LINCOLN ROOM 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 LIBRARY 
 
 MEMORIAL 
 
 the Class of 1901 
 
 founded by 
 
 HARLAN HOYT HORNER 
 
 and 
 
 HENRIETTA CALHOUN HORNER 
 
THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 
 in 2012 with funding from 
 
 University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign 
 
 http://archive.org/details/reallincolnportraiOOweik 
 
Cu/jynyttt, George B. Ay res, Philadelphia 
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN 
 Photograph by Alexander Hesler, June, i860 
 
THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 A Portrait 
 
 BY 
 
 JESSE W. WEIK 
 
 WITH ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 BOSTON AND NEW YORK 
 
 HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY 
 W$t ftibersifce $res« Cambridge 
 
COPYRIGHT, 1922, BY JESSE W. WEIK 
 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED 
 
 SECOND IMPRESSION, JANUARY, IO23 
 
 Cfje iAtucreiDc Press 
 
 CAMBRIDGE • MASSACHUSETTS 
 PRINTED IN THE U.S.A. 
 
3W4^/t 
 
 A\ 
 
 TO MY WIFE 
 
FOREWORD 
 
 Not long after the appearance of Herndon's Life of Lin- 
 coln, in the preparation of which I collaborated with the 
 author, I was asked by the late Leonard Swett to visit him 
 when I next came to Chicago. In due time I complied with 
 the invitation. It was not long after I had called until our 
 conversation turned on the Life of Lincoln which was then 
 undergoing the test of popular approval. It was soon ap- 
 parent that Mr. Swett greatly admired Herndon and he 
 was generous and complimentary in his allusions to the 
 book; but while he expressed the belief that Herndon, of 
 all persons who had attempted to narrate the story of 
 Lincoln's life, was best qualified to tell all the truth and 
 had religiously tried to do so, yet he felt that in some re- 
 spects, due probably to his advanced age, he had fallen 
 short of his full task. Mr. Swett intimated that he had 
 talked to certain other friends, to whom he purposed send- 
 ing me, who knew Lincoln personally, and they coincided 
 with his view. He mentioned Joseph Medill, Horace White, 
 Henry C. Whitney, Leonard W. Volk, the sculptor, and 
 Alexander Hesler, the photographer, all of whom I inter- 
 viewed. In addition he took me to see Lyman Trumbull, 
 and I listened with deep interest to their recollections of 
 Lincoln and Herndon. Regarding the need, in view of his 
 unusual opportunities, of fuller revelations from Herndon, 
 Swett and Trumbull agreed with each other, but in certain 
 other respects, notably their estimate of Lincoln, they were 
 not in complete accord. Trumbull, I regret to say, mani- 
 
viii FOREWORD 
 
 fested an inclination to rob Lincoln of the credit of some of 
 his achievements. I remember he criticized Nicolay and 
 Hay because they claimed that Lincoln opened the way for 
 the freedom of the slaves, whereas, as he contended, Con- 
 gress had done it by two laws it passed before Lincoln is- 
 sued the Emancipation Proclamation. 
 
 Mr. Swett's criticism of Herndon was that he had failed 
 to bring out as fully as he should the human side of Lin- 
 coln, the incidents of his domestic and home life, and es- 
 pecially a definite and searching insight into his activities 
 as a lawyer. He maintained that Mr. Lincoln, notwith- 
 standing his brilliant career as a statesman, would never 
 cease to be remembered as a lawyer and as such would be 
 judged by the world; that therefore the more we learned 
 of that phase of his life, the clearer and more impressive 
 would be the portrait we should be able to transmit to 
 posterity. Our knowledge, therefore, of all that Lincoln 
 accomplished in the law office and the court-room, as well 
 as how he did it, is in the highest degree essential. 
 
 Another criticism by Mr. Swett was that not enough 
 attention had been given to Mr. Lincoln's Springfield en- 
 vironment — his connection with local affairs, commercial 
 as well as political. We should know more about him as a 
 fellow townsman — where and how he lived and how he 
 spent his money. A great deal has been written regarding 
 his public career, as statesman and Chief Magistrate dur- 
 ing the most eventful period in our national history; but 
 more remains to be said of that period of his evolution 
 which antedates his elevation to the Presidency; in other 
 words, there should be more local color, more of the details 
 of his personal history as revealed by his neighbors — in 
 
FOREWORD ix 
 
 short, the doors of his office and of his home should be 
 made to swing open and the light turned on so that we 
 may indeed view him as a man. 
 
 My visit to Chicago convinced me that Mr. Swett sim- 
 ply voiced the opinion of the friends of Lincoln whose 
 names I have mentioned, as well as others whom I else- 
 where encountered. Since then my earnest endeavor has 
 been to learn and record the truth as it developed in a 
 careful study of one of the greatest characters in human 
 history, and to that end these pages have been written. 
 
 For the benefit of their ripe knowledge and discrim- 
 inating judgment as well as the use of a generous array 
 of letters, papers, and other valuable historical material, 
 I am indebted to an army of friends. Among them may 
 be named Charles A. Dryer, of Indianapolis; Dr. Wil- 
 liam W. Sweet, of DePauw University, Greencastle, In- 
 diana; and Isaac R. Diller and the late John W. Bunn, 
 of Springfield, Illinois. The full list is too large for 
 individual mention, but each contributor may console 
 himself with the reflection that he has added materially 
 to a truthful history of The Real Lincoln. 
 
 Jesse W. Weik 
 Greencastle, Indiana 
 August 10, 1 921 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 Chapter I i 
 
 Preliminary words — Beginning investigations at Springfield — 
 Estimates of Horace White and Henry C. Whitney — Compari- 
 son of Lincoln and Herndon — Visiting places where Lincoln 
 labored — Conference with Herndon — Preparing "The True 
 Story of a Great Life" — Description of the Lincoln and Hern- 
 don library — Dismantling the law office. 
 
 Chapter II 13 
 
 Lincoln's birth in Kentucky — Visiting his birthplace — Some 
 of his early playmates — Interviewing Austin Gollaher and 
 others at Hodgenv^lle and Elizabethtown — Dr. Rodman's visit 
 to Washington — Recollections of the artist Rowbotham — 
 The removal to Indiana — Lincoln's schooling there — Inci- 
 dents of his boyhood — Association with Dennis Hanks — Cut- 
 ting wood at Posey's Landing — Letters of Dennis Hanks to 
 Herndon. 
 
 Chapter III 28 
 
 The question of Lincoln's birth and descent — The various 
 books on the subject — Investigations by Herndon and the au- 
 thor in Kentucky and elsewhere — The Enloe tradition — The 
 Lincoln family Bible record — Sarah Lincoln — The John L. 
 Scripps incident — Herndon's story of his ride with Lincoln to 
 Petersburg — Dennis and John Hanks, who they were and 
 whence they sprang — Their letters to Herndon regarding the 
 Lincoln family tree. 
 
 Chapter IV 47 
 
 Removal of the Lincolns from Indiana to Illinois in 1830 — 
 Thomas Lincoln sells the land to Charles Grigsby — Leaving 
 Gentryville — Names of the emigrants and description of the 
 journey — Reaching Macon County, Illinois — Abe leaves the 
 family near Decatur and pushes out for himself — Thomas 
 Lincoln and the Hankses — Story of Thomas Johnston jailed 
 for stealing a watch and how Lincoln saved him — Recollections 
 of Harriet Chapman, who lived at the Lincoln home in Spring- 
 field. 
 
xii CONTENTS 
 
 Chapter V 56 
 
 Lincoln's several proposals of marriage — Story of his failure to 
 join Mary Todd at the Edwards home, January, 1 841 — His let- 
 ter to John T. Stuart — Invitation to John Hanks — Prepara- 
 tions for the marriage to Mary Todd — The story of the wed- 
 ding — Judge Browne's amusing interruption — Conflicting 
 views of Springfield people — Writer's visit to and interview 
 with Ninian W. Edwards and wife — Refusal of Mrs. Simeon 
 Francis to tell her story. 
 
 Chapter VI 6$ 
 
 Lincoln's attitude toward the ladies — His attentions to Sarah 
 Rickard — What Mary Owens said about him — His conduct in 
 the parlor — The stag literary society — How he, with the aid 
 of Evan Butler and James Matheney, punished the drunken 
 shoemaker — His bashfulness — Whitney's account of his em- 
 barrassment before the ladies at Urbana — The evening at Nor- 
 man B. Judd's residence — What Mrs. Judd recollected — Lin- 
 coln's break at the concert — His attentions to the lady per- 
 former — What Davis and Swett said to him about it — His 
 reply. 
 
 Chapter VII 81 
 
 Lincoln's passion for women — How he dealt with them — 
 Herndon's testimony — Interviewing one of Lincoln's female 
 clients — Her story of his conduct — Lincoln on the circuit — 
 Avoiding social functions — Fondness for concerts and like en- 
 tertainments at the town hall — Accompanying Henry C. Whit- 
 ney to the negro minstrel show in Chicago — Efforts of author 
 to determine if Lincoln attended lecture by Thackeray in St. 
 Louis — Lincoln's status as a married man — His wife's tem- 
 perament and its effect on him — Her traits of character — Her 
 management of the household — Her experience with Spring- 
 field tradesmen. 
 
 Chapter VIII 96 
 
 Further accounts of Mrs. Lincoln — Herndon's account of the 
 dance with her — The serenade — Riding with the Bradfords 
 — Her difficulties with the servants — Her husband's ingenious 
 scheme to retain them — The government of the children — 
 Lincoln taking them to the office on Sunday — His control over 
 them — Playing chess with Judge Treat — An interesting 
 
CONTENTS xiii 
 
 glimpse by a law student — Description of the office — How 
 Lincoln dressed — How he spent the day — His habits of study 
 
 — Escorting Mrs. Lincoln to a ball — Her husband's considera- 
 tion for her — His action when a storm threatened. 
 
 Chapter IX 109 
 
 A Springfield lawyer's opinion of Lincoln's mental equipment — 
 Outline of his physical organization — His appetite — How he 
 ate an apple — His predisposition to melancholy — Description 
 of his figure — His head, arms, and legs — His countenance, his 
 walk, and other physical attributes — His mental processes — 
 His perception, judgment, and conscience — His indifference as 
 to forms or methods — A profound reason er — Remorseless in 
 analysis — A giant intellect and in full comprehension of his own 
 ability. 
 
 Chapter X 119 
 
 Behind the door of Lincoln's home — What the neighbors saw 
 and heard — The testimony of James Gourley — Lincoln's gar- 
 den and dooryard — The ups and downs of life at the Eighth 
 Street home — How Lincoln and his wife agreed — What Josiah 
 P. Kent saw and remembered — Mrs. Lincoln and the iceman 
 
 — The family carriage — Buying a ticket to the circus — Juve- 
 nile pranks at Lincoln's expense — Mrs. Lincoln's peculiarities 
 of temperament. 
 
 Chapter XI 127 
 
 Lincoln as a lawyer — Estimates of David Davis and others — 
 First leaning toward the law manifested in Indiana — Borrow- 
 ing books of Judge Pitcher, of Rockport — Attending squire's 
 court at Gentryville — Studying law books after reaching New 
 Salem — Admission to the bar at Springfield — His opinion of 
 examinations — Story of an applicant he himself examined — The 
 note to Judge Logan — Hawthorne vs. Woolridge, his first case: 
 its history and termination — Scammon vs. Cline, his first case 
 in the Supreme Court — His last appearance in court — His 
 three partnerships — His wonderful ability as a reasoner — The 
 scope and extent of his practice — Range and size of his fees — 
 His skill and care in the preparation of papers — The trial of 
 Bailey vs. Cromwell proving that a negro girl was not a slave — 
 Also Carman vs. Glasscock involving the navigability of the 
 Sangamon River. 
 
xiv CONTENTS 
 
 Chapter XII 148 
 
 Green vs. Green, Lincoln's first divorce case — His dislike for 
 divorce suits — His magnanimity in the trial of Samuel Rogers 
 vs. Polly Rogers — His comment on the Miller vs. Miller peti- 
 tion — A pitiful story of marital discord — A slow collector — 
 Rarely enforced collection of fees by suit — When in partnership 
 with Logan brought one suit for fee — Retained by Illinois Cen- 
 tral Railroad to enjoin McLean County from assessing road for 
 taxation — Lincoln's letter to Brayman — Gains case in Su- 
 preme Court — Lincoln sues railroad company for his fee — His- 
 tory of transaction — Dividing fee with Herndon — One of 
 Lincoln's first suits for personal injury — The Horological Cra- 
 dle case — The slander suit of McKibben vs. Hart — Turning 
 the fee over to his father — The Spink vs. Chiniquiy case settled 
 by Lincoln — The Dungey vs. Spencer case as recalled by Law- 
 rence Weldon — Fixing Lincoln's fee — Linder vs. Fleenor — 
 How Lincoln proved the marriage — Dorman vs. Lane — Pro- 
 posal by Lincoln to his associates that they join him and donate 
 fees as a wedding present. 
 
 Chapter XIII 169 
 
 Lincoln seldom wrote briefs or legal arguments — Scarcely ever 
 made notes — Of the few briefs he reduced to writing Herndon 
 preserved but a portion — One was a petition for rehearing in 
 Patterson vs. Edwards, tried in the Supreme Court in 1845 — 
 Slander suit between two women — Notable specimen of Lin- 
 coln's reasoning — Smith vs. Smith, suit on election bet — Vigor- 
 ous denunciation of those who bet on elections — Hurd vs. Rock 
 Island Bridge Company tried by Lincoln in United States Cir- 
 cuit Court in Chicago — Record of Lincoln's argument before the 
 jury as delivered, preserved, and reproduced by Robert R. Hitt, 
 the shorthand reporter — How Lincoln talked when he faced a 
 jury — What he thought of Judge McLean. 
 
 Chapter XIV 188 
 
 Life on the circuit — The Eighth Circuit described — Lincoln 
 only lawyer who traveled over all of it — His horse and buggy 
 — The landlord's welcome — Life at the tavern — Lincoln's 
 dress — Leonard Swett's introduction to Lincoln and Davis — 
 Lincoln's methods described by Henry C. Whitney — Joins 
 Leonard Swett in defense of a murderer — His record in fugitive 
 slave cases — Explanation by John W. Bunn of his few appear- 
 ances in court in behalf of runaway slaves — Account by J. 
 
CONTENTS xv 
 
 Birch of Lincoln lounging in the county clerk's office — Also his 
 physical appearance and habits in political campaigns — The 
 Wright case — Befriending the Matheney heirs — Forcing the 
 foreign impostor to disgorge his gains — Fee paid by Jacob 
 Bunn and how Lincoln applied it. 
 
 Chapter XV 206 
 
 How Lincoln whiled away his spare moments in Springfield — 
 Places he was in the habit of frequenting — An evening in the 
 office of Colonel W. B. Warren, Clerk of the Supreme Court — 
 Incidents of Lincoln's stay at Urbana in the spring of 1856 — 
 Stealing the hotel gong — Apprised of his vote for Vice-Presi- 
 dent at the Republican National Convention in Philadelphia — 
 Leaving Urbana for Springfield — Riding in the omnibus — 
 Whitney's recollection of Lincoln's modest fees — His financial 
 accumulations — The bank account of Lincoln & Herndon. 
 
 Chapter XVI 215 
 
 Instances of Lincoln's weakness — His unwonted faith in cer- 
 tain friends — His blindness to their faults — His failure to re- 
 deem Herndon — Joining the charmed circle at the tavern — 
 His bland and inexplicable confidence in the ability and moral 
 influence of Ward Lamon — Appoints him United States Mar- 
 shal of the District of Columbia — Lamon's attempt to influ- 
 ence General Fremont — Scheme to transport troops to West 
 Virginia — The pretended Lamon's Brigade — Investigation 
 by Congressional committee which denounces Lamon in scath- 
 ing report — Notwithstanding opposition of fifteen Senators 
 Lincoln adheres to him — Mark W. Delahay another instance 
 of Lincoln's misplaced confidence — Surprise of John J. Ingalls 
 — Lincoln finally appoints him United States Judge for the 
 District of Kansas — Congressional committee visits Kansas 
 to investigate Delahay 's moral and official conduct — Delahay 
 resigns to avoid impeachment — Lincoln's appointment of Si- 
 mon Cameron and the trouble it gave him — Herndon's letter 
 to Henry Wilson — Lincoln's real estimate of Douglas — What 
 he told C. H. Moore about Douglas — Incidents of the joint de- 
 bate — The recollections of Horace White. 
 
 Chapter XVII 237 
 
 Lincoln as a student — The effect of a college education — Com- 
 parison of John Fiske's and Lincoln's conception of social evolu- 
 tion — Lincoln takes up Euclid — Reading "The Annual of 
 
xvi CONTENTS 
 
 Science" — Studying higher mathematics — His attempt to 
 square the circle — His self-confidence and secretiveness — His 
 mechanical bent — Securing a patent — Working on the model 
 of his invention at Walter Davis's shop — Explaining it to his 
 partner and callers at his office — Preparing his lecture on " Dis- 
 coveries and Inventions" — Delivers it at Jacksonville and 
 Springfield — What some of his colleagues thought about it — 
 Several paragraphs of the lecture — Account by S. H. Melvin 
 of what Lincoln did with the manuscript — Herndon also enters 
 the lecture field — Delivers his effort entitled "The Sweep of 
 Commerce" before an audience in Cook's Hall in Springfield — 
 What the "Journal" said about it. 
 
 Chapter XVIII 251 
 
 An epoch in Lincoln's life — His political baptism — Signs the 
 call for the Bloomington Convention — Herndon's account of 
 the incident — How Stuart tried to retard him — Lincoln an- 
 nounces himself — His speech at the Bloomington Convention 
 — The prediction of Jesse K. Dubois described by Whitney — 
 Lincoln invited to speak in New York — Effect on his neighbors 
 in Springfield — What John T. Stuart said — The Cooper Insti- 
 tute address — His speeches in New England — How he im- 
 pressed the Eastern people — Mentioned for President by the 
 press — County convention in Springfield endorses him for 
 President — He attends the Decatur meeting where John 
 Hanks brings in the famous rails — Crowds of Lincoln's friends 
 head for Chicago, leaving him at Springfield — The Chicago 
 Convention — What Lincoln was doing at home — The nomi- 
 nation on Friday — How Lincoln received the news — The ac- 
 count by Clinton L. Conkling — The effect at Springfield — 
 Marching to Lincoln's house — His speech — Arrival of notifi- 
 cation committee from Chicago — Incidents of their visit — The 
 notification ceremony in the parlor of Lincoln's home — Inci- 
 dents of the campaign — All paths lead to Springfield — The 
 great rally in August — Letter of John Hanks supporting the 
 claims of his cousin Abe Lincoln — Some local campaigners — 
 Herndon's speech at Petersburg — Comments of the local pa- 
 pers. 
 
 Chapter XIX 282 
 
 Lincoln the candidate for President — Meeting the expenses of 
 the campaign — Judge Logan's plan — The ten friends of Lin- 
 coln who contributed — John W. Bunn's story of the fund — 
 
CONTENTS xvii 
 
 John G. Nicolay selected as Lincoln's secretary — Lincoln's at- 
 tention to the details of the campaign — Meets with local com- 
 mittee — Recommends John Hay as assistant secretary — Inter- 
 esting reminiscence of John W. Bunn — How Lincoln bore him- 
 self throughout the campaign — The election — Lincoln going 
 to the polls — Assigned quarters for his office in the State 
 House — His habits as President elect — Goes to Chicago to 
 meet Hannibal Hamlin — Returns to Springfield — Visitors at 
 his office and incidents of his stay there — Journeys to Charleston 
 to see his stepmother — Account of his visit and interesting 
 reminiscence by James A. Connolly — Returns to Springfield 
 and begins preparations for the journey to Washington — Last 
 visit to his law office — Final interview with Herndon. 
 
 Chapter XX 303 
 
 Last social function at Lincoln's home — He receives threaten- 
 ing letters — Sends a friend to Washington to sound General 
 Scott — General Thomas S. Mather returns with his report — 
 Plans for Lincoln's journey to Washington as outlined in the 
 local papers — Personnel of the party selected to accompany 
 him — Leaving the Chenery House — His trunks — Departure 
 from the railway station — Lincoln's farewell speech — Story 
 of the two versions — His emotion when the train moved off. 
 
 Index 315 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 Abraham Lincoln Frontispiece 
 
 Photograph taken by Alexander Hesler at Lincoln's home in Spring- 
 field a few days after his nomination for President. Pronounced by 
 Mr. Herndon to be the best and most lifelike portrait of Lincoln in 
 existence. Reproduced by permission of Mr. George B. Ayres. 
 
 William Henry Herndon 2 
 
 Lincoln's Pocket Scrapbook carried during the Cam- 
 paign OF 1858 AGAINST DOUGLAS IO 
 
 Page from Lincoln's Hand-made Arithmetic, used by 
 him while a Schoolboy in Gentryville, Indiana 11 
 
 The Family Record in Thomas Lincoln's Bible, chiefly 
 in Abraham Lincoln's Hand 32 
 
 House near Farmington, Illinois, in which Thomas 
 Lincoln lived, and where he died in 1851 50 
 
 Joshua F. Speed and his Wife 62 
 
 From a painting owned by the family. 
 
 Sarah Rickard 68 
 
 From a woodcut after a photograph by R. T. Jones. 
 
 Mary S. Owens 68 
 
 From a photograph. 
 
 Mary Todd Lincoln 96 
 
 From a photograph. 
 
 Certificate of Survey written by Lincoln when he 
 was Deputy Surveyor under John Calhoun in 1834 no 
 
 Judge John Pitcher 130 
 
xx ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 Page of the Records of the Circuit Court of Sangamon 
 County, Illinois, for March 24, 1836, showing the 
 Court Order certifying to Lincoln's Good Moral 
 Character on his Admission to the Bar 134 
 
 Papers in Lincoln's First Case, Hawthorn vs. Wool- 
 
 DRIDGE I38 
 
 Items from Stuart and Lincoln's Fee Book 142 
 
 Lincoln's Brief in a Case involving the Navigability 
 of the Sangamon River 146 
 
 Lincoln's Bill against the Illinois Central Railroad 
 Company, with Copy of Opinion signed by Fellow 
 Lawyers i 54 
 
 Leonard Swett 192 
 
 Henry C. Whitney 192 
 
 Part of a Letter of Lincoln's to a Client (Rowland 
 Smith & Co., April 24, 1844), showing Errors in his 
 Usually Correct Spelling 238 
 
 Page of Lincoln's Manuscript of his Lecture "Discov- 
 eries and Inventions" 246 
 
 Call for a County Convention to appoint Delegates 
 to the Republican State Convention at Blooming- 
 ton, 1856 254 
 
 Stephen T. Logan 282 
 
 From a painting by G. P. A. Healy. 
 
 John T. Stuart 282 
 
 From a photograph of one of the earliest daguerreotypes made in this - 
 country, believed to have been taken by S. F. B. Morse, inventor of 
 the telegraph. 
 
THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 Preliminary words — Beginning investigations at Springfield — Estimates of 
 Horace White and Henry C. Whitney — Comparison of Lincoln and Herndon 
 — Visiting places where Lincoln labored — Conference with Herndon — Pre- 
 paring " The True Story of a Great Life " — Description of the Lincoln and 
 Herndon library — Dismantling the law office. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln is rapidly nearing his place among the 
 fixed stars; but before he is borne aloft in the nimbus of 
 immortality which invariably overtakes a deservedly great 
 and illustrious character, I feel emboldened to submit a 
 few incidents gathered by me during a patient study of the 
 man's history covering almost half a century. This array 
 of material, including facts emanating from certain au- 
 thentic and trustworthy sources, will, I hope, serve to bring 
 out in sharper outline that portrait which, we are assured, 
 some great artist, set apart for the task, is destined yet to 
 produce. In thus acquainting the public with the results 
 of my investigations I shall endeavor to avoid the expres- 
 sion of my own opinions, being content to impart the in- 
 formation as nearly as I can in the shape it came to me. 
 
 To begin with I do not feel justified in putting on record 
 the facts and conclusions outlined in the following pages 
 without first paying a merited tribute to the memory of 
 William H. Herndon, who, of all persons, as Horace White 
 has so fittingly observed, has "most thoroughly searched 
 the sources of Lincoln's biography and most attentively, 
 
2 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 intelligently and also lovingly studied his character. He 
 was generous in imparting his information to others. 
 Almost every Life of Lincoln published since the tragedy 
 at Ford's Theater has been enriched by his labors. He 
 was nine years the junior of Lincoln. Their partnership 
 began in 1843 and it continued until it was dissolved by 
 the death of the senior member. Between them there 
 was never an unkind word or thought. When Lincoln 
 became President, Herndon could have had his fortunes 
 materially advanced under the new Administration by 
 saying a word. He was a poor man then and always, but 
 he chose to remain in his more humble station and to earn 
 his bread by his daily labor." 
 
 I can conceive of nothing more significant and illumi- 
 nating than the following estimate of Herndon by one who 
 was his associate at the bar and who, for upwards of thirty- 
 five years, maintained with him the most intimate rela- 
 tions. In a letter to Herndon this gentleman — the late 
 Henry C. Whitney, of Urbana, Illinois — says: "You saw 
 Lincoln as he was and know him far better than all other 
 living men combined. Armed with such knowledge it fol- 
 lows that you know better than others how to delineate 
 him. You have the acuteness of vision that we attribute tc 
 Lincoln; you acquired much of his analytical power by 
 attrition and you thought deeply as he did. He had un- 
 bounded confidence in your intuitions and your adhesion 
 to him. I shall never forget the day — January 6, 1859 — 
 when the legislature of Illinois met in joint session and 
 elected Stephen A. Douglas, instead of himself, to the 
 United States Senate. I went to your office and found 
 Lincoln there alone. He appeared to be somewhat de- 
 
WILLIAM HENRY HERNDON 
 
LINCOLN AND HERNDON 3 
 
 jected — in fact I never saw a man so depressed. I tried to 
 rally his drooping spirits and thus extract all the comfort 
 possible from the situation, but with ill success. He was 
 simply steeped in gloom. For a time he was silent; finally 
 he straightened up and thanked me, but presently slid 
 back into his chair again, blurting out as he sank down, 
 'Well, whatever happens I expect every one to desert me 
 now, but Billy Herndon.'" 
 
 As has been truthfully said, it was his unwavering and 
 inflexible devotion to the truth that formed the predom- 
 inating trait in the character of William H. Herndon. In 
 this respect he resembled his illustrious law partner. Both 
 men up to a certain point were very much alike; but there 
 was a difference. Lincoln, deeply cautious and restrained, 
 was prone to abstract and thoughtful calculation. Hern- 
 don, by nature forceful and alert, was quick, impulsive, 
 and often precipitate. If he detected wrong he proclaimed 
 the fact instantly and everywhere, never piling up his 
 wrath and strength, as Lincoln did, for a future sweeping 
 and telling blow. He never stopped to calculate the force, 
 momentum, or effect of his opposition; but fought at the 
 drop of the hat, and fought incessantly, pushing blindly 
 through the smoke of battle until he was either hopelessly 
 overcome or stood exultant on the hilltop of victory. 
 Younger than Lincoln he was more venturesome, more 
 versatile, perhaps, and magnificently oblivious of conse- 
 quences. 
 
 Conscious of his limitations Herndon knew that he was 
 too radical and bold to achieve success in politics and he 
 therefore sunk himself in the fortunes of his more happily 
 poised partner. In the end posterity will accept the verdict 
 
4 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 of Herndon's friends that, despite his faults, he was a noble, 
 broad-minded man; incapable of a mean or selfish act, 
 brave and big-hearted, tolerant, forgiving, just, and as 
 true to Lincoln as the "needle to the pole. ,, 
 
 Early in the seventies I opened up a correspondence 
 with Herndon which ended only with his death and is 
 represented by over five hundred pages of his manuscript 
 now in my possession. After my graduation from college 
 I journeyed from my Indiana home to Springfield to see 
 him, and was so fascinated by his recital of Lincoln's life 
 and activities that I adopted his suggestion and decided 
 to remain there. For almost four years I traced Lincoln's 
 footsteps viewing him from almost every possible angle. 
 My researches were both continuous and painstaking; nor 
 did I think of desisting until I had interviewed or com- 
 municated with almost every person then living in that 
 region who had known or talked with Lincoln. 
 
 Shortly after my first meeting with Herndon, he piloted 
 me to the dingy back room on the second floor of a 
 store building facing the Court-House Square in Spring- 
 field which had sheltered him and his illustrious partner 
 when they used it for their law office. "Here," he said, 
 "is where we expounded the law to our clients, prepared 
 our papers and charged up our fees." The room and fur- 
 niture were strictly in keeping with the modesty of their 
 fees. In the center was a table, leaning against the wall 
 was an old sofa or lounge, and on the opposite side of the 
 room stood the bookcase. An old wood-burning stove and 
 four or five chairs completed the outfit. The bookcase 
 contained not to exceed twenty volumes and of this num- 
 ber scarcely half were law books, the others miscellaneous, 
 
IN SPRINGFIELD WITH HERNDON 5 
 
 partly literary and partly official, and statistical reports. 
 After a few hours spent in the old law office, Herndon 
 took me to a room over another store building in an 
 adjacent square where, as he related, Lincoln wrote his 
 first Inaugural Address. The store-room below was occu- 
 pied by Lincoln's brother-in-law, Mr. C. M. Smith, who 
 conducted therein a dry-goods store. We were shown 
 the table on which Lincoln did his writing and even 
 the inkstand which, it was said, he had used. It was on 
 this occasion that Herndon told me the story of the 
 preparation by Lincoln of this, his first official document 
 as President. Having but few books at his home Lincoln 
 asked Herndon to procure certain volumes that he might 
 consult them while he was at work preparing the Ad- 
 dress. Herndon told me he was expecting a request for 
 numerous books and pamphlets, but was surprised when 
 Lincoln furnished him the list. It consisted of only four 
 items: Jackson's proclamation against Nullification; Clay's 
 famous speech on the Compromise of 1850; Webster's 
 reply to Hayne, and a copy of the Constitution. 
 
 After visiting several points of interest in and about 
 the court-house, Herndon and I returned to the law office 
 where we spent the rest of the day. Lincoln had been but a 
 few years in his grave so that the story of the association 
 of himself and his partner, as it came from Herndon's lips, 
 was a most vivid and entertaining recital. From this time 
 forward I was destined to share to the end of his days the 
 confidence and friendship of this rare and interesting man. 
 From Herndon it was decreed I should learn what manner 
 of man Lincoln was, how to measure him, to dissect his 
 moral structure, to analyze his mental processes. I soon 
 
6 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 realized that no other man lived who comprehended so 
 thoroughly the great character whose life I was trying to 
 solve, who had dug so deeply and laid bare the springs of 
 action, the motives that animated that clear head, brave 
 heart, and strong right arm. It was plain that Herndon 
 with implicit faith and fanatical devotion clung to Lincoln, 
 and it therefore requires but little evidence to convince us 
 that the latter, throughout the memorable and tempestu- 
 ous times that made him great, bared his heart and soul to 
 "Billy" Herndon. 
 
 In due time Herndon confided to me his plans. He had 
 decided to relinquish the practice of law and move to 
 the country. Once there, it was his purpose to write a 
 number of articles for publication in a newspaper or maga- 
 zine describing the youth and early manhood of Lincoln. 
 Being somewhat infirm, as well as without experience in 
 the art of narrative composition, he proposed that I should 
 assist him and thus, by our joint efforts, we might produce 
 a contribution to history the world would accept. After 
 some reflection I decided to collaborate with him, but, 
 later, when he had revealed to me the bountiful store of 
 information he had accumulated, the project in my judg- 
 ment began to broaden both in scope and importance. 
 With the material already at hand and more of a like na- 
 ture almost as accessible, I felt warranted in believing that 
 a more interesting and pretentious work than a few columns 
 of the regulation newspaper or magazine compilations of 
 that period would be welcomed by the public, and I so 
 insisted to Herndon. I was therefore not a little grati- 
 fied a few days later when he announced that, after due 
 deliberation, he had come around to my way of thinking. 
 
DISMANTLING THE LAW OFFICE 7 
 
 Having determined to retire to the country he then asked 
 me to help him classify and rearrange his papers, remove 
 books, furniture, and other belongings — in short, dis- 
 mantle the office generally. Although only preliminary to 
 the details of research, verification, and composition, which 
 were to engross our attention for the ensuing three or four 
 years, I was soon made to realize that our joint labors had 
 just begun. It only remains to add that, eventually, after 
 a severe test of our zeal, vigor, and endurance, the time 
 came when we were privileged to toss into the lap of an 
 anxious and indulgent world three small volumes, depict- 
 ing the life and achievements of Abraham Lincoln, under 
 the significant if not euphonious title: "The True Story of 
 a Great Life, by William H. Herndon." It may not be out 
 of place to state here that prior to this, Ward H. Lamon 
 had begun a "Life of Lincoln" obtaining from Herndon 
 copies of numerous letters and papers which he was al- 
 lowed to use. In the preparation of his manuscript Lamon 
 was greatly aided by Chauncey F. Black, of Pennsylvania, 
 in fact, as related by Herndon, Black really performed the 
 better part of the work. 
 
 Elsewhere, in enumerating the contents of the Lincoln 
 and Herndon law office, I have mentioned the bookcase 
 standing against the wall on the north side of the room. 
 It really surmounted a desk or table in which there were 
 two small drawers, the whole being about eight feet high. 
 There were five shelves; books occupied the lower three 
 and those above were filled with a profusion of pamphlets, 
 letters, and legal documents. Judging by the accumula- 
 tion of dust which had settled on them Herndon's observa- 
 tion that the majority dated back to Lincoln's time was 
 
8 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 an unnecessary deduction. On the floor near by stood a 
 wooden box into which Herndon explained he had been 
 placing papers of his own as well as matter concerning 
 Lincoln which he had gathered since the latter's death. 
 On the top of the bookcase I noticed a pasteboard box. 
 It was eighteen or twenty inches square and was minus a 
 lid. At the suggestion of Herndon I mounted a chair, lifted 
 the box from the place where it had evidently reposed for 
 many years and passed it down to him. After removing 
 the layer of dust which effectually covered it, he proceeded 
 to explore its contents, remarking that it was a box Lincoln 
 had used. It was filled with letters and papers tied in 
 bundles. One package he withdrew and untied. Beneath 
 the string was a paper label about five inches long contain- 
 ing these words in Lincoln's unmistakable and legible 
 handwriting: "When you can't find it anywhere else look 
 into this" It was a collection of miscellaneous material set 
 aside by Lincoln. Among other things it contained numer- 
 ous letters written to Lincoln during the campaigns of 1856 
 and 1858, some of which Herndon read and commented 
 on for my benefit; but the item which awakened his deep- 
 est interest was a couple of printed sermons, opposing the 
 extension of slavery, delivered by Theodore Parker of 
 Boston in the summer of 1858. Herndon told me that 
 these pamphlets were sent to him by Parker and that he 
 was so deeply impressed by them that he turned them over 
 to Lincoln. The latter folded and carried them in his 
 pocket to read. "That he did read them," said Herndon 
 after he had opened the package, "is shown by the fact 
 that he endorsed them by marking several paragraphs 
 with his pen." He then called my attention to two para- 
 
THE DOUGLAS NOTEBOOK 9 
 
 graphs around which Lincoln had drawn his pen. In one 
 of them Parker said: "Democracy is direct self-govern- 
 ment, over all the people, for all the people, by all the 
 people." In another place which Lincoln had underscored 
 he said, "Slavery is in flagrant violation of the institutions 
 of America — direct government, over all the people, by 
 all the people, for all the people." Herndon insisted it was 
 from this source that Lincoln drew the inspiration for the 
 closing paragraph of his famous Gettysburg Address. 
 
 The limitations of time and space forbid a more ex- 
 tended description of the Lincoln-Herndon office, but I 
 can hardly omit mention of another reminder which Hern- 
 don uncovered. When he was nearing the bottom of the 
 box containing the array of miscellaneous matter just 
 referred to, he withdrew from its depths a small leather- 
 covered book about six by four inches in size, the two lids 
 being fastened together with a brass clasp in front. After 
 glancing through it for a few moments he gave it to me, 
 saying as he placed it in my hands: "Here is the most im- 
 portant item in this entire collection. It reminds me more 
 vividly of Lincoln than anything else we have thus far 
 encountered. I am going to turn this over to you and I 
 trust you will appreciate and preserve it, for, in its pages, 
 you will find carefully stored all the ammunition Mr. Lin- 
 coln saw fit to gather in preparation for his battle with 
 Stephen A. Douglas." He then explained that seeing the 
 contest of 1858 approaching, Mr. Lincoln took this book, 
 originally a blank book which had been used by himself 
 and his partner to keep track of matters which concerned 
 their business in the Supreme Court, and proceeded to 
 paste on its pages newspaper clippings, tables of statistics, 
 
io THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 extracts from Judge Douglas's speeches, and other data 
 bearing on the great and absorbing questions of the day. 
 "When this little storehouse of political information was 
 filled," observed Herndon, "Mr. Lincoln fastened the 
 clasp, placed the book in his coat-pocket there to repose 
 during the campaign and to be drawn upon whenever the 
 exigencies of debate required it." 
 
 The book contained in the neighborhood of one hun- 
 dred and eighty-five clippings, and the paste or mucilage 
 used by Lincoln which had permeated the paper was so 
 dark that it, in some cases, made the printed portions 
 opaque and almost illegible. Among other things, Hern- 
 don called my attention to the order or arrangement of 
 the material, contending that it was not only significant, 
 but also decidedly Lincolnian. The first item, which was 
 pasted on the inside of the front cover, was the second para- 
 graph of the Declaration of Independence beginning with 
 that immortal pronunciamento: "We hold these truths to 
 be self-evident: that all men are created equal; that they 
 are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable 
 rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit 
 of happiness." 
 
 Lower down on the same page was this paragraph from 
 a speech by Lincoln's great political exemplar, Henry 
 Clay: "I repeat it, Sir, I never can, and never will, and no 
 earthly power will make me vote, directly or indirectly, 
 to spread slavery over territory where it does not exist- 
 Never while reason holds her seat in my brain — never 
 while my heart sends the vital fluid through my veins — 
 never." 
 
 Next in order and on the page following the quotation 
 
two inierpiVlulWiM. 
 
 The Chicago Times says the Declaration of 
 Independence is an old instrument, ami a cher- 
 ished document. For over eighty years it has 
 received the commendation and applause of all 
 men who have read or heard it read. Since the 
 exigencies of the black republican party has 
 required tb° elevation of the negro to political 
 \eqnality with the white man, political doctors of 
 that party have undertaken to give it new in- 
 terpretations. We propose to state, first, the 
 Deciaration of Independence as adopted by con- 
 gress, in 1776, and then, as succinctly as possible, 
 the interpretations placed upon it by the demo- 
 cratic and black republican party. The second 
 paragraph iii the Declaration of ^Independence 
 reads as follow a : 
 \J "We hold these truths to be self-evident, thaW, 
 /all men are created equal ; that they are endow- | 
 led by their Creator with -certain inalienable! 
 
 « 
 
 rights; that 
 
 amt-ng these are life, liberty andWuthority 
 
 fcj\he pursuit of harness. That to secure "these/ 
 | l! rights, governments are instituted among men, 
 $ deriving their just powers from the consent of 
 the governed ; that whenever any form' of gov. 
 eminent becomes destructive of these ends, it is 
 the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, 
 and to institute a new government, laying its 
 foundation on such principles, and organizing its 
 powers in such form as to tbern shall seeni most 
 likfly to effect their safety aid happiness. Pru- 
 dence, indeed, will dictate that governuente long 
 established should net be changed for light and 
 transient causes; and, accordingly, all experi- 
 ence hath shown, that mankind are more din- 
 posed to suffer, while evils are suffer able, than 
 to right themselves by abolishing the forms to 
 which they are accustomed. But when a long 
 
 (train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing in- 
 variably the same object, evinces a design to 
 reduce them under absolute despotism, it istheir 
 right, it is their duty, to throw off such govern- 
 ment and to provide new guards for their future 
 security." 
 
 "I repeat it, sir, I never can, and never will, 
 
 AND NO EARTHLY POWER WILL MAKE MK VOTE, DI- 
 tf \KECTLY OR INDIRECTLY, TO SPRK.lD SLAVRBY^VER 
 TERRITORY WHERE IT DOES NOT EXIST. NEVER 
 WHILE REASON HOLDS HER SEAT IN MY i^AIN— 
 NEVER, WHILE MY HEART SENDS THE VITAL FLUID 
 THROUGH MY VEINS— !N EVER 
 
 Is 
 
 Ion to Hit; 
 lual State 
 
 lit Of the 
 ?eof -Hj) 
 to be duly 
 
 tin- nunc 
 ii»- I niled 
 
 otaerved 
 
 e Army 
 i he was 
 
 ia to ac- 
 c be has 
 
 that re- 
 f 1795 to 
 nt of the 
 the rnili- 
 rring the 
 he cases, 
 nd it will 
 eman to 
 
 that t 
 
 i 
 
 Th( 
 
 n varied, or 
 :ign nation 
 ilent of the 
 ulitiaofthe 
 ."danger, or 
 repel such 
 se, to such 
 .proper." 
 
 nder that 
 I army in 
 clause of 
 
 agaitiri tlj<- 
 resident nf 
 tire of sucii 
 2 cannot be 
 itia of any 
 i may judge 
 
 iploy the 
 iny State 
 i against 
 
 Sea shall be 
 j any State, 
 y the ordi 
 •on vested 
 the rp-si- 
 ia of BUCh 
 be neces- 
 
 LINCOLN S POCKET SCRAPBOOK CARRIED DU 
 
'-A nouse divided against itself ean- 
 and; I believe ibis Government 
 cannot endure half slave and half free. 
 L do not expect the Union to be dis- 
 solved; i do not expect the house to 
 fall; but ? do expect that it will ceas* 
 to be divided. It will become all on* 
 thing or all the other.-' 
 
 Another View of the Same Snbj«it. 
 Journal of yest 
 tract from the Winchester ' -ilk whh 
 
 Will the ./■ 
 
 \\ : 
 
 -ih fib well as 
 
 !The italics are Mr. Lincoln'". 
 By l *ogponerils'' of slavery Mr. Lb>c<.'!n evklem- 
 | ly refers to the republican party. The republi- 
 can party, according to Mr. Lincoli3w*ilr$ffrest 
 spread of slavery and place it u-hcre thtjpubfic 
 d shall rest in the belief that it is in course of 
 ultimate extinction" What is meant by "eztinc- 
 tionV What is the difference between extinction 
 and abolition ? 
 
 The republican party, according to Mr. Lincoln, 
 have two objects : 
 
 1st — To arrest the further spread of slavery. 
 2d — Its ultimate extinction or abolition* 
 Will the Jonrnal show the "conservatism,'' j 
 th|s position? Jfctfo "**" 
 
 NfG THE CAMPAIGN OF 
 
 AGAINST DOUGLAS 
 
THE DOUGLAS NOTEBOOK n 
 
 from the Clay speech, Lincoln had inserted a portion 
 of the opening paragraph of his famous speech delivered 
 before the Republican State Convention which met in 
 Springfield and nominated him as their candidate for 
 United States Senator, June 1 6, 1858. It was in this speech 
 he gave utterance to the doctrine that, so long as the slav- 
 ery agitation was allowed to continue, this nation like 
 "A house divided against itself cannot stand." 
 
 Part of this clipping included the comments of the lo- 
 cal papers on the speech, but Lincoln chose the editorial 
 notice, not of his own party's organ, the "Springfield 
 Journal," but that of the "State Register," the opposition 
 paper. He noted the date of its publication on the margin 
 with pen and ink, and it doubtless served as a text for 
 certain of his arguments during the campaign. With one 
 exception the remaining portion of the material in the 
 book is not especially noteworthy. That exception is an 
 extract from an editorial printed in an Alabama news- 
 paper — the "Muscogee Herald." It doubtless made 
 something of an impression on Lincoln, for he had taken 
 the precaution to record on the margin of the page the 
 date of its appearance in the paper: August 7, 1856. It 
 read as follows: 
 
 Free society! We sicken of the name. When it is but a con- 
 glomeration of greasy mechanics, filthy operatives, small-fisted 
 farmers, and moon-struck theorists. All the Northern and es- 
 pecially the New England States are devoid of society fitted for 
 well-bred gentlemen. The prevailing class one meets with is 
 that of mechanics struggling to be genteel and small farmers 
 who do their own drudgery, and yet who are hardly fit for asso- 
 ciation with a Southern gentleman's body servant. This is your 
 free society which your Northern hordes are endeavoring to 
 extend into Kansas. 
 
12 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 Mr. Herndon smiled when he encountered this rank 
 specimen of Southern journalistic expression. "Imagine 
 the satisfaction," he exclaimed, "with which Mr. Lincoln, 
 when he was addressing a crowd of greasy mechanics and 
 small-fisted farmers who had emigrated from Ohio, Penn- 
 sylvania, and New York in quest of cheap homes, must 
 have read this vivid and satirical allusion to the free so- 
 ciety of the North. No wonder Douglas winced and threat- 
 ened vengeance when he could get Lincoln 'down into 
 Egypt* — in other words, southern Illinois/' 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 Lincoln's birth in Kentucky — Visiting his birthplace — Some of his early 
 playmates — Interviewing Austin Gollaher and others at Hodgenville and 
 Elizabethtown — Dr. Rodman's visit to Washington — Recollections of the 
 artist Rowbotham — The removal to Indiana — Lincoln's schooling there — 
 Incidents of his boyhood — Association with Dennis Hanks — Cutting wood at 
 Posey's Landing — Letters of Dennis Hanks to Herndon. 
 
 Of his life in Kentucky Lincoln usually had but little to 
 say; presumably, of course, because there was so little 
 of it. Before he reached his ninth year his family had 
 moved to Indiana, and although, in later years, he visited 
 Louisville, Lexington, and possibly Frankfort, there is no 
 evidence that he ever saw his birthplace or the scenes of 
 his childhood in Kentucky again. When his nomination 
 for President by the Chicago Convention in i860 gave 
 him national prominence, almost forty-five years had 
 elapsed since his departure from Kentucky, and it is, there- 
 fore, not surprising that many of the people in the region 
 where he was born were at a loss to determine who he was 
 or whence he sprang; nor, during the few remaining years 
 of his life, was the question of his exact identity and family 
 descent, in the minds of some of these people, entirely free 
 from obscurity and doubt. 
 
 For what we really know about Lincoln's birth and 
 boyhood in Kentucky we owe more to the foresight and 
 persistence of William H. Herndon than to any one else. 
 Scarcely a month had elapsed after the tragedy at 
 Ford's Theater, in April, 1865, before Herndon had set 
 out for Kentucky and southern Indiana and begun an in- 
 vestigation so vigorous, conscientious, and exhaustive that 
 
i 4 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 the world will always be deeply in his debt. He was the 
 first man on the ground and likewise the first man to meet 
 and examine the few material and competent witnesses 
 of Lincoln's advent into the world still living. He pur- 
 sued his researches with rare vigilance and assiduity, toil- 
 ing incessantly; nor did he cease his labors until he had dug 
 to the very bottom in his search for the truth. Later, in 
 compliance with his generous suggestion, I followed him, 
 traversing the same path and visiting the same localities; 
 and although I labored to the limit of my zeal and en- 
 durance I was never conscious of having added materially 
 to the store of information he had already accumulated; 
 nor of encountering anything of a valuable or interesting 
 character which he had not unearthed himself. The truth 
 is the field was so barren of material neither of us could 
 gather much that was significant or trustworthy; but we 
 consoled ourselves with the reflection that we had, to the 
 point of exhaustion, explored every avenue that led to 
 accurate or intelligent information. 
 
 Only four persons could be found who really knew 
 and remembered Lincoln in Kentucky. One was Austin 
 Gollaher, who was still living when I visited Larue County, 
 and who seemed to have retained a more or less vivid recol- 
 lection of his early playmate; but he was then well ad- 
 vanced in years and had already begun to view the past 
 through the rosy mist of an old man's memory. About the 
 only noteworthy thing he appeared to be able to recall was 
 the published incident of his rescue of the boy Lincoln 
 from the waters of Knob Creek into which he had fallen 
 while trying to "coon" across that stream on a log. An- 
 other man — one met by Herndon — who knew Lincoln 
 
KENTUCKY RECOLLECTIONS 15 
 
 in Kentucky was John Duncan, a Baptist preacher, at that 
 time in charge of Little Mount Church, the same church 
 to which Thomas and Nancy Lincoln had belonged. One 
 of the adventures in which both he and young Abe had 
 leading parts — and I copy from the account in Duncan's 
 handwriting, furnished to Herndon in 1865 and now in 
 my hands — was this: 
 
 "Abe was very determined in pursuit of game, as an in- 
 stance which I now recall will prove. He and I one day ran 
 a ground-hog into a hole in the rocks- We worked a long 
 time in an effort to get him out, but I finally became tired 
 and gave up. Lincoln, however, ran to a blacksmith shop 
 not far away and got the blacksmith to make a hook and 
 fasten it to the end of a pole. The man came back with 
 Abe and together they finally hooked the animal out of 
 the hole." 
 
 Two other intelligent and dependable witnesses in Ken- 
 tucky were interviewed by Herndon, both of whose state- 
 ments or recollections in their own handwriting, turned 
 over to Herndon in the summer of 1865, are still preserved. 
 They were Presley Haycraft and John B. Helm. The first 
 named, who was a brother of Samuel Haycraft, clerk of 
 Hardin County, was a copyist in the latter' s office. He was 
 older than Lincoln and claimed to remember him well. He 
 described him as a little "shirt-tail boy" in Elizabethtown 
 who could be seen about the court-house and stores clinging 
 closely to his mother's skirt. The fourth witness was John 
 B. Helm who was a clerk or helper in his uncle's store, also 
 in Elizabethtown, and who probably knew the Lincoln 
 and Hanks families better than almost any other man 
 in the village whom Herndon encountered. He describes 
 
1 6 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 young Abe as "a small boy who would sometimes come 
 with his mother to the store to purchase their stock of 
 family supplies. The little fellow, being a trifle shy, would 
 frequently be seen sitting on a box or keg, and I have often 
 dropped into his half-reluctant palm a lump of sugar which 
 he would dispose of with as much relish as any other boy." 
 Though Lincoln in subsequent years failed to visit his 
 birthplace, it does not follow that he forgot or viewed it 
 with indifference; on the contrary, he retained and was 
 prone to relate many interesting recollections of his asso- 
 ciations there. From Dr. Jesse H. Rodman, of Hodgen- 
 ville, who in 1865 represented Larue County in the legis- 
 lature of Kentucky, I learned several characteristic and 
 trustworthy incidents. During the war period a number of 
 the leading citizens of Larue County, desirous of securing 
 some concession or relief from a threatened draft on that 
 county, held a meeting at Hodgenville and decided to send 
 Dr. Rodman to Washington to call on the President and 
 intercede with him in their behalf. Inasmuch as the appeal 
 came from his native county, Lincoln, it was believed, 
 might be moved to grant the desired relief. Meanwhile one 
 of the President's friends went down to the farm on which 
 he was born and cut from a tree growing there a limb or 
 branch of the size required for a cane. This, together with 
 a sum of money contributed by several persons about the 
 court-house, was turned over to Dr. Rodman with direc- 
 tions, when he reached Washington, to have it mounted 
 with a gold or silver head containing the names of the 
 contributors engraved thereon. The whole was then to 
 be presented to Lincoln. "Immediately on my arrival in 
 Washington," related Dr. Rodman, "I called on the Pres- 
 
DR. RODMAN'S VISIT TO WASHINGTON 17 
 
 ident and, after announcing the purpose of my visit as a 
 representative of my fellow citizens in Larue County, ven- 
 tured to tell him also the story of the cane, explaining that 
 I had left the latter with a silversmith in the city to be 
 mounted and properly engraved. The next day I called 
 with the cane, to make the formal presentation. Lincoln 
 seemed to be deeply pleased by this mark of apprecia- 
 tion on the part of his Kentucky friends and immediately 
 asked how he was to learn who the donors of the cane were. 
 Before I could answer that he would find their names on 
 the metal head, he interrupted me, exclaiming laughingly, 
 'How absurd such a question. I ought to have known 
 better than to ask it, for you have already answered it. I 
 am like the Irishman who called on me when I was post- 
 master at New Salem, Illinois, and asked for his mail. 
 "'What name?' said I. 
 
 " ' Sure/ said the Irishman, 'and the name is on the letter/ 
 "The President," continued Dr. Rodman, "ran over the 
 list of early residents of the county, inquiring about the 
 Brownfields, the Cesnas, the Friends, and other pioneer 
 families, displaying a knowledge of persons and places more 
 or less remarkable for one who, for so many years, had been 
 away from his native heath. When I reached the name of 
 Austin Gollaher he halted me. 'Is that old fox living yet?' 
 he exclaimed. 'You may not believe it, but I would rather 
 see him than any other man in Kentucky. Be sure to re- 
 member me to him when you reach home. I shall never 
 forget an amusing but very scurvy trick he once played on 
 me when we were boys. With weapons no more formidable 
 than hickory clubs he and I had been playing in the woods 
 and hunting rabbits. After several hours of vigorous ex- 
 
1 8 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 ercise we had stopped to rest. After a while I threw down 
 my cap, climbed a tree, and was resting comfortably in 
 the forks of two limbs. Below me stretched out full length 
 on the grass was Austin apparently asleep. Beside him lay 
 his cap, the inside facing upwards. In the pocket of my 
 little jacket reposed a paw-paw which I had shortly before 
 found. The thought suddenly occurred to me that it would 
 be great fun to drop it into Austin's upturned cap. It was 
 so ripe and soft I could scarcely withdraw it whole from my 
 pocket. Taking careful aim I let it fall. I had calculated 
 just right; for it struck the cap center and I could see por- 
 tions of soft yellow paw-paw spattering in every direction. 
 I paused to observe the result, convinced that Austin 
 would resent the indignity; but, strange to relate, the pro- 
 ceeding failed to arouse him. Presently I slid down the tree, 
 but judge of my surprise on reaching the ground when I 
 learned that, instead of sleeping, Austin had really been 
 awake; and that while I was climbing the tree he had very 
 adroitly changed caps, substituting my own for his, so 
 that, instead of tormenting him as I was intending, I had 
 simply besmeared my own headgear.'" 
 
 Elsewhere I have indicated that Herndon was the 
 first visitor to Kentucky or southern Indiana in quest of 
 intelligence or facts bearing on the events of Lincoln's 
 early life. So far as it related to the collection of the requi- 
 site historical material, that statement is correct; but that 
 Herndon was preceded a few weeks by a man whose 
 mission, though nominally different, was along similar 
 lines is also true. Joseph H. Barrett, who during the Civil 
 War period was Commissioner of Pensions in Washington, 
 had for some time been at work on a "Life of Lincoln" 
 
ROWBOTHMVTS RECOLLECTIONS 19 
 
 which was published in the summer of 1865. In the earlier 
 part of the year his publishers, Moore, Wilstach & Bald- 
 win, of Cincinnati, had sent to Kentucky and Indiana an 
 artist, in the person of John H. Rowbotham, commissioned 
 to make pictures of important places and scenes in the 
 early life of Lincoln to be engraved and used in illustrating 
 the book. He was, in reality, the first man to penetrate 
 the backwoods of Kentucky and Indiana in search of 
 Lincoln data and material. Rowbotham be^an his travels 
 at Springfield, after first conferring with Herndon. As he 
 made his way through the territory assigned him he re- 
 ported to Herndon, detailing his experiences frequently 
 from day to day. Having been told that the original log 
 cabin in which Lincoln was born was still standing near the 
 town of Hodgenville, he made his way there as speedily as 
 possible "fearing lest the structure might be burned, or 
 carried away piecemeal, by the army of relic hunters who 
 would soon be moving in that direction." When he arrived 
 there, however, he found, much to his surprise, that the 
 cabin was no longer in existence. When it disappeared no 
 one seemed to be able to tell. 
 
 "At Hodgenville, which is about ten miles northeast of 
 Elizabethtown," writes Rowbotham to Herndon June 24, 
 1865, "I inquired the way to Rock Spring farm, owned by 
 R. A. Creal, better known as 'Old Dickey Creal.' The farm 
 is about three miles southeast of Hodgenville on a good 
 straight road. The site of Mr. Lincoln's birthplace is on 
 this farm about five hundred yards from Mr. Creal's house. 
 It is situated on a knoll or rising ground and is now a bar- 
 ley field. The cabin has long since disappeared and gone to 
 decay, the only sign of its former existence being a few rocks 
 
20 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 indicating where the chimney once stood. At the edge of 
 the field are two old pear trees planted by Thomas Lin- 
 coln between which was a gateway leading to the house. 
 Mr. Creal remembers the latter very well. Near the spot 
 is a very romantic spring from which the farm takes its 
 name and where, no doubt, Mr. Lincoln as a child often 
 played." 
 
 While in Indiana Rowbotham visited Lincoln's home 
 in Spencer County. "The home," he writes in another 
 letter to Herndon, "lies a little off the Gentryville road 
 on rising ground and is the most perfect reminiscence of 
 Mr. Lincoln's early life. Here the family lived thirteen 
 years. Mr. Lincoln's mother died here and is buried 
 on the summit of a thickly wooded hill about a quarter of 
 a mile from and immediately opposite the house. There 
 is no stone to mark the spot, but it is well known. When 
 you come, inquire for Josiah Crawford, John Romine, and 
 old Mrs. Richardson, all of whom were at the burial of 
 Mrs. Lincoln. Dennis Hanks was also present, but he is 
 now in Illinois and you can see him yourself." There be- 
 ing, at that time, no stone, not even a board to mark the 
 grave, Rowbotham was forced to the conclusion, expressed 
 in one of his letters to Herndon, that "Mr. Lincoln does 
 not appear to have cared for his home after the death of 
 his mother." 
 
