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Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 
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 University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign 
 
 http://archive.org/details/inaugurationofsaOObake 
 
The Inauguration of 
 
 Samuel Alexander Lough, A. M., Ph. D 
 
 as President of 
 
 Baker University 
 
 Baldwin City, Kansas 
 
 In Connection with the Sixtieth Anniversary and 
 Sixtieth Annual Commencement 
 
 May eleventh to fifteenth 
 One thousand nine hundred eighteen 
 
The Proceedings 
 
 |HE inauguration of Samuel Alexander Lough, A. M., Ph. D., as 
 president, together with the celebration at Commencement of 
 the Sixtieth Anniversary of Baker University, came at a mo- 
 mentous time in the history of the nation and of the University. 
 In these circumstances it was fitting, because of the history and tra- 
 ditions of Baker, that the dominant note of the entire occasion should 
 be the pledging of the university to Christian service and patriotic sac- 
 rifice for the nation. 
 
 MAY ELEVENTH 
 
 At the final chapel exercises on Saturday morning, after the recog- 
 nition of honors in debate, oratory, scholarship, and athletics, the 
 address of the day was delivered by Sarah Winona Freark, A. B., '06. 
 As a representative of "King Arthur's Court," she spoke of the chiv- 
 alry of the knights of the Table Round, and especially of the idealism 
 of Arthur's warriors, and made a strong plea for the following of a 
 high and worthy ideal in the great crisis which confronts the warriors 
 of today. 
 
 In the evening, the joint program of the Literary Societies was 
 held, an interesting feature of which entertainment was the "Conser- 
 vation Pageant." The dramatic recital of the Department of Public 
 Speaking consisted of the presentation of a three-act play by J. Hartley 
 Manners, entitled "Wreckage." The proceeds of this performance were 
 given to the Red Cross. 
 
 MAY TWELFTH 
 
 Two notable messages were given on Baccalaureate Sunday; in 
 the morning, the Baccalaureate Sermon by President Samuel Alexander 
 Lough, and in the evening, the address by Thomas James Riley, 
 Ph.D., '00. 
 
 Dr. Lough took as his scripture lesson the Fifteenth Psalm. The 
 words, "Lord, who shall abide in thy tabernacle?" he explained as 
 meaning "Who shall be the guest of God?" The relation of host and 
 guest, he pointed out, is most beautiful, denoting a dwelling together 
 in perfect trust and loyal friendship. In the answer which the psalm- 
 ist gives to the question as to who is privileged to live in the relation 
 of guest with God is found the special text for the sermon: "He that 
 sweareth to his own hurt asd changeth not." Dr. Lough made clear 
 the conception prevailing among ancient peoples that there inhered 
 in the oath, as such, some power to bind men to truth and to the 
 obligation of acting upon the truth, and then showed how that con- 
 ception survives in certain forms today. The sermon illustrated and 
 
forcibly brought home the lesson that the perception of truth, rather 
 than the ceremony of the oath, carries with it at all times the obliga- 
 tion to be the loyal servants of the truth. To know and to dare are 
 the conditions of being the guest of God. In all history, the speaker 
 pointed out, the guests of God have been those who have felt the obli- 
 gation of acting the truth which they perceived, though it be to their 
 own hurt, and who have hesitated least when there was danger that 
 it might hurt most. 
 
 The application of this thought to the problems of today was 
 made by showing that we who have perceived the truth of democracy 
 are bound to act loyally upon our perception of that truth. As Socra- 
 tes drank the deadly hemlock and Christ suffered upon the cross in 
 loyalty to truth, so we must hold ourselves ready to endure all, and 
 sacrifice all, for the truth as we see it. 
 
 The sermon was a profound and stirring appeal to the conscience 
 and courage of our people. 
 
 Dr. Riley, General Secretary Bureau of Charities, Brooklyn, N. Y., 
 at the evening hour, gave a helpful and scholarly address on "Religion 
 in Social Action." 
 
 After suggesting the place and importance of religion in the new 
 industrial and political relationships, the speaker said that our schools, 
 hospitals and charities were born of religion and the church and 
 found their officers, staff and supporters chiefly among religious peo- 
 ple. The inspiration and spirit of modern social work is religious. 
 Not only is this true, but in keeping the poor and the sick we serve 
 the Christ himself as is clearly stated in the story of the final judg- 
 ment, and, we may even find the Christ in our ministering to those who 
 need us, according to our poet prophets. 
 
 MAY THIRTEEN 
 
 As the introductory feature of Class and Alumni Day, the "Fare- 
 well to the College Buildings" by the Senior Class was an interesting 
 ceremony. The Class made the circuit of all the buildings, their com- 
 pany of friends and visitors accompanying them. At each building a 
 representative of the Class expressed the sentiment of his associates. 
 These buildings, for four years so directly connected with the students' 
 coming and going, seemed to have a personality, like to the teachers 
 and students regularly gathered there. The gift of the Class to the 
 University was a pleasing feature. This gift was the artistic and 
 substantial mounting of the old college bell, the foundation being made 
 of varied colored boulders set in cement. A rich bronze tablet reads: 
 
 OLD TEN O'CLOCK BELL 
 Mounted by 
 King Arthur's Court 
 —1918— 
 
 Ex-Governors Hoch and Capper were on the "Governors' program" 
 
 for addresses at eleven o'clock a. m., but both were unavoidably absent. 
 
 W. R. Stubbs, former governor, was present and delivered a very 
 
able address on "Kansas Ideals." Ours are very high, not excelled by 
 those of any other state in the Union. Kansas is almost a puritan com- 
 monwealth. She adopted and wrote into her constitution the principle 
 of prohibition at a time when it was regarded elsewhere as only an 
 empty dream. Time has demonstrated its success and its value. 
 Kansas jails and poorhouses are empty. Kansas is a state with lofty, 
 patriotic ideals. In the civil war, she sent more men into the Union 
 army than there were voters in the state. In the present Great War, 
 Kansas is maintaining her record. Her people are one hundred per 
 cent American and are faithfully doing their part. 
 
 Our national shipbuilding program should be greatly enlarged 
 and millions of men sent to Europe, while those of us who cannot go 
 should give them our whole-hearted support. 
 
 THE ALUMNI LUNCHEON, at the noon hour, has not had a better 
 attendance nor a more genial and fraternal spirit than was shown this 
 year. Representatives of many of the classes were present, the inaugu- 
 ration of a fellow alumnus being the impelling invitation for attend- 
 ance. 
 
 THE ART EXHIBIT in the Studio was a surprising display of 
 beauty in color and design, wrought by clever hands directed by dis- 
 cerning eyes. The large attendance, during the week, bespoke the 
 appreciation of all. 
 
 WHY MARK MISSED COLLEGE 
 
 "Why Mark Missed College," a play in four acts, the last act 
 having two scenes, was presented in the university gymnasium in 
 the evening as one of the features of the sixtieth anniversary cele- 
 bration. 
 
 The play covered the years of 1858-59, the opening years of Baker 
 University, and depicted with historical accuracy those eventful times. 
 
 It was an intermingling of Indians, Aztecs, trail drivers, free state 
 pioneers, fire-eating southerners, runaway slaves, border ruffians and 
 missionaries, with John Brown, Jim Lane, Horace Greeley, Abraham 
 Lincoln, Henry Barricklaw and Werter R. Davis, all in the thrill of it. 
 
 And there was plenty of romance too, with the young life as it 
 centered around the first year of the first college in Kansas. Life was 
 tragic then and the play did not overlook that. It was replete with 
 startling events and had also many musical features of the times. 
 
 The entire play was written by William Colfax Markham, of the 
 class of '91, who had on several previous occasions received much hon- 
 orable mention for historical work along this line. Mr. Markham also 
 planned the special staging effects and the costumes. He was ably 
 assisted in presenting the play by Professors Geere, Leach and Sharpe, 
 of the college faculty, and the actors were chosen mostly from the 
 senior class of the university. 
 
 An orchestra, under the direction of Prof. Rowland, added much 
 to the presentation of the play, giving many selections of those years. 
 Between acts, a stereoptican gave pictures showing the surroundings 
 of the college and prominent places in the state at that period. 
 
THE CAST 
 
 Dick Stephens, proprietor Santa Fe hotel. 
 
 Three trail drivers. 
 
 Mexican helper. 
 
 Tom Stephens, son of Dick Stephens. 
 
 Clark Reynolds, carpenter on the "Old Castle," the first college 
 building of the first college in Kansas. 
 
 Werter R. Davis, first president of Baker University. During the 
 Civil war Reynolds became major and Davis the colonel of the 16th 
 Kansas Volunteer Cavalry. 
 
 Henry Barricklaw, one of the founders of Baker University. 
 
 Arthur Webster, blacksmith, now living, being 103 years of age. 
 
 Jim Connelly, owner of the claim on which is located the "Signal 
 Oak." 
 
 Mesdames Stephens, Webster, Connelly, Barricklaw, Reynolds and 
 Eldridge, guests at the banquet. 
 
 David Eldridge, one of the founders of the town of Palmyra. 
 
 Mark Eldridge, son of David Eldridge. 
 
 Ruth Eldridge, daughter of David Eldridge. 
 
 Sarah Connelly, daughter of Jim Connelly. 
 
 Claybourne Jackson, a representative of the "South." 
 
 Negro servants at the hotel. 
 
 U. S. troopers from the fort at Leavenworth. 
 
 Border ruffians. 
 
 Jem Jenkins, from the "poor white trash" of Tennessee. 
 
 College students. 
 
 White Turkey, a Shawnee Indian. 
 
 MAY FOURTEENTH 
 
 No day of Commencement week was looked forward to with more 
 interest by students and friends of Baker, and none was more im- 
 pressive in its ceremony or notable for the expressions which it 
 brought forth, than Inauguration Day. The academic procession was 
 led by Judge Nelson Case, president of the board of trustees, with 
 President Lough. Following them, the delegates from other colleges 
 and universities, the trustees of the University, the faculty, alumni 
 and students proceeded to Centenary Hall, where the inaugural exer- 
 cises were held. 
 
The Inaugural Programme 
 
 Ten o'Clock in the Morning 
 
 The Honorable Nelson Case, LL. D., President of Board of Trustees, 
 
 Presiding. 
 Prelude. 
 
 Processional Hymn — "Holy, Holy, Holy" - - - John B. Dykes 
 Invocation - The Reverend Hillary Asbury Gobin, LL. D. 
 
 Anthem The Choir 
 
 The Induction Into Office of the President Elect 
 
 by the President of the Board of Trustees 
 
 The Acceptance The President of the University 
 
 Prayer .... Bishop William Orville Shepard, LL. D. 
 
 The Inaugural Address. 
 
 Greetings 
 
 Representing the Kansas State Board of Administration 
 
 The Reverend Wilbur Nesbit Mason, A. M., D. D. 
 Representing the Kansas Primary and Secondary Schools 
 Wilbert Davidson Ross, A. M. 
 
 State Superintendent of Public Instruction 
 Representing the Christian Press 
 
 The Reverend Claudius Buchanan Spencer, LL. D. 
 Editor of the Central Christian Advocate 
 Representing the Association of American Colleges 
 The Reverend Donald John Cowling, Ph. D. 
 
 President of the Association of American Colleges 
 Representing the Association of Kansas Colleges and Universities 
 The Reverend Silas Eber Price, A. B., D. D. 
 President of Ottawa University 
 Representing the Board of Bishops of the Methodist Episcopal 
 Church 
 Bishop William Orville Shepard, LL. D. 
 Representing the Alumni of Baker University 
 Professor Ralph Ray Price, A. M. 
 
 Professor of History and Civics, Kansas Agricultural 
 College 
 Representing the Students of Baker University 
 
 John William Wellborn 
 Representing the Faculty of Baker University 
 Charles Sylvester Parmenter, Ph. D. 
 Vice-President of the University 
 
Two-Thirty in the Afternoon 
 President Samuel Alexander Lough, Ph. D., Presiding. 
 
 Baker University Hymn Mrs. Ida Ahlborn Weeks 
 
 Prayer. 
 
 Address - "The College as a Training Camp for Christian Service" 
 The Reverend Hillary Asbury Gobin, LL. D. 
 
 Vice-President of De Pauw University. 
 
 Address "Christian Education and Patriotism" 
 
 The Reverend Henry Augustus Buchtel, LL. D. 
 
 Chancellor of the University of Denver 
 
 Address "Religion and the War" 
 
 The Reverend Donald John Cowling, Ph. D. 
 President of Carleton College, Northfield, Minnesota 
 
 Doxology. 
 Benediction. 
 
 Eight in the Evening 
 
 "America the Land of Dreams" 
 
 The Reverend William Alfred Quayle, LL. D. 
 
 Bishop of the Methodist Episcopal Church 
 
 PRAYER BY DOCTOR GOBIN 
 
 Lord our God, our loving Father in Heaven, we thank Thee for 
 all Thy many blessing which have attended us up to this hour. We are 
 all the children of Thy mercy and Thy divine favor. While we come 
 before Thee in the spirit of thanksgiving and rejoicing, we feel that 
 we should acknowledge with hearty repentance our many offenses 
 against Thee and Thy commands. We have sinned against the light 
 and the guidance of Thy Holy Spirit. We have been unworthy of the 
 love and the sacrifice of Thy beloved Son, our only and our adorable 
 Saviour. We are heartily sorry for these, our Misdoings, and we 
 beseech Thee to pardon us and strengthen us that we may hereafter 
 walk worthily of our high calling in Christ Jesus. 
 
 We thank Thee, Lord, that while the world is distressed with the 
 cruelties of an awful war, we are permitted to meet together here in 
 this scene of peace and prosperity. But we cannot exult over our happi- 
 ness. Our hearts are depressed by this burden of sorrow that is now 
 crushing the nations. We are not without our personal griefs. We have 
 seen our choice young men, students we have learned to trust, admire, 
 and love, leave our lecture-rooms, our laboratories, and our libraries, 
 to respond to the call of their country. They have gone with brave 
 hearts and cheerful smiles to meet all the perils of a soldier's life. 
 Thou knowest, Lord, what a hidden grief they have suffered to sacri- 
 fice their plans of holy endeavor in peaceful and constructive pursuits, 
 but they have come out of this temporary sorrow into a radiant devo- 
 
 8 
 
Hon to their country's defense and the world's redemption. Lord God, 
 bless our student-soldiers; bless all our soldier boys, be ever with them 
 in the fulness of Thy power and Thy goodness; whether in camp or 
 field or hospital, may they be fully conscious of Thy love. Lord, we 
 beseech Thee that this horrid war may bring to this world a lasting 
 peace. May our own country rise to a higher sphere of blessedness, 
 both at home and abroad. 
 
 "America, America, God shed His grace on thee, 
 And crown thy good with brotherhood 
 From sea to shining sea!" 
 
 Blessed Father, guide and help us in all the events of this Com- 
 mencement occasion. We thank Thee for this great day in the history 
 of this great school. We thank Thee that years ago brave and noble 
 men with great faith in Thee and great devotion to the welfare of 
 their fellow-men founded this institution. We thank Thee for the men 
 and the women who have labored here. We thank Thee for the long 
 procession of students passing through these halls. They have come 
 from many conditions of life, but all have been attended with parental 
 solicitude, sacrifice, and prayer. They have gone forth to do their part 
 in the testing affairs of life. We- thank Thee that they have been a 
 great force for righteousness and promoters of the Kingdom of Christ. 
 
 And now, Blessed Father, may Thy choice blessings abide with our 
 dear brother who now becomes the head of this University. We thank 
 Thee for his career as a student here, for services as a teacher here 
 and elsewhere. We thank Thee for his companion and all the blessings 
 of his home. We thank Thee for the peculiar honor of his election to 
 the presidency of his Alma Mater. We thank Thee for all our bright 
 hopes for his success in this high office. And unto Thee, Lord out 
 God, be all our thanksgiving and praise and obedience, now and for- 
 evermore. Amen. 
 
 ADDRESS ON "THE UNIFYING PRINCIPLE OP A COLLEGE 
 STANDARD" AND FORMAL INDUCTION, BY JUDGE CASE. 
 
 Music, painting, science, mathematics, athletics, each has an essen- 
 tial element which is and necessarily must be in complete harmony 
 with every other branch of learning which has an essential element, 
 for knowledge is one and all truth is harmonious. A college must 
 strive to discover and utilize a controlling force or principle which 
 will place its instruction on a basis of universal harmony. 
 
 The voice and the instrument must be in tune and in the same 
 key. The painter must have a certain point around which his work 
 clusters — somewhere in the background he must see a streak of light. 
 The mathematician, in striving to raise his problem to the nth power 
 will do so without sacrificing either term of the equation. The athlete 
 will not destroy the vigor of his mental powers in order to secure 
 strength and activity of muscle. Some of our latent powers we may 
 not be able to develop at once, but we do not want an education that 
 
 9 
 
will make it impossible to have them developed at some time, or that 
 will put our acquirements out of harmony with such powers should 
 we seek their development. 
 
