
 
3fntrex 
 
 Desrivieres, Thomas Hypolite, slain, 56. 
 
 Detroit, Delery map, 46; as shipping center, 54-55; 
 country described, 59-60; commandants identified, 
 76; Hull's march to, 76-80; capture of, 105-11, 183, 
 292-309, 315-17; Indian council, 220-21; described, 
 221-22; Robert Lucas visits, 210-12; British evacu- 
 ate, 143; directions at, explained, 226. 
 
 Detroit River, islands at mouth, 102. See also Detroit. 
 
 Detroit Dragoons, military service, 236-37. 
 
 Dettor, John, clerk, 48. 
 
 Dewesew (Big River), Indian chief, 198. 
 
 Dill, Capt. , military service, 209, 213. 
 
 Dixon, Lieut. , military service 72, 107, 303. 
 
 Dogs, adventures of Osmar, 18-22; haul sleds, 27-33. 
 
 Dolsen, Matthew, role in River Thames campaign, 
 144-45; home raided, 236. 
 
 Dominion National Parks, identified, 6^, 128. 
 
 Doubloons, abundance of, 135. 
 
 Dousman (Daurman), role in capture of Mackinac, 
 263-64. 
 
 Ducharme, , voyageur, 12. 
 
 Duck Mountain, identified, 27; expedition of Vercheres 
 to, 27-34. 
 
 Due, Michael, murders employer, 36-37. 
 
 Duels, mentioned, 56; at Amherstburg, 171-73. 
 
 Duff, William, merchant, 57, 170. 
 
 Dunlap, Col. , carries despatches, 212. 
 
 Dyson, Capt. Samuel, military services, 275, 298. 
 
 Earle, J. P., work cited, 112. 
 
 Eastman, Lieut. Jonathan, military service, 243, 275, 
 279. 
 
 Eberts, James, in Brownstown battles, 85. 
 
 Ecorse River, Americans retreat to, 273. 
 
 Edgar, Lieut. , military service, 251. 
 
 Edwards, Dr. Abraham, medical director of army, 
 195-96,275. 
 
 Eighth Regiment, losses, 169. 
 
 3 2 9 
 
3Jnbex 
 
 Elliot, Col. Matthew, career, 132-33; dinner guest, 141. 
 
 Elliot's Point, identified, 132-33; fleet near, 138; 
 defense proposed, 142. 
 
 Elliott, Capt. , military service, 80, 106. 
 
 Embargo Law, enforcement of, 62, 68. 
 
 Emigres, French, see Royalists. 
 
 England, Joseph, shot, 208. 
 
 Erie, crew captured, 269. 
 
 Erie Packet, lake vessel, 54. 
 
 Fallen Timbers, battle of, 238. 
 
 Farcy, , aids Vercheres, 50. 
 
 Faulkner, Dr. -, military service, 86; consulted, 104; 
 
 greets Vercheres, 133. 
 
 Faulkner, Lieut. , characterized, 72. 
 
 Findlay, Col. James, election of, 188; escorts Fourth 
 U. S. Infantry, 206-207; opens road, 209; builds 
 Fort Findlay, 212; service in Hull campaign, 244, 
 260-61, 287-88, 296; appeal to Gov. Meigs, 290; 
 anger over Hull's surrender, 300. 
 
 First Ohio Regiment, officers elected, 188; in Mongua- 
 gon expedition, 279. 
 
 Flesher, Ensign , wounded, 282. 
 
 Ford Motor Company of Canada, location, 226. 
 
 Foretier, , visited, 47-48. 
 
 Forsythe, Capt. , artillery officer, 298. 
 
 Foster, James, authorship of book, xx-xxiv; reasons 
 for writing, 183; copyrights book, 319-20. 
 
 Fort Dauphin, destination of Vercheres, 12; described, 
 15-16; Vercheres leaves, 38. 
 
 Fort Dearborn, dependence upon Detroit, xvii; builder 
 of, 141. 
 
 Fort Detroit, see Detroit. 
 
 Fort Erie, debtor captured, 49-51; Vercheres visits, 
 54, 175; British assault, 168-69. 
 
 Fort Findlay, built, 212. 
 
 Fort George, raiders visit, 68; surrendered, 112; devas- 
 tation of country, 168. 
 
 33° 
 
Snbex 
 
 Fort Gowie, built, 262; garrisoned, 276-77; evacuated, 
 290-9 1 . 
 
 Fort Laurens, as boundary, 196. 
 
 Fort Lernoult, built, 222. See also Detroit. 
 
 Fort Laramie, baggage transported, 196. 
 
 Fort McArthur, built, 207-208. 
 
 Fort Maiden, military situation, 211-12; attack on, 
 planned, 276-77. See also Amherstburg. 
 
 Fort Meigs, siege of, 139. 
 
 Fort Miamis, history, 193; army reaches, 214. 
 
 Fort Necessity (Penn.), surrender of, 46. 
 
 Fort Necessity (O.), built, 209-10. 
 