 Before young Lincoln had reached his tenth year his 
 family moved to Indiana, and here, where they lingered till 
 he had attained his majority, were the days of his wonder- 
 ful boyhood spent. Here gathered those silent forces whose 
 combination produced that unique character which stands 
 
REMOVAL TO INDIANA 21 
 
 out in wonder and lofty eminence, one of the colossal 
 figures of modern history. It was these earlier years of 
 his life that had their lasting effect on the mind and tem- 
 perament of this great mirthful but melancholy man. 
 
 The date of the removal from Kentucky to Indiana is 
 readily fixed by the statement of Mr. Lincoln in the sketch 
 of his life which he wrote and delivered to his friend Jesse 
 W. Fell, of Bloomington, Illinois, in 1859. "We reached 
 our new home," he relates, "about the time the State 
 came into the Union" — which would indicate the years 
 1 8 16 to 1 817. After describing the country as a "wild 
 region with many bears and other wild animals still in the 
 woods," he turns to the educational facilities of the period, 
 observing that " there were some schools, so called, but 
 no qualification was ever required of a teacher beyond 
 'reading writin', and cipherm' to the Rule of Three.' If 
 a straggler supposed to understand Latin happened to so- 
 journ in the neighborhood he was looked upon as a wizard. 
 There was absolutely nothing to excite ambition for edu- 
 cation. Of course when I came of age I did not know much. 
 Still, somehow, I could read, write and cipher to the Rule 
 of Three; but that was all. I have not been to school since. 
 The little advance I now have upon this store of education 
 I have picked up from time to time under the pressure of 
 necessity." 
 
 The years of his residence in Indiana Lincoln never 
 failed to recall save with the deepest satisfaction. They 
 were indeed the formative period of his life and therefore 
 constitute an important epoch in his development. There 
 was a fascination in the rude companionship and boister- 
 ous horse-play of southern Indiana at that time which left 
 
aa THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 a deep impression on the tall, coarse-haired youth who 
 grew to manhood in the hills and forests of this frontier 
 region. When he neared the fame of later years he invari- 
 ably located his best stories in the Hoosier State, and when- 
 ever he was heard to say, "That reminds me of an incident 
 which happened when I lived in Indiana," his listeners 
 would move their chairs closer together anxiously awaiting 
 an interesting recital, bristling with wit and the expected 
 "nib," or moral, which was so poignant it pierced the skin, 
 or otherwise so effective it stung like the cracker of a whip- 
 lash. 
 
 Though brief, Lincoln's school training really began in 
 Indiana. True he was among the pupils at the schools 
 in Kentucky taught by Zachariah Riney and Caleb Hazel, 
 but his attendance was so short and irregular he hardly 
 progressed beyond the alphabet — in fact, it may be truth- 
 fully said that he went largely as the companion of his 
 only sister Sarah, who was two years his senior. The 
 array of textbooks at his command was necessarily limited. 
 We know he studied Webster's and, a part of the time, 
 Dillworth's Speller, Pike's Arithmetic, and Murray's Eng- 
 lish Reader. Of the last-named book he was especially 
 fond. Herndon told me that Lincoln once declared to 
 him that "Murray's English Reader was the greatest and 
 most useful book that could be put in the hands of a child 
 at school." 
 
 He had neither grammar nor geography. The arith- 
 metic he did not own, but he borrowed the book of a neigh- 
 bor and laboriously copied a large part of it on sheets of 
 paper about nine by twelve inches in size which he fastened 
 together with twine sewed through the edge. His step- 
 
r 4>3 
 
 
 40 -£! f-~*# 
 
 *> 
 
 vHinuio/lawt 
 
 PAGE FROM LINCOLN S HAND-MADE ARITHMETIC, USED BY 
 
 HIM WHILE A SCHOOLBOY IN GENTRYVILLE, INDIANA, 
 
 SHOWING DOGGEREL IN CORNER 
 
SCHOOLING IN INDIANA 23 
 
 mother who, in 1865, was living at Charleston, Illinois, 
 still had a portion of this hand-made book which she gave 
 to Herndon. The latter turned several pages over to me, 
 one of which contains the table of Long Measure with its 
 quaint and primitive divisions of measurement: 
 
 "Three barley-corns make one inch, 
 Four inches one hand," etc. 
 
 It was in one of the lower corners of this sheet that young 
 
 Abe had scrawled the four memorable lines of schoolboy 
 
 doggerel: 
 
 "Abraham Lincoln, 
 His hand and pen, 
 He will be good, 
 But God knows when." 
 
 In some unaccountable way the young student secured a 
 copy of Barclay's Dictionary which he doubtless frequently 
 consulted, for when Herndon visited the stepmother the 
 latter still had the volume with young Abe's name, in 
 his own hand, written on the fly-leaf. At two places in the 
 neighborhood where he lived in Indiana, the stepmother 
 told Herndon, the boy was given access to books of a 
 more literary character and he was occasionally permitted 
 to take a volume home with him to read. This was at 
 Josiah Crawford's and David Turnham's. From the first 
 he obtained "The Kentucky Preceptor," out of which he 
 learned the various poems and declamations he memo- 
 rized and occasionally recited at school. At Turnham's 
 there were two books to which he was especially attached 
 and he read and re-read them. They were "Sinbad the 
 Sailor" and "Scott's Lessons." These and the Revised 
 Statutes of Indiana, which Turnham used in connection 
 with the office of township constable, and which volume 
 
04 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 the latter turned over to Herndon in 1865, will indicate 
 the probable scope of Lincoln's scholastic ventures up 
 to this time. 
 
 With these primitive and unpretentious literary ap- 
 pliances Lincoln slowly acquired the rudiments of his 
 education. All his school-days added together did not 
 equal a year, and he not only was not privileged to attend 
 a high or advanced school, but, until he was old enough 
 to go to Congress, had never seen the inside of a college, 
 academy, or high-school building. As Herndon very per- 
 tinently observed, it awakens the tenderest emotions to 
 recall the story of this obscure but ambitious boy battling 
 year after year against his evil star, wasting his ingenuity 
 upon makeshifts and devices in a struggle to secure a train- 
 ing which to-day is not only easily within reach of the poor- 
 est and most indifferent lad in the land, but, under our 
 generous educational system, is furnished to all without 
 stint or reluctance. 
 
 The commonly accepted notion that Lincoln, espe- 
 cially during his sojourn in Indiana, was what would be 
 called an intensive or industrious young man lacks more 
 or less support. The truth is he had no fondness for the 
 severe labor of the backwoods and no scruples against 
 avoiding it whenever possible. Equally erroneous is the 
 prevalent belief that he spent a large proportion of his time 
 as a hired hand working for others. Service of that kind 
 had no charms for him, and while it is true he occasionally 
 labored for wages the instances were rare and invariably of 
 brief duration. He was not much given to fishing, hunting, 
 or sports generally, but much preferred reading and like 
 diversions. He was an eager listener to debates and other 
 
ASSOCIATION WITH DENNIS HANKS 25 
 
 wordy contests; was delighted with the arguments and 
 contention evoked by a neighborhood controversy, and if 
 a dispute was being aired in the squire's court he was cer- 
 tain to be on hand an earnest and absorbed listener. 
 
 Dilating on Lincoln's reputation as a physical laborer 
 serves to recall an interview I had with Dennis Hanks. 
 It was at Charleston, Illinois, where he was living in the 
 fall of 1886. I write from notes of the conversation written 
 at the time. 
 
 In August, 1 826, Abe, Dennis Hanks, and Squire Hall — 
 the last two having married daughters of Abe's stepmother, 
 Sarah Bush Lincoln — all set out for Posey's Landing on 
 the Ohio River, distant twelve miles from their homes at 
 Gentryville, Indiana, to cut wood, it being reported that 
 there was a brisk demand for that kind of fuel by the boats 
 plying up and down the river. When they arrived they 
 learned that the demand for wood had slackened materially 
 and that, if they succeeded in securing an order for any, 
 they would probably have to take their pay in merchandise, 
 as there was then but a scant supply of cash in the com- 
 munity. How many days they tarried there Hanks did not 
 indicate, but it was long enough to cut nine cords for which 
 they were given nine yards of white domestic at twenty- 
 five cents a yard. "Out of this," related Hanks, "Abe had 
 a shirt made, and it was positively the first white shirt 
 which, up to that time, he had ever owned or worn. It was 
 also the first time he had ever hired out and worked away 
 from home." 
 
 When he visited Indiana, Herndon learned that in 
 1827 Lincoln and his stepbrother, John D. Johnston, 
 journeyed together to Louisville where they secured work 
 
26 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 for a brief time on the Portland Canal, then in process of 
 construction around the falls of the Ohio. They were paid 
 in silver dollars, probably the first silver money of any con- 
 sequence Abe ever received. Naturally he was very proud 
 of it and by virtue of frugal expenditures and determined 
 self-denial managed to carry a goodly portion of it home 
 with him when he returned to Gentryville. 
 
 Regarding the history of Mr. Lincoln's days while he 
 lived in Indiana, including glimpses into the social con- 
 ditions which prevailed there and thus had such a decided 
 influence on his development into manhood, too much 
 weight cannot be attached to the recollections of Dennis 
 and John Hanks. Nor should the activities of Herndon 
 in thus preserving their testimony be overlooked. Lincoln 
 had hardly met his death in 1 865 until Herndon was at work 
 securing from both men all the information he could ex- 
 tract which tended to shed any light on the former's birth 
 and boyhood. His method in dealing with Dennis was both 
 systematic and effective. In addition to what the latter 
 told him and which he carefully recorded at the time, Hern- 
 don induced him to put his testimony in writing also; but 
 in order to keep him within certain limits and yet retain 
 only so much as was essential to the continuity of the story, 
 Herndon put his inquiry in the form of questions which he 
 numbered, directing Dennis to number his answers also. 
 There are many pages of these letters or statements, most 
 of them dated and all of which were duly turned over to me. 
 Knowing that I had spent more or less time with and had 
 myself interviewed Dennis, Herndon seemed to think 
 I was the proper depositary of the material both of us 
 had gathered. These papers of Dennis, though written in 
 
LETTERS OF DENNIS HANKS 27 
 
 defiance of the rules of grammar, capitalization, spelling, 
 etc., are nevertheless of decided historic value. One dated 
 December 24, 1865, is so characteristic and faithful a por- 
 trayal of life in Indiana when Lincoln lived there, I venture 
 to reproduce it exactly as Dennis Hanks drew it, observing 
 incidentally, that of the thirteen persons who formed the 
 emigrant party that drove from Gentryville, Indiana, to 
 Decatur, Illinois, in March, 1830, only two could write 
 their names: Abraham Lincoln and Dennis Hanks: 
 
 December 24 1865. 
 
 you speak of my Letter written with a pencil, the Reason of 
 this was my Ink was frose. 
 
 part first, we ust to play 4 Corner Bull pen and what we cald 
 cat. I No that you No what it is and throwing a mall over our 
 Sholders Backwards, hopping and half hamen, Resling and so on. 
 
 2nd what Religious Songs. The only Song Book was Dupees 
 old Song Book. I Recollect Very well 2 Songs that we ust to 
 Sing, that was 
 
 "O, when shall I see jesus and Rain with him aBove." the 
 next was "How teageous and tasteless the hour when jesus No 
 Longer I see." 
 
 I have tried to find one of these Books But cant find it. it was 
 a Book used by the old predestinarian Baptists in 1820. this is 
 my Recollection aBout it at this time, we Never had any other 
 
 the Next was in the fields 
 
 "Hail Collumbia Happy Land if you aint Broke I will Be 
 Damned" and "the turpen turk that Scorns the world and 
 Struts aBout with his whiskers Curld for No other man But 
 himself to See" and all such as this. Abe youst to try to Sing 
 pore old Ned But he Never could Sing Much. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 The question of Lincoln's birth and descent — The various books on the sub- 
 ject — Investigations by Herndon and the author in Kentucky and elsewhere 
 
 — The Enloe tradition — The Lincoln family Bible record — Sarah Lincoln — 
 The John L. Scripps incident — Herndon's story of his ride with Lincoln to 
 Petersburg — Dennis and John Hanks, who they were and whence they sprang 
 
 — Their letters to Herndon regarding the Lincoln family tree. 
 
 To what extent the knowledge of his lowly if not obscure 
 origin contributed to the pensive and melancholy tend- 
 ency in Lincoln's nature is a question not easily an- 
 swered; but certain it is that much of the curious and ab- 
 surd speculation regarding his genealogy, which has grown 
 up in the popular mind, is largely due to his vague and 
 evasive attitude when confronted by inquiries regarding 
 his lineage or family history. In most instances the sub- 
 ject has been overlooked or glossed over by Lincoln's nu- 
 merous biographers, but now that he has attained such 
 enviable proportions among the other great figures in the 
 temple of fame, and is therefore beyond "our power to 
 add or detract," the feeling, gradually developed in the 
 popular mind, that the truth should be known, cannot 
 always be ignored. Nor can a portrait of the real Lincoln 
 be deemed complete or exact which in any appreciable 
 degree fails to bring out all the facts. The reading public 
 has just been favored with "The Paternity of Abraham 
 Lincoln," a book written by Dr. William E. Barton, who 
 has for some time been a student of the subject mentioned 
 in the title. It is a careful and exhaustive essay and will be 
 warmly appreciated by the army of Lincoln students and 
 admirers over the country. 
 
BIRTH AND DESCENT 29 
 
 Prior to 1858, Lincoln's achievements had not been 
 noteworthy or momentous enough to attract, extensively, 
 public attention, and it was not till after the debates with 
 Douglas, and especially the Cooper Institute speech, that 
 he began to attain anything like national recognition. 
 When he was thus looming up large on the horizon, the 
 people, manifesting the same degree of interest and antic- 
 ipation with which they had awaited the history of every 
 other man whose successful exploits had swept him into 
 the limelight, naturally turned to him for the story of his 
 life. At this juncture had he, with his accustomed spirit 
 and candor, met the question squarely and imparted the 
 facts as he understood them, the nebulae which, for so 
 many years, enveloped him would not have gathered, and 
 the world would have been spared the nauseating and in- 
 credible "disclosures" which, under the guise of "revealing 
 the true genesis of a wonderful man," have from time to 
 time drifted into the open sea of public notice. 
 
 Among the books which attempt to settle the ques- 
 tion of Lincoln's birth and family descent are "The Sor- 
 rows of Nancy," published in Richmond, Virginia, and 
 written by a woman under the name of Lucinda Boyd; 
 the "Sad Story of Nancy Hanks," a copyrighted pam- 
 phlet by William M. Coleman, of Dallas, Texas; "Truth 
 Stranger than Fiction: or, The True Genesis of a Won- 
 derful Man," by James Cathey, of Bryson City, North 
 Carolina; and "The Parentage of Lincoln," a series of 
 newspaper articles by D. J. Knotts, of Swansea, South 
 Carolina, in which the author seeks to prove that Abra- 
 ham Lincoln was the son of John C. Calhoun, who became 
 intimate with Nancy Hanks and, for five hundred dollars, 
 
3 o THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 hired Thomas Lincoln to assume the paternity of the child 
 and take the woman to Kentucky. 
 
 When, in obedience to the direction of Herndon, I 
 visited Kentucky in quest of material for our contem- 
 plated Life of Lincoln, and especially as I neared the re- 
 gion of the latter's birthplace, a network of traditions con- 
 fronted me. I dug my way patiently through clerks' 
 records in obscure court-houses, read the faded pages of 
 family history in musty old Bibles, deciphered curiously 
 spelled and dimly written letters, followed down the never- 
 ending lanes of neighborhood tradition and backwoods 
 lore, interviewed witnesses of every age and condition in 
 life — in short, searched for facts and data until I had 
 apparently exhausted every available avenue to intelligent 
 information. Each locality had its tradition, and many of 
 them were curious and sometimes amusing. The rancor 
 of sectional strife furnished an atmosphere in which some 
 of these traditions, feeding on their own inconsistencies, 
 grew to the dignity of colossal falsehoods. It is surprising 
 how many at one time or another were current in central 
 Kentucky. Herndon, who visited that locality in the sum- 
 mer of 1865, disposed of several, but even when I fol- 
 lowed him later, some of them were still afloat in the cur- 
 rents and eddies of local history. The most persistently 
 adhered to and the least preposterous of them was the 
 Inloe or Enloe legend. I encountered it in both Hardin 
 and Larue Counties, and it also bobbed up in other parts 
 of the State. It is thus summarized by a man who lived 
 in Elizabethtown, a member of one of the leading families 
 and a lawyer, whose account, written and turned over to 
 Herndon, lies before me: 
 
THE ENLOE TRADITION 31 
 
 "After Abe's birth a man by the name of Abraham 
 Enloe living in this region claimed him as his son. Thomas 
 Lincoln and Enloe had a regular set-to fight about the 
 matter, in which encounter Lincoln bit off the end of En- 
 loe's nose. Finally, Lincoln, to clear himself of Enloe, 
 moved to Indiana. As far back as I can remember there 
 lived in Hardin County three families of Enloes, all from 
 North Carolina and all said to be cousins. Isham Enloe 
 married a widow Larue and had a family of some distinc- 
 tion. Abe Enloe, another cousin, tall, dignified-looking 
 man of fine personal appearance, very neat, silent, and 
 reserved; more of a bookworm than anything else; married 
 a Vernon — one of our best families — and was the father 
 of a respectable family. Then comes our veritable Abe 
 Enloe who claims to be the father of Lincoln. He was 
 over six feet high and a fine specimen of physical man- 
 hood. I remember him with part of his nose bit off as 
 one of the institutions of the county for thirty years. 
 Very silent, very unobtrusive, never drunk nor boister- 
 ous, he seemed not to suffer in reputation by the conduct 
 of his sisters who were more or less boisterous. I never 
 had much to say to him except when I happened to sell 
 him some article for his farm in my uncle's store. He 
 may have been a man of destiny also and patiently filled 
 the place assigned by Providence." 
 
 In addition to the Enloe story I devoted some time to 
 the George Brownfield legend and to another which sought 
 to fix the paternity of Lincoln on one of the Hardins. I 
 was even provided with pictures of members of the Brown- 
 field and Young families, all of them tall, muscular speci- 
 mens, with unusually long arms, to impress me with the 
 
32 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 plausibility of the theory that, as Lincoln himself was a 
 man of like physical proportions, he must have descended 
 from the same family source. I listened to a long and 
 carefully worded argument by a citizen of Mount Sterling, 
 an editor and lawyer, claiming descent from the millwright 
 Abe Enloe, at the town of Paris, and who sought to prove 
 through that source his alleged kinship to Lincoln. 
 
 The books enumerated and the legends mentioned are 
 not all the stories relating to Lincoln's ancestry that I 
 encountered, but they are representative of their class 
 and all fall to the ground when certain tests are applied. 
 Aside from their inconsistencies there is an absence of 
 proof in support of their ridiculous contentions beyond 
 tradition or hearsay. Questioning the legitimacy of Lin- 
 coln's birth they overlook the well-established fact that 
 he was the second child in the family, a sister older 
 than himself, Sarah by name, having been born in 1807, 
 whereas he did not see the light of day till 1809, almost 
 three years after his parents' marriage. Moreover, as 
 to the Enloe legend in particular, it is now known that 
 at the time of the marriage of Thomas Lincoln and Nancy 
 Hanks the latter was twenty-three years old and Abe En- 
 loe, according to the recollection of some witnesses, hardly 
 seventeen. Viewing the question as a whole there is no 
 good reason to shake our faith in the conclusion that Abra- 
 ham Lincoln was the lawfully begotten son of the above- 
 named parents. 
 
 The family record in Thomas Lincoln's Bible by his son 
 Abraham, and the only Bible record of the Lincoln family 
 of which we have any knowledge, was, until recently, in the 
 possession of Mr. C. F. Gunther, of Chicago. It covered 
 
■V 
 
 
 (^ 
 
 ^*ssse,-^'>'kj» j 
 
 . ■ 
 
x v - . 
 
 i 
 
 I 
 
 ^ 
 
 5 -w 
 
 * ^ ^ 
 
 
 ;* 
 
 § \ > 
 
 } N 
 
 V^j 
 
 
 
 O 
 
 525 "S 
 
 <J CO 
 
 * «» r, 
 
 c M 
 
 & <u <u 
 
 ►J H o 
 
 fe ._* 
 
 S S3 "a 
 
 S £-2 
 
 « s g 
 
 ^3 
 
 ~ -S c 
 
 5 el 
 
 s 2 ^ 
 
 O <£ j> 
 
 £ be h 
 
 >■ '« ^ 
 
 ^H IX) O 
 
 Ss 
 
 w a 
 
 Pi 'o- 
 
 -3 
 
 i 
 
 W 
 
 H 
 
THE LINCOLN FAMILY BIBLE RECORD 33 
 
 but one sheet and was found by the author many years 
 ago in the hands of a daughter of Dennis Hanks. The 
 sheet had been detached from between the leaves of the 
 book and had been folded in several places so long that 
 the paper was gradually wearing away at the folds and the 
 section in the upper right-hand corner — a piece about an 
 inch and a half square — was missing. Possibly the latter 
 was that part of the page which bore the record of the 
 marriage of Thomas Lincoln and Nancy Hanks, although 
 it is likewise possible that inscribed therein was the date 
 of the birth of Thomas Lincoln as the head of the house- 
 hold. Within recent years documentary evidence has 
 come to light establishing the fact that the marriage took 
 place June 12, 1806. But did Mr. Lincoln know that? 
 If, as Henry Watterson and others have stated, he died 
 without knowing whether his parents were married or not, 
 the query naturally arises, What did he write in the miss- 
 ing section of the Bible record? From the remaining 
 portion of the latter we learn that "Sarah, daughter of 
 Thomas and Nancy Lincoln, was born February 10, 
 1807," and that Abraham, son of the same parents, "was 
 born February 12, 1809." Another son, Thomas, was born 
 about 181 2, but he lived a few days only. The record 
 is silent as to his birth or death. 
 
 Sarah, the daughter, resembled her illustrious brother 
 in but few particulars. She was short in stature and some- 
 what plump in build; her hair, according to her step- 
 mother, was dark brown and her eyes gray. She was given 
 the name Sarah at birth and was never called Nancy, 
 as erroneously contended by certain biographers of Lin- 
 coln including Nicolay and Hay. When Herndon visited 
 
34 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 Indiana he met several persons who knew and remem- 
 bered the girl, including Elizabeth Crawford at whose 
 house she frequently worked. Mrs. Crawford testified that 
 she was slow and in some respects seemed to be lacking in 
 spirit and initiative — in fact had, in a marked degree, the 
 traits that characterized her father; just as her brother 
 seemed to have inherited from his mother the quick per- 
 ception, clear reasoning powers, and profound intellect 
 that lifted him above the level of his surroundings. The 
 sister was married to Aaron Grigsby August 2, 1826, and 
 died in childbirth January 20, 1828. A beautiful granite 
 monument was recently erected over her unmarked grave 
 near the village of Gentryville, Indiana. As her death 
 occurred before the removal of the family to Illinois, our 
 knowledge of her is necessarily meager and dim. For the 
 little we have been able to learn about her we are in- 
 debted to Dennis and John Hanks rather than to her il- 
 lustrious brother, who seems to have been more or less 
 silent regarding her. Herndon is authority for the state- 
 ment that Lincoln seldom ever referred to her. 
 
 In tracing the line of Lincoln's ancestry we are not 
 without certain authentic landmarks to guide us; and for- 
 tunately for all concerned their accuracy cannot well be 
 questioned, for they were established by Lincoln him- 
 self. Late in the year 1859, when he was asked for the 
 material and data usually expected of a man who has the 
 presidential fever and whose career and deeds are entitled 
 to more or less conspicuous mention in the newspapers, he 
 made preparations, though with some reluctance, to com- 
 ply with the request; but instead of dictating the required 
 facts to another to put into shape for publication, as the 
 
AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF 1859 35 
 
 average man of his standing would have done, he sat down 
 one evening in his law office, after his partner, Herndon, 
 had gone home, and with due care and deliberation wrote 
 the story himself. After its completion he turned the 
 paper over to a friend to be published or not as might 
 seem to be for the best. With the exception of the few lines 
 furnished to the compiler of the Directory of the Thirtieth 
 Congress in 1847, this is the first attempt on Lincoln's 
 part to acquaint the world with the facts and incidents of 
 his personal career. Many years ago I had the original 
 manuscript of this sketch in my hands. It covers several 
 sheets of small note-paper and is a very clever, if not in- 
 geniously worded, document. The writer, dwelling with 
 pardonable pride on his paternal forebears, devotes the 
 greater part of an entire page to the deeds and exploits 
 of certain members of the Lincoln family, but scarcely two 
 lines to the maternal side of the house. He even fails to 
 state what his mother's name was, the only reference to 
 her existence being the brief and incidental allusion that 
 she "came of a family by the name of Hanks." Not 
 long after this paper was written, a correspondent in Ken- 
 tucky, in an effort to identify Lincoln with a branch of 
 the Hanks family there, ventured to make certain in- 
 quiries into his antecedents. "You are mistaken about 
 my mother" was his blunt reply, and beyond that he made 
 no effort to enlighten his inquirer or otherwise add to his 
 knowledge. 
 
 The above comprises all that the world knew of the 
 history of Lincoln prior to the spring of i860. Then 
 came the great National Convention at Chicago. When 
 it had adjourned the attention of the country was at once 
 
36 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 focused on the immortal Railsplitter at Springfield. All 
 the roads now led to his house. Painters, sculptors, pho- 
 tographers, correspondents arrived by every train. They 
 made his picture, they modeled his bust, they beset him 
 at every turn. He received and with patient grace wel- 
 comed the well-nigh interminable line of callers that daily 
 thronged through the doorway of the plain two-story 
 house on Eighth Street. He told them amusing stories and 
 sent them away laughing; but although ordinarily frank 
 and communicative he seemed to draw within his shell 
 whenever the conversation turned on himself or his family 
 history. The situation was more or less delicate, to say 
 the least. Meanwhile word reached him from sources he 
 deemed it unwise to ignore and he was made to realize that 
 the time for reticence and evasion had passed; in other 
 words, that he must take the public into his confidence and 
 tell the whole story. 
 
 It was at this juncture that John L. Scripps, the editor 
 of the " Chicago Press and Tribune," appeared upon the 
 scene. He was the authorized biographer of the nominee 
 of the Chicago Convention. Of the visit of Mr. Scripps to 
 Springfield to begin his work it is unnecessary to go into 
 details. It suffices to say that in due time the biography 
 — a pamphlet of thirty-two pages — appeared and was 
 widely distributed. "Lincoln seemed to be painfully im- 
 pressed," wrote Scripps in a letter to Herndon, after Lin- 
 coln's death, which has been turned over to me, "with the 
 extreme poverty of his early surroundings — the utter 
 absence of all romantic and heroic elements. He communi- 
 cated some facts concerning his ancestry which he did not 
 wish to have published and which I have never spoken of 
 
THE JOHN L. SCRIPPS INCIDENT 37 
 
 or alluded to before." To this man, therefore, Lincoln 
 must have disclosed the facts he had been so persistently- 
 withholding from the public. But alas for us, what they 
 were we shall probably never know, for, only a few months 
 after Lincoln's death, the biographer to whom they were 
 communicated himself died without revealing a word! 
 
 From Lincoln's halting and evasive demeanor, there- 
 fore, it soon became apparent that, somewhere in his an- 
 cestral line, there existed a lapse or hiatus or some equally 
 embarrassing circumstance which he saw fit to withhold. 
 The question naturally arose, Where and what was the 
 trouble? We might still be in the dark and as far as ever 
 from a solution of the difficulty but for the timely contri- 
 bution of Herndon, who came nearer bearing the relation 
 of confidant to Lincoln than any other man in Springfield 
 outside of Joshua F. Speed. Herndon's testimony relates 
 to a revelation made to him by Lincoln under the follow- 
 ing circumstances: 
 
 "On the subject of his ancestry," writes Herndon, "I 
 only remember one time when Mr. Lincoln referred to it. 
 It was in the fifties when he and I were driving to court 
 in Menard County. The suit we were discussing touched 
 upon the subject of hereditary traits. During the ride he 
 spoke of his mother, dwelling on her characteristics and 
 mentioning or enumerating what qualities he believed he 
 had inherited from her. Among other things I remember 
 he said she was the illegitimate daughter of Lucy Hanks 
 and a well-bred Virginia farmer or planter; he argued that 
 from this last source came his power of analysis, his logic, 
 his mental activity, his ambition, and all the qualities that 
 distinguished him from the other members and descend* 
 
38 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 ants of the Hanks family. His theory was that, for certain 
 reasons, illegitimate children are sometimes sturdier and 
 brighter than those born in lawful wedlock; and in his 
 case he believed that his better nature and finer qualities 
 came from this unknown, broad-minded Virginian. 1 The 
 revelation — painful as it was — called up the recollec- 
 tion of his mother, and, as the buggy jolted over the road, 
 he added ruefully, 'God bless my mother; all that I am 
 or ever expect to be I owe to her,' and lapsed into silence. 
 Our interchange of ideas ceased and we rode on for some 
 time without exchanging a word. Burying himself in 
 thought and musing, no doubt, over the disclosure he had 
 just made, he drew about himself a barrier which I feared 
 to penetrate. His words and melancholy tone made a 
 deep impression on me. It was an experience I can never 
 forget. As we neared the town of Petersburg we were 
 overtaken by an old man who entertained us with remi- 
 niscences of early days on the frontier. Lincoln was in 
 turn reminded of several Indiana stories, and by the time 
 we had reached the unpretentious court-house at our 
 destination his sadness had passed away." 
 
 Fortunately for Herndon his narrative of what Lincoln 
 told him — which may be the same thing Lincoln after- 
 wards confided to John L. Scripps — does not lack for 
 support; for, in its vital or material points, it is corrob- 
 orated by the testimony of John and Dennis Hanks, the 
 
 1 Of course this theory of hereditary or transmitted traits was not original 
 with Lincoln; but it was most impressively illustrated in the history of his 
 own, or rather, the Hanks family. Reared in extreme poverty and denied all 
 early advantages, he was nevertheless able, by virtue of his profound intellect 
 and sheer native powers, to rise to the loftiest niche any American has thus far 
 attained; but, of the seven other children born to Lucy Hanks after the birth 
 of her daughter Nancy — who was Abraham's mother — and their descendants, 
 not one has ever been heard from. 
 
DENNIS AND JOHN HANKS 39 
 
 two most competent of all the witnesses who have thus 
 far attempted to enlighten us regarding the question of 
 Lincoln's family descent. Their recollections, largely in 
 their own handwriting, were recorded within a year after 
 Lincoln's death, and, notwithstanding all that has been 
 said and written on the subject since then, their testi- 
 mony remains practically uncontradicted. According to 
 Lincoln t.he two were cousins of each other and first cou- 
 sins of his mother. Both were born in Kentucky — John, 
 February 9, 1802, and Dennis, May 15, 1799; both died 
 in Illinois; John, July 12, 1890, and Dennis, October 21, 
 1892. 
 
 Before proceeding further with their testimony, how- 
 ever, it will not be out of place to notice here the deduc- 
 tions of Mrs. Caroline Hanks Hitchcock, a lady in Cam- 
 bridge, Massachusetts — descended from Benjamin Hanks, 
 of Plymouth — who, in 1899, wrote and published a book 
 entitled "Nancy Hanks — The True Story of Lincoln's 
 Mother," containing an account of the author's researches 
 into the early history of the Hanks family and preceded 
 by an introduction by Miss Ida Tarbell. The purpose of 
 the work, as stated, was to "clear the name of Nancy 
 Hanks Lincoln," and great stress is laid on the will of 
 Joseph Hanks executed January 9, 1793, in Nelson County, 
 Kentucky, and found by the author during a visit to that 
 State. In this will the testator, among other things, be- 
 queaths to his daughter Nancy "one heifer yearling called 
 Peidy," whereupon the author at once concludes that she 
 has accomplished her mission, proclaiming that her dis- 
 covery "settles the question of Nancy Hanks' parentage, 
 showing that she had a father who recognized her in his 
 
4 o THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 will with the same generosity that he did her brothers and 
 sisters." Mrs. Hitchcock's motives are highly commend- 
 able and praiseworthy, but unfortunately for the accuracy 
 of her deductions it happens that there were numerous 
 Nancy Hankses in Kentucky in those days, and she fails 
 to furnish the proof that the Nancy Hanks named by 
 Joseph Hanks in his will was the same Nancy Hanks who 
 was married to Thomas Lincoln. Two other facts tend to 
 discredit her conclusion: Lincoln's mother was the daugh- 
 ter of Lucy Hanks, and the latter, we know, had a sister 
 named Nancy. It will be observed that Joseph Hanks in 
 his will makes no mention of a daughter Lucy and that 
 his wife bore the name Nancy. 
 
 Dennis Hanks was the natural son of Charles Friend 
 and Nancy Hanks. The latter after the birth of her son 
 was married to Levi Hall and became the mother of several 
 more children. Being as he himself states a "base-born" 
 child, Dennis was not admitted to the Hall household, 
 but was duly turned over to the sheltering care of his 
 mother's sister Elizabeth, married to Thomas Sparrow. 
 The latter were a childless couple and we are told cheer- 
 fully took the cast-off waif, caring for him as dutifully 
 and affectionately as if he had been their own child. 
 Nancy Hanks, the mother of Dennis Hanks, had a sister 
 Lucy, who, in 1783, gave birth to a daughter, also called 
 Nancy, to whom was reserved an illustrious maternity in 
 the birth of her son Abraham Lincoln. Who the father of 
 this last-named Nancy Hanks was no one, not even Mr. 
 Lincoln himself, has thus far been able to tell; but we know 
 that after her birth her mother, Lucy Hanks, was married 
 to Henry Sparrow and became the mother of seven more 
 
DENNIS AND JOHN HANKS 41 
 
 children. The records of Mercer County, Kentucky, show 
 that " the rites of marriage between Henry Sparrow and 
 Lucy Hanks were duly solemnized by John Baily April 3, 
 1791." Nancy Hanks must, therefore, have been about 
 eight years old when her mother was married to Henry 
 Sparrow. 
 
 For the same reason that Dennis Hanks spent his early 
 boyhood apart from the Hall family, his cousin, Nancy 
 Hanks, was not suffered to remain in the same household 
 with the children of her mother and Henry Sparrow. 
 She, too, had been turned over to the fostering care of 
 Thomas and "Betsy" or Elizabeth Sparrow and under 
 their inviting roof- tree she for a time shared the fortunes 
 and companionship of her cousin Dennis Hanks. That 
 their foster-parents gave heed to their needs and zealously 
 strove to promote their comfort and welfare is evidenced 
 by the fact that both children seem in some way to have 
 absorbed more of the rudiments of an education than 
 any of their immediate kindred. Dennis Hanks, though 
 of no greater native ability than his cousin John, had 
 much the advantage of the latter in the matter of educa- 
 tional qualifications. His writing is legible and his letters 
 and notes or statements, of which Mr. Herndon at one 
 time had at least fifty pages, indicate a better knowledge 
 of English than one could expect from a man whose early 
 opportunities were so distressingly meager and adverse. 
 A few extracts from hi? testimony, copied from the orig- 
 inal manuscript, are more or less illuminative. They 
 will serve to test his competency as a witness. Many of 
 his letters are in response to specific inquiries propounded 
 by Mr. Herndon, and when he replied he usually repeated 
 
42 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 the question, adopting as nearly as possible the" original 
 phraseology, but using his own primitive spelling and rude 
 capitalization. Thus, in February, 1866, writing from 
 Charleston, Illinois, Hanks says: 
 
 Those questions you Propound is the Easiest for me to an- 
 swer of all the Rest. I give it in full, Noing what I say. 1st What 
 is the Name of A. Lincolns Mother? 
 
 Hir Name was Nancy Sparrow; hir fathers Name was Henry 
 Sparrow, hir Mother was Lucy Sparrow, her Madin name was 
 Hanks, sister to my Mother. 2nd. You say why was she cald 
 Hanks? 
 
 All I can say is this She was Deep in Stalk of the Hanks family. 
 Calling hir Hanks probily is My fait. I allways told hir She 
 Looked More Like the Hankses than Sparrow. I think this is 
 the way; if you call hir Hanks you Make hir a Base born Child 
 which is not trew. 
 
 Of course no reasonable thinking person will doubt that 
 Dennis Hanks not only knew who his own mother was, 
 but who was the mother of his cousin Nancy as well. The 
 same statement will apply to John Hanks; but the one 
 difficulty with the testimony of both witnesses is, that 
 while persisting in the declaration that Lincoln's mother 
 was a daughter of Lucy Sparrow, and therefore should 
 be called Sparrow, they overlooked the fact that, in thus 
 endeavoring to preserve unbroken the Hanks ancestral 
 line, they were in flat contradiction with the highest grade 
 of evidence known to the law: a duly authorized public 
 record. The clerk of Mercer County, Kentucky, certifies 
 that Lucy Hanks and Henry Sparrow were married April 
 3, 1 79 1 ; if, therefore, as these witnesses would have us be- 
 lieve, Lucy Hanks's daughter Nancy was not born till 
 after the marriage to Henry Sparrow, she would have been 
 scarcely fourteen years old at the time of her marriage to 
 
LETTERS OF DENNIS HANKS 43 
 
 Thomas Lincoln, whereas, on the contrary, she was then 
 twenty-three, having been born in 1783. 
 
 February 22, 1 866, Dennis Hanks writes Herndon again : 
 
 1st question, How comes it that Lincoln him Self Calls his 
 Mother Nancy Hanks? 
 
 I say this I Dont Believe he ever Said so for his Mother was 
 Nancy Lincoln; hir Madin Name was Nancy Sparrow. So what 
 is the Use of all this? 
 
 Further along in the same letter he says: 
 
 You Say that you have Received a Letter from Charles Friend; 
 he wished to No Sum of my ants and unkels. I will Say this a 
 Bout it Billy. I am a Base Born Child. My mother was Nancy 
 Hanks, The ant of A. Lincolns Mother; My first ant Lucy 
 Sparrow, Next polly Friend, Next Elizabeth Sparrow, these on 
 My Mothers Side and Abes; one ant on My fathers Side Married 
 Zary Wilcox hir name was Sally Friend. 
 
 February 28, 1866, he writes: 
 
 Friend William those questions is Mity Easy to answer. 
 
 1 st, Who was the Mother of Nancy Sparrow ? 
 
 Now this is Abes Mother you asking a Bout. It was Lucy 
 Hanks first and Next Lucy Sparrow My Ant. 
 
 2nd What was Miss Nancy Sparrows fathers Name? 
 
 It was Henry Sparrow. Lucy Hanks was his wife, the Mother 
 of Abes Mother and my ant. 
 
 Did Mister Sparrow and his wife have any children except 
 Nancy Sparrow? 
 
 I answer yes they had 8 children 4 Sons and 4 Daughters. 
 James, thomas, Henry, George: girls Sally, Elizabeth, Nancy, 
 all Born in Mercer county Kentucky. 
 
 3rd. Who did Jesse Friend Mary? 
 
 He married My ant polly Hanks, Abes Mothers ant. Thomas 
 Sparrow married Elizabeth Hanks, A. Lincolns ant, Sister to 
 Henry Sparrows wife Lucy Hanks; this is their first name. 
 
 Who did Levi Hall mary? 
 
 He married My Mother Nancy Hanks which was Lucy 
 Hanks Sister, Henry Sparrows wife, Abes grand Mother. 
 
44 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 4th Was you Raised by Charles friend or thomas Sparrow? 
 I was raised by thomas Sparrow on the Little South fork of 
 Nolin Kentucky. 
 
 5 Was thomas Sparrow Mr. Lincolns Mothers father? 
 I answer No Kin at all. 
 
 Further extracts from the written recollections of this 
 unique and willing witness would simply be confirmatory 
 of his original testimony. At the time of his death he was 
 the only man then living who had seen the infant son of 
 Thomas and Nancy Lincoln before he was a week old. 
 His narrative of this event, told in his crude and homely 
 style, is not without interest. "They told me the Lin- 
 colns had a baby at thur house," he related to the writer 
 at Charleston, Illinois, October 28, 1886, "and so I jest 
 run all the way down thar. I guess I was on hand purty 
 early, fur I rickolect when I held the little feller in my arms 
 his mother said, * Be keerful with him, Dennis, fur you air 
 the fust boy he 's ever seen/ I sort o' swung him back 
 and forth; a little too peart, I reckon, fur with the talkin' 
 and the shakin' he soon begun to cry and then I handed 
 him over to my Aunt Polly who wuz standin' close by. 
 'Aunt/ sez I, 'take him; he '11 never come to much/ fur 
 I '11 tell you he wuz the puniest, cryin'est little youngster 
 I ever saw." 
 
 Dennis Hanks lived to be the last survivor of the little 
 band that gathered about the grave of Nancy Hanks Lin- 
 coln when she was laid to rest on the crest of that little 
 knoll in southern Indiana. He also witnessed the death 
 and burial of his own mother as well as that of his foster- 
 parents Thomas and Elizabeth Sparrow; in fact, it was 
 through his clear recollection of incidents and objects that 
 it has been possible with any degree of accuracy to deter- 
 
LETTERS OF DENNIS HANKS 45 
 
 mine the location of the grave of Nancy Hanks. In a 
 
 letter to Mr. Herndon, which bears no date, he writes: 
 
 You ask was Mr. Sparrow and Wife Buried on the same 
 Mound? I say yes, the Women was Side by Side; Abes Mother 
 in the Middle, first My ant, which was thomas Sparrows wife 
 on one side of Abes Mother and My Mother on the other side. 
 Levi Hall on the Side of his wife, which was My Mother, and 
 thomas Sparrow was on the side of his wife which was My ant, 
 the 5 together. Abes Mother Died first; they all Died Close to- 
 gether. 
 
 The association of John Hanks, the other witness re- 
 ferred to in these pages, with the other Hankses, the 
 Sparrows, and the Friends, was not so intimate or con- 
 tinuous as that of his cousin Dennis Hanks. About the 
 time of Mr. Lincoln's birth John Hanks left Hardin for 
 Grayson County in Kentucky. In 1822 he emigrated to 
 Spencer County, Indiana, buying a tract of land near 
 the Lincoln farm. Six years later he removed to Macon 
 County, Illinois, where he was living when Thomas Lin- 
 coln and his family, migrating from Indiana, joined him 
 in the spring of 1830. He made six flatboat trips to New 
 Orleans, one of them with Abraham Lincoln. He was a 
 soldier in the Black Hawk War and also in the Civil War, 
 serving as an enlisted man in the Twenty-First Illinois 
 Volunteers (General Grant's regiment) for three years. 
 Lincoln held him in high esteem. "I can say," wrote 
 Herndon in an endorsement on the margin of one of John 
 Hanks's statements, " that this testimony can be safely 
 relied upon. Mr. Lincoln loved this man — thought him 
 truthful, honest, and noble. Lincoln has stated this to 
 me over and over again." 
 
 While the recollections of John Hanks are not so vo- 
 
46 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 luminous and cover less range than the contributions of 
 Dennis, yet he corroborates the latter on all vital and es- 
 sential points, also resorting to the same artifice to legit- 
 imize the birth of Lincoln's mother by naming her Nancy 
 Sparrow. His first letter, written at Decatur, Illinois, 
 is dated May 25, 1865. After a brief sketch of Thomas 
 Lincoln he says of the latter's wife: "Nancy Sparrow was 
 the mother of Abraham Lincoln. Her mother's name was 
 Lucy Hanks and was born in Virginia." In a subsequent 
 statement he says: "Abe's mother was my first cousin. 
 His grandfather and grandmother on his mother's side 
 lived in Mercer County, Kentucky, about twenty-five 
 miles south of his grandfather on his father's side. Dennis 
 and I are cousins." In a letter still later he says: "Mr. 
 Sparrow and Mrs. Sparrow never came to Illinois. Henry 
 Sparrow was the husband's name. They lived and died in 
 Mercer County, Kentucky." 
 
 The last letter from John Hanks was written at Link- 
 ville, Klamath County, Oregon, June 12, 1887, at which 
 place he was then living. It was addressed to me. After 
 a brief description of the physical make-up of Lincoln's 
 mother, he says of her: "Her mother married Henry 
 Sparrow. She was shrewd, not very much of a talker; 
 very religious and her disposition was very quiet." 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 Removal of the Lincolns from Indiana to Illinois in 183c — Thomas Lincoln 
 sells the land to Charles Grigsby — Leaving Gentryville — Names of the emi- 
 grants and description of the journey — Reaching Macon County, Illinois — 
 Abe leaves the family near Decatur and pushes out for himself — Thomas 
 Lincoln and the Hankses — Story of Thomas Johnston jailed for stealing a watch 
 and how Lincoln saved him — Recollections of Harriet Chapman who lived at 
 the Lincoln home in Springfield. 
 
 The year 1830 is a milestone in the life of Abraham Lin- 
 coln. It marks not only the time when he attained his 
 majority and became his own master, but also when the 
 Lincoln family made its last interstate removal: from 
 Indiana to Illinois. This early migration westward is of 
 such moment and historical importance that the legisla- 
 tures of the two States have sought, through commissions 
 selected for the purpose, to determine, and, by means of 
 monuments and bronze tablets, to mark, the route over 
 which these poor and luckless pioneers made their way 
 from the village of Gentryville in Spencer County, Indi- 
 ana, to their destination, a point several miles west of 
 the town of Decatur in Macon County, Illinois. 
 
 In the year 1829 John Hanks had settled near the last- 
 named place and was soon so well pleased with his new 
 abode that he wrote to the Lincolns and Hankses in Indi- 
 ana urging them to "pull up stakes" and follow. "The 
 proposition," recites the Indiana Commission in their re- 
 port, "met with the general consent of the Lincoln con- 
 tingent and especially suited the roving and migratory 
 spirit of Thomas Lincoln. He had been induced by the 
 same rosy and alluring reports to leave Indiana. Four 
 
48 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 times had he moved since his first marriage and in point 
 of worldly goods he was no better off than when he first 
 started in life. His land groaned under the weight of a 
 long neglected encumbrance, and like many of his neigh- 
 bors he was ready for another change. Having disposed of 
 his eighty acres of land to Charles Grigsby for one hundred 
 and twenty-five dollars and his corn and hogs to his friend 
 David Turnham (the corn bringing ten cents a bushel and 
 the hogs being * lumped ')> he loaded his household goods 
 into a wagon drawn by two yoke of oxen and with his 
 family set out early in March, 1830, for the prairies of 
 central Illinois. The emigrant party comprised thirteen 
 persons and included Thomas and Sarah Bush Lincoln, 
 their two sons, Abraham Lincoln and John D. Johnston; 
 Squire Hall, his wife, Matilda Johnston, and son, John; 
 Dennis Hanks, his wife, Elizabeth Johnston, and four chil- 
 dren : Sarah J., Nancy M., Harriet A., and John T. Hall and 
 Hanks had married the two daughters of Mrs. Lincoln. 
 
 "The journey was long and tedious, the streams swol- 
 len and the roads muddy almost to the point of impassa- 
 bility. The rude wagon with its primitive wooden wheels 
 creaked and groaned as it crawled through the woods 
 and now and then stalled in the mud. Many were the de- 
 lays, but none ever disturbed the equanimity of its pas- 
 sengers. They were cheerful in the face of adversity hope- 
 ful and determined; but none of them more so than the 
 ungainly youth in buckskin breeches and coonskin cap 
 who wielded the gad and urged the patient oxen forward. 
 As they entered the new State little did the curious people 
 in the various towns and villages through which they 
 passed dream that the obscure and penniless driver who 
 
REMOVAL TO ILLINOIS 49 
 
 yelled his commands to the dumb oxen was destined to 
 become the Chief Magistrate of the greatest nation of 
 modern times." 
 
 As agreed upon by the authorities of Indiana and Illi- 
 nois, the route through the two States leads as follows: In 
 Indiana from Gentryville northward through Dale to 
 Jasper; thence northwestwardly to Petersburg, thence to 
 Vincennes. At the latter place the Wabash was crossed 
 and they pushed on to Lawrenceville, Illinois; thence 
 northwestwardly again to Palestine, York, and Darwin, 
 where they left the Wabash and traveled northwestwardly 
 again passing Richwoods, Dead Man's Grove in Coles 
 County, Nelson in Moultrie County, finally reaching their 
 destination, a few miles west of Decatur in Macon County, 
 Illinois. 
 
 Here it was they pitched their tent. Abe helped John 
 Hanks split the rails that brought him fame, and in various 
 ways made himself useful. Realizing that he had attained 
 manhood, he now began to measure himself along with 
 other people. His family, all things considered, were in- 
 deed a sorry lot — his father poor, inert, and devoid of 
 ambition and the other members equally dull, improvi- 
 dent, and shiftless. To be forced to spend the remainder 
 of his days amid such unpalatable surroundings was a 
 proposition from which he recoiled with feelings of com- 
 mingled antipathy and regret. As he reasoned, other 
 places existed where he could better his environment. 
 The truth is the young eagle was anxious to try his wings! 
 Therefore when he realized that his kindred, the ill-starred 
 emigrants from Indiana, were now comfortably and, as he 
 hoped, permanently settled, he left them, pushing on to 
 
50 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 another locality far enough away to avoid their illiterate 
 if not unwelcome companionship. 
 
 It will not do to leave the impression that Lincoln was 
 selfish and indifferent to the wants of his family. He 
 never sought to evade the obligation to care for his father 
 and stepmother — in fact, one of his last acts before leav- 
 ing for Washington to be inaugurated President in Feb- 
 ruary, 1861, was to visit his stepmother at Charleston, 
 Illinois, and leave with her a generous sum of money 
 to lighten the burden of her declining years and thus in- 
 sure her every comfort. Likewise the letter by Lincoln 
 to his stepbrother, John D. Johnston, in January, 1851, 
 which Herndon caused to be published, forever dispels 
 the imputation that he was callous or indifferent to the 
 needs of his father. 
 
 And yet, although Thomas Lincoln lived for over 
 twenty years in Coles County, Illinois, and within seventy- 
 five miles of Springfield, he never visited his son there and, 
 so far as is known, was never in the town. When Mr. 
 Lincoln was wedded to Mary Todd, in November, 1842, 
 not one of his kindred was present. Whether they were 
 invited or not has never been determined. An idea of the 
 moral and social status of the Hankses and Johnstons who 
 formed Thomas Lincoln's household, and in whose com- 
 pany his son Abraham grew to manhood, may be gleaned 
 from incidents suggested to me by Herndon and which I 
 carefully investigated. 
 
 In a statement furnished to Herndon in 1865, Thomas 
 L. D. Johnston, the son of Lincoln's stepbrother, John D. 
 Johnston, says: "Mr. Lincoln took a fancy to my younger 
 brother also named Abraham; wanted him to come to 
 
TOM JOHNSTON IN JAIL 51 
 
 Springfield, live at Lincoln's home, and go to school so as 
 to get a fair start in the world; but when Mrs. Lincoln was 
 consulted she objected so bitterly her husband was obliged 
 to write to my brother and tell him the plan could not be 
 carried out because of domestic opposition. He offered, 
 however, to give my brother money to pay for his books 
 and the schooling he received at home. He died in 1861 
 at the age of twenty-two." 
 
 Another episode came to me through Henry C. Whit- 
 ney, who was a close friend of Mr. Lincoln, and for years a 
 lawyer in Urbana, Illinois, later removing to Chicago. I 
 investigated the story and learned that Mr. Whitney's 
 version was fully corroborated by the court and county 
 records. 
 
 "In the summer of 1856," he related, "when Mr. Lin- 
 coln was one of the electors-at-large on the Fremont presi- 
 dential ticket, a boy was assisting a man to drive some 
 horses to the northern part of Illinois. They stopped 
 overnight at Champaign, and while there the boy went to 
 a small watchmaker's shop, kept by an old and decrepit 
 man named Green, upon an errand and managed to pur- 
 loin a watch. The theft was discovered in time to cause 
 the boy's arrest at the next stopping-place. He was 
 brought before my father, a justice of the peace, and the 
 case being made out the boy was committed; but the boy 
 had asked that the case be held open till he could send for 
 his uncle Abraham Lincoln to defend him. Meanwhile 
 he was committed to jail to await the action of the grand 
 
 jury- 
 
 "Not long after this occurrence I attended a meeting 
 held at Urbana, the county seat at which Mr. Lincoln was 
 
 UB**W 
 
 UNlVERSmf OF 8LURC** 
 
52 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 one of the speakers. When he saw me he called me aside 
 and whispered: ' There is a boy in your jail I want to see, 
 but I don't want any one beside yourself to know it. I 
 wish you would speak to the jailer and have him arrange 
 to admit yourself and me to the jail after this meeting is 
 over/ I then recalled the crippled boy, whereupon Lin- 
 coln explained that when his father married his second 
 wife she had a son about his own age — John D. John- 
 ston — and that they were raised together, slept together, 
 and loved each other like brothers. The crippled boy was a 
 son of that foster-brother and was rapidly going to the 
 bad. 'He is under a charge of stealing a gun at Charles- 
 ton,' said Lincoln sadly, 'and I 'm going to help him out of 
 these two cases, but that 's the last. After that if he wants 
 to continue his thieving I shall do nothing more for him.' 
 
 "The jail was a rude log cabin structure in which pris- 
 oners were put in through a trapdoor in the second story, 
 there being no other entrance. So Lincoln and I were 
 admitted into the small enclosure surrounding the jail, 
 and as we approached the one-foot square hole through 
 which we could converse with the prisoner, he heard us 
 and set up a hypocritical wailing and thrust out toward 
 us a very dirty Bible which Lincoln took and turned over 
 the leaves mechanically. He then said: 'Where were you 
 going, Tom? ' The latter attempted to reply, but his wail- 
 ing made it incoherent, so Lincoln cut it short by saying: 
 'Now, Tom, do what they tell you — behave yourself — 
 don't talk to any one, and when court closes I will be here 
 and see what I can do for you. Now stop crying and be- 
 have yourself.' And with a few more words we left. Lin- 
 coln was very sad; in fact I never saw him more so. 
 
RECOLLECTIONS OF HARRIET CHAPMAN 53 
 
 "At the fall term of the court Amzi McWilliams, the 
 prosecuting attorney, agreed with us that if the Greens 
 would come into court and state that they did not desire 
 to press the case further he would file a nolle pros. That 
 same evening Lincoln and others were to speak in a church 
 in Champaign, and at my suggestion Lincoln and I left 
 the meeting and made our way to the house where the 
 Greens lived. They were a venerable old couple and we 
 found them seated in their humble kitchen greatly aston- 
 ished at our visit. I introduced Lincoln, who explained 
 his position and wishes in the matter in a homely, plain 
 way, and the good old couple assented. The next day 
 they came into court and formally expressed themselves 
 willing that the boy should be released, which, as the rec- 
 ords of the court will show, was promptly done." 
 
 I cannot pass from the subject of Lincoln's family in 
 the early days without mention of one member whom I 
 personally knew and from whose lips I learned much that 
 has escaped biographers and historians save what she 
 imparted to Herndon. I refer to Harriet Chapman, a 
 daughter of Dennis Hanks, who became the wife of Augus- 
 tus H. Chapman and who died not long since in Charles- 
 ton, Illinois, being past eighty years of age. The lady in 
 her youth was for a time a member of Abraham Lincoln's 
 household in Springfield. It was not long after Mr. 
 Lincoln's marriage to Mary Todd when the children were 
 still small. Mr. Lincoln had invited her to come to 
 Springfield and make her home with him, with which 
 generous invitation she finally complied. For the benefit 
 of the author, who visited her at her home in Charleston 
 several times, she described her departure and journey 
 
54 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 from the latter place to Springfield. Lincoln had been 
 attending court in Charleston, and after the adjournment 
 he drove to the home of Dennis Hanks from which point 
 he and the girl set out for Springfield. The conveyance 
 was a wheeled vehicle, a buggy, perhaps, drawn by a bay 
 mare which Lincoln assured his fellow passenger he had 
 named Belle. Sometimes, he said, he called her Queen. 
 The ride through to their destination consumed parts of 
 two days. Mrs. Chapman's account of the journey and her 
 recollections of her home with the Lincolns was an enter- 
 taining and in some respects an amusing chapter. Her 
 purpose was to attend school while in Springfield, and she 
 lived with the Lincolns as a member of the household for 
 about a year and a half; but in time her relations with 
 Mrs. Lincoln became so strained, if not intolerable, she 
 found it a relief at last to withdraw and return to her home 
 at Charleston. The letters she wrote to Mr. Herndon 
 between 1865 and 1868, and which are still in my posses- 
 sion, afford such characteristic and relevant glimpses into 
 Lincoln's home life after his marriage to Mary Todd that 
 I venture to quote a few lines. 
 
 In a letter written at Charleston, Illinois, November 21, 
 1866, she says: "You ask me how Mr. Lincoln acted at 
 home. I can say, and that truly, he was all that a hus- 
 band, father, and neighbor should be. Always kind and 
 affectionate to his wife and child (Bob being the only 
 one when I was with them) and very pleasant to all 
 about him. Never did I hear him utter an unkind word to 
 any one. For instance, one day he undertook to correct 
 his child and his wife was determined that he should not, 
 and attempted to take it from him; but in this she failed. 
 
RECOLLECTIONS OF HARRIET CHAPMAN 55 
 
 She tried tongue-lashing, but met with the same fate, 
 for Mr. Lincoln corrected his child, as a father ought to, 
 in the face of his wife's anger, and that too without chang- 
 ing his countenance once or making any reply to her. His 
 favorite way of reading when at home was lying on the 
 floor. I fancy I see him now lying full length in the hall 
 of his old home. He would turn a chair down on the floor 
 with a pillow on it. He was very fond of reading poetry 
 and would often, when he appeared to be in a brown 
 study, commence reading aloud ' The Burial of Sir John 
 Moore/ and so on. He often told laughable jokes and 
 stories when he thought we were looking sad and gloomy." 
 The letter contains this additional paragraph: "Anything 
 I can tell you regarding Mr. Lincoln will be cheerfully 
 given, but I would rather omit further mention of his wife, 
 as I could say but little in her favor." 
 