 Such an occasion as this does not furnish the place or the time 
 to discuss the merits of a college curriculum; but it may not be out 
 of place to call attention to some fundamental principles in a course 
 of study and the ultimate ends at which a college aims. A college is, 
 or should be, much more than a campus, and buildings, and faculty, 
 and students. Carefully prepared and well matured plans should exist 
 for perpetuating the work it is doing day by day, and for extending 
 its influence so as to reach, directly or indirectly, every individual 
 within its patronizing territory. Not alone the young people who are 
 fortunate enough to take a college course of instruction, but their 
 parents as well must be in the eye of the college authorities. And 
 beyond that, the vast body of young people who never go, and who 
 never plan and perhaps never care to go to college, must not be lost 
 sight of by those whose business it is to direct college work. For in 
 some way every citizen of the state must be made to feel that he if 
 not uncared for by those who deal with the highest interests of uni- 
 versal citizenship. 
 
 This intangible part of the college work which cannot be seen nor 
 handled will not in any manner be comprehended by the careless 
 observer, nevertheless it is one of the most valuable assets that a col- 
 lege possesses. That this is largely almost an undeveloped field in 
 the work of most of our colleges can hardly be doubted. How it is to 
 be made practical and efficient is a serious problem calling for the 
 closest study and the most persistent as well as the most patient effort. 
 
 You may deal with the student in the class room with compara- 
 tive ease; but how to touch and help those out of your sight and 
 beyond your reach is an entirely different problem. But because it is 
 a necessary part of a unified and universal system of education for 
 the whole people a practicable scheme for doing the work must be 
 discovered. A principle which seems to me an essential feature of 
 this scheme I shall mention presently. 
 
 The educator who is to train citizens must have a breadth of 
 vision as extended as the range of individual callings. If he is in 
 charge of a college he must prepare a curriculum which shall provide 
 for those branches which it proposes to cover, and at the same time 
 shall be a preparation for other branches and departments of knowl- 
 edge which may be taught elsewhere. Baker is seeking to develop 
 scientists, not to ignore or dwarf athletes; she desires to send out 
 linguists, but not at the expense of philosophy; she wishes to furnish 
 musicians, but not to crowd out the mechanics. Her purpose is to 
 make every power she helps to develop an element of strength in 
 securing a perfect and harmonious citizenship. And she believes this 
 can never be done in anything like a complete whole except under 
 the controlling influence of a principle that is universal and in itself 
 supreme — one that can use each human power that has been developed 
 in the formation of a still higher form of attainment that goes to 
 make up the strongest constituency of human rights and human cul- 
 
 10 
 
ture. The viewpoint of the college must necessarily adjust itself to 
 the ever widening horizon of human achievement. It must remember 
 that any one of its students may desire to enter what now seems the 
 most unlikely field of activity; and therefore his training here must 
 be of a character that will fit him for taking hold of such work when 
 he shall come to encounter its privileges and its difficulties. In other 
 words, the student while here must be given an insight into and a 
 taste for the joys of the undiscovered and the undiscoverable. For 
 there is no such thing as the mastery of one subject which has not 
 already revealed at least the edge of the outlying field which lies Just 
 beyond. Ulysses, as interpreted by Tennyson, had this view when he 
 said : 
 
 "I am a part of all that I have met; 
 Yet all experience is an arch wherethro' 
 Gleams the untraveled world whose margin fades 
 Forever and forever when I move. 
 How dull it is to pause, to make an end, 
 To rust unburnished, not to shine in use! 
 As though to breathe were life." 
 
 I will mention two controlling principles which are, as I think, 
 in harmony with the subject to which I have referred, each funda- 
 mental, one in respect to citizenship, the other with all human inter- 
 ests and acquirements. 
 
 I have said that a college should reach and influence every indi- 
 vidual within its patronizing territory. But a small proportion of 
 these people it must do so through the principles it disseminates 
 hardly know of the existence of such an institution. If it influences 
 these people it must do so through the principles its disseminates 
 among them. A college that does not make good citizens has failed 
 of its mission. "All men are created equal" has a real substantial 
 meaning which we must never permit to be frittered away. There is 
 something more essential than equality in weight and stature, more 
 valuable than real estate and corporate stock, more enduring than 
 bank accounts and commercial credits. It is not essential — probably 
 not desirable — that equality should exist in respect to the matters I 
 have named. But the right to be born in a region where crime is not 
 taught and practiced, to have the opportunity of breathing pure air 
 in infancy, to spend youthful years untainted with moral corruption, 
 to enter life in the years of responsibility for one's self with business 
 vocations open, with social enjoyments unfettered, with religious cul- 
 ture as accessible as the air we breathe are not mere privileges but 
 rights which God intended should be the heritage of every child born 
 into this world. Our colleges — this college — must teach and practice 
 these principles. Let it not be forgotten that America is a democ- 
 racy; that privileged classes are an exotic to our soil; that, after all, 
 the Declaration of Independence is not a glittering generality to 
 which statesmen are to give no heed and jurists are not to take into 
 account in construing and enforcing our fundamental rights. The 
 
 11 
 
great world conflict which has been in progress for four years, and 
 in which our government has been directly engaged for more than a 
 year past, has emphasized the fact, which some of us have believed 
 for a long time, that what humanity needs is not simply scholars but 
 patriots, not so much mere orthodoxy as more Christianity. Let me 
 reiterate the statement, which is not entirely new among those who 
 assemble here, the mission of Baker is to furnish educated christian 
 patriots; and, I may add, it must be a brand of patriotism that recog- 
 nizes a human brotherhood of world-wide extent, and a democracy 
 that is intended for every human being. This obligation can be dis- 
 charged only by bringing our influence to bear on our whole constitu- 
 ency — those at home as well as those who enroll as students. 
 
 I have said that the college student must be led to anticipate the 
 undiscovered and undiscoverable. To realize this aim requires the 
 consideration of some subject which itself reaches into the infinite 
 in order that it may co-ordinate and bind in one the various fields 
 of knowledge which are beyond the grasp of any one individual, and 
 thus to inspire an effort on the part of the student to press on for 
 an attempted mastery of those sublime problems. The realm of this 
 knowledge thus to be investigated will include good citizenship and 
 political rights, to which I have referred, as well as all other branches 
 of knowledge which are considered profitable in perfecting an intelli- 
 gent and cultured people who believe in and are willing to help secure 
 the enjoyment by all men of equal rights whatever their calling and 
 wherever their residence may be. We believe that God Himself has 
 given us a textbook — and the only textbook — which opens to our vision 
 this infinite and ever-broadening field for investigation and study. To 
 its consideration, and a determination to gain an intelligent knowledge 
 of the sublime truths which it contains, Baker University is irrevoca- 
 bly committed. We know of no other book which presents the enlarged 
 fields of human activities and acquirements which are here portrayed. 
 We look for a raising of the standard which shall mark the effort 
 expected to be made to secure the ideal which this book places be- 
 fore us. 
 
 Dr. Lough, it was largely because of our personal knowledge of 
 you, gathered from an observance of your life at Baker during the 
 comparatively long term of years you spent here, first as student and 
 then as teacher, that induced the Board to select you, rather than 
 some one of the other eminent educators whom we had under consid- 
 eration, as President of Baker University and leader of this broaden- 
 ing movement which we feel is especially demanded at this time. 
 Your life among us as student and teacher demonstrated to our satis- 
 faction your universal sympathy with struggling humanity, your firm 
 faith in an overruling Providence interested in their advancement, 
 your deep conviction that God has spoken to man through his revealed 
 word, and has sent the one only being who understands man's needs 
 and is able to meet them, and that this one being is the supreme spir- 
 itual and moral controlling force in the universe. Because of your 
 possessing these qualities, together with a broad scholarship, a clear 
 conception of truth, and an unflinching courage to meet and conquer 
 
 12 
 
difficult problems, we welcome you to this field of hard work, and of 
 great possibilities. 
 
 You are to be the custodian and the preserver of many of our 
 precious possessions. I now deliver to you the charter of the Univer- 
 sity, which is the legal foundation for our existence, the keys which 
 will unlock the buildings that have been placed on the campus out 
 of the meager income of a loving people possessed of but a limited 
 amount of financial means but rich in the stores of brotherly love, 
 and I also, in so far as I have the power, place at your disposal the 
 farther key of Opportunity with which we trust you may unlock the 
 golden treasury of Divine gifts from which you may supply intellectual 
 and spiritual food to a no inconsiderable part of hungering humanity. 
 Dr. Lough, I now declare you President of Baker University with all 
 the rights, privileges and responsibilities belonging to that office. 
 
 ACCEPTANCE BY DOCTOR LOUGH 
 
 With high appreciation of the honor conferred, a profound sense 
 of the responsibility involved, and a clear knowledge of the duties 
 imposed, in the fear of God and the love of boys 'and girls, I accept 
 from you the office of President of this college. As I trust God for 
 wisdom and strength, so I confidently rely upon the trustees, the 
 faculty, the alumni, the students and friends for that loyalty and 
 co-operation without which I know I cannot successfully do the work 
 of this office. I sincerely ask and expect your sympathy, your prayers, 
 and your help. 
 
 PRAYER BY BISHOP SHEPARD 
 
 Thou God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, in whose exam- 
 ple and indwelling grace we find the inspiration of all right motive, 
 strength for all service and sufficiency for all trial, grant thine 
 almighty aid and approval upon the honors here bestowed and the 
 endeavors here undertaken. 
 
 And may Thy favor be manifest in the success of the labors of 
 this Thy servant. And may his service begun, continued and ended 
 in Thee, redound to Thy glory in the increase of Thy Kingdom through 
 the building of this Institution of Liberal Learning and Christian nur- 
 ture. Hear us as we humbly ask in Christ's name. 
 
 INAUGURAL ADDRESS: "THE EDUCATIONAL CHALLENGE OF 
 THE GREAT WAR," BY DOCTOR LOUGH 
 
 We hear much concerning change and modifications in different 
 phases of our life after this great war is ended. Life must be different. 
 The war is severely testing philosophies and institutions and challeng- 
 ing their very existence. We all realize with rapidly increasing clear- 
 ness and certainty that everything is being weighed in the balance. 
 Whatever survives must survive by proving itself worthy in power to 
 serve, rather than by profession and historic claim. 
 
 Education cannot escape this all-inclusive test and challenge. 
 
 13 
 
Rather we must prepare to endure the test and to meet the challenge 
 with a bold confidence born of conscious power. We must study to 
 discover, and then frankly, sincerely, uncompromisingly and even grate- 
 fully acknowledge that in which we are found wanting. We must 
 study to define the consequent challenge and set ourselves to work 
 to meet it. 
 
 In their relation to human progress great wars perform a two- 
 fold function of dynamically related parts. They at once express and 
 fashion great developing movements in civilization. In the fifth cen- 
 tury before the Christian era, the war between the Greeks and the 
 Persians both expressed and fashioned individualism. Through mil- 
 leniums of barbaric life, men had become slaves to institutions. This 
 condition had come to full development among the Persians. At the 
 same time the counter tendency to individualism was growing and 
 maturing among the Greeks. When the Greek met the Persian at 
 Marathon this individualism expressed itself and demonstrated its 
 superiority. This expression was in fact a revelation of the existence 
 and a demonstration of the worth of the individual and thereby fash- 
 ioned that which it expressed. It gained for individualism an appre- 
 ciation and power growing and permanent. With varying fortunes, 
 from that day to this, individualism has persistently and successfully 
 challenged unbalanced institutionalism. 
 
 In similar manner, a showing may be made for other great historic 
 wars. The long series of wars resulting in the rise and development 
 of parliamentary and constitutional government in England; the 
 French revolution resulting in the recognition of the interests of all 
 citizens; the American revolution resulting in the establishment of 
 the right of a natural unit to self-government; and our own Civil War 
 resulting in securing the integrity of the natural unit compatible with 
 flexibility of local self-government, all expressed and fashioned great 
 movements or interests. 
 
 I do not mean to suggest that war is essential to expression and 
 development. It is not. Rather it is incidental. War is the violent 
 issue of the struggle between the intrenched old and the expanding and 
 advancing new. A perfectly scientific handling of this struggle would 
 result in the expression and development of the interest without war. 
 The present Great War is expressing and fashioning many interests. 
 Two of these engage our attention at this time: Democracy, as the sane 
 and effective political organization and rule, and that the natural 
 ground of the moral claim must have practical and effective recogni- 
 tion and expression. In its expressing and fashioning these two great 
 interests, I find the two-fold challenge of this Great War to education. 
 
 This war challenges education to teach and give training in democ- 
 racy, charged with the spirit of brotherhood. It is comparatively easy 
 to define both democracy and brotherhood, but it is very necessary to 
 study the two in their historic development in order to realize that the 
 spirit of brotherhood is essential to vitalize democracy and thereby 
 make it effective. The two have been historically parallel, but altogether 
 too independent in development. We have gradually come to think of 
 democracy as the form and of brotherhood as the soul of the ideal order 
 
 14 
 
toward which we are struggling as our goal. This war is enabling us 
 to see clearly, as we have with painful slowness been seeing obscurely, 
 that democracy, the outer form, has developed with little or none of 
 brotherhood, the inner soul. The result is that democracy has been com- 
 paratively disappointing in its fruits because it has not been vitalized 
 with the spirit of brotherhood, while brotherhood has been equally dis- 
 appointing because it has lacked a favorable form through which to 
 work effectively. 
 
 As in the individual the egoistic impulse precedes the altruistic in 
 manifestation and development, so in collective or social life aristoc- 
 racy in form and the assumption of special merit and privilege in spirit, 
 preceded democracy and brotherhood. This selfish aristocracy has ruled 
 supreme in political, industrial, and social life, not simply for centuries 
 but for milleniums. Consequently it has become thoroughly and exten- 
 sively intrenched. As the alert and intelligent individual gradually 
 discovers that the egoistic motive and activity unseasoned with the 
 altruistic motive and activity defeat their aims, so in collective experi- 
 ence, we have discovered the essential weakness of selfish aristocracy. 
 This expanding life has developed a protest against aristocracy which in 
 these modern days has become powerful and universal. We are demand- 
 ing that aristocracy in government be banished and that the world be 
 made "safe for democracy." 
 
 But in the midst of this great war to make the world safe for 
 democracy, we are seeing clearly the need of making democracy safe 
 for the world. We now realize that the human interests that moved the 
 protest against aristocracy in favor of democracy have been but par- 
 tially and imperfectly served. We have discovered, too, why democ- 
 racy has so imperfectly served us. Under the bitter conditions of aris- 
 tocracy, the exploiters and the exploited had the same spirit. The 
 exploited assumed that if they could substitute the democratic for the 
 aristocratic form, all would be well. But in extensive, bitter experience 
 we have discovered that the new form must have the new spirit. The 
 old spirit has abundantly demonstrated its ability to use the new form 
 to serve its ends. Democracy charged with the old selfish spirit of 
 aristocracy, leaves men enslaved in fact while free in name. While 
 claiming and sacrificing to maintain the right not to be oppressed, men 
 have found many ways in which to abuse this in using it as privilege 
 and power to oppress. Democracy which claims the right not to be 
 oppressed will become safe for the world as it learns not to interpret 
 this as the right to oppress. This regeneration can take place only as 
 men learn to vitalize the democratic form with the spirit of brother- 
 hood. 
 
 The suggestion has already been made that brotherhood has had an 
 evolution parallel with, but too much independent of democracy. We 
 now see that brotherhood is the ideal bond of union and ground of the 
 consideration of interest. The history of its development is parallel 
 with the history of mankind. 
 
 In savage culture, the bond was that of blood relationship. This 
 determined the limits within which the interests of others were consid- 
 ered, In proportion as this blood relationship did not exist, men felt 
 
 15 
 
justified in disregarding the interests of their neighbors and even in 
 destroying the people, when they did not enslave them. They seemed to 
 have felt that it was their sacred duty to exploit and kill. 
 
 Through centuries and even milleniums of struggle the discovery 
 was made that this order is weak in power to serve life. As this dis- 
 covery was made, society gradually evolved into a second stage of cul- 
 ture, the barbarian. In this stage, that which dominated the savage 
 was still strong. Blood relation remained as the bond of union and as 
 the basis upon which interests were considered and respected. At the 
 same time, the bond and basis of respect was modified by social condi- 
 tion and in scope was extended to national as over against tribal bounds. 
 To this barbarian stage belonged the great nations of antiquity, Egypt, 
 Babylonia, Assyria, India, China, the Medes and the Persians. The 
 blood relation binds them into oneness as nations and social conditions 
 determine merit among themselves. The same blood guarantees pro- 
 tection against attack by people of a different blood and nation, but 
 social rank or class distinction conditions right and privilege among 
 those of the same nation. 
 