 Fort Recovery, as boundary, 196. 
 
 Fort Rouille, mentioned, 71. 
 
 Fort St. Joseph, canoe speed record to Montreal, 42; 
 identified, 84; army organized, 263-67. 
 
 Fortune tellers, visit described, 53. 
 
 Forty-first Regiment, at Fort George, 68; officers dis- 
 liked, 72; in Brownstown battles, 84-98, 281; in 
 capture of Detroit, 106-107, 297; captured, 144-45, 
 159; flight of officers' wives, 146-52, 155-57. 
 
 Four Corners, army encamps, 165. 
 
 Fourth U. S. Regiment, military service, 76, 194; cere- 
 monial reception, 206-207; in Monguagon expedi- 
 tion, 279-87; removal to Quebec, 306. 
 
 Fremont, Col. , visits Montreal, 168. 
 
 Frenchtown, battle at, ^6, 135; origin of name, 79. 
 See also Raisin River. 
 
 Friend' 's Good Will, lake vessel, 54; crew captured, 
 269. 
 
 Front Hotel, Vercheres visits, 51, 54. 
 
 Fur trade, activities of Vercheres in, 3-44, 52, 73-75. 
 
 Gananoque, fugitives reach, 160-61. 
 
 Germans, guide Vercheres, 125-31; settlement of, 131. 
 
 Gilchrist, Capt. , in battle of Brownstown, 272; 
 
 slain, 273. 
 
 Gillespie and Company, Montreal merchants, 117. 
 
 331 
 
3fobex 
 
 Givens, Major , military service, 303. 
 
 Glegg, Major , military service, 292, 300. 
 
 Good Intent, lake vessel, 54-55. 
 
 Gordon, , voyageur, 3. 
 
 Gore, Governor Francis, Vercheres encounters, 71. 
 
 Goulet, , voyageur, 27. 
 
 Gowie, , house burned, 294-95. 
 
 Grand Portage, as fur trade center, 3; fort described, 
 
 11; portage traversed, 12; traders visit, 40-41. 
 Grand River, fugitives visit, 157-58. 
 
 Grant, , fur trade employee, 47. 
 
 Greenville Treaty, provisions of, 196-97; army passes, 
 
 207. 
 Grenadier Company, role in battle of Monguagon, 
 
 95-98. 
 Grosse Isle, duel fought, 172. 
 Gros Ventre Indians, wage war, 23, 34. 
 Hailes (Hale), Lieut. Harris, career, 157. 
 
 Hall, Capt. , hospitality, 50. 
 
 Hamilton (Ont.), see Burlington Heights. 
 Hampton, Gen. Wade, invades Canada, 164. 
 Hands, William, career, 141. 
 Hanks, Lieut. Porter, surrenders Mackinac, 262-69; 
 
 career, 266; killed, 298. 
 Hards crabble, or the Fall of Chicago, cited, 86. 
 Harrison, Gen. Wm. H., pursues Procter, 143-44; 
 
 denounced, 211. 
 Hay, Henry, narrative cited, 29. 
 Henry, Alexander, narrative cited, 11. 
 Hickman, Capt. Harris H., aide-de-camp, 288. 
 Hickory Island, identified, 102. 
 Highland County (O.), in War of 18 12, xxiii. 
 High wines, savages crave, 16-17. 
 Hog Island, see Belle Isle. 
 Holmes, Major Andrew H., raids Sault, 7. 
 Horses, lost, 145; purchased, 160. 
 Howard, Capt. — — ■, death, 266. 
 
 33 2 
 
Jfttbex 
 
 Hull, Capt. Abraham F., anecdote of, 187; career, 188; 
 military service, 195, 231, 300; misconduct, 282. 
 
 Hull, Isaac, career, 236-37; mentioned, 239. 
 
 Hull, Gen. William, campaign of, xv, 76-89, 207-18, 
 225-79; first history of, xxi; Cass denounces, 
 xxi-xxii; surrenders Detroit, 109-10, 292-309; 
 assumes command, 187-94; holds Indian council, 
 196-207; 220-21; repairs small arms, 194-95, 219; 
 efforts to open communications, 269-91, 308; issues 
 army orders, 218-19, 245-46, 261, 275-78, 311-14; 
 addresses army, 191-94; addresses Canadians, 227- 
 30; sends flag of truce, 287-88. 
 
 Hunter, British naval vessel, 283-86. 
 
 Huron Indians, village, 79, 101; rescue Vercheres, 102. 
 
 Huron River, Hull's army reaches, 217. 
 
 Indians, crave liquor, 16-17; hospitality of, 24-25; 
 drunken orgies, 27-28, 60, 107-108, no; make 
 maple sugar, 29; practice sorcery, 29-30; loan 
 canoe, 49; aid in Cuyahoga capture, 77-78; in 
 Petite Cote battle, 81-83; in Brownstown battles, 
 79-80, 85-98, 272-74, 280-81; visit Amherstburg, 
 60, 72-75; slay captive, 90-93; medical methods, 
 104-105; in capture of Detroit, 107-10, 292-94, 
 299; in capture of Mackinac, 263-67; friendship 
 for Vercheres, 72-75, 81-82, 130-31, 170, 174; allies 
 of British, 113, 227-30; plan ambush, 233; pur- 
 sued, 234-36; in Canard River operations, 81-83. 
 