 In a letter dated December 10, 1866, she writes: "Mr. 
 Lincoln was remarkably fond of children. One of his 
 greatest pleasures when at home was that of nursing and 
 playing with his little boy. He was what I would call a 
 hearty eater and enjoyed a good meal of victuals as much 
 as any one I ever knew. I have often heard him say that 
 he could eat corn cakes as fast as two women could make 
 them, although his table at home was set very sparingly. 
 Mrs. Lincoln was very economical; so much so that by 
 some she might have been pronounced stingy. Mr. Lin- 
 coln seldom ever wore his coat when in the house at home 
 and often went to the table in his shirt-sleeves, which 
 practice greatly annoyed his wife who, by the way, loved 
 to put on style." 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 Lincoln's several proposals of marriage — Story of his failure to join Mary Todd 
 at the Edwards home, January, 1841 — His letter to John T. Stuart — Invita- 
 tion to John Hanks — Preparations for the marriage to Mary Todd — The 
 story of the wedding — Judge Browne's amusing interruption — Conflicting 
 views of Springfield people — Writer's visit to and interview with Ninian W. 
 Edwards and wife — Refusal of Mrs. Simeon Francis to tell her story. 
 
 Before I undertake to consider Lincoln as a lawyer, I 
 venture to digress slightly in order that I may acquaint 
 the reader with some of the things I have learned about 
 him in another role. Adverting to the story of his activ- 
 ity and experience in the field of matrimony leads me to 
 state that the honor which would have been Ann Rut- 
 ledge's had she lived, and that Mary Owens and Sarah 
 Rickard successively declined, was finally accepted by 
 Mary Todd. Of all the women, contended Herndon, to 
 whom Mr. Lincoln paid marked or serious attention, Mary 
 Todd was, by far, the strongest, from an intellectual stand- 
 point, and the most accomplished generally; and it only 
 remains to add that she was also the only one whose keen 
 vision penetrated the future and beheld in the homely face 
 and awkward figure of her tall suitor the man of destiny. 
 No episode in Lincoln's life has occasioned greater 
 diversity of opinion among the people of Springfield than 
 the story of his marriage to Mary Todd as told by Hern- 
 don, who, in his account of the wedding, which was first 
 scheduled to take place January i, 1841, relates: "Noth- 
 ing was lacking but the groom. For some strange reason 
 he had been delayed. An hour passed and the guests as 
 well as the bride were becoming restless. But they were 
 all doomed to disappointment. Another hour passed; 
 
THE BRIDEGROOM DEFAULTS 57 
 
 messengers were sent out over town and, each returning 
 with the same report, it became apparent that Lincoln, 
 the principal in this little drama, had purposely failed to 
 appear! The bride, in grief, disappeared to her room; the 
 wedding supper was left untouched; the guests quietly and 
 wonderingly withdrew; the lights in the Edwards mansion 
 were blown out, and darkness settled over all for the night. 
 What the feelings of a lady as sensitive, passionate, and 
 proud as Miss Todd were we can only imagine — no one 
 can describe them. By daybreak, after persistent search, 
 Lincoln's friends found him. Restless, gloomy, miserable, 
 desperate, he seemed an object of pity. His friends, Speed 
 among the number, fearing a tragic termination, watched 
 him closely in their rooms day and night. Knives and 
 razors and every instrument that could be used for self- 
 destruction were removed from his reach. . . . His condi- 
 tion began to improve after a few weeks, and a letter writ- 
 ten to his partner, John T. Stuart, January 23, 1841, 
 three weeks after the scene at the Edwards house, reveals 
 more perfectly how he felt. He says: 'I am now the most 
 miserable man living. If what I feel were equally distrib- 
 uted to the whole human family, there would not be 
 one cheerful face on earth. Whether I shall ever be better, 
 I cannot tell; I awfully forebode I shall not. To remain as I 
 am is impossible. I must die or be better, as it appears to 
 me. I fear I shall be unable to attend to any business here 
 and a change of scene might help me. If I could be myself 
 I would rather remain at home with Judge Logan. I can 
 write no more/ " 
 
 Concerning this unusual if not dramatic episode in 
 Lincoln's life, as described by Herndon, there remains 
 
58 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 but little for me to say. In view of the divided sentiment 
 among the Springfield people regarding it I can only assure 
 the reader that I have no theory of my own to establish, 
 and shall content myself by presenting as briefly as I can 
 such facts as I have been able to gather in an honest and 
 impartial endeavor to ascertain the truth. 
 
 As shown by the records of Sangamon County, Illinois, 
 Abraham Lincoln and Mary Todd were married in Spring- 
 field, Friday, November 4, 1842. Nowadays the average 
 couple would shirk from plighting their vows on such an 
 unlucky day as Friday, but to this pair the day had no 
 such terrors. The ceremony took place at the residence of 
 Ninian W. Edwards whose wife was an elder sister of Miss 
 Todd. It was here that the latter had made her home since 
 her arrival from Kentucky in 1839. The groom had passed 
 his thirty-third birthday and his bride was approaching 
 her twenty- fourth. None of Mr. Lincoln's immediate 
 family, including his father, stepmother, stepbrother and 
 stepsisters, all of whom lived in Coles County, distant 
 about seventy-five miles, were present. Whether invited 
 or not no one seems to know. The only invitation ema- 
 nating from Lincoln of which I ever heard was the fol- 
 lowing characteristic note sent by him to his favorite 
 cousin, John Hanks, who lived near the town of Decatur 
 and who was his companion on the famous flatboat expe- 
 dition to New Orleans in 1831: 
 
 Dear John — 
 
 I am to be married on the 4th of next month to Miss Todd. 
 I hope you will come over. Be sure to be on deck by early candle 
 light. ' Yours 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
THE STORY OF THE WEDDING 59 
 
 I did not see this note in the original. A lady living 
 near Decatur, and who said she was a granddaughter of 
 John Hanks, furnished me a copy. 
 
 The marriage of Mr. Lincoln and Miss Todd was sol- 
 emnized by the Reverend Charles Dresser, the first Epis- 
 copalian clergyman to settle in Springfield. It was also 
 among the earliest services there in accordance with the 
 Episcopalian ritual; for Parson Dresser had officiated at 
 only eight marriages prior to this one. Of course all the 
 participants as well as all the witnesses have passed away. 
 Until recently one of the latter, the late Dr. William 
 Jayne, was still living in Springfield. He was a boy at the 
 time, and though not an invited guest was sent to the 
 house where the marriage took place the evening of the 
 wedding and saw the guests as they arrived. The groom 
 had two best men or attendants in the persons of James H. 
 Matheney, a deputy in the county clerk's office — later 
 county judge — and Beverly Powell, salesman in the 
 leading store, very popular and conceded to be the best- 
 dressed man in town. A few years later he returned to his 
 birthplace in Kentucky. The maids of honor attending 
 the bride were Miss Julia Jayne, afterwards the wife of 
 Lyman Trumbull, United States Senator, and Miss Anne 
 Rodney, sister of the wife of William L. May, formerly 
 Congressman from the Springfield district. 
 
 In my time it has been my privilege to meet and inter- 
 view a number of persons, both men and women, who 
 witnessed the marriage, but the most accurate and trust- 
 worthy account of what took place on that now memor- 
 able occasion is the recollection of James H. Matheney, 
 who, as stated, was Mr. Lincoln's close friend as well as 
 
60 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 groomsman. During my sojourn in Springfield many 
 years ago I spent more than one pleasant afternoon with 
 Judge Matheney. In the flower of his manhood he was in 
 complete possession of all his faculties, and the facts were 
 so fresh and so rigidly fixed in his mind he could recall 
 with ease the minutest detail. Although generous in im- 
 parting his information, he had but one reservation and 
 that was to refrain from making public some things he 
 had communicated to me so long as he and the widow 
 of Lincoln survived. As both have since passed away 
 there can be no impropriety in putting on record the 
 facts thus obtained. 
 
 The marriage was originally set for a day in the winter 
 of 1 840-41, probably New Year's Day, and Judge Mathe- 
 ney always insisted that he had been asked to serve as 
 groomsman then; but Lincoln, for reasons unnecessary 
 to detail here, having failed to materialize at the ap- 
 pointed time, an estrangement naturally followed and he 
 was no longer enshrined in the affections of Miss Todd 
 or persona grata at the Edwards home where, for a long 
 time, she had been living. Without delving further into 
 the merits of this luckless and regrettable episode, it suf- 
 fices to add that in the course of time, through the inter- 
 cession of the wife of Simeon Francis, editor of the " Spring- 
 field Journal," a reconciliation was effected and the couple 
 duly brought together. Meanwhile, at frequent intervals, 
 they were meeting each other as before, but never at the 
 Edwards residence and probably without the knowledge 
 of the Edwards family. 
 
 When the marriage was set for a second time it was 
 planned to have it solemnized by the pastor at his own 
 
THE STORY OF THE WEDDING 61 
 
 house in the presence of a few close friends; but a day or 
 so before the appointed time, when Mr. Edwards first 
 heard of it, he hunted up Lincoln and earnestly protested 
 on the ground that he was the natural protector of Miss 
 Todd; that she was in reality a member of his family, and 
 that the marriage ceremony should take place, if at all, at 
 his home. After some argument Lincoln and Miss Todd 
 were finally won over to his view of the case; but the time 
 was short, and there was great activity and hurried prep- 
 arations at the Edwards mansion in consequence. 
 
 At that early day Springfield, although the capital of 
 the State, could not boast of a confectioner, and the reg- 
 ulation caterer had not yet come into vogue. The town 
 had two so-called bakeries, one being a concern operated 
 by John Dickey whose leading products were "gingerbread 
 and beer." Of course a bride's cake must grace the wed- 
 ding supper, but as the two bakeries were scarcely able 
 within the required time to produce one suited to the oc- 
 casion, recourse was had elsewhere. As a last resort the 
 services of a lady renowned for her skill in that line, 
 the wife of a Springfield lawyer, were secured, and in due 
 time a cake of the regulation size and quality decked the 
 festal board. Meanwhile, in view of the limited hours 
 ahead, certain other essentials were assigned to willing and 
 helpful hands, so that, as we are assured by a lady who was 
 present, "Mrs. Edwards, despite the hurry, had provided 
 an elegant and bountiful supper, and the wedding itself 
 was pretty, simple, and impressive." 
 
 The attendance was limited, probably not over forty 
 persons being present. "For a time after the guests ar- 
 rived," related Judge Matheney, "there was more or less 
 
t THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 stiffness about the affair due, no doubt, to the sudden 
 change of plans and resulting 'town talk,' and I could not 
 help noticing a certain amount of whispering and eleva- 
 tion of eyebrows on the part of a few of the guests, as if 
 preparing each other for something dramatic or unlooked- 
 for to happen. Things moved awkwardly — at least not 
 naturally — until, during the ceremony, an interruption 
 occurred so unusual and amusing it broke the ice, divert- 
 ing the attention of the guests so effectually that the rest 
 of the evening passed off literally as 'merry as a marriage 
 bell/ In the company was a man named Thomas C. 
 Browne, one of the judges of the Supreme Court of the 
 State. He was a Tennesseean by birth, of the rough-and- 
 ready order, corpulent as Falstaff, vain, coarse, and effu- 
 sive. Despite his want of refinement, due to the lack of 
 early training, he was, nevertheless, a good lawyer and a 
 capable judge. During the ceremony, as provided by the 
 ritual of the Episcopalian Church, Lincoln, the groom, 
 placed the wedding ring on the bride's finger reciting very 
 deliberately after the rector the words; 'With this ring I 
 thee wed, and with all my worldly goods I thee endow.' 
 To Browne, who stood near Lincoln and who, doubtless, 
 had never before witnessed so elaborate and impressive a 
 ceremony, the proceeding was ridiculous if not absurd; 
 for, in a voice loud enough to be heard over the room, he 
 blurted out, ' Lord A'mighty, Lincoln, the law fixes that ! ' " 
 And now at last, after numerous vicissitudes and strange 
 chapters, Abraham Lincoln was safely married. A few 
 days later he apprised his old friend Joshua F. Speed, 
 then living in Louisville, and who, more than any other 
 man, knew the inside of his courtship with Mary Todd, 
 
INTERVIEW WITH MR. AND MRS. EDWARDS 63 
 
 of the auspicious beginning of his new life. "We are not 
 keeping house," writes Lincoln, "but boarding at the 
 Globe Tavern, which is very well kept by a widow lady of 
 the name of Beck. Our room and boarding only costs us 
 four dollars a week." 
 
 Mr. Herndon's version of the Lincoln-Todd courtship 
 and wedding, as I have already stated, had the effect of 
 evoking from many people in Springfield bitter criticism 
 for his lack of taste in making the disclosure, and in some 
 cases stout denial. The story first appeared in Ward La- 
 mon's "Life of Lincoln," in which it was alleged that Lin- 
 coln disappointed Miss Todd, whom he had promised to 
 wed, by failing to appear at the time and place agreed 
 upon; that this led to an estrangement between them and 
 that they remained apart for over a year or until reunited 
 through the diplomatic instrumentality of Mrs. Francis. 
 When I was in Springfield Herndon told me the story sub- 
 stantially as it appeared in the Lamon book and then 
 advised me to interview Ninian Edwards and wife, both 
 of whom were living and would no doubt communicate 
 the facts as they recalled them. Accordingly a few days 
 later, in obedience to the suggestion of Herndon, I visited 
 the Edwards residence and found both husband and wife 
 at home. This is what my diary records: 
 
 Thursday, Dec. 20, 1883. 
 Called on N. W. Edwards and wife. Asked about marriage 
 Mary Todd to Lincoln — Mrs. E. said arrangements for wed- 
 ding made — even cakes baked but Lincoln failed to appear. 
 At this point Mr. Edwards interrupted — cautioned wife she 
 was talking to newspaper man — she declined to say more — 
 had said Mary greatly mortified by Mr. Lincoln's strange con- 
 duct. Later were reunited — finally married. 
 
64 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 Herndon also furnished me the address of Mrs. Simeon 
 Francis, who was then living in Oregon, and recom- 
 mended that I apply to her for further information, as in 
 view of her connection with the episode she could if she so 
 desired relate the facts exactly as they occurred so that 
 posterity might know the truth. Thus encouraged I wrote 
 the lady three different times, reciting the story as it em- 
 anated from Herndon and others, and urging her in the 
 interest of history to indicate whether Lincoln in his suit 
 for the hand of Mary Todd had ignored the promise 
 to meet her at the hymeneal altar on "that fatal ist of 
 January, 1 841," or otherwise deceived her. She acknowl- 
 edged the receipt of my letters, but in each case declined 
 to deny the story or further enlighten me regarding the 
 subject, on the ground that, as Lincoln and his wife 
 were both dead, she felt a delicacy in disclosing to the 
 world all the details of their courtship. I still have her 
 letters. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 Lincoln's attitude toward the ladies — His attentions to Sarah Rickard — What 
 Mary Owens said about him — His conduct in the parlor — The stag literary- 
 society — How he, with the aid of Evan Butler and James Matheney, punished 
 the drunken shoemaker — His bashfulness — Whitney's account of his em- 
 barrassment before the ladies at Urbana — The evening at Norman B. Judd's 
 residence — What Mrs. Judd recollected — Lincoln's break at the concert — 
 His attentions to the lady performer — What Davis and Swett said to him about 
 it — His reply. 
 
 Judged by the literature of the day thus far, the world 
 seemingly has come to the conclusion that Lincoln was 
 both an ideal lover and a model husband, and yet, if his- 
 tory can be depended upon, it does not always happen 
 that a man so profoundly intellectual as he was makes 
 an exemplary husband or in every case an adorable and 
 satisfactory lover. He may be princely in demeanor and 
 angelic in temperament, but, in the language of a lady 
 to whom Lincoln himself once offered his hand, he is 
 generally "deficient in those little links that make up the 
 chain of a woman's happiness." 
 
 While Lincoln was far from the conventional ladies' 
 man, yet no one more deeply appreciated the charms of 
 female society. It was David Davis who said that on more 
 than one occasion he had heard Lincoln " thank God that 
 he was not born a woman." Now when Lincoln said this 
 he had in mind his own sympathetic and pliant nature, 
 and he therefore feared himself when subjected to the 
 plausible arguments and persuasive influences which, it is 
 said, so often sweep a woman off her feet. This line of 
 reasoning may, perhaps, serve to indicate the esteem in 
 which he held woman's will and powers of resistance; but 
 
66 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 in saying what he did he certainly underrated his own 
 strength and inflexibility, for we know that, when put to 
 the test, no man ever lived who could say "no" more 
 readily and abide by his decision with more resolution and 
 firmness. 
 
 No doubt he longed for and enjoyed the attrition of 
 social contact, and that included the company of the 
 ladies, but even then we know he managed to hold himself 
 in strict repression. Although a matchless story-teller 
 and in other respects admirably entertaining, he was 
 never prominent in the social life of early Springfield; 
 but whether this was due to his shortcomings in the parlor 
 and ballroom, his self-conscious lack of training generally, 
 or to pure indifference, it is difficult to determine. Spring- 
 field, it should be remembered, though no larger or more 
 important than the average inland prairie town in the 
 early days of the West, had its aristocracy and social 
 barriers as distinct and formidable as they are to-day. 
 Evidence in support of this statement is found in a letter 
 which Mr. Herndon once loaned me, written by Lincoln 
 to Mary S. Owens, whose hand he sought in marriage. 
 "There is a great deal of flourishing about in carriages 
 here," he writes, "which it would be your doom to see 
 without sharing in it. You would have to be poor without 
 the means of hiding your poverty. Do you believe you 
 could bear that patiently ?" 
 
 In addition to Ann Rutledge, whose melancholy history, 
 but for the indefatigable and exhaustive researches of 
 Mr. Herndon, would probably never have been preserved, 
 we know that, besides Mary Todd, Lincoln proposed also 
 to Mary S. Owens and Sarah Rickard. With the story 
 
ATTENTIONS TO SARAH RICKARD 67 
 
 of one of these affaires de cosur I am somewhat familiar, 
 because through the assistance of Mr. Herndon I was 
 enabled to obtain the desired information from original 
 sources, for at that time the lady interested was living and 
 easy of access. In her interview she related that Mr. 
 Lincoln was an unusually interesting talker with many 
 winning and even fascinating traits. Just how ardent and 
 demonstrative in his professions of love he was, the lady's 
 intuitive modesty restrained her from indicating; but she 
 insisted that in his conduct toward her no one could have 
 been more thoughtful and considerate. He was delicate 
 and attentive to the point of gallantry; made her several 
 beautiful presents; attended her at numerous social func- 
 tions and escorted her to the various public entertain- 
 ments of the period. She recalled their having witnessed a 
 dramatization or rendition of "The Babes in the Wood," 
 and he accompanied her to the first real theatrical per- 
 formance, with the regulation stage and curtain, ever 
 given in Springfield. Her name being Sarah, Lincoln, in 
 pressing his suit, urged that because the Sarah of Bible 
 times became the wife of Abraham, therefore, she, Sarah 
 Rickard, in view of that precedent, was foreordained to 
 marry Abraham Lincoln! Droll and curious though this 
 argument was, the lady admitted that it was not without 
 some weight in her own mind, but that it failed eventually 
 to win her consent because of the objection of an elder 
 sister who contended that she was too young to think 
 seriously of matrimony. But even that probably was not 
 the real reason; for, in a letter from her which now lies 
 before me, Sarah herself says: "Mr. Lincoln became daily 
 more attentive and I found I was beginning to like him; 
 
68 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 but you know his peculiar manner and general deport- 
 ment would not be likely to fascinate a young lady enter- 
 ing the society world." 
 
 In this connection it will not be out of order to mention 
 that Joshua F. Speed, who was Lincoln's confidant in the 
 affair with Mary Todd, furnished Herndon, after Lin- 
 coln's death, with copies of all the letters the latter had 
 written him regarding that strange and tempestuous court- 
 ship. In transmitting the copies Speed asked that the 
 name of a certain lady which was frequently mentioned 
 therein should be omitted in case the letters ever became 
 public. In due time they appeared in Lamon's "Life of 
 Lincoln," but the name was carefully withheld. Not long 
 since among some other papers I found Speed's original 
 letter and thus learned that the name in question was 
 "Sarah." In all probability it was Sarah Rickard, but 
 why Speed wanted it omitted I have never been able to 
 learn. 
 
 It is hardly fair to assume, because he spent his 
 early days in the backwoods, that Lincoln was boorish 
 or lacked the essentials of true politeness, and yet his 
 conduct and bearing on some occasions were hardly calcu- 
 lated to win a woman's sincere admiration and approval. 
 This is very clearly demonstrated by an incident narrated 
 by Mary Owens, one of the two ladies to whom fate 
 reserved the distinction of having declined Lincoln's 
 hand. "On one occasion," she writes in a letter to Hern- 
 don, "we were going to a party at Uncle Billy Greene's. 
 Mr. Lincoln was riding with me and we had a bad branch 
 to cross. The other gentlemen were very officious in see- 
 ing that their partners got safely over. We were behind, 
 
WHAT MARY OWENS SAID 69 
 
 he riding in, never looking back to see how I got along. 
 When I rode up behind him I remarked: 'You are a nice 
 fellow! I suppose you did not care whether my neck was 
 broken or not/ He laughingly replied (by way of compli- 
 ment, I suppose) that he knew I was plenty smart to take 
 care of myself." 
 
 Now Lincoln doubtless thought he was paying Miss 
 Owens a delicate compliment when he credited her with 
 "spunk" and judgment enough to look out for herself; 
 but evidently the latter, whose notions of etiquette and 
 propriety came from the refined associations of a wealthy 
 Kentucky home, was not inclined to view his inattention 
 in such a generous and forbearing light. And yet here is 
 what she said of him in a letter to Herndon after Lincoln's 
 death: "In many things Mr. Lincoln was sensitive to a 
 fault. He told me this incident: He was crossing a prairie 
 one day and saw before him a hog ' mired down,' to use his 
 own language. He was rather 'fixed up* and resolved that 
 he would pass on without looking at the shoat. After he 
 had gone the feeling was irresistible and he had to look 
 back; and the poor thing seemed to say wistfully: 'There, 
 my last hope is gone!' Whereupon he got down and 
 promptly relieved it from its difficulty." 
 
 While Lincoln has left us practically nothing from his 
 pen by which to fix his real estimate of womankind, yet 
 it cannot be truthfully said we are entirely without other 
 sources of information. For instance, we know that, al- 
 though given to the narration of an endless array of amus- 
 ing and oftentimes equivocal stories, no man ever heard 
 him question or reflect upon the "good name or fair fame" 
 
70 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 of any individual woman. He detested and never would 
 repeat neighborhood scandal. The savory morsels which 
 some people find so toothsome and delicious under their 
 tongues were wholly unpalatable to him. If he happened 
 to narrate a story in which the wit or weakness of woman 
 was a factor, it was invariably located in the wilds of Ken- 
 tucky or southern Indiana or some other region equally 
 remote. Besides, the story itself was so ingeniously told 
 and the point or moral so obvious and suggestive, no one 
 present could identify the heroine by name because no 
 name was used or needed. Thus, it will be observed the 
 reputation of every woman he knew was safe in his hands. 
 In the winter of 1838, along with Evan Butler, James 
 Matheney, Milton Hay — John Hay's uncle — and other 
 habitues of the court-house, Lincoln joined in organizing 
 a debating or literary society which met, usually in the 
 clerk's office, once and sometimes twice a month. It was 
 strictly a stag affair, the ladies not being represented. 
 Among other things a poem was contributed by Mr. 
 Lincoln. Its title, if it had any, has been forgotten, but 
 James Matheney, who served as secretary, was able 
 when I last saw him to recall a few verses. Here is one 
 stanza which I have in his handwriting: 
 
 " Whatever spiteful fools may say, 
 Each jealous ranting yelper, 
 No woman ever went astray 
 Without a man to help her." 
 
 Notwithstanding his characteristically indulgent and 
 forbearing nature, Herndon always contended that Lin- 
 coln had less charity or patience than the average person 
 for the man who abused his wife or in any other way ig- 
 
PUNISHING A DRUNKEN SHOEMAKER 71 
 
 nored his marriage vows. Not far from Hoffman's Row, 
 the building in Springfield in which the early courts were 
 held, lived a shoemaker who was given to the rather free 
 use of intoxicants and who almost invariably wound up a 
 spree by whipping his wife. One day Lincoln called the 
 fellow aside, upbraided him for his brutality, and then 
 admonished him that if he ever laid violent hands on his 
 wife again a drubbing would be administered so vigorous 
 he would not soon forget it. Meanwhile he apprised Evan 
 Butler and James Matheney of his threat and invited 
 them to join him in dealing out the requisite punishment 
 if the offense should be repeated. "In due time," related 
 Matheney to me, "the contingency arose. The drunken 
 shoemaker had forgotten Lincoln's warning. It was late 
 at night and we dragged the wretch to an open space back 
 of a store building, stripped him of his shirt and tied him 
 to a post. Then we sent for his wife, and arming her with 
 a good stout switch bade her to 'light in* while the three 
 of us sat on our haunches in solemn array near by to wit- 
 ness the execution of our judgment. The wife, a little re- 
 luctant at first, soon warmed up to her work, and em- 
 boldened by our encouraging and sometimes peremptory 
 directions, performed her delicate task lustily and well. 
 When the culprit had been sufficiently punished, Lincoln 
 gave the signal ' Enough/ and he was released; we helped 
 him on with his shirt and he shambled ruefully toward his 
 home. For his sake we tried to keep all knowledge of the 
 affair from the public; but the lesson had its effect, for if 
 he ever again molested his wife we never found it out." 
 
 No better illustration of how Mr. Lincoln appeared 
 socially, or rather how he demeaned himself in ladies' 
 
72 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 company, is obtainable than the two incidents which 
 follow, and which, while emphasizing some of his singular 
 and characteristic traits, are also noteworthy in that they 
 come from truthful and unquestioned sources. One of 
 them was communicated to me both verbally and in writ- 
 ing by the late Henry C. Whitney. The testimony of this 
 witness, with whom I spent many hours in Chicago after 
 he had removed from Urbana, and who verified so much 
 that Herndon had told me, is of the highest value, be- 
 cause, for almost ten years prior to Lincoln's election to 
 the Presidency in i860, he was much of the time in the 
 latter's company as the two made their way from county 
 to county on the circuit. "I well recollect," said Whit- 
 ney, " that Mr. Lincoln was invited to join me and my 
 wife at tea one evening at the residence of Mr. Boyden, 
 the mayor of Urbana. He was in good spirits and seemed 
 to be at perfect ease during the meal and afterwards, 
 while I was in the room; but later I was called out for a 
 short time to meet a client who was awaiting me at the 
 front gate. When I returned, the party, meanwhile, hav- 
 ing adjourned to the parlor, Mr. Lincoln's bearing and 
 manner had entirely changed; for some unexplained rea- 
 son he was laboring under the most painful embarrassment 
 and appeared to be as demoralized and ill at ease as a 
 bashful country boy. Drawn up in his chair and gazing 
 alternately at the floor and ceiling, he would put his arms 
 behind him and then bring them to the front again as if 
 endeavoring in some way to hide them; meanwhile strug- 
 gling, though in vain, to keep his long legs out of sight. 
 His discomfiture was so plain and unmistakable I could 
 not help pitying the poor fellow, and yet I could not 
 
AN EVENING AT NORMAN B. JUDD'S 73 
 
 understand it unless it was because he was alone in a room 
 with three women, for no one was present but Mrs. Boy- 
 den, my wife, and her mother." Evidently Sarah Rickard, 
 who had declined to marry Lincoln, was not without 
 a woman's intuitive discernment when she protested to 
 Herndon that the former's "peculiar manner and general 
 deportment were not calculated to fascinate a young lady 
 entering the society world." 
 
 The second incident, which describes Lincoln under 
 similar circumstances on another occasion, is equally well 
 authenticated besides narrated by a woman herself. In 
 September, 1857, Lincoln was in Chicago attending the 
 United States Circuit Court where he was engaged in 
 the trial of the noted Rock Island Bridge case. During 
 his stay there he was invited to spend an evening at the 
 home of Norman B. Judd, one of his valued friends, a 
 lawyer and associated in the same case. Several ladies 
 were present. What occurred and how Lincoln bore him- 
 self is so graphically and entertainingly told in an account 
 written many years ago for Herndon by the wife of Mr. 
 Judd, I feel that the portrait of Lincoln which I am trying 
 to draw would be incomplete without it. After announcing 
 the fact of Mr. Lincoln's arrival and describing the sur- 
 roundings — they were sitting on the piazza in plain view 
 of Lake Michigan with the full moon throwing "a flood of 
 silvery light upon the dancing waves" — the writer un- 
 dertakes to indicate the effect of the scene on her visitor. 
 
 "Mr. Lincoln, whose home," she writes, "was far in- 
 land from the Great Lakes, seemed stirred by the won- 
 drous beauty of the scene and by its very impressiveness 
 was carried away from all thoughts of the earth. In that 
 
74 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 high-pitched but smooth- toned voice he began to speak of 
 the mystery which for ages enshrouded and shut out those 
 distant worlds above us from our own; of the poetry and 
 beauty which was seen and felt by seers of old when they 
 contemplated Orion and Arcturus as they wheeled seem- 
 ingly around the earth in their mighty course; of the dis- 
 coveries since the invention of the telescope which had 
 thrown a flood of light and knowledge on what before 
 was incomprehensible and mysterious; of the wonderful 
 computations of scientists who had measured the miles of 
 seemingly endless space which separated the planets in 
 our solar system from our central sun and our sun from 
 other suns which were now gemming the heavens above us 
 with their resplendent beauty. 
 
 "When the night air became too chilly to remain longer 
 on the piazza, we went into the parlor where, seated on 
 the sofa his long limbs stretching across the carpet and 
 his arms folded about him, Mr. Lincoln went on to speak 
 of the discoveries and inventions which had been made 
 during the long lapse of time between the present and 
 those early days when man began to make use of the ma- 
 terial things about him. He speculated upon the possi- 
 bilities of the knowledge which an increased power of the 
 lens would give in the years to come, and then the won- 
 derful discoveries of late centuries, as proving that beings 
 endowed with such capabilities as man must be immortal 
 and created for some high and noble end by Him who had 
 spoken these numberless worlds into existence. 
 
 "We were all indescribably impressed," continues Mrs. 
 Judd, "by Mr. Lincoln's conversation. After he had gone 
 Mr. Judd remarked: 'The more I see of Mr. Lincoln the 
 
AT A CONCERT 75 
 
 more I am surprised at the range of his attainments 
 and the wonderful store of knowledge he has acquired 
 in the various departments of science and learning dur- 
 ing the years of his constant labor at the bar. A professor 
 at Yale could not have been more entertaining and in- 
 structive/ " 
 
 Lincoln was never oracular, though when not unduly- 
 embarrassed he was easily the leader in conversation. 
 Like all truly great men he was a good listener. He loved 
 to slip away from his fellow lawyers, while out on the 
 circuit, to attend a concert, panorama, or other like enter- 
 tainment at the town hall or academy. He had an insa- 
 tiable fondness for negro minstrelsy and seemed to ex- 
 tract the greatest delight from the crude jokes and harm- 
 less fun of the black-faced and red-lipped performers. 
 Frequently, as if awakened from a spell of abstraction by 
 something exuberantly funny, he would blurt out in a 
 laugh louder than any one around him. Herndon told me 
 that he and Lincoln, on their way homeward from the 
 office one night, passed a public hall in which a church 
 or benevolent society was giving an entertainment. 
 They decided to go in. Although they entered the room at 
 the same time, they were not seated together — Lincoln 
 having slid over to a seat next to the wall and somewhat 
 in the rear. Among other things on the programme they 
 heard for the first time the story of "Miss Flora Mc- 
 Flimsy With Nothing to Wear" rendered by an elocu- 
 tionist. The piece, then newly published and rather popu- 
 lar, was a long one, containing over three hundred lines of 
 rhyme. In one place near the middle and not intended to 
 be especially humorous, some one in the audience broke 
 
76 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 out in a guffaw, as loud as it was sudden and unexpected. 
 Everybody turned in his seat and gazed in the direction 
 whence the disturbance came. There sat Lincoln looking 
 sheepish and guilty. Something in the piece had struck 
 his funny-bone and, despite his surroundings, had forced 
 the interruption from him. Realizing that every eye was 
 now focused on him he slid down in his seat and blushed 
 like a school-girl. 
 
 Mr. Whitney told me that a company of singers known 
 as the Newhall Family traveled over Illinois in ante- 
 bellum times giving concerts. " If they struck a town where 
 Lincoln happened to be," said Whitney, "he would in- 
 variably arrange his affairs so that he could be at the 
 church or town hall in time to attend their entertainment. 
 No trial, consultation, or business engagement of any 
 kind was allowed to interfere. To most of us the thing for 
 a time seemed more or less strange until finally the real 
 reason developed. It was Lincoln's predilection for a 
 woman. One of the performers was a Mrs. Hillis. She was 
 not especially prepossessing in appearance, although a 
 good singer, but she had somewhere made the acquaint- 
 ance of Lincoln and appeared to manifest a decided fancy 
 for him. She would give him a smile of recognition if she 
 saw him in the audience, and the two often were seen 
 talking to each other if they chanced to meet, as they 
 sometimes did, at the tavern or elsewhere. The attrac- 
 tion was a little unusual for Lincoln, who was particularly 
 thoughtful in matters of that kind. Finally when Judge 
 Davis, Leonard Swett, and others equally close to him 
 became aware of it, they began to prod him about it and 
 with mock gravity ventured to remind him of his duty as 
 
MRS. HILLIS, THE SINGER 77 
 
 a married man, the danger of entangling alliances, etc. 
 'Don't trouble yourselves, boys,' was his retort; 'there 's 
 no danger. She 's actually the only woman in the world, 
 outside of my wife, who ever dared to pay me a compli- 
 ment, and if the poor thing is attracted to my handsome 
 face and graceful figure it seems to me you homely fellows 
 are the last people on earth who ought to complain.' " 
 
 Mr. Whitney's account of the foregoing episode is con- 
 firmed by the testimony of no less a person than Mrs. 
 Hillis herself. She was, as Mr. Whitney relates, a member 
 of the Newhall Family, a somewhat noted company of 
 singers which, in the fifties, made the rounds of the various 
 towns in Illinois, Michigan, and Indiana, giving concerts 
 extending over a period, sometimes of two days, and, in 
 some instances, almost a week at a stretch. The troupe 
 consisted of the parents, two sisters, a brother, and a 
 brother-in-law. It was before the day of the modern rail- 
 road so that most of their traveling was done by stage or 
 private conveyance. After her marriage Miss Newhall, the 
 lady mentioned, bore the name Lois E. Hillis. Being an 
 accomplished musician she frequently taught music and, 
 late in the eighties, she communicated to William J. An- 
 derson, one of her pupils, an account of her experiences as 
 a concert performer which he promptly reduced to writing 
 and carefully preserved. In her reminiscences Mrs. Hillis 
 described her first meeting with Mr. Lincoln and how he 
 impressed her and her sister as well as the other members 
 of the concert company. She related that one evening at 
 the hotel where Lincoln had for some time been a so- 
 journer, one of the group of lawyers gathered there, 
 anxious for a little fun at Lincoln's expense, arose and 
 
78 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 exclaimed: "Now, Lincoln, you have been listening to 
 and for almost a week enjoying the delightful music pro- 
 duced by these ladies, and it therefore only seems fair to 
 the rest of us that you should, in turn, entertain them 
 by singing some of the songs for which you are already 
 famous." Of course this demand elicited the approval 
 of everybody present, but it only served to evoke from 
 Lincoln a refusal to comply. He protested that he had 
 never sung a song in his life and loudly declared that he did 
 not propose to jeopardize his reputation as a musician by 
 attempting it then. 
 
 "Meanwhile, my sister and I," relates Mrs. Hillis, 
 "were anxious that Mr. Lincoln should sing. Each of us, 
 for some reason, had taken a great liking to him. We had, 
 it is true, heard him speak several times, but that did not 
 impress us so much as his pleasing personality and his 
 happy manner toward women. He listened for a while to 
 our urgent solicitation, and then, with a threatening look 
 at the other lawyers who were enjoying his embarrass- 
 ment, he turned on his heel and announced that as the 
 hour was late he was going upstairs to bed. There was a 
 melodeon in the room at which I was sitting, and just as 
 he passed I looked up into his face and said: 
 
 " 'Mr. Lincoln, if you have a song that you can sing, I 
 know that I can play the accompaniment. If you will just 
 tell me what it is, I can follow you even if I am not fa- 
 miliar with it/ 
 
 "Although visibly embarrassed, he laughed and ex- 
 claimed: 
 
 " 'Why, Miss Newhall, if it would save my soul, I 
 could n't imitate a note that you would touch on that in- 
 
RECITING A POEM 79 
 
 strument. I never sang in my life; and those fellows know 
 it. They are simply trying to make fun of me!' 
 
 "Noticing my disappointment, he paused a moment 
 and said: 
 
 " c But I '11 tell you what I am willing to do. Inasmuch 
 as you and your sister have been so kind and entertained 
 us so generously, I shall try to return the favor. Of course 
 I can't produce music, but if you will be patient and brave 
 enough to endure it, I will repeat for your benefit several 
 stanzas of a poem of which I am particularly fond.' 
 
 "Then stepping to the doorway which led from the 
 parlor to the stairway and leaning against the casing, for 
 he seemed too tall for the frame, and half closing his eyes, 
 he repeated the lines of *0, Why Should the Spirit of Mor- 
 tal Be Proud!' 
 
 "It was the first time we had ever heard Mr. Lincoln 
 recite the poem, and it was, indeed, so impressive that 
 when he had finished, all occasion for joking and raillery 
 had passed away. I remember I was so deeply moved 
 that I could scarcely restrain my tears. As he passed 
 me on his way upstairs I ventured to ask him who wrote 
 the poem. 
 
 " 'My dear Miss Newhall/ he answered, 'I regret to say 
 that I do not know. But if you really like it, I will write it 
 out for you to-night before I go to bed, and leave a copy 
 on the table so that you may have it to read when you sit 
 down to breakfast.' 
 
 "The next morning I was sitting at the breakfast-table 
 eating by candlelight. I recall very distinctly that I was 
 eating pancakes, and was in the act of cutting one, holding 
 it with my fork while I wielded the knife, when I became 
 
80 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 conscious that some one was behind and bending over me. 
 A big hand took hold of my left hand, covering it on the 
 table, and with his right hand, over my shoulder, he laid 
 down a sheet of paper covered with writing, in front of my 
 plate. I realized it was Mr. Lincoln. He told me that he 
 was due to leave town in a few minutes, and as he moved 
 away, he looked back, waved his hand, exclaiming, c Good- 
 bye, my dear!' and passed through the door. It was the 
 last time I ever saw him." 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 Lincoln's passion for women — How he dealt with them — Herndon's testi- 
 mony — Interviewing one of Lincoln's female clients — Her story of his conduct 
 — Lincoln on the circuit — Avoiding social functions — Fondness for concerts 
 and like entertainments at the town hall — Accompanying Henry C. Whitney 
 to the negro minstrel show in Chicago — Efforts of author to determine if 
 Lincoln attended lecture by Thackeray in St. Louis — Lincoln's status as a 
 married man — His wife's temperament and its effect on him — Her traits of 
 character — Her management of the household — Her experience with Spring- 
 field tradesmen. 
 
 Mention of Lincoln as a society or family man serves to 
 recall some of the things illustrating that phase of his 
 make-up which came to the surface before his intimates 
 and professional brethren — the most competent of wit- 
 nesses — had all passed away. Following is the written 
 testimony of Herndon, of deep significance and value, be- 
 cause it is exactly as recorded by him: 
 
 "Mr. Lincoln had a strong, if not terrible passion for 
 women. He could hardly keep his hands off a woman, and 
 yet, much to his credit, he lived a pure and virtuous life. 
 His idea was that a woman had as much right to violate 
 the marriage vow as the man — no more and no less. His 
 sense of right — his sense of justice — his honor forbade 
 his violating his marriage vow. Judge Davis said to me in 
 1865, 'Mr. Lincoln's honor saved many a woman,' and this 
 is true to the spirit. This I know on my own knowledge. I 
 have seen Lincoln tempted and I have seen him reject the 
 approach of woman." 
 
 In this connection I venture to relate an experience of 
 my own. One day in Springfield I was sitting in the room 
 which Lincoln, for a few days prior to his removal to 
 
82 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 Washington in February, 1861, had used as an office, 
 when I was joined by Mr. Herndon who had asked me to 
 meet him there. In due time our conversation drifted to- 
 ward Lincoln, a subject of such intense and engaging inter- 
 est that sunset found us still absorbed in the discussion of 
 that great and marvelous character. Herndon did most 
 of the talking, nor did he manifest the slightest sign of im- 
 patience at the fusillade of curious and unusual questions 
 I asked him. I remember among other things how admir- 
 ably he enlightened me regarding Mr. Lincoln's moral and 
 professional standards, his personal habits, his conduct 
 and bearing in court, including the narration of some of his 
 apt and incomparable stories. He even went so far as to 
 imitate Lincoln's voice and gesture in the delivery of a 
 speech. To me it was a revelation so vivid and fruitful I 
 felt, when we separated for the day, almost as if I had 
 been in Lincoln's presence. 
 
 "In order that you may judge of Mr. Lincoln's habits 
 in dealing with people professionally/' said Herndon, "in- 
 cluding his demeanor and conduct toward the fair sex, and 
 thus enable you to determine how near the truth my esti- 
 mate of the man is, I am going to send you to a woman who 
 was once a client of ours and who, if you succeed in finding 
 her and induce her to talk, can tell you how Mr. Lincoln 
 behaved as a man and lawyer as well as how he treated 
 her." Mr. Herndon further explained that at an early day 
 the woman, handicapped by a shady reputation, had landed 
 in court charged with keeping a house of ill-repute or some 
 like offense, had counseled with Lincoln and himself and 
 retained them to represent her. "She is well along in 
 years," continued Herndon, "and although I have not seen 
 
A WOMAN'S RECOLLECTIONS 23 
 
 her for a long time I have been assured on reliable authority 
 that now and for some time past she has been leading a 
 correct and becoming life." 
 
 In compliance with Mr. Herndon's suggestion I started 
 out in search of the woman and after diligent inquiry lo- 
 cated her. At first, when I sought to interrogate her, she 
 was somewhat reticent if not really unresponsive, but when 
 I explained that Mr. Herndon had sent me to see her with 
 the assurance that her name should not be used, she grad- 
 ually relented and eventually answered all my questions. 
 She admitted that she had employed Lincoln and Herndon 
 to look after her interests when her case came up in court. 
 The first thing done was to ask for a change of venue, which, 
 having been granted, she and the witnesses, some of whom 
 were female inmates of her own household, others sundry 
 gentlemen of gay and sportive tendency, were obliged to 
 travel a short distance over the country to another court. 
 "There was a good crowd of us," she related, "and a live- 
 lier delegation never drove over the prairies. As to the be- 
 havior and actions of Mr. Lincoln, I must say it was in 
 every respect correct so that I can recall nothing improper 
 or out of place about it. Of course he talked to me a good 
 deal, and for that matter to the other ladies too." 
 
 "Where and when was it he talked to you?" I asked. 
 
 "Sometimes in the office, sometimes in the court-house, 
 and sometimes elsewhere." 
 
 "Did he ever talk with you alone?" 
 
 "Yes, I have frequently been in his office and spoken to 
 him when no one else was there." 
 
 "What did he talk about?" 
 
 "Usually about business; also many other things that 
 
84 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 suggested themselves. The truth is he was an interesting 
 talker on all subjects." 
 
 "How did he conduct himself? Was he agreeable?" 
 
 "To me he seemed always a gentleman. I could see 
 nothing wrong or unpleasant about him." 
 
 "Did you hear him tell any stories?" 
 
 "Yes; a good many." 
 
 "Were any of these stories told when you and he were 
 alone?" 
 
 "Yes; and I remember that he told some when one or 
 more of the ladies who accompanied me were present." 
 
 "What kind of stories were they?" 
 
 "Various kinds. Of course I can't describe them now, 
 but I remember that they were all very much alike in one 
 particular and that is that they were usually funny." 
 
 "Were any of them suggestive or objectionable?" 
 
 "No, I do not think they were." 
 
 "Then what would you say about their propriety; that 
 is, would you consider what he said unfit to be told in 
 polite society or in the company of ladies?" 
 
 The last question was evidently more or less of a tax on 
 the old woman's memory or perhaps her conception of pro- 
 priety; for she hesitated a few moments, as if buried in 
 thought, before she answered; but she soon rallied and then 
 responded: 
 
 "No, although some of the things he said were very 
 amusing and made me as well as the others laugh, I do not 
 think it would be fair to call them improper; in fact, I be- 
 lieve they could with safety have been told in the presence 
 of ladies anywhere." At this point the witness halted 
 again, but only an instant; for she promptly recovered her 
 
AVOIDING SOCIAL FUNCTIONS 85 
 
 equanimity and concluded her testimony with the following 
 emphatic and sententious declaration which I have never 
 forgotten: "But that is more than I can say for Bill Hern- 
 don. " 
 
 While out on the circuit the lawyers of Lincoln's day 
 were frequently invited to spend the evening at some hos- 
 pitable home, attend a ball, or take part in the various 
 social functions of that period. Judge Davis was a fre- 
 quent attendant, but Lincoln avoided them whenever he 
 could. The interchange of ideas and small talk generally 
 one encounters on such occasions seemed to have no charm 
 for him. " I have known him," said Whitney, " to sit in his 
 room all alone an entire evening while the rest of us were 
 away at a ball or party somewhere, and when we returned 
 we would find him rolled up and sound asleep in his bed. 
 The only place besides the tavern or some inviting lawyer's 
 office he cared to visit of an evening was a public entertain- 
 ment at the town hall, and even in that event he would 
 often try to slip away from the rest of us so that on his 
 arrival there he could drop into a seat in an obscure nook 
 or corner of the room and enjoy the show without being 
 seen." 
 
 Mr. Lincoln's partiality for the time-honored concert 
 or dramatic exhibition at the academy or town hall — a 
 predilection so pronounced that David Davis and certain 
 other friends could never agree whether it was a weakness 
 or only a peculiarity — calls to mind another penchant of 
 his, and that is the conventional negro minstrel show. Of 
 this type of entertainment, which I have alluded to before, 
 he was inordinately fond. "In the latter part of March, 
 i860," wrote Mr. Whitney to me several years ago, "I re- 
 
86 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 member Mr. Lincoln was in Chicago attending the United 
 States Court, where I met him. It was less than two months 
 before the convention which nominated him for President. 
 Three tickets to Rumsey and Newcomb's Minstrels, a high- 
 toned troupe, having been presented to me, I hunted up 
 Lincoln and asked him if he would like to go to a 'nigger 
 show' that night. He assented rapturously exclaiming: 
 'Of all things I would rather do to-night that certainly is 
 one.' He and I witnessed the performance and I never saw 
 him enjoy himself more than he did that night. He ap- 
 plauded as often as anybody and with greater animation. 
 The nondescript song and dance of 'Dixie* was sung and 
 acted by the troupe, the first time I ever saw it, and prob- 
 ably the first time it was sung and acted in Illinois. I can 
 remember well the spontaneity of Lincoln's enthusiasm 
 and the heartiness of his applause at the music and action 
 of this rollicking and anomalous performance. Little did we 
 think that this weird and harmless melody would erelong 
 be transformed into a fierce battle-cry by whose inspira- 
 tion slaughter and carnage would be carried into the ranks 
 of those who bared their bosoms to save the nation's life. 
 Little did we think of this as he clapped his great brawny 
 hands in true rustic heartiness and exclaimed in riotous 
 enthusiasm: 'Let's have it again! Let 's have it again!'" 
 
 Several years ago my friend General James Grant Wilson, 
 of New York, a great admirer of the renowned Thackeray, 
 and who was then at work on his book "Thackeray in the 
 United States," wrote me a letter in which he said that 
 Thackeray gave one of his readings before a crowded house 
 in St. Louis March 26, 1856, and it had been reported that 
 
THACKERAY IN ST. LOUIS 87 
 
 Lincoln was in the audience. Having been told that 
 Lincoln occasionally visited St. Louis, General Wilson, 
 trusting that the report was true, was anxious to state in 
 his book that the former was present and heard the famous 
 Englishman deliver his lecture to a St. Louis audience; but 
 before committing himself he took the precaution to write 
 to me asking me to make careful inquiry and report to 
 him whether he could make the desired statement and be 
 safely within the bounds of truth. Unless it could be shown 
 that Lincoln was on hand and heard Thackeray as indi- 
 cated, General Wilson said he preferred not to mention 
 the incident. In due time I set out to learn the truth, 
 making a thorough and industrious canvass. I interviewed 
 all the few remaining friends and associates of Lincoln, 
 then living in Springfield or elsewhere, that I could find 
 who were in a position to know the facts, but was unable 
 to find one who could recall the circumstance or otherwise 
 enlighten me. Not content with personal interviews I 
 patiently examined the files of the Springfield and St. 
 Louis papers, only to realize that they, too, were void of 
 information. Unfortunately it was after the death of Mr. 
 Herndon so that I was unable to obtain the testimony of 
 one witness whose credibility as well as competency could 
 not be questioned. Among other things I examined the 
 records of the various courts Lincoln was in the habit 
 of attending, hoping thereby to determine Lincoln's 
 whereabouts on March 26, 1856 — the date mentioned 
 by General Wilson; but they failed to reveal anything of 
 great moment or value beyond the fact that a document 
 in Lincoln's handwriting, a declaration or bill, was 
 filed in the Circuit Court at Bloomington, Illinois, dated 
 
88 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 March 28, 1856. But this was far from conclusive, for it 
 did not necessarily follow that he was in Bloomington that 
 day, much less did it prove that he was in St. Louis listen- 
 ing to Thackeray's lecture on George III two days before. 
 
 My inquiry was so vigorous and persistent that it was 
 not long until almost every old friend of Lincoln in Spring- 
 field had been subjected to an interview and thus learned 
 what I was striving to accomplish. This was especially 
 true of the older generation of lawyers, all of whom seemed 
 deeply interested and generously cooperated with me in 
 my quest of the truth. I recall one man, close to Lincoln, 
 who was of material aid to me. One day he ventured to 
 ask me who or what it was that prompted me to dig into 
 the matter so deeply; also, in case I reached a definite and 
 satisfactory conclusion, what I purposed doing with the 
 information thus obtained. I told him I had been asked to 
 make the investigation by a literary gentleman in New 
 York who wished to know whether Lincoln while in St. 
 Louis on one occasion attended a lecture by the talented 
 English writer Thackeray, but that after careful and pa- 
 tient inquiry I was unable to determine whether he was 
 actually present and heard the lecture or not. 
 
 "Tell your literary friend," he said, "that you have 
 talked with a man in Springfield who, for many years, was 
 a close friend of Lincoln and who insists that if he, Lincoln, 
 was in St. Louis and the wonderful Mr. Thackeray was 
 billed to lecture in one public hall and Campbell's or Rum- 
 sey's Negro Minstrels were to hold forth in another hall on 
 the same evening, it would have been folly to look for Lin- 
 coln at the lecture. Instead of the latter the 'nigger show* 
 would have caught him every time." 
 
STATUS AS A MARRIED MAN 89 
 
 The marriage of Mr. Lincoln and Mary Todd was, 
 indeed, an important and eventful chapter in the lives of 
 both. Whether it was a wise and judicious union is a ques- 
 tion on which the people of Springfield have never been 
 able to agree. A few persons — and among them are some 
 of Lincoln's closest friends — were disposed to look upon 
 it as a piece of accidental good fortune. Their theory- 
 was that Lincoln's success and political ascendancy was 
 due more to the influence of his wife than to any other 
 6ingle agency; that her unrestrained temper, her willful and 
 turbulent nature effectually debarred him from the full 
 measure of domestic happiness — in other words, forced 
 him out into the angry sea of politics and public applause. 
 Instead of evenings engrossed in the comforts of his own 
 fireside, he was a great part of the time away from his 
 home, discussing public questions with the politicians and 
 lawyers, who thronged the offices in the court-houses, ex- 
 changing views with and telling stories to the farmers at 
 the stores or the loungers at the tavern, and otherwise 
 mingling with his fellow citizens of every grade, rank, 
 and station. The result of this continuous rubbing of el- 
 bows with the so-called plain people was that Lincoln in 
 the course of time was more generally and widely known 
 than almost any other man in his part of the country. 
 His wife, therefore, was a material though possibly an 
 unintentional aid in his promotion. 
 
 If, on the other hand, as contended by certain of his 
 friends, he had married some more placid and adjustable 
 woman, one who would have been content to minister and 
 defer to him because of his acknowledged intellect and 
 brilliant promise of leadership, the result, doubtless, would 
 
9 o THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 have been different. For although it would have been the 
 wife's delight to see that he had clean clothes when he 
 needed them; that his slippers were in their accustomed 
 place; that he was warmly clad and had plenty to eat; and 
 although the privilege of ministering to his wants may have 
 been to her a pleasure rather than a duty; yet the prob- 
 ability is he would have been satisfied with the modest 
 emoluments of a country lawyer's practice, deaf to the 
 siren call of politics, and buried in the delights of an in- 
 viting and happy home. Such, at least, was the opinion 
 of Herndon, whose theory thus expressed was confirmed 
 by David Davis, Milton Hay, and James Matheney, 
 three close, unerring, and loyal friends of Lincoln, and 
 with all of whom I talked regarding the latter's domestic 
 history. 
 
 Judge Davis laid great stress on the fact that Lincoln 
 seemed to prefer life on the circuit because it occasioned 
 prolonged absence from his home. He told me that on the 
 circuit the lawyers as the week neared its close were in the 
 habit of expediting business so as to be able to leave at 
 the earliest moment and thus reach home in time to spend 
 Sunday with their families. They all went but Lincoln; he 
 was proverbially slow and would linger behind pleading an 
 accumulation of unfinished business or something equally 
 commonplace and improbable as an excuse for not going. 
 The next Monday, when the other lawyers returned, they 
 would invariably find Lincoln still there anxiously await- 
 ing their reappearance. It was more or less unusual. Davis 
 professed to believe that "Lincoln was not happy domes- 
 tically," in proof of which he alluded to the fact that often 
 as he had been in Springfield Lincoln had never enter- 
 
HIS WIFE'S TEMPERAMENT 91 
 
 tained him, nor, so far as he could learn, any other visiting 
 lawyer at his home. 
 
 Speaking of Lincoln and his wife Milton Hay, the uncle 
 of John Hay, said: "If he had married a woman of more 
 angelic temperament and less social ambition, he, doubt- 
 less, would have remained at home more and been less 
 inclined to mingle with the people outside. She had a very 
 extreme temper and made things at home more or less 
 disagreeable. This probably encouraged Mr. Lincoln to 
 seek entertainment elsewhere. Mentally she was a bright 
 woman with decided aristocratic pretensions, but she was 
 of very saving habits. In dealing with others she was very 
 determined; not easily moved or thoughtful about what 
 she should say or do." 
 
 Judge Matheney agreed with Davis and Hay. He told 
 me also that although in worldly matters Lincoln was as 
 prudent and careful as the average man, yet he never 
 succeeded in acquiring very much property. Compared to 
 his second partner, Stephen T. Logan, David Davis, and 
 a few other associates of like standing at the bar, he was 
 poor. At the time of his election in i860 the house in which 
 he lived was the only real estate he possessed and his per- 
 sonal accumulations did not exceed ten thousand dollars. 
 His tastes were proverbially simple; he indulged in no ex- 
 cesses and his expenditures were kept at the minimum. 
 His wife, on the other hand, had a weakness for certain 
 luxuries, but they were modest and only few in number. 
 She loved fine clothes, but in other respects she was close 
 and in no sense extravagant. In support of Judge Mathe- 
 ney's testimony illustrating the economical trait in the 
 Lincoln family, I was shown a book kept by a Springfield 
 
92 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 merchant containing the Lincoln account. I copied the 
 record of purchases made by Mrs. Lincoln in i860 during 
 the greater part of which year her husband was engaged in 
 his canvass for the Presidency. A list of the items will not 
 only serve to indicate the character and extent of her out- 
 lay, but also prove to be of more or less interest to the 
 ladies; especially those who are prone to wonder what 
 change, if any, in his wife's conduct or style of living a 
 man's elevation to the Presidency brings about. 
 