 Centuries of barbarian life and culture gradually revealed its inher- 
 ent weakness. Interests, neglected by the denial of rights and the 
 enjoyment of privileges by certain social classes, asserted themselves 
 with increasing and cumulative power. The interests of every citizen 
 pressed with increasing effectiveness for recognition as equally merito- 
 rious with the interests of any citizen. Thus the principle of brother- 
 hood emerged and developed as a saner and better bond of union and 
 ground of reckoning with the interests. The best civilizations were 
 lifted to the civic plane of culture. In civic culture the nation is still 
 the unit as in barbarian culture. The geographical bounds within which 
 men's interests are respected are identical with national bounds. The 
 blood and social bonds continue strong but there appears in highly 
 developed form the great essential in brotherhood — merit or righteous- 
 ness. Henceforth this new and dynamic force is to have a prominent 
 and transforming part in the life and development of man. This civic 
 culture found its complete expression in the mature civilizations of 
 Israel and Greece. For Israel, all men were classed as Jews or Gen- 
 tiles. The interests of all Jews were considered on the ground of merit 
 or righteousness. The interests of Gentiles were disregarded. When 
 Israel was classing men as Jews and Gentiles, the Greeks were doing 
 the same under different names. All men were either Greeks or bar- 
 barians. A Greek and his interests were reckoned with upon the ground 
 of merit; the barbarian and his interests were disregarded. 
 
 When Israel and Greece perished as nations, Christianity arose, 
 ushering in the human stage of culture. The vital element of the human 
 is identical with the vital element of the civic, the bond between men 
 and the basis upon which interests are respected is brotherhood, merit, 
 righteousness. The human differs from the civic in reckoning all men 
 as brothers while the civic keeps within national bounds. In the 
 thought of many, the seed of human brotherhood has produced but 
 meager and disappointing fruit. This is not surprising. It could pro- 
 duce no better fruit than the possibility of the soil in which it was 
 
 16 
 
planted. The soil needed to be improved. The history of the last two 
 thousand years has been the history of the comparative divorce between 
 the political and the moral and religious minds. Cultures have been 
 largely civic with the human clamoring for recognition. This condi- 
 tion is emphasized by the antagonism so common between political and 
 commercial activity and the missionary activity of the Christian church. 
 
 Parallel with the development of the principle of brotherhood has 
 been the rise and development of democracy. Democracy as form, 
 unvitalized with the spirit of brotherhood, has been tested or is being 
 tested and found wanting. Is this not true of political democracy? No 
 better statement of sound political democracy has been found than, "A 
 government of the people, by the people, and for the people." It is a 
 fact unchallenged that modern government, democratic in form, has 
 been imperfectly or not at all, "for the people." It is equally clear to 
 thoughtful and observing men that it will not be "for the people" 
 excepting as the form is charged and vitalized with the spirit of broth- 
 erhood. Brotherhood must be more than a theory. It must find active 
 and practical expression as service. 
 
 It is equally clear that industrial democracy cannot realize the 
 dreams and promises of its champions unless vitalized with the spirit 
 of brotherhood. In form, industrial democracy means the control of 
 the agencies and fruits of production by the producers. It aims at a 
 condition in which the achievement of his own good by any citizen will 
 harmonize with and minister to an equal good of every citizen. Although 
 the agencies and results of production may be controlled by the produc- 
 ers, the best results, that which industrial democracy aims at, cannot 
 be had unless the producers are dominated with the spirit of brother- 
 hood. 
 
 Every student of human betterment must recognize that we need a 
 great development and extension of what is being appropriately called 
 "moral democracy." This demands the free and active acceptance of 
 and the hearty cooperation in all social and industrial regulations when 
 these have been properly defined and established. It is a condition in 
 which men heartily accept and assume obligation as they recognize 
 value. Evidently moral democracy cannot exist without the vital ele- 
 ment of brotherhood. In a democracy we elect representatives of the 
 people to enact laws and establish conditions for the common good. 
 Every citizen insists that every other citizen shall obey these laws and 
 meet these conditions. At the same time it is too commonly true that 
 individual citizens act upon the policy of disobeying these laws and vio- 
 lating these conditions as it may suit their convenience. The only 
 possible remedy for this is brotherhood, more extensive and more inten- 
 sive. This is the substance of the Golden Rule. Manifestly, democracy 
 cannot realize its aim excepting as it is charged with the spirit that 
 will exact of self all that it demands of others. We must realize, too, 
 that activity seasoned with brotherhood, is our great and effective 
 demand for the same service from others. 
 
 That democracy must be vitalized with the spirit of brotherhood is 
 self-evident when we consider it in social and religious life. A social 
 democracy — a social life in which no artificial discrimination is prac- 
 
 17 
 
ticed and no arbitrary demands are made, and a religious democracy — 
 a democracy in which every man is recognized as standing before God 
 and esteemed among men for what he is rather than for what he pro- 
 fesses or for the accident of racial or social condition, are themselves 
 brotherhood, active and universal. 
 
 This war has made prominent on an unparalleled scale two facts; 
 that the world is not yet safe for democracy, and that democracy is not 
 yet safe for the world. We have been compelled to re-examine the 
 whole cause and problem of democracy. On the one hand there is tre- 
 mendous resistance to its extension. On the other hand, the quality of 
 democracy greatly needs improving. In our discussion of the evolution 
 of brotherhood we brought out the great need of improving the quality 
 by securing an inseparable union between democracy and brotherhood. 
 The avowed purpose and effort of the Germans to dominate the world 
 with their autocracy and military imperialism has profoundly per- 
 suaded us that democracy is safe in no quarter unless safe in every 
 quarter. The reflection which the war has occasioned has brought us to 
 see and acknowledge that there are within our democratic countries 
 many forces and conditions hostile to democracy. 
 
 Thus the war has brought a challenge to education. In all our 
 work we should make prominent the cause and fortunes of democracy. 
 We must dwell more upon the rise and development of both democracy 
 and brotherhood. We must somehow bring the young men and women 
 going out from our colleges to realize that the common aim of democ- 
 racy and brotherhood can be achieved only by a union of the two. The 
 most effective agencies for this are historic study and scientific criti- 
 cism of current life and institutions. In addition to this, much can be 
 done in other ways. But however it is done, the challenge is that we 
 teach effectively the value of democracy vitalized with brotherhood. 
 
 Instruction alone is not sufficient. If possible, students should be 
 given positive and clearly defined experience in democracy vitalized by 
 the spirit of brotherhood. The college has in high degree favorable 
 opportunity for making this education an incident of a real situation. 
 It can do this by organizing its life and activity upon the democratic 
 plan. Wherever there is in the concrete anything favorable it should 
 be encouraged. Wherever there is anything undemocratic, it should be 
 transformed or eliminated and the democratic put in its place. There 
 has been some fragmentary experimenting in college democracy. The 
 results have not been entirely satisfactory. But if we once determine 
 that the attempts are sound in principle, should we become discouraged 
 and give up because in its initial stages the results are not perfect? 
 The same condition would compel us to abandon political democracy, 
 and the prospect will compel us to surrender before we so much as make 
 trial of industrial democracy. 
 
 For many reasons we must not expect results to be perfect. Think- 
 ing and doing of long standing are antagonistic. It will require time 
 to throw off the old and to establish the new. First of all, it is neces- 
 sary to define, so far as possible, under existing conditions, what the 
 sound democratic order of college life is. Then we must develop an 
 effective habit of obedience to this order by an appeal to interest and 
 
 18 
 
self-control rather than by external pressure and control by others. We 
 must emphasize and furnish wholesome opportunity for the exercise of 
 moral democracy among students. In proportion as we succeed we 
 shall educate for a greatly improved citizenship. In short, in our 
 schools and colleges lies the hope of democracy vitalized with the 
 spirit of brotherhood. We dare not prove slackers. 
 
 This war is expressing and fashioning the moral interest, that 
 there is a ground in nature for the moral claim and that the enrich- 
 ment and empowering of life require the practical and effective recog- 
 nition and expression of this claim. 
 
 As has been conceived and stated by many persons and in many 
 ways this war is the tragedy of the moral collapse of Germany. Her 
 strength has been in the appreciation and application of the physical 
 sciences. The degree to which she has made these minister to the life 
 of her people in the time of peace has commanded the admiration of 
 the world. The gigantic power in war which she has developed by their 
 application is taxing the strength of the allied world to defeat her. In 
 scholarship and learning Germany was strong. I shall soon note the 
 great weakness of this scholarship and learning. But apart from this 
 one weakness, she was strong. Her schools attracted the students of 
 the very nations now at war with her. These students returned with 
 the highest admiration and appreciation of the learning and scholarship 
 of the German professor. This was not the experience of the few but 
 the common experience of the many. 
 
 Germany's weakness arose from making the moral nihilism of some 
 of her philosophers the ethical basis of her governmental activity. This 
 is not a debatable charge. It is but the recognition of a fact as plainly 
 and boastingly made by her leaders. Not for information, for of this 
 we have an abundance, but for emphasis, I quote a few of their utter- 
 ances: 
 
 Herman in the Neue Rundschau of November, 1914, wrote: "Kultur 
 is a spiritual organization in the world which does not exclude bloody 
 savagery. It is above morality, above reason, and above science." 
 
 Professor Lasson wrote: "A state can commit no crime; the 
 observation of treaties is not a question of right, but a question of 
 interest." 
 
 Maximilian Hardin: "Is Germany strong? She is! Then what 
 are you talking about, professors in spectacles and theologians in slip- 
 pers? Is there such a thing as right? Have noble ideas any value? 
 What chimeras are you defending? One principle only counts, one alone 
 which sums up all the others — Might." 
 
 In his "Also Sprach Zarathustra" Nietzsche wrote: "Thou shalt 
 not kill, thou shalt not steal.' These words were called holy at one time. 
 Before them one bent the knee and took off one's shoes. But I ask you 
 where could be found better brigands or better assassins than were 
 these holy words? Is there not robbery and murder in life itself? 
 . . . Oh, my brothers, break to pieces the ancient tablets." 
 
 From "The German Soldier's Ten Commandments of Iron," by 
 Lieutenant Joachim von der Goltz, I quote these: 
 
 "Be strict with the enemy." 
 
 19 
 
"Pay no attention to so-called international law." 
 
 "Have no pity for old men, women, or children." 
 
 All this is in keeping with the now notorious instructions of Empe- 
 ror William to his troops, leaving for China in 1900, an utterance 
 which must forever brand him as a barbarian: "Give no quarter; be 
 as terrible as the Huns of Attila." 
 
 Germany's philosophy of moral nihilism is her weakness. Her 
 national conduct based upon this philosophy is her . crime against 
 humanity, the blackest page in history. Never are protest and con- 
 demnation of national perfidy so powerful and universal as the allied 
 world is now making against that of Germany. The essential unsound- 
 ness and weakness of conduct in contempt of moral law are being 
 indelibly stamped upon the minds of the world by Germany's course of 
 frightfulness and crime. It is the greatest example in the history of 
 man of "things at their worst must cease." The allied world is saying 
 with a determined earnestness and an unparalleled sacrifice, "The Hun 
 must be defeated!" May we not hope that out of the awful experiences 
 of this war we will come not only with the Hun utterly defeated, but, 
 in his defeat, more clearly than ever before recognizing that the moral 
 claim must be practically honored in all relations and interests as well 
 as in international. Never again may the nature and permanency and 
 the essential place in life of the moral law be debated. Germany's 
 crime, so far from confirming her philosophy, has forever established 
 the necessity and supremacy of morality. When this Great War shall 
 have become history, the entire world will see anew that "He maketh 
 the wrath of man to praise Him." 
 
 But to ignore significant facts, however unpleasant and humiliat- 
 ing they may be, is weakness. Moral nihilism has not been confined to 
 Germany. Germany has harvested the mature fruit by expressing it in 
 her national conduct. But the seed had been sown and the plant had 
 begun to thrive in nations now fighting it as humanity's great enemy. 
 We ourselves did not by any means escape its insidious attack. The 
 philosophy was accepted and taught in some of our schools and colleges. 
 The philosophy of Nietzsche had found favorable reception. His writ- 
 ings were commended to students with manifest approval. In some 
 instances his moral nihilism was defended. He was hailed as the great 
 and victorious champion, giving the final death blow to the contention 
 that the moral claim has a real and permanent place in nature. This 
 was reflected in a manner familiar to students throughout the country. 
 The common question, "Is there any absolute standard in morality?" 
 was commonly answered, "No." In making this answer, it was ordi- 
 narily meant that there is no permanent basis for the moral claim. If 
 by the question we mean to ask, "Is there any permanent basis in nature 
 for the moral claim?" the answer must be, "Yes." All historic stand- 
 ards simply embody partial and fragmentary interpretations of this 
 natural basis. Consequently, if by the question we mean to ask, "Is any 
 historic interpretation of nature's claim permanent and final?" the 
 answer must be, "No." We would escape this blunder if we would once 
 clearly recognize that we must ask no more of moral science than w* 
 ask of physical science. The historic interpretations of nature's claim. 
 
 20 
 
in the physical order are also fragmentary and imperfect. But nature's 
 claim is not imperfect and is not doubtful. And nature's claim in the 
 moral order is definite and precise. Oar problem in ethical science is 
 to make our interpretation more accurate and precise. 
 
 Let not those outside of school and college be over-ready to condemn 
 the teachers. They were but reflecting in their philosophical learning 
 that which was extensively practiced in political and industrial life. 
 This condition was thoroughly dramatized by Mr. Churchill in his book, 
 "A Far Country." Some of the criticisms on this dramatization empha- 
 sized the presence of the monster. The author was criticized for get- 
 ting into the field rather late. We were all so familiar with the condi- 
 tions dramatized that the book made no revelations. The fact is, there 
 has gradually grown up among us a vast library dealing with it in its 
 various forms and fields of activity. We had legislated against it. The 
 power of our courts was taxed to the limit in dealing with it. Great 
 masses of our citizens were organizing to fight the results of the mon- 
 ster's activity. I say results, rather than the thing itself, for too often 
 moral nihilism was used in fighting moral nihilism. We must see 
 clearly that this destructive philosophy expresses itself under either or 
 both of two conditions. In its rankest form it will exploit the interests 
 of others in violation of a formal treaty or agreement, provided it is 
 strong enough. In milder, but no less destructive form it will exploit 
 the interests of others where there is no formal agreement to respect 
 them, because it has the power to do it. Conduct to be free from taint, 
 must respect interests in proportion as they are seen to be interests. 
 Before this war, was all our political and industrial life moving on this 
 high plane? Were all our political and industrial agents even conced- 
 ing that it should? Were the interests of the innocent and weak ever 
 exploited by the shrewd and strong when there was no formal agree- 
 ment to interfere? Were they ever exploited in spite of formal agree- 
 ment? 
 
 Let us be clear. Our complaint against Germany is not that she is 
 consciously strong. Under the circumstances this is our regret. Our 
 complaint is that she boastingly proposes to substitute her might for 
 right. We are insisting that the principles of individual and private 
 morality must be the principles of collective and public morality, that 
 what is binding between individuals is equally binding between nations. 
 Are we ready to insist, as we now surely see, that what is wrong in 
 international relations is equally wrong in political and industrial 
 relations? 
 
 These facts and conditions confront our schools and colleges with 
 a great challenge. We must give more attention to the science and art 
 of conduct. While in no sense neglecting other sciences and interests, 
 we must teach morality more than we have been teaching it. This 
 teaching should by no means limit itself to stating and enforcing moral 
 precepts. This has a place, but in teaching, ethics must be put thor- 
 oughly and universally among the sciences, and the art of living among 
 the arts. 
 
 The fundamental contention of ethics as a science, that the moral 
 claim is grounded in nature, must be made clear and so presented as to 
 
 21 
 
command universal acceptance. This demands the recognition of the 
 moral phase of the order of nature as well as of the physical. It must 
 be shown, for instance, that the law of justice is as natural and binding 
 in the moral order as is the law of gravitation in the physical order. 
 We may be told that justice is an abstraction. Certainly it is. So also 
 is gravitation. But there exists as concrete in nature a class of facts 
 of which gravitation is an abstraction, the mutual, or reciprocal pull 
 between bodies. So in the moral phase of nature there is a class of 
 facts of which justice is an abstraction, the pull of mutual or reciprocal 
 interests. Just as certainly as we can not have a physical order of 
 things without the pull which we call gravity, so certainly we cannot 
 have a moral order of people without the pull of interests which we call 
 the demands of justice. They are equally phases of nature. 
 