 242-43, 248-59- 
 Inglis, Ellice and Company, mentioned, 59. 
 Iowa, Robert Lucas journal published, xxii; joined to 
 
 Michigan Territory, 224. 
 Isenhart, Tobias, murdered, ^6. 
 Isle St. Lawrence, identified, 102-103. 
 Jacob, George, career, 237-38. 
 Jacob, — — , fur trade employee, 14-15. 
 
 James, Col. , commandant of Amherstburg, 171-73. 
 
 Jefferson, Thomas, pacifist, xiv. 
 
 333 
 
3fafoex 
 
 Jesup, Thomas S., brigade-major of Hull's army, 195, 
 218-19, 296-97,311-14. 
 
 Kamouraska, Vercheres visits, 167. 
 
 Kettle Creek, voyageurs encamp, 127. 
 
 Keys, Capt. William, militia officer, xxiii. 
 
 Kingston, visited, 47, 115, 117; fugitives reach, 160. 
 
 Kinzie, John, wife identified, 131; report of Battle of 
 Lake Erie, 137. 
 
 Kitchimokoman, Indian name for Americans, 80. 
 
 Kitekishemoc, Indian chief, 198. 
 
 Lachine, traders leave, 3; visit, 47; home of voyageurs, 
 118. 
 
 Lacroix, , Montreal merchant, vessels impressed, 
 
 84; mentioned, 85-146. 
 
 Lacombe, , fur trade apprentice, 12. 
 
 Lady Prevost, naval vessel, 58. 
 
 Laferte, , cheats Indians, 74-75. 
 
 Lafleur, voyageur, 26. 
 
 Lake Dauphin, Fort Dauphin on, 27. 
 
 Lake Erie, voyages on, 54-55, 124-33, : 75; early ship- 
 ping, 54; race for naval control, 113; Americans pa- 
 trol, 124. 
 
 Lake Michigan, boundaries, 223-24. 
 
 Lake Manitoba, Fort Dauphin on, 16. 
 
 Lake Nipissing, traders visit, 4. 
 
 Lake Ontario, traders traverse, 47, 117-23, 175; Amer- 
 icans patrol, 1 1 8-21; dominate, 160. 
 
 Lake St. Clair, American raiders skirt, 236; beauty of 
 country, 239. 
 
 Lake Superior, traders traverse, 7-10, 41. 
 
 Lake Winnipeg, voyageurs traverse, 39-40. 
 
 Lakeside Classics, volumes listed, ii. 
 
 Lambert, , joins raiders, 67. 
 
 Lamothe, , gives information, 6. 
 
 Lamoureux, Pierre, voyageur, 118, 122. 
 
 Landmann, George, establishes canoe record, 42. 
 
 Lapointe, , voyageur, 119. 
 
 334 
 
3Jnbex 
 
 Laporte, , voyageur, 12. 
 
 Larocque, , voyageur, 3. 
 
 Larocque, , Montreal merchant, 146. 
 
 Larrabee, Lieut. Charles, wounded, 282. 
 La Tranche River, see Thames River. 
 
 Lauzon, , voyageur, 27. 
 
 Lee, Capt. William, lake navigator, 54-57. 
 
 Lery, Col. de, military career, 46; service, 163-67. 
 
 Lery, Madam, L. C. de, sister of Vercheres, 164. 
 
 Lewis, see Cutawepa. 
 
 Lewiston, goods confiscated, 62; customs office raided, 
 
 173. 
 Liquor, Indians drink, 16-17, 28, 60, 107-108, no; 
 
 sold, 133; soldiers drink, 144, 208-209; anecdote, 
 
 284-85. 
 Logan, slain, 92. 
 
 Longueil, de, wounded, 106. 
 
 Long-knives, Indian name for Americans, 80, 142. 
 Long Point, terminus of portage route, 124. 
 
 Lopineau, , duellist, 172-73. 
 
 Lottinville, , builds canoes, 168. 
 
 Lucas, Robert, journal published, xxii; utilized, xxii, 
 
 xxiv; cited, 298, 300-301; career, 210; mission to 
 
 Detroit, 210-12; in Canard River operations, 249- 
 
 52, 259; recovers body of Capt. McCulloch, 271; 
 
 supplies information, 314-15. 
 Lundy's Lane, battle of, 188. 
 
 McAdow, Dr. , military service, 249. 
 
 McArthur, Col. Duncan, anger over surrender of 
 
 Detroit, no-n; of rifles, 303-304; election of, 188; 
 
 escorts Fourth U. S. Regiment, 206-207; military 
 
 service, 206, 226, 234-39, 246-61, 283-88, 290-91, 
 
 303. 
 