 In the case of Mrs. Lincoln the following entry is a rec- 
 ord of her first purchase after the news of her husband's 
 nomination at Chicago: 
 
 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 To 1 Silk Parasol $5.00 
 
 " 11 y'ds Calico $1.38 
 
 Meanwhile the need of more elaborate raiment with which 
 to bedeck the first lady of the land began to assert itself. 
 Accordingly, a few days later, occurs this: 
 
 A. Lincoln per wife 
 
 To 1 Mantle $18.00 
 
 " %% yds Cable Cord 1.06 
 
 " 1 pair Kid Gloves .85 
 
 And this: 
 
 Mrs. A. Lincoln 
 
 To 1 Eng. Straw Bonnet $5.00 
 
 " 1 Rouch .25 
 
 " 23 yds Cotton Flannel 3.83 
 
 " 2 Hats 1.50 
 
 " 1% ydsPld. Linen .66 
 
 As the summer wore on came this: 
 
 Hon. A. Lincoln 
 
 To 6X yds Bon Silk $5.31 
 
 " 9 " Thread Edg. 2.25 
 
 " V% " Linen Cambric .75 
 
SPRINGFIELD TRADESMEN'S ACCOUNTS 93 
 And shortly before election day, this: 
 
 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 
 To 3 yds Plaid Satteen 
 
 •75 
 
 " 1 Silk French Umbrella 
 
 5-75 
 
 " 1 Straw Tassel 
 
 •*5 
 
 The last entry, dated December 31, was recorded only a 
 few days before Lincoln left Springfield for Washington 
 and included these items: 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 To 1 Wh. Rouch .60 
 
 " 1 " " .20 
 
 " 1 BB " .40 
 
 " 1 % yds French Merino 1.75 
 
 " % " Marcelline .45 
 
 " Sewing Silk .25 
 
 Another tradesman's account book I examined was that 
 of a druggist, the man who supplied theLincolns with their 
 "medicines, perfumes, and hair tonics." I append this list 
 bought in 1852: 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 
 Aug. 7 To Prescription 
 
 .15 
 
 " 11 " Cal Powders 
 
 .10 
 
 " 14 " Pennyroyal 
 
 .10 
 
 " 23 " Bot. Carminative 
 
 • 2 5 
 
 „ ^ Q u « « 
 
 .50 
 
 Farther along in the book I found and copied numerous 
 items added to the Lincoln account, but when the owner, 
 who gave me the book to examine, observed that I had 
 reached the page on which was entered, " 1 Bottle Brandy," 
 charged to Lincoln, he asked for its return and declined 
 to allow me to copy further. I remember an entry in one 
 place showing the sale of a bottle of perfume beneath 
 which was penciled this notation: "Returned by Mrs. L.," 
 
94 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 which prompted a gentleman who accompanied me to 
 relate that his father, who was formerly connected with 
 the store, told him that he was once instructed by the 
 proprietor not to honor Mrs. Lincoln's order for perfume 
 because she had so often broken the seals and, through 
 a messenger, returned bottles of the preparation she had 
 opened, claiming that the contents were inferior or other- 
 wise not as represented, and thus preventing their sale to 
 others. 
 
 "Notwithstanding her love of fine apparel," is the state- 
 ment of a lady relative, "Mrs. Lincoln was not only eco- 
 nomical, but close; but in order that she might gratify her 
 passion for the ornamental her economy and self-denial 
 ended at the kitchen. As a rule servants were conspicu- 
 ous about her household only when she entertained. She 
 was not noted for her skill as a cook, but was unusually 
 neat with the needle. She had an ungovernable temper, 
 but after the outburst she was invariably regretful and 
 penitent." 
 
 My inquiry into the domestic history of the Lincolns 
 in Springfield convinced me that Mrs. Lincoln was, in 
 some respects, of great value to her husband, in that she 
 protected him from imposition. "She was an excellent 
 judge of human nature," said Herndon; "a better reader 
 of men's motives than her husband and quick to detect 
 those who had designs upon and sought to use him. She 
 was, in a good sense, a stimulant. Firm in her belief that 
 he would ultimately attain immortal fame she kept him 
 from lagging, was constantly prodding him to keep up the 
 struggle. She coveted place and power; wanted to be a 
 leader in society, and her ambition knew no bounds. Re- 
 
MRS. LINCOLN'S INFLUENCE 95 
 
 alizing that Lincoln's rise in the world would elevate and 
 strengthen her, she strove in every way to promote his 
 fortunes, to keep him moving, and thereby win the world's 
 applause." 
 
CHAPTER VIII 
 
 Further accounts of Mrs. Lincoln — Herndon y s account of the dance with her 
 — The serenade — Riding with the Bradfords — Her difficulties with the serv- 
 ants — Her husband's ingenious scheme to retain them — The government 
 of the children — Lincoln taking them to the office on Sunday — His control 
 over them — Playing chess with Judge Treat — An interesting glimpse by a 
 law student — Description of the office — How Lincoln dressed — How he spent 
 the day — His habits of study — Escorting Mrs. Lincoln to a ball — Her hus- 
 band's consideration for her — His action when a storm threatened. 
 
 Outside of her husband and kindred it is fair to assume 
 that Mr. Herndon knew Mrs. Lincoln more thoroughly 
 and comprehended her peculiar construction better than 
 almost any other person in Springfield. The popular 
 notion fathered by numerous writers that the two were 
 hostile to each other and at outs most of the time has no 
 sure foundation on which to rest. That they did not in- 
 variably and completely agree on all subjects is doubtless 
 true, but it does not necessarily follow that they hated 
 each other. In fact the correspondence between them, 
 much of which I have been privileged to read, as well as 
 the many facts I gathered during my association with Mr. 
 Herndon, convince me to the contrary. I cannot, there- 
 fore, resist the conclusion, regardless of the things which 
 have found their way into the columns of some of our 
 newspapers and magazines, that Mr. Herndon and Mrs. 
 Lincoln, all things considered, held each other in generous 
 and reasonable esteem. 
 
 "Mary Todd," wrote Mr. Herndon, "was a woman of 
 more than average attainments, having had the benefit of 
 a thorough education, excellent social training, and the 
 most refined surroundings. She was a good writer, could 
 
MARY TODD LINCOLN" 
 
HERNDON'S DANCE WITH MISS TODD 97 
 
 express her thoughts in chaste and perfect English; under- 
 stood French and was otherwise highly endowed. Of all the 
 ladies to whom Mr. Lincoln paid court she was undoubt- 
 edly the most versatile and accomplished. An animated 
 and interesting talker, she was also a shrewd observer, and 
 in some respects a better and more intuitive judge of men 
 than her husband. But unfortunately for her and those 
 with whom she came in contact, she seemed to lack the 
 very elements calculated to win the reverence and retain 
 the affection of a man of Mr. Lincoln's type. Not entirely 
 free from an appearance of haughty disdain, she was de- 
 void of patience, tolerance, and self-control. In her letters, 
 some of which were addressed to me and others which I 
 have read, she invariably speaks of her husband in the 
 most endearing and affectionate language; and yet I am 
 sure her fearless, austere, and caustic nature greatly marred 
 the blissful companionship which should have existed be- 
 tween her and her imperturbable and kindly natured help- 
 mate." 
 
 Miss Todd came to Springfield from her Kentucky home 
 about the time the place became the capital of the State, 
 and she was promptly and cordially welcomed into the 
 highest and most approved social circles. A comely and 
 attractive figure she soon had a number of admirers. 
 Among the latter was Mr. Herndon, who was about her 
 age. This is his account of their first meeting: "It was at 
 an evening party and I danced with her. I was charmed 
 with her, and after the dance I thought it would be seemly 
 and proper to compliment her on her superb poise and 
 graceful bearing, meanwhile suggesting that her move- 
 ments on the floor, as she glided through the waltz, were 
 
98 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 fairly serpentine — alluding, of course, to the ease with 
 which a serpent, gracefully turning corners and making its 
 way around obstructions, moves over the ground. Of course 
 it was a hideous and unpardonable comparison, and later, 
 when I became better acquainted with the lady and her 
 responsive temperament, I used to wonder how I happened 
 to escape so well; for, strange to say, she simply drew back 
 and glared at me a moment — with a look too I shall never 
 forget — and moved to another part of the room." 
 
 The recollection by Judge Matheney of Mrs. Lincoln was 
 equally vivid and interesting because, in view of his inti- 
 macy with Mr. Lincoln, he was in a position to learn things 
 which, but for his keen observation and wonderful memory, 
 might not have been preserved. Here is one incident he 
 related to me in March, 1883, which was before Hern- 
 don's death: 
 
 "Soon after Miss Todd came to Springfield our crowd 
 of young fellows decided to serenade her — a custom very 
 much in vogue in those days. We had flutes, violins, and 
 other old-time instruments and produced what we re- 
 garded as very creditable music. The next evening Miss 
 Todd attended a social gathering where she met a young 
 man — his name was Peck, I believe — who was a member 
 of the party of musicians that serenaded her the night be- 
 fore. On being introduced to him she indulged in several 
 sneering allusions to the music and mentioned that she had 
 met him before, referring, of course, to the serenade. Stung 
 to the quick by her uncomplimentary and sarcastic sug- 
 gestion Peck was nevertheless equal to the emergency. 
 'That music/ he retorted, 'was not intended for you, Miss 
 Todd; that was for Sally* — the colored servant at the 
 Edwards mansion." 
 
JOHN S. BRADFORD 99 
 
 John S. Bradford, at one time State Printer, told me this 
 incident in his office in Springfield and I made a note of it 
 at the time: "Some years ago when I had invested in my 
 first carriage I invited Mrs. Lincoln to accompany me and 
 my family in a drive to the country. We drove to the Lin- 
 coln residence, and when the madame came down the front 
 steps to join us in the carriage, she appeared to be very 
 nervous and more or less wrought up. What had caused her 
 agitation she failed to disclose. We suspected that there had 
 been a collision or disagreement of some kind with her 
 servant, for, just as she settled back in her seat, she ex- 
 claimed with a sigh: 'Well, one thing is certain; if Mr. 
 Lincoln should happen to die, his spirit will never find me 
 living outside the boundaries of a slave State.'" 
 
 Among the people of Springfield, rich and poor alike, 
 those who opposed as well as those who supported his 
 political principles, Lincoln, so far as I could determine, 
 was held by his fellow citizens in unquestioned esteem. 
 In my long sojourn there I found but one man who con- 
 demned or even belittled him. That man, I regret to 
 say, was the one who related the incident just described. 
 For a long time I could not understand it; but finally, 
 through Herndon, I learned the reason. In March, 1842, 
 Lincoln was retained by one William Darmody and 
 brought suit against Bradford for slander, the grievance 
 being that the latter had publicly denounced Darmody, 
 characterizing him as a "damned rogue." Lincoln lost the 
 suit, and although he conducted the case with due regard 
 to the professional ethics involved, as shown by the record, 
 Bradford never forgave him. This explains why Bradford 
 could not agree with his neighbors and thus endeavor to 
 
ioo THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 find in Lincoln's life and morals something to commend. 
 
 Reverting to a further contemplation of Mrs. Lincoln, it 
 may not be out of place to suggest that, as a rule, she expe- 
 rienced the utmost difficulty in retaining a household serv- 
 ant beyond a brief or nominal period. On account of her 
 frequent and violent outbursts of temper, she was in bad 
 repute with the domestic servant population of Springfield. 
 At the joint suggestion of Mr. Herndon and Judge Math- 
 cney I met and talked with a woman who claimed in her 
 girlhood days to have lived as a servant in the Lincoln 
 household. When she entered Mrs. Lincoln's employ she 
 had been apprised, she said, of that lady's peculiarities, and 
 was warned that, like the other girls who had preceded her at 
 the Lincoln home, a few days, possibly a month at the most, 
 would mark the limits of her stay; but, to the surprise of all, 
 she remained a much longer period, in fact, upwards of two 
 years. The secret of her steady and unbroken service came 
 out with the explanation that Lincoln himself gave her 
 additional compensation each week — generally a dollar 
 — conditioned on her determination to brave whatever 
 storms that might arise. This arrangement was discreetly 
 kept from Mrs. Lincoln, but that extra payment each week 
 gave the servant the requisite courage, whenever she and 
 Mrs. Lincoln happened to clash, as they sometimes did. 
 "At last, however," said the woman, "the madame and I 
 began to understand each other. More than once, when she 
 happened to be out of the room, Mr. Lincoln with a merry 
 twinkle in his eye patted me on the shoulder urging me to 
 'Stay with her, Maria; stay with her.'" 
 
 Over his household Lincoln exercised no supervision 
 of any kind. The government of the family or domestic 
 
GOVERNMENT OF THE CHILDREN 101 
 
 machine was entirely in the hands of his wife. His children 
 did much as they pleased. Many of their antics he osten- 
 sibly approved and he restrained them in nothing. He 
 never reproved nor gave them a fatherly frown. Parental 
 discipline or punishment, if needed, had to come from 
 another source. 
 
 "He was the most indulgent parent," is the testimony 
 of Mr. Herndon, "I have ever known. When at home on 
 Sunday he frequently brought his two younger sons, Wil- 
 liam and Thomas, or 'Tad/ down to our office while his 
 wife was at church. The boys were absolutely unrestrained 
 in their amusements. If they withdrew all the books from 
 the shelves, bent the points of the pens, overturned the 
 inkstands, scattered papers over the floor, or threw pen- 
 cils into the spittoon, it never disturbed their father's se- 
 renity or good nature. Absorbed in thought he apparently 
 never observed their mischievous and destructive pranks, 
 and even if brought to his attention he virtually encour- 
 aged their repetition by failing to manifest the least sign 
 of impatience or disapproval. 
 
 "Mr. Lincoln could sometimes be seen, also on Sunday, 
 in his shirt-sleeves drawing his children in a little wagon 
 up and down the pavement in front of his house. So ab- 
 stracted and lost to the surroundings was he that if, per- 
 chance, one of the little fellows happened to roll overboard, 
 as they sometimes did, he would pull steadily ahead, his 
 eyes fixed on the ground, in a brown study regardless of 
 the child's lamentations. His attention being called to the 
 mishap by a passer-by, he would turn back, pick up the 
 youngster, try to soothe or pacify it, and then resume his 
 perambulation as unconcernedly as if nothing unusual 
 
102 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 had happened. But at this juncture Mrs. Lincoln would 
 be espied a few steps down the street, hastening home 
 from church. Almost instantly there would follow a loud 
 protest from a woman's shrill and angry voice. The scene 
 would change. All steps now turn to the Lincoln mansion. 
 The front door swings open and an abashed but indulgent 
 father, looking neither to the right nor left, hastens up the 
 steps and disappears within." 
 
 In the winter of 1883 I spent a good portion of one aft- 
 ernoon with a gentleman who was present and heard 
 Lincoln's first oral argument before the Supreme Court of 
 Illinois. It was Samuel H. Treat, who had himself been 
 on the Supreme bench and at the time of my visit was 
 serving as Judge of the United States District Court. His 
 recollection of the political campaign of 1846, when Lin- 
 coln defeated the redoubtable Peter Cartwright for Con- 
 gress, was to me an especially interesting chapter. He said 
 he admired Lincoln and he entertained me with several 
 vivid and characteristic episodes in which the latter figured. 
 I tried to draw out his opinion of Mrs. Lincoln, but with 
 poor success, for, beyond the simple admission that he was 
 acquainted with her coupled with the names of three or 
 four other persons who, he claimed, could adequately 
 describe her "if they dared to," he declined to commit 
 himself. 
 
 On the afternoon just mentioned when I visited him 
 Judge Treat told me, among other things, that one morning 
 Lincoln came to his office and joined him in a game of 
 chess. The two were enthusiastic chess-players and when 
 the opportunity offered indulged in the game. On the oc- 
 casion named they were soon deeply absorbed, nor did they 
 
PLAYING CHESS WITH JUDGE TREAT 103 
 
 realize how near it was to the noon hour until one of 
 Lincoln's boys came running in with a message from his 
 mother announcing dinner at the Lincoln home, a few steps 
 away. Lincoln promised to come at once and the boy left; 
 but the game was not entirely out; yet so near the end 
 the players, confident that they would finish in a few mo- 
 ments, lingered a while. Meanwhile almost half an hour had 
 passed. Presently the boy returned with a second and more 
 urgent call for dinner; but so deeply engrossed in the game 
 were the two players they apparently failed to notice his 
 arrival. This was more than the little fellow could stand; 
 so that, angered at their inattention, he moved nearer, 
 lifted his foot, and deliberately kicked board, chessmen, and 
 all into the air. "It was one of the most abrupt, if not 
 brazen, things I ever saw," said Treat, "but the surprising 
 thing was its effect on Lincoln. Instead of the animated 
 scene between an irate father and an impudent youth which 
 I expected, Mr. Lincoln without a word of reproof calmly 
 arose, took the boy by the hand, and started for dinner. 
 Reaching the door he turned, smiled good-naturedly, and 
 exclaimed, 'Well, Judge, I reckon we'll have to finish this 
 game some other time,' and passed out. Of course I re- 
 frained from any comment," continued Treat, who, by the 
 way, was old and had never been blessed with a child, " but 
 I can assure you of one thing: if that little rascal had been 
 a boy of mine he never would have applied his boots to 
 another chessboard." 
 
 Lincoln was a man of marked personality. He was gen- 
 erous and sympathetic; was willing to help if help was 
 needed, but in manner restrained and somewhat slow to 
 
io 4 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 volunteer. The recipient of every one's confidence he 
 rarely gave his own in return. People oftentimes mistook 
 his dignified composure for indifference. 
 
 "If a man betrayed undue familiarity," said Herndon, 
 " Mr. Lincoln drew about himself a shield, a sort of charmed 
 circle which effectually barred too near approach. Though 
 oftentimes abstracted, he was not repellent; but there was 
 something in his face and manner that restrained even the 
 boldest and most venturesome man. It can hardly be said 
 that he had a confidant nor did he unbosom himself to 
 others. Notwithstanding the long and close association 
 between us, if a cloud hovered over and depressed him, as 
 it unfortunately sometimes did, he made no mention of it, 
 and I am sure that I was equally careful to refrain from al- 
 luding to it in his presence. To me he was ever imperturb- 
 able and mysterious. If in Springfield, and not out on the 
 circuit, he usually reached our office about nine in the morn- 
 ing, although, sometimes, he came as early as seven; and 
 on one or two occasions I recall he was there soon after 
 daylight. The cause of these early appearances at the office 
 could not be learned from anything he said, but that did not 
 prevent me from making deductions of my own. The main 
 piece of furniture in the office was an old sofa or lounge 
 on which he would throw himself, one foot on a chair, the 
 other on the edge of the table, and begin to read. Stretched 
 out thus and generally reading aloud, he would succeed 
 in monopolizing practically a fourth of the room. After a 
 while he would exclaim, 'Billy* — he always called me 
 Billy — and begin to relate a circumstance suggested by 
 something he had been reading and which had happened 
 in Indiana or 'down in Egypt/ That incident would lead 
 
MOODS 105 
 
 to another and still another, and the array of stories would 
 follow each other until a large part of the morning was thus 
 consumed. His narratives were almost invariably so witty 
 and amusing they kept all of us in the office laughing, a 
 result which no one enjoyed more heartily than he. At 
 two o'clock he would return to the office. If no important 
 or pressing matters claimed his time, he would draw his 
 chair up to the table on which rested his elbow, place his 
 chin in the palm of his hand, his gaze fixed on the floor or 
 through the window into space, and linger thus absorbed 
 for hours or until interrupted by callers or the demands of 
 his profession. On these occasions he was grave, taciturn, 
 unresponsive. But the most significant and noteworthy 
 thing about him was his look of abstraction and melan- 
 choly. It was as painful as it was inescapable. I have often 
 watched him in one of these moods. Bent over in his chair, 
 lost to the world in thought, he was the most striking pic- 
 ture of dejection I had ever seen. When in one of these 
 moody spells neither of us spoke. Occasionally it would 
 become necessary to trouble him with a question without 
 eliciting a response. Meanwhile I would forget that I had 
 asked him; but to my surprise a few moments later (once 
 it was over fifteen minutes) he would break the silence and 
 give me an appropriate and satisfactory answer. Appar- 
 ently he had, for the time, pushed my question aside. 
 
 "A large part of the time he read aloud. It annoyed me 
 more or less ; and I sometimes left the room under pre- 
 tense of a call elsewhere if I suspected a long chapter ahead; 
 but he was my senior by almost ten years and so much 
 superior in every other respect I would not for the world 
 have given evidence of any objection or even indifference. 
 
106 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 I remember once in answer to my inquiry why he read aloud 
 he said: 'I catch the idea by two senses; for, when I hear 
 what is said and also see it, I remember it better even if I do 
 not understand it better/ At his home when reading he 
 would lie on the floor, his head resting against a chair 
 placed upside down, the inclined surface serving as a pil- 
 low. He was not a general reader, save in his endeavor to 
 keep abreast of the times through the developments in the 
 political world. In quest of knowledge or information 
 his reading seemed to be characterized by marked concen- 
 tration of thought, the study of some special subject — in 
 other words, his reading like his efforts in other lines al- 
 ways had a definite end in view. He was practical, strong, 
 and reflective." 
 
 A faithful and interesting glimpse of Lincoln comes 
 from Gibson W. Harris, a student in his office after the 
 dissolution of the partnership with Judge Logan, and who 
 later moved to Cincinnati where he lived many years. 
 
 "In 1845," relates Harris, "I was inducted into the 
 office of Lincoln & Herndon as student and clerk. The 
 office was in a room in the upper floor of a building which 
 housed the post-office. Across the hall the Clerk of the 
 United States District Court held forth. The furniture, 
 somewhat dilapidated, consisted of one small desk and a 
 table, a sofa or lounge with a raised head at one end, and 
 a half-dozen plain wooden chairs. The floor was never 
 scrubbed. If cleaned at all it was done by the clerk or law 
 student who occasionally ventured to sweep up the accumu- 
 lated dirt. Over the desk a few shelves had been enclosed; 
 this was the office bookcase holding a set of Blackstone, 
 Kent's Commentaries, Chitty's Pleadings, and a few other 
 
HOW HE DRESSED 107 
 
 books. A fine law library was in the Capitol building across 
 the street to which the attorneys of the place had access. 
 
 "And now as to Mr. Lincoln himself: The blue jeans in 
 which he was clad the first time I saw him in 1840 had been 
 discarded in favor of broadcloth shortly before his marriage. 
 The day I entered his office in 1845 ne na d on a black suit 
 — coat and trousers of cloth and vest of satin; and the 
 buckram stock about his neck was covered with black silk 
 forcing him to carry his head more erect than would an or- 
 dinary tie. In summer he was accustomed to wear shoes 
 known as the Wellington style; but in winter he wore 
 boots. He had great fondness for chess or checkers and also 
 liked tenpins; but cared nothing for fishing or hunting. 
 
 "It would not be fair to speak of Mr. Lincoln as an idler 
 save in his aversion to bodily labor. His brain was a sin- 
 gularly active one — seemed never to rest, never to tire; yet 
 as a formal student he struck me as actually lazy. Days 
 of leisure came frequently, and on such occasions he might 
 sometimes be seen sitting in his chair with his feet on the 
 office table reading the office copy of Byron or Burns. He 
 would read for an hour or two, then close the book and 
 stretch himself at full length on the office lounge, his feet 
 projecting over the end, his hand under head, and his eyes 
 closed, and in this attitude would digest the mental food 
 he had just taken. He read but little at the office, and I 
 have never imagined there was much burning of the mid- 
 night oil at his home. The truth is he never studied hard at 
 any period of his life. He did not need to study hard. With 
 him a single reading was sufficient to afford a clear insight 
 into any ordinary subject. 
 
 "I was well acquainted with Mrs. Lincoln and was fre- 
 
108 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 quently at her house, being sent there now and then by her 
 husband on errands from the office. On two occasions, I 
 remember, I was her escort at a ball, instead of her husband, 
 who, because of absence from home, was unable to accom- 
 pany her. I found her to be a good dancer; she was bright, 
 witty, and accomplished, being able to speak French flu- 
 ently. The sportive title or nickname she gave me was Mr. 
 'Mister/ but her husband invariably addressed me by my 
 first name. She rarely visited the office. She was a member 
 of the Presbyterian Church, but the statement that Mr. 
 Lincoln attended divine service nearly every Sunday he 
 was in Springfield may have been true of later years, but 
 to predicate it of the period when I was in office, in the 
 forties, would be more or less of an exaggeration. Mr. 
 Lincoln showed great consideration for his wife. She was 
 unusually timid and nervous especially during a storm. If 
 the clouds gathered and the thunder rolled, he knew its 
 effect on his wife and would at once hasten home to remain 
 there with her till the skies cleared and the storm was 
 safely over." 
 
CHAPTER IX 
 
 A Springfield lawyer's opinion of Lincoln's mental equipment — Outline of his 
 physical organization — His appetite — How he ate an apple — His predis- 
 position to melancholy — Description of his figure — His head, arms, and legs 
 — His countenance, his walk, and other physical attributes — His mental proc- 
 esses — His perception, judgment, and conscience — His indifference as to 
 forms or methods — A profound reasoner — Remorseless in analysis — A giant 
 intellect and in full comprehension of his own ability. 
 
 In his physical organization, according to John T. Stuart 
 and Herndon, both of whom were his law partners and 
 therefore observed him at very close range, Lincoln was 
 something of a riddle. Likewise to those who viewed 
 him from another angle he was still difficult of comprehen- 
 sion. Here is an analysis of his mental structure by a fel- 
 low lawyer. It was written in 1866 and the original man- 
 uscript is still in my possession. Although I have thus far 
 withheld the writer's name, I feel free to state that he was 
 a Springfield man, but not a partner of, nor intimate with, 
 Lincoln. After reciting that he had been asked to put in 
 writing his opinion of the mind of Lincoln he says: 
 
 "I consent to do so without any other motive than to 
 comply with the request of a brother lawyer, for if I know 
 myself, no other motive would induce me to do it, because, 
 while Mr. Lincoln and I were always good friends, I be- 
 lieve myself wholly indifferent to the future of his memory. 
 The opinion I now have was formed by a personal and pro- 
 fessional acquaintance of over ten years, and has not been 
 altered or influenced by any of his promotions in public 
 life. The adulation by base multitudes of a living and 
 pageantry surrounding a dead President do not shake my 
 
no THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 well-settled convictions of the man's mental caliber. Phys- 
 iologically and phrenologically the man was a sort of mon- 
 strosity. His frame was large, long, bony, and muscular; his 
 head small and disproportionately shaped. He had large, 
 square jaws; large, heavy nose; small, lascivious mouth, 
 and soft, tender, bluish eyes. I would say he was a cross 
 between Venus and Hercules. I believe it to be inconsist- 
 ent with the laws of [human organization for any such 
 creature to possess a mind capable of anything called great. 
 The man's mind partook of the incongruities of his body. 
 He had no mind not possessed by the most ordinary of men. 
 It was simply the peculiarity of his mental and the oddity 
 of his physical structure, as well as the qualities of his heart, 
 that singled him out from the mass of men. His native 
 love of justice, truth, and humanity led his mind a great 
 way in the accomplishment of his objects in life. That 
 passion or sentiment steadied and determined an other- 
 wise indecisive mind." 
 
 The following extract from a lecture by Herndon soon 
 after Lincoln's death contains an analysis of the latter's 
 physical and mental equipment so unerring and yet so pro- 
 found there is abundant reason why it should be preserved. 
 Its value to history arises from the fact that it was pre- 
 pared for delivery to audiences in central Illinois composed 
 largely of Lincoln's neighbors, people the most compe- 
 tent of all to test its accuracy and truthfulness. Among 
 other things he said: 
 
 Mr. Lincoln was wiry, sinewy, and raw-boned — thin through 
 the breast to the back and narrow across the shoulders. Stand- 
 ing, he leaned forward; was somewhat stoop-shouldered, in- 
 clining to the consumptive in build. His usual weight was 
 

 W 
 
HIS APPETITE in 
 
 about a hundred and eighty pounds. His organization worked 
 slowly. His blood had to run a long distance from his heart to 
 the extremities of his frame, and his nerve force had to travel 
 through dry ground a wide circuit before his muscles were 
 obedient to his will. His structure was loose and leathery, his 
 body shrunk and shriveled, he had dark skin, dark hair, and 
 looked woe-struck. The whole man, body and mind, worked 
 against more or less friction and creaked as if it needed oiling. 
 
 His circulation was low and sluggish, so that there was after 
 all only limited wear and tear of his bodily tissues. Hence he had 
 no very strong appetite for stimulating drinks or tonics. "I am 
 entitled to little credit for not drinking," he once said to me when 
 I asked him about whiskey, "because I hate the stuff. It is un- 
 pleasant and always leaves me flabby and undone." He had a 
 good but moderate appetite for food and was satisfied with al- 
 most anything that would allay hunger. He ate slowly and me- 
 chanically, never complaining of the food if it was bad nor prais- 
 ing it if good. On the circuit and elsewhere I sat down with him 
 times without number, but I never knew him to manifest any 
 objection to the food that graced the table, although some of our 
 colleagues would often swear at it. He adored the vegetable 
 world, but in his own selection of things to eat he was decidedly 
 mixed. He loved a good cup of coffee, but he was especially 
 fond of an apple. His manipulation of an apple when he ate it 
 was unique. He disdained the use of a knife to cut or pare it. 
 Instead he would grasp it around the equatorial part, holding 
 it thus until his thumb and forefinger almost met, sink his teeth 
 into it, and then, unlike the average person, begin eating at the 
 blossom end. When he was done he had eaten his way over and 
 through rather than around and into it. Such, at least, was his 
 explanation. I never saw an apple thus disposed of by any one 
 else. 
 
 The most marked and prominent feature in Lincoln's 
 organization was his predisposition to melancholy or at 
 least the appearance thereof as indicated by his facial 
 expression when sitting alone and thus shut off from con- 
 versation with other people. It was a characteristic as 
 
ii2 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 peculiar as it was pronounced. Almost every man in Illi- 
 nois I met, including not only Herndon, but John T. Stuart, 
 Samuel H. Treat, James C. Conkling, James H. Matheney, 
 David Davis, Leonard Swett, and Henry C. Whitney, re- 
 minded me of it. No one was able to determine what caused 
 it. Stuart and Swett attributed it to defective digestion — 
 in fact, Stuart told me and Herndon that Lincoln's liver 
 failed to function properly. "It did not secrete bile," he 
 said, "and his bowels were equally inactive. It was this 
 that made him look so sad and depressed. That was my no- 
 tion, and I remember I talked to him about it and advised 
 him to resort to blue-mass pills which he did. This was be- 
 fore he went to Washington. When I came on to Congress 
 in 1863, he told me that for a few months after his inaugu- 
 ration as President he continued the pill remedy, but he 
 was finally forced to cease because it was losing its efficacy 
 besides making him more or less irritable." 
 
 My inquiry on this subject among Lincoln's close 
 friends convinced me that men who never saw him could 
 scarcely realize this tendency to melancholy, not only as 
 reflected in his facial expression, but as it affected his spir- 
 its and well-being. Robert L. Wilson, who v/as a member 
 with Lincoln of the Illinois Legislature in 1836, wrote thus 
 to Herndon February 10, 1866: 
 
 "Mr. Lincoln told me that although he appeared to en- 
 joy life rapturously, still he was the victim of terrible mel- 
 ancholy. He sought company and indulged in fun and hi- 
 larity without restraint or stint as to time; but when by 
 himself he told me that he was so overcome by mental de- 
 pression he never dared carry a knife in his pocket; and as 
 long as I was intimately acquainted with him previous to 
 
PREDISPOSITION TO MELANCHOLY 113 
 
 his commencement of the practice of the law he never 
 carried a pocket-knife/' 
 
 The above is copied from the original manuscript signed 
 by Wilson, delivered to Herndon, and by him turned over 
 to me. Along with it came this reference to Lincoln's 
 peculiarity in Herndon's hand: 
 
 "As to the cause of this morbid condition, my idea has 
 always been that it was occult and could not be explained 
 by any course of observation and reasoning. It was in- 
 grained, and being ingrained could not be reduced to rule 
 or the cause assigned. It was necessarily hereditary, but 
 whether it came down from a long line of ancestors and far 
 back or was simply the saddened face of Nancy Hanks 
 cannot well be determined. At any rate, it was part of his 
 nature and could no more be shaken off than he could part 
 with his brains. Simple in carriage or bearing, free from 
 pomp or display, serious, unaffected, Lincoln was a sad- 
 looking man whose melancholy dripped from him as he 
 walked." 
 
 How Lincoln impressed Herndon may be judged from 
 the following fragments of his lecture: 
 
 In person and physique it can hardly be said that Mr. Lincoln 
 was either dapper or handsome. Somewhat ill-proportioned in 
 figure, his movements seemed labored if not at times more or less 
 awkward. He had a sad and rugged face which defied artistic 
 skill to soften or idealize. It was capable of few expressions, but 
 they were abundantly suggestive and unusual. When in repose 
 his face was grave and thoughtful, pervaded by a look of dejec- 
 tion as painful as it was prominent; it brightened like a lighted 
 lantern when animated. His dull eyes would sparkle with fun 
 or express as kindly and tender a look as ever mounted a face 
 when moved by some matter of human interest or sympathy. 
 There was more difference between Lincoln grave and Lincoln 
 
1 1 4 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 animated in facial expression than almost any other man of his 
 day. 
 
 His forehead was narrow but high; his hair dark, coarse and 
 rebellious. His cheek-bones were high, sharp, and prominent; 
 his jaws were long; nose large and a little awry toward the right 
 eye; chin sharp and upcurved. His eyebrows cropped out like a 
 huge rock on the brow of a hill; his face was sallow, shrunk, and 
 wrinkled, with here and there a hair on the surface and his 
 cheeks leathery. His ears were large and ran out almost at right 
 angles from his head, caused partly by heavy hats and partly 
 by nature; his lower lip thick and undercurved while his chin 
 reached for the lip upcurved; his neck slender and trim neatly 
 balancing his head; there was the lone mole on the right cheek 
 and Adam's apple on his throat. 
 
 His head was long and tall from the base of his brain and from 
 the eyebrows. His head ran backwards, his forehead rising at a 
 low angle like Clay's, and unlike Webster's, which was almost 
 perpendicular. The size of his hat measured at the hatter's block 
 was seven and one eighth, his head being from ear to ear six and 
 one half inches and from the front to the back of the brain eight 
 inches. Thus measured it was not below the medium size. The 
 look of gloom or sadness, so often noted in the many descriptions 
 of his countenance, was more or less accentuated by a peculiar- 
 ity of one eye, the pupil of which had a tendency to turn or roll 
 slightly toward the upper lid, whereas the other one maintained 
 its normal position equidistant between the upper and lower lids. 
 
 His legs and arms were very long and in undue proportion to 
 the rest of his body. Sitting in a chair he was not taller than 
 ordinary men; it was only when he stood up that he loomed 
 above them. He walked like an Indian, with even tread, the 
 inner sides of his feet being parallel, betokening caution. He 
 put the whole foot flat down on the ground, not landing on the 
 heel; he likewise lifted it all at once, not rising from the toe; 
 hence there was no spring to his step as he moved up and down 
 the street. 
 
 Thus stood, walked, and looked this unusual man. True he 
 was plain, unprepossessing, yea even commonplace, but when 
 that gray eye and every feature of that earnest and deeply 
 thoughtful face were lighted up by an inward soul reflecting the 
 
HIS MENTAL PROCESSES 115 
 
 fires of righteous zeal and determination, then it was that these 
 apparently homely features beamed rather than repelled or 
 sank beneath the sea of inspiration that sometimes flooded his 
 face. In fact, there were times when it seemed to me as if Lin- 
 coln's soul was fresh from the hands of Him who gave it being. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln's perceptions were slow, cold, and exact. Every- 
 thing came to him in its precise shape and color. No lurking il- 
 lusion or other error, false in itself and clad for the moment in 
 robes of splendor, ever passed undetected or unchallenged over 
 the threshold of his mind — that point which divides vision from 
 the realm and home of thought. He saw all things through a 
 perfect moral lens. There was no diffraction or refraction there; 
 nor was he impulsive, fanciful, or imaginative. He threw his 
 whole mental light around the object and in time substance and 
 quality stood apart, form and color took their respective places, 
 and all was clear and exact in his mind. He was pitiless and un- 
 relenting in his search for the truth. His skill in the association 
 of ideas was as marvelous as his memory was tenacious and un- 
 erring. His language indicated oddity of vision as well as ex- 
 pression. In his search for words he was sometimes hard pressed 
 to give proper expression to his thoughts; first, because he was 
 in no sense a master of the English language, and secondly, be- 
 cause in the vast store of words there were so few at his limited 
 command that represented the exact shade of meaning he in- 
 tended to convey. This will account for the frequent use by him 
 of stories and maxims with which to impress the truth of his 
 convictions upon the minds of his listeners. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln in mental action was causative; his mind appar- 
 ently with an automatic movement ran behind facts, principles, 
 and all things to their origin — their first cause. He was remorse- 
 less in his analysis of everything he sought to determine. He 
 would stop in the street and study a machine. He would whittle 
 things to a point and then count the numberless inclined planes 
 and their pitch making the point. Mastering and defining this, 
 he would cut that point back and get a broad transverse section 
 of his pine stick and peel and define that. Clocks, omnibuses, 
 and language, paddle-wheels and idioms never escaped his ob- 
 servation and analysis. Before he could form an idea of any- 
 thing, before he expressed his opinion, he must know it in origin 
 
n6 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 and history, in substance and quality, in magnitude and gravity, 
 He must know his subject inside and outside, upside and down- 
 side. 
 
 All facts and principles had to run through the crucible of an 
 inflexible judgment and be tested by the fierce fires of an ana- 
 lytical mind; and hence when he spoke his utterances rang out 
 with the clear ring of genuine gold upon the counters of the 
 understanding. His reasoning through logic, comparison, and 
 analogy was unerring and deadly; his adversaries dreaded his 
 originality of idea, condensation and force of expression, not less 
 than they writhed under the convincing effect of singularly sig- 
 nificant and apt stories. Woe be to the man who hugged to his 
 bosom a secret error if Abraham Lincoln ever suspected or 
 started in chase of it! Time and all the legerdemain of debate 
 could hide it in no nook or angle of space in which he would not 
 detect and expose it. 
 
 Though accurate in perception, a profound thinker as well as 
 analyzer, his judgment on some occasions and in certain ques- 
 tions was pitiably weak. It might be said that his mind was in 
 some respects slow and ponderous, not quick or discriminating; 
 but when it came to the concentration of his great powers of 
 reasoning, from cause to effect, the supremacy of truth, his de- 
 ductions could not be overcome. When his mind could not 
 grasp premises from which to argue, he was weaker than a child, 
 because he had none of the child's intuitions — the soul's quick 
 vision of the assembled facts. To that extent Mr. Lincoln was 
 lacking in his mental structure. He was on the alert if a prin- 
 ciple was involved or a man's rights at stake in a transaction; 
 but he could see no harm or impropriety in wearing a sack-coat 
 instead of a swallow-tail at an evening party, nor could he realize 
 the offense of telling a coarse or questionable story if a preacher 
 happened to be present. 
 
 He did not care for forms, ways, methods — the non-substan- 
 tial things of this world. He could not, by reason of his structure 
 and mental make-up, be much concerned about them; nor did 
 he manifest an intense interest in any individual man — the 
 dollar, property, rank, order, manners, or similar things; neither 
 did he have any avarice or other like vice in his nature. He de- 
 tested somewhat all technical rules in law and the sciences, con- 
 
HIS INDIFFERENCE TO FORMS 117 
 
 tending they were, as a general thing, mere forms founded on 
 arbitrary ideas and not on reason, truth, and the right. What 
 satisfied a small or narrow and critical mind did not always suit 
 Mr. Lincoln any more than a child's clothes would his body. As a 
 rule he took but slight interest in purely local affairs; was hardly 
 ever present at a town meeting, and the few gatherings which 
 he did attend almost invariably were political conventions. He 
 seemed not to care who succeeded to the presidency of this or 
 that society or railroad company; who made the most money; 
 who was going to Philadelphia and what were the costs of such 
 a trip; who among his friends got this office or that — who was 
 elected street commissioner or health inspector. No principle of 
 justice, truth, or right being involved in these things, he could 
 not be moved by them. It only remains to say that he was in- 
 flexibly steadfast in human transactions when it was necessary to 
 be so and not otherwise. One moment he was as pliable and ex- 
 pansive as gentle air; the next as firm and unerring as gravity 
 itself. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln's understanding, his conscience, yea, everything, 
 yielded submissively to the despotism of his reason. His ana- 
 lytical power was profound. In his mental organization logic 
 occupied the throne. His vision was clear; his pursuit of the 
 truth intense and unremitting. His conscience ruled his heart; 
 he was always just before he was generous. But above and be- 
 yond everything else it was plain to his friends that his strength 
 lay in his ability to reason. From that height he came down with 
 crushing and irresistible force. The tallest intellects in the world 
 bowed to him, and it is, therefore, no stretch of the truth to de- 
 clare that, when viewed from the elevated standpoint of reason 
 and logic, he was easily one of the greatest intellects the nation 
 has produced. Another strong point in his construction was his 
 knowledge of himself; he understood and comprehended his own 
 capacity — what he did and why he did it — better, perhaps, 
 than any other man of his day. He had a wider and deeper 
 conception of his environments and limitations than men who 
 made greater pretensions or had enjoyed the benefits of more 
 thorough training. 
 
 Viewing his life as a whole the student of history will be sure 
 to conclude that the elements which predominated in Mr. Lin- 
 
u8 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 coin's peculiar character were: first, his great capacity and 
 power of reason; second, his conscience and excellent under- 
 standing; third, an exalted idea of the sense of right and equity; 
 fourth, his intense veneration of the true and the good. What- 
 ever of life, vigor, and power of eloquence his peculiar qualities 
 gave him; whatever there was in a fair, manly, and impartial 
 administration of justice under law to all men; whatever there 
 was in a strong will in the right, governed by tenderness and 
 mercy; whatever there was in toil and sublime patience; what- 
 ever there was in these things or a wise combination of them 
 Lincoln is justly entitled to in making up the impartial verdict of 
 history. These limit and define him as a lawyer, an orator, a 
 statesman, and a man. They developed in all the walks of his 
 life; they were his law; they were his nature — they were Abra- 
 ham Lincoln. 
 
CHAPTER X 
 
 Behind the door of Lincoln's home — What the neighbors saw and heard — 
 The testimony of James Gourley — Lincoln's garden and dooryard — The ups 
 and downs of life at the Eighth Street home — How Lincoln and his wife agreed 
 
 — What Josiah P. Kent saw and remembered — Mrs. Lincoln and the iceman 
 
 — The family carriage — Buying a ticket to the circus — Juvenile pranks at 
 Lincoln's expense — Mrs. Lincoln's peculiarities of temperament. 
 
 In order to bring out in sharper outline the human side of 
 Lincoln, to learn more definitely how he lived and bore 
 himself with the door of his home closed against the in- 
 trusion of an anxious but heartless world, Mr. Herndon 
 was good enough to put me on the track of much rare and 
 authentic information which, otherwise, might not have 
 reached the public. Among other things I remember he 
 gave me the names and whereabouts of certain neighbors 
 of Lincoln, urging me to "run them down and pump them 
 dry," as he expressed it, a suggestion which I promptly 
 undertook to carry out. Judged by their opportunities 
 and the angle from which these people viewed Lincoln, 
 I could not but agree with Herndon that their testimony 
 was of unquestioned value and importance. One of 
 Lincoln's closest neighbors was James Gourley, a shoe- 
 maker, who lived in a house adjoining the Lincoln home- 
 stead on the east. The Lincolns and Gourleys were on the 
 best of terms, which is evidenced by the fact that one of 
 the first persons in Springfield selected by Lincoln for 
 a position in Washington after he became President was 
 a son of Gourley. 
 
 "I lived next door to the Lincolns for nineteen years," 
 said Gourley, "and knew the family well. The truth is I 
 
i2o THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 knew him as early as 1834. At that time he was living in 
 New Salem, where he was postmaster. He used to come 
 from there afoot to Springfield and wind up at Stuart and 
 Dummer's office, where he borrowed books and took them 
 back with him. Even then he was a great story-teller, and 
 when he was at Stuart's office as I have told you he always 
 had a crowd about him. In those days I used to run foot- 
 races, and I recall that E. D. Baker challenged me and I 
 ran a race with him. Baker was a close friend of Lincoln, 
 but notwithstanding the friendship between them Lincoln 
 backed me and I beat Baker. In the course of time Lincoln 
 moved here to Springfield and finally became my neighbor. 
 He used to come to our house, his feet in a pair of loose 
 slippers, and wearing an old, faded pair of trousers fas- 
 tened with one suspender. Sometimes he came for milk. 
 Our rooms were low, and one day he said: ' Jim, you'll have 
 to lift your loft a little higher: I can't straighten out under 
 it very well.' To my wife, who was short in stature, 
 he used to say that little people had some advantages: 
 they required less 'wood and wool to make them comfort- 
 able/ 
 
 "As I remember Mr. Lincoln he was a poor landscape 
 gardener and his yard was graced by very little shrubbery. 
 He once decided to plant some rosebushes in the yard, and 
 called my attention to them, but in a short time he had 
 forgotten all about them. He never planted any vines or 
 trees of any kind; in fact seemed to take little, if any, inter- 
 est in things of that kind. Finally, however, yielding to my 
 oft-repeated suggestion, he undertook to cultivate a garden 
 in the yard back of his house; but one season's experience 
 in caring for his flowers and vegetables sufficed to cure 
 
UPS AND DOWNS OF HOME LIFE 121 
 
 him of all desire for another. In other respects he was more 
 or less domestic in his tastes. He kept his own horse; feed- 
 ing and caring for the animal when at home. He fed and 
 milked his own cow and even sawed his own wood. 
 
 "Like all families the Lincoln's had their ups and downs, 
 too, but viewing, as a whole, the almost twenty years I lived 
 beside them, I think it is safe to say they agreed moderately 
 well. As a rule Mr. Lincoln yielded to his wife — in fact, 
 almost any other man, had he known the woman as I did, 
 would have done the same thing. She was gifted with an 
 unusually high temper and that invariably got the better 
 of her. She was also very excitable and when wrought up 
 frequently had hallucinations. I remember once when her 
 husband was away from home she conceived the notion 
 that some rough characters had designs on her and her 
 hired girl. She had worked herself up to a furious pitch, 
 weeping and wailing loud enough to be heard by the neigh- 
 bors, and even asked me to spend the night at her house 
 guarding the premises and thus protect her and her girl. Of 
 course I expressed a willingness to do whatever she asked, 
 although I knew the whole thing was imaginary as well as 
 absurd. This was not the only time her demonstrations 
 were loud enough to be heard by some of the neighbors. 
 If she became excited or troublesome, as she sometimes did 
 when Mr. Lincoln was at home, it was interesting to know 
 what he would do. At first he would apparently pay no 
 attention to her. Frequently he would laugh at her, which 
 is a risky thing to do in the face of an infuriated wife; but 
 generally, if her impatience continued, he would pick up 
 one of the children and deliberately leave home as if to 
 take a walk. After he had gone, the storm usually sub- 
 
122 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 sided, but sometimes it would break out again when he 
 returned. 
 
 "Notwithstanding her unfortunate temper and her pe- 
 culiarities generally, I never thought Mrs. Lincoln was as 
 bad as some people here in Springfield have represented 
 her. The truth is she had more than one redeeming trait. 
 She and I rarely ever differed — in fact, we were good 
 friends. Although I do not believe she could plead justi- 
 fication for many of the uncalled-for things she did, yet, 
 when I hear her criticized by some people, I cannot but re- 
 call what she once said to me about her husband, which 
 was, that if he had been at home as much as he ought, she 
 could have been happier and loved him more." 
 
 Another man to whom I had been referred by Herndon 
 and other old residents of Springfield was Josiah P. Kent. 
 Although not so well advanced in years as Gourley, he 
 lived as near and knew the Lincolns quite as well, especially 
 during the closing years of the family's stay in Springfield. 
 At first he seemed a little reluctant to express himself, and 
 it was only after a second visit coupled with the urgent 
 suggestion of an old friend that he was induced to unbosom 
 himself. His home, he told me, was in the same block with 
 the Lincoln residence, and he was at the latter so often and 
 so much of the time he became virtually a member of the 
 household. 
 
 "It was largely at the instance of my mother/' he said, 
 "that I went there. She arranged with Mrs. Lincoln that 
 I should help the family by doing the various things a 
 young man of my age should do to befriend a neighbor. It 
 was late in the fifties when Robert was away attending 
 college in the East. Mr. Lincoln was also away from home 
 
RECOLLECTIONS OF JOSIAH P. KENT 123 
 
 a good deal, so that my willingness and service to the fam- 
 ily were deeply appreciated. I spent many a night at the 
 house, sleeping usually in the same room which Robert 
 had occupied. I took care of the horse and in general made 
 myself useful about the premises. In the course of time 
 Mrs. Lincoln induced her husband to purchase a carriage 
 after which I was duly installed as coachman. In order to 
 keep up with the fashion of that day, she hired me to drive 
 her about town on certain days, usually for a few hours, in 
 the afternoon, going from house to house where she made 
 her calls. For this service I was to receive twenty-five cents 
 each time I made the drive. One day I remember she offered 
 an additional quarter of a dollar if I would go down to see 
 Myers, the iceman — there was only one dealer in ice in 
 those days — and learn why he had ceased bringing her 
 ice. I saw the man and he told me he had ceased supplying 
 the lady with his commodity because she lost her temper a 
 day or two before, accused him of cheating in weight, and 
 abused him so loudly he had resolved never to call at her 
 house again. After an ingenious explanation and prolonged 
 entreaty on my part, however, he finally relented, and the 
 next day appeared at the Lincoln house with the required 
 allotment of ice. 
 
 "Meanwhile a circus was advertised for Springfield and 
 I wanted to go. I had taken Mrs. Lincoln on one drive 
 which, with the amount due me for visiting and influenc- 
 ing the iceman, made a total of fifty cents — the price of a 
 ticket to the show. The good lady had not yet paid me, and 
 I did n't have the courage to ask her for it. But the circus 
 was due the next day. Meanwhile a friend told me that Mr. 
 Lincoln had just reached town and advised me to state the 
 
I2 4 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 case to him and ask for the money. Being more or less des- 
 perate, I finally resolved to do it. Arrived at a certain 
 street corner I lay in wait for Mr. Lincoln, who was sure to 
 pass by on his way home. In due time he appeared. I ac- 
 costed him and having summoned all my courage blush- 
 ingly told my story. He eyed me closely and seemed deeply 
 interested especially when I mentioned the approaching 
 circus. 'Fifty cents/ he said, 'is rather small pay for the 
 service you seem to have rendered Mrs. Lincoln and you 
 should have been paid long ago.' He smiled and drew from 
 his pocket the money; but it was not the expected fifty — 
 it was seventy-five cents. 'What's the extra twenty-five 
 cents for?' I asked. 'That's interest on your investment/ 
 he laughed, and then resumed his walk toward home. 
 
 "Mr. Lincoln was well liked by the boys of our neigh- 
 borhood notwithstanding the many pranks we played on 
 him in some of which his own boys occasionally joined. 
 He seemed to understand as well as enjoy boy nature per- 
 fectly. We were in the habit, after dark, of hiding behind 
 a certain fence along v/hich people walked on their way 
 home from downtown. We had a lath which we would 
 poke between two pickets just high enough above the 
 ground to knock off the headgear of the passer-by. Con- 
 cealed from sight behind the fence we carried on our sport 
 without detection. One evening as usual we heard foot- 
 steps coming down the sidewalk, and although it was too 
 dark — there were no street lights then — to determine 
 who it was, we jumped behind the fence and prepared for 
 action. The lath did its work and off came a tall stiff hat. 
 The victim was no less a person than Mr. Lincoln. We sup- 
 pressed our giggles the best we could and prepared for the 
 
PRANKS AT LINCOLN'S EXPENSE 125 
 
 punishment, or at least the rebuke, which we felt sure 
 would follow; but to our surprise Mr. Lincoln simply 
 picked up his hat, and although he could not see us, he 
 laughed, exclaimed, 'Boys, you ought to be ashamed to 
 impose on an old man/ and resumed his saunter down the 
 street as if nothing unusual had happened. 
 
 "After the Lincolns had had their carriage for some time, 
 or until the novelty of owning one had passed away, I con- 
 ceived the idea of trying to borrow it for an afternoon's 
 use myself. Accordingly I applied to Mr. Lincoln for it, 
 but refrained from telling him where I wanted to drive or 
 who, if any one else, I expected to take with me. The 
 truth is I intended to fill the conveyance with boys — in- 
 cluding in the number one of Mr. Lincoln's — and drive the 
 outfit to a well-known swimming hole some distance from 
 town. When I asked Mr. Lincoln he declined, saying that 
 there were two things he would not lend: his wife and his 
 carriage; but he added that I might have the use of his 
 horse and harness. After he was gone, and without his 
 knowledge, but with the aid of another, we slipped the car- 
 riage out, filled it with boys, and started away; but just 
 after we had passed the edge of town the horse became 
 frightened and ran away, throwing most of us out and dam- 
 aging the vehicle. A near-by blacksmith was secured who 
 repaired the break, and after much effort we succeeded in 
 getting the carriage back home. Among other things I 
 remember we carefully painted the place which the black- 
 smith had marred in making his repairs, and then threw 
 dust over it to give it the appearance of age and thus re- 
 move the sign of fresh paint; in fact, we made every effort 
 possible to keep all knowledge of the accident from Mr. 
 
126 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 Lincoln. We probably succeeded, for if he learned the story 
 he never mentioned it to us." 
 
 Beyond what is here recorded Mr. Kent had but little 
 more to communicate regarding Mrs. Lincoln herself. The 
 incidents of her home life as he detailed them were far from 
 voluminous; nor did he comment very freely on her attitude 
 and bearing toward her husband. On that phase of the 
 subject he was more or less non-committal. He insisted 
 that Maria Drake, the girl who, for a long time, was an in- 
 mate of the Lincoln home, could shed more light than any 
 one else, but she having married William Clark and moved 
 to the Far West many years before, was no longer acces- 
 sible. Brief and definite though Kent's recollection of Mrs. 
 Lincoln was, I found that he agreed substantially with the 
 other neighbors. " She was not only nervous and high-tem- 
 pered," he said to me, alluding to Mrs. Lincoln, "but very 
 demonstrative, quick of action, and at times loud. It was 
 never difficult to locate her. It mattered not who was pres- 
 ent when she fell into a rage, for nothing would restrain her. 
 The iceman could testify to that. Her voice was shrill and 
 at times so penetrating, especially when summoning the 
 children or railing at some one whose actions had awakened 
 her temper, she could easily be heard over the neighbor- 
 hood. When thus aroused and giving vent to her feelings, 
 it is little wonder that Mr. Lincoln would suddenly think 
 of an engagement he had downtown, grasp his hat, and 
 start for his office by the shortest and most direct route he 
 knew." 
 
CHAPTER XI 
 
 Lincoln as a lawyer — Estimates of David Davis and others — First leaning 
 toward the law manifested in Indiana — Borrowing books of Judge Pitcher, of 
 Rockport — Attending squire's court at Gentryville — Studying law books af- 
 ter reaching New Salem — Admission to the bar at Springfield — His opinion 
 of examinations — Story of an applicant he himself examined — The note 
 to Judge Logan — Hawthorne vs. Woolridge, his first case: its history and 
 termination — Scammon vs. Cline, his first case in the Supreme Court — His 
 last appearance in court — His three partnerships — His wonderful ability as a 
 reasoner — The scope and extent of his practice — Range and size of his fees 
 — His skill and care in the preparation of papers — The trial of Bailey vs. Crom- 
 well proving that a negro girl was not a slave — Also Carman vs. Glasscock in- 
 volving the navigability of the Sangamon River. 
 
 Notwithstanding the copious and unprecedented array 
 of matter that has been apportioned to an eager world 
 regarding the life of Lincoln, it cannot be said that his 
 biographers have provided as broad and exhaustive an ac- 
 count of his varied achievements as we are entitled to 
 have. This is especially true of our conception of him as 
 a lawyer; for it was in the law office and the court-room 
 that many of his peculiarities and traits of character were 
 brought to the light. When delving into this phase of his 
 activities I found that, among his colleagues at the bar and 
 others equally competent to judge, no two agreed in their es- 
 timate of his genius and ability. Two men who have written 
 books describing him as a lawyer put him at the very head 
 of the list, whereas David Davis and William H. Hern- 
 don, who knew him longer and more intimately, probably, 
 than all the other lawyers at the Springfield bar, each qual- 
 ified what they said about him. "He could hardly be 
 called very learned in the profession," said Davis, "and 
 yet he rarely tried a cause without fully understanding the 
 
128 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 law applicable to it. At the same time it can be said that he 
 read law books but little save when the cause in hand made 
 it necessary." In October, 1885, Herndon put this in writ- 
 ing: "Although only moderately well read in the elemen- 
 tary books he studied so thoroughly certain special and 
 adjudicated cases until he developed into a good practi- 
 tioner. To that extent, therefore, it is fair to call him a 
 case lawyer. Apparently he cared but little for forms, rules 
 of pleading, or practice. He went in for substance mainly; 
 but in the end became a good nisi prius lawyer and a bet- 
 ter Supreme Court lawyer." Here is the tribute of Sam- 
 uel C. Parks, one of his colleagues: "Lincoln's conscience, 
 reason, and judgment worked out the law for him. It 
 would not do to call him a great lawyer, for he was not; 
 but it is fair to state that he was a good lawyer under con- 
 ditions. He was not as quick as some men — in fact, re- 
 quired more time to study his case and thus arrive at the 
 truth. But above all things he must feel that he was right. 
 For a man who was for a quarter of a century both a law- 
 yer and a politician, he was the most honest man I ever 
 knew. He was not only morally honest, but intellectually 
 so. At the bar he was strong if convinced that he was in 
 the right, but if he suspected that he might be wrong he 
 was the weakest lawyer I ever saw." 
 
 Though Lincoln was not a profound lawyer in the sense 
 that the jurist John Marshall was, or, possibly, as able 
 and successful a nisi prius practitioner as was Stephen T. 
 Logan, yet, from an intellectual standpoint, he was greater 
 than either. For clear reasoning power, merciless analogy, 
 and lucidity of statement he had no superior at the 
 Illinois bar, and yet the truth is there never was, either 
 
LINCOLN AS A LAWYER 129 
 
 in Illinois or elsewhere, just such a lawyer. He said once 
 he had never read a law book through in all his life, and 
 yet it is the testimony of his colleagues that he was a most 
 adroit and oftentimes dangerous antagonist. In the lan- 
 guage of David Davis: "That man who laughed at a con- 
 test with the clear head, the brave heart, and the strong 
 right arm of Abraham Lincoln always had to have his 
 laugh first; for after the contest had ended and the man 
 woke up with his back in a ditch, laughing was too seri- 
 ous a matter." Whatever he may have lacked of the del- 
 icate polish which comes of collegiate training was counter- 
 balanced by his wonderfully well-developed reasoning 
 powers. "All facts and principles," said Herndon, "had 
 to run through the crucible of an inflexible judgment and 
 be tested by the fierce fires of an analytical mind, and hence, 
 when he spoke, his utterances resounded with the clear 
 ring of genuine gold on the counters of the understanding. 
 His reasoning through logic, analogy, and comparison was 
 unerring and deadly. His adversaries dreaded his origi- 
 nality of idea, condensation and force of expression, not less 
 than they writhed under the convincing effect of his sin- 
 gularly significant and apt stories. Woe be to the man who 
 hugged to his bosom a secret error if Abraham Lincoln 
 ever set out to uncover it. All the ingenuity of delusive 
 reasoning, all the legerdemain of debate, could hide it in 
 no nook or angle of space in which he would not detect 
 and expose it." 
 