 While there is a nice inter-relation between the physical and the 
 moral orders, which needs not to be discussed at this time and for our 
 present purpose, the one cannot be a substitute for the other. The 
 physical no more for the moral than the moral for the physical. We 
 must study the physical wherever physical forces are at work, in the 
 order of things. We must study the moral where moral forces are at 
 work, in the order of interests. This order is eternally existent poten- 
 tially, and actually existent wherever man lives in relation to man. 
 
 From a scientific study of the facts of the order of interests, we 
 must draw our inferences and then return to this order to verify our 
 conclusions. In this way we should deal with all our interests and con- 
 sequent moral demands. Our young people should be taught and 
 brought to realize that moral laws are not mere conventions but an 
 order of nature, that sound conduct is not elective but a relentless yet 
 beneficent requirement of nature, that it is not artificial and arbitrary, 
 but natural and constitutional. 
 
 As in the physical order we teach and train in the application of 
 principles, discovered in science, in the industrial and fine arts, so in 
 the moral order in addition to the science of ethics, we must teach and 
 train in the application of the principles discovered to the art of con- 
 duct. Here as elsewhere, science must serve to justify its existence. 
 Here also we should try to make education an incident of a real situa- 
 tion. As we seek to make our college machine shops models in indus- 
 trial art and agencies for training master workmen in these arts, so we 
 should try to make the college community a model in the art of con- 
 duct, and thereby an agency for training masters of conduct for life. 
 
 In our plans and expectations we must not think that we can lift 
 the moral conditions of the college community too much above the level 
 of the moral life of the time outside the college community. But we 
 may organize the moral sense of the life of the time so as to give it a 
 favorable opportunity to reveal and thereby demonstrate its value to 
 serve our interests. The college community is favorable for this, since 
 it is comparatively free from some of the antagonizing influences of 
 ordinary life. Herein the college should strive to do in moral education 
 a work similar to that which it is already doing in turning out leaders 
 and specialists in the industrial arts. That is, the college should send 
 out individualized members of society, leaders and redeeming centerp 
 
 22 
 

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of influence in the human struggle to realize the Kingdom of God on 
 earth. This war has revealed this demand. Society everywhere should 
 enforce this demand upon the colleges. Less than two per cent of our 
 citizens go through our colleges and universities. From this two per 
 cent come seventy-two per cent of our leaders. Manifestly we must look 
 to the colleges for specially trained moral leaders. Is it not possible 
 to bring it about that young men and young women will more exten- 
 sively enter the college for moral training and study, as they do for 
 industrial and professional training and study? 
 
 Surely we must admit that this Great War has made it clear that 
 we are strong in all material development but comparatively weak in 
 moral development. The moral nihilism of Germany without, and the 
 spirit of profiteering within, join in declaring that moral education is 
 the great need of the twentieth century. We must stress more and more 
 the science of ethics and the art of living. 
 
 GREETINGS 
 
 By Doctor Mason, 
 
 Representing the Kansas State Board of Administration 
 
 Mr. Chairman, President Lough, Distinguished Visitors and the Many 
 
 Friends of Baker University : 
 
 I am here as a member of the Board of Administration of the State 
 of Kansas. This Board has charge of the educational, charitable and 
 penal institutions of this commonwealth. In its behalf on this auspi- 
 cious occasion I bring greetings to this Board of Trustees, to this Col- 
 lege, and to this man of God, with vision clear, character clean, purposes 
 high and compelling. To President Lough and to this group, interested 
 in the forward movement of this institution, I would urge that you 
 carry into concrete practice the ideals so splendidly presented in the 
 masterly inaugural address. A college of this type should stand for at 
 least two things. First of all is sane and wholesome thinking. In the 
 stress and confusion of this appalling time, there is especial need that 
 the college — separated somewhat from the turmoil and strife of war — 
 shall think clearly on the problems confronting our day and shall set 
 forth ideals for men to follow. To think, to see, to command, to lead — 
 these are the tasks of the college. The need that these things be done 
 is now urgent. 
 
 When the wife of the National Food Administrator can stand before 
 a great convention of representative women, as recently happened, and 
 can say that she "would as soon hear a beautiful, refined looking lady 
 blaspheme God as to see her eat a piece of cake which she knows is 
 made of wheat flour," the time has come for sane thinking. Such con- 
 fusion of the spiritual with the material things of life will inevitably 
 plunge us into crass materialism, the philosophy of the Hun. As there 
 is need of sanity in thought, there is, as President Lough has so 
 strongly and convincingly said, need of emphasis on the supreme author- 
 ity of religion in the upbuilding of life. This college was born of this 
 ideal, and through the years has sought to maintain the ideal of put- 
 ting into life thos« principles that find their best expression in religion. 
 
 23 
 
It is a joy to believe that this great State of Kansas is seeking in 
 all its activities to carry out these principles. I, as representative of 
 the Board having charge of the institutions maintained by the State, 
 bring greetings to this institution maintained by private interests, 
 earnestly believing that education is not dual — secular and religious — 
 but one in its emphasis on the essentially spiritual nature and purpose 
 of all education. This is the task you are seeking here to do. Not only 
 here, but at the University of Kansas, at the Agricultural College, at the 
 State Normal, at the Manual Training Normal, at Port Hays Normal. 
 This same spirit animates our state charitable institutions in their min- 
 istry to the unfortunate. Even the penal institutions at Lansing, Hutch- 
 inson, Topeka and Beloit, gather together for a time those that have 
 offended the laws of society, and after a new girding with moral princi- 
 ple send them out with a new grip on life. I bear greetings to Baker 
 University that is doing valiant service in giving to manhood and 
 womanhood a clear vision and new strength for tomorrow and its tasks. 
 In this high enterprise, I bid you, President Lough, and this institution, 
 most hearty Godspeed. 
 
 By Superintendent Ross, 
 
 Representing the Kansas Primary and Secondary Schools 
 
 Mr. Chairman, Mr. President, and Friends of Baker University : 
 
 At the unveiling of the Thorwaldsen's statue of Christ, the great 
 Danish sculptor broke down and wept. Afterward in explaining to his 
 friends, he told them that he had been overwhelmed by the realization 
 that having attained his ideal, he could never again create a great work 
 of art. As you, Mr. President, have so eloquently emphasized, this insti- 
 tution in spite of its great impress upon the history of the State, it may 
 be said to its credit, has never yet attained its ideal. Nor, so long as 
 it is guided by wise heads and hands, can it ever; rather will the per- 
 fect product of its dreams always lie in the future alluring and inspir- 
 ing to greater service and nobler achievement. The form and face and 
 life of Christ furnish a fixed and constant measure of perfection which 
 when once reached leave nothing more to be attained. But not so a 
 social institution. The appearance, the characteristics, the very soul of 
 such an institution must ever change to meet new conditions and a 
 changed environment. 
 
 Baker University can be and do only what the public schools of 
 Kansas, the source of its raw material, make it possible for Baker 
 University to be and do. And so for the brief moment this is mine, I 
 want to say a word or two about the public schools of Kansas for the 
 future. They must be, as other things must be as the result of this 
 great war, able to readjust and reorganize; but two things in particular 
 must happen to them. They must be prepared to render more unselfish 
 and more complete service to the state and to the nation. As Doctor 
 Lough so feelingly expressed his aspirations for the future brotherhood 
 of man, I could but think of the little French girl in the schools where 
 the children are going amidst bursting shrapnel and wearing gas 
 masks, who in one of her school exercises wrote: 
 
 24 
 
"In France there is a little stream, almost a brook; it is called the 
 Yser. One could talk from one side to the other without raising one's 
 voice, and a little bird could fly over it with one sweep of its wings. 
 And on the two banks there were millions of men, the one turned 
 toward the other, eye to eye. But the distance which separated them 
 was greater than the stars in the sky; it was the distance which sepa- 
 rates right from injustice. 
 
 "The ocean is so vast that the sea-gulls do not dare to cross it. 
 During seven days and seven nights the great steamships of America, 
 going at full speed, drive through the deep waters, before the light- 
 houses of Europe come into view; but from one side to another the 
 hearts are touching." 
 
 When this war ends we must touch hearts in the throb of human 
 brotherhood, not only with the people of France but with the people of 
 all the world, and we must, as we alone of the nations shall be able to 
 do, hold out the hand of guidance and direction of leadership. The obli- 
 gation that rests upon our schools is to prepare for that. And they 
 must do it by instilling a spirit of unselfish service that shall take the 
 place of individualism and selfishness that has been all too character- 
 istic of our education and our life. Our pupils must cease to look upon 
 the public schools as offering a selfish individual opportunity and must 
 come to regard them as the place to prepare for the privileges and 
 duties of high citizenship. 
 
 The other night at a commencement exercise where two of the 
 seniors in high school gave the salutatory and the valedictory, respect- 
 ively, the subject of the valedictory was "For Value Received, I Promise 
 to Pay." It was the first time that I had ever heard a pupil in the pub- 
 lic schools of Kansas acknowledge that she owed a debt for the educa- 
 tional opportunities that had been hers and promise to pay it. But in 
 order that this spirit may carry over, we of the older generation must 
 quit paying our school tax as a duty and merely to educate our children; 
 we must pay it as an investment to educate the children of all the peo- 
 ple and look upon the opportunity to do so as a chance to render patri- 
 otic service. And the schools themselves must be more liberally 
 equipped and more effectively manned. It is a startling fact that 29 
 per cent of the flower of our young manhood that had been called to the 
 colors had to be sent home because of physical defects, most of which 
 could have been removed or relieved had they been recognized and 
 treated in childhood. This means that as a part of our education we 
 must have nurses to preserve the physical well-being of the material 
 that comes to this great institution and others like it. And then again, 
 500,000 of these same young men of draft age can neither read nor 
 write the English language. In this country altogether there are five 
 million people who cannot do so. In the single city of Cleveland, with 
 a voting population of 140,000, 85,000 of these voters can neither read 
 nor write the common language of the land. When we have taught all 
 the generations to follow to read and write the English language our 
 trouble with prefixes and suffixes and hyphens will have been removed, 
 but not before. 
 
 So, Mr. President, in the name of these schools that are to be, I 
 bring greetings, congratulations and all good wishes in the great work 
 
 25 
 
you are doing by your high standards of scholarship, your noble ideals 
 of citizenship and your splendid examples of Christian character. 
 
 By Doctor Spencer, 
 Representing the Christian Press 
 
 Mr. President of the Board of Trustees, and Mr. President of Baker 
 University : 
 
 I count myself very happy to be able to represent the Christian 
 press in bringing greetings to Baker University as she opens a new 
 chapter in her history and to bring the greetings which well from my 
 heart to the man who has been chosen to lead Baker University into 
 her newer and larger attainments. The press comes from everywhere; 
 the press is the mark of human universality. The other morning my 
 stenographer placed in my hands the morning mail. The first letter I 
 opened was written from the hot plains of India and said, "The Ganges 
 flows a little more swiftly since I have caught sight this morning of the 
 old Central." The next letter had for a postmark the sphinx and pyra- 
 mids and was written from one of our American schools at work in 
 Egypt. And the next envelope I opened was from West China, there in 
 the very fringes of Thibet, and so on. It is out of such lands as these I 
 come to bring the greetings of the Christian influence throughout the 
 world to this place and to this man, and this institution whose sons and 
 daughters are everywhere. 
 
 Baker University needs no encomium but to point to her sons. I am 
 honored by this opportunity, but I feel, blended with it, a deep sense of 
 responsibility, Mr. President; for as never before, have the eyes of the 
 world been so turning to the Christian college. We are seeing upon a 
 very bloody stage what is the outcome of a non-Christian education. I 
 am glad that they spell Kultur some other way than with a C. For I 
 do not wish to identify that word with the word culture as Christianity 
 understands it. Our American boys have gone over to Germany to take 
 the germs out of Germany. But we must also take the same kind of 
 germs out of our education. I was reading only last evening in the last 
 copy of "The Nation" an article by one of our eminent educators which 
 goes on to show the downfall of materialistic education and that the 
 world of education has got to come back to a deeper note of spiritual- 
 ity. We have got to bring back Him to our class rooms as Agassiz and 
 Drummond and Hopkins and Olin knew Him and taught Him. We 
 have got to bring Him back to our education as He must be brought 
 back to the world. 
 
 The next Sunday after the British Empire entered into the war, I 
 stepped into old St. Paul, that noble heart of the empire, to attend 
 worship. It seems, as I look back upon it, as if there were acres of 
 people, and when those prayers were being offered for the success of the 
 British arms, and all those countless throngs were upon their bended 
 knees, I could but feel that the projection of that empire and all that 
 it joined was upon the very feet of God. When I arose, I found that 
 I had been kneeling by the grave of Wellington. And when the notes 
 
 26 
 
of the deep organ began to pour forth their music through that cathe- 
 dral, the whole mass began to sing those words: 
 
 "O God, our help in ages past, 
 Our hope for years to come, 
 Our refuge from the stormy blast, 
 And our eternal home!" 
 
 This is the refuge and the hope of the education which will meet, 
 and which alone can meet, the necessity of this new age when man- 
 kind comes up out of its universal deluge of blood. We must look 
 to a Christian education and to our Christian schools for that spir- 
 ituality, that vision, that mighty ideal which alone can furnish a 
 valiant leadership for the world in the awful days that are to follow 
 quickly upon the awful days in which we find ourselves at this hour. 
 
 When I think of the men who have dictated our ideals, when I 
 think of Arnold of Rugby, who on those greens about his school, made 
 the men that went forth to hold the British Empire to her best ideals, 
 and when I think of Henry Drummond, I see the type of man and the 
 type of education in the hands of which and in the life of which the 
 future alone is safe. And, my friends, I will say that to me there has 
 been no deeper gratification, as I have looked abroad upon our own 
 church and upon our own land, as I have fastened my eyes particu- 
 larly upon the record that this great institution in this great common- 
 wealth has made, I have had no larger gratification than that the 
 new President of Baker University is precisely a man of that type. 
 And so I stand here for the moment, the representative of the Christian 
 press, having among its readers, your graduates, your personal friends 
 who sat with you in other years in these halls, and walked by your 
 side under these venerable trees, when I think of them as they are 
 today upon the far flung battle line of Christian service throughout 
 the earth, I can but wish that under your care and under your master 
 hand there shall come forth in the years that are to be such men as 
 have come forth in the past. Out of the raw human material which 
 comes to you here, there shall come forth from this college, from this 
 university, men who shall hold up its good name and that of the 
 commonwealth as that long line of graduates has done in bygone days. 
 
 God prosper you, Mr. President. God prosper the institution of 
 which you are the standard bearer. You have a place in the heart of 
 this state of Kansas. You have a place that is heaven-bound in 
 immensity in the hearts of those who knew you here about these 
 walks in other years. God bless you and prosper you and increase 
 the glories of this institution an hundredfold. 
 
 By Doctor Cowling, 
 
 Representing the Association of American Colleges 
 
 Mr. Chairman, Guests and Friends of the College: 
 
 Ever since I arrived in Baldwin this morning my mind has been 
 going back to the time when I first came here twelve years ago. 
 Dr. Patton met me at the station, and a little later in the morning 
 
 27 
 
we met President Murlin, just about opposite to where we are gath- 
 ered this morning. He was riding in a buggy with Father Griffis — 
 one of the great friends of the college in those years. As Dr. Murlin 
 greeted me, he held out his hand with a smile that I shall never forget, 
 and asked, "How do you like Baldwin?" I replied, "Very well." He 
 said, "We are pretty near heaven here," and I spoke the truth when 
 I said, "I have not noticed anything lacking yet." And I feel about 
 the same way this morning. Baldwin is certainly a satisfying place 
 in which to live. 
 
 It seems but yesterday that I stood on this platform bidding good- 
 bye to the students of Baker. It is nine years ago and I have not 
 been back since, but all through these years my memories and my 
 affections have returned and lingered here. It is a great privilege 
 and a great pleasure to me to come back this morning and to bring 
 greetings to you and to your President on this occasion. 
 
 I am to speak again this afternoon, and I am sure you would not 
 think me very gracious if I did not make the shortest speech of anyone 
 on the program this morning. 
 