 McCabe, Ensign , leads detachment, 279. 
 
 McCrae (McCune), Thomas, career, 238. 
 
 McCulloch, Capt. , military service, 254, 259; 
 
 slain 270-71. 
 
 335 
 
Snbex 
 
 McDonald, John, clerk, 48, 53. 
 
 McDonald, Col. , in Canard River operations, 
 
 249. 
 McDonell, Lieut.-Col. , grave visited, 169; military 
 
 service, 292, 300. 
 McGill, James, family connections, 56. 
 McGregor's Mill, Americans raid, 238. 
 Mcintosh, Angus, career, 54-55. 
 McKay, J., merchant, 62, 158. 
 Mackenzie, Sir Alexander, fur trade executive, 5—1 1, 
 
 16. 
 McKillip, Daniel, career, 131; trading operations, 
 
 237- 
 Mackinac, captured, 6, 262-69, 298; Vercheres visits, 
 
 41-42. 
 
 McMullin, , voyageur, 3. 
 
 McMurray, Thomas, commands Fort Dauphin, 16-17, 
 
 34; befriends Vercheres, 35-36, 38-39; career, 36. 
 McNiff, Margaret, wife of Lieut. Porter Hanks, 266-67. 
 McTavish, Simon, establishes canoe record, 42. 
 Macomb, Gen. Alexander, military service, 76. 
 Madison, James, wartime President, xiv. 
 Mad River, army encamps, 187. 
 
 Maillou, , fur trader, 3. 
 
 Maisonville, Alexis Loranger, dit y career, 55; Vercheres 
 
 visits, 59, 105, 170-71; in Brownstown battles, 85; 
 
 merchandise entrusted to, 177. 
 Malaria, see Ague. 
 Maiden, see Amherstburg. 
 Mannaham, Indian chief, 198. 
 Manary, Capt. James, builds blockhouse, 207. 
 
 Mansfield, Capt. , military service, 244, 303. 
 
 Maple sugar, Indians make, 29; trade, 72-75. 
 
 Marchand, Rev. Jean Baptiste, career, 58. 
 
 Marpot, Indian, shot, 248. 
 
 Martins, trapped, 26. 
 
 Masgnegon Indians, as sorcerers, 29-30. 
 
 336 
 
3fafoex 
 
 Mathame (Civil John), Indian chief, 198. 
 
 Maumee Rapids, history, 213. 
 
 Maumee River (Miami of the Lake), army encamps, 
 
 Meigs, Governor R. J., summons militia, 185; addresses 
 army, 189-90; speech to Indians, 196-201; reviews 
 army, 288-90; appeal to, 312. 
 
 Meloche, , clerk, 133, 139, 174. 
 
 Merchandise, seized, 62-64; recovered, 64-71; prices, 
 
 . 1 3 5-3?, 176. 
 
 Miami River, army encamps, 195. 
 
 Miami of the Lake River, see Maumee River. 
 
 Michigan Territory, described, 222-25. 
 
 Miller, Col. James, military service, 99, 226, 240-42, 
 279-87; delivers speech, 189. 
 
 Miliomaque, Ottawa chief, 74. 
 
 Militia, paroled, no; embodied, 185-86; dislikes regu- 
 lars, 188; incompetence, 195; honors regular regi- 
 ment, 206-207; insubordination, 225-26; British, 
 captured, 236-37; in Brownstown battles, 273-75, 
 282. 
 
 Milons Islands, see Baribux Islands. 
 
 Mingo Indians, hold council, 198. 
 
 Minnesota, joined to Michigan Territory, 224. 
 
 Mississauga Indians, loan canoe, 49; Vercheres trades 
 with, 52. 
 
 Moffatt, George, career, 7. 
 
 Mohawk^ voyage on, 175. 
 
 Mohawk Indians, Grand River settlement, 157-58; 
 council with, 220-21. 
 
 Molesworth, , sounds alarm, 84. 
 
 Monguagon, battle of, 93-99, 106, 279-87; oratory at, 
 189. See also Brownstown. 
 
 Moniconini) Indian name of Vercheres, 74. 
 
 Monroe, origin of name, 79. See also Frenchtown. 
 
 Monroe County, organized, 79. 
 
 Monroe, President James, visits Detroit, 79. 
 
 337 
 
3fafoex 
 
 Montreal, canoe speed record from St. Joseph, 42; 
 Vercheres visits, 43-44, 115, 144, 168; fortified, 46; 
 as commercial center, 52, 61, 64, 1 16-17, 134, 177; 
 fugitives arrive, 161. 
 
 Moore, Major Thomas, election of, 188. 
 
 Moraviantown, Battle of Thames, 56, 143-45; fugitives 
 leave, 159. 
 
 Moreau, Gen. , mentioned, 65. 
 
 Morrison, Major Robert, election of, 188; in Mon- 
 guagon battle, 281-82. 
 
 Morse, Jedediah, work cited, 232. 
 
 Mosquitoes, harry soldiers, 100-101. 
 