 Who or what really prompted Lincoln to adopt the 
 law as his calling through life has never been determined. 
 Along with numberless others I confess I have often won- 
 dered what would have happened, or what, if any, differ- 
 
130 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 ence it would have made in the world's history if, instead 
 of making a lawyer of himself, he had taken to medicine, 
 the pulpit, or some other one of the learned professions. It 
 is known that very early in life, while living in Indiana, he 
 evinced a pronounced fondness for the argumentative dis- 
 putations which so often took place at the store and the 
 blacksmith shop in Gentryville; and when the stage was 
 set for a lawsuit before the village squire, "Abe Lincoln was 
 sure to be on hand an eager and attentive listener." Many 
 years ago, when I was at Mount Vernon, Indiana, I learned 
 from Judge John Pitcher, that between the years 1820 and 
 1830, when he was living and practicing law in the town of 
 Rockport, the county seat of Spencer County, Indiana, 
 Abraham Lincoln on several occasions came down from his 
 home in the village of Gentryville, distant about fifteen 
 miles, and talked to Judge Pitcher about books, asking 
 how to read them and how in other ways to obtain or at 
 least improve his education. "I counseled with him," said 
 Pitcher, "and loaned him several books, some of them be- 
 ing law books, which he took home with him to read. I 
 understood he wanted to become a lawyer and I tried to 
 encourage him." The specific names or titles of the vol- 
 umes which Judge Pitcher loaned young Lincoln the 
 former did not indicate, but we have the best of author- 
 ity for believing that the first law book to which he had 
 access was the Revised Statutes of Indiana, a small volume 
 loaned to him by his boyhood friend, David Turnham. 
 This statement is confirmed by Lincoln's stepmother, who 
 was visited by Herndon at her home near Charleston, 
 Illinois, in the summer of 1865, and later by a son of Turn- 
 ham whom I met several times during my sojourn in south- 
 
JUDGE JOHN PITCHER 
 
STUDYING LAW IN NEW SALEM 131 
 
 ern Indiana. It is said — but it is only a tradition and 
 not verified — that while still a young man in Indiana, 
 Lincoln would occasionally journey to Boonville, the 
 county seat of Warrick County, also about fifteen miles 
 from Gen try ville, to attend sessions of the court, and that 
 on one occasion he was so profoundly impressed by the 
 argument of John A. Brackenridge, who appeared for the 
 defense in a murder trial, that he sought the latter after 
 court adjourned and congratulated him on the brilliance 
 and effectiveness of his speech. 
 
 In that characteristic bit of autobiography which 
 Lincoln wrote and turned over to Jesse W. Fell, of Bloom- 
 ington, Illinois, in 1859, he relates that from 1832 to 1838, 
 which he terms his legislative period, he studied law, which 
 would indicate that, although he may have leaned toward 
 the law while still living in Indiana, from which State he 
 emigrated in 1 830, he did not decide upon it as a profession, 
 at least did not enter on a systematic study of its principles, 
 till after he had reached and located in the village of New 
 Salem, in Illinois. It is probable that during his service 
 in the Black Hawk War, where he became acquainted with 
 Major John T. Stuart, who was then a practicing lawyer 
 in Springfield, he apprised the latter of his ambition; at 
 any rate, after the war was over and both had returned to 
 their respective homes, Lincoln would frequently trudge 
 down to Springfield from New Salem to borrow or return 
 Stuart's law books. 
 
 Lincoln's induction into the legal arena was unattended 
 by any display, ceremony, or noteworthy circumstance. 
 The first step in the formal process of which there is any 
 evidence is the following entry found in the records of 
 
132 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 the Circuit Court of Sangamon County, Illinois, dated 
 March 24, 1836: "It is ordered by the Court that it be 
 certified that Abraham Lincoln is a person of good moral 
 character. ,, The next item appears in the records of the 
 Supreme Court of Illinois, where it is shown under date of 
 September 9, 1836, that he was licensed to practice in all the 
 courts of the State by two justices of the Supreme Court. 
 On March 1st of the following year the clerk entered 
 his name on the roll of attorneys and he thus became 
 a full-fledged lawyer. After March 1, 1841, the Supreme 
 Court adopted a rule requiring all applicants for admission 
 to the bar to present themselves in person for examination 
 in open court. Whether Lincoln underwent any exam- 
 ination either private or in open court is not known. The 
 truth is he never put much faith in the propriety or efficacy 
 of the conventional examination. He believed there were 
 other if not better ways of determining a man's fitness for 
 a given task or position than the regulation test questions. 
 "I personally wish," he said in a letter addressed to the 
 Secretary of War, November 1 1, 1863 — just eight days be- 
 fore he delivered the Gettysburg Address — "Jacob Freese, 
 of New Jersey, to be appointed colonel for a colored reg- 
 iment, and this regardless, whether he can tell the exact 
 shade of Julius Caesar's hair." 
 
 Before the close of the fifties Lincoln was a member 
 of a committee appointed by the Supreme Court of Illinois 
 to examine applicants for admission to the bar. At the 
 town of Bloomington he was approached one day by Jona- 
 than Birch, a young man who for some time had been a 
 student in the office of a practicing attorney there, and 
 desired to undergo the required examination. It happens 
 
EXAMINING AN APPLICANT 133 
 
 that I knew the applicant well, for he later removed to 
 Indiana where I was born; was my neighbor, my legal 
 adviser, and for upwards of forty years one of my most 
 trusted and intimate friends. He told me that when the 
 matter of his examination was presented to Lincoln, 
 he was directed by the latter to meet him at the hotel in 
 the evening after court had adjourned for the day. "At 
 the appointed time," said Mr. Birch when he related the 
 incident, "I knocked at the door of his room and was ad- 
 mitted. Motioning me to be seated he began his interrog- 
 atories at once without looking at me a second time to be 
 sure of the identity of his caller. * How long have you been 
 studying ? ' he asked. ' Almost two years,' was my response. 
 'By this time it seems to me/ he said laughingly, 'you 
 ought to be able to determine whether you have in you 
 the stuff out of which a good lawyer can be made/ Then 
 he asked me in a desultory way the definition of a contract 
 and two or three other fundamental questions, all of which 
 I answered readily and, as I thought, correctly. Beyond 
 these meager inquiries, as I now recall the incident, he 
 asked nothing more. Meanwhile, sitting on the edge of the 
 bed he began to entertain me with recollections — many of 
 them characteristically vivid and racy — of his own prac- 
 tice and the various incidents and adventures that attended 
 his start in the profession. The whole proceeding was in- 
 teresting and yet so unusual, if not grotesque, I was at a 
 loss to determine whether I was really being examined or 
 not. In due time we went downstairs and over to the 
 clerk's office in the court-house, where he wrote a few lines 
 on a sheet of paper which he enclosed in an envelope and 
 directed me to report with it to Judge Stephen T. Logan, 
 
134 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 the other member of the examining committee at Spring- 
 field. The next day I went to Springfield where I deliv- 
 ered the note as directed. On reading it Judge Logan 
 smiled and, much to my surprise, gave me the required 
 certificate or license without asking a question beyond 
 my age, residence and the correct way of spelling my 
 name. The note from Lincoln read": 
 
 My dear Judge — 
 
 The bearer of this is a young man who thinks he can be a 
 lawyer. Examine him if you want to. I have done so and am 
 satisfied. He 's a good deal smarter than he looks to be. 
 
 Yours 
 
 Lincoln 
 
 On March i, 1837, when he had gone through the va- 
 rious steps and become a fully accredited practitioner by 
 the action of the clerk of the Supreme Court in entering 
 his name on the roll of attorneys in the State, Lincoln 
 was still a resident of the village of New Salem. A month 
 and half later he had removed to Springfield. Years ago 
 Herndon gave me the papers, in Lincoln's handwriting, 
 containing the history of the first suit or court proceeding 
 in which Lincoln figured or with which he seems to have 
 had any connection. As it was his first venture in that line 
 and naturally throws more or less light on his evolution as a 
 lawyer, it is noteworthy enough to warrant a brief account 
 of its origin and termination. It was an action or, more 
 strictly speaking, three actions growing out of one episode 
 or transaction, and was brought by James P. Hawthorn 
 through his attorneys, Walker & Hewitt, in the circuit court 
 of Sangamon County, Illinois. Of the three causes one was 
 what is known among lawyers as an action on assumpsit, 
 or breach of contract, another for trespass vi et armis y and 
 
o 
 
 £ o 
 
 j h 
 
 _3 
 
 h 
 
 13 
 
 O 
 
 u 
 
 
 Q 
 
 V3 
 
HIS FIRST CASE 135 
 
 the third in replevin. With the exception of the replevin 
 suit, which was not brought till in the fall, the declaration 
 or complaint in each case — which was the initial proceed- 
 ing in a lawsuit of that day — was filed July 1, 1836. This 
 was before Lincoln had appeared before the two justices 
 of the Supreme Court to secure his license to practice. 
 John T. Stuart, looking forward to an election to Congress 
 and who was soon to invite Lincoln to enter a partnership 
 with him, had been retained by the defense; but, although 
 the pleadings in one or two instances bear Stuart's sig- 
 nature, they are almost without exception in Lincoln's 
 characteristic and legible handwriting. Stuart soon became 
 absorbed in his race for Congress; at any rate, it was but 
 a brief time until Lincoln assumed active charge of the de- 
 fendant's interests. Stephen T. Logan, destined also sev- 
 eral years later to become a partner of Lincoln, was the 
 judge, and William Butler, at whose home Lincoln was a 
 boarder and so continued till his marriage to Mary Todd* 
 was the clerk. 
 
 The suit in assumpsit was based on Wooldridge's failure 
 to furnish Hawthorn, the plaintiff, "two yoke of oxen to 
 break up twenty acres of prairie sod-ground"; also be- 
 cause of his refusal to allow Hawthorn to have access to a 
 tract of ground on which the latter had contracted with 
 him to raise a crop of "corn or wheat at the option of the 
 plaintiff" ; for all of which he demanded a hundred dollars. 
 The trespass case was of greater weight and importance. 
 The declaration sets out in detail what happened when 
 Hawthorn, despite the threats and protests of Wooldridge, 
 undertook to reach the disputed cornfield. The situation 
 became more or less dramatic. It was charged of Wool- 
 
136 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 dridge, Lincoln's client, that: "He struck, beat, bruised 
 and knocked him (Hawthorn) down; plucked, pulled and 
 tore out large quantities of hair from his head; that with a 
 stick and his fists he struck plaintiff a great many violent 
 blows and strokes on and about his face, head, breast, back, 
 shoulders, hips, legs, and divers other parts of his body; 
 that he struck, shook, pulled, pushed and knocked plaintiff 
 to the ground; violently hit, kicked, struck and beat him 
 a great many other blows and strokes; and also then and 
 there, with great violence, forced, pushed, thrust and 
 gouged his fingers into plaintiff's eyes; by means of which 
 assault and consequent illness, injuries, loss of time and 
 expense for medical attention said plaintiff demands dam- 
 ages in the sum of five hundred dollars and other proper 
 relief." The replevin suit demanded the return of "one 
 black and white yoke of steers, one black cow, and calf and 
 one prairie plow," together with twenty dollars damages for 
 the unlawful detention of the same. The exceedingly mod- 
 est demand for money reparation in all these cases would 
 seem to indicate that the modern damage suit, which has 
 gradually attained such profitable proportions, had not yet 
 come into vogue. 
 
 With three suits against his first client on hand at one 
 time we may well imagine that Lincoln, the young barris- 
 ter, was in many respects a busy man. The record shows, 
 as his first step, a plea filed October 5, 1836, containing the 
 conventional denial of the alleged trespasses in support of 
 which he puts himself "upon the country." On the same 
 day, with a view either to gain time or in some way em- 
 barrass the plaintiff, or both, he files the affidavit of his 
 client reciting the fact that, as the plaintiff is a young man 
 
HIS FIRST CASE 137 
 
 without family or property, and the court officers are in 
 danger of losing their fees, he should therefore be required 
 to furnish a bond for costs. On the following day, much to 
 the surprise of the defendant and his counsel, the required 
 bond for costs was duly executed and filed. The skirmish 
 for vantage-ground was now becoming brisk and ani- 
 mated. The next move on Lincoln's part was to draw up 
 and file an account which he undertakes to "exhibit and 
 prove as an offset " to the demand on assumpsit containing 
 sundry items illustrative of commercial values then current 
 on the frontier. With the exception of one line added by 
 Stuart the entire account is in Lincoln's hand as follows: 
 
 James P. Hawthorn to David Wooldridge Dr. 
 
 To Boarding from the first of April until the first day of No- 
 vember 1835 at #1-50 cents per week being 30 weeks 4 
 days $45.75 
 
 To use of waggon & team from first of April till first of No- 
 vember 1836. $90.00 
 
 1834 
 
 To 11 bushels of wheat @ 75 8.25 
 
 1836 Jan'y 8 Cash lent 100.00 
 
 " May & June Breaking 10 acres of Prairy 20.00 
 
 $264.00 
 To money lent to enter land, afterwards -entered in the 
 
 name of your brother 50.00 
 
 What next followed before the final encounter we do not 
 know, for the record is silent. The cases were now at issue, 
 but for some reason, which even Mr. Herndon did not 
 know, the term of court was suffered to adjourn without 
 conclusive action. The next term found the combatants 
 still apart and seemingly reluctant to measure arms. But 
 meanwhile the peacemaker had not been idle, for March 17, 
 1837, the parties by their counsel came into court with a re- 
 port of the settlement of all pending litigation and asked 
 
138 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 that the case be dismissed. The record shows that this was 
 promptly done. In the assumpsit case judgment by agree- 
 ment was entered against the plaintiff for costs; in the re- 
 plevin case against the defendant; and in the trespass case 
 that item was equally divided between the two. The judge 
 duly signed the record, the parties in all probability with- 
 drew from the old court-house in Hoffman's Row, and thus 
 ended Abraham Lincoln's first lawsuit. 
 
 The first case in the Supreme Court of Illinois in which 
 Lincoln appeared was that of Scammon vs. Cline, re- 
 ported in 3rd Ills. p. 456. It was an action relating to the 
 conflict of jurisdiction between two counties in the State, 
 Boone and Jo Daviess. Mr. Scammon, the plaintiff in 
 error, was himself a lawyer of more or less prominence in 
 Chicago. Mr. Lincoln appeared for the other side, but his 
 plea, a denial, was in the handwriting of his friend James 
 H. Matheney. The case was begun during the April, 1839, 
 term of the Boone Circuit Court. The opinion of the Su- 
 preme Court reversing the judgment of the lower court 
 was rendered February 24, 1841. 
 
 The last public appearance of Lincoln in the trial of a 
 cause was in the United States District Court in Spring- 
 field June 20, i860. This was in the month following his 
 nomination at Chicago, after which event we may well 
 conclude that he was so deeply absorbed in the race for 
 President he could ill afford to give any time to the practice 
 of law. The action, entitled Dawson vs. Ennis, included a 
 demand of ten thousand dollars damages for the sale, in 
 Morgan County, Illinois, in violation of an agreement to 
 the contrary, of an improved double plow on which a pat- 
 ent right had been obtained. The declaration was written 
 

 " "^ & 60 
 
 
 <rf j2cr?~U^i ^feU- <5««7" /-w jOa^^ / O^JZO- Z*+<^fa /&Z, <&e*~L 
 PAPERS IN LINCOLN^ FIRST CASE, HAWTHORN VS. WOOLDRIDGE 
 
HIS THREE PARTNERSHIPS 139 
 
 and signed by Mr. Lincoln, who appeared for the plaintiff 
 along with John A. McClernand and Isaac J. Ketcham, of 
 Jacksonville. John M. Palmer represented the defense. 
 On June 20, i860, as noted, Lincoln argued the cause of 
 the plaintiff, whereupon the court took the case under ad- 
 visement. The record shows no further action till March 9, 
 1 861, when a finding was made for the defendant and 
 judgment entered against Lincoln's client for costs. It 
 will thus be seen that, when we view Lincoln's legal career 
 as a whole, we can hardly resist the conclusion that he was 
 practically unsuccessful both in his first and last suit. 
 
 A word as to Lincoln's law partnerships, of which there 
 were three. The first, with John T. Stuart, began April 27, 
 1837, an d continued till April 14, 1841. It was promptly 
 followed by the second with Stephen T. Logan, which ter- 
 minated September 20, 1843. Immediately thereafter Lin- 
 coln was joined by William H. Herndon, and that partner- 
 ship continued till, in the language of Herndon, it was "dis- 
 solved by the bullet of John Wilkes Booth in April, 1865." 
 
 As indicative of his regard for his law partners it may be 
 said that in the spring of the year following his inaugura- 
 tion as President, he directed the Secretary of War to ap- 
 point Judge Logan one of three commissioners authorized 
 to investigate and audit all unsettled claims against the 
 War Department at Cairo, Illinois. The other members 
 of the commission were George S. Boutwell, of Massachu- 
 setts, and Charles A. Dana, of New York. Mr. Dana re- 
 lated that after the commission had been at its labors two 
 days Judge Logan was compelled by illness to resign. The 
 next year Lincoln tendered Herndon a similar appoint- 
 ment, describing it in his telegram as "a job at St. Louis 
 
i 4 o THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 at $5 a day and mileage," but which Herndon delicned. 
 So far as known Lincoln made no offer to Stuart, due prob- 
 ably to the fact that the latter was elected to Congress in 
 1862 and therefore disqualified from holding any other 
 office. 
 
 We have the warrant of Herndon for the statement 
 that Lincoln was one of the clearest and most unerring 
 thinkers the bar of Illinois ever produced. Of course, his 
 integrity, his humanity, his kindness have not been over- 
 looked; in fact, have in some instances been overplayed; but 
 too much cannot be said of his wonderful intellect and pro- 
 found ability in the realm of reason. Of this pronounced 
 and marvelous equipment Lincoln was duly aware; more 
 than that, it can be truthfully said, he was not only con- 
 scious but in reality more or less vain of it. It will be 
 remembered that during a ride with Herndon to Peters- 
 burg Lincoln, after relating to his partner the history 
 of his mother's origin and descent, alluded to his unusual 
 analytical and reasoning powers, that which distinguished 
 him from so many other men, frankly contending that he 
 inherited it from his mother. According to the testimony of 
 Herndon, Lincoln did not say this boastfully, but because 
 both he and Herndon knew that his strength in this re- 
 gard was conceded to him by practically every other mem- 
 ber of the bar. All of which emphasizes the axiom enun- 
 ciated by John Hay that no really great man was ever 
 modest. 
 
 Although a good lawyer it is doubtful if Lincoln held 
 the law in any higher esteem than his colleagues; in fact, 
 it looked, sometimes, as if he lost sight of its standing or 
 value as a profession and viewed it rather as a voca- 
 
SCOPE AND EXTENT OF HIS PRACTICE i 4 i 
 
 tion — simply as a means of gaining a livelihood. Judges 
 Logan and Davis were more deeply absorbed in it as a 
 profession, but it was only that it might yield them 
 greater financial returns, because both of them were 
 careful and ambitious men, both accumulating comfort- 
 able fortunes. On the other hand, with a strong and 
 ineradicable bent in the direction of politics, Lincoln 
 seemed to care less for the material end of things. Be- 
 fore me lies one of Lincoln's account books, a glance 
 over which will indicate the scope and extent of his prac- 
 tice. On the first page it is marked, " Day Book of Lin- 
 coln & Herndon "; and in another place, "Lincoln & Hern- 
 don's Fee Book." The entries are mostly in Lincoln's 
 hand. It comprises the record of a hundred and eighty- two 
 cases. In one of them the fee charged is only $2.50; in 
 two it is $3; in sixty- four, $5; in five, $J; in sixty-three, 
 $10; in five, $50; in one, $100, and in the remainder from 
 #15 to $25. The total is slightly in excess of $2000 repre- 
 senting over three years' business. The book illustrates 
 the crude and primitive way in which Lincoln and his part- 
 ner kept trace of their business. Here is one entry: 
 
 Scott vs. Busher (for Deft.) 
 To attending case in Menard Cir. Court if it ends where it is. 
 Paid. $20.00 
 
 Here is another — tried before a justice of the peace: 
 
 Negro vs. Robert Smith (for Deft.) 
 
 To attending case of Negro Bob. J.P. $5.00 
 
 This is how they kept the record of their partnership ac- 
 counts: 
 
 Stevenson & Wardwell vs. Garrett (for Defts) 
 
 To attending case in Sup. Court Dec. Term 1846 $10.00 
 
i 4 2 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 Roswell Munsill us. Temple (for PlfF in Error) 
 To attending case in Sup. Court, 
 By note #10.00. Note mislaid and cannot be found. 
 Later — paid cash in full of note 
 
 Mrs. Little us. Little's Estate (for Deft) 
 
 To attending to case before J. Probate $10.00 
 
 (Dan & Sam Little bound for this) 
 
 Across the lines of this entry are written "Incorrect/* and 
 
 again "Not Right/' 
 
 G. B. Merryman us. Lake (for Plff) 
 
 To attending to case — Cir. Court $10.00 
 
 (}/2 goes to Logan) 
 
 A few items from the account or fee book kept by the 
 firm of Stuart & Lincoln, a portion of which I was enabled 
 to secure in Springfield many years ago, may not be without 
 interest. The entries are all in Lincoln's hand and relate 
 to cases in which both he and Stuart were interested and 
 within a year or more after their partnership was formed. 
 A glance at the fees set down opposite each case will serve 
 to indicate how lucrative the practice of the newly estab- 
 lished firm was. In the absence of evidence to the con- 
 trary, it is fair to assume there was an equal division of the 
 proceeds. Following is copied from one page of the book: 
 
 E. C. Ross 
 
 To Stuart & Lincoln Dr. 
 
 1837 — April — To attendance at trial of right of J. F. Davis 
 
 property before Moffett $5.00 
 
 Mather Lamb & Co. 
 
 To Stuart & Lincoln Dr. 
 
 1837 — April — To attendance at trial of J. F. Davis prop- 
 erty before Moffett $5.00 
 
 Lucinda Mason 
 
 To Stuart & Lincoln Dr. 
 
 1 837 — Oct — To obtaining assignment of Dower $5.00 
 

 '^-^(AVv/ 
 
 
 /Trot* ^0^7^ 
 
 
 
 
 ITEMS FROM STUART AND LINCOLN S FEE BOOK 
 
SIZE OF HIS FEES 143 
 
 Wiley & Wood 
 
 To Stuart & Lincoln Dr. 
 
 1 837-8 To defence of Chancery case of Ely $50.00 
 
 Credit by coat to Stuart 15.00 
 
 $35.00 
 
 Peyton L. Harrison 
 
 To Stuart & Lincoln Dr. 
 
 1 838 — March — 
 
 To case with Dickinson $10.00 
 
 Allen & Stone 
 
 To Stuart & Lincoln Dr. 
 
 1838 — Oct 
 
 To case with Centre $M° 
 
 A word as to the size of the fees Lincoln was in the 
 habit of charging his clients. In this respect he was exas- 
 peratingly modest. His associates at the bar, including 
 Judge Davis, were out of patience with him. "Think," 
 exclaimed one of them whom I knew in Springfield in the 
 early eighties, "of a lawyer carrying a case through the 
 Supreme Court for the paltry sum of ten dollars, and yet 
 that seemed to be the limit of his charges." The following 
 letter serves to indicate Mr. Lincoln's estimate of the 
 value of a professional man's services: 
 
 Springfield Ills, Feb'y 21, 1856 
 Mr. George P. Floyd, 
 
 Quincy Ills. 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 I have just received yours of the 16th with check on Flagg & 
 Savage for twenty-five dollars. You must think I am a high- 
 priced man. You are too liberal with your money. Fifteen dol- 
 lars is enough for the job. I send you a receipt for fifteen dollars 
 and return you a ten-dollar bill. 
 
 Yours truly 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
i 4 4 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 The current impression that Lincoln chose Hern don 
 as his law partner, because he could draw up the required 
 papers and thus divide the office work, is a great popular 
 misconception. Lincoln was not only the better office man 
 of the two, but when at home really performed a large part 
 of the clerical and office work. When it came to drawing 
 up a paper, either a document to be used in court or to file 
 away for preservation, Lincoln had no superior. He was 
 careful to the point of punctiliousness. And this is all the 
 more remarkable when we reflect that many of his col- 
 leagues were trained, college-bred men; whereas his entire 
 attendance at school did not exceed eleven months; and 
 he not only had never been permitted to enter college, but 
 had never seen the inside of a college, academy, or high- 
 school building till after he was old enough to go to Con- 
 gress or practice law. 
 
 He rarely ever used a lead-pencil, preferring pen and 
 ink. His penmanship as compared to Herndon's and the 
 average lawyer of his day was small, uniform, and always 
 legible. Herndon literally slung his ink over the page; 
 Stuart's writing was both cramped and uneven; Davis's 
 loose and irregular; and Judge Treat's so stilted and an- 
 gular it was difficult to read. But it was not alone in 
 penmanship that Lincoln excelled; he almost invariably 
 spelled correctly. He sometimes spelled wagon with two 
 g's (and by some it has even been held that that is not al- 
 ways incorrect), but unlike many of his colleagues he rarely 
 ever spelled judgment with two e's. In the matter of punc- 
 tuation he was likewise painstaking and correct. He never 
 omitted a comma, and he used the semicolon with dis- 
 crimination and taste. He had one peculiarity; frequently 
 
CARE IN PREPARATION OF PAPERS 145 
 
 at the end of a sentence or paragraph using a short dash 
 to indicate a full stop instead of the conventional period. 
 To the writer, who has examined the court records of the 
 various counties in Illinois in which Lincoln practiced 
 law, and who has read so many pages of his manuscript 
 as well as the thousands of pages written by his col- 
 leagues, a majority of whom paid no attention to punctu- 
 ation, the matter of his accuracy and conformity to the 
 rules of grammar becomes all the more wonderful and im- 
 pressive. If so many of his associates at the bar who had 
 enjoyed the benefits of college training displayed such in- 
 different scholarship and lack of skill, the question arises: 
 Where did Lincoln acquire his genius and sagacity? 
 
 Of the one hundred and seventy-six cases which Mr. 
 Lincoln either individually or in association with his part- 
 ners carried through the Supreme Court of Illinois, he won 
 ninety-two; of the twelve cases tried in the United States 
 District and Circuit Courts (of which, however, only ten 
 were decided), he appears to have won seven; and of the 
 three cases in the Supreme Court of the United States, he 
 was successful in two. It would be difficult, if not well-nigh 
 impossible, at this late day to fix accurately the limits of 
 his practice in the lower or courts of original jurisdiction in 
 Illinois. The famous Eighth Circuit over which he traveled 
 so long consisted in 1853 of eight counties: Sangamon, Lo- 
 gan, McLean, Woodford, Tazewell, DeWitt, Champaign, 
 and Vermilion. In 1857 Sangamon, Woodford, and Taze- 
 well were transferred to another circuit. The zenith of his 
 practice was during the partnership with Herndon and be- 
 tween the years 1852 and 1858. After that the siren voice 
 of politics began to lure him away from the profession. 
 
146 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 In order to illustrate the character and scope of his prac- 
 tice and thus determine the kind of lawyer he was, a brief 
 retrospect of some of the most notable cases in which he 
 appeared is essential. 
 
 Bailey vs. Cromwell, an action appealed from Tazewell 
 County, reached the Supreme Court of Illinois in Decem- 
 ber, 1839, two years after his admission to the bar. Mr. 
 Lincoln represented the appellant and Stephen T. Logan 
 the other side. Of his conduct of this case Mr. Lincoln was 
 more or less proud, and the case itself has been generously 
 and frequently cited in the appellate courts of other States. 
 It was in the presentation of this cause that Mr. Lincoln 
 maintained that it was a presumption of law in the State 
 of Illinois that every person is free without regard to color; 
 that where the consideration of a promissory note was 
 shown to have been a negro girl, and that, at the time of 
 the sale, it was agreed between the parties that before the 
 payment of the note should be demanded the payee should 
 produce the necessary papers and indenture to prove that 
 the girl was a slave or bound to service under the laws of 
 the State of Illinois, and such papers were not produced, 
 though demanded, there was no consideration for the note, 
 and that it was therefore void, as the sale of a free person 
 was an illegal transaction. 
 
 The case of Carman vs. Glasscock, another one of Lin- 
 coln's early ventures, was tried in the Circuit Court of 
 Sangamon County, also in 1839. It related to a contro- 
 versy over a fish-trap dam erected across the Sangamon 
 River; and incidentally the question of the navigability of 
 the latter stream. The brief of Lincoln's argument was 
 more or less suggestive of the flatboat ride on the bosom 
 
CARMAN VS. GLASSCOCK 147 
 
 of the river which he and John Hanks took when they 
 floated down to New Orleans in 1831. The original, which 
 is in Lincoln's hand and is still preserved, reads as follows: 
 
 1st Prove that River is declared navigable — 
 
 and. That defendants obstructed it in Sangamon county and 
 
 between mouth & meridian line — 
 3rd. That plaintiffs had a boat load of corn on the river 
 above the dam; that said boat ran on the dam, 
 1 Sprang leak — corn wet thereby — am't of damages 
 1 Could n't get off without unloading — 
 
 3 Water falling & boat would break if not got off — 
 
 4 Did unload — corn got rained on & amount of damage 
 thereby — 
 
 Amount of labor in unloading & reloading and the 
 value of it. 
 
CHAPTER XII 
 
 Green vs. Green, Lincoln's first divorce case — His dislike for divorce suits — 
 His magnanimity in the trial of Samuel Rogers vs. Polly Rogers — His comment 
 on the Miller vs. Miller petition — A pitiful story of marital discord — A slow 
 collector — Rarely enforced collection of fees by suit — When in partnership 
 with Logan brought one suit for fee — Retained by Illinois Central Railroad 
 to enjoin McLean County from assessing road for taxation — Lincoln's letter 
 to Brayman — Gains case in Supreme Court — Lincoln sues railroad company 
 for his fee — History of transaction — Dividing fee with Herndon — One of 
 Lincoln's first suits for personal injury — The Horological Cradle case — The 
 slander suit of McKibben vs. Hart — Turning the fee over to his father — The 
 Spink vs. Chiniquiy case settled by Lincoln — The Dungey vs. Spencer case 
 as recalled by Lawrence Weldon — Fixing Lincoln's fee — Linder vs. Fleenor 
 — How Lincoln proved the marriage — Dorman vs. Lane — Proposal by Lincoln 
 to his associates that they join him and donate fees as a wedding present. 
 
 According to Herndon there was one kind of practice 
 to which Mr. Lincoln as a lawyer was not favorably in- 
 clined, and that was suits for divorce; in fact, whenever 
 practicable, he tried to discourage that sort of ligitation. 
 Of course he sometimes appeared in divorce proceedings, 
 but it was always with more or less reluctance. The first 
 action brought by him to dissolve the "marriage bond," 
 as he termed it, was that of Nancy Green vs. Aaron Green 
 filed in the Sangamon Circuit Court September 4, 1837. 
 Lincoln represented the wife, and succeeded in securing 
 the divorce on the ground of desertion or abandonment 
 for a given period. A year later, in the same court, he 
 appeared in another case, that of Samuel Rogers vs. Polly 
 Rogers, but this time in behalf of the husband. An affi- 
 davit executed by Lincoln in connection with the case in- 
 dicates to what extent he could be chivalrous or forbear- 
 ing when his professional duty required him to espouse the 
 cause of a man in a contest with his wife. Following is a 
 
HIS DIVORCE CASES 149 
 
 copy of the original document which has been preserved: 
 
 State of Illinois 
 Sangamon County 
 
 A. Lincoln being first duly sworn says that he was employed 
 as counsel in the case of Samuel Rogers vs. Polly Rogers for a 
 Divorce; that he, the affiant, drew up the complainant's bill; 
 that said complainant at that time told this affiant that he could 
 prove that the said defendant had been guilty of adultery with 
 one William Short while she lived with said complainant; but 
 that affiant advised said complainant not to make the charge in 
 his bill as there was other sufficient grounds upon which to ob- 
 tain a divorce, to-wit, absence of more than two years. 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 Sworn to and subscribed before me this 20th day of October 
 1838 
 
 Wm. Butler Clerk 
 
 There is also in existence an affidavit by Samuel Rogers, 
 the complainant, in which he recites that the charge of 
 adultery was omitted from his bill at the instigation of his 
 counsel, Mr. Lincoln, who opposed the allegation "for no 
 other cause than through tenderness to defendants char- 
 acter." One can hardly read Lincoln's affidavit in this 
 case without wondering how many lawyers of this day and 
 generation would, under like circumstances, be equally con- 
 siderate and magnanimous. 
 
 While on the subject of divorce suits I can hardly re- 
 frain from adverting to one that deeply impressed and 
 awakened Lincoln's sympathetic interest. It was brought 
 by him during the partnership with Judge Logan, entitled 
 George Miller vs. Elizabeth Miller, and was tried in Me- 
 nard County. When one has read the lament of the luck- 
 less and discouraged husband he can doubtless account 
 for Lincoln's sympathy, and appreciate the significance 
 
150 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 of the brief memorandum penned on the back of one of 
 the pleadings prepared by him for his use in the suit: "A 
 pitiful story of marital discord." In his petition, written 
 by Lincoln, the husband recites that he and Elizabeth 
 Miller were married in Bath County, Kentucky, in 1829; 
 that 
 
 after said marriage they continued to live together as man and 
 wife, he doing and performing all the duties of an affectionate 
 husband for two or three years when unhappy differences arose 
 and without the fault of your orator she, the defendant, left the 
 bed and board of your orator and went to her relatives; a short 
 time passed and a reconciliation which your orator fondly but 
 vainly hoped would be permanent took place between the de- 
 fendant and him and she returned to his house; but in a short 
 time she left again and after that frequent temporary recon- 
 ciliations and separations occurred between them extending in 
 time to the year 1834 when it was agreed between them that 
 they would remove separately to Illinois, there meet, be finally 
 reconciled and live together as man and wife; that they did so 
 remove to Sangamon county, Illinois, where they soon met and, 
 being encouraged by the defendant, your orator set about 
 making preparation to live with her by procuring a house etc. 
 when in a short time, without the fault of your orator, difficul- 
 ties again arose extending in time up to the year 1836 when she, 
 the defendant, announced to your orator her determination 
 never to live with him again. Thus matters passed till the year 
 1 841 when the defendant and your orator again met in Ken- 
 tucky and at her instance agreed that on their return to Illinois 
 they would meet and live in peace. Your orator further charges 
 that he did in good faith endeavor to put said last named agree- 
 ment into execution, but that on meeting the defendant in 
 Menard county, Illinois, where she now resides and has resided 
 since the formation of the county in the fall of 1841, she again 
 announced to your orator her determination never to live with 
 him again, since which time your orator has abandoned all hope 
 of a reconciliation. And so your orator charges that the said 
 defendant has wilfully deserted and absented herself from him 
 
A SLOW COLLECTOR 151 
 
 without any reasonable cause for more than two years. In 
 tender consideration of all which your orator prays that on a 
 final hearing of this cause your Honor will decree that the bonds 
 of matrimony heretofore and now existing between said defend- 
 ant and your orator be forever dissolved; and that your Honor 
 will grant such other and further relief as equity may require. 
 
 Mr. Herndon is also authority for the statement that 
 Lincoln was a poor collector. He disliked to attempt to 
 collect his fee by suit; but there is abundant evidence that 
 his partners were not quite so indulgent. In July, 1845, he 
 filed a suit in the Sangamon Circuit Court against James 
 D. Smith, executor of the last will and testament of Wil- 
 liam Trailor, deceased, in which a demand is made for the 
 payment of one hundred dollars, being a fee due "For de- 
 fending said Trailor against a charge of murdering one 
 Fisher." The action was brought in the name of Logan & 
 Lincoln and the declaration or complaint is in the hand- 
 writing of the latter. Another suit of like nature, a relic 
 of the partnership with Herndon, was brought in the same 
 court five years later. The defendant was John B. Moffett 
 and the declaration was written by Lincoln, who de- 
 scribes the plaintiffs as "Abraham Lincoln and William H. 
 Herndon doing business in the name of Lincoln & Hern- 
 don." The demand is based on an account containing two 
 items; one, a fee of one hundred dollars for bringing a suit 
 in the Sangamon Circuit Court and fifty dollars for carry- 
 ing it through the Supreme Court; but the record shows 
 that the plaintiffs recovered judgment for only seventy- 
 five dollars and costs. 
 
 A third suit, brought by Lincoln for an attorney fee, 
 and the most noteworthy in his career, will require more 
 extended mention. In the summer of 1853 the authorities 
 
152 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 of McLean County, Illinois, believing that all the land in 
 that county should pay its proportionate share of taxes, 
 decided to place on the assessment rolls all the property 
 in that county belonging to the Illinois Central Railroad 
 Company. This was done in the face of the fact that, by 
 the action of the Illinois legislature, that corporation had 
 been granted exemption from taxation conditioned that it 
 should pay seven per cent of its gross earnings into the State 
 treasury. The railroad company at once brought suit to 
 enjoin the county from collecting the tax and to that end 
 sought to retain the services of Lincoln in their behalf, 
 as the following letter will show: 
 
 Pekin, Ills. Oct. 3, 1853 
 M. Brayman Esq.. 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 Neither the county of McLean nor any one else on its behalf 
 has yet made any engagement with me in relation to its suit with 
 the Illinois Central Railroad, on the subject of taxation — I am 
 now free to make any engagement for the Road; and if you 
 think fit you may "count me in." Please write me on receipt 
 of this — I shall be here at least ten days. 
 
 Yours truly 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 Lincoln was duly employed and four days after the 
 above letter was written, Mr. Brayman, who was of coun- 
 sel for the railroad company, sent to Lincoln, through 
 the Marine Bank of Springfield, a retainer fee of two hun- 
 dred and fifty dollars. In the lower court the case went 
 against the railroad company and an appeal was promptly 
 taken to the Supreme Court at Springfield. "At the hear- 
 ing in the Supreme Court," relates Mr. James F. Joy, who 
 was the general solicitor for the railroad, "both Lincoln and 
 
THE ILLINOIS CENTRAL CASE 153 
 
 myself argued the case for the appellants, he being the 
 junior and I the senior counsel. John T. Stuart and Ste- 
 phen T. Logan, both former partners of Lincoln, repre- 
 sented the appellee. The case was long under advisement, 
 and later the court complied with my request and gave us 
 a rehearing. Mr. Lincoln and I did the best we could in 
 the reargument with the result that the case was decided 
 in our favor." 
 
 Later when it came to settling the question of attor- 
 neys' fees, Lincoln, on learning that the railroad company 
 had paid Mr. Joy twelve hundred dollars, wrote the latter 
 that for his services he would like to have the company 
 give him a particular section of land, describing it, say- 
 ing that for once in his life he thought he was entitled to 
 a large fee. This the officers of the road declined to do, 
 claiming that the land was covered by a mortgage or some 
 other encumbrance. It was then that he rendered a bill 
 for five thousand dollars, less the retainer fee of two hun- 
 dred and fifty dollars already advanced, which the company 
 also declined to pay. "I think there would have been no 
 difficulty with Mr. Lincoln's bill," related Joy, "if I had 
 charged as, perhaps, I ought to have done, five thousand 
 dollars. The time for such fees as the lawyers now ask had 
 not arrived, and my own charge for the arguments in the 
 case was only twelve hundred dollars. I think now my 
 charge was a small one for the service rendered. The rail- 
 road company, after declining to pay Mr. Lincoln the 
 five thousand dollars he demanded because they thought 
 the fee was too large, then made him this proposition: 
 • Bring suit against the company for the amount demanded 
 and no attempt will be made to defend against it. If by 
 
154 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 the testimony of other lawyers it shall appear to be a fair 
 charge and there shall be a judgment for the amount, then 
 we shall be justified in paying it.' " 
 
 In compliance with the recommendations of the rail- 
 road officials Lincoln brought the required suit for his 
 fee in the Circuit Court of McLean County. Several years 
 ago 1 read the declaration in his own handwriting. It was 
 then oil file in the court-house at Bloomington. Following 
 is a copy of his account or demand as made out and pre- 
 sented to the company as well as the written opinion of six 
 of his fellow lawyers who certified to the reasonableness of 
 his fee: 
 
 The Illinois Central Railroad Company 
 To A. Lincoln Dr. 
 
 To professional services in the case of the Illinois Central Rail- 
 road Company against the County of McLean argued in the 
 Supreme Court of Illinois and decided at the December Term 
 1855 #5000 
 
 We, the undersigned, members of Illinois Bar, understanding 
 that the above entitled cause was twice argued in the Supreme 
 Court; and that the judgment therein decided the question of 
 the claim of counties and other minor municipal corporations to 
 tax the property of said Railroad Company and settle said 
 questions against said claim and in favor of said Railroad Com- 
 pany are of opinion that the sum above charged as a fee is not 
 unreasonable. 
 
 Grant Goodrich 
 N. B. Judd 
 Archibald Williams 
 N. H. Purple 
 O. H. Browning 
 R. S. Blackwell 
 
 Of the six men who thus approved Lincoln's claim, one 
 became a Congressman and later an ambassador to a 
 European court; one a United States District Judge in a 
 
JUL&^un-? U^e^^yt^e^ U^G^A^-t^u ^^T2^^^> 
 
 erf /^fZo d?££~Z<r^ &-e^£ZZjo (^O^-^^^^^J^^^ ~ 
 W^^^v, to ifet-iU L£> /^^/^-^'^ 
 
 Op. <o J tl^c^ 
 
 (ft J fteuA&M. 
 
 Lincoln's bill against the Illinois central railroad company, 
 with copy of opinion signed by fellow lawyers 
 
RECOVERING FEE FOR RAILROAD CASE 155 
 
 Western State; another a United States Senator and also 
 a member of the President's Cabinet at Washington; and 
 the remainder were three of the ablest and most successful 
 lawyers of the Illinois bar. When the case was called in 
 court the railroad company suffered the judgment to go by 
 default, and later, within the period fixed by law, paid to 
 the clerk of the court the required five thousand dollars 
 less the two hundred and fifty dollars already advanced 
 to Lincoln as a retainer. Although the name of Herndon 
 does not appear in the record of the case as of counsel, 
 it does not follow that he had no part in it or that Lincoln 
 was disposed to overlook him. "The judgment was finally 
 paid," related Herndon, "and Lincoln gave me my half. He 
 brought the money down from Bloomington one evening 
 and sent me word to come to the office. It was after dark 
 and when he had pushed my share of the proceeds across 
 the table to me, he covered it for an instant with his hand, 
 smiled, and said: * Billy, it seems to me it will be bad taste 
 on your part to keep on saying the severe things I have 
 heard from you about railroads and other corporations. 
 The truth is, instead of criticizing them, you and I ought 
 to thank God for letting this one fall into our hands/ " 
 
 As this was the largest attorney fee ever received by Mr. 
 Lincoln, it may not be amiss to note also the smallest one; 
 which was two dollars and a half paid to him for his serv- 
 ices in a suit in the fall of 1838, one half of which went to 
 his partner, John T. Stuart. In another case the firm of 
 Stuart & Lincoln made a charge of fifty dollars, but their 
 clients were either reluctant or unable to pay the entire 
 sum in cash; for the record of the transaction in the book, 
 entered by Lincoln, shows that a coat, furnished to Stuart 
 
156 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 and valued at fifteen dollars, was accepted as a partial 
 payment. 
 
 By the time Mr. Lincoln was nearing the end of his 
 career as a practicing lawyer, the modern damage suit 
 against common carriers and other corporations, especially 
 where based on personal injury, was coming into vogue. 
 Lincoln's experience in that line, as indicated by several 
 cases to which Herndon called my attention, was neces- 
 sarily limited. One of the earliest was an action brought 
 by him during the partnership with Stuart in which George 
 Stockton demands of James Tolby a hundred dollars for 
 damages to "a cooking stove" in transit between Beards- 
 town and Springfield. Tolby drove "a conveyance for 
 hire" between the points named and was therefore liable 
 as a common carrier. Another case, and probably the 
 first personal injury suit he ever brought against a common 
 carrier, was that of Grubb vs. Fink and Walker tried in 
 1852. The defendants were operating a stage-coach be- 
 tween Rushville and Frederick which overturned one day 
 resulting in a serious injury to one of the passengers. In his 
 account of the accident Mr. Lincoln is sufficiently careful 
 and minute in his averments. After describing the plain- 
 tiff's long list of "cuts, bruises, wounds, and divers broken 
 bones," he recites the payment by him of large sums of 
 money paid for the services of physicians and surgeons in 
 the endeavor to be cured of the fractures, bruises, and in- 
 juries, and concludes with a demand for damages of one 
 thousand dollars. Another action, that of Jasper Harris 
 vs. Great Western Railway Company, was tried in Sanga- 
 mon County in 1854. The plaintiff was a brakeman whose 
 "right foot, ankle, leg, and thigh while in the service of 
 
THE HOROLOGICAL CRADLE CASE 157 
 
 said company, were so greatly torn, crushed and broken 
 that amputation of his said right limb above the knee was 
 necessary." It was Lincoln's first suit against a railroad 
 company for personal injury and included a demand for 
 ten thousand dollars in damages. The declaration, though 
 signed Lincoln & Herndon, was written by Lincoln, and 
 when contrasted with the phraseology of a bill of complaint 
 as lawyers now word such things is about as crude and 
 primitive as the machinery and appliances of that early 
 period appear when compared to the ponderous and elab- 
 orate equipment now in use by the railroads of this day. 
 
 Perhaps no case in which Lincoln figured awakened his 
 interest more readily and completely than an action, en- 
 titled Hildreth vs. Turner, appealed to the Supreme Court 
 of Illinois from Logan County in the spring of 1854. It 
 related to the validity of a patent, but involved no great 
 legal principle and was otherwise of no especial significance 
 save as Lincoln's connection therewith gave it promi- 
 nence. In February, 1853, one Alexander Edmonds, a me- 
 chanical genius in the town of Mount Pulaski, invented 
 what he called "The Horological Cradle," a contriv- 
 ance to be "rocked by machinery with a weight running 
 on one or more pulleys; the cradle constituting the pen- 
 dulum and which, being wound up, would rock itself, 
 thus saving the continual labor to mother and nurses of 
 rocking the cradle." The brief description by the inven- 
 tor suffices to indicate the objects and character of the 
 proposed apparatus, but notwithstanding its doubtful 
 value from a practical standpoint there was something 
 about it that attracted the interest and attention of Mr. 
 Lincoln. Eventually a disagreement between the inventor 
 
158 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 of the machine and a man who was induced to advance cap- 
 ital for its manufacture led to a lawsuit in which Lincoln & 
 Herndon represented one side of the controversy when it 
 reached the Supreme Court. "Although Lincoln and I were 
 duly retained," related Herndon, "Mr. Lincoln, owing to 
 his natural bent for the study of mechanical appliances, 
 soon became so enamoured of the case that he assumed en- 
 tire charge of our end of it. The model of the machine was 
 for a time exhibited in a store window in town and even- 
 tually reached our office where Mr. Lincoln became deeply 
 absorbed in it. He would dilate at great length on its mer- 
 its for the benefit of our callers or any one else who hap- 
 pened into the office and manifested the least interest in it. 
 Although the papers in the case indicated that Lincoln & 
 Herndon were of counsel, I recall that I had but little be- 
 yond a nominal part in it. All the papers were drawn by 
 Mr. Lincoln himself, a division of our labors to which I 
 readily consented because, in view of my apparent lack 
 of faith in the enterprise, I apprehend he suspected I was 
 willing that he should assume the entire responsibility of 
 winning or losing the suit." 
 
 The record of the case recites that the inventor pro- 
 fessed to have obtained a "patent for said invention and 
 had been exhibiting a model of the same; that the pat- 
 ent right would be valuable and could be sold for a large 
 amount of money, etc."; but before the case was decided 
 it was discovered that Edmonds had no letters patent for 
 the cradle, its machinery or mode of operation, but only 
 for an ornamental design for a "horological cradle" as set 
 out in the specifications. The court ruled against the pat- 
 entability of the contrivance, holding that every one should 
 
THE HOROLOGICAL CRADLE CASE 159 
 
 be presumed to know that a baby cradle would not be pat- 
 entable by the description so far as the application of its 
 use is concerned. 
 
 While the case was under consideration by the Supreme 
 Court, the model was brought into the room and set to go- 
 ing — a proceeding in which Lincoln was plainly interested 
 as shown by his willingness to enlighten the judges, some 
 of whom ventured to make inquiries regarding the modus 
 operandi. Although the inventor claimed to have disposed 
 of his rights in the States of Mississippi, Georgia, Ala- 
 bama, Florida, and South Carolina for ten thousand dol- 
 lars, he made no mention of his interest in Illinois, Indiana, 
 Missouri, and other near-by States, probably because the 
 people in those localities, like Herndon, had seen the de- 
 vice at a range close enough to make them more or less 
 cautious in the investment of their surplus capital. 
 
 On the way to his office from the court-room after the 
 case was over, Lincoln was halted by an old friend in 
 the person of John W. Bunn, the banker, who related the 
 incident to me shortly before his recent death in Spring- 
 field. " Mr. Lincoln," said Bunn, " was telling me about the 
 case and included a description of the apparatus, although 
 I had seen the model of it in operation in a store window 
 several times. After agreeing with him that it was rather 
 an ingenious piece of mechanism, I then ventured to ask 
 him how to stop the thing when in motion. 'There's the 
 rub/ he replied, laughing, c and I reckon I'll have to an- 
 swer you as I did the judge who asked the same question. 
 The thing's like some of the glib and interesting talkers 
 you and I know, John; when it gets to going it doesn't 
 know when to stop.' " 
 
160 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 The shrinkage in a lawyers practice in Lincoln's day 
 attributable to the lack of bodily injury suits was more 
 than counterbalanced by the then popular slander suit. It 
 was a most abundant source of litigation and hardly a 
 term of court was allowed to pass without one or more ac- 
 tions of that kind. The money demand for damages was 
 invariably large, and even though the injured party some- 
 times recovered judgment for the full amount demanded, 
 he frequently waived payment of all but a nominal sum. 
 Of these primitive and sprightly contests Lincoln had 
 his proportionate share. In Coles County, Illinois, in the 
 fall of 1843, in conjunction with Usher F. Linder, he ap- 
 peared for the plaintiff in the slander suit of Bagley ttf. Van- 
 meter. Evidently Lincoln's prospects, so far as a gen- 
 erous fee is concerned, were not very encouraging, for a 
 document written by him and signed by his client, the 
 plaintiff, has been found in which the latter, referring to the 
 judgment in his behalf which he expects, makes the fol- 
 lowing pertinent reservation regarding the pay due his 
 attorneys: "I assign twenty dollars to Usher F. Linder and 
 thirty dollars to Logan & Lincoln if said judgment shall 
 amount to so much." Unfortunately for all concerned, 
 when the records were all made and the money paid in, the 
 judgment yielded a total of eighty dollars. In the case of 
 Thomas McKibben, who brought suit against Jonathan 
 Hart demanding two thousand dollars damages because 
 the latter had called him a horsethief, Mr. Lincoln rep- 
 resented the plaintiff. Trial took place during the May 
 term, 1845, °f tne Circuit Court of Coles County, Illi- 
 nois. Mr. Lincoln's father, Thomas Lincoln, lived a few 
 miles south of Charleston, the county seat, which will 
 
SLANDER SUITS 161 
 
 doubtless account for the fact that the latter's son figured 
 so frequently in the litigation of that locality. In the case 
 mentioned, Lincoln secured for his client a judgment for 
 about two hundred dollars, of which thirty-five dollars was 
 assigned to him for his fee and which he deposited with 
 the clerk of the court with instructions to pay the same to 
 his father. In due time Thomas Lincoln trudged over to 
 Charleston, where the money which, doubtless, was a wel- 
 come addition to the old gentleman's meager income, was 
 turned over to him. The receipt, drawn up by the clerk, 
 was duly signed, but the name, Thomas Lincoln, was 
 written by his stepson, John D. Johnston. 
 
 One of the most noted actions for slander in which Mr. 
 Lincoln participated was that of Spink w. Chiniquiy be- 
 gun in Kankakee County, Illinois, a case in which Charles 
 Chiniquiy, a priest, was sued for having falsely charged 
 that Peter Spink, one of his parishioners, had been guilty 
 of perjury. The parties and most of the witnesses were 
 French Catholics. Mr. Lincoln and Leonard Swett rep- 
 resented Father Chiniquiy. It was a well-known and 
 warmly contested case. "Father Chiniquiy was plucky," 
 related Henry C. Whitney who was present and remem- 
 bered the trial, "and plead justification; and preparations 
 were made for a * fight to the finish/ not only by the two 
 principals, but by the two respective neighborhoods in 
 which they lived, for eventually almost everybody be- 
 came involved. A change of venue brought the case to 
 Champaign County, and when the term came on the prin- 
 cipals, their lawyers and witnesses and an immense ret- 
 inue of followers, came to Urbana. The hotels were mo- 
 nopolized and a large number camped out. After a tedious 
 
1 62 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 and long-drawn-out trial the jury disagreed. Next term 
 the crowd in no wise diminished returned, camp outfits, 
 musicians, parrots, pet dogs, and all. The prospect was 
 that all their scandal would have to be aired again; but Mr. 
 Lincoln, who abhorred that class of litigation, in which 
 there was no utility, and dreading the outlook, set to work 
 and finally effected a compromise." 
 
 The formal decree reciting the terms of the settlement 
 of the case which follows was prepared by Lincoln and is 
 an excellent specimen of his concise and orderly presenta- 
 tion of a legal proposition: 
 
 Peter Spink 
 
 us. 
 Charles Chiniquiy. 
 
 This day came the parties and the defendant denies that he 
 has ever charged, or believed the plaintiff to be guilty of Perjury; 
 that whatever he has said from which such a charge could be in- 
 ferred, he said on the information of others, protesting his own 
 disbelief in the charge; and that he now disclaims any belief in 
 the truth of said charge against said plaintiff. It is therefore, by 
 agreement of the parties, ordered that the suit be dismissed, 
 each party paying his own cost — the defendant to pay his part 
 of the cost heretofore ordered to be paid by said plaintiff. 
 
 Two more slander suits, in which Lincoln had a part 
 and which were carefully explained to me by Herndon, I 
 ought not to omit. One was the case of Dungey vs. Spencer 
 tried at the town of Clinton, in Dewitt County, in the spring 
 of 1855. Lincoln represented Dungey, the plaintiff, and 
 Lawrence Weldon, afterwards a member of the United 
 States Court of Claims, the defendant. The basis of the 
 action, as set out in the declaration in Lincoln's hand, 
 and for which several thousand dollars in damages was 
 asked, was the charge that the defendant "in the presence 
 
DUNGEY VS. SPENCER 163 
 
 of divers good citizens falsely and maliciously spoke and 
 uttered of and concerning the plaintiff, these false scandal- 
 ous, malicious, and defamatory words: ' Black Bill (mean- 
 ing the plaintiff) is a negro and it will be easily proved 
 if called for.'" It was a family quarrel, Dungey, who was 
 a Portuguese and somewhat dark complexioned, having 
 married Spencer's sister. The law of Illinois made it a crime 
 for a negro to marry a white woman, and hence the words 
 were slanderous. It is unnecessary to dwell on the details 
 of the trial. It suffices to state that Lincoln won, re- 
 covering for his client, the plaintiff, a judgment for six 
 hundred dollars, of which amount the latter on the advice 
 of his counsel remitted four hundred dollars; the defendant 
 meanwhile assuming payment of Lincoln's fee and the 
 costs of the suit. 
 
 "At this juncture," related Mr. Weldon later in life, "Mr. 
 Lincoln proposed to leave the question of the amount of his 
 fee to my associates, Mr. C. H. Moore and myself. We 
 protested against this and insisted that he should fix the 
 amount of his own fee. After a few moments' thought he 
 said: 'Well, gentlemen, don't you think I have honestly 
 earned twenty-five dollars?' We were astonished, and had 
 he said one hundred dollars it would have been nearer 
 what we expected. The judgment was a large one for 
 those days: he had attended the case at two terms of court, 
 had been engaged for two days in a hotly contested suit, 
 and his client's adversary was going to pay the bill. The 
 simplicity of his character in money matters is well illus- 
 trated by the fact that for all this service he only charged 
 twenty-five dollars." 
 
 "In his argument to the jury," continued Weldon, "Mr. 
 
164 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 Lincoln was both entertaining and effective. A dramatic 
 and powerful stroke was his direct reference to Spencer's 
 accusation that Dungey was a 'nigger.' It had a curious 
 touch of the ludicrous by his pronunciation of a word which, 
 instead of detracting, seemed to add to the effect. I hear 
 him now as he said: 'Gentlemen of the jury, my client is 
 not a Negro, though it is no crime to be a Negro — no crime 
 to be born with a black skin. But my client is not a Negro. 
 His skin may not be as white as ours, but I say he is not 
 a Negro, though he may be a Moor.' " The humor in the 
 situation was due to the fact that the lawyer who assisted 
 Mr. Weldon on the other side of the case was Mr. C. H. 
 Moore, an attorney living in the village of Clinton where 
 the case was tried, and when Mr. Lincoln's attention was 
 called to his play upon words by Judge Davis he smiled and 
 replied: "Of course, your Honor, I mean a Moor, not our 
 friend C. H. Moore; and I therefore repeat that my client 
 may be a Moor but he is not a Negro." 
 