 There is no need for me or for anyone else to try to defend the 
 American college. It stands upon its record, and its record is one 
 which justifies a large claim on its friends in these days, and an 
 increasing claim in the days which are to come. But I am not going 
 on with that. I want to say just this one thing: Keep Baker Univer- 
 sity going during the period of the war. Your President has already 
 called your attention to the fact that less than two per cent of the 
 people of any generation receive a college education. Now beside 
 that statement place this one: No less than eighty-five per cent of the 
 young men in the first sixteen Officers' Training Camps were college 
 men. Do you think that that fact has anything to say about the 
 idealism to be found in the American college? When men like Gen- 
 eral Pershing and Dr. Gulick say that moral conditions in the Ameri- 
 can army abroad are higher than the average moral standards to be 
 found in civilian life at home, do you think there is any connection 
 between this situation and the fact that eighty-five per cent of the 
 young men selected as officers were college men? The Government 
 has come to recognize the colleges as a great national resource, and 
 the authorities at Washington are exceedingly anxious that a steady 
 supply of educated and specially trained men be maintained during 
 the period of the war. With this in view, the Secretaries of War, Navy 
 and the Interior, and the United States Commissioner of Education, 
 and one or two others in positions of high authority, have recently 
 issued a formal appeal to the young people of the country to go on 
 with their school work to the completion of their high school course, 
 and in increasing numbers to enter the colleges, universities and pro- 
 fessional schools this fall. So strongly does our Government feel that 
 our national welfare demands the maintaining of a steady supply of 
 educated men, that it is planning to establish "College Training Units" 
 in institutions able to maintain under military instruction not less 
 than one hundred physically fit men of eighteen years or over. This 
 arrangement will enable a boy of eighteen to enlist in the army of 
 
 28 
 
the United States — thus gaining a definite military status — and then 
 be furloughed back to his college to continue his regular college work. 
 There is no question whatever in the minds of those at Washington, 
 who are in a position to know the facts, that the general training 
 given by the colleges of Liberal Arts develops in a young man a 
 maturity and capacity for leadership which cannot be gained so 
 quickly in any other way. Men with this general training are also 
 able to acquire the technical knowledge required in military work in 
 much less time than is required by those without such general training. 
 All this is a splendid vindication of the claims which these colleges 
 have .been making for generations past. 
 
 The Association of American Colleges includes most of the stand- 
 ard colleges of America. It was established to increase the effective- 
 ness and influence of these institutions in order that the ideals they 
 represent may be made to prevail in our public life more effectively in 
 the future than has been the case in the past. 
 
 In behalf of this Association and of the colleges it represents, I 
 bring to you, Mr. President, our greetings, our sincere good wishes 
 and our hearty congratulations. May God bless you richly and make 
 you and this great institution a blessing to his people. 
 
 By Doctor Price, 
 
 Representing the Association of Kansas Colleges and Universities 
 
 Mr. Chairman, President Lough, Honorable Guests and Friends of 
 Baker University in Particular, and Education in General: 
 
 I bring greetings this morning in behalf of the colleges of Kansas. 
 The special duty of these colleges and this university is to reach the 
 young people of this fair commonwealth of Kansas, and, of course, the 
 young people who may come from other states and territories. But 
 our specific task is to take the young people of this state, develop 
 them, and send them out prepared to meet some of the responsibilities 
 and obligations that rest upon them. "Out there in Kansas" is an 
 expression that is used a great deal. Kansas is not afraid to take 
 the leadership. She is not afraid to grip any great cause. Kansas and 
 some of its leaders in the state are gripping some of those great 
 causes, and leading citizens of the country look to them for leadership. 
 And I cherish the idea that they are leading in some respects the citi- 
 zens of the world. 
 
 The great contest that is on at the present time is not simply to 
 make this country or any other safe for democracy, but to make a 
 new world in which democracy shall prevail. It means that if it 
 means anything. Our privilege is to take the young people of this 
 state and develop those young people. But if it be true, and it is true, 
 that only 2 per cent of the young people of our nation attend college, 
 another obligation rests upon colleges. I say if those are facts, and 
 they are, there comes an opportunity to educate the great mass of 
 the people in the appreciation of the great value of education. These 
 colleges and universities of Kansas are developing these young people 
 not simply for this state, commonwealth and country, but that they 
 
 29 
 
can be sent to the very ends of the earth. I would like to see a map 
 of the world, representing the fields of labor of the graduates of this 
 institution, with lines going out to the ends of the earth, leading to 
 the representatives of this institution as they do their work and exert 
 a large influence. It would be an interesting map. 
 
 And then these colleges in Kansas are to develop the young people 
 of this great state, not for Kansas alone, but for the whole world. 
 This will be especially true, it seems to me, in the days of recon- 
 struction to come very soon. As President Cowling has said, 85 per 
 cent of those in the first officers' training camps were college gradu- 
 ates. A lot of those men will never return. I hope that those who 
 do return will return with the same high ideals that they have taken 
 with them. It stirs my very soul to think that these young men must 
 be taught to hate, to fight, to kill, to destroy. It is a part of their 
 business. May it leave no stain upon their characters or lives! A part 
 of those shall never return. The graduates of ten years, from the 
 ages of 21 to 31, are taken out of the active service of the various 
 vocations of life and have been taken to the front. Who will supply the 
 gaps? It must rest upon these colleges to supply the places of the 
 large numbers that will lay down their lives in France. 
 
 Now, Mr. President, if we can cherish in our minds these high 
 ideals, it seems to me that we can develop the young people to go out 
 and take these places of responsibility. And in the name of the col- 
 leges of Kansas, I bid you Godspeed, with these high ideals. It is the 
 business of the colleges to link the ideal and the real and to make 
 real these high ideals that have been presented this morning. May 
 God bless you in your part in this great work. 
 
 By Bishop Shepard, 
 Representing the Board of Bishops of the Methodist Episcopal 
 
 Church 
 
 Mr. Chairman, President Lough, and Friends of Baker University : 
 
 I come to speak a word of congratulation and bring greetings in 
 the name of the fundamental, inspirational organization of society, the 
 Church of Jesus Christ. For remember that hospitals follow the 
 Church, not vice versa; schools follow the Church, not the other way. 
 This institution is the child of the Church, and upon the ocean of the 
 love of the Church for it is it borne, and upon the tide of the gifts of 
 the Church it is sustained. 
 
 And the Church is tremendously interested in what we are doing 
 here today. If I should rightly speak the thought of the Board of 
 Bishops of the Church, the ministers of the Church, and the laity of 
 the Church, I would say a word of blessing upon this man and upon 
 this institution in this high and hopeful day. President Lough has 
 for many years and in many ways been a leader; but now he becomes 
 in a larger way a leader among the leaders of forty thousand students 
 in a Church of four million members. It is no small honor and it is 
 no small responsibility. May God's blessing be upon him and this 
 University. 
 
 30 
 
No one can speak of the Church today, even upon a happy occa- 
 sion like this, without emphasizing the duty which has been so nobly 
 uttered in the address of Dr. Lough — a duty to the whole world, and 
 a duty more clearly seen in the lurid light of war. The first duty of 
 the Church is to see the war through to utter victory. There is no 
 other course. As H. G. Wells has said, if we do not make a complete 
 work at this time the thought of war will sit like a giant spectre over 
 all human affairs for the next two decades, and will say to us all, 
 "Get your house in order. If you waste time, shirk, stick to your old 
 way and your own rights and claims, and make no concessions, I will 
 come again. I have taken all your men between eighteen and fifty, 
 and have killed and maimed such as I have pleased. But you have 
 multitudes of male children, and many delightful babes. Of these I 
 have scarcely smashed and starved a hundred thousand. But go on 
 in your old way, each for himself and none for all, and I will soon 
 come back for a fresh harvest of life, and I will squeeze it into red 
 jam and mix it with the mud of trenches and feast upon it even more 
 abundantly before your very eyes." The first and paramount duty of 
 the Church is to give every possible support to the winning of the war. 
 
 And with such support and the prayers we send to the God of 
 Heaven, the God of Battles, I have no doubt whatever, will give the 
 victory to our flag and our boys who have gone out from all our 
 homes, and from this University as that service flag so eloquently 
 speaks. I have no doubt that this war is to be fought out to the finish 
 of everything that the Kaiser stands for. The cost will be staggering, 
 but that is not in the question. The question is, "What is it for?" 
 "What is sufficient to atone for a sacrifice like this?" And the Church 
 must answer that question. There is no one else to say. There is no 
 other organization to lift up flawless banners and ideals, give the 
 nation inspiration, and point to the future that ought to be. The criti- 
 cal time will be just after the war is won. Shall they be days of recon- 
 struction or days of destruction? After our sons have done their great 
 duty and have come marching home victorious and glorious, what then? 
 Shall we have done our part in prophesying and preparing the way for 
 the victories of peace "no less renowned than war?" 
 
 In the time of war we must prepare for peace, and the Church, 
 and the college which trains leaders for the church, must point the 
 way. No other institution or organization save the church has the 
 large vision and the large heart. The Church, in America forty mil- 
 lion strong, must make the public sentiment, prepare the program, 
 furnish inspiration and leadership for that peace which is to justify 
 the most awful struggle the world has ever known. 
 
 By Peofessoe Peice, 
 
 Repeesenting the Alumni 
 
 Mr. Chairman, President Lough, and Friends of Baker University: 
 
 It gives me real pleasure on this auspicious occasion to bring the 
 greetings and the good wishes of twelve hundred Baker University 
 
 31 
 
alumni to our fellow alumnus, President S. A. Lough, and to con- 
 gratulate him on the large field of opportunity that is now opened 
 for him. 
 
 When it was announced that President Mason had resigned from 
 Baker University at the call of new duty, and that a new President 
 must be sought for our alma mater, we, the alumni, were of all the 
 world most anxious that the choice of the new executive should be 
 a wise one. When we learned that the trustees had been so fortunate 
 as to secure the services of S. A. Lough for this position, we were 
 thoroughly well pleased. And now we heartily congratulate our Baker 
 University on her good fortune in securing such a man for her Presi- 
 dent. May his administration long continue, and may it be filled 
 with a large prosperity is our sincere and earnest prayer. 
 
 We who had gone forth to mingle with the world of affairs know 
 full well how selfish and materialistic the industrial, business world 
 had become; and how this spirit had come to influence our govern- 
 ment, our institutions and our social welfare. But we also know 
 that now a new and better age is dawning; and we know that college 
 men and college women must lead in this new and most critical era 
 of all the centuries. At this very moment our nation is engaged in 
 the greatest war in history — to make the world safe for democracy. 
 In this connection, it also behooves us seriously to consecrate ourselves 
 not only to this unfinished task but also to that other duty of making 
 democracy safe and fit for the world. 
 
 It is fortunate that in such a crucial epoch leading educational 
 institutions such as Baker University should be guided, and their 
 students inspired, by men of such character and ideals as those of 
 our new President. 
 
 We covet the opportunity coming to the students under President 
 Lough's administration. Those of us who had the good fortune of 
 being students here when Professor Lough was a teacher on this 
 faculty, without any exception, admired him for his broad scholarship, 
 respected him for his outstanding ability, but especially did we love 
 and revere him for his sterling character. He, fortunately, became 
 the ideal after which many of us have tried to pattern our lives. So 
 it is that, speaking from this full and rich experience, we say that 
 you, the student body — as also our Church, our State and Nation — 
 are peculiarly fortunate in having as your President, your leader, your 
 guide and inspiration, such a man. 
 
 We, the alumni, who knew President Lough so intimately, know 
 well that with all his humble modesty he will give to Baker Univer- 
 sity a full measure of devotion, and we are confident that under the 
 guidance of his administration our alma mater will achieve a full 
 measure of success. That these cherished ideals may the more cer- 
 tainly be realized, we, the alumni, do hereby renew our pledge of 
 active and persistent loyalty to our Baker University and to our Presi- 
 dent, our friend and fellow alumnus, our leader, Samuel Alexander 
 Lough. 
 
 32 
 
By Mr. Wellborn, 
 
 Representing the Students 
 
 you were once a student here and you understand the problems of a 
 Baker student better than an outsider possibly could. As a faculty 
 member here you learned how to work with your fellow teachers so 
 that now when you come back to us as our President you are espe- 
 cially fitted for your work. 
 
 At this time, while the great war is going on, when it is so hard 
 to give attention to school work, your advice and encouragement has 
 helped us to see that we are truly serving our country by first pre- 
 paring ourselves so that when we are called we may help in a larger 
 way. 
 
 The past year has been a very pleasant one. Your admonitions 
 have been kind and fatherly and have always been for our future as 
 well as our present good. The ideals kept constantly before us have 
 been worthy ones; and although we cannot express in words our 
 appreciation, we hope to by our work in the school of life. 
 
 We are looking forward to future years with the assurance that 
 they will be fruitful ones. We feel confident that Baker standards 
 will be raised even higher, and that there will be true fellowship be- 
 tween President and students. 
 
 And now, in the name of the student body, we welcome you as 
 our President. 
 
 By Doctor Parmenter, 
 Representing the Faculty 
 
 Mr. Chairman: 
 
 I find myself in two very peculiar situations. First, I had care- 
 fully prepared five extemporaneous speeches. Those who have pre- 
 ceded me evidently did the same thing and I find myself under the 
 necessity of making a few really extemporaneous remarks. Second, 
 I find myself in the situation of one who undertakes to greet a mem- 
 ber of the family after that member has been home for a year. I 
 hasten to say, however, that our greetings as a faculty to you, 
 Dr. Lough, are not any the less sincere and hearty for that reason. 
 
 When we learned that Dr. Lough was to be the new President 
 of this institution, those of us who had known him for years and 
 had grown up with him, were then sure that no mistake had been 
 made in the choice, and after a year we are the more surely convinced. 
 We felt that one who had been educated at this institution and had 
 afterward served it for so many years as a teacher would come to 
 the presidency with a peculiar and full knowledge of the school's 
 needs and possibilities, and in this our confidence has not been shaken, 
 but added to by the year's service. 
 
 Life, someone has said, is a magnificent and alluring adventure. 
 To go to bed at night, knowing that ere the morning light shall break 
 on the eastern horizon, one may be ushered into a newer adventure 
 than is possible for the imagination to dream of — to rise in the morn- 
 
 33 
 
ing with another day's unknown possibilities before one — oh! that is 
 the lure of life. The unknown, clad in her robe of shimmering illu- 
 sion and with the alluring shadows in her eyes, stands ever beckoning 
 us on. Life is changing! And what is true of life is true of institu- 
 tions. "The old order changeth." For example, Dr. Gobin, during 
 your administration, you will remember that the faculty spent a whole 
 afternoon debating as to whether or not it should allow a literary 
 society to stretch a calico curtain across this platform. Now these 
 wires which you see above you, I can assure you, are not there to 
 improve the acoustic properties of this room. To be sure, in deference 
 to the dignity of the occasion, most of the scenes and paraphernalia 
 have been removed. "Times have changed." Then, too, you will 
 remember that at one time you directed me (I presume, because you 
 thought me peculiarly fitted for the service) to watch some boys to 
 find if they had been drinking. I performed the service faithfully 
 and reported to the faculty that I had detected the odor of whiskey 
 on the breath of a certain young man. This young man, when brought 
 before the faculty, declared that on the occasion in question, nothing 
 but the purest water had passed his lips. When the faculty very 
 justly gave the young man the benefit of the doubt, and took his 
 word, a member of the faculty indignantly exclaimed: "It has come to 
 a pretty pass when a student can outlie a member of this faculty." 
 I can assure you that the students now cannot do that. 
 
 You come, President Lough, to an institution not fixed, but in a 
 state of flux; to an institution which dares to go forward, to try the 
 new thing if it gives promise of an ability to serve its students better, 
 and equally well we know that you come to us with an open mind and 
 a fearless determination that Baker University through your leader- 
 ship shall maintain itself in the forefront as an aggressive leader in 
 educational things. To this high endeavor, as representing the faculty, 
 I pledge to you our unswerving loyalty, our utmost devotion, our sym- 
 pathy in times of doubt and trial, and all that we have to make your 
 administration the most brilliant success of any that the school has 
 ever had. It might be thought that you should be the leader in 
 raising endowments. Endowments are an embarrassment to many 
 institutions; the truth compels me to say that, so far, Baker has not 
 been so embarrassed. The erection of new buildings might be men- 
 tioned. We have ample buildings. Better equipment is always to be 
 desired. But the finest equipment in the world, without a burning, 
 zealous, high-minded and intelligent leader to use it, is an embarrass- 
 ment. No, it is not in these things that we look to you, Dr. Lough, for 
 leadership, but in the production of magnificent manhood and woman- 
 hood, a manhood and womanhood brave, prompt in action, vigilant, 
 aggressive, conscientious, sympathetic, clean-minded, ever supplement- 
 ing, ever helpful. This I consider is the great work of this institution. 
 And so we come as a faculty, pledging to you, President Lough, our 
 earnest support in this high endeavor. The faculty of Baker Univer- 
 sity, through me, gives you greetings. "Long live the King!" 
 
 34 
 
THE LUNCHEON TO GUESTS 
 
 In the social hour at a Luncheon, the University, through its 
 Trustees and Faculty, gave personal greetings to the guests and dele- 
 gates who came to participate in the Inaugural Exercises. The frater- 
 nal spirit that belongs to college comity was pleasantly strengthened 
 in this opportunity of personal acquaintanceship. 
 