 Muir, Major Adam C, characterized, 72; in Browns- 
 town battles, 84-98, 281; wounded, 106; in capture 
 of Detroit, 107; friendship for Vercheres, 1 12-13, 
 133; dinner guest, 140; flight of wife, 146-52, 
 
 i55-57> J 59- 
 Muir, Mrs. Adam C, experiences as fugitive, 147-52, 
 
 1 55-57, 1.59- 
 Munson, Major Jeremiah R., election of, 188; wounded, 
 
 225-26. 
 
 Murray, , messenger, 290. 
 
 Music, band instruments captured, 78; played, at 
 
 capture of Detroit, no, 304-305. 
 Nancy, history, 7. 
 Nasahacothe, Indian chief, 198. 
 
 Nelson, Capt. , navigator, 177. 
 
 Nelson, Lord, battles of, 56. 
 
 Newfoundland, see Royal Newfoundland Regiment. 
 
 New York, as commercial center, 53, 61, 62. 
 
 New Settlement, history, 131. 
 
 Niagara, Vercheres visits, 49-51, 54, 64, 168-69, 175, 
 
 177; raiders leave, 68; country devastated, 168-69. 
 Nile, battle, mentioned, 56. 
 Nolin, Augustin, career, 6. 
 Nolin, Jean B., career, 6. 
 Nolin, , fur trade employee, 16. 
 
 33* 
 
3htbex 
 
 Norton John, career, 157-58. 
 
 North West Company, Vercheres enters service, 3; 
 relation of Alexander Mackenzie to, 5; builds ships, 
 6-7; establishes Grand Portage, 11; traders en- 
 countered, 14-15; partners of, 39, 41. 
 
 Ogdensburg, bombardment at, 161. 
 
 Ohio, The Capitulation published, xx; Roster of 
 Ohio Soldiers published, xxiii; operations of militia, 
 76, 185-86, 306; Indian land cessions, 196-97; 
 boundary dispute, 222-23. 
 
 Ohio Volunteer, see James Foster. 
 
 Old Market, at Montreal, visited, 43-44, 1 16-17. 
 
 Oratory, army officers indulge, 189. 
 
 Orgies, Indian, described, 27-28, 60, 107-108, no. 
 
 Osmar, Vercheres' dog, 18-22. 
 
 Ottawa (Tawa, Attawa) Indians, anecdote of, 72-75; 
 in capture of Detroit, 108; friendly to Americans, 
 211; Hull encounters, 215; in capture of Mackinac, 
 263. 
 
 Otter, trapped, 26. 
 
 Ouelle, River, visited, 167. 
 
 Oxford, fugitives visit, 146-52. 
 
 Packhorses, use planned, 210. 
 
 Packsaddles, made, 210. 
 
 Parisien, , voyageur, 118; conducts canoes, 129-30. 
 
 Partridge, The, waterfall, passed, 12. 
 
 Passes, military, issued, 122, 160. 
 
 Patterson, , home raided, 237. 
 
 Pelicans, as fishers, 13. 
 
 Pentz, Lieut. , slain, 273. 
 
 Perrot Island, home of voyageurs, 118. 
 
 Perseverance, history, 6-7; voyages on, 6-10, 41. 
 
 Peters, Lieut. George P., wounded, 282. 
 
 Petite Cote, mentioned, 55; battle at, 81-83, 256-59; 
 visit to, 139. 
 
 Piageha, Indian chief, 198. 
 
 Pike County, home of Foster clan, xxiii. 
 
 339 
 
Sntiex 
 
 Pike's Head, traders visit, 14. 
 
 Pines, The, see Point au Pins. 
 
 Plessis, Monsignor, visits Sandwich, 177. 
 
 Pitahage, Indian chief, 198. 
 
 Point Abino, vessel wrecked, 54. 
 
 Point au Pins, identified, 128. 
 
 Point Pelee, described, 63; distance from Amherstburg, 
 
 125; voyageurs pass, 130-31. 
 Portages, passage of, 12-13, IJ 8> I2 3~ 2 4> I 3°~3 1 - 
 Potawatomi Indians, in capture of Detroit, 80, 108; 
 
 slay prisoner, 90-93; council with, 220-21. 
 Prescott, Americans bombard, 161. 
 Prevost, Sir George, mentioned, 115; Vercheres aids, 
 
 118; visits, 161-63. 
 Presqu'ile, American warships built, 113. 
 Prices, of merchandise, 135-36, 176. 
 Prisons, debtor incarcerated, 51. 
 Procter, Gen. Henry, aids raiders, 68-70; removal of 
 
 regiment, 72; scouts report to, 80; Vercheres visits, 
 
 105; offers appointment, 1 12-13; retreat to Thames, 
 
 137-45; defeat reported, 162-63. 
 Prophet, The, denounced, 199. 
 Puisaye, Count de, career, 45-46; aids Vercheres, 
 
 Puthuff, Major William H., military service, 174, 
 
 248-49, 260-61. 
 Quebec, fortified, 46; prisoners sent to, 112; Vercheres 
 
 visits, 1 1 5-1 6, 167. 
 Qjieen Charlotte > British warship, 77; in Battle of Lake 
 
 Erie, 136; seen, 217; in Canard River operations, 
 
 244, 247-48; in Monguagon operations, 283-84; 
 
 sinking of, planned, 296. 
 Queen's Rangers, mentioned, 105. 
 Queen Street, mentioned, 57. 
 Queenston, visit to, 54; battle of, 158, 160. 
 Quesnel, Jules, storekeeper, 62, 176. 
 Quiberon, expedition mentioned, 45. 
 