 The recollection by Mr. Weldon of Lincoln's prover- 
 bially generous treatment of his clients in the matter of fees 
 prompts me to repeat an incident narrated to me by John 
 W. Bunn, the veteran banker, who was also a client and 
 close friend of Lincoln and who outlived all the other 
 financiers of Lincoln's day in Springfield. "On the way 
 from his home to the office or vice versa" said Mr. Bunn to 
 me, "Mr. Lincoln and I frequently walked a short dis- 
 tance together. One morning he was telling me about a 
 lawsuit the day before in which he succeeded in gaining 
 possession of a farm for one of his clients. For his services 
 he had made a charge of two hundred dollars, but said 
 he had been thinking the matter over and was beginning 
 
LINDER VS. FLEENOR 165 
 
 to wonder if that wasn't, after all, rather too stiff a fee. He 
 asked my opinion, but before I could answer we espied, a 
 short distance ahead of us, Ben. Edwards, the lawyer who 
 represented the other side of the case, and lost it. When 
 we overtook him Lincoln, curious to learn whether the fee 
 he charged equaled or exceeded that of his opponent, ven- 
 tured to inquire how he fared in settling with his client. 
 'Very well,' answered Edwards. 'My man said that inas- 
 much as we had lost he hoped I would be proportionately 
 merciful when I fixed my fee. And I was: for I let him off 
 for three hundred dollars. '" 
 
 The record of one slander suit tried by Lincoln I read 
 with not a little interest. It is not especially noteworthy, 
 but I cannot refrain from referring to it because the 
 vital incident around which it revolves, as outlined by 
 Lincoln in one of his own written pleas, took place within 
 a few feet of the very spot where I was born in the town 
 of Greencastle, Indiana. As I gathered the facts from the 
 original papers in Herndon's hands, it developed that 
 early in the summer of 1847 John Linder, in the Circuit 
 Court of Coles County, Illinois, brought an action for 
 slander against Abraham N. Fleenor, claiming a thousand 
 dollars in damages. The grievance against Fleenor was 
 that he had falsely charged Linder with perjury, because 
 the latter, a short time previously, had testified before the 
 Grand Jury that Levi B. Fleenor and Emeline Fleenor, a 
 woman with whom he was living as a wife, were not mar- 
 ried to each other. Lincoln was retained by the defendant, 
 and in his plea, after reciting how "wilfully, maliciously 
 and corruptly" the plaintiff had testified that the said 
 Levi B. and Emeline Fleenor had not been married to each 
 
1 66 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 other, concluded the paragraph by the direct and unqual- 
 ified averment, "when in truth the said Levi B. Fleenor 
 and the said Emeline had theretofore been married to each 
 other in the said town of Greencastle in the State of Indi- 
 ana/* This last allegation Linder, the plaintiff, promptly 
 denied, adding that the parties could not have been so 
 married without his knowing it; that they did not stop in 
 Greencastle more than fifteen minutes (they were migrating 
 overland from Indiana to Coles County, Illinois), and that 
 the said Emeline did not leave the wagon during the in- 
 terval, thus implying that, as the contracting parties did 
 not stand on terra firma y there could have been no binding 
 marriage. But the logic of this proposition did not com- 
 mend itself to Lincoln, and its only effect was to evoke 
 from him a repetition of the statement that the marriage 
 did take place in the town of Greencastle as alleged. Even 
 though the dainty foot of the gentle Emeline may not have 
 been lifted from the wagon during the fifteen minutes* 
 sojourn in the Indiana village, it did not necessarily follow 
 that an accommodating parson or squire was not conven- 
 iently near by and himself standing on the ground so as 
 to solemnize properly the marital union which, according 
 to the contention of Lincoln and his client, undoubtedly 
 followed. 
 
 It is unnecessary to dwell further on the details of this 
 quaint, pioneer controversy beyond relating that a judg- 
 ment was rendered against Lincoln's client for a thou- 
 sand dollars, of which amount nine hundred and fifty dol- 
 lars was remitted, thus leaving due a net balance of only 
 fifty dollars. The averments in Lincoln's hand were 
 not facts of his own knowledge, but, like many other al- 
 
DORMAN VS. LANE 167 
 
 legations incorporated in an attorney's plea, were based 
 entirely on information furnished by his client. In this 
 case the client, doubtless, misrepresented the facts; for a 
 careful and thorough examination of the public records at 
 the town of Greencastle, Indiana, fails to reveal any evi- 
 dence of the marriage of the said Levi and Emeline Fleenor 
 or any other members of the Fleenor family. 
 
 Another story of a Lincoln lawsuit and I pass to other in- 
 cidents. The case of Dorman vs. Lane, appealed from 
 Gallatin County, reached the Supreme Court of Illinois 
 in 1 842 and was in court for a long time. Briefly told, Re- 
 becca Daimwood, an orphan girl, believing she had been 
 defrauded in the settlement of her father's estate, brought 
 suit against John Lane, her guardian, to recover certain 
 lands sold by him, ostensibly, for her maintenance. Sam- 
 uel D. Marshall, a Shawneetown lawyer, gained the case 
 for the girl in the lower court, but Lane promptly ap- 
 pealed to the Supreme Court, whereupon Lincoln was 
 retained to assist Marshall in the girl's behalf. Lyman 
 Trumbull appeared for Lane. "The action was warmly 
 contested," said Franklin M. Eddy, son of Henry Eddy, 
 one of the lawyers associated with Trumbull, "but Lin- 
 coln, unaided, beat them all as the record of the Supreme 
 Court easily proves." Meanwhile Miss Daimwood had 
 married William Dorman, a young farmer, and he there- 
 fore became a party to the litigation. 
 
 In due season the case was disposed of and the time 
 came for the lawyers to put their heads together and reach 
 some understanding regarding the size of their respective 
 fees. As the case progressed, Mr. Lincoln, aside from his 
 professional relation, had become more or less interested 
 
1 68 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 in the fortunes of Rebecca and her young husband. 
 Though the latter was poor, he was also both deserving 
 and ambitious; and, in addition, there were in the bearing 
 and history of the two some things that in various ways 
 appealed to Lincoln's sympathy and sense of justice. 
 When, therefore, Marshall reminded him that their cli- 
 ents, Dorman and his wife, were anxious to learn how much 
 of a fee he was expecting from them, Lincoln answered 
 that, so far as his connection with the case extended, 
 there would be no charge; that if in this case he had 
 gained any substantial advantage the thanks of his grate- 
 ful clients were sufficient remuneration for what he had 
 accomplished. Having thus expressed himself, he author- 
 ized Marshall to assure the newly married couple that they 
 might appropriately consider his service in their behalf as a 
 willing though somewhat belated wedding present. 
 
 "Dorman was a very strong Democrat," is the testi- 
 mony of Frank M. Eddy, of Shawneetown, "but always 
 voted for Samuel D. Marshall when he was a candidate 
 for office. Dorman named his youngest boy by Rebecca 
 for Marshall, and I heard him on more than one occasion 
 say that, had his wife lived to bear him another son, he 
 would have been named Abraham Lincoln. When Mr. 
 Lincoln was a candidate for President in i860, Dorman, 
 in spite of his many Democratic friends, voted for him, 
 and when the latter protested he only answered: 'Lin- 
 coln and Marshall recovered my wife's land and would not 
 charge me a cent. Of course I honor them for it, and I 
 intend to vote and fight for them as evidence of my gratis 
 tude.' I heard this from Dormant lips many times, es- 
 pecially in i860 when Mr. Lincoln first ran for President/' 
 
CHAPTER XIII 
 
 Lincoln seldom wrote briefs or legal arguments — Scarcely ever made notes — 
 Of the few briefs he reduced to writing Herndon preserved but a portion — One 
 was a petition for rehearing in Patterson vs. Edwards tried in the Supreme 
 Court in 1845 — Slander suit between two women — Notable specimen of Lin- 
 coln's reasoning — Smith vs. Smith, suit on election bet — Vigorous denuncia- 
 tion of those who bet on elections — Hurd vs. Rock Island Bridge Company 
 tried by Lincoln in United States Circuit Court in Chicago — Record of Lin- 
 coln's argument before the jury as delivered, preserved, and reproduced by 
 Robert R. Hitt, the shorthand reporter — How Lincoln talked when he faced 
 a jury — What he thought of Judge McLean. 
 
 Although skillful and efficient if not voluminous in the 
 matter of drawing up pleadings and preparing papers 
 generally, Mr. Lincoln rarely wrote out his speeches, 
 briefs, or legal arguments; in fact, so reluctant was he to 
 put his spoken utterance in manuscript form that in 
 many instances he even neglected to prompt his memory 
 by making notes. The result is that much of what has 
 been put forth portraying his methods and achievements 
 as an advocate or public speaker is in a large degree based, 
 not on what he had taken the pains to commit to writing, 
 but on the personal recollection of others who claim to 
 have been present and heard him when he expressed him- 
 self in public. In this way it is possible that some of the 
 things he is reported to have said have not been as faith- 
 1 fully and accurately reproduced as if preserved in his own 
 handwriting. When I was in Springfield and began my 
 inquiry into Lincoln's history as a lawyer, I was im- 
 pressed by this fact, and therefore in my quest of infor- 
 mation was never satisfied till I had reached original 
 sources. To that end, through the good offices of Mr. 
 Herndon and others equally indulgent and trustworthy, 
 
i 7 o THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 I was granted access to and permitted to copy certain of 
 the very briefs which Mr. Lincoln deemed of sufficient 
 interest and importance to preserve in his own penman- 
 ship. Although limited in number they are characteristic 
 specimens of his method of reasoning and style of expres- 
 sion as well as unquestioned evidence of his actual utter- 
 ance. In presenting them thus publicly I presume I should 
 beg the indulgence of such persons as may question their 
 propriety, for some of them may touch upon delicate and 
 suggestive topics. We should remember they are a part 
 of Lincoln and should, for that reason, be preserved. It 
 is possible they may not please or attract every reader, 
 but they cannot fail of their effect on the lawyers of the 
 land and that vast army of other people who will not be 
 content till they see Lincoln "just as he was." 
 
 Without further explanation or apology I venture to 
 quote from Lincoln's brief in the case of Patterson vs. 
 Edwards appealed to the Supreme Court of Illinois. It 
 was a suit between two women in which one charged 
 the other was the mother of a negro child. The court 
 having ruled against his client Lincoln petitioned for a 
 rehearing. Following is a portion of his argument copied 
 from the original draft in Lincoln's handwriting which 
 lies before me as I write: 
 
 In the Supreme Court of the State of Illinois, December term 
 
 a.d. 1845. Patterson & wife vs. Edwards & wife. Error to 
 
 Mason. 
 
 And now we, the defendants in error, present this, our peti- 
 tion, for a rehearing in this cause. This court reversed the judg- 
 ment of the court below; 
 
 First: Because the court below denied the motion for a new 
 trial — and 
 
 Secondly; Because the court below denied the motion in 
 
SLANDER SUIT BETWEEN TWO WOMEN 171 
 
 arrest of judgment. To entitle ourselves to a rehearing, it is 
 incumbent on us to make it appear probable^ at least, that the 
 court below decided correctly on both of these points. 
 
 And first as to the question of new trial. In reversing the 
 judgment on this point, the court seem to proceed on the sup- 
 position that the words alleged and the words proved are not the 
 same — that there is a material variance. That there is a literal 
 variance is certain; but is it a material one? The words alleged 
 are: "Mrs. Edwards has raised a family of children by a negro, 
 and I can prove it." If we change the language from the second 
 person, past tense, as detailed by the witnesses, to the first per- 
 son, present tense, as spoken by Mrs. Patterson, the words 
 proved by Mrs. Seymour, to have been spoken by Mrs. Patter- 
 son are: "I did tell Julius Scoville that Mrs. Edwards has hac( 
 children by a negro, and it is true"; and those proved by Mrffo 
 Edwards are, "Your mother has had children by a negro, anci 
 all her children are negroes." 
 
 Now in what particular, this court regards these words as 
 proved materially variant from those alleged the opinion does not 
 state: but merely states the undeniable doctrine that it is not 
 sufficient to prove equivalent words. What in the sense of the law 
 are equivalent words? We understand equivalent words to be 
 the words amounting to something very near the charge and 
 quite as bad as the charge alleged; while we understand words 
 amounting to the identical charge alleged, as being, in the sense 
 of the law, not merely equivalent words but the words alleged, 
 notwithstanding a slight literal or verbal variance — we insist 
 that a variance to be material in law, must be a variance in 
 sense. If we are right in this, we ask 'Is there any difference 
 in sense between saying a woman has raised children by a negro, 
 and saying she had children by a negro? 
 
 On the question of variance we refer the court to 
 
 1 Starkie on Slahder side pages 369 to 383 inclusive & notes. 
 
 Also 2 Cowen 479-83. 
 
 But if there is a material variance, and the evidence was there- 
 fore improper to be received under the issue, still, could the 
 party opposed, permit it to go to the jury, without objection, let 
 us rest without supposing it necessary to introduce other evi- 
 dence, take the chance of a verdict and after losing make the 
 objection for the first time by motion for a new trial? Let it be 
 
172 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 borne in mind that the objection is not to proper evidence in* 
 sufficient in amount but to improper evidence. 
 
 On this point we refer to i Bibb 248, 4 Wendell 277-283. 
 
 But if the variance is material and the objection might prop- 
 erly be taken for the first time, by a motion for a new trial, 
 ought the court below to have allowed the motion without our 
 attention and the court's attention being particularly drawn to 
 the point by reasons in writings according to the statute? We 
 insist that by our statute, upon principle and upon analogous de- 
 cisions, a court ought not to allow a new trial, unless the ground 
 on which it is sought, be specifically pointed out. On page 491, 
 Sec. 20 of an old revised code is the following, to wit: "And if 
 either party may wish to except to the verdict, or for other 
 causes to move for a new trial, or in arrest of judgment, he shall, 
 before final judgment be entered, give, by himself or counsel to 
 the opposite party, or his counsel, the points in writing, par- 
 ticularly specifying the grounds of such motion and shall also 
 furnish the judge with a copy of the same, etc." 
 
 Upon principle we say, that it is unfair to the court below, to 
 reverse his judgment upon a point never presented to the judge's 
 consideration; that it is unfair to us to do here, at our delay, 
 trouble and expense what might have been done in the court 
 below, upon the ground being fairly shown; and further, that it 
 is probable the variances, such as it appears in the Bill of Ex- 
 ceptions, did not really exist; but that it got into the Bill only 
 by the carelessness of the court below and of us; no such point 
 being supposed to be involved. It is hardly necessary to add that 
 no such reasons in writing, as we hold to be necessary appear 
 by the record. For decisions bearing on this point we refer to 
 1 Bibb 142, 1 Scam. 233, 4 Wendell 484-9. In this last case 
 the court say: "If counsel will not discriminate in their objec- 
 tions, so as to draw the attention of the court to what is con- 
 ceived to be objectionable in the decision made, they are pre- 
 cluded from urging it as a cause for reversing the judgment." 
 
 On the question of arrest of judgment this court declared 
 that the words " Mrs. Edwards has raised a family of children by 
 a negro" do not, "in their plain and popular sense, or in common 
 acceptation, necessarily amount to charge of adultery." Wherein 
 these words vary from, or fall short of such a charge, the 
 opinion does not state. Whether the court believe that these 
 
SPECIMEN OF LINCOLN'S REASONING 173 
 
 words do not mean, that Mrs. Edwards had raised a family of 
 children, of whom she was the mother^ and a negro was the 
 father; or whether, admitting this, the court believe she may 
 have been the wife of the negro, and therefore, may have borne 
 children by him without adultery, the opinion shows nothing 
 from which we can judge. Until the decision of this court, we 
 had never supposed there could be a rational doubt that these 
 words would be construed by all who might hear them, as the 
 declaration construes them. We have thought, and still do 
 think, that if twelve plain men should enter this room and each, 
 out of the hearing of the others should be told these words, not 
 one of them would fail to attach to them the very meaning that 
 the declaration attaches to them. But we may be mistaken; 
 and we now proceed to treat them as being of more doubtful 
 import than we had thought. The opinion says the words "do 
 not necessarily amount to a charge of adultery etc." We say, 
 as matter of law, that to sustain the judgment of the court be- 
 low, they need not necessarily to amount to such a charge. We 
 say they need only be capable of the meaning attached to them 
 by the declaration; even though the contrary meaning were 
 more probably the true one. In this, we do not speak without 
 the books. We will furnish the court, if they desire, with a new 
 edition, in two volumes, of Starkie on Slander, and refer to Vol- 
 ume 1 — side pages 44 to 51 inclusive. The construction of 
 words of doubtful meaning is there fully discussed. It is there 
 shown that there was an old, and is a new rule on the subject; 
 that the old rule was to construe words in mitiori sensu, or, in 
 the most favourable sense for the defendant, which they were 
 capable of bearing, never allowing a plaintiff to have a judg- 
 ment, unless the words necessarily amounted to the charge he 
 alleged in his declaration; that this old rule has been exploded 
 nearly or quite a hundred years; and a new rule fully established. 
 A train of decisions under each rule is given; and on side pages 
 59 & 60 the author sums up in these words. 
 
 From these cases containing the opinion of some of the most 
 enlightened judges of their own, or any other times, it may be 
 collected; 1st That when words are capable of two constructions 
 in what sense they were meant, is a matter of fact to be decided 
 by the jury. 2nd That they (the jury) are to be guided, in form- 
 ing their opinion by the impression which the words or signs 
 
174 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 used were calculated to make on the minds of those who heard 
 or saw them, as collected from the whole of the circumstances. 
 
 3rd That such words or signs will, after verdict for the plain- 
 tiff be considered by the court to have been used in their worst 
 sense. See notes also. Also see 1 Cowen 479 to 82 where the 
 court say — " But aside from the difficulty as to the remedy, it is 
 a sufficient answer to this application that the words proved 
 would admit of some doubt as to their meaning, and where 
 there is room for the least criticism upon their import, it is 
 properly a question for the jury, whose decision is conclusive." 
 For these reasons your petitioners pray for a rehearing of said 
 cause. 
 
 Lincoln p. q. 
 
 The brief of another argument by Lincoln is worthy 
 of our attention, because, when we read his observations 
 and moral reflections outlined therein, we are no longer 
 at a loss to determine what he thought of gambling, and 
 more particularly his attitude regarding the sinfulness, if 
 any, of betting on elections. His deductions in the suit 
 of Smith vs. Smith, which was appealed to the Supreme 
 Court of Illinois from Bond County, are both pertinent 
 and suggestive. After relating that in November, 1856, 
 two days after the presidential election, Isaac Smith, the 
 plaintiff in error, made a bet of one hundred and ten dol- 
 lars with one Moffett, against a buggy owned by the latter, 
 that the vote of Fillmore as a candidate for President of 
 the United States was not behind the other candidates in 
 the State of New York, he continues: 
 
 The defendant attempts to defend his wrong by proving a bet 
 on the Presidential election in this wise: He says he bet some 
 money with Moffett against the buggy of Moffett on the Presi- 
 dential Election in the Slate of New York; that the money and 
 buggy were put into the hands of a stake-holder; and that the 
 stake-holder about the 14th day of November, 1856, decided 
 
SUIT ON AN ELECTION BET 175 
 
 the bet in the favor of the defendant below. The defendant took 
 the buggy away from the place where the plaintiff left it at the 
 time of the trade. See Record — page 9. The trade between 
 Moffett and plaintiff below was for the buggy in controversy. 
 Now it appears that Moffett's and the plaintiff's trade about 
 and for the buggy and note was before the bet. This does not 
 appear from absolute figures, but it is necessarily so, as the wit- 
 nesses in spirit state it. But suppose this is not so, yet // is posi- 
 tively true that the plaintiff below and Moffett traded as afore- 
 said long before the stake-holder had decided the question and 
 long before the defendant below took possession of the buggy. 
 
 And now this question is presented: Is this gambling debt 
 contrary to the laws of this state, or public policy, or morality; 
 and this being the case, as we think it is, the seller of the buggy 
 had a right to repent of the law s violation and to revoke the bet; 
 and the power conferred on the stake-holder so long as the 
 Presidential question in the State of N. Y. was an open and un- 
 decided question by the stake-holder. 
 
 1st — This is gambling and comes within the provisions of 
 our statute against gambling. See Rev. Statute pages 177-263; 
 2 Carter (Indiana) 499 and 2 Vol. Freeman's Digest 1570-71. 
 We think that betting on Presidential elections over the Union, 
 or in particular states thereof \ comes within the spirit of the laws; 
 and if not such betting is contrary to public policy and morality 
 and therefore void, or, at least, voidable; i.e. that bets may be 
 revoked while the decision is pending. 
 
 2nd. — And now for the revocation argument: A bet may be 
 revoked because it is contrary to the law of this state or its 
 public policy or public morality. See 9 Barlow 315; 18 Penn 329; 
 12 B. Monroe 140-141; 11 Cushing357« This bet was revoked by 
 the sale to the plaintiff below, long before the decision of the 
 question by the stake-holder, and this repenting and revoking the 
 law allows — yea favors. 
 
 Following this comes a long list of authorities includ- 
 ing various court decisions relied upon by Mr. Lincoln un- 
 necessary to enumerate here. The remaining item that 
 merits our attention is the closing paragraph of the brief. 
 It is in the form of a moral essay, but is in the handwrit- 
 
1 7 6 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 ing of Herndon who also signs the firm's name to the 
 document. Whether it expresses Lincoln's real ideas, or 
 those of Herndon, or both, does not appear; but viewed 
 at this distance we cannot deny that it has the right ring. 
 It reads as follows: 
 
 This Union is a brotherhood of states and it is said that 
 if it is to fall it will be caused by fraud, force and wrong upon the 
 ballot-box. Once make Missouri, Kentucky and Indiana inter- 
 ested by bets in Illinois elections, though for President, and you 
 hold out inducements to raids, ruffianism, etc. The same with 
 reference to elections in Indiana, Kentucky and Missouri and 
 the people of Illinois will overrun those states. Build up good 
 communities; do as you would be done by and all is safe and 
 right. Let the court put its face against betting on all elec- 
 tions in this Union; but upon totally foreign countries leave it 
 as at common law though barbarous. The complicated rela- 
 tions of these 32 states to each other and the Union create a pe- 
 culiar public policy. Read 3 Scammon again and reverse or 
 modify it. 
 
 Respectfully 
 
 Lincoln & Herndon 
 
 Notwithstanding the varied and interesting incidents 
 of Lincoln's life which I have gathered and tried to pre- 
 serve, I cannot but feel that any delineation of his char- 
 acter as a lawyer will be incomplete if it does not throw 
 the required light on his qualification and equipment as 
 an advocate — if it fails to indicate how he appeared 
 and what he said when he looked into their faces and 
 sought to convince the twelve men who confronted him 
 from the jury box. Thus far I have been content to quote 
 from the briefs of arguments carefully written out by him 
 before they were read to learned and dignified judges; but 
 now I beg the indulgence of the reader if I venture to 
 present, as accurately as human agency can reproduce it, 
 
HURD VS. ROCK ISLAND BRIDGE CO. 177 
 
 his language when he addressed the jury in the famous 
 Rock Island Bridge case, tried in the United States Cir- 
 cuit Court in Chicago in September, 1857, Judge John 
 McLean, of the Supreme Court, presiding. In order to 
 keep within proper bounds it will be necessary to abridge 
 Lincoln's speech somewhat, but even then I fear I shall 
 make serious inroads on the reader's patience. 
 
 As the suit was, in reality, one of the most memorable 
 Lincoln ever tried, a few words of explanation are es- 
 sential. The action was entitled Hurd w. Rock Island 
 Bridge Company, and grew out of the opposition by the 
 steamboat people interested in the navigation of the Mis- 
 sissippi River to the construction of a bridge across that 
 stream. The bridge between Rock Island and Davenport 
 was built and in use only a short time when the steamboat 
 Effie Afton passing up, proceeded some two hundred feet 
 above the head of the long draw pier when one of her 
 wheels stopped, and the other being continued, the boat 
 turned around against the tendency of the current and 
 brought up against the bridge at the pier next east of the 
 draw pier. A stove was overturned by the shock, burning 
 the boat, and the span against which it struck. The result 
 was a suit by the steamboat people against the owners 
 of the bridge, which included the railroad company, for 
 damages, on the ground that the bridge was an obstruc- 
 tion to navigation. The counsel for the plaintiff included 
 H. M. Wead, of Peoria, Illinois, and T. D. Lincoln, of 
 Cincinnati, Ohio, a prominent admiralty lawyer famil- 
 iarly known as "Tim" Lincoln, and Corydon Beckwith, of 
 Chicago, afterwards a member of the Supreme Court of 
 Illinois. The counsel for the defendant consisted of Nor- 
 
178 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 man B. Judd, of Chicago, Joseph Knox, of Rock Island, 
 and Abraham Lincoln, of Springfield. 
 
 "The case was of absorbing interest to the river towns," 
 says John T. Richards, formerly President of the Chicago 
 Bar Association, "as well as to those centers of population 
 whose future prosperity was dependent upon the devel- 
 opment of railroad transportation. The people of the 
 country were divided in accordance with local self-interest. 
 The people of St. Louis, Cincinnati, and other towns sim- 
 ilarly situated believed that if the railroad companies were 
 permitted to build bridges across the navigable rivers of 
 the country they would lose the commercial advantages 
 which they enjoyed from traffic upon the Mississippi and 
 Ohio Rivers; and the owners of the steamboats, who for 
 many years had enjoyed a monopoly of the transportation 
 of freight from points west of the Mississippi, foresaw that 
 if the railroads were to be allowed to transport freight from 
 the vast territory west of that great artery of commerce 
 across that river and through to the eastern seaboard 
 without the expense of reloading on the banks of the 
 streams over which it must pass to reach its destination, 
 that monopoly would be destroyed. Hence the interests 
 referred to combined in the case against the bridge com- 
 pany for the purpose of preventing the building of other 
 bridges which would interfere with river traffic/' 
 
 The newspapers of Chicago, Cincinnati, and St. Louis 
 gave unusual publicity to the "Effie Afton Case," the 
 name by which the suit was popularly known. " Some idea 
 of the bitterness of the contest," writes Frederick Trevor 
 Hill, "may be gathered from the fact that the railroad 
 charged the steamboat captain with being bribed to run 
 
HURD VS. ROCK ISLAND BRIDGE CO. 179 
 
 his vessel against the bridge and thus make a case of ob- 
 structed navigation. This accusation was, of course, 
 angrily denied; but when the bridge was accidentally 
 burned all the river craft gathered at the spot and let their 
 whistles loose in sheer joy at the disaster. Under these 
 circumstances it required a cool head and an even temper 
 to carry the day, and Lincoln was to equal the occasion." 
 
 For such portions of Lincoln's argument on this oc- 
 casion as are here quoted credit is due Robert R. Hitt, 
 the shorthand reporter representing the "Chicago Press 
 and Tribune," who was present, heard Lincoln and took 
 down his speech. Mr. Hitt assured the writer and Mr. 
 Horace White, for many years editor of the "Tribune," 
 that he reported it for the paper with unusual fidelity and 
 that when he had elaborated his notes he was sure his 
 version of the speech was as nearly word for word the 
 language of Lincoln as he knew how to preserve and re- 
 cord it. As it is probably the only published utterance of 
 Lincoln prior to i860, with the exception of his debate 
 with Douglas, his lecture on "Discovery and Invention" 
 in 1859, and the Cooper Institute address, which ap- 
 proaches the literal reproduction of his spoken words, it 
 cannot fail to interest the man who never saw Lincoln and 
 who is, therefore, all the more anxious to learn how the 
 latter expressed himself when he undertook to convince 
 a jury of his peers. As already indicated the limitations of 
 space forbid the insertion of the entire speech, but certain 
 portions are so edifying and characteristic they cannot 
 well be omitted. 
 
 After the usual recognition of the judge and jury, Lincoln 
 began: 
 
i8o THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 It is foreign to my purpose to pursue or assail anybody, and 
 although I may seem to grow earnest I shall try not to be offen- 
 sive or ill-natured. There is some conflict of testimony in this 
 case, but one quarter of such a number of witnesses seldom agree, 
 and even if all were on one side some discrepancy might still be 
 expected. We are to try to reconcile them and to believe that 
 they are not intentionally erroneous as long as we can. 
 
 Following this Lincoln called to mind the opposition 
 to the bridge which developed at St. Louis because that 
 place felt that it was adverse to her commerce and would 
 divert a portion of it from the river. 
 
 It would not be pleasing to me, [he continued,] to have one of 
 these great channels extending from where it never freezes to 
 where it never thaws blocked up; but there is a travel from east 
 to west whose demands are not less important than those of the 
 river. It is growing larger and larger, building up new countries 
 with a rapidity never before seen in the history of the world. 
 This current of travel has its rights as well as that north and 
 south. If the river had not the advantage in priority and legis- 
 lation we could enter into free competition with it and we could 
 surpass it. This particular railroad line has a great importance 
 and the statement of its business during a little less than a year 
 shows this importance. It is in evidence that from September 
 8, 1856, to August 8, 1857, 12,586 freight cars and 74,179 pas- 
 sengers passed over this bridge. Navigation was closed four 
 days short of four months last year, and during this time while 
 the river was of no use this road and bridge were valuable. 
 There is, too, a considerable portion of the time when floating or 
 thin ice makes the river useless while the bridge is as useful as 
 ever. This shows that this bridge must be treated with respect 
 in this court and is not to be kicked about with contempt. The 
 other day Judge Wead alluded to the strife of the contending 
 interests and even a dissolution of the Union; but the proper 
 mode for all parties in this affair is to "live and let live" and 
 then we will find a cessation of the trouble about the bridge. 
 
 And now I ask what mood were the steamboat men in when 
 this bridge was burned? Why, there was a shouting and ringing 
 
HURD VS. ROCK ISLAND BRIDGE CO. 181 
 
 of bells and whistling on all the boats as it fell. It was a jubilee, 
 a greater celebration than follows an exciting election. 
 
 After describing the difficulty of navigation following 
 the burning of the bridge, alluding to the "tapering off" 
 of the dangers, and predicting that as the boatmen "get 
 cool the ratio of accidents will decrease/' Lincoln proceeds 
 to pay his respects to the opposing counsel as follows: 
 
 Judge Wead said while admitting that the floats went straight 
 through there was a difference between a float and a boat, but I 
 do not remember that he indulged us with an argument in 
 support of this statement. Is it because there is a difference in 
 size? Will not a small body and a large one float the same way 
 under the same influence? True a flatboat will float faster than 
 an eggshell might be blown away by the wind, but if under the 
 same influence they would go the same way. Logs, floats, 
 boards, various things, the witnesses say, all show the same 
 current. Then is not this test reliable? At all depths, too, the 
 direction of the current is the same. A series of these floats 
 would make a line as long as a boat and would show any influ- 
 ence upon any part and all parts of the boat. 
 
 At this point in his argument Lincoln evidently fell 
 back on his knowledge and the experience he gained when 
 he floated down the Mississippi on a flatboat to New Or- 
 leans with John Hanks a quarter of a century before. 
 
 I will now speak of the angular position of the piers. What 
 is the amount of the angle? The course of the river is a curve 
 and the pier is straight. If a line is produced from the upper 
 end of the long pier straight with the pier to a distance of three 
 hundred and fifty feet and a line is drawn from a point in the 
 channel opposite this point to the head of the pier, Colonel Na- 
 son says they will form an angle of twenty degrees. But the angle 
 if measured at the pier is seven degrees; that is, we would have 
 to move the pier seven degrees to make it exactly straight with 
 the current. Would that make the navigation better or worse? 
 The witnesses of the plaintiff seem to think it was only neces- 
 
1 82 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 sary to say that the pier formed an angle with the current and 
 that settled the matter. Our more careful and accurate wit- 
 nesses say that though they had been accustomed to seeing the 
 piers placed straight with the current, yet they could see that 
 here the current had been made straight by us in having made 
 this slight angle; that the water now runs just right; that it is 
 straight and cannot be improved. They think that if the pier 
 was changed the eddy would be divided and the navigation im- 
 proved. 
 
 I am not now going to discuss the question of what is a ma- 
 terial obstruction. We do not greatly differ about the law. The 
 cases produced here are, I suppose, proper to be taken into con- 
 sideration by the court in instructing a jury. Some of them I 
 think are not exactly in point, but I am still willing to trust His 
 Honor, Judge McLean, and take his instructions as law. What 
 is reasonable skill and care? This is a thing of which the jury 
 are to judge. I differ from the other side when it says that they 
 are bound to exercise no more care than was taken before the 
 building of the bridge. If we are allowed by the legislature to 
 build the bridge which will require them to do more than before, 
 when a pilot comes along it is unreasonable for him to dash on 
 heedless of this structure which has been legally put there. The 
 Afton came there on the 5th and lay at Rock Island until next 
 morning. When a boat lies up the pilot has a holiday, and 
 would not any of these jurors have then gone around to the 
 bridge and gotten acquainted with the place. Pilot Parker has 
 shown here that he does not understand the draw. I heard him 
 say that the fall from the head to the foot of the pier was four 
 feet. He needs information; he could have gone there that day 
 and seen there was no such fall. He should have discarded pas- 
 sion and the chances are that he would have had no disaster at 
 all. He was bound to make himself acquainted with the place. 
 
 McCammon says that the current and the swell coming from 
 the long pier drove her against the long pier; in other words, 
 drove her toward the very pier from which the current came! 
 It is an absurdity — an impossibility. The only explanation I 
 can find for this contradiction is in a current which White says 
 strikes out from the long pier and then like a ram's horn turns 
 back, and this might have acted somehow in this manner. 
 
 It is agreed by all that the plaintiff's boat was destroyed and 
 
HURD VS. ROCK ISLAND BRIDGE CO. 183 
 
 that it was destroyed upon the head of the short pier; that she 
 moved from the channel where she was with her bow above the 
 head of the long pier till she struck the short one, swung around 
 under the bridge, and there was crowded and destroyed. 
 
 I shall try to prove that the average velocity of the current 
 through the draw with the boat in it should be five and a half 
 miles an hour; that it is slowest at the head of the pier and 
 swiftest at the foot of the pier. Their lowest estimate in evi- 
 dence is six miles an hour; their highest twelve miles. This was 
 the testimony of men who made no experiment, only conjecture. 
 We have adopted the most exact means. The water runs swift- 
 est in high water and we have taken the point of nine feet above 
 low water. The water when the Afton was lost was seven feet 
 above low water, or at least a foot lower than our time. Brayton 
 and his assistant timed the instruments, the best instruments 
 known in measuring currents. They timed them under various 
 circumstances and they found the current five miles an hour 
 and no more. They found that the water at the upper end ran 
 slower than five miles; that below it was swifter than five miles; 
 but that the average was five miles. Shall men who have taken 
 no care, who conjecture, some of whom speak of twenty miles 
 an hour, be believed against those who have had such a favor- 
 able and well-improved opportunity? They would not even 
 qualify the result. Several men have given their opinion as to 
 the distance of the steamboat Carson and I suppose if one should 
 go and measure that distance you would believe him in prefer- 
 ence to all of them. 
 
 These measurements were made when the boat was not in 
 the draw. It has been ascertained what is the area of the cross- 
 section of this stream and the area of the face of the piers and 
 the engineers say that the piers being put there will increase the 
 current proportionately as the space is decreased. So with the 
 boat in the draw. The depth of the channel was twenty-two feet, 
 the width one hundred and sixteen feet; multiply these and you 
 have the square feet across the water of the draw, viz.: 2552 feet. 
 The Afton was thirty-five feet wide and drew five feet, making a 
 fourteenth of the sum. Now, one fourteenth of five miles is 
 five fourteenths of one mile — about one third of a mile — the 
 increase of the current. We will call the current five and a half 
 miles per hour. The next thing I will try to prove is that the 
 
184 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 plain tiff's boat had power to run six miles an hour in that current. 
 It has been testified that she was a strong, swift boat able to 
 run eight miles an hour upstream in a current of four miles an 
 hour and fifteen miles downstream. Strike the average and you 
 will find what is her average — about eleven and a half miles. 
 Take the five and a half miles which is the speed of the current 
 in the draw and it leaves the power of that boat in that draw at 
 six miles an hour, 528 feet per minute, and 84/5 feet to the 
 second. 
 
 Next I propose to show that there are no cross-currents. I 
 know their witnesses say that there are cross-currents; that, as 
 one witness says, there were three cross-currents and two eddies; 
 so far as mere statement without experiment and mingled with 
 mistakes can go they have proved. But can these men's testi- 
 mony be compared with the nice, exact, and thorough experi- 
 ments of our witnesses. Can you believe that these floats go 
 across the currents? It is inconceivable that they could not have 
 discovered every possible current. How do boats find currents 
 that floats cannot discover? We assume the position, then, 
 that those cross-currents are not there. My next proposition is 
 that the Afton passed between the S. B. Carson and the Iowa 
 shore. That is undisputed. 
 
 Next I shall show that she struck first the short pier, then the 
 long pier, then the short one again, and there she stopped. How 
 did the boat strike when she went in? Here is an endless variety 
 of opinion — the testimony of eighteen witnesses. But ten of 
 them say what pier she struck; three of them testify that she 
 struck first the short, then the long, and the short for the last 
 time. None of the rest substantially contradict this. I assume 
 that these men have got the truth because I believe it an es- 
 tablished fact. My next proposition is that after she struck the 
 short and long pier and before she got back to the short pier, 
 the boat got right with her bow up. So says the pilot Parker: 
 " that he got her through until her starboard wheel passed the 
 short pier." This would make her head about even with the 
 head of the long pier. He says her head was as high or higher 
 than the head of the long pier. Other witnesses confirmed this 
 one. The final stroke was in the splash door aft the wheel. 
 Witnesses differ but the majority say that she struck thus. 
 
HURD VS. ROCK ISLAND BRIDGE CO. 185 
 
 At this point the court adjourned, and on the following 
 day, shown by the record to be Wednesday, September 23, 
 1857, Lincoln resumed his argument assuring the court 
 that he would conclude as soon as possible. From the model 
 of a boat he explained where the splash door is just behind 
 the wheel, adding that the current as represented would 
 drive an ascending boat to the long pier, but not to the 
 short pier as the other side had contended. Continuing his 
 argument he said: 
 
 The boat struck on the lower shoulder of the short pier, as 
 she swung around, in the splash door; then as she went on 
 around she struck the point or end of the pier where she rested. 
 Her engineers say the starboard then was rushing around rap- 
 idly. Then the boat must have struck the upper point of the 
 pier so far back as not to disturb the wheel. It is forty feet from 
 the stern of the Afton to the splash door and thus it appears 
 that she had but forty feet to go to clear the pier. How was it 
 that the Afton with all her power flanked over from the channel 
 to the short pier without moving one foot ahead? Suppose she 
 was in the middle of the draw, her wheel would have been thirty- 
 one feet from the short pier. The reason she went over thus is 
 her starboard wheel was not working. I shall try to establish 
 the fact that the wheel was not running and that after she 
 struck she went ahead on this same wheel. Upon the last point 
 the witnesses agree that the starboard wheel was running after 
 she struck and no witnesses say that it was running while she 
 was out in the draw flanking over. 
 
 Other witnesses show that the captain said something of the 
 machinery of the wheel and the inference is that he knew the 
 wheel was not working. The pilot says he ordered the engineers 
 to back her up. The engineers differ from him and said they kept 
 on going ahead. The bow was so swung that the current pressed 
 it over; the pilot pressed the stern over w>th the rudder, though 
 not so fast but that the bow gained on it, and only one wheel 
 being in motion, the boat nearly stood still, so far as motion up 
 and down is concerned and thus she was thrown upon this pier. 
 
1 86 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 The Afton came into the draw after she had just passed the 
 Carson, and as the Carson no doubt kept the true course the 
 Afton, going around her, got out of the proper way, got across 
 the current into the eddy, which is west of a straight line drawn 
 down from the long pier, and was compelled to resort to these 
 changes of wheel which she did not do with sufficient adroitness 
 to save her. Was it not her own fault that she entered wrong, so 
 far wrong that she never got right? Is the defense to blame for 
 that? 
 
 At this point Lincoln unbent slightly and indulged in a 
 brief witticism, a thing he rarely attempted in public save 
 occasionally in a talk to a country jury. 
 
 For several days we were entertained with depositions about 
 boats "smelling a bar." Why, then, did the Afton after she had 
 come up smelling so close to the long pier sheer off so strangely? 
 When she had got to the center of the very nose she was smell- 
 ing, she seemed suddenly to have lost her sense of smell and to 
 have flanked over to the short pier. 
 
 It is suggested as a way out of the difficulty that a tunnel be 
 built under the river; but that is not practicable, for there is not 
 a tunnel that is a successful project in this world. A suspension 
 bridge cannot be built so high but that the chimneys of the boats 
 will grow up till they cannot pass. The steamboat men will take 
 pains to make them grow. The cars of a railroad cannot with- 
 out immense expense rise high enough to get even with a sus- 
 pension bridge or go low enough to get through a tunnel; such 
 expense is unreasonable. 
 
 The plaintiffs have to establish that the bridge is a material 
 obstruction and that they have managed their boat with rea- 
 sonable care and skill. As to the last point high winds have 
 nothing to do with it, for it was not a windy day. They must 
 show due skill and care. Difficulties going downstream will not 
 do; for they were going upstream. Difficulties with barges in tow 
 have nothing to do with the accidents, for they had no barge. 
 
 Here Lincoln paused, but whether due to a suggestion 
 or intimation from the court we do not know. At any 
 rate, fixing his eyes on the jury he said: 
 
WHAT HE THOUGHT OF JUDGE McLEAN 187 
 
 Gentlemen, I have not exhausted my stock of information 
 and there are more things I could suggest regarding this case, 
 but as I have doubtless used up my time, I presume I had better 
 close. 
 
 In due time Judge McLean delivered his charge to the 
 jury and they retired. At eight o'clock they returned with 
 the report that they were unable to agree. The court, be- 
 lieving that even if given more time they would never agree, 
 dismissed them. They stood: three for the boat and nine 
 for Lincoln's clients, the bridge people. 
 
 In September, two years before this, the noted McCor- 
 mick w.Manny patent infringement was tried before Judge 
 McLean in the United States Circuit Court in Cincinnati. 
 Lincoln was present having been retained by the defend- 
 ant Manny. It will be recalled that owing to the determi- 
 nation of his associates, Edwin M. Stanton and George 
 Harding, of Philadelphia, to make the two speeches allowed 
 the defense, he was successfully ignored. He remained in 
 Cincinnati throughout the trial, but took little part in the 
 proceedings. When he returned home he told the Spring- 
 field lawyers, Herndon among the number, that McLean, 
 although of decided mental vigor, was, nevertheless, a 
 man of limited perception. "If you pointed your forefinger 
 and a darning needle at him at the same time," said Lin- 
 coln, "he never could make up his mind which was the 
 sharper/' 
 
CHAPTER XIV 
 
 Life on the circuit — The Eighth Circuit described — Lincoln only lawyer who 
 traveled over all of it — His horse and buggy — The landlord's welcome — Life 
 at the tavern — Lincoln's dress — Leonard Swett's introduction to Lincoln 
 and Davis — Lincoln's methods described by Henry C. Whitney — Joins 
 Leonard Swett in defense of a murderer — His record in fugitive slave cases — 
 Explanation by John W. Bunn of his few appearances in court in behalf of run- 
 away slaves — Account by J. Birch of Lincoln lounging in the county clerk's 
 office — Also his physical appearance and habits in political campaigns — The 
 Wright case — Befriending the Matheney heirs — Forcing the foreign impos- 
 tor to disgorge his gains — Fee paid by Jacob Bunn and how Lincoln applied it. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln always divided his life as a lawyer into two 
 periods or epochs; one preceding and the other following 
 his single term in Congress. His legal career, therefore, 
 dates from the spring of 1849, when, believing himself 
 politically dead, he returned to the law and began the strug- 
 gle in dead earnest again. His business was largely con- 
 fined to the circuit, a mode of practice almost unknown to 
 the present generation of lawyers. The now historic Eighth 
 Circuit over which he traveled included fourteen counties 
 in central Illinois, comprising eleven thousand square miles 
 or almost one fifth of the area of the State. 
 
 "For many years," relates a survivor of the circuit days, 
 "there were no railroads and but few bridges over the 
 streams. Courts were held in the various counties twice 
 a year lasting from three days to a week. After court ad- 
 journed in one county^ the judge rode to the next county 
 seat and was followed by the State's attorney, whose au- 
 thority extended over the whole circuit, and by some of the 
 lawyers to a few of the counties near their homes." Mr. 
 Lincoln was the only lawyer who rode the entire circuit, 
 
ON THE EIGHTH CIRCUIT 189 
 
 visiting practically all the courts, which lasted about three 
 months in the spring and three in the fall. When the courts 
 opened in Christian, Menard, and Logan Counties, which 
 adjoined Sangamon, where Lincoln lived, Herndon, his 
 partner, sometimes accompanied him, but to points beyond 
 he usually drove alone or, occasionally, with the judge. 
 While Herndon spent the greater part of the time in Spring- 
 field in charge of the firm's local practice and to keep track 
 of matters in the Supreme Court, Lincoln was out on the 
 circuit beating the bushes for more business. 
 
 "Most of the lawyers/' related George P. Davis, the son 
 of Judge David Davis, "rode horseback; but after a few 
 years my father, who was the circuit judge, and Mr. Lin- 
 coln were able to afford a buggy. My father, who was a 
 very heavy man, used two horses. Mr. Lincoln had a one- 
 horse open buggy and drove his own steed, 'Old Buck/ as 
 I remember his name. In the fall of 1850 my mother went 
 around the circuit with my father and Mr. Lincoln took 
 me in his buggy. I have a distinct recollection of the horse, 
 the buggy, and Mr. Lincoln, although I cannot now relate 
 much of what he said on the trip." 
 
 Following the court around on the circuit was, no doubt, 
 one of the greatest pleasures Lincoln enjoyed; in fact, it 
 is now known that he declined an offer to enter a promising 
 if not lucrative law partnership in Chicago after the debates 
 with Douglas because, as he contended, it would confine 
 him to the office and thus keep him off the circuit. Seated 
 in his one-horse buggy behind a sorry-looking animal he 
 would set out from Springfield to be gone for weeks at a 
 stretch. The lawyers, as he drove into each successive town, 
 eagerly anticipating a new stock of stories, were anxious 
 
i 9 o THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 to greet him, and the landlords, so we are told, hailed his 
 coming with delight. He was one of those gentle, uncom- 
 plaining beings whom the servants at the inns generally- 
 put off with the most indifferent accommodations. He 
 said once he never so completely felt his own insignificance 
 as when he stood face to face with a real, live city hotel 
 clerk. 
 
 "He was never," said one of his colleagues, "seated next 
 to the landlord at a crowded table and never got a chicken 
 liver or the best cut from the roast. He never complained 
 of the food, bed, or lodging. If every other fellow grumbled 
 at the bill of fare which greeted us at many of the dingy 
 taverns where we sojourned, Lincoln said nothing; yet he 
 loved the life and never went home without reluctance." 
 
 When the court moved from one county to another there 
 was great bustle and activity at each successive place. Men 
 came together when court-time rolled around to meet the 
 celebrities at the bar, to buy supplies, to negotiate loans, 
 to sell live stock, to hear the lawyers "plead," and, in fact, 
 for almost every imaginable purpose. The best room at the 
 tavern was reserved for the judge and such choice spirits 
 among the lawyers as he might draw about him. The other 
 lawyers slept two in a bed, and two or rr o.e beds were fre- 
 quently crowded into one room. At meals the judge, law- 
 yers, jurors, suitors, witnesses, court-officers, and prisoners 
 out on bail ate together at a long dining-table. "I well re- 
 member," relates one of this promiscuous company, the late 
 Henry C. Whitney, of Champaign, Illinois, " a term of court 
 at one place where a prisoner on trial for perjury used to 
 spend the evenings with us in Judge Davis's room, and 
 another place where the prisoner, then on trial for larceny, 
 
LINCOLN'S DRESS 191 
 
 not only spent his evenings in our room, but took walks 
 with us and ate in our immediate company." 
 
 In this crude and nomadic life Lincoln spent almost half 
 of each year. Without the conveniences of the modern 
 lawyer, stenographer, typewriter, without books even, he 
 moved from court to court, his papers in his hat or coat- 
 pocket, his business in his head. The consideration and 
 trial of each case began and ended with itself, and each 
 successive county brought new business and new clients. 
 
 In the matter of dress, when on the circuit and away from 
 home, Lincoln, though properly clad, was far from fas- 
 tidious. His personal habits were of the simplest character. 
 Henry C. Whitney, who was with him in the latter half of 
 the fifties hardly less than David Davis, Leonard Swett, 
 and Herndon, thus describes him: "His hat was brown and 
 faded and the nap invariably worn or rubbed off. He wore 
 a short cloak and sometimes a shawl. His coat and vest 
 hung loosely on his giant frame and his trousers were usu- 
 ally a trifle short. In one hand he carried a faded green 
 umbrella with his name, A. Lincoln, in rather large white 
 cotton or muslin letters sewed on the inside. The knob was 
 gone from the handle and, when closed, a piece of cord was 
 usually tied round it in the middle to keep it from flying 
 open. In the other hand he carried a literal carpet-bag in 
 which were stored the few papers to be used in court, and 
 underclothing enough to last till his return to Springfield." 
 
 He is thus described by the son of David Davis: "He 
 was careless about dress, though he was always clean. I 
 thought his clothes were too short for him, especially his 
 coat. For a necktie he wore an old-fashioned stiff stock 
 which encircled his neck. When he became interested in 
 
1 92 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 his speech he would frequently take it off, unbutton his 
 shirt, and give room for his Adam's apple to play up and 
 down. He had a high-pitched voice, but it could be heard 
 a great distance, every word of a sentence being equally 
 clear. He was frequently at my father's house, and in 1858, 
 the year of the debates with Douglas, spent a long season 
 with us. On one of his visits I had a new autograph album 
 in which he wrote as follows: 'My young friend George 
 Perrin Davis has allowed me the honor of being the first 
 to write his name in this book. A. Lincoln. Bloomington 
 Ills. Dec. 21 1858."' 
 
 I cannot pass from this phase of Lincoln's development 
 without putting on canvas a copy of his portrait drawn 
 for me several years ago by one who also traveled the cir- 
 cuit with him and who in every way was closely allied to 
 him. I refer to Leonard Swett. "I shall never forget," Mr. 
 Swett once told me, " the first time I saw Mr. Lincoln. I 
 had expected to encounter him at Springfield, but he was 
 absent from home, nor did our meeting occur till later. It 
 was at the town of Danville. When I called at the hotel it 
 was after dark, and I was told that he was upstairs in Judge 
 Davis's room. In the region where I had been brought up, 
 the judge of the court was usually a man of more or less 
 gravity so that he could not be approached save with some 
 degree of deference. I was not a little abashed, therefore, 
 after I had climbed the unbanistered stairway, to find 
 myself so near the presence and dignity of Judge Davis in 
 whose room I was told I could find Mr. Lincoln. In re- 
 sponse to my timid knock two voices responded almost 
 simultaneously, 'Come in.' Imagine my surprise when the 
 door opened to find two men undressed, or rather dressed 
 
SWETT'S INTRODUCTION TO LINCOLN 193 
 
 for bed, engaged in a lively battle with pillows, tossing them 
 at each other's heads. One, a low, heavy-set man who leaned 
 against the foot of the bed and puffed like a lizard, an- 
 swered to the description of Judge Davis. The other was 
 a man of tremendous stature; compared to Davis he looked 
 as if he were eight feet tall. He was encased in a long, in- 
 describable garment, yellow as saffron, which reached to 
 his heels, and from beneath which protruded two of the 
 largest feet I had, up to that time, been in the habit of see- 
 ing. This immense shirt, for shirt it must have been, looked 
 as if it had been literally carved out of the original bolt of 
 flannel of which it was made and the pieces joined together 
 without reference to measurement or capacity. The only 
 thing that kept it from slipping off the tall and angular 
 frame it covered was the single button at the throat; and I 
 confess to a succession of shudders when I thought of what 
 might happen should that button by any mischance lose its 
 hold. I cannot describe my sensations as this apparition, 
 with the modest announcement, 'My name is Lincoln/ 
 strode across the room to shake my trembling hand. I will 
 not say he reminded me of Satan, but he was certainly the 
 ungodliest figure I had ever seen." 
 
 I attach much importance to the recollection and testi- 
 mony of Henry C. Whitney, who, in the decade prior to the 
 Civil War, practiced law in Champaign County, Illinois, 
 where he was both intimately acquainted, and, from a pro- 
 fessional standpoint, frequently associated, with Lincoln. 
 After Lincoln became President, Mr. Whitney removed 
 to Chicago, where, in the eighties, I spent a good deal 
 of time with him. It was from and through him that I 
 gathered a fund of material regarding Lincoln's life as a 
 
i 9 4 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 circuit-court lawyer which has proved to be of decided his- 
 toric value. He was a close friend of Herndon, maintaining 
 that the latter was as useful as he was true to Lincoln, and 
 insisting that, notwithstanding his weaknesses, Lincoln's 
 faith in him remained unshaken to the last. The greater 
 part of what Mr. Whitney communicated to me he put in 
 writing, all of which I have carefully retained. 
 
 Among other things I remember he contended that the 
 estimate of Lincoln by some writers who seek to prove 
 that, as a lawyer, he was in the habit of surrendering his 
 fee and retiring from every case in which there was any 
 doubt of his success, was a great popular misconception. 
 "Mr. Lincoln would advise with perfect frankness about 
 a potential case," he once said, "but when it was in esse, 
 then he wanted to win as badly as any lawyer; but unlike 
 lawyers of a certain type he would not do anything mean, 
 or which savored of sharp practice, or which required 
 absolute sophistry or chicanery in order to succeed. In a 
 clear case of dishonesty he would hedge in some way so as 
 hot himself to partake of the dishonesty. In a doubtful 
 case of dishonesty, he would give his client the benefit of the 
 doubt, and in an ordinary case he would try the case so far 
 as he could like any other lawyer except that he abso- 
 lutely abjured technicality and went for justice and vic- 
 tory denuded of every integument. 
 
 "As attorney for the Illinois Central Railroad I had au- 
 thority to employ additional counsel whenever I chose to 
 do so, and in Judge Davis's circuit I frequently applied to 
 Lincoln when I needed aid. I never found him unwilling 
 to appear in behalf of a great 'soulless corporation.' In 
 such cases he always stood by me, and I always, of course, 
 
IN DEFENSE OF A MURDERER 195 
 
 tried to win. There was nothing of the milksop about him, 
 nor did he peer unnecessarily into a case to find some reason 
 to act out of the usual line; but he had the same animus or- 
 dinarily as any other lawyer. I remember a murder trial 
 in which he was joined with Leonard Swett and myself for 
 the defense. Swett was a most effective advocate, and when 
 he closed in the afternoon I was full of faith that our client 
 would be acquitted. Lincoln followed the next morning, and 
 while he made some good points the honesty of his men- 
 tal processes forced him into a line of argument and ad- 
 mission that was very damaging. We all felt that he had 
 hurt our case. In point of fact our client was convicted 
 and sent to the penitentiary for three years. Lincoln, whose 
 merciless logic drove him into the belief that the culprit was 
 guilty of murder, had his humanity so wrought upon that 
 he induced the Governor to pardon him after he had served 
 one year." 
 
 Although humane and prone to right a wrong whenever 
 possible, it cannot be said that Lincoln sought cases of 
 injustice to remedy or went out of his way to befriend 
 or defend the weak man from the heartlessness of his op- 
 pressor. Of course he opposed slavery, but he himself was 
 no more aggressive in defense of the slave than others whose 
 sentiments on that subject were less widely known. Hern- 
 don, for instance, was far more radical and venturesome. 
 Before me lie the papers disclosing the history of three 
 cases tried in the Springfield courts, in each of which a 
 negro sought to obtain his freedom. In the case of Emily 
 Logan vs. Marcus A. Chinn, venued from Morgan to San- 
 gamon County in 1840, the woman sued out a writ of 
 homine replegiando> seeking to recover her freedom from 
 
196 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 Chinn who claimed her as a runaway slave from Kentucky. 
 The case was closely contested, but the jury decided in the 
 slave's favor, thus relieving her from further surveillance. 
 Stephen T. Logan represented the defendant, Chinn, and 
 Baker & Edwards the woman. Another action which was 
 tried early in 1850 grew out of the detention, in the Spring- 
 field jail, of five negroes, three men and two women, be- 
 lieved to be runaway slaves. One of the men, called Hemp- 
 stead Thornton, was described as a "negro supposed to be 
 forty or fifty years old, with one leg off," and another one, 
 "twenty-five or thirty years old, with one short leg sup- 
 posed to be occasioned by the white swelling." The women 
 were described as copper-colored. By the order of J. W. 
 Keyes, justice of the peace, the negroes, "being runaway 
 slaves and believed to be without free papers," were turned 
 over to a constable to be placed in jail. The latter official 
 Strother G. Jones, made this return on his writ: 
 
 Executed by taking into possession the within named persons 
 supposed to be runaway slaves, four of whom escaped from my 
 custody on taking them before the court on the 16th inst., and 
 the other, the oldest, a one-legged negro, was taken from my 
 possession by the Sheriff of Sangamon County by virtue of 
 process from the Supreme Court. 
 
 The proceeding occasioned deep interest among the 
 people of Springfield and a decided conflict of opinion de- 
 veloped, but Thornton, in response to his appeal for a writ 
 of habeas corpus, was taken before the Supreme Court, 
 and, the facts being inquired into, he was awarded his lib- 
 erty and discharged. 
 