 ADDRESS BY DR. GOBIN ON "THE COLLEGE AS A TRAINING 
 CAMP FOR CHRISTIAN SERVICE" 
 
 First, I desire to present the communication of President Grose, 
 of De Pauw University, authorizing my attendance here, and contain- 
 ing congratulations on behalf of himself and the University: 
 
 My dear President Lough: On behalf of the Trustees and Faculty 
 of DePauw University, I have the honor of sending to you by the Vice- 
 President, Doctor Hillary Asbury Gobin, our heartiest congratulations 
 upon your inauguration as President of Baker University. Recognizing 
 the close ties which have bound together your institution and ours for 
 many years, and the distinguished service which Baker University 
 has rendered in the field of higher education, and in giving many emi- 
 ent leaders both to the Church and to the State, we extend most cordial 
 felicitations. 
 
 May this auspicious occasion mark the beginning of a new era of 
 increasing prosperity and widening usefulness for your noble school. 
 
 Personally and in the name of DePauw University, I give you 
 warmest greeting. Very cordially, 
 
 (Signed) George R. Grose, 
 
 President. 
 
 In addition to the statement given in this paper, it gives me pleas- 
 ure to say that several members of the faculty expressed a great inter- 
 est in this occasion and would gladly have been here today if the 
 work of their departments had permitted. Dean McCutchan, the head 
 of our Music School, has become a great leader in Indiana in the state- 
 wide work in "community singing" as a war measure. Prof. William H. 
 Hudson, head of our Department of Sociology, by request of our execu- 
 tive committee, will spend the summer in a vigorous drive for high- 
 school graduates for our next year's Freshman class. Our slogan for 
 the summer is "Four hundred boys under draft age for DePauw Fresh- 
 men." Dr. W. W. Sweet, the head of our Department of History, would 
 have been pleased to be here to represent his father, now in Washing- 
 ton, who for many years was the very successful President of Baker. 
 It is well known among educators that the relations between Baker 
 University and DePauw University have been very cordial and mu- 
 tually beneficial. We always speak with pride of the success here of 
 Dr. Alice Downey Porter. There was to me something romantic in 
 the marriage of Prof. Ross Baker and Miss Helen Porter, the former 
 the son of our noted professor of chemistry, Dr. Philip S. Baker, and 
 the latter a grand-daughter of Prof. Charles Downey, who organized 
 our Department of Chemistry. In referring to the reciprocal relations 
 of these schools I wish to speak of the pleasure I have had in the 
 presence in DePauw of Miss Ruth Price, the worthy daughter of my 
 
 35 
 
very choice friend and helper, brother John H. Price. He was a most 
 loyal and useful alumnus and trustee of this institution. During my 
 labors here he was always wise in counsel and always ready to work 
 and sacrifice for Baker. So I gave eager and cordial welcome to Ruth, 
 who, after taking her first degree here, took her second degree in 
 DePauw. 
 
 This occasion is made very happy to me by the privilege of meet- 
 ing here Chancellor Buchtel, of the University of Denver. We have 
 been college friends for nearly fifty years. During the last year of 
 my student life I was a student-preacher on a circuit. I enjoyed the 
 co-operation of three college chums, Henry A. Buchtel, Robert N. 
 McKaig, and Frost Craft. We were a happy group of college friends 
 and there were varied estimates as to our efficiency. A rather cynical 
 old brother remarked that he did not know whether those boys "dis- 
 pensed the gospel or dispensed with the gospel." A more appreciative 
 mother in Israel who could never get our names correct, said, "You 
 are a tonguey set. I like McKigg and I like Craft, but the best of all 
 is Henry Bucktail." She missed it in her pronunciation, but was quite 
 right in her estimate. I make bold to say that in all the strong and 
 beautiful friendships, whether of classical story or Biblical history, 
 there never has been a more beautiful and mutually beneficial friend- 
 ship than that between Dr. Buchtel and Dr. Frost Craft. They are 
 still working together even to this day, great mutual helpers in the 
 University of Denver. 
 
 I need not apologize for these remarks as a digression. They are 
 not even an introduction. They are a part, and a large part, of my 
 theme — "The College as a Training Camp for Efficient Service." One 
 of the greatest assets of a college is the spirit of friendship and ardent 
 co-operation among classmates and fraternity brothers. The drill in 
 mutual counsel and discipline gives an elevation in thought and a per- 
 sistency in righteous endeavor equal to, if not greater than, the formal 
 demands of the lecture room and the laboratory. 
 
 The most imperious demand in a soldier's life is obedience to 
 orders. One of the first experiences of a college student is the demand 
 for his attention and his observance of the regulations of the institu- 
 tion. He may imagine that he is able to "get by" many demands of 
 the faculty, but he finds some of the unpublished requirements of his 
 classmates and fraternity brothers so imperious as not to be evaded. 
 
 I need not discuss the familiar references to the benefits of col- 
 lege life in the training for correct thinking and resolute action. It 
 is something of a surprise with many observers that college men so 
 quickly adjust themselves to new situations, and so readily become 
 noted for remarkable success in lines of activity for which they did 
 not have specific or professional preparation. The explanation is found 
 in the fact that college life is a training in learning new things. There 
 is great art in a readiness to meet new demands in both investigation 
 and achievement. A college graduate can more readily adjust himself 
 to new requirements because it has become his habit to meet things 
 that are difficult with the spirit of resolution and a determination 
 to conquer. 
 
 As intimated in the beginning, college life is a training in genu- 
 
 36 
 
ine and helpful comradeship. This is a notable trait in the life of a 
 true soldier. He not only heeds promptly the voice of his commander, 
 but he considers habitually the welfare of his comrades. Many are 
 the instances in army life showing that the best traits of a good 
 soldier have been developed in this spirit of mutual sympathy and 
 co-operation. 
 
 In the awful stress and strain of this world-wide war, the most 
 exacting demand the country now makes is for every boy under con- 
 script age to continue in school. If I had the opportunity to speak to 
 all high school graduates and college students, I would say, "You need 
 not hesitate to claim that you are now 'in service' while you are in 
 school. You can claim that you are under orders." It is well known 
 that there is no ruler in the world, as governor, king or emperor, who 
 has the authority of the President of the United States in a time of 
 war. The constitution makes him a dictator in all war measures. 
 If President Wilson should decide to do it, he could make every square 
 yard of United States territory "bone dry" in thirty days, of all intoxi- 
 cating drink, as a war measure. I wish he would do it. He has the 
 same authority in this exigency that Abraham Lincoln had when he 
 made his famous Proclamation of Emancipation. What magnificent 
 events in American history, President Lincoln setting free four million 
 of slaves as a war measure, and Woodrow Wilson setting free one 
 hundred millions of people from the waste and the risk of "booze!" 
 The practical use I wish to make of this claim is that as students you 
 are now under the orders of the President of the United States. This 
 is his word of wisdom and authority to the boys and girls of America: 
 
 "I would particularly urge upon the young men who are leaving 
 our high schools that as many of them as can do so avail themselves 
 this year of the opportunity offered by the colleges and technical 
 schools to the end that the country may not lack an adequate supply 
 of trained men and women." 
 
 Possibly you may be more impressed by a declaration from the 
 Major General of the United States Army, General Leonard Wood. 
 This is his order: 
 
 "Boys should remember that they are now serving in the best 
 possible way by preparing themselves to serve more efficiently when 
 the time comes. It is a great mistake for partly educated boys to 
 rush to the colors now. We do not need them. It is very important 
 that they finish their education." 
 
 I need not say any more as to the correctness of the idea that the 
 American college, and especially the Christian college, is a training 
 camp for the highest service in the demands of modern life. The 
 theme is almost trite in view of the many illustrations of its accuracy 
 in the present war. I need not quote the statistics showing how rap- 
 idly college trained men take on the discipline of the camp and the 
 field and how rapidly they are advanced to positions of especial honor 
 and responsibility. For the most part they are men of correct habits. 
 It is not necessary to surround them with rules and regulations in 
 order to protect them from the vices of great cities. They have walked 
 in the paths of virtue too long and too far to be easily decoyed by 
 the allurements of designing men and women. The most outstanding 
 fact now in American history is that the youth of the land must be 
 
trained — thoroughly trained — in sound thinking, pure motives, and 
 resolute action. The college and the church are two departments of 
 one holy endeavor — to lift human life into implicit faith in the Lord 
 Jesus Christ, the Prince of Life. 
 
 One of the many features of this occasion which affords me inex- 
 pressible pleasure is my gratification in the event that Samuel Alex- 
 ander Lough now becomes the President of Baker University. I well 
 remember him and his good wife among my choice students here. He 
 is eminently well fitted in temperament, judicial reasoning, and per- 
 sistent industry, for this high position. He is well named: Samuel — 
 "Asked of God"; Alexander — "Princely Man," and "Law," spelled in an 
 unusually strong way — "Lough." Most heartily do I congratulate 
 President Lough on the honor of his election to the presidency of his 
 Alma Mater, but much more do I congratulate Baker University on 
 the promise of his efficient service. A brighter day now dawns upon 
 this grand old school. Its past has been illustrious in the most sacred 
 and precious services to humanity. Its future will be even more 
 glorious in its growth in material equipment and in its more widely 
 extended influence for the Church, our country, and the best interests 
 of humanity everywhere. 
 
 ADDRESS BY CHANCELLOR BUCHTEL ON "CHRISTIAN 
 EDUCATION AND PATRIOTISM" 
 
 America is now the outstanding nation of the earth: the outstand- 
 ing nation in material greatness and the outstanding nation in spir- 
 itual ideals. All this is the Lord's doing and it is marvelous in our 
 eyes. We are now the richest nation on the earth: richer than Eng- 
 land and France and Germany combined. America is now the world's 
 banker. We are not borrowing pounds sterling or French Napoleons 
 or German marks, but we are loaning dollars. The resources of our 
 country are unlimited. The head of the steel trust has certified that 
 the steel trust alone has resources of manufacture one-third greater 
 than all the plants in Germany combined. How did it come to be 
 that this nation in so short a time is recognized as the outstanding 
 nation in material greatness? It came to be because God gave us at 
 the beginning a continent, with unlimited natural resources, and spir- 
 itual ideals which made men. 
 
 Contrast the spiritual ideals of the old world and the new. How 
 did the great nations in Europe originate? The answer is in three 
 words, in tribal wars. How long have they quarreled over their boun- 
 dary lines? Always. How long will they continue to quarrel? Always, 
 unless it shall be possible now, when we come to sit at the peace table, 
 to put some totally different ideals into the relationships of nations to 
 each other. 
 
 Herbert Hoover has written the introduction to a little book on 
 the women of Belgium. In the first sentence of that introduction, 
 in characterizing the life of Belgium, he characterizes the life of all 
 the nations of Europe. He says that Belgium has made itself the 
 beehive of Europe, "after centuries of intermittent misery and recu- 
 
 38 
 
peration." "Misery and recuperation" are the two words which de- 
 scribe the history of every nation in Europe. 
 
 This war is just a continuation of the everlasting fighting which 
 all those fair lands have known from the beginning. Andrew D. White 
 characterizes the century from 1550 to 1650 as a period of supremely 
 evil prominence. During that century every square foot of Europe 
 was stained with blood. Soldiers of fortune would hire out to one 
 prince and then to another, to one religion and then to another, and 
 go about killing people just from pure deviltry. 
 
 Now how did our country originate? In the same way? A thou- 
 sand times no. We went out like Abraham, not knowing whither we 
 went and not knowing why. Prom 1492 forward for 200 years, cover- 
 ing that supremely evil century from 1550 to 1650, God called ten 
 Catholic and fourteen Protestant settlements out of the old world into 
 the new, and these twenty-four religious settlements stuck to the 
 ground. The Almighty then made a gigantic selective draft, covering 
 the continent of Europe and extending over four hundred years of 
 time, in making His choice of the men and the women who have 
 created this republic. We all have our roots in Europe. Our ances- 
 tors had the power to hear the call of the Almighty when he sought 
 for purposeful men and purposeful women to make here a giant 
 nation, with Christian ideals, to stand out as the light of the world. 
 
 This fundamental difference of origin explains our difference of 
 attitude to people. The European attitude has always been that of 
 the drawn bayonet. The American attitude has been that of hands 
 stretched out with malice toward none and charity for all. 
 
 What have we here now after four hundred years of endeavor? 
 First, we have a continent washed on the two shores by the two great 
 oceans. Gladstone remarked that we have here a natural base for 
 the greatest continuous empire ever established by man. Second, we 
 have here a possible home for every family in the whole republic. 
 Third, we have a seat in a school house for every child of school age. 
 Fourth, we have a seat in a church for every individual. No other 
 country approaches America in this provision which we have made 
 for the religious life of our people. We have one church building for 
 every 400 of our people. A man who is not proud of these remarkable 
 achievements is not fit to live under our flag. 
 
 What is the explicit message of America? Is it to teach agriculture 
 or the mechanic arts or how to dig minerals out of the earth? Is it 
 to teach the fine arts or all learning or religion? We have our respon- 
 sibility with other nations in these particulars. But our explicit mes- 
 sage is no one of these things. Our explicit message is to teach men 
 self-government, to enlarge the liberties of the human race, to smite 
 all the tyranny in the earth. 
 
 This makes us brothers to all men. Secretary Seward, Secretary 
 of State under Abraham Lincoln, was accustomed to say that there 
 is a higher law which recognizes that the American domain is the 
 heritage of the whole human race, and Americans are trustees of this 
 domain, in the name of Almighty God, for the good of the human 
 race. President Wilson, at the time of our break with Germany, 
 voiced the feeling of America in glorious fashion when he said: "Once 
 
 39 
 
more in the providence of God, America has opportunity to show the 
 world that she was horn to serve mankind." Every President from 
 Washington to Wilson has talked life that. 
 
 From all this it is evident that the Almighty has given to this 
 nation a program of world betterment. This program of world better- 
 ment is the program of Jesus Christ for the regeneration of the earth. 
 The kingdom of God is to come down out of heaven to make the 
 whole world a decent place in which to live. We needed to keep our- 
 selves isolated from the other nations, "free from entangling alli- 
 ances," until we could reach a position of material strength and spir- 
 itual virility which would make it safe for us to take the position 
 of leadership in the moral order of the world. In God's providence 
 we have now reached that level of material greatness and spiritual 
 power. 
 
 What has Christian education to say about the duty of men of 
 light and leading in this supreme hour? Manifestly Christian educa- 
 tion speaks out with the energy of the total soul of civilization and 
 religion in declaring that we must now use force, "force to the utmost, 
 force without stint or limit, the righteous force which shall make right 
 the law of the world and cast every selfish dominion in the dust." 
 
 It is our duty to God and to humanity to win this war and not 
 whimper about peace without victory or any other sort of peace except- 
 ing only the peace of unconditional surrender. In Berlin we will sit 
 down and write the peace treaty in which restitution shall be made 
 to the nations that have been spoilated in such outrageous fashion by 
 William the damned, and in which we will make an end forever of 
 those gigantic armaments which have encouraged marauding expedi- 
 tions through secret diplomacy. 
 
 I have said that it is our message to smite tyranny. We must 
 speak out when we see wrong and wretchedness and cruelty even 
 though that may bring us into war. War is unspeakably horrible. 
 War is murder, mutilation, hate, rape, hunger, disease, stench and debt. 
 But wrongs and cruelties are still more horrible. And our message to 
 the nations and tribes of the earth is the glad hand and a constructive 
 program. 
 
 The war with Spain in 1898 was brought on because we resented 
 the murder of women and children in Cuba by a German butcher 
 by name of Weyler. The war with Germany now is also a war to 
 resent wholesale murder and outrage and thievery. The President 
 knew eighteen months before that Good Friday in 1917, when we 
 declared that a state of war exists with Germany, that the break 
 would surely come. He said January 29, 1916: "I do not know what 
 a single day may bring forth." He knew then that Germany had 
 filled our country with spies for the purpose of prostrating us utterly 
 in one week by blowing up all our railroad bridges and railroad cul- 
 verts and water plants and manufacturing plants, so that it would 
 require two years for us to recover from the blow. In the meantime 
 the Germans expected to defeat France and England and then appear 
 at the harbor of New York with the combined navies of the world 
 and charge the whole cost of the war to America. All this was the 
 program of William the damned while we were furnishing Red Cross 
 
 40 
 
nurses and Red Cross supplies to Germany. Down to this hour the 
 world has seen no comparable exhibition of insincerity and deceit and 
 hypocrisy. From the blight of such leadership the German nation 
 cannot recover in centuries. 
 