 34^ 
 
Snbex 
 
 Rabasca, Northwest canoe, 40; purchased, 117. See 
 
 also Canoes. 
 Rainy Lake, traders reach, 12-13. 
 
 Raisin River, efforts to open communications, 269-91. 
 Rastel, Philippe Francois, Sieur de Rocheblave, see 
 
 Rocheblave. 
 Rats, eaten, 43. 
 
 Rattlesnakes, alarm soldier, 102; at Point au Pins, 128. 
 Raymond, Moses, militia officer, 165. 
 
 Reiffenstein, , messenger, 158. 
 
 Repentigny, canoes purchased, 117; built, 168. 
 Reynolds, Robert, career, 56; wife, 57; visit to, 105. 
 Reynolds, Thomas, career, 56. 
 
 Reynolds, Dr. , killed, 298. 
 
 Richardson, John, fur trade magnate, 41. 
 Richardson, Major John, as historian, xviii; career, 86; 
 
 work cited, 92, 137, 142-43, 228; parentage, 105. 
 Richardson, Dr. Robert, in Brownstown battles, 86; 
 
 career, 105. 
 Roads, army opens, 206, 209, 213. 
 Roberts, Capt. Charles, captures Mackinac, 263-69. 
 Robertson, Lieut. David, builds blockhouse, 214. 
 
 Robey, Ensign , slain, 273. 
 
 Robillard, , voyageur, 3. 
 
 Robinson, , mentioned, 59. 
 
 Robinson, Capt. , leads rifle company, 234-35. 
 
 Rocheblave, Pierre Rastel, Sieur de, career, 39-40. 
 
 Rocque, , voyageur, 118, 120-21. 
 
 Rolette, Lieut. Charles Frederic, career, 56; friend of 
 
 Vercheres, 57, 105; captures Cuyahoga, 77-78, 21 4, 
 
 216. 
 Rondeau National Park, identified, 128. 
 Ross County, home of Foster clan, xxiii. 
 
 Rough, Capt. , sends flag of truce, 288. 
 
 Rouville, Capt. Hertel de, militia officer, 165. 
 
 Royal Canadian Regiment, mentioned, 66, 156; service 
 
 in, 47-48. 
 
 341 
 
3fabex 
 
 Royal Navy, mentioned, $6, 58, 132; home port, 60; 
 vessels built, 113. 
 
 Royalists, French, removal to Canada, 45-46, 49. 
 
 Rule Britannia, played at capture of Detroit, no. 
 
 Rum, given to Indians, 74. See also Liquor. 
 
 Ruscum (Ruskin) River, Indians attacked, 235-36. 
 
 Rupe, Capt. ■, in battle of Brownstown, 272. 
 
 Sac Indians, in capture of Detroit, 80, 108. 
 
 Saginaw, Indians from, checkmate trader, 72-75. 
 
 St. George, Quetton de, French royalist, 45-46; em- 
 ploys Vercheres, 46-47; debtor absconds, 49-51; 
 profits, 52, 71; losses, 160; goods confiscated, 62-72; 
 benefactor of Vercheres, 61, n 4, 116, 121, 158-59; 
 167-68; returns to France, 176. 
 
 St. Germain, Paul, voyageur, 169. 
 
 St. John's Churchyard, mentioned, 235. 
 
 St. Joseph Island, history, 84. See also Fort St. Jo- 
 seph. 
 
 St. Joseph River, settlement on, 224. 
 
 <9/. Lawrence, in battle of Lake Erie, 136. 
 
 St. Luc de Lacorne, career, 130. 
 
 St. Thomas, visit to, 167. 
 
 Salaberry, Col. de, military service, 165. 
 
 Salt, purchased, 136. 
 
 Sandusky Islands, Battle of Lake Erie near, 136-37. 
 
 Sandwich, Hull bombards, 80-81; British retreat to, 
 138-43; Vercheres visits, 173; General Brock visits, 
 287. 
 
 Saratoga, Burgoyne's army at, 130-31. 
 
 Sault Ste. Marie, traders visit, 4-7; raided, 7. 
 
 Sauteau Indians, rescue fugitives, 102-103; in capture 
 of Detroit, 108. 
 
 Savoyard River, Fort Lernoult built, 221-22. 
 
 Scioto River, blockhouses built, 207. 
 
 Scott Fountain, location, 226. 
 