 Another fugitive slave case was that of Edgar Canton, a 
 negro about fifty-five years of age, who was apprehended 
 in Springfield February 11, i86c, and arraigned before 
 
FUGITIVE SLAVE CASES 197 
 
 United States Commissioner Corneau, charged with being 
 the property of George M. Dickinson, of Shelby County, 
 Missouri, from whom he ran away in the fall of 1856. 
 More or less feeling arose, and although it was contended 
 that no proof of the existence of slavery in Missouri had 
 been offered or introduced, and the court, therefore, had 
 no right to presume from historical knowledge that Mis- 
 souri was a slave State, Commissioner Corneau held against 
 the negro, who had a wife and two children in Springfield, 
 and delivered him over to Dickinson to be transported to 
 Missouri. 
 
 In no one of these fugitive slave cases did Lincoln 
 take any part, nor did he, apparently, interest himself in 
 other cases of like nature. As I have already intimated, it 
 cannot be said that he upheld slavery, for we know he op- 
 posed it, but even then we should not forget that he was a 
 lawyer and stood on high professional ground. An attempt 
 was made to promote the cause of freedom by organizing 
 and maintaining a colonization society in Springfield, but, 
 judged by the local newspapers, there is nothing to indicate 
 that Lincoln gave the movement more than passing notice. 
 As a lawyer, it is true he did in the Bailey vs. Cromwell case 
 seek to convince the court that the girl in question was not 
 a slave, but it should also be borne in mind that in the 
 equally noted Matson case, tried in Coles County, where a 
 company of negroes had been imprisoned in the jail as 
 fugitive slaves, he was still a lawyer and accepted a fee, 
 not from the negroes seeking their freedom, but from Rob- 
 ert Matson, who claimed to be their owner and endeavored 
 to return them to their Kentucky home. 
 
 Regarding Lincoln's political notions John W. Bunn 
 
198 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 once made for my benefit this rather pertinent observation: 
 "The reason Mr. Lincoln appeared in so few suits in be- 
 half of runaway negroes was because of his unwillingness 
 to be a party to a violation of the Fugitive Slave Law, ar- 
 guing that the way to overcome the difficulty was to re- 
 peal the law. I have heard him make that suggestion, and 
 I remember that in one case at least he advised that a 
 few dollars be paid to buy off those who were holding the 
 negro. " 
 
 Elsewhere I have recorded the experience of Jonathan 
 Birch, an old friend of mine who was licensed to practice 
 law on an examination by Mr. Lincoln at Bloomington, 
 Illinois, where the young man had for some time been a 
 student in the office of his brother, one of the promi- 
 nent practitioners of the place. Mr. Birch's description of 
 Lincoln as he observed him in the court-room, the clerk's 
 office, and other places where he held forth while out on the 
 circuit, was to me an unusually interesting recital. Many 
 years ago when Mr. Herndon spent a portion of one sum- 
 mer with me at my Indiana home, he and Mr. Birch, who 
 was my neighbor, frequently met. I was present when they 
 talked with each other, and I recall that what Mr. Birch, 
 who was the embodiment of truthful and conscientious 
 statement, said about Lincoln was verified by Herndon. 
 Some of the things related by Birch merit repetition. Al- 
 luding to his observation and recollection of Lincoln at 
 Bloomington and other near-by points on the circuit, he 
 said to me once: 
 
 "Having no office of his own, Mr. Lincoln, when not en- 
 gaged in court, spent a good deal of his time in the clerk's 
 office. Very often he could be seen there surrounded by a 
 
IN THE COUNTY CLERK'S OFFICE 199 
 
 group of lawyers and such persons as are usually found 
 about a court-house, some standing, others seated on chairs 
 or tables, listening intently to one of his characteristic and 
 inimitable stories. His eyes would sparkle with fun, and 
 when he had reached the point in his narrative which in- 
 variably evoked the laughter of the crowd, nobody's en- 
 joyment was greater than his. An hour later he might be 
 seen in the same place or in some law office near by, but, 
 alas, how different! His chair, no longer in the center of the 
 room, would be leaning back against the wall; his feet 
 drawn up and resting on the front rounds so that his knees 
 and chair were about on a level; his hat tipped slightly for- 
 ward as if to shield his face; his eyes no longer sparkling 
 with fun or merriment, but sad and downcast and his hands 
 clasped around his knees. There, drawn up within him- 
 self as it were, he would sit, the very picture of dejection 
 and gloom. Thus absorbed have I seen him sit for hours at 
 a time defying the interruption of even his closest friends. 
 No one ever thought of breaking the spell by speech; for by 
 his moody silence and abstraction he had thrown about 
 him a barrier so dense and impenetrable no one dared to 
 break through. It was a strange picture and one I have 
 never forgotten. 
 
 "In his physical make-up Mr. Lincoln could not be 
 said to be a man of prepossessing personal appearance; but 
 his splendid head and intellectual face made up in a large 
 measure for all his physical defects, if such they might be 
 called. When intellectually aroused he forgot his embar- 
 rassment, his eyes kindled, and even in his manner he was 
 irresistible. It is well known that he was more or less care- 
 less of his personal attire, and that he usually wore in his 
 
200 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 great canvass with Douglas a linen coat, generally without 
 any vest, a hat much the worse for wear, and carried with 
 him a faded cotton umbrella which became almost as fa- 
 mous in the canvass as Lincoln himself. Late one after- 
 noon during this canvass I boarded the train at Blooming- 
 ton, soon after which Mr. Lincoln himself entered the same 
 car in which I was seated, wearing this same linen coat and 
 carrying the inevitable umbrella. On his arm was the cloak 
 that he was said to have worn when he was in Congress 
 nine years before. He greeted and talked freely with me 
 and several other persons whom he happened to know, but 
 as night drew on he withdrew to another part of the car 
 where he could occupy a seat by himself. Presently he 
 arose, spread the cloak over the seat, lay down, somehow 
 folded himself up till his long legs and arms were no longer 
 in view, then drew the cloak about him and went to sleep. 
 Beyond what I have mentioned he had no baggage, no 
 secretary, no companion even. At the same time his op- 
 ponent, Judge Douglas, was traveling over the State in his 
 private car surrounded by a retinue of followers and enjoy- 
 ing all the luxuries of the period. 
 
 "It was during this canvass, with every fiber of his be- 
 ing tremulous with emotion, I heard him, in one of his 
 speeches denouncing the extension of slavery, passionately 
 exclaim: 'That is the issue that will continue in this coun- 
 try when these poor tongues of Judge Douglas and myself 
 shall be silent. It is the eternal struggle between these two 
 principles — right and wrong — throughout the world. 
 They are the two principles that have stood face to face 
 from the beginning of time; and will ever continue to strug- 
 gle. The one is the common right of humanity and the other 
 
THE WRIGHT CASE 201 
 
 the divine right of kings. It is the same principle in what- 
 ever shape it develops itself. It is the same spirit that says, 
 " You toil and work and earn bread and I '11 eat it." No 
 matter in what shape it comes, whether from the mouth of 
 a king who seeks to bestride the people of his own nation 
 and live by the fruit of their labor, or from one race of men 
 as an apology for enslaving another race, it is the same ty- 
 rannical principle/ The melting pathos with which Mr. 
 Lincoln said this and its effect on his audience cannot be 
 described." 
 
 While it is true that Lincoln was always mindful of his 
 prerogatives as a lawyer, and as a rule sought to conform 
 to the ethics of the profession, it cannot be said that he was 
 cold and inexorable — invariably deaf to the appeal of a 
 human heart. As he reasoned he might be rigid and he 
 should be just, but he need not be without sympathy or 
 inhumane. This is admirably demonstrated in the Wright 
 case, reported by Herndon, in which Lincoln espoused 
 the cause of a widow who had been victimized by a money 
 shark, recovered all the damages asked for, declined to 
 charge for his services, and even offered to pay his client's 
 board while attending court. 
 
 One incident in Lincoln & Herndon's law practice, and 
 which was revealed to me by Herndon, brings into view 
 so vividly Lincoln's innate honesty, admirable courage, 
 and love of fair play, I feel I ought not to omit it. Charles 
 Matheney, the owner of a piece of land near the limits of 
 the city of Springfield, sold it to a woman — a client of 
 Lincoln who lived in another part of the State. In the deed 
 of conveyance the tract was described as a given number 
 of acres at a fixed price per acre. 
 
202 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 "Some years after the sale," related Herndon, "the 
 lady wrote to Mr. Lincoln apprising him of her desire to 
 have the land surveyed and laid off into lots. Mr. Lincoln 
 therefore procured a compass, chains, etc., and made the 
 required survey. When he had finished and was making 
 his calculations, he found that Matheney, the former owner 
 through some oversight or erroneous description had lost 
 about three acres of land and that the woman had gained 
 it. He at once notified his client of the discovery and 
 advised her that in morals and equity she ought to rectify 
 the mistake by paying to the Matheney heirs (for in the 
 meantime Charles Matheney had died) what was justly 
 due them according to the actual number of acres and the 
 price per acre originally agreed upon. The woman, prob- 
 ably because it was a closed incident, declined to make the 
 desired restitution. Lincoln wrote her again, reciting what, 
 in his judgment, was both right and equitable and em- 
 phasizing the additional fact that Matheney's heirs were 
 poor and needy. His appeals finally reached the woman's 
 heart and she relented; for in a short time he was surprised 
 to receive from her a generous remittance in satisfaction of 
 the claim. With the funds thus obtained he started out in 
 quest of the Matheney heirs and never rested till he had 
 located them and paid to each one his proportionate share 
 of the proceeds. I helped him divide and distribute the 
 money, and I remember the incident well, especially his 
 zealous and persistent efforts to awaken the woman's sense 
 of duty if not gratitude." 
 
 An incident dealing with Lincoln's activities as a law- 
 yer, and obtained from trustworthy and unquestioned 
 sources, I cannot well refrain from narrating; and yet it re- 
 
A FOREIGN IMPOSTOR 203 
 
 lates not so much to his professional experience as it serves 
 to bring out the inherent and charitable forbearance that 
 oftentimes characterized him when brought face to face 
 with the delinquencies and shortcomings of some of his 
 friends. 
 
 An Englishman, who posed as a nobleman or man of 
 wealth and had purchased some land and cattle below St. 
 Louis, succeeded in leaving there without having met all 
 his financial obligations. He reached Springfield, where he 
 stopped for a brief time on his way to Bloomington. Mean- 
 while a claim for a large sum of money followed him and 
 was put in the hands of Jacob Bunn, the pioneer banker of 
 Springfield, for collection. Fearful lest the stranger might 
 press on to Bloomington without paying, Mr. Bunn in- 
 duced his brother John W., his book-keeper and assistant, 
 and Lincoln to keep an eye on him. The two sat up the 
 better part of one night in front of the hotel where the 
 man had lodged with directions to halt him if he should 
 attempt to leave town. Meanwhile a rumor was current 
 that a warrant for his arrest had followed him from the 
 south and application for his apprehension or extradition 
 had been made to the Governor. By this time the stranger, 
 realizing, doubtless, that he was being closely watched, and 
 anxious to avoid serious or embarrassing consequences, 
 called Lincoln aside and offered to produce a thousand 
 dollars provided the claim against him was surrendered and 
 he was otherwise undisturbed. Lincoln conferred with 
 Jacob Bunn, the offer was accepted, the money paid over, 
 and the man proceeded on his journey. After he had gone, 
 Bunn asked Lincoln about his fee, but the latter declined 
 to make any charge, saying that he had served more as a 
 
2o 4 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 detective or officer than as a lawyer and adding that if at 
 any time in the future he felt that he was entitled to a fee 
 he would make a demand on Bunn for it. 
 
 "Thus the matter stood for a long time," related Bunn, 
 " and had almost dropped from my recollection when early 
 one morning, before I had eaten my breakfast, Mr. Lin- 
 coln called at my house, reminded me of the transaction, 
 and asked me if I would pay him a hundred dollars and con- 
 sider it his fee in that case. I complied promptly, assuring 
 him I was glad to do so. Meanwhile I ventured to in- 
 quire why he had delayed asking for so long a time, and 
 especially what had prompted him to make the demand at 
 such an unusually early hour, reminding him that he was 
 entitled to his money and could have had it long before. 
 His answer was that he wanted the money, not for himself, 
 but for another who was in trouble and needed his help. 
 This awakened both my interest and curiosity, whereupon 
 he explained that three of his friends had spent the night 
 in a drunken spree, had broken in almost the entire front 
 of a grocery or saloon and otherwise committed acts of 
 such vandalism that before daylight the sheriff was forced 
 to apprehend them; that they were then in the latter's office 
 and would speedily be placed in jail unless some one should 
 appear and settle for the damage done. In a few moments 
 I secured the money and turned it over to him. He seemed 
 more or less relieved, and hurriedly left to interview the 
 sheriff and as soon as possible secure the release of his err- 
 ing friends. I did not press him for names, but in a short 
 time learned that two of his friends were the sons of 
 wealthy parents and the third, unfortunately, was his law 
 partner. Lincoln was poorer than any of them, and yet, 
 
HOW HE USED ONE OF HIS FEES 205 
 
 notwithstanding their wealth and disgraceful conduct, he 
 seemed to regard it his duty to crawl out of his bed before 
 daybreak and hasten to their rescue. I doubt if another 
 man in Springfield would have done it. No wonder he 
 sometimes thanked God he was not born a woman!" 
 
CHAPTER XV 
 
 How Lincoln whiled away his spare moments in Springfield — Places he was in 
 the habit of frequenting — An evening in the office of Colonel W. B. Warren, 
 Clerk of the Supreme Court — Incidents of Lincoln's stay at Urbana in the 
 spring of 1856 — Stealing the hotel gong — Apprised of his vote for Vice- 
 President at the Republican National Convention in Philadelphia — Leaving 
 Urbana for Springfield — Riding in the omnibus — Whitney's recollection of 
 Lincoln's modest fees — His financial accumulations — The bank account of 
 Lincoln & Herndon. 
 
 How and where Lincoln spent his time when he was in 
 Springfield and not traveling over the circuit is admirably 
 told in a reminiscence by Mr. Herndon written and turned 
 over to me by the latter not many months before his death. 
 I had been trying to learn from him something additional 
 about Lincoln's habits, what he did when he was not in the 
 office, whether he was given to lounging in stores or other 
 places where people in small towns frequently congregate 
 — in short, how and where he spent his idle or unemployed 
 moments. He said that Lincoln was never a lounger; 
 that prior to 1858, by which time he had begun to attain 
 more or less political prominence, there were only two or 
 three places in the business part of Springfield, outside of 
 certain law offices, he frequented, and even then his visits 
 were never long. One of these was a drug-store, in the own- 
 ership of which his brother-in-law, Dr. Wallace, was inter- 
 ested. He also oftentimes stopped in at the combined store 
 and bank of Jacob Bunn, which place he passed going to or 
 from his home. He hardly ever visited stores to make pur- 
 chases because his wife exercised undisputed control of 
 that part of the domestic economy. But there was one 
 
ONE OF LINCOLN'S EVENINGS 207 
 
 place in which, as a raconteur, he shone and delighted to 
 linger, and that was the court-house. 
 
 "From 1852 to 1854," said Herndon, "I assisted Colonel 
 W. B. Warren, of Jacksonville, who was Clerk of the Su- 
 preme Court — in other words, served as his deputy, which 
 I could do without interfering with my law practice — and 
 thus had an excellent opportunity to meet not only the 
 Springfield lawyers, but those from other parts of the State 
 as well. The Supreme Court chamber was in the northeast 
 corner of the State House, and adjoining it on the south was 
 the library where the lawyers usually studied their cases, 
 made their abstracts, and prepared their briefs. Not all 
 of them were absorbed in study, for some, less diligent than 
 others, chatted, told stories, and in divers ways consumed 
 the time. With but few exceptions they drank their toddy, 
 making frequent visits to a jug of good liquor which Colo- 
 nel Warren usually hid from sight, but which was never 
 so cleverly concealed that the wise ones could not find it. 
 
 "As a rule the lawyers who wanted to study were at 
 work the greater part of the day, but after sunset their 
 application gradually slackened and a good part of the 
 evening was given over to social relaxation and breezy 
 conversation. In the gathering were numerous story-tellers, 
 but none of them equaled Lincoln, who was invariably the 
 central figure and by far the most entertaining and inim- 
 itable performer in the aggregation. No one enjoyed the 
 occasion more than he. His accumulation of stories was 
 both unique and inexhaustible. One suggested another and 
 they followed in rapid succession. As one man used to say, 
 'Where he learned them and where they would end no one 
 could tell.' Lincoln drank none of the whiskey, pushed 
 
208 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 aside study, banished his melancholy, and joined in the 
 general merriment. As the evening wore on the lawyers 
 closed their books, and one after another threw aside their 
 notes and unfinished briefs. From now on everything be- 
 spoke of fun and good humor; so much so, in fact, that 
 Judge Caton and some of his colleagues on the bench would 
 quit the room in which they had been studying or consult- 
 ing, and, one after another, slyly slip into the library so as 
 not to miss the stream of amusing recitals which they 
 knew Lincoln would be pouring out for the delight and 
 entertainment of the anxious group gathered about him. 
 "Meanwhile I was at my tasks, preparing records, is- 
 suing writs, and in every way endeavoring to assist Colo- 
 nel Warren; but often my progress was provokingly slow, 
 for these gatherings rarely adjourned before midnight, and 
 occasionally, especially if Lincoln chanced to be in good 
 trim and the supply of good cheer in that memorable jug 
 had not run out, continuing still later. Sometimes after 
 one of these festive and companionable evenings Lincoln 
 and I would leave for our homes at the same time walking to 
 a certain spot where our paths diverged. I recall one occa- 
 sion. It was much past midnight and Lincoln was still jolly 
 and bubbling over with the merriment and amusing inci- 
 dents of the evening. Joyous and light-hearted, free from 
 the look of dejection which so often beclouded his face, I 
 believe I never saw him in happier spirits. Presently we 
 reached the corner where we separated, each headed for his 
 home. In a few minutes Lincoln would reach the two-story 
 frame house at the corner of Eighth and Jackson Streets, 
 and I confess I tried to picture to myself his changed atti- 
 tude and expression and the scene that would ensue after he 
 
AT URBANA IN 1856 209 
 
 had crossed his threshold at that unseemly hour and un- 
 dertook to square himself with that capricious little wife 
 whose chief asset was a piercing voice and a fiery temper." 
 
 By the time 1856 rolled around, the calls for Lincoln to 
 take part in the political campaign of that year became 
 so numerous and persistent that his friends began to won- 
 der if he could afford any longer to ignore the demand. He 
 was still actively engaged in his chosen profession, but there 
 was a charm about the attrition of a political campaign 
 which he was daily finding it more difficult to resist. At the 
 Republican National Convention, which was held in Phil- 
 adelphia that year, he received no votes for Vice-Pres- 
 ident, a fact which serves to indicate that he was growing 
 in popular favor. At the very time the convention met, 
 Lincoln was at the town of Urbana, Illinois, attending 
 an extra session of the Circuit Court. Henry C. Whitney 
 who, with David Davis and Leonard Swett, was oftener 
 and longer with Lincoln while making the rounds of the 
 circuit than any one else, told me once a reminiscence of the 
 court at Urbana at this time, well worth recording. 
 
 "Judge Davis," said Whitney, "held the court, and Lin- 
 coln, who had two or three cases to try, was there also. At 
 the judge's request I secured a room for him, also for Lin- 
 coln and myself, at the American House, a primitive hos- 
 telry kept by one John Dunaway. The building had three 
 front entrances from the street, but not a single hall down- 
 stairs; one of these entrances led directly into the ladies' 
 parlor, and from it an entrance was obtained to the dining- 
 room and from another corner a flight of stairs conducted 
 us to our room. Close by the front and dining-room doors 
 hung a gong which our vulgar boniface, standing in the 
 
210 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 doorway immediately beneath our windows, was in the 
 habit of beating vigorously as a prelude to our meals. It 
 was frequently very annoying, and so often disturbed our 
 slumbers in the early dawn that we decided one morning 
 it must be removed or forever silenced. By a majority vote 
 Lincoln was . chosen to carry out the decree. Accordingly, 
 shortly before noon, he left the court-room, hastened to 
 the hotel, passed through the dining-room, and, in a mis- 
 chievous prank, took the offensive and noisy instrument 
 from the place where it hung and quietly secreted it be- 
 tween the top and false bottom of a center table where no 
 one would have thought of looking for it. In a short time 
 I encountered Dunaway, our host, coming down from our 
 room, where he had been and still was searching anxiously 
 for the gong which some ruthless hand had, alas, abstracted. 
 I passed on, and when I reached our room I realized I was 
 in the presence of the culprit, for there sat Lincoln in a chair 
 tilted awkwardly against the wall after his fashion, look- 
 ing amused, sheepish, and guilty, as if he had done some- 
 thing ridiculous as well as reprehensible. The truth is we 
 all enjoyed the landlord's discomfiture, and even Judge 
 Davis, who urged Lincoln to restore the gong, was amused. 
 Presently, however, Lincoln and I repaired to the dining- 
 room, and while I held the two contiguous doors fast Lin- 
 coln restored the gong to its accustomed place, after which 
 he bounded up the stairs two steps at a time, I following. 
 The next day when the Chicago paper came in — it usually 
 arrived about noon — it brought the news that Lincoln had 
 received no votes for Vice-President at the Philadelphia 
 Convention the day before. The announcement created 
 something of a stir. Lincoln and Davis had left the court- 
 
REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1856 211 
 
 room and had gone down to the hotel, where I joined them 
 a few minutes later, bringing with me Judge Cunningham's 
 copy of the 'Chicago Press' which I read to them. Of course 
 Davis and I were more or less jubilant. Alluding to Lin- 
 coln's rude and undignified prank with the hotel gong, Davis 
 laughed and with harmless irony admonished him: 'Great 
 business for a man who aspires to be Vice-President of the 
 United States.' But the news of the honor shown him at 
 the Philadelphia Convention made but slight impression on 
 Lincoln. Apparently he was unmoved, if not indifferent, 
 his only response being: 'I reckon it's not me. There's 
 another Lincoln down in Massachusetts. I 've an idea he 's 
 the one.' 
 
 "The term of court that week at Urbana was decidedly 
 prosaic, and the cases tried, usually by the court without 
 the aid of a jury, were meager both in amount and incident. 
 In due time Lincoln was ready to return home. He had col- 
 lected twenty-five or thirty dollars for that term's business, 
 and one of our clients owed him ten dollars which he felt 
 disappointed at not being able to collect; so I gave him a 
 check for that amount and went with him to the bank to 
 get it cashed. T. S. Hubbard was the cashier who waited 
 on us. I never saw Lincoln happier than when he gathered 
 his little earnings together, being, as I now recollect it, less 
 than forty dollars, and had his carpet-bag packed ready to 
 start home." 
 
 Mr. Whitney, the narrator of the preceding incidents, 
 was one of Lincoln's favorites among the lawyers of 
 central Illinois. Judged by Lincoln's letter to him prior to 
 i860, which he permitted me to read, along with other facts 
 of equal convincing value, one cannot doubt that he en- 
 
212 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 joyed Lincoln's full confidence. A native of New England 
 he emigrated to central Illinois early in the fifties. 
 
 "Very soon thereafter," he once said to me, "I became 
 acquainted with Lincoln. It was about the time of my first 
 appearance at the bar. I did not feel the slightest delicacy 
 in approaching him for assistance; for it seemed as if he in- 
 vited me to familiarity if not close intimacy at once; and 
 this from no selfish motive at all — nothing but pure phi- 
 lanthropy and goodness of heart to a young lawyer just be- 
 ginning his career. He sat on the bench for the judge a while 
 that term; and my first motion in court was made before 
 him. The next day he made some arrangements for his 
 horse and buggy and took the train to fill an appointment 
 farther north. 
 
 " I saw him start for the train. He was obliged to ride 
 over two miles in an old dilapidated omnibus, and being the 
 sole occupant of the conveyance had somewhere procured 
 and held in his hand a small French harp with which he was 
 making the most execrable music. I rallied him on this, to 
 which, stopping his concert, he replied: 'This is my band; 
 Douglas had a brass band at Peoria, but this will do me/ 
 He resumed his uncouth solo as the vehicle drove off, and 
 the primitive strains, somewhat shaken up by the jolt- 
 ing conveyance, floated out upon the air till distance in- 
 tervened." 
 
 The recollection by Mr. Whitney of the extent of 
 Lincoln's earnings on the circuit naturally led to the contem- 
 plation of his financial status generally. When I inquired 
 into that subject in Springfield I soon learned that as cus- 
 tomers or patrons of the banks Lincoln & Herndon never 
 rose above the lesser lights. As a firm they were anything 
 
BANK ACCOUNT OF LINCOLN & HERNDON 213 
 
 but substantial depositors — in fact, the balance occasion- 
 ally placed to their credit was usually so meager they could 
 scarcely be listed among the depositors, save in name. A 
 bank attache told me that if, in the course of business, 
 Lincoln & Herndon received a check or draft it was rarely 
 ever deposited with the bank to be placed to the firm's credit 
 and drawn upon as is customary among bank patrons; 
 but instead one or the other of the two constituting the 
 firm, as soon as a remittance reached them, took it to the 
 bank, drew the requisite cash, and promptly returned to 
 the office to divide the proceeds with his partner. It will 
 thus be seen that their partnership, so far as the division 
 of earnings was concerned, was settled every day before the 
 sun went down. It was a simple but effective way of keep- 
 ing their books balanced. 
 
 "While Lincoln and I were partners," wrote Mr. Hern- 
 don to me several years ago, "we kept no books as to our 
 partnership, though we did, of course, keep due account of 
 our transactions so far as other interests were involved. 
 Lincoln did the major part of the circuit work while I re- 
 mained in Springfield to look after the local end of the busi- 
 ness. Occasionally I was out on the circuit with him, but 
 never for long periods. At such times all moneys paid to 
 either of us was immediately divided. What Lincoln col- 
 lected on the circuit, when I was back in Springfield, he 
 would bring home with him. If, when he returned, it hap- 
 pened I was not in the office, he would withdraw from his 
 pocket-book my share, wrap the money in a paper with a 
 slip attached, containing my name and a memorandum 
 indicating whence it came, and place it in a certain drawer 
 where I would be sure to find it. If, on the other hand, I 
 
2i 4 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 was in the office when he arrived he would open his pocket- 
 book and make the requisite division. He was so prompt 
 and his rule was so invariable I ventured once to ask him 
 why he was so timely and particular in the matter. 'Well, 
 Billy/ he answered, 'there are three reasons: first, unless I 
 did so I might forget I had collected the money; secondly, 
 I explain to you how and from whom I received the money, 
 so that you will not be required to dun the man who paid 
 it; thirdly, if I were to die you would have no evidence that 
 I had your money. By marking the money it automatically 
 becomes yours and I have no right in law or morals to re- 
 tain or use it. I make it a practice never to use another 
 man's money without his consent.' " 
 
 Late in the fifties, when he had attained the proportions 
 of a United States Senator, Lincoln opened an individ- 
 ual bank account. He began to deposit his personal funds 
 with the Marine Bank, one of the leading financial con- 
 cerns of Springfield, presided over by his old friend and 
 client Jacob Bunn. A brief perusal, however, of such of 
 the old books as have been preserved proves that his trans- 
 actions were of exceedingly modest proportions. Among 
 his checks which were shown me, one of the largest — given, 
 probably, for improvements to his residence — did not ex- 
 ceed two hundred dollars. As it was drawn by Lincoln 
 immediately after the famous Rock Island Bridge suit it is 
 fair to infer that it represented a portion of the fee paid 
 him for his services in that case. 
 
CHAPTER XVI 
 
 Instances of Lincoln's weakness — His unwonted faith in certain friends — His 
 blindness to their faults — His failure to redeem Herndon — Joining the charmed 
 circle at the tavern — His bland and inexplicable confidence in the ability and 
 moral influence of Ward Lamon — Appoints him United States Marshal of the 
 District of Columbia — Lamon's attempt to influence General Fremont — 
 Scheme to transport troops to West Virginia — The pretended Lamon's Bri- 
 gade — Investigation by Congressional committee which denounces Lamon in 
 scathing report — Notwithstanding opposition of fifteen Senators Lincoln 
 adheres to him — Mark W. Delahay another instance of Lincoln's misplaced 
 confidence — Surprise of John J. Ingalls — Lincoln finally appoints him United 
 States Judge for the District of Kansas — Congressional committee visits 
 Kansas to investigate Delahay's moral and official conduct — Delahay resigns 
 to avoid impeachment — Lincoln's appointment of Simon Cameron and the 
 trouble it gave him — Herndon's letter to Henry Wilson — Lincoln's real esti- 
 mate of Douglas — What he told C. H. Moore about Douglas — Incidents of 
 the joint debate — The recollections of Horace White. 
 
 No portrait of Lincoln, no delineation of his character 
 can be deemed accurate or complete which does not take 
 into the account certain attributes — more properly speak- 
 ing, weaknesses — which were well known to many of his 
 close friends. As one of the latter, Leonard Swett, said to 
 me: "If Lincoln had some faults, we should not forget that 
 Washington had more: few men less." It was the bard of 
 Avon who makes one of his characters say: 
 
 The web of our life is of a mingled yarn, good and ill to- 
 gether; our virtues would be proud, if our faults whipped them 
 not; and our crimes would despair, if they were not cherished by 
 our virtues. 
 
 This sapient reflection can most fittingly be applied to 
 Lincoln. True his delinquencies were not glaring, as com- 
 pared to those of many others, but they were none the 
 less inherent and characteristic. As I have elsewhere 
 noted, both David Davis and Herndon insisted that Lin- 
 
216 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 coin's wife was a better reader of men and in some re- 
 spects a safer guide than he. In the selection of his as- 
 sociates, those on whom, when in doubt or danger, he 
 expected to rely, we cannot avoid the conclusion that he 
 was either so blinded by his affection for them that he 
 could not see their shortcomings, or so indifferent, if not 
 perverse, that he cared nothing for public opinion. There 
 is abundant ground for the belief expressed by the late 
 Horace White that there was a certain degree of moral 
 obtuseness in Abraham Lincoln which the public do not 
 recognize and will refuse to believe in the present gener- 
 ation. 
 
 Take, for example, the case of his law partner Hern- 
 don. It cannot be denied that he was conversant with the 
 latter's bibulous and unfortunate habits. Although Hern- 
 don was able if not more or less brilliant, Lincoln knew that 
 he was headed downhill, and yet there is no evidence that 
 he sought to restrain him or even criticized him for his moral 
 laxity. Advice and admonition from Lincoln might have 
 been efficacious in Herndon's reformation; it undoubtedly 
 would have steadied him, but often though he yielded to 
 temptation and fell from grace Lincoln said nothing. In- 
 stead of chiding and repelling him as a mark of his disap- 
 proval of his conduct, Lincoln seemed to cling to him all the 
 closer. He was ten years older than Herndon and knew 
 that the latter looked up to and believed in him; he also 
 had due regard for Herndon's ability. On the whole, there- 
 fore, had he made the proper effort, it would seem as if he 
 might have saved him. An instance cited by Henry C. 
 Whitney is further illuminative of Lincoln's peculiarities. 
 "He did not like the man regarded as the best lawyer in a 
 
HIS RELATIONS WITH WARD LAMON 217 
 
 neighboring county seat," said Whitney, "nor, for that 
 matter, did the latter like him; but a drunken fellow, who 
 turned lawyer later in life and settled there, Lincoln used 
 to seek and play billiards with by the hour." 
 
 On the circuit where he spent half of his time, Lincoln's 
 closest and most confidential friend was Ward H. Lamon, 
 or "Hill" Lamon as he was commonly known to his asso- 
 ciates. Lamon lived at Danville and was a mediocre law- 
 yer. He suffered himself in later years to be advertised to 
 the world as Lincoln's law partner and he was sometimes 
 associated in lawsuits with Lincoln, as the records of the 
 courts in Vermillion and also in McLean County, Illinois, 
 indicate; but the partnership was invariably limited to the 
 case in hand. After the separation from Stuart and Logan 
 in succession Lincoln's only partnership was with Herndon, 
 who remained in charge of the firm's business in Spring- 
 field. 
 
 When in his rounds over the circuit Lincoln reached 
 Danville, where Lamon held forth, it was the signal for a 
 jolly if not uproarious time. Usually after dark when the 
 business of the court for the day was over, a certain crowd 
 of companionable brethren gathered in Lincoln's and Judge 
 Davis's rooms at the hotel. It was Lamon's business to 
 provide a pitcher of good liquor, which duty having been 
 performed, the fun for the evening was due to begin. Davis 
 scarcely imbibed, but Lamon and certain others were far 
 more generous in their potations. In time Lincoln or Davis, 
 realizing that Lamon was "mellow" enough, would ex- 
 claim, "Now, Hill, let us have some music," whereupon 
 Lamon would respond by rendering the plaintive strains of 
 "The Blue-Tailed Fly," or "Cousin Sally Downard," or 
 
2i 8 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 some other ballad of equal interest but less propriety. Thus 
 the hours flew by, and in proportion as the fluid in the 
 pitcher diminished the hilarity increased. Occupying a 
 seat in this charmed circle and joining heartily in the rude 
 and equivocal merriment was Lincoln himself, who, strange 
 to relate, never touched a drop of the liquor; and this, as 
 John Hay said, "not from any scruples or from principle, 
 but simply because he did not like wine or spirits. ,, 
 
 The confidence and intimacy between Lincoln and La- 
 mon began early and continued without interruption. Not- 
 withstanding the feeble esteem in which Lamon was held 
 by others, as well as the many things Lincoln himself 
 must have known about him, Lincoln closed his eyes to the 
 man's imperfections and clung tenaciously to him. Noth- 
 ing, it seemed, could shake his faith in him. Among Lin- 
 coln's earliest official acts as President was the appointment 
 of Lamon United States Marshal of the District of Colum- 
 bia, which office Lamon was still holding at the time of 
 Lincoln's death. In the fall of 1861 Lamon turned up in 
 St. Louis, and on the strength of his close relations with 
 Lincoln attempted to secure from General Fremont an 
 order authorizing a regiment, the 39th Illinois Volunteers, 
 to be sent to Williamsport, Maryland, to join the so-called 
 General Lamon's Brigade in West Virginia — a military 
 organization having its existence only in Lamon's brain. 
 His "unwarranted and scandalous assumption of author- 
 ity" prompted an investigation by Congress. The Special 
 Committee reported as follows: "The cost of the trans- 
 portation of the regiment from St. Louis to Williamsport, 
 Maryland, would be about thirty thousand dollars and 
 there is no law authorizing the transfer of troops from one 
 
THE PRETENDED LAMON'S BRIGADE 219 
 
 department to another without the special order of the Sec- 
 retary of War or Commander-in-Chief. Edward Castle, in 
 charge of railroad transportation in the Western Depart- 
 ment, says that on October 26, 1861, Lamon was introduced 
 to him as a brigadier-general from Washington, D. C, 
 and that he was wearing the uniform of such a military 
 officer. Lamon's object was to have Castle send him next 
 day by special express train from St. Louis to Springfield 
 at the expense of the Government. Castle, who was much 
 flattered by Lamon's attentions, ordered an engine and car 
 and took Lamon and several friends. In going to St. Louis 
 to see Fremont, Castle not only provided it should be free 
 of expense, but directed the express messenger to 'show 
 General Lamon every attention and contribute to his com- 
 fort.'" 
 
 In its report the Special Committee insisted that the re- 
 moval of the regiment desired by Lamon had no other ob- 
 ject beyond that gentleman's personal gratification. "At 
 such a time," is the language of the report, "when every 
 dollar in the Treasury is needed to crush the Rebellion, we 
 submit that thirty thousand dollars is too large a sum to be 
 expended for the purpose of flattering the vanity of any 
 single individual. The removal of the regiment not only 
 without authority of the law, but inexpedient and with- 
 out justification and thirty thousand dollars of the public 
 money worse than squandered, Lamon had no authority 
 to travel in special trains at public expense, and he should 
 be called on to refund the amount paid for special trains 
 which took him and his friends from St. Louis to Spring- 
 field, Illinois. If he should not do so the Treasury Depart- 
 ment should ascertain what the amount is and deduct 
 
iio THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 from his salary as Marshal of the District of Columbia. 
 It turns out from a letter of the Secretary of War that 
 this gentleman, who proclaimed himself a brigadier-gen- 
 eral and who was wearing the insignia of that distinguished 
 rank, had no such an appointment. All such pretenses are 
 unfounded as was also the pretense that the President told 
 him he might take this regiment. He seems to have made 
 use of his official position as Marshal of the District of 
 Columbia and his assumed position as a brigadier-general 
 to secure his object of removing the regiment and travel- 
 ing in special trains at public expense. Instead of devoting 
 his attention to the duties of his position, instead of watch- 
 ing and protecting the interests of the Government in the 
 sphere of duty assigned him, he has been engaged in the 
 business described by the committee above. " 
 
 In January, 1862, Senator Grimes of Iowa exposed the 
 fraud in a speech in open Senate, denouncing Lamon so 
 scathingly that it caused a coolness between himself and 
 Lincoln during the remainder of the latter's life. Sen- 
 ator Wilson of Massachusetts said that Lamon was so no- 
 toriously unfit for his office that he and fourteen other Sen- 
 ators voted against the confirmation of his appointment. 
 And this is the man who, in February, 1861, when the 
 President-elect was spirited through Philadelphia on his 
 way from Harrisburg to Washington, was, on account of 
 his spotless and sterling manhood, selected by Lincoln as 
 his trusted companion rather than Colonel E. V. Sumner 
 and Major David Hunter, military officers of approved 
 courage and high standing who had been sent to Lin- 
 coln by General Scott for that purpose. A few weeks later, 
 and after the inauguration, when the situation regarding 
 
MISPLACED CONFIDENCE IN DELAHAY 221 
 
 Fort Sumter was becoming daily more acute, Lincoln 
 caused Lamon to be sent to Charleston, South Carolina, 
 on what the latter said was "a confidential mission of 
 great delicacy and importance." Nicolay and Hay say that 
 he came with an "ostensible Government mission, was 
 looked upon as the real Presidential messenger, was treated 
 to a formal audience with Governor Pickens and permitted 
 to make a visit to Fort Sumter, meanwhile, hobnobbing 
 with the young Secessionists at the Charleston Hotel." 
 
 Another notable instance of Lincoln's susceptible na- 
 ture and misplaced confidence was Mark W. Delahay. 
 a mediocre, if not obscure, lawyer who, during Lincoln's 
 earlier years, flourished in the neighborhood of Jackson- 
 ville and Petersburg in Illinois. Delahay laid claim to an 
 intimate personal and professional acquaintance with Lin- 
 coln, in support of which he would relate numerous stories 
 to impress his hearers with the importance of that relation. 
 "It so happened that at my attendance at court in Menard 
 County," was one of his recitals, "Mr. Lincoln was ab- 
 sent during the early part of the term, much to the regret 
 of a number of young men who had been indicted for play- 
 ing cards and were expecting Lincoln to represent them; 
 but on account of his absence I was employed to assist in 
 their defense. Mr. Lincoln's love of joking, for which he 
 became famous in the latter days of his life, was quite as 
 marked during the earlier period. He used to relate to his 
 friends at the bar, and after he became President, some 
 incidents connected with my defense of these young men. 
 Sometimes he would tell it as upon 'a young lawyer* or 
 sometimes on * Delahay.' The prosecuting attorney in 
 framing the indictments alternately charged the defend- 
 
222 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 ants with playing a certain game of cards called 'Seven-Up/ 
 and in the next bill charged them with playing cards at a 
 game called 'Old Sledge/ Four defendants were indicted 
 in each bill. The prosecutor, being entirely unacquainted 
 with games at cards, did not know that both 'Seven-Up' 
 and 'Old Sledge* were one and the same. On the trial on 
 the bills describing the game as 'Seven-Up' Delahay's wit- 
 nesses would swear that the game played was 'Old Sledge/ 
 and vice versa on the bills alleging the latter. The result 
 was an acquittal in every case under instructions of the 
 court. The prosecutor never found out the dodge until the 
 trials were over and immense fun and rejoicing were in- 
 dulged in as the result." 
 
 Late in the fifties Delahay turned up in Kansas, where 
 he became more or less conspicuous in the politics of that 
 locality. He was a candidate or applicant for almost every 
 office from county surveyor to United States Senator. In 
 1859 Lincoln visited Kansas and made a few speeches 
 there, being for a time a guest at Delahay's home. This so 
 stimulated the latter's confidence in his own importance 
 that he tried, unsuccessfully, to be chosen a delegate from 
 Kansas to the Chicago Convention in i860. He had di- 
 vulged to Lincoln his ambition in that direction, but he 
 was so impecunious he was unable to bear the expense of 
 a trip to Chicago, and after Lincoln's death a letter was 
 found, written by him to Delahay, in which he offered 
 to furnish him a hundred dollars for that purpose. Lin- 
 coln's faith in the man continued unabated, a fact dem- 
 onstrated by another letter of Lincoln written in March, 
 1 861, less than ten days after his inauguration as President. 
 It was addressed to Delahay and virtually turned over to 
 
SURPRISE OF JOHN J. INGALLS 223 
 
 him the federal patronage of Kansas, a proposition which 
 so profoundly awakened the interest of the late Senator 
 John J. Ingalls of that State that he visited me at my home 
 several years ago in an endeavor, as he claimed, to learn the 
 truth regarding the story. "I knew Delahay well," said 
 Ingalls, "but he was so weak and debased I cannot think 
 that Lincoln, who also knew him, believed in or trusted 
 him." Convinced that Ingalls questioned the current story, 
 I withdrew from the place where it had been stored Lin- 
 coln's original letter to Delahay and gave it to Ingalls to 
 read. I shall never forget the look of astonishment that 
 spread over his face as he read it. 
 
 In 1859 Delahay aspired to a seat in the United States 
 Senate from Kansas and promptly invoked Lincoln's aid. 
 He evidently wanted Lincoln to intercede with General 
 James H. Lane in his behalf. Instead of approaching Lane 
 directly, as Delahay asked, Lincoln sought to accomplish 
 the desired end by a somewhat circuitous, but equally 
 effective route. He wrote Delahay a letter in which he 
 committed himself to his candidacy, at the same time tell- 
 ing him he might show the letter to General Lane and thus 
 gain the latter's support — a suggestive specimen of Lin- 
 coln's subtlety as a politician. In April, 1861, Lincoln ap- 
 pointed Delahay Surveyor-General of Kansas and Ne- 
 braska, which office he seems to have filled till October 5, 
 1863, when Lincoln appointed him United States Dis- 
 trict Judge for Kansas. His daughter, Mary E. Delahay, 
 is authority for the statement that Lincoln offered to 
 appoint him Minister to Chile, which post he declined. 
 But despite his political ambition, his ability and preten- 
 sions, Delahay was both debased and corrupt. It is hard 
 
224 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 to believe that Lincoln was not aware of it, for eventually 
 Delahay's conduct became so flagrant and notorious that 
 a committee of the lower House of Congress at Washington, 
 consisting of Messrs. Bingham of Ohio, Butler of Massachu- 
 setts, Mercer of Pennsylvania, Peters of Maine, Wilson 
 and Voorhees of Indiana, and Eldredge of Wisconsin, were 
 appointed to impeach him. The committee journeyed to 
 Kansas, where it examined numerous witnesses and other- 
 wise endeavored to investigate the record and conduct of 
 the accused judge. 
 
 The testimony showed that Delahay was a confirmed 
 drunkard and frequently sat on the bench and presided 
 at trials in a maudlin, befuddled condition. In some in- 
 stances at the hotel and other public places where he ap- 
 peared he reeled and had to be assisted in moving from one 
 point to another. He even staggered on one occasion in an 
 attempt to cross the floor of the court-room and he was 
 drunk on the bench within sixty days after his appointment 
 by Lincoln in the fall of 1863. On another occasion he was 
 sentencing a man who had been found guilty of an offense 
 wherein the law fixes the minimum penalty at two years' 
 imprisonment and a fine of a thousand dollars; but Judge 
 Delahay reduced the fine one half and refused to add any 
 further penalty, after which he turned to the astonished 
 crowd in the court-room and exclaimed: "You have been 
 a long time impeaching old Mark Delahay. Now would be 
 a good time to try him ! " On numerous occasions he would 
 interrupt attorneys in court, admonishing them that they 
 must either "fish or cut bait." A. L. Williams, the United 
 States District Attorney, testified that late in the year 
 1863 Delahay was drunk in court. When sentencing crim- 
 
DELAHAY RESIGNS FROM THE BENCH 225 
 
 inals he could not remember names or offenses for which 
 convicted. " I delayed bringing up defendants for several 
 days at times," continued Williams, "for the express pur- 
 pose of having them sentenced by a sober court. After the 
 death of my father, who was Delahay's predecessor on the 
 bench, I went to see Lincoln and told him of Delahay's 
 unfitness. I also spoke to several Senators expressing my 
 disapproval. I felt aggrieved that the position my father 
 had so honorably filled should be occupied by such an in- 
 ferior if not disreputable successor." 
 
 The most suggestive, if not damaging, thing which awak- 
 ened the doubt and attention of the Congressional com- 
 mittee arose from reports floating about regarding the dis- 
 position of what was known as the Confiscation Fund — 
 moneys in Kansas as well as other Northern States be- 
 longing to Rebels subject to confiscation, and which were 
 duly turned over to the United States authorities. In the 
 case of Delahay, owing to his vicious habits and his ques- 
 tionable record generally, it became noised about that he 
 was unable in certain instances to account satisfactorily for 
 all sums that passed through his hands. However, there was 
 no legal evidence that Delahay was guilty of retaining con- 
 fiscation funds, but, owing probably to the fear that the 
 committee might strike paying dirt and in order to avoid 
 embarrassing if not scandalous disclosures generally, Del- 
 ahay felt impelled to act. To meet the array of testimony 
 piling up against him was an ordeal from which he revolted. 
 He therefore took the bull by the horns and averted further 
 inquiry by resigning. 
 
 After Delahay was out of office he prepared a lecture on 
 Lincoln, a copy of which I ran across among some papers 
 
226 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 turned over to me by Mr. Herndon several years ago. I 
 loaned it to Horace White, who read it and then wrote me: 
 "I thank you for sending me Delahay's lecture on Lincoln, 
 which I have read and return herewith. There is one pas- 
 sage in it which would make a horse laugh if he knew Del- 
 ahay as we knew him. It is the one where he eulogizes 
 Lincoln's c unerring judgment of men and his intuitive 
 knowledge of character/ " 
 
 The most glaring instance of Lincoln's weakness in 
 judging of individual men, their character or fitness, — in 
 other words, his lack of acumen, — was the appointment, 
 knowing his record and what manner of man he was, of 
 Simon Cameron to a place in his Cabinet. In the words of 
 Mr. White: "It was the most colossal blunder of Lincoln's 
 public life — if it is proper to call it a blunder; for it may 
 have a worse name in history a hundred years hence." The 
 Cameron incident has been so exhaustively dealt with by 
 Nicolay and Hay and other historians of the Civil War 
 period but little remains for me to add. "There is, how- 
 ever, another fact in this connection," wrote Mr. White in 
 a letter to me shortly before his death, "which somebody 
 else will bring out in the course of historical criticism. That 
 is that after Cameron came back from Russia Lincoln was 
 just as friendly to him as though nothing had happened to 
 force him out of the Cabinet. He appointed him Minister 
 to Russia with all his imperfections in his head and received 
 him back in the same way; and if I recollect rightly em- 
 ployed him in running political errands just prior to the 
 National Republican Convention of 1864. That I call 
 moral obtuseness of the same kind as his intimacy with 
 Lamon, Delahay et al." 
 
HERNDON'S LETTER TO HENRY WILSON 227 
 
 In their knowledge of Lincoln, in their analysis of his 
 growth, his unfolding in "morals and motives," no two 
 men I met in Illinois impressed me more profoundly than 
 Herndon and Horace White. One, a lawyer, the other an 
 able editor, and both so situated that they could observe 
 Lincoln at closer range than the majority of his other 
 friends, they nevertheless seem to have viewed him from 
 somewhat different angles. Herndon's estimate of the 
 President-elect as outlined in his letter to Henry Wilson 
 of Massachusetts, in December, i860, is one of the clever- 
 est bits of character delineation one is likely to encounter. 
 Herndon admitted that Lincoln in his ability to read men, 
 to decide many of the questions of administration or of 
 political economy, questions which no man can demon- 
 strate, was, in a sense, weak and his friends could rule him. 
 "But when on justice, right, liberty, the Constitution and 
 the Union," he says in his letter to Wilson, "then you may 
 all stand aside: he will rule then and no man can move him 
 — no set of men can do it. There is no fail here. This is 
 Lincoln, and you mark my prediction. You and I must 
 keep the people right: God will keep Lincoln right." 
 
 Mr. White viewed Lincoln through the eyes of a trained 
 newspaper student. Being the correspondent and ulti- 
 mately one of the editors of the "Chicago Tribune," which 
 was so potent a force in moulding public opinion during the 
 decade when Lincoln, as a leader, was in the making, he 
 was close to the latter. He enjoyed his confidence, fre- 
 quently accompanied him, sometimes lodging in the same 
 room, in his travels over the State as a campaign speaker. 
 His observation and judgment of Lincoln are therefore 
 not without their weight. 
 
228 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 "The popular conception of Mr. Lincoln," said White, 
 "as one seeking honors, but not avoiding public duties is 
 a post-bellum growth very wide of the mark. He was en- 
 tirely human in this regard, but his desire for political 
 preferment was hedged about by a sense of obligation to 
 the truth which nothing could shake. This fidelity to the 
 truth was ingrained and unchangeable. He was one of the 
 shrewdest politicians of the State. Nobody had more ex- 
 perience in that way, nobody knew better than he what 
 was passing in the minds of the people. Nobody knew 
 better how to turn things to advantage politically and no- 
 body was readier to take such advantage, provided it did 
 not involve dishonest means. He could not cheat people 
 out of their votes any more than out of their money. 
 
 "Mr. Lincoln never gave assent so far as my knowledge 
 goes to any plan or project for getting votes that would not 
 have borne the full light of day. At the same time he had no 
 objection to the getting of votes by the pledge of offices, nor 
 was he too particular what kind of men got the offices. 
 His preference was always for good men; but he could not 
 resist pressure where persons were concerned even though 
 his conscience told him he was doing wrong. In the case of 
 Simon Cameron it was impossible for Lincoln to retain him 
 after the House had censured him. He could not have car- 
 ried on the Government with such a burden and blot. Yet 
 Lincoln whitewashed him by giving him the Russian mis- 
 sion, and after he came back Lincoln made him his friend 
 and confidential agent in politics. I remember well how 
 Lincoln fell in the estimation of the best men in Congress in 
 consequence of his association with Cameron after the 
 latter came back from Russia." 
 
LINCOLN'S ESTIMATE OF DOUGLAS 229 
 
 At this point in my story I hope it will not be considered 
 amiss if I digress slightly in order to comply with the re- 
 quest of an old friend who earnestly besought me not to 
 omit suitable mention of Lincoln's real estimate or appre- 
 ciation of Stephen A. Douglas. In order to obey the man- 
 date and quiet the apprehensions of this anxious old friend, 
 I made a careful and conscientious inquiry and dug deeply 
 enough into the subject to convince me that, in so far as 
 the personal relations of Lincoln and Douglas toward each 
 other were concerned, no differences between them worthy 
 of note existed. Moreover, a careful study of their famous 
 joint debate in 1858 warrants the conclusion that in every 
 regard Lincoln treated his competitor with the proper de- 
 gree of dignity and respect. I was always impressed by 
 Herndon's conclusions regarding Douglas. He said: "He 
 was full of political history, well-informed on general top- 
 ics, eloquent almost to the point of brilliancy, self-confi- 
 dent to the point of arrogance, and a dangerous competitor 
 in every respect. What he lacked in ingenuity he made up 
 in strategy, and if in debate he could not tear down the 
 structure of his opponent's argument by a direct and vi- 
 olent attack he was by no means reluctant to resort to a 
 strained restatement of the latter's position or the extrav- 
 agance of ridicule. As a lawyer I found him to be broad, 
 fair, and liberal-minded. Although not a thorough stu- 
 dent of the law his large fund of common sense kept him in 
 the front rank. Usually he was both just and generous and, 
 so far as I knew, never stooped to gain a case. Lincoln, I re- 
 member, viewed him very much as I did. Although not in 
 every respect commendatory Lincoln's estimate of Doug- 
 las could not be called unfair. The truth is I recall but 
 
2 3 o THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 two men that Lincoln really praised: Jefferson and Clay; 
 and of the very few I heard him condemn Douglas was 
 one. I remember an incident in our office once when some 
 one present exclaimed, * It's a lie/ alluding to a statement 
 made by a man who had just left the room. 'A lie!' inter- 
 rupted Lincoln. 'Did you ever read the "Life of Patrick 
 Henry "?' alluding to Wirt's 'Life* of Henry which some 
 people regard as a great exaggeration." 
 
 Mention of Lincoln's opinion of Douglas carries me back 
 several years to a time when I was in the town of Clinton, 
 Illinois, and visited Mr. Clifton H. Moore, one of Lincoln's 
 associates in the days when he rode the circuit. An able and 
 successful lawyer Mr. Moore was also something of an 
 authority on the development of Illinois, because, during 
 the period when Lincoln and Douglas were contending for 
 leadership in their respective parties, Mr. Moore was him- 
 self a political factor of no mean proportions. An enthusi- 
 astic adherent of Lincoln he was also acquainted with and 
 well qualified to pass on the record and merits of Douglas. 
 "In the summer of 1858," said Mr. Moore to me, "Doug- 
 las made a speech at Pontiac during the course of which he 
 ventured to quote from Holland's 'Life of Van Buren.' 
 A day or so later Lincoln passed through here and among 
 other things told me that Douglas in his speech at Pontiac 
 had seriously misquoted Holland, a fact he could easily es- 
 tablish if he only had Holland's book; but unfortunately 
 not a copy was to be found in Clinton. The next morning 
 he pushed on to Bloomington. He was still so wrought up 
 over Douglas's misrepresentation that David Davis was 
 finally induced to send a man on horseback to Springfield 
 with a note from Lincoln asking for the book. In due time 
 
INCIDENTS OF THE JOINT DEBATE 231 
 
 the messenger returned with the desired volume which he 
 turned over to Lincoln, who took it with him, threatening 
 to confront Douglas with it at the earliest opportunity." 
 
 As indicative of Lincoln's real opinion of Douglas, Mr. 
 Moore related this circumstance which so deeply impressed 
 me that I made a note of it at the time: "On the day Mr. 
 Lincoln delivered his speech at Clinton during the cam- 
 paign of 1858 he was in my office; and I shall always re- 
 member with regret one thing he said about Douglas, which 
 was this: ' Douglas will tell a lie to ten thousand people one 
 day, even though he knows he may have to deny it to five 
 thousand the next/" 
 
 It was in the domain of political agitation that Lincoln 
 mistrusted Douglas. It was there the latter manifested his 
 dexterity and lack of rectitude; and it was done so invari- 
 ably and unmistakably there is little wonder that Lincoln 
 eventually lost faith in him. It will be remembered that in 
 the fall of 1854 Douglas deceived Lincoln, if he did not 
 actually break his word, when he journeyed to the town of 
 Princeton and there renewed his campaign, colliding in 
 debate with Owen Lovejoy, in violation of an agreement 
 or understanding to the contrary made with Lincoln a few 
 days before at Peoria. "Upon being charged afterwards 
 with his breach of word," related Herndon, "Douglas re- 
 sponded that Lovejoy 'bantered and badgered' him so per- 
 sistently he could not resist the encounter. The whole 
 thing, I remember, thoroughly displeased Lincoln." 
 
 When I reminded Horace White, who heard every one 
 of the Lincoln-Douglas debates, of the incident just re- 
 lated he said: "The fact I had in mind when I spoke of 
 Douglas's unveracity in stump speaking was a statement 
 
232 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 he made at the Ottawa joint debate in which he said that 
 Lincoln as a young man * could ruin more liquor than all of 
 the boys in town together/ This was said in order to draw 
 Lincoln into a personal controversy. Everybody who knew 
 Lincoln knew that he never used liquor or tobacco at all. 
 He said to me once that he had never taken a drink of any 
 alcoholic beverage in the past twenty years. That he should 
 have been a drunkard before 1838 is impossible. Not only 
 was Douglas's statement essentially false as to Lincoln, 
 but it would have been a true description of himself (Doug- 
 las) at the time of the Ottawa debate. The fact was that 
 Douglas at that time was drinking himself to death — an 
 end which he reached three years later. The pen of the 
 historian has not touched upon that fact as yet. 
 
 "I have no doubt whatever that Douglas made that 
 false statement about Lincoln to get a denial from him 
 that he was a drinking man, in which event he would have 
 enlarged upon it and given particulars which he could 
 easily have invented and would have assured Lincoln that 
 he did not wish to injure him, etc., leading off the debate 
 into a personal quagmire as was his habit when he was get- 
 ting the worst of it. But Lincoln was too smart. He never 
 noticed the charge at all. So Douglas never repeated it." 
 
 The joint debate between Lincoln and Douglas in 1858 
 has been so exhaustively treated in the volume issued 
 by the Illinois State Historical Library in 1908, and so 
 vividly portrayed by Horace White who heard all the 
 speeches, it would savor of supererogation were I to at- 
 tempt a further or more comprehensive account of it. 
 It suffices to say that, viewed from various angles, it was 
 one of the greatest forensic combats the country has knowni 
 
INCIDENTS OF THE JOINT DEBATE 233 
 
 Having so effectively demonstrated his ability to cope with 
 Douglas in 1854 when, to use a homely figure of speech, he 
 "ran the latter into his hole," Lincoln was ready if not 
 really anxious to measure swords with him in 1858. That 
 he was sure of himself is illustrated by the surpris- 
 ingly meager preparations he seems to have made for 
 a joust with an adversary as daring and resourceful 
 as Douglas. In another chapter I have alluded to the 
 reference-book filled with sundry notes and newspaper 
 clippings which he carried with him during the canvass. 
 Although small enough to fit comfortably into his coat- 
 pocket it contained all the ammunition he saw fit to store 
 away and hurl at Douglas when scheduled to meet him 
 in combat. I once showed it to Mr. White, who recog- 
 nized it, but assured me that Lincoln was so conversant 
 with the various phases of the dominant questions and 
 otherwise so well equipped he could recall but two in- 
 stances when Lincoln felt impelled to read from or other- 
 wise refer to it. 
 