 Our duty now as leaders in Christian education is clear as sun- 
 light. We must keep up the morale of the armies of righteousness 
 by sending men and more men and still more men, even if it shall 
 require five or ten millions; and by sending food and more food and 
 yet more food; and by sending war material and more and yet more 
 war material. And may the Almighty smite dead the men and the 
 women who may make any effort whatsoever to hinder the program of 
 world betterment and universal salvation which has now been under- 
 taken by the civilized nations. 
 
 ADDRESS BY PRESIDENT COWLING ON "RELIGION AND THE 
 
 WAR" 
 
 The people of this generation are passing through one of the most 
 significant periods in the world's history, if not the most significant. 
 The problems of life have never been raised in more fundamental 
 fashion than they are today. The depths of the human heart have 
 never been more deeply stirred, nor has the strength of the human 
 spirit been more sternly tested than by the experiences of these days, 
 and, as I confidently expect, of those which are immediately ahead. 
 Questions of right and wrong today concern not merely the details 
 of the conventions of Christian civilization. They challenge the funda- 
 mentals of the moral order of the universe, and call in question the 
 very character of God himself, as interpreted to us by Jesus. The God 
 which the Germans invoked when they ravaged Belgium, and to 
 whom they gave thanks when the cries of the lost went up from the 
 Lusitania, is not the God and Father of our Lord Jesus. If the uni- 
 verse at heart is what the Kaiser claims it to be, then Christianity, 
 as we understand it, is founded on a lie, and our preaching of justice 
 and righteousness and mercy is a shameful deception. 
 
 No war has ever been fought over issues so fundamental as those 
 which concern us in this mighty struggle today. The world has stood 
 aghast at the atrocities of the Germans — their savagery and their 
 diabolical cruelty. There is no parallel in history to their atrocious 
 and unspeakable abominations. But that is not the worst of it. Their 
 philosophy of life justifies their acts at every turn. War and all its 
 horrors are glorified. The chief end of existence is the State. People 
 are warranted in promoting their own good at the expense of others. 
 These are the doctrines that prevail in Germany, and they represent 
 the underlying causes of this titanic struggle. 
 
 This country has taken up arms because it could not be true to 
 its own convictions concerning the moral constitution of the universe, 
 and acquiesce in Germany's complacent and presumptuous setting 
 aside of all moral considerations and her undermining of all the sub- 
 stantial foundations of civilized life. Our soldiers have crossed the 
 seas on a great crusade. Justice, truth, right — these in their most 
 
 41 
 
elemental forms, stripped of all conventions and interpretations — 
 these are the ultimate and abiding things for which we fight. Our 
 soldiers are coming more and more to understand what this war 
 means, and the great body of American people, before the war ends, 
 will see the eternal, moral and spiritual values of life emerging as 
 the things of supreme worth. 
 
 Dr. Eliot, formerly president of Harvard, in a pamphlet issued 
 some months ago by the General Education Board of New York, quotes 
 with approval a remark of Herbert Spencer to the effect that the kind 
 of knowledge most worth having is scientific knowledge, and goes on 
 to say that the war has proved it. To me the war has proved nothing 
 of the sort. The issues of this war are fundamentally and essentially 
 religious, and they concern primarily the moral and spiritual qualities 
 of the universe, as I shall try to make clear as we go on. 
 
 Germany has gained for herself an honorable place in science. 
 I am not among those who have been led by German propaganda to 
 believe that all the great names in science are German. Germany has 
 produced no more than an average share of scientific men of the first 
 rank. No one desires to deny her credit for what success she has 
 attained in this field. Her universities have devoted themselves year 
 after year to the minute and patient investigation of all sorts of 
 physical fact, and painstaking scientific research has been developed 
 in Germany to a point scarcely equalled by any other nation on the 
 face of the earth. Germany has run amuck not because she has failed 
 in science. Her failure is more fundamental than that. It springs 
 from her wrong estimate of the moral constitution of the universe 
 and her complete ignoring of its spiritual demands. 
 
 The universe in which we live is a vast and complicated whole. 
 There is nothing in it that exists separate and apart, or by, or for, 
 itself alone. Every particle of reality bears some relation to every 
 other, and is dependent upon it to a greater or lesser extent. Even 
 the very word "universe" indicates this essential unity of all reality. 
 But in spite of the fact that the universe is one great whole, it is 
 nevertheless true that we cannot apprehend it as such; we cannot 
 grasp it all at once. We must go about our study of it piecemeal. 
 We study the universe from a certain angle and set our findings in 
 order and call them "chemistry." We shift the point of view and look 
 at the universe from another angle and systematize the results of our 
 study and call them "physics"; and so it is through all the circle of 
 the sciences. 
 
 These sciences represent the efforts of men to understand the 
 universe from certain points of view. They describe what we know 
 of the great world of reality in which we live — its laws, its principles, 
 the demands it makes upon us. It has sometimes happened that a 
 single man in the short period of his own lifetime has been able to 
 discover and to formulate the sum total of what we know of the 
 requirements of the universe from a given point of view. Euclid 
 came very nearly doing this in plane geometry, and Aristotle in 
 deductive logic. These sciences have made very little progress since 
 these men lived thousands of years ago. In other cases, it has taken 
 
 42 
 
a great many men, working through long periods of time, to tell us 
 what we know of the requirements of the universe in a particular 
 field. But in all knowledge, whether disclosed to us by the marvelous 
 insight of some great genius, or gained by the patient and prolonged 
 ploddings of less gifted men, there is implied a universe which be- 
 haves rationally, which has its laws and principles, and which makes 
 demands that are not to be avoided. Concerning these laws, two things 
 may be said — they are not arbitrary, and yet we have no option with 
 regard to them. Our freedom consists in finding out what these laws 
 are, and in shaping and fashioning our behavior in accordance with 
 them. 
 
 The universe has its moral and spiritual laws in precisely the 
 same way as it has laws which are described in chemistry or physics, 
 or in any other science. These moral and spiritual laws of the uni- 
 verse are an integral part of the whole. They cannot be avoided or 
 trifled with any more than you can escape or trifle with the laws of 
 gravity. In other words, a man is confronted with a universe in his 
 moral and spiritual proceedings in precisely the same way as he is 
 confronted with a universe if he wishes to build a bridge or plant a 
 field of corn. He cannot do as he pleases. The universe has something 
 to say about it. If he is wise he will try to find out what the universe 
 requires, and, having found out, he will shape his conduct accord- 
 ingly. 
 
 The great men of science tell us what the universe requires in 
 their respective fields. Euclid told us a large part of what it demands 
 in the realm of space relationships. Aristotle did the same thing in 
 regard to those laws which have to do with valid reasoning. In just 
 the same way Jesus sets before us the requirements of the universe 
 from a moral and spiritual point of view. This is what I understand 
 him to mean when he says: "He that hath seen me hath seen the 
 Father." For Jesus the universe at heart is personal. This personal 
 universe Jesus discloses in his teachings and character. The author- 
 ity of Jesus' teachings do not depend upon any personal claim he 
 makes for them, but upon the essential nature of the universe to 
 which his own spiritual nature responds, and which he faithfully sets 
 forth in his acts and words. "My teaching is not mine but his that 
 sent me." His teachings are true not because he claims them to be, 
 but because, when they are accepted and practiced, the believing fol- 
 lower establishes relations of correspondence between himself and the 
 moral and spiritual laws of the universe; and the nature of that uni- 
 verse is made manifest to him in his own resulting experience. "If 
 any man will do his will, he shall know of the teaching, whether it 
 be of God or whether I speak of myself." Jesus does not claim to be 
 a dictator of arbitrary moral values, but he does claim to understand 
 the moral and spiritual requirements of the universe, and he speaks 
 forth with authority out of the fullness of his own life. He is the 
 great moral and spiritual genius of our race. His insight lays bare 
 to us those demands of the universe which have to do with moral and 
 spiritual relationships — the relationships of men to God and to one 
 another. When we follow his teachings we establish between ourselves 
 
 43 
 
and the moral and spiritual laws of the universe the relationship of 
 correspondence — the relationship of truth. 
 
 If we may assume that this is true, that Jesus speaks with author- 
 ity regarding the moral and spiritual laws of the universe, then it 
 becomes of prime importance to know what are the essentials accord- 
 ing to Jesus' view. I am persuaded that many things which have been 
 emphasized by the various branches of the Church of Christ are not 
 part of the essential requirements of the universe as interpreted by 
 him. The Christian Church has undertaken to emphasize in the name 
 of Jesus a great miscellany of things of all degrees of value. It has 
 frequently emphasized things of trifling importance, or of no impor- 
 tance at all, at the expense of what is really fundamental. Its empha- 
 sis has often been wrong and its perspective wretchedly confused. The 
 awful catastrophe in which we find ourselves today is due in large 
 part to the fact that Christian people have not consistently and stead- 
 ily placed the emphasis on those things which Jesus declared to be 
 fundamental. Where did Jesus place the emphasis? What things did 
 he regard as really fundamental? What are the essential moral and 
 spiritual demands of the universe according to him? 
 
 As I understand the teachings of Jesus, there are three things 
 which he regarded as fundamental to all else. The first is his con- 
 ception of God. What do we understand by the word "God?" The 
 word is familiar to all of us, and we are in the habit of assuming that 
 everyone has an adequate idea of what is meant by it, and some corre- 
 sponding experience in his own life. Is this assumption justified? 
 Facing the problem frankly and without any indirection whatever, what 
 does "God" actually mean to us in our own lives? Let us look at the 
 problem from a little different angle. What kind of a universe do we 
 live in? What is the ultimate and essential nature of the sum total 
 of reality? As I conceive it, there are just three possible answers to 
 this question. The first is the answer of those who say, "I do not 
 know." It is the answer of agnosticism. It seems to be a modest an- 
 swer, but, unfortunately, most of those who say "I do not know" go a 
 great deal farther and assert* "Nobody can find out." This is not a 
 modest answer. This statement assumes a complete knowledge of the 
 universe, and involves itself in a logical contradiction. This answer in 
 one form or another has been made for thousands of years, — since the 
 very early days of systematic speculation, — but it has satisfied very few. 
 As an answer to this great question, "What kind of universe do we live 
 in?" it is a complete failure. 
 
 The second answer is that of those who say, "The universe is essen- 
 tially a mechanism and nothing more." There can be no doubt that 
 there is a great deal of mechanism in the universe. "God moves in a 
 mysterious way, his wonders to perform," and part of that mysterious 
 way is disclosed to us by the marvelous complexity which the natural 
 sciences describe. The so-called "battle between science and religion" 
 has, for the most part, been waged at just this point. Many religious 
 people have undertaken to deny the facts of science in the supposed 
 interest of religion, and, on the other hand, many authorities acquainted 
 with these facts have attempted to interpret them in a way that 
 
 44 
 
appeared inconsistent with religion. The facts of science should be 
 accepted gladly. Facts everywhere are sacred things, and we should 
 rejoice in their discovery. They show us God's methods of working in 
 his world. Facts are far more sacred than dogmas, and when a fact 
 and a dogma come in conflict, it is the dogma that must yield and not 
 the fact. And yet when science has told its whole story, it has not 
 answered our question, "What kind of a universe do we live in?" To 
 say that it is a mechanism and nothing more, leaves at least two ques- 
 tions unanswered, and for which no answer can be found so long as 
 we stay strictly within the field of science. The first is the question of 
 the first origin of things, and the second is the question of the inner 
 essence and nature of force. Granted a beginning, and granted a power 
 at work, science does tell in marvelous fashion of the unfolding of that 
 power, and of the wonderful forms in which it manifests itself in the 
 physical world; but it cannot go beyond this. Any satisfactory answer 
 to the question of first origins, or to the question of the ultimate nature 
 of force, carries us far beyond the realm of science. 
 
 The failure of scientists to answer our question, "What kind of a 
 universe do we live in?" in terms of mechanical forces and mechanical 
 laws, leads us to the third type of answer. It is the answer of those 
 who say, "The universe at heart is a person." This is the answer of all 
 the greatest thinkers in the field of speculative inquiry. It is the com- 
 mon answer of all those who hold first rank in philosophy. This view is 
 partially illustrated by the situation in which each one finds himself 
 as an individual. Anatomy and physiology have a great deal to tell us 
 about the mechanism and functions of the human body, but they cannot 
 disclose to us the personal self. Modern scientific psychology has a won- 
 derful story to tell of the uniformities of our mental processes, but 
 these uniformities do not constitute the real ego, the person, the spirit- 
 ual self, which we nevertheless believe exists in connection with the 
 physical and mental conditions which psychology describes. There is a 
 great deal of mechanism in our bodies, and a great deal of mechanism 
 too in our minds, but our real self, the soul of a man, is something that 
 underlies all this. The "soul" is in a sense a hypothesis. It is some- 
 thing that we take for granted, — an assumption that is needed to explain 
 the facts of our physical and mental life, and is needed still more to 
 give meaning to personal existence and an adequate basis for personal 
 morality. Just as we are convinced that there is a real self, an ego. 
 back of the physical and mental facts of our conscious existence, just so 
 is there a real Self, a Person, back of the phenomena of nature which 
 we see around us. Underneath the facts of the physical world is the 
 everlasting Spirit, and at the heart of reality is the eternal Self. 
 
 This is the view of Jesus. His answer to our question is in har- 
 mony w r ith the answer of those who have gained for themselves the 
 highest place in men's speculations about these great themes. But Jesus 
 goes further than these speculative thinkers. He not only takes it for 
 granted that the universe at heart is a person, but he assures us that it 
 is the highest type of person; and he goes on to describe the heart of 
 the Eternal in terms of all that is dearest and best in human life. He 
 says that God is a Father, whose chief quality is love. "What kind of a 
 
 45 
 
universe do we live in?" We live in a universe which is at heart a per- 
 son, and love is its essential nature. The whole sum total of reality is 
 permeated, through and through, with the spirit and purpose of this 
 God of love. This is the first and most fundamental of the teachings of 
 Jesus. 
 
 The second may also be put in the form of a question: "What is 
 man's place in the universe?" Jesus said man is supreme. Taking the 
 most sacred institution of the Jews, the Sabbath, an institution which 
 commanded not only their religious devotion, but their patriotic loyalty 
 as well, — taking this most sacred institution of the Jews, he holds it 
 up before them and declares, "The Sabbath was made for man, and not 
 man for the Sabbath." This is a single illustration of Jesus' view. 
 Take the principle that is involved in this illustration and apply it 
 everywhere, and you have the most fundamental criterion of morality, 
 and the standard of judgment by which to test all movements, all creeds 
 and dogmas, all organizations, — religious, commercial, industrial, and 
 political. Individual human personality is the thing of most ultimate 
 value in the universe. Whatever enlarges and enriches the lives of men 
 is right; whatever dwarfs, or narrows, or embitters human life is 
 wrong. This is precisely the principle which Lincoln embodied in his 
 immortal words, — "A government of the people, by the people, and for 
 the people." I wish that some one might phrase the same principle in 
 terms of commercial and industrial life in a way that would be worthy 
 to rank with Jesus' noble utterance regarding the greater worth of a 
 human soul than any religious institution, or with Lincoln's never- 
 dying words regarding the authority and purpose of all true govern- 
 ment. Man is supreme, and his welfare must be accepted as the organ- 
 izing principle of life everywhere. This is the very essence of the 
 teachings of Jesus, and it is the foundation of democracy as well. 
 
 Now we come to our third question, "What is a man's true relation 
 to his fellow men?" Paul says, "Bear ye one another's burdens, and so 
 fulfill the law of Christ." Speaking elsewhere of Jesus he says, "Who, 
 existing in the form of God, counted not the being on an equality with 
 God a thing to be grasped, but emptied himself, taking the form of a 
 servant." What does it mean? It means that no man can regard the 
 advantage of his life as private possessions, to be used selfishly for his 
 own ends, and at the same time share the spirit and the mind of 
 Christ. Our advantages, no matter what they may be, whether of birth 
 or education, political power or social prestige, — these advantages must 
 be regarded as the measure of our opportunity and of our responsibility 
 to serve our fellows. Service is the essence of true social relationships, 
 and unselfishness is the secret of every true life. Jesus taught this in 
 innumerable ways; he practiced it himself, and he made upon his own 
 generation, and upon every generation which has followed, the impres- 
 sion that he was utterly sincere in what he taught and in what he did. 
 