 Scutush, Indian chief, 198. 
 
 Seasickness, on Lake Superior, 9; on Lake Erie, 175. 
 
 342 
 
3fafoex 
 
 Second Ohio Regiment, officers elected, 188. 
 
 Secord garden, General Brock buried in, 169. 
 
 Selkirk, Lord, sheep confiscated, 299. 
 
 Seneca Indians, council with, 220-21. 
 
 Shanato, Indian chief, 198. 
 
 Shawnee Indians, in Petite Cote battle, 81-83; in cap 
 
 ture of Detroit, 108; hold council, 198. See also 
 
 Blue Jacket. 
 Sheep, confiscated, 299. 
 Sibley, Ensign Artemas, killed, 298. 
 
 Silly, Lieut. , wounded, 282. 
 
 Six Nations, identified, 157. 
 
 Sloan, Capt. , military service, 234, 244, 279; 
 
 misconduct, 282. 
 Smith, Capt. , leader of Detroit Dragoons, 236-37, 
 
 Snelling, Capt. Josiah, military service, 243-46, 279-80, 
 297. 
 
 Solomon's Town, identified, 207. 
 
 Songs, of voyageurs, 4-5, 12, 169. 
 
 Sonnant Indians, traders encounter, 31, 34. 
 
 Sorcery, Indians practice, 29-30. 
 
 Spencer, Capt. , military service, 272. 
 
 Spies, report British movements, 86-87. 
 
 Springwells, British land, 108; army encamps, 218; 
 battery at, 220, 296. 
 
 Stansbury, Lieut. , military service, 279. 
 
 Stark, Gen. John, captures cannon, in, 305. 
 
 Staunton, army encamps, 195. 
 
 Storms, on Lake Superior, 7-10; on Lake Erie, 175. 
 
 Stuart, Prince Charles Edward, heads rebellion, 54. 
 
 Sugar Island, identified, 102. 
 
 Sutherland, Lieut. , characterized, 72; in Browns- 
 town battle, 86. 
 
 Tache, Seigneur, Vercheres visits, 107. 
 
 Ta-He (Crane), holds council, 197-206. 
 
 Talbot, Col. , Americans pillage, 126. 
 
 343 
 
3fafoex 
 
 Tallan, Capt. , characterized, 72; military service, 
 
 86, 107; greets Vercheres, 133. 
 
 Taylor, James, appeal to Governor Meigs, 290. 
 
 Taylor, Lieut. , characterized, 72. 
 
 Tecumseh, in Canard River operations, 80-83, 2 5 I_ 54i 
 in Brownstown battles, 88-90, 280; at capture of 
 Detroit, 108; opposes British retreat, 141-43; slain, 
 145; conduct of, 167; denounced, 199; described, 253. 
 
 Tempests, see storms. 
 
 Tents, soldiers lack, 186; General Hull erects, 292. 
 
 Thain, Thomas, career, 41; fellow-voyager, 41-43. 
 
 Thames (La Tranche) River, British retreat to, 138-45; 
 flight of fugitives, 145-55; Americans raid, 234-39. 
 
 Tharp, Capt. , military service, 219. 
 
 Third Ohio Regiment, officers elected, 188. 
 
 Thirst, Vercheres suffers, 22-24. 
 
 Thirty-seventh Regiment, misconduct of officers, 171- 
 
 Thomson, Peter G., Ohio bibliographer, xx. 
 
 Thousand Islands, voyageurs pass, 117. 
 
 Tippecanoe, battle of, 76, 194. 
 
 Toledo War, cause of, 223. 
 
 Toronto (York), Vercheres employed at, 48-53; visits 
 
 to, 71, 114, 168, 175; road to, 145; fugitives reach, 
 
 157-58; Americans burn, 160. 
 Toronto, lake vessel, 50-51; voyage on, 175. 
 Tracy , lake schooner, 266. 
 Trafalgar, mentioned, 56. 
 Treaties, of 1783, violated, 193; Greenville, renewed, 
 
 196. 
 Trent River Portage, traversed, 118. 
 Trimble, Major William A., election of, 188; military 
 
 service, 252. 
 Troughton, Lieut. Felix, characterized, 72; military 
 
 service, 107, 316-17; greets Vercheres, 133. 
 
 Trudel, , raiders visit, 237. 
 
 Turkey Creek, battles at bridge, 233, 252. 
 
 344 
 
 
Snbex 
 
 Turkey Island, American fleet reaches, 143. 
 
 Tuscarawas River, as boundary, 196. 
 
 Two Rivers, destination of Vercheres, 17. 
 
 Ulry, Capt. , military service, 233, 272; slain, 273. 
 
 University of Michigan, planned, 222. 
 
 Upper Canada, description of, 231-33. 
 
 Upper Lakes, early shipping on, 54. 
 
 Upton, Emory, book cited, xvi. 
 
 Urbana, army reaches, 196; Indian council near, 197- 
 206; army reviewed, 312. 
 