 These three great teachings of Jesus, — his doctrine of God; his 
 estimate of the place and worth of man; and his teaching that service 
 is the essence of true social relationships, — these three are fundamental 
 to everything else that Jesus taught. The universe is actually con- 
 structed in the fashion these teachings imply. The demonstration of 
 
 46 
 
this is to be found in the experience of all those who, following the 
 instructions of Jesus, relate themselves to the universe in accordance 
 with its moral and spiritual demands, and who thereby find its essen- 
 tial nature disclosed to them in the abundant fruits of their own lives. 
 Jesus says, — "I am come that they might have life." This promise is 
 realized in the life of anyone who will bring his life into relationship 
 with the universe in accordance with its moral and spiritual require- 
 ments, — in accordance with the fundamental teachings of our Lord. A 
 man in whose life these teachings actually become operative is, by that 
 very fact, related to the universe in accordance with its demands; and 
 the nature of the universe is disclosed to him in the full and abundant 
 life which he experiences. 
 
 I believe with all my heart that this country and its allies are going 
 to win this war. I should believe this even if the Germans had already 
 captured Paris, and had beaten the Italians to their knees. I do not 
 pretend to have any special knowledge of the military situation, nor do 
 I claim any understanding of military affairs more than is possessed by 
 any average man who is well informed. But I am confident that a thing 
 is never settled until it is settled right. What do we mean by settling 
 a thing right? We mean settling it in accordance with the demands of 
 the universe. A bridge is built right when it meets those demands of 
 the universe which have to do with the problems involved in bridge 
 building. A field of corn is planted right when it is done in such way 
 that the laws of the universe which have to do with agriculture are met 
 and satisfied. The issues of this war, which are fundamentally and 
 essentially religious, can never be settled until they are adjusted in 
 accordance with the moral and spiritual demands which the universe 
 makes. These issues are far more clearly drawn than they were when 
 the war began. The cause of the allies has become more and more 
 spiritualized. Step after step has been taken in the direction of an 
 unselfish and essentially Christian view of human relationships. Ger- 
 many, on the other hand, has been driven, both by the logic of her 
 claims and by the necessities of her illegitimate military undertakings, 
 to deny flatly all moral considerations and to ignore completely all spir- 
 itual motives. She has placed herself squarely in opposition to the 
 moral and spiritual demands of the universe as interpreted by Jesus. 
 Look at Germany's answer to every one of the great questions we have 
 discussed, and you will see that her answer, in every case, is diamet- 
 rically opposed to that of Jesus. 
 
 "What kind of a universe do we live in?" Jesus says we live in a 
 universe which is essentially love. Treitsche says that war is inevita- 
 bly involved in human progress. Nothing is inevitably involved in any- 
 thing except it be of the nature of the universe. Treitsche's position 
 means that the universe at heart is of such nature that it inevitably 
 uses war as a method of working out its purposes. The view of God 
 here implied is exactly opposite that of Jesus. Take any of the blasphe- 
 mous utterances of the Kaiser and compare his conception of God with 
 the God that Jesus taught us to love, and one is shocked at the ugly 
 contrast. There is no more similarity between the God which the 
 Kaiser claims to be in league with and the God of our Lord Jesus than 
 
 47 
 
there is between light and darkness, — they are exactly opposite. Liter- 
 ally hundreds of illustrations could be cited from the utterances of rep- 
 resentative Germans the past fifty years showing conclusively that they 
 deliberately believe in war; that they regard it a holy thing; that they 
 hold that the essential nature of the universe is expressed therein and 
 its purposes worked out by its means. For them the universe is stripped 
 of its moral attributes, — justice, mercy, faithfulness, which Jesus de- 
 clared to be fundamental to everything else. 
 
 Take the second question, "What is man's place in the universe?" 
 Jesus says, "Man is supreme." Germany says, "Man is secondary; the 
 State is supreme." This being granted it follows that whatever in- 
 creases the power of the State is right, and that whatever tends in the 
 opposite direction is wrong. This is the foundation of Germany's 
 whole philosophy of morals. Germany is entirely consistent when she 
 calls upon her men to sacrifice everything for the State; and she is 
 equally consistent when she calls upon her women to give up every- 
 thing that has been held sacredly personal from the earliest memories 
 of civilized man. The State being supreme, the welfare of individuals 
 is entirely subordinate. What a reversal of the teachings of Jesus! 
 Wherever you find any kind of an institution, whether ecclesiastical or 
 political, set up as an end in itself, as a thing of supreme worth, there 
 you have something which is contrary to the moral laws of the uni- 
 verse as interpreted by Jesus, and something which in the long run will 
 collapse and fail. Man is supreme, and his welfare is the only final 
 and ultimate consideration. 
 
 As for our third question, — "What is a man's true relation to his 
 fellows?" — what could be more contrary to the Christian view than the 
 view which Germany has consistently followed for fifty years? In the 
 middle of the last century Treitsche began saying that Christian princi- 
 ples hold when applied to individuals, but that they have nothing to do 
 with relations between States; that the only virtue of a State is power, 
 and its only crime is weakness! Then Neitzsche came along and said, 
 in effect, "Treitsche is right, only he did not go far enough. Christian 
 principles have nothing to do with the relations of States, neither do 
 they apply to relations between individuals. A strong man not only 
 has the right, but he is under obligation, to take away from a weak man 
 everything that the weak man has, and use it for his own upbuilding." 
 Neitzsche claims this to be the law of nature, and holds that in this way 
 the race is to be improved, and a superior type of man built up, — the 
 superman. Neitzsche conceived of himself as bringing to the world a 
 fundamentally new view of human relationships. He thought of him- 
 self as holding a unique place in the history of thought, and in the evo- 
 lution of morals as well. "I can have no friends; friendship can exist 
 only between equals." "I am strong enough to break history in two." 
 What does he mean? He means that we must redate our calendars from 
 him, — so many years before Neitzsche and so many years after! 
 
 Ideas like those of Treitsche and Neitzche were taught in Germany 
 half a century ago, and people believed them. They have raised up in 
 Germany two generations and more which are absolutely committed to 
 these views and to the resulting theory of life. The war, as conceived 
 
 48 
 
by Germany, and carried out with all her awful cruelty, is but the 
 logical expression and outcome of these preposterous teachings, and of 
 the perverted ambitions which they have stirred up in Kaiser and 
 subject alike. These views, which have prevailed in Germany for the 
 last sixty or seventy-five years, represent an apostasy from the idealism 
 of the Germany of earlier years. These corrupting views are in opposi- 
 tion to the moral and spiritual requirements of the universe, and they 
 cannot long prevail. The Germany whose philosophy of life finds 
 expression in this diabolical war is marked for destruction. The uni- 
 verse will have its way. "God is not mocked," and in the long run His 
 will prevails. 
 
 I have no doubt that in time all human relationships, — those be- 
 tween States, as well as those between individuals, — will be organized in 
 accordance with the teachings of Jesus. I have no more doubt of this 
 than I have that in the long run scientific medicine, accepted in this 
 country and in Europe, will displace the ignorant and superstitious 
 practices of the Orient. One represents conformity to the demands of 
 the universe, and the other does not. 
 
 Is there anyone who can possibly feel that this country should not 
 have gone into this war? What was the option? The only option we 
 had was to fight or to betray the ideals and every spiritual possession 
 for which our fathers fought, and which they left us as a priceless heri- 
 tage. This country did not go into the war until it became evident that 
 the battle of the ages was on — a battle to determine — finally, as we hope, 
 — whether mankind shall continue under the domination of ideas in the 
 political realm which spring from the presumptious pride of a few men 
 and which are opposed to the moral and spiritual requirements of the 
 universe, or whether these requirements shall be recognized and accepted 
 as the only true basis of human relationships. 
 
 The thing for us to guard against with all our souls is an incon- 
 clusive peace. The closing of this war on the basis of a compromise 
 would mean that the blood of the hundreds of thousands who have died 
 would have been shed in vain; and it would mean, too, that the blood 
 of millions more would have to be shed in the years to come. There 
 can be no lasting peace except upon the basis of the requirements of the 
 universe as interpreted by Jesus in His teachings concerning the Fath- 
 erhood of God, the worth and dignity of men, and the essential nature 
 of true human relationships. There can be no such peace while Ger- 
 many continues to believe in the philosophy of life which now pre- 
 vails throughout the length and breadth of all her land. There is no 
 division of opinion between the German government and the German 
 people. Government and people together are committed to a diabol- 
 ical view of life, and as long as they trust in this, there can be no peace 
 or safety for the rest of the world. Germany must be brought to realize 
 by force of arms that there is no abiding strength in the views she 
 holds. 
 
 When Germany is defeated, then the allies will be brought to a more 
 crucial test than any they have faced in battle. It will be the test as 
 to whether or not they sincerely and utterly believe the things they 
 have professed during this mighty struggle. If the idealism of this war 
 
 4U 
 
can be given concrete expression in the actual arrangements that are 
 set up between nations when peace prevails again, then the occasion 
 for future wars will have been cut off, and the relations of nations estab- 
 lished upon permanent good will. I am one of those who believe abso- 
 lutely that it is possible to make this the last great war of history; but 
 I believe it can be done only as international relations are adjusted with 
 utter sincerity in accordance with the teachings of Jesus. There is no 
 opportunity for this so long as undefeated Germany confidently holds 
 her views. With the triumph of the allies, opportunity will come for a 
 Christian world-order, if the allies themselves are willing to trust the 
 teachings of our Lord. 
 
 Our task for the immediate future is the winning of the war. It 
 may take a year, or two years, or three years. If it shall take more, 
 this nation must fight on until victory is won. I have no question about 
 our forces at the front. The men in arms will do their duty and die, if 
 need be, for the common good. There must be the same spirit and the 
 same devotion on the part of those at home. That is going to be the 
 crucial test. Are the people of this democracy prepared to pay the 
 price necessary to win this war? We must co-operate with the various 
 agencies of the Government as we have opportunity, especially in mat- 
 ters of food and saving. But this is not enough. The spirit of unity 
 must prevail, the spirit of unselfish devotion, and this must find expres- 
 sion in every opportunity which comes to us to serve. I do not believe 
 this spirit can be maintained by hating Germans. It must have some- 
 thing more substantial than that to live upon. Hate everywhere is a 
 disintegrating force, and we are not going to overcome the Germans by 
 adopting their philosophy of life. I believe there is only one way to 
 keep this nation solidly united behind this war, and that is to appeal 
 to the people continuously in terms that shall challenge their highest 
 idealism, and keep them persuaded of the unselfishness and nobility of 
 our cause. Our path is plain before us, and our task is one which chal- 
 lenges all our spiritual powers. 
 
 Toward the close of Jesus' life, He saw clearly the path of suffering 
 which lay before Him, and He understood, with equal clearness, that it 
 was not to be avoided. He told His followers what the prospects were, 
 and many left Him. Then He turned to the Twelve and said: "Will ye 
 also go away?" Peter replied: "Lord, to whom shall we go, thou hast 
 the words of eternal life." Was there ever a time when men could ask 
 the question of Peter with greater meaning than today, and was there 
 ever a time when men could more confidently answer that question as 
 Peter answered it? 
 
 Jesus speaks today with far more authority than He could possibly 
 have had nineteen hundred years ago, and His words of ringing chal- 
 lenge and promise place before men their highest hope: "Follow me, 
 the life that I live, shall ye live also." 
 
 "AMERICA, THE LAND OP DREAMS" 
 
 The memorable exercises of Inauguration day were brought to a 
 close by an evening lecture delivered by Bishop William Alfred Quayle. 
 
 50 
 
This was the more fitting as the Bishop in the earlier days had been 
 an instructor of the incoming President during his college course. The 
 subject for the hour was "America, the Land of Dreams." Vivid living 
 pictures of the wonders and beauties of our far stretched land were pre- 
 sented by the Bishop's unique magic, and will live long in the thought 
 and memory of the great audience privileged to listen. The descriptions 
 were so crystal in their clearness that all were soon dreaming of the 
 blue lakes, vast and innumerable, the towering mountains of majesty 
 and power, the broad rivers white flecked with commerce or, best of all, 
 the wide flung prairie, that the speaker loves, covered with the flowers 
 of spring. America seemed more beautiful than ever before and there 
 sprang up a new and passionate love for this glorious land, our heri- 
 tage from a loving God. 
 
 Through the whole lecture there was also interwoven a note of 
 fervent patriotism that reached its climax in a tribute to the flag, an 
 appeal that stirred the blood and dared one to make for his country the 
 supreme sacrifice. 
 
 COMMENCEMENT DAY 
 
 This, the first Commencement Day of Baker after the University 
 had felt the full effect of the war, was characterized by an atmosphere 
 of seriousness and earnestness seldom observed in our time. The story 
 of Baker today, as one speaker expressed it, is the story of the empty 
 sleeve. The great service flag, with its more than two hundred fifty 
 stars, including three gold stars, decorating the center of the rostrum, 
 reminded the audience of Baker's absent sons, as did also the receiving 
 by parents or relatives of the diplomas of certain graduates called to 
 the service. Yet everywhere there was the calm feeling that Baker was 
 doing her duty according to her best traditions. 
 
 The Commencement address was given by the Reverend Lynn 
 Harold Hough, A.M., D.D., of Garrett Biblical Institute. His theme was, 
 "The Four Fortresses." 
 
 Commencement week ended most pleasantly with the University 
 Luncheon to the Graduating Class. A pleasing feature of the after- 
 dinner talks was the presentation by Mr. Borden Hoover, president of 
 the Senior class, to Mr. G. B. Lau, of a gift from the class. Mr. Lau, 
 who is one of two meritorious students from China among Baker's 
 graduates of this year, responded most happily and feelingly. Presi- 
 dent Lough then called upon other guests for informal talks, and all 
 assembled were delighted with the responses made by former Presidents 
 Gobin, Mason, Weatherby and Quayle, by Dr. Porter and by Dr. Hough. 
 
 The spirit of pleasant memories of the past, or loyal support in the 
 present, and of confidence in the future, pervaded the expressions of all 
 friends and graduates of Baker. 
 
 51 
 
List of Delegates 
 
 HARVARD UNIVERSITY 
 Orville Hayes Martin, A.B., LL.B. 
 
 ILLINOIS COLLEGE 
 Willakd Hayes Garrett, B.S. 
 
 OBERLIN COLLEGE 
 Louis Upton Rowland, Mus.B. 
 
 DEPAUW UNIVERSITY 
 Vice-President Hillary Asbury Gobin, LL.D. 
 
 OHIO WESLEYAN UNIVERSITY 
 Irwin Ross Beiler, S.T.B. 
 
 BALDWIN-WALLACE COLLEGE 
 Dean Osmon Grant Markham, Litt.D. 
 
 MOUNT UNION COLLEGE 
 Thomas W. Roach, A.M. 
 
 STATE UNIVERSITY OF IOWA 
 The Reverend Harry Francis Dorcas, A.B. 
 
 CORNELL COLLEGE 
 Raymond Asa Kent, A.M. 
 
 KANSAS STATE AGRICULTURAL COLLEGE 
 Ralph Ray Price, A.M. 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY OF DENVER 
 Chancellor Henry Augustus Buchtel, LL.D. 
 
 CENTRAL WESLEYAN COLLEGE 
 The Reverend George H. Woestemeyer, A.B. 
 
 WASHBURN COLLEGE 
 
 Mrs. Parley Paul Womer 
 
 Mrs. Duncan Lendrum McEachron 
 
 OTTAWA UNIVERSITY 
 
 President Silas Eber Price, D.D. 
 
 Milan Lester Ward, D.D. 
 
 Vice-President William B. Wilson, M.S. 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY OF KANSAS 
 Edmund Howard Hollands, Ph.D. 
 
 CARLETON COLLEGE 
 President Donald John Cowling, Ph.D. 
 
 DREW THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 
 The Reverend James Alexander Stavely, D.D. 
 
 52 
 
THE COLLEGE OF EMPORIA 
 Dean Conrad Vandervelde, A.M. 
 
 MISSOURI WESLEYAN COLLEGE 
 President Cameron Harmon, D.D. 
 
 KANSAS WESLEYAN UNIVERSITY 
 Vice-President Albert H. King, M.Ped. 
 
 NEBRASKA WESLEYAN UNIVERSITY 
 Dean Bertram Everett McProud, A.M. 
 
 MIDLAND COLLEGE 
 President Rufus B. Peery, D.D. 
 
 SILOAM COLLEGE 
 Dean Isaac L. Lowe, Ph.D. 
 
 GEORGE R. SMITH COLLEGE 
 President Robert Benjamin Hayes, A.M. 
 
 PUBLIC INSTRUCTION IN KANSAS 
 
 Superintendent Wilbert Davidson Ross, A.M. 
 
 AMERICAN BIBLE SOCIETY 
 The Reverend J. F. Boeye, D.D. 
 

 
 
 
 
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UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS-URBANA 
 
 30112 
 
 11513765 
 
 The Baker University Bulletin 
 
 Vol. XVIII Baldwin City, Kansas, November, 1918 No. 4 
 
 Entered at the Postoffice, Baldwin City, Kans., as second-class mail matter. 
 (Act of July 16, 1894)