 Van Home, Major Thomas B., defeat, 89, 270-74; 
 election, 188; military service, 181-82, 260-61. 
 
 Vassar, Peter, shoots soldier, 208. 
 
 Vauban, French engineer, mentioned, 46. 
 
 Vercheres de Boucherville, Thomas, narrative charac- 
 terized, xvii-xviii; fur trade experiences, 3-44, 52, 
 72-75; journey to Fort Dauphin, 12-16; Two Rivers 
 expedition, 17-25; Duck Mountain expedition, 27- 
 34; meets polar bear, 19-21; homesick, 4-5; seasick, 
 9, 175; illness, 12, 34-38, 52, 134, 167; returns to 
 Canada, 35-44; mother of, 45, 115, 163-64, 168, 
 177; visits Boucherville, 44-47, 1 14-15; 163-64; 
 pursues debtor, 49-51; fortune told, ^2'^ recovers 
 merchandise, 63-72; in first battle, 81-83; in 
 Brownstown battles, 85-106; in capture of Detroit, 
 107-12; wounded, 97, 100; cured, 104-105; father 
 dies, 1 13-14; encounter with American warships, 
 1 1 8-2 1, 126-27; British warship, 122-23; accom- 
 panies Procter's retreat, 138-61; interview with 
 Sir George Prevost, 161-63; military service, 164- 
 67; return to Amherstburg, 168-71; losses, 174, 176; 
 later career, 177-78. 
 
 Vermillion, voyage on, 177. 
 
 Vichioshosepinque, see Two Rivers. 
 
 Vienne, , voyageur, 3. 
 
 Viger, Capt. Jacques, reunion with, 161. 
 
 Vignau, Lieut. Norbert, reunion with, 161. 
 
 345 
 
3fafoex 
 
 Vigneau, Edward, clerk, 47-48. 
 
 Vincennes, mentioned, 194. 
 
 Vincent, Col. , interview with, 160. 
 
 Vincent, Gen. ■, military service, 112, 123. 
 
 Voltigeurs Regiment, mentioned, 161; visit to, 165-66, 
 battles of, 167. 
 
 Voorhis, Ernest, book cited, 16. 
 
 Voyageurs, songs of, 4-5, 12, 169; lack food, 14, 26-27, 
 35, 39; establish speed record, 42; crew of canoe 
 described, 118; voyage to Amherstburg, 118-32, 
 168-70. 
 
 Voyer, J., as traveling companion, 1 44-61. 
 
 Voyer, Col. , commands militia, 156. 
 
 Wacagobo, hospitality, 24-25. 
 
 Walk-in-the-Water, denounces Americans, 211. 
 
 Wallace, Robert, appointed aide-de-camp, 195. 
 
 Wallace, W. Stewart, statements cited, 7, 37. 
 
 Walton and Company, mentioned, 62. 
 
 War of 1 8 12, absence of preparation for, xiv-xv; first 
 bloodshed, xv, 241; declaration, 76, 78, 212, 216, 
 306; Vercheres' journal, 76-178; Foster's narrative, 
 182-317. 
 
 Washington, George, surrenders army, 46; treaty viola- 
 tion angers, 193. 
 
 Watteville, Gen. de, gives dinner, 166. 
 
 Watteville Regiment, mentioned, 117; losses, 169. 
 
 Wau Bun, written, 131; cited, 137-38. 
 
 Waunangee, or the Massacre of Chicago, cited, 86. 
 
 Wayne, Gen. Anthony, concludes Greenville Treaty, 
 196; battle of Fallen Timbers, 238. 
 
 Witherall, Major , breaks sword, 300-301. 
 
 Whiskey, see Liquor. 
 
 Whistler, Capt. John, commands Detroit, 76; daughter 
 marries, 141. 
 
 Whistler, Sarah, marries, 141. 
 
 White, Capt. , commands Perseverance, 7; sea- 
 manship, 9. 
 
 346 
 
3fafoex 
 
 White Crow, Indian belief in, 30. 
 
 Wild Cherry, as beverage, 29. 
 
 Wild fowl, abundance of, 33. 
 
 Winnebago Indians, in capture of Detroit, 80, 108. 
 
 Winnipeg River, traders traverse, 13-14, 40. 
 
 Wisconsin, joined to Michigan Territory, 224. 
 
 Wolf, Vercheres traps, 26. 
 
 Wolff, , guides Vercheres, 125-31. 
 
 Woltz, Mrs. L. Oughtred, as translator, xviii-xix. 
 
 Woodward, Judge Augustus B., supplies information, 
 222. 
 
 Woodward Avenue, named, 222. 
 
 Woolsey, , as traveling companion, 144-61; kind- 
 ness, 150-51. 
 
 Worthington, Governor Thomas, owns book, xxv. 
 
 Wyandot Indians, hold council, 198, 220-21; friendly 
 to Americans, 211. 
 
 Yeo, Sir James, gives orders, 136. 
 
 York, see Toronto. 
 
 Zanesville, home of Dr. Reynolds, 298. 
 
 347 
 



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