 The debate itself was conducted on an animated and yet 
 magnanimous plane. Notwithstanding the multitude of 
 ardent supporters who gathered about the speakers and 
 the spirited feeling which naturally was awakened, the 
 two contestants, as a rule, kept within decent and reason- 
 able bounds. In some respects it was a test of patience and 
 forbearance hardly short of sublime. Mr. Lincoln bore 
 himself with dignity and composure. His nearest approach 
 to an exhibition of anger or irritation was at the debate at 
 Charleston. There, in answer to the "old charge revived 
 by Judge Douglas" against Lincoln for opposing the Mex- 
 ican War, the latter caught Mr. Orlando B. Ficklin, who 
 
234 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 was sitting on the platform, by the collar and led him for- 
 ward. Lincoln was visibly agitated, in fact deeply aroused 
 by Douglas's innuendo. "I do not mean to do anything 
 with Mr. Ficklin," he exclaimed, "except to present his 
 face and tell you that he personally knows it to be a lie. He 
 was a member of Congress at the only time I was in Con- 
 gress, and he knows that whenever there was an attempt 
 to procure a vote of mine which would endorse the origin 
 and justice of the war, I refused to give such endorsement 
 and voted against it; but I never voted against the sup- 
 plies for the army, and he knows as well as Judge Douglas 
 that whenever a dollar was asked by way of compensa- 
 tion or otherwise for the benefit of the soldiers, I gave all the 
 votes that Ficklin or Douglas did and perhaps more" {Loud 
 applause.) 
 
 Mr. White further explained that Lincoln, who was ex- 
 pecting Douglas to repeat at Charleston, or, as he termed 
 it, renew the old charge regarding his vote on the Mexican 
 War, had prepared himself accordingly. The " Congres- 
 sional Globe" or some like public document contained his 
 record on the subject with which he intended to confront 
 Douglas when the proper time came, but the desired vol- 
 ume had inadvertently been left in a law office downtown 
 and about a mile away from the Fair Ground where the 
 debate was being held. A boy was dispatched thither to get 
 it; but before the messenger returned, Lincoln without 
 waiting for the book became aroused, and noting the pres- 
 ence of Mr. Ficklin on the stand led him forward and the 
 dramatic incident just related followed. 
 
 A glance at the map of Illinois will suffice to convince the 
 reader that of the seven places where Lincoln and Douglas 
 
INCIDENTS OF THE JOINT DEBATE 235 
 
 were scheduled to measure swords in joint debate, Charles- 
 ton, the fourth in the list, was the point farthest east. Con- 
 sequently it was nearest to the Indiana line, and thither 
 the multitudes from the Hoosier State, scarcely less anx- 
 ious to greet the doughty gladiators than their Illinois 
 brethren, gradually wended their way. The newspapers of 
 the period report that among the crowds which reached 
 Charleston before and on the day of the debate one dele- 
 gation "comprising eleven cars of passengers on the Alton 
 road came from Terre Haute alone." The leading band in 
 the parade hailed from Bowling Green, also in western Indi- 
 ana. Three of the most adept fife-and-drum musicians as 
 well as certain other persons came from my own home — the 
 town of Greencastle, only a few miles east of Terre Haute. 
 Of the latter one was Dillard C. Donnohue, a lawyer and 
 partner of John P. Usher, afterwards Secretary of the In- 
 terior in President Lincoln's Cabinet. In i860 Donnohue 
 was a delegate to the Chicago Convention and voted for 
 Lincoln, who, when he became President, rewarded him 
 by sending him on a diplomatic mission to the West In- 
 dies. In later years, he often entertained me with inter- 
 esting recollections of the Lincoln-Douglas debates. One 
 incident impressed me. He related that while at Charles- 
 ton he was a guest of the Capitol House where Mr. Lin- 
 coln was also quartered before and after the debate. Of 
 course the latter was always surrounded by a crowd of 
 listeners and, as contended by Donnohue, was thoroughly 
 out of patience with Douglas because of his conduct that 
 day. He made no concealment of his indignation. It will 
 be remembered that Mrs. Douglas, described by Horace 
 White as "a lady of attractive presence and queenly face 
 
236 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 and figure," was in the habit, as the campaign progressed, 
 of accompanying her husband to most of his appointments. 
 This circumstance evidently did not escape the notice 
 of Lincoln, who doubtless knew the lady and realized the 
 extent of her influence over her husband; for when allud- 
 ing to Douglas for the benefit of the crowd gathered about 
 him at the hotel, Mr. Donnohue said he heard Lincoln 
 make this statement: "I flatter myself that thus far my 
 wife has not found it necessary to follow me around from 
 place to place to keep me from getting drunk." 
 
CHAPTER XVII 
 
 Lincoln as a student — The effect of a college education — Comparison of 
 John Fiske's and Lincoln's conception of social evolution — Lincoln takes up 
 Euclid — Reading "The Annual of Science" — Studying higher mathematics 
 — His attempt to square the circle — His self-confidence and secretiveness — 
 His mechanical bent — Securing a patent — Working on the model of his in- 
 vention at Walter Davis's shop — Explaining it to his partner and callers at 
 his office — Preparing his lecture on "Discoveries and Inventions" — Delivers 
 it at Jacksonville and Springfield — What some of his colleagues thought about 
 it — Several paragraphs of the lecture — Account by S. H. Melvin of what 
 Lincoln did with the manuscript — Herndon also enters the lecture field — De- 
 livers his effort entitled "The Sweep of Commerce" before an audience in 
 Cook's Hall in Springfield — What the "Journal" said about it. 
 
 There is no gainsaying the assertion that Lincoln was 
 in the main a profound student. A natural logician and 
 patient investigator he was so relentless and unerring in his 
 pursuit of knowledge that the question naturally arises: 
 "What effect would the discipline and attrition of a col- 
 lege training have had upon him?" I have met people who 
 pretend to believe that instead of strengthening, it would 
 have weakened him. "If he had been trained in a univer- 
 sity before his style of expression had crystallized," said 
 Herndon, "his utterances, though conforming to the ten- 
 ets of modern and so-called artistic criticism, would have 
 been rounded and the sharp edges which so unmistakably 
 betoken his individuality would have disappeared beneath 
 the gloss of conventionality. His mental evolution was 
 through thought to iEsop's Fables, through these to gen- 
 eral maxims, from maxims to stories, jokes and jests; from 
 these to clear, strong Anglo-Saxon words of power. I have 
 heard Lincoln substantially state this, including what he 
 
238 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 believed was the probability of the weakening process — 
 the methods of a classical or college education. 
 
 Illustrative of this element in Mr. Lincoln's makeup 
 and style of expression as compared to that of a profoundly 
 scientific and college trained mind, attention is called to 
 the "Formula of the Law of Progress" as laid down by 
 John Fiske in his book on "Cosmic Philosophy": "The 
 evolution of Society is a continuous establishment of psy- 
 chical relations within the community in conformity to the 
 physical and psychical relations arising in the environ- 
 ment; during which both the community and the envi- 
 ronment pass from a state of relatively indefinite, incoherent 
 homogeneity to a state of relatively definite coherent heter- 
 ogeneity ; and during which the constituent units of the com- 
 munity become even more distinctly individuated." 
 
 So much for a university-trained philosopher's concep- 
 tion of social evolution ! But note how Lincoln, a clear- 
 headed, self-educated man illustrates the law of progress: 
 "Many independent men everywhere in these States a 
 few years back in their lives were hired laborers. The pru- 
 dent, penniless beginner in the world labors for wages a 
 while, saves a surplus with which to buy tools or land for 
 himself, then labors on his own account another while, and 
 at length hires another new beginner to help him. This is 
 the just and generous and prosperous system which opens 
 the way to all, gives hope to all, and consequent energy and 
 progress and improvement of condition to all." 
 
 The failure of Lincoln to return to Congress after the 
 end of his first and only term in 1849 marks the beginning 
 of an important epoch in his development. Believing he 
 
\ 
 
 * 
 
 n 
 
 3 
 
 ^ 
 
 i§ 
 
 * 
 
 l* 
 
 CO 
 
 -1- 
 
 4 
 
 £4 
 
 ^^>i5 
 
HE TAKES UP EUCLID 239 
 
 was politically moribund and yearning to broaden his 
 knowledge, he turned most heartily to intensive study. 
 
 "He secured a copy of Euclid," related Herndon, "and 
 took it with him on the circuit. Of nights and at odd times 
 he would bury himself in the study of the problems of the 
 great Greek geometrician. Occasionally I traveled with 
 him, occupying the same bed, he reading by the light of a 
 tallow candle. Sometimes the bedsteads were slightly short 
 so that his feet would extend a trifle over the footboard. 
 Thus engaged he would study for hours. Having appar- 
 ently abandoned all thought of ever rising above the waves 
 of the political sea, he became not only deeply studious 
 and abstracted, but markedly reticent if not gloomy. 
 
 "One day about this time I purchased at Bradford & 
 Johnson's book-store in Springfield a copy of a work called 
 'The Annual of Science/ as I now recall the name, and was 
 reading it when Lincoln came in the office. In answer to 
 his query: 'Billy, what are you reading?' I handed it to 
 him. He looked over it for a while and then returned it 
 with the suggestion that so far as he could observe it was 
 constructed on the right principle. 'Unlike many books of 
 its class/ he said, 'it recites the failures as well as the suc- 
 cesses of life. Too often we read only of successful ex- 
 periments in science and philosophy, whereas if the history 
 of failure and defeat was included there would be a sav- 
 ing of brain work as well as time. The evidence of defeat, 
 the recital of what was not as well as what cannot be done 
 serves to put the scientist or philosopher on his guard — 
 sets him to thinking on the right line/ In the afternoon he 
 picked the book up again and later took it home with him 
 to read that night. The next morning when he had re- 
 
2 4 o THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 turned to the office he told me the book pleased him so 
 much he had decided to buy himself a copy. I thus began 
 to realize that he was gradually being led to the study of 
 profound questions, for he was also steadily delving into 
 the mysteries of mathematics and the abstruse sciences. A 
 few days later I found him already in the office and deeply 
 engaged when I arrived. This was unusual, for I almost 
 invariably preceded him there. He was sitting at the table 
 and spread out before him lay a quantity of blank paper, 
 large heavy sheets, a compass, a rule, numerous pencils, 
 several bottles of ink of various colors, and a profusion of 
 stationery and writing appliances generally. He had evi- 
 dently been struggling with a calculation of some magni- 
 tude, for scattered about were sheet after sheet of paper 
 covered with an unusual array of figures. He was so deeply 
 absorbed in study he scarcely looked up when I entered. 
 I confess I wondered what he was doing and what had oc- 
 casioned his profound application at the office so early in 
 the morning; nor was my curiosity allayed till a later hour 
 in the day when he arose from his chair, apparently headed 
 for the court-house. It was then that he enlightened me by 
 announcing that he was trying to solve the difficult prob- 
 lem of squaring the circle. In a short time he returned to 
 the office and resumed his study. For the better part of 
 the succeeding two days he continued to sit there engrossed 
 in that difficult if not undemonstrable proposition and 
 labored, as I thought, almost to the point of exhaustion. 
 He talked but little about it to me or to others, so far as I 
 could observe, but it was evident he was toiling with all 
 his might. I have been told that the so-called squaring of 
 the circle is a practical impossibility, but I was not aware 
 
SELF-CONFIDENCE AND SECRETIVENESS 241 
 
 of it then, and I doubt if Lincoln was. His attempt to es- 
 tablish the proposition having resulted in failure, we, in the 
 office, suspected that he was more or less sensitive about it 
 and were therefore discreet enough to avoid referring to it. 
 "Mr. Lincoln was peculiar in that he had absolute con- 
 fidence in his own powers, which will account for the fact 
 that he never asked for advice nor sought the opinion of 
 another for his guide. He was the most self-reliant man 
 imaginable, standing by himself, steadfast in purpose and 
 idea. You had to judge him by what he said. The em- 
 bodiment of honesty he told the truth always in so far as 
 he declared himself, but there were times when he was so 
 guarded in his utterances he apparently talked without 
 saying anything. Profoundly secretive but philosophical, 
 he was a wily man in mental reservation, begotten by the 
 eternal silence." 
 
 Although successful as a railsplitter, it cannot be said 
 that Lincoln leaned toward agriculture or manifested a 
 fondness for farm work. Instead he evinced a decided 
 bent toward machinery or mechanical appliances, a trait 
 he doubtless inherited from his father who was himself 
 something of a mechanic and therefore skilled in the use of 
 tools. It will be remembered that it was during his journey 
 homeward from Washington after the adjournment of 
 Congress in 1 849, when he saw a steamboat stranded on a 
 sandbar, that he conceived the idea of an apparatus de- 
 signed to lift the vessel off or over the offending shoals; and 
 later, after he had returned to Springfield he was granted 
 a patent on a device of that kind which he had invented. 
 "I well remember," related Herndon, " when Lincoln was 
 
242 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 at work on his patent. He was very much taken up with 
 the project and, for a time, would slip away from the office 
 and hurry down to the shop of Walter Davis, a Spring- 
 field mechanic, where, with the aid of the latter and the 
 use of his tools, he gradually constructed the model and 
 sent it to Washington. I often saw him tinkering in Davis's 
 shop and, on one or two occasions, owing to his absence 
 from the office, I had to go down there and confer with him 
 regarding matters of business. When the model was done 
 it was brought to the office, and, with the enthusiasm of 
 the average inventor, Lincoln would expatiate on the mar- 
 vels and merits of the device for the benefit of the few per- 
 sons who dropped in and were sufficiently interested to 
 listen to his vivid and rosy predictions. Of course he talked 
 to me about it, and although I could not, with propriety, 
 appear to ignore it, yet it was so impractical, if not vision- 
 ary, I experienced the greatest difficulty in concealing from 
 others my lack of faith in it." Another contrivance which 
 evoked Lincoln's study and attention was the invention 
 of one Alexander Edmonds and known as the Horological 
 Cradle. It brought on a lawsuit in which Lincoln was 
 more or less conspicuous and is elsewhere described in 
 these pages. 
 
 Herndon never gave utterance to a more truthful declar- 
 ation than when he contended that as a lawyer and poli- 
 tician Lincoln was both profound and successful, but that 
 in certain other respects he was proportionately weak; and 
 by that he doubtless meant that it was as an inventor and 
 lecturer that he failed to measure up to the required stand- 
 ard. Lincoln's desire to test his skill and ability on the 
 lecture platform did not manifest itself until after his 
 
ON THE LECTURE PLATFORM 243 
 
 debate with Douglas in 1858. In its issue of February 14, 
 1859, the "Springfield Journal" contains this announce- 
 ment: "Mr. Lincoln delivered a lecture at Jacksonville 
 last Friday night on the subject of 'Discoveries and In- 
 ventions.' It was received with repeated and hearty bursts 
 of applause." On the editorial page of the "Jacksonville 
 Sentinel" this notice appeared: "Hon. Abraham Lincoln 
 delivered a lecture on last Friday evening before one of the 
 literary societies of the pupils of Illinois College; subject, 
 'Discoveries and Inventions/ We learn that the lecturer 
 drew largely from his fund of spicy anecdotes and the lec- 
 ture proved highly entertaining." 
 
 The late William Jayne, who was one of the founders of 
 the Phi Alpha Society before whom the lecture was de- 
 livered at Jacksonville, told me that the audience was 
 small and the receipts at the door proportionately disap- 
 pointing, a fact that Mr. Lincoln could not fail to note. 
 When the committee, after the lecture, met him, he re- 
 lieved their embarrassment, saying : " Don't be discouraged, 
 boys. Pay my railroad fare and fifty cents for my supper 
 at the hotel and we'll call it square." A few days later this 
 item appeared in the "Springfield Journal": "Hon. A. 
 Lincoln will lecture before the Springfield Library Asso- 
 ciation at Concert Hall Monday night February 21st 7.30 
 o'clock. Admission twenty five cents. Geo. S. Roper, Cor. 
 Sec." — accompanied by the following editorial mention: 
 "It will be seen by notice in another column that the gen- 
 tleman lectures before the Library Association at Concert 
 Hall this evening. Let one and all compliment him with a 
 full audience. His lecture we are assured will be an intel- 
 lectual feast." 
 
244 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 Beyond the above items the papers of the period con- 
 tain no further mention of the lecture enterprise. That it 
 did not awaken any unusual degree of public interest or 
 approval and probably failed even to meet Mr. Lincoln's 
 expectations is demonstrated by a letter written by him, 
 March 28, 1859, t0 a ^nd in a near-by town in which he 
 says: "Your note inviting me to deliver a lecture at 
 Galesburg received. I regret to say I cannot do so now; I 
 must stick to the courts awhile. I read a sort of lecture to 
 three different audiences last month and this; but I did so 
 under different circumstances which made it a waste of no 
 time whatever/' In response to another invitation he 
 writes, April 16, 1859: "Yours of the 13th is just received. 
 My engagements are such that I cannot at any very early 
 day visit Rock Island to deliver a lecture or for any other 
 object." 
 
 The truth gradually dawned on Lincoln, and he soon 
 realized that of his many and varied accomplishments 
 lecturing was not one of them; so also concluded many of 
 his friends and professional associates. Some of them, in- 
 cluding David Davis and Leonard Swett, the latter of 
 whom told me of the circumstance, ventured to prod him 
 about it, but fearing that he might be sensitive over it they 
 soon desisted. Henry C. Whitney told me that on one oc- 
 casion he was emboldened to joke with Lincoln about the 
 lecture, but the latter interrupted him, saying good-nat- 
 uredly, " Don't, Whitney; that plagues me." Herndon told 
 me that he went to Concert Hall in Springfield and lis- 
 tened to Lincoln when he delivered the lecture, and re- 
 membered vividly the day before when he was preparing it 
 at the office, noting down various items on stray pieces of 
 
AS A LECTURER 245 
 
 paper which were folded and reposed in one of his pockets 
 or found an equally convenient lodgment inside his hat. 
 The whole was finally put into connected manuscript form 
 which he read. As a whole it was in some respects common- 
 place, and so unlike Lincoln that it failed to draw from his 
 friends the endorsement or applause which he so anxiously 
 awaited. Realizing that he would not be classed among the 
 stars of the Lyceum he soon disappeared from the field. 
 "If Lincoln's address over the death of Clay in 1852," 
 said Herndon, "demonstrated that he was not a eulogist, 
 his effort at Concert Hall in Springfield a few years later 
 proved that he was not a lecturer." 
 
 Before I pass from the subject, and in order the reader 
 may be his own judge of Lincoln's fitness and aptitude as a 
 platform speaker, I venture to set out here a few perti- 
 nent facts regarding his effort on "Discoveries and Inven- 
 tions" together with a portion of the lecture itself copied 
 from the original manuscript. The latter paper belonged to 
 the late Dr. Samuel H. Melvin, a former resident of Spring- 
 field who removed to California and died there in 1898. 
 Shortly before his death, in explanation of how he came into 
 possession of the manuscript he made the following state- 
 ment: 
 
 "In the month of February, 1861, being at that time a 
 resident of Springfield, Illinois, I called one evening at the 
 residence of my friend John Todd, who was an uncle of 
 Mrs. Abraham Lincoln. While there Mr. Lincoln came in 
 bringing with him a well-filled satchel, remarking as he set 
 it down that it contained his literary bureau. He remained 
 fifteen or twenty minutes conversing mainly about the de- 
 tails of his prospective trip to Washington the following 
 
246 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 week, and told us of the arrangement agreed upon by the 
 family to follow him a few days later. When about to leave 
 he handed the grip to Mrs. Grimsley, the only daughter of 
 Dr. Todd, remarking as he did so that he would leave 
 the bureau in her charge; that if he ever returned to Spring- 
 field he would claim it, but if not she might make such dis- 
 position of its contents as she deemed proper. ,, (Here fol- 
 lows a brief account of Mr. Lincoln's assassination, over 
 four years later, coupled with the announcement that Dr. 
 Melvin was chosen a member of the committee of twelve 
 Springfield citizens sent to Washington to accompany 
 home the remains of the late President.) "A few days af- 
 ter the body was laid to rest," continued Dr. Melvin, "I 
 again called upon my neighbors, the family of Dr. Todd- 
 Scenes and incidents connected with the assassination of 
 the dead President were discussed and the remark made 
 by Mr. Lincoln on his last visit to the house was referred to 
 as indicating a presentiment that he would not return 
 alive. This recalled the fact of his having left his so-called 
 literary bureau and his injunction as to its disposition. 
 Mrs. Grimsley brought the grip from the place where it 
 had been stored and opened it with a view to examining 
 its contents. Among them was found the manuscript and 
 attached to it by means of a piece of red tape was another 
 of like character. They proved to be the manuscripts of 
 two lectures which he had prepared and delivered within a 
 year prior to his election to the presidency — one at Jack- 
 sonville and a few days later at Decatur, the other at a 
 hall in Springfield at which I was present. Mrs. Grimsley 
 told me to select from the contents of the bureau any one 
 of the manuscripts it contained; and supposing at that time 
 
1 & < 3u9 
 
 Q ,Ol^Lj4yM^y^^ g ^^^ 
 
 &Yu&y j ijriu u f H 
 
 *"3 a t n p^T ^i^ife y' jF* > ^r - / - n ^>- 
 
 ^ 
 
 ji/<.*6 
 
 ii fc i ci ji^xi 
 
 
 A*. 
 
 
 
 &<<& • 
 
 ifi . /JVl ! jfl / 
 
 ^z 
 
 z 
 
 ^. , r^„ 
 
 ^- . ^- - 
 
 
 ^ ^? an . v £ i i ^y~i it^ . j. ^ 
 .1 < r > i< 7Ty \\ in- ffk^3^~s /-7 ft^fC /5&> ^-^ 
 
 _ /<£> 4-^ 
 
 
 /K,/»i/ 
 
 jL^^j 
 
 J&~~ e^ZZ^ /tS&k, e~~ /*-*-/* 
 
 page of Lincoln's manuscript of his lecture "discoveries and inventions 
 
PARAGRAPHS OF THE LECTURE a 47 
 
 that the two manuscripts belonged to the same lecture I 
 selected them. On subsequent examination I discovered 
 that while they both treated on the same subject (Dis- 
 coveries and Inventions) they were separate lectures. 
 Twenty-five years later I disposed of one of the manu- 
 scripts to Mr. C. F. Gunther, of Chicago. The other, it is 
 my hope and desire, shall remain in possession of my fam- 
 ily and its descendants." 
 
 Which one of the two manuscripts mentioned by Dr. 
 Melvin contains the text of the Springfield lecture deliv- 
 ered by Mr. Lincoln no one at this day seems to be able to 
 determine. The manuscript sold to Mr. Gunther has al- 
 ready been published and what follows is copied from the 
 other one: 
 
 Beavers and musk-rats build houses but they build no better 
 ones than they did five thousand years ago. Ants and honey- 
 bees lay up their winter stock of provisions but they do so no 
 wise better or less laboriously than they did at the dawn of 
 creation. Man is not the only animal who labors; but he is the 
 only one who improves his workmanship. This improvement he 
 effects by Discoveries and Inventions. His first important dis- 
 covery was the fact that he was naked; and his first invention 
 was the fig-leaf apron. This simple article the apron — made of 
 leaves, seems to have been the origin of clothing — the one thing 
 for which nearly half of the toil and care of the human race has 
 ever since been expended. The most important improvement 
 ever made in connection with clothing was the invention of 
 spinning and weaving. The spinning jenny and power-loom, 
 invented in modern times though great improvements do not as 
 inventions rank with the ancient arts of spinning and weaving. 
 Spinning and weaving brought into the department of clothing 
 such abundance and variety of material. Wool, the hair of 
 several species of animals, hemp, flax, cotton, silk and perhaps 
 other articles were all suited to it, affording garments not only 
 adapted to wet and dry, heat and cold, but also susceptible of 
 
248 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 high degrees of ornamental finish. Exactly when or where spin- 
 ning and weaving originated is not known. At the first interview 
 of the Almighty with Adam and Eve after the fall He made 
 " coats of skin and clothed them " (Gen. 3:21). 
 
 The discovery of the properties of iron and the making of iron 
 tools must have been among the earliest of important discov- 
 eries and inventions. We can scarcely conceive the possibility of 
 making much of anything else without the use of iron tools. 
 Indeed an iron hammer must have been very much needed to 
 make the first iron hammer with. A stone probably served as a 
 substitute. How could the "gopher wood" for the Ark have been 
 gotten out without an axe? It seems to me an axe or a miracle 
 was indispensable. Corresponding with the prime necessity for 
 iron we find at least one very early notice of it. Tubal-Cain was 
 "an instructor of every artificer in brass and iron" (Gen. iv: 22). 
 Tubal-Cain was the seventh in descent from Adam; and his 
 birth was about one thousand years before the flood. After the 
 flood frequent mention is made of iron and instruments made of 
 iron. 
 
 As man's food — his first necessity — was to be derived from 
 the vegetation of the earth it was natural that his first care 
 should be directed to the assistance to that vegetation. And 
 accordingly we find that even before the fall, the man was put 
 into the garden of Eden " to dress it and to keep it." And when 
 afterwards, in consequence of the first transgression, labor was 
 imposed on the race as a penalty — a curse — we find the first 
 born man — the first heir of the curse — was a " tiller of the 
 ground." This was the beginning of agriculture; and although 
 both in point of time and of importance it stands at the head of 
 all branches of human industry it has derived less direct advan- 
 tage from Discovery and Invention than almost any other. 
 The plow, of very early origin; and reaping and threshing ma- 
 chines, of modern invention are, at this day, the principal im- 
 provements in agriculture. And even the oldest of these, the 
 plow, could not have been conceived of until a precedent con- 
 ception had been caught and put into practice — I mean the 
 conception or idea of substituting other forces in nature for 
 man's own muscular power. These other forces, as now used, 
 are principally the strength of animals and the power of the wind, 
 of running streams and of steam. 
 
HERNDON ENTERS THE LECTURE FIELD 249 
 
 Of all the forces of nature, I should think the wind contains 
 the largest amount of motive power — that is power to move 
 things. Take any given space of the earth's surface — for in- 
 stance Illinois; and all the power exerted by all the men and 
 beasts and running water and steam over and upon it shall not 
 equal the one hundredth part of what is exerted by the blowing 
 of the wind over and upon the same space. And yet it has not 
 so far in the world's history become proportionately valuable 
 as a motive power. It is an untamed and unharnessed force; and 
 quite possibly one of the greatest discoveries hereafter to be 
 made will be the taming and harnessing of it. That the diffi- 
 culties of controlling this power are very great is quite evident 
 by the fact that they have already been perceived and struggled 
 with more than three thousand years; for that power was ap- 
 plied to sail-vessels, at least as early as the time of Isaiah. 
 
 The advantageous use of Steam-power is, unquestionably, a 
 modern discovery. And yet, as much as two thousand years ago 
 the power of steam was not only observed, but an ingenious toy 
 was actually made and put in motion by it at Alexandria in 
 Egypt. What appears strange is, that neither the inventor of 
 the toy, nor any one else, for so long a time afterwards, should 
 perceive that steam would move usejul machinery as well as a 
 toy. 
 
 The criticism of Herndon that Lincoln's lecture was 
 a commonplace effort and in some respects beneath the 
 latter's standard of excellence is hardly warranted and 
 may not after all have been strictly in accordance with his 
 original estimate. It is possible Herndon may have cher- 
 ished the idea that he could surpass Lincoln's effort — in 
 fact, there is evidence that he was so pleased with his part- 
 ner's success and confident of his own ability in the same 
 line that he decided to venture upon the platform himself. 
 Accordingly in the number of the "Springfield Journal" 
 issued March 15, i860, appeared this item: 
 
 W. H. Herndon will lecture before the Springfield Library 
 Association at Cook's Hall this evening. His subject will be 
 
250 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 "The Sweep of Commerce." He will no doubt handle it in an 
 able manner. Let there be a large audience, for the treasury of 
 the Library Association is not quite full and every twenty-five* 
 cent piece left at the door of the hall this evening will be so much 
 clear gain to the association. 
 
 The character and extent of the people's response to 
 Herndon's effort is indicated by the following editorial in 
 the next day's "Journal": 
 
 The lecture by Mr. Herndon at Cook's Hall last night was 
 altogether too good for the size of the audience which did not 
 number one hundred persons. The subject of the lecture was 
 "The Sweep of Commerce" and ample justice was done to it by 
 the talented lecturer. We cannot close our eyes to the fact that 
 a generous outpouring of people gathered night before last to 
 hear Lola Montez, a woman who has violated every known rule 
 of life, mocked the sacredness of the marriage relation and pub- 
 licly set at naught all that is beautiful and modest in womankind. 
 The lecture by Mr. Herndon was for the most part historic and 
 could not fail to interest all, and when the lecturer indulged in 
 anticipations of the future or moralized on the past it was in the 
 clear and comprehensive view of a man who has studied well his 
 subject and shown himself capable both to please and interest. 
 
CHAPTER XVIII 
 
 An epoch in Lincoln's life — His political baptism — Signs the call for the 
 Bloomington Convention — Herndon's account of the incident — How Stuart 
 tried to retard him — Lincoln announces himself — His speech at the Bloom- 
 ington Convention — The prediction of Jesse K. Dubois described by Whit- 
 ney — Lincoln invited to speak in New York — Effect on his neighbors in 
 Springfield — What John T. Stuart said — The Cooper Institute address — 
 His speeches in New England — How he impressed the Eastern people — 
 Mentioned for President by the press — County convention in Sptf/igfield en- 
 dorses him for President — He attends the Decatur meeting where John Hanks 
 brings in the famous rails — Crowds of Lincoln's friends head for Chicago 
 leaving him at Springfield — The Chicago Convention — What Lincoln was do- 
 ing at home — The nomination on Friday — How Lincoln received the news — 
 The account by Clinton L. Conkling — The effect at Springfield — Marching 
 to Lincoln's house — His speech — Arrival of notification committee from 
 Chicago — Incidents of their visit — The notification ceremony in the parlor of 
 Lincoln's home — Incidents of the campaign — All paths lead to Springfield 
 — The great rally in August — Letter of John Hanks supporting the claims of 
 his cousin Abe Lircoln^- Some local campaigners — Herndon's speech at 
 Petersburg — Comments of the local papers. 
 
 Having devoted more or less space to an account of Mr. 
 Lincoln's activities as a lawyer, lecturer, and inventor, it 
 follows that in order to acquaint the reader with a com- 
 prehensive review of the real man, his evolution as a 
 political leader should not be omitted. In the endeavor to 
 arrive at the truth in this regard, however, I shall avoid as 
 fully as I can the repetition of the things with which the 
 public is already familiar and in relating the story of his 
 development view him through the eyes of his neighbors 
 and close friends. This and a retrospect of conditions as 
 reflected in the local press cannot fail to add to the inter- 
 est of the narrative. 
 
 Those who have carefully studied the life of Lincoln 
 will, I believe, agree with his biographers that the year of 
 
252 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 1854 marks the beginning of an eventful epoch in his ca- 
 reer. We have his own testimony that for a period of five 
 years prior thereto beginning with the close of his only 
 term in Congress in 1849 ne na d practically forsaken pol- 
 itics and concentrated his energy and masterly ability on 
 the practice of law. And doubtless he would have contin- 
 ued thus politically inactive during the remainder of his 
 days but for a circumstance mentioned in the notes pre- 
 pared by him for an autobiography in which he makes the 
 sententious declaration that "in 1854 his profession had 
 almost superseded the thought of politics in his mind when 
 the repeal of the Missouri Compromise aroused him as he 
 had never been before." 
 
 His first decisive and noteworthy utterance after the 
 great bolt from the political sky was the speech at Spring- 
 field October 4, 1854, in answer to one by Stephen A. Doug- 
 las at the same place the day before. Twelve days later he 
 repeated it at Peoria. On this occasion he wrote it out in 
 full and, fortunately for history, it was published word for 
 word in the Springfield papers. It was a profound and 
 masterly argument. "After the lapse of more than a 
 quarter of a century," wrote one of his biographers, "the 
 critical reader finds it a model of brevity, directness, terse 
 diction, exact and lucid historical statement and full of 
 logical propositions so short and strong as to resemble 
 mathematical axioms. Above all it is pervaded by an ele- 
 vation of thought and aim that lifts it out of the common- 
 place of mere party controversy. The main broad current 
 of his reasoning was to vindicate and restore the policy of 
 the fathers of the country in the restriction of slavery. But 
 running through this like a thread of gold was the demon- 
 
CALL FOR BLOOMINGTON CONVENTION 253 
 
 stration of the essential injustice and immorality of the 
 system." 
 
 It is unnecessary to recount here the various steps by 
 which Lincoln rose to the eminence of political leader- 
 ship he was destined to attain. He was still but a unit in 
 that great but unorganized army of Whigs and Democrats 
 who, like himself, were aroused by the repeal of the Mis- 
 souri Compromise. The Republican Party as an organ- 
 ization had not yet come into existence, but events were 
 crystallizing — gradually assuming form and shape. Al- 
 though the political sea until then had been pervaded by 
 a calm, it was an ominous circumstance, for often a calm 
 is but the precursor of a storm. Lincoln's attitude and 
 conduct at this particular juncture is of the profoundest 
 significance and necessitates the recital of a brief but in- 
 teresting chapter of history. 
 
 Early in the spring of 1856 at the head of its editorial 
 column the "Springfield Journal" carried a notice or proc- 
 lamation signed by a number of Sangamon County people 
 urging the propriety of a "county convention to be held at 
 Springfield on Saturday, May 24, to appoint delegates to 
 the Bloomington Convention." It made no pretense of 
 representing an organization and nothing was said to indi- 
 cate the political complexion of those who were to attend 
 the convention beyond the brief declaration that it was to 
 be a gathering of those who were "opposed to the repeal of 
 the Missouri Compromise, opposed to the present Admin- 
 istration, and in favor of Washington and Jefferson." This 
 call, when turned over to the newspaper, bore the signature 
 of one hundred and twenty-nine citizens of Springfield and 
 near-by territory. Among them were two of Lincoln's law 
 
254 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 partners and men like William Jayne, James C. Conkling, 
 and Edward L. Baker. The first name on the list was that 
 of Abraham Lincoln followed immediately by William H. 
 Herndon. Being thus so near the head of the list it is 
 manifestly fair that the latter should be allowed to give 
 his version of the episode as follows: 
 
 "Tossed about with the disorganized elements that 
 drifted together after the angry political waters had sub- 
 sided, it became apparent to Mr. Lincoln that if he ex- 
 pected to figure as a leader he must take a stand himself. 
 Mere hatred of slavery and opposition to the injustice of 
 Kansas-Nebraska legislation was not all that was required 
 of him. I ventured to warn him against his apparent in- 
 action, seeing that the needs of the hour were so pressing, 
 insisting that he must be a Democrat, a Know-Nothing, or 
 Republican, or forever float about on the sea without a 
 compass, rudder, or sail; but about the only response I 
 could evoke was that I was * too rampant and spontaneous/ 
 At length, however, he decided to declare himself, and it 
 came about in this way: Believing the times were ripe for 
 more advanced movements in the spring of 1856 I drew up 
 a paper for the friends of freedom to sign calling a county 
 convention in Springfield to select delegates to the forth- 
 coming Republican State Convention in Bloomington. The 
 paper was freely circulated and generously signed. Lin- 
 coln was absent from town at the time and, believing 
 I knew what his feeling and judgment on the vital 
 questions of the hour was, I took the liberty of signing 
 his name to the call. The whole was then published 
 in the ' Springfield Journal/ No sooner had it appeared 
 than John T. Stuart, who, with others, were endeavor- 
 
THE JOURNAL 
 
 SPRINGFIELD 
 
 FRIDAY EVENING, MAY 16. 1856. 
 
 To the Citizens of Sangamon County. 
 
 The undersigned, citizens of Sangamon county, who are 
 epposed to the Repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and 
 who are opposed to the present Administration, and who 
 are in favor of restoring the administration of the General 
 Government to the Policy of "Washington and Jefferson, 
 would suggest the propriety of a County Convention, to be 
 held in the City of Springfield, on SATURDAY, the 
 TWENTY- FOURTH day of MAY, 1866, to appoint Dele- 
 gates to the Bloomlngton Convention, 
 A Lincoln J A Dlkeman E R Wiley 
 
 Wm HHerndon Nicholas Dunnuck S B Moody 
 Z A Knos Oliver P Hall P L Harrison 
 
 N W Matheny J N Fulllnwider M O Reeves 
 
 John Irwin •William Henrlcks Wm H Boyd 
 
 "Walter Davis James Jamison Jas "Wler 
 
 Pascal P Enos David Hall S M Parsons 
 
 W H Bailhache Allen Hall S S Sabln 
 
 E L Baker E T Dlkeman 
 
 William Javne James McBrlde 
 
 Geo W Chatterton J G Elkln 
 
 JD Harper 
 Thomas M Helm 
 E B Hawley 
 S F Paden 
 Fred I Dean 
 Amos Camp 
 J A Hough 
 H B Grubb 
 Geo A Black 
 J BMcCandless 
 A E Constant 
 J R Mingle 
 John Ranson 
 Joseph W Arnold 
 
 Thos S Kizer 
 A T Thompson 
 J A Jenkins 
 Morris Bird 
 J B Fosselmau 
 H W Owen 
 J A Mason 
 Chas Fisher 
 A H Saunders 
 Elijah Tomlinson 
 D Humphreys 
 J R Saunderi 
 J L Lantermau 
 J C Planck 
 
 Sam'l Cunningham Alfred A North 
 
 E R Ulrich 
 David A Martin 
 Geo S Roper 
 HPost 
 B Coon 
 
 Isaac a Hawley 
 A J Sell 
 R Churchill 
 SC Whitney 
 A M Watson 
 T S Little 
 J A Plckrell 
 W Hathaway 
 Enoa Bradley 
 Ellsha Dunnuck 
 Alex Armstrong 
 B Turley 
 
 Charles Dunn 
 A W French 
 J A McCandless 
 R J McCanrlless 
 Wm S Wallaco 
 S T Logan 
 Rob Irwin 
 C Blrchall 
 Wm F Elkin 
 William Butler 
 Jas Conkling 
 Jno Williams 
 BP Fox 
 Joseph Thayer 
 P Canudy 
 S Smith 
 A Mlllington 
 
 Frank Hoppln 
 Dan'l Hoppin 
 W S Plckrell 
 P Van Bergen 
 Geo Pasfleld 
 W Fisher 
 A Y Ellis 
 A J Ashton 
 P Breckenrldge 
 ThosCantrall 
 W L Gookins 
 A A McQue6ten 
 Job Fleeher,Jr. 
 L S Conant 
 Jay Slater 
 John Smith 
 J Cantrall 
 S B Fisher 
 S rover Ayers 
 Wm Perce 
 Hal Reiiy 
 G Jayne 
 G A Sutten 
 John GoCK 
 J w Moffett 
 C C Brown 
 B Moore 
 Jno W Weber 
 Georgo R Weber 
 Jacob Lewis 
 AH Lanphear 
 E Matheny 
 Thos J Knox 
 John Armstrong 
 John Branson 
 
LINCOLN ANNOUNCES HIMSELF 255 
 
 ing to retard Lincoln in his advanced ideas, rushed into 
 the office and asked if Lincoln had 'signed that Aboli- 
 tion call in the Journal/ I answered in the negative, but 
 added that I had signed his name myself. To the question, 
 'Did Lincoln authorize you to sign it?' I returned an em- 
 phatic 'No/ 'Then/ exclaimed the indignant Stuart, 'you 
 have ruined him ! ' But I was by no means alarmed at what 
 others deemed inconsiderate and hasty action. I thought 
 I understood Lincoln thoroughly, but in order to vindi- 
 cate myself if assailed I sat down, after Stuart had rushed 
 out of the office, and wrote Lincoln, who was then in Taze- 
 well County attending court, a brief account of what I 
 had done and how much stir it was creating among his 
 friends and others at home. If he approved of my course I 
 asked him to telegraph or write me at once. In due time 
 came the answer: 'All right; go ahead. Will meet you — 
 radicals and all/ Stuart subsided; and the pretended con- 
 servative spirits in and about Springfield no longer claimed 
 to control the political fortunes of Abraham Lincoln." 
 
 It would be next to impossible to trace the development 
 of Lincoln as a politician without some account of the 
 Republican State Convention at Bloomington May 29, 
 1856, referred to in a previous paragraph. Descriptive of 
 this great meeting Herndon once said: "The convention 
 adopted a platform ringing with strong anti-Nebraska sen- 
 timent and there gave the Republican Party its official 
 christening. The business of Convention being over, Mr. 
 Lincoln, in response to the repeated calls, came forward 
 and delivered a speech of such earnestness and power that 
 no one who heard it will ever forget the effect it produced. 
 I have heard or read all of Mr. Lincoln's great speeches, 
 
256 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 but I give it as my opinion that the Bloomington speech 
 was the grand effort of his life. Heretofore he had simply 
 argued the slavery question on grounds of policy — the 
 statesman's grounds — never reaching the question of the 
 radical and the eternal right. Now he was newly baptized 
 — freshly born; he had the fervor of a new convert; the 
 smothered flame broke out; enthusiasm unusual to him 
 blazed up; his eyes were aglow with an inspiration; he 
 felt justice; his heart was surcharged with sympathy and 
 he stood before the throne of the eternal Right. His speech 
 was full of fire and energy and force; it was logic; it was 
 pathos; it was justice, equity, and truth. I attempted for 
 about fifteen minutes, as was usual with me, to take notes, 
 but at the end of that time I threw my pen and paper away 
 and lived only in the inspiration of the hour. If Lincoln was 
 six feet four usually, he was seven feet high at Blooming- 
 ton that day and inspired at that. From that day to the 
 day of his death he stood firm in the right. He felt his 
 great cross, had his great idea, nursed it, kept it, taught it 
 to others, in his fidelity bore witness of it to his death, and 
 finally sealed it with his precious blood." 
 
 Being admonished that his account of Lincoln's speech, in 
 the opinion of some persons, appeared unusually graphic if 
 not overdrawn, Herndon answered: "The description was 
 used by me in a lecture in 1866 and to some persons may 
 seem more or less vivid if not extravagant in imagery, but, 
 although more than twenty years have passed since it was 
 written, I have never seen the need of altering a single 
 sentence. I still adhere to the truthfulness of the scene as 
 originally depicted." 
 
 In my travels through Illinois I have met and talked with 
 
INVITED TO SPEAK IN NEW YORK 257 
 
 many persons who heard Lincoln's Bloomington speech. 
 They included Leonard Swett, Joseph Medill, David Davis, 
 and Henry C. Whitney, and all agreed that it was a wonder- 
 ful and memorable effort. I was much impressed by Whit- 
 ney's recollection. He said that soon after the speech, as he 
 descended the stairway from the convention hall, Jesse K. 
 Dubois, of Lawrence County, Illinois, who had just been 
 nominated State Auditor, caught him by the arm and ex- 
 claimed: "Whitney, that is the greatest speech ever made 
 in Illinois and puts Lincoln on the track for the presidency." 
 A little later Whitney caught up with Lincoln, who was on 
 his way to the residence of Judge David Davis, where both 
 were guests, and told him what Dubois had said. "He 
 walked along for a few moments," related Whitney, 
 "without saying a word, but with a thoughtful, ab- 
 stracted look; then he straightened up and made a re- 
 mark about some commonplace subject having no ref- 
 erence to the matter we had been discussing. Did he 
 recognize in this burst of enthusiasm from Dubois the voice 
 of destiny summoning him to the highest responsibility 
 on earth? If so, well for him was it that he did not also 
 see the towering granite tomb only nine years distant, 
 consecrated by a flood of human tears." 
 
 No single factor, however, did so much to strengthen 
 Lincoln or rather to promote his fortunes as the speech 
 he delivered at Cooper Institute in New York, February 
 26, i860. When it became known in Springfield that he 
 had been invited to speak in New York, it occasioned un- 
 wonted surprise. Inviting a man of no more pretensions 
 than Lincoln, hailing from a place as obscure as Spring- 
 field, to deliver an address before a cultured audience in 
 
258 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 the great metropolis was indeed an extraordinary and un- 
 usual occurence. No wonder Lincoln ordered a new suit of 
 clothes for the occasion. Comments were numerous and 
 varied. The following which appeared February 23, i860, 
 in the "Illinois State Register," the Democratic organ in 
 Springfield, shows what Lincoln's political adversaries at 
 his home thought of him as a lecturer: 
 
 Significant: The Hon. Abraham Lincoln departs to-day for 
 Brooklyn under an engagement to deliver a lecture before the 
 Young Men's Association in that city in Beecher's church. Sub- 
 ject: not known. Consideration: $200 and expenses. Object: 
 presidential capital. Effect: disappointment. 
 
 As a rule the people of Springfield were loyal to Mr. 
 Lincoln, applauded his efforts, and rejoiced in his success. 
 There were, of course, a few exceptions. John T. Stuart, 
 unfortunately, was one. Recalling Lincoln's lecture at 
 Concert Hall the year before, which he characterized as a 
 weak effort, Stuart predicted indifference and scant at- 
 tention as Lincoln's portion, whenever he undertook to 
 entertain a New York audience: "All of which," con- 
 tended Herndon, "simply shows how envious Stuart really 
 was of Lincoln's success and faith in himself." 
 
 That the Cooper Institute address made an early and 
 profound impression on the majority of the people of Lin- 
 coln's home town as well as elsewhere is proved by the 
 "Springfield Journal," which, in its issue of March 7, i860, 
 publishes the address as it appeared in the New York pa- 
 pers. "We present herewith," says the "Journal" editori- 
 ally, "a very full and accurate report of Mr. Lincoln's 
 Cooper Institute speech; yet the tones, the gestures, the 
 kindly eye, and mirth-provoking look defy the reporter's 
 
THE COOPER INSTITUTE ADDRESS 259 
 
 skill. . . . No man ever before made such an impression on 
 his first appeal to a New York audience." In a later issue 
 of the "Journal" attention is paid to the speeches made 
 by Mr. Lincoln in New England, whither he had gone to 
 visit his son Robert who was attending school at Exeter, 
 New Hampshire. He spoke at numerous places in New 
 Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Connecticut. "He indulges 
 in no flowers of rhetoric, no eloquent passages," says the 
 Manchester, New Hampshire "Mirror." "For the first 
 half-hour, his opponents would agree with every word he 
 uttered; and from that part he began to lead them off cun- 
 ningly, little by little, till he seems to have gotten them all 
 into his fold. He displays more shrewdness, more knowl- 
 edge of the masses of mankind than any other public 
 speaker we have had since Long Jim Wilson left for Califor- 
 nia." The "New York Tribune" on March 13th said: 
 "Mr. Lincoln spoke on Friday at Norwich, Conn., and on 
 Saturday at Bridgeport, whence he came by the night ex- 
 press to this city, attending the churches of Drs. Beecher 
 and Chapin yesterday. He leaves this morning by way of 
 the Erie Railroad, having spoken once in New England 
 for every secular day since his address in this city two 
 weeks ago. He has done a good work and made many 
 friends during his visit." 
 
 The publication in an Ohio paper in November, 1858, 
 of an editorial announcement favoring the nomination of 
 Lincoln for President must have awakened similar utter- 
 ances elsewhere, for no later than April, 1859, Lincoln in 
 a letter to an Illinois friend, who had endorsed him for 
 President, felt impelled to arrest the movement in his be- 
 half, saying: "I must in candor say I do not think myself 
 
260 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 fit for the presidency. I certainly am flattered and gratified 
 that some partial friends think of me in that connection; 
 but I really think it is best for our cause that no concerted 
 effort, such as you suggest, should be made/' 
 
 Early in January, i860, a long letter by a New York 
 traveler appeared in the "Springfield Journal" in which the 
 writer recorded his observations as he made his way over 
 the country, claiming to have interviewed merchants, 
 mechanics, and farmers everywhere, and instead of a pre- 
 tended sentiment in Seward's behalf he reported a decided 
 leaning toward Lincoln as the best and most available man 
 for President. A few days later the " Central Illinois Gaz- 
 ette" came out in a ringing editorial endorsement of Lin- 
 coln. Meanwhile the Cooper Institute speech intervened, 
 whereupon the "Jacksonville Journal," "Iroquois Repub- 
 lican," " Rock Island Gazette," " Menard Index," and other 
 papers of like standard in Illinois joined the Lincoln column. 
 
 The first public or concerted action by the people of 
 Springfield in support of Mr. Lincoln's presidential aspir- 
 ations took place April 28, i860. A few days earlier the 
 Republican State Central Committee had issued a call for 
 a State Convention to be held at Decatur May 9, i860, 
 signed by N. B. Judd, E. L. Baker, George T. Brown, 
 Thomas J. Turner, W. T. Hopkins, N. C. Geer, J. Grim- 
 shaw, William H. Herndon, C. D. Hay, D. K. Green, D. L. 
 Phillips, and Jesse W. Fell. The Republicans of Sangamon 
 County promptly met in convention and selected the fol- 
 lowing delegates from Mr. Lincoln's home: Noah W. Math- 
 eney, William H. Herndon, John G. Nicolay, George R. 
 Webber, and William Jayne. The following resolution was 
 adopted: 
 
ENDORSED FOR PRESIDENT 261 
 
 "Resolved that our distinguished fellow-citizen, the tall 
 pioneer of Sangamon County, Abraham Lincoln, is our 
 first choice for President of the United States and that we 
 deem ourselves honored to be permitted to testify our per- 
 sonal knowledge in every-day life as friends and neighbors, 
 of his inestimable worth as a private citizen, his faithful and 
 able discharge of every public trust committed to his care 
 and the extraordinary natural gifts and brilliant attain- 
 ments which have not only made his name a household 
 word in the prairie state, but also made him the proud peer 
 of the ablest jurists, the wisest statesmen and the most 
 eloquent orators in the Union." 
 
 Scenes and events in Lincoln's life now began to unfold 
 with surprising rapidity. In a few days followed the 
 Decatur Convention made famous by John Hanks with 
 his picturesque railsplitting interruption. Within a week 
 the hosts had gathered at Chicago for the memorable 
 tournament there. With the proceedings of the convention 
 itself the world is familiar, and the varied and dramatic 
 incidents have so vividly been portrayed by others I can 
 hope to add but little to what has long since been recorded 
 regarding it. Lincoln's attitude and connection therewith 
 alone merit our attention. 
 
 The two men in that convention on whose counsel and 
 judgment Lincoln probably placed the most implicit 
 reliance were David Davis and Stephen T. Logan. The 
 Illinois delegation, of course, were united and enthusiastic 
 in their support. It was their plan to secure for him the 
 votes of Indiana and Pennsylvania; and it has been as- 
 serted that the same was accomplished by David Davis on 
 the promise of a cabinet portfolio for a man from each of 
 
262 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 those States; but whether true or not it developed that 
 both States fell into line for Lincoln at the proper time. 
 
 The convention opened Wednesday, May 16, i860. 
 Lincoln was present at the Decatur Convention the previ- 
 ous week, but he refrained from going to Chicago. In- 
 stead he remained in Springfield going about his business 
 as usual. It is a matter of history vouchsafed by Herndon, 
 who was with the Springfield delegation gathered in Chi- 
 cago, that Lincoln sent word to them by the hand of 
 E. L. Baker, editor of the "Springfield Journal," directing 
 Davis, and others in charge of his interests, to refrain from 
 making any deals or agreements, as he was determined he 
 would not be bound. Beyond this injunction there is no 
 evidence that he communicated further with them or 
 otherwise sought to restrict their action. Attention has 
 been called to a letter, recently discovered, written by Mr. 
 Lincoln a few days before the Chicago Convention, ad- 
 dressed to a delegate from Indiana, C. M. Allen, of Vin- 
 cennes, asking him to await the arrival of David Davis and 
 Jesse K. Dubois before deciding on any line of policy to be 
 followed by him at the convention. A day later Lincoln 
 wrote a letter to R. M. Corwine, saying: "I think the Illi- 
 nois delegation will be unanimous for me at the start, and 
 no other delegation will. A few individuals in other delega- 
 tions would like to go for me at the start, but may be 
 restrained by their colleagues. It is represented to me by 
 men who ought to know that the whole of Indiana might 
 not be difficult to get" And there are people who pre- 
 tend to believe that Lincoln was a novice in political 
 methods; that he sat still in his Springfield office, folded 
 his hands, looked up at the ceiling, and, without manifest- 
 
THE CHICAGO CONVENTION 263 
 
 ing the least interest in the developments of his own cause, 
 suffered things to drift along heedless of what might be- 
 fall him! 
 
 The delegates-at-large from Illinois in the Chicago Con- 
 vention were Norman B. Judd, of Chicago; Gustavus 
 Koerner, of Belleville; David Davis, of Bloomington; and 
 Orville H. Browning, of Quincy. The two delegates rep- 
 resenting the Sixth District, which included Sangamon 
 County — in which Lincoln lived — were Stephen T.Logan, 
 of Springfield, and N. M. Knapp, of Winchester. The fol- 
 lowing letter was written by Knapp after he had reached 
 Chicago. It was addressed to Lincoln and served to indi- 
 cate how things appeared to his friends gathered at the 
 convention and what they were planning to do in his 
 behalf: 
 
 Tremont House — Chicago 
 Monday ', May 14, i860 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 Things are working; keep a good nerve — be not surprised 
 at any result — but I tell you your chances are not the worst. 
 We have got Seward in the attitude of the representative Re- 
 publican of the East — you at the West. We are laboring to 
 make you the second choice of all the delegations we can, where 
 we can't make you first choice. We are dealing tenderly with 
 the delegates taking them in detail and making no fuss. Be not 
 too expectant, but rely upon our discretion. Again I say brace 
 your nerves for any result. 
 
 Truly your friend 
 
 N. M. Knapp 
 
 On Friday, May 18th — four days after the above letter 
 was written — the nomination took place. Meanwhile we 
 can well understand that if not a deeply engrossed man 
 
264 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 Lincoln was certainly a very nervous and restless one. 
 On a vacant lot south of the building which housed the 
 office of the "Springfield Journal," John Carmody had 
 leveled and smoothed the surface of the ground and main- 
 tained there a ball alley — a place where the lawyers 
 sought amusement and exercise by playing at "fives" — 
 a game in which the contestants would throw a ball against 
 a brick wall and catch it when it rebounded, also known as 
 hand-ball. The game was to keep the ball going. If the 
 player failed to catch it on the rebound, he lost a point, 
 and twenty-one points constituted the game. William 
 Donnelly, a boy employed by Carmody, had charge of the 
 alley, kept the floor in proper condition and collected the 
 fees. Several years ago I visited Donnelly, then living in 
 Springfield, and interviewed him regarding the enterprise. 
 Lincoln, he said, was very fond of the game and was one 
 of the most active and skillful players; his success being 
 due to his agility and large hands, enabling him to catch 
 the ball almost every time. Donnelly reported that during 
 the week of the Chicago Convention Mr. Lincoln was about 
 the place a good deal, indulging freely in the game. 
 
 In view of the numerous and varied accounts which 
 have been written detailing Lincoln's activities during the 
 week of the Chicago Convention, including descriptions of 
 how and where he received the news of his nomination 
 and his movements generally, the statement which follows 
 is of undoubted interest and value. It is copied from the 
 original notes of an interview with Mr. E. L. Baker, the 
 editor of the "Springfield Journal," who accompanied the 
 Springfield delegation to Chicago, and was put in writing 
 by Mr. Herndon in July, 1865. Mr. Baker left Chicago 
 
THE CHICAGO CONVENTION 265 
 
 before the convention was over, reaching Springfield early 
 in the morning of the day the balloting took place: 
 
 "Baker, editor, said: 'Lincoln marked 3 passages in 
 Mo. Democrat, directing me to show same to Davis and 
 the others. I left Chicago on night train; arrived here 
 (Springfield) in morning before balloting began. Met 
 Lincoln and we went to ball alley to play at fives — alley 
 was full — said it was pre-engaged; then went to excellent 
 beer saloon near by to play game of billiards; table was full 
 and we each drank a glass of beer; then went to Journal 
 office expecting to hear result of ballot; waited awhile, but 
 nothing came and finally we parted; I went to dinner. Lo- 
 gan had in his pocket letter of Lincoln authorizing with- 
 drawal of name on conditions.' " 
 
 A further account of Lincoln's demeanor and bearing 
 on the day of his nomination — a carefully worded and 
 trustworthy version of the episode — has been prepared 
 by the late Clinton L. Conkling, of Springfield. He and 
 George M. Brinkerhoff, referred to in his statement, were 
 in the company of Lincoln and heard him talk a few 
 moments before the receipt of the telegram apprising him 
 of his nomination. My acquaintance with the gentlemen, 
 both of whom I had frequently visited at their respective 
 abodes, convinced me they were in perfect accord in their 
 recollection of the event. Mr. Conkling's account, as pre- 
 pared by him to be read before the Illinois State Historical 
 Society in 1909, is as follows: 
 
 "On Friday morning, May 18, i860, the third day of the 
 Chicago Convention, the delegates met at ten o'clock to 
 ballot. James C. Conkling, of Springfield, who had been in 
 Chicago several days, but was called back unexpectedly, 
 
266 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 arrived home early that morning. George M. BrinkerhofF 
 of this city was reading law in Mr. Conkling's office which 
 was then over Chatterton's jewelry store. About half-past 
 eight Mr. Lincoln came into the office and asked Mr. 
 BrinkerhofF where Mr. Conkling was, as he had just heard 
 on the street that the latter had returned from Chicago. 
 On being told that Mr. Conkling was not in, but would be 
 in an hour, Mr. Lincoln left, saying he would soon return, 
 as he was anxious to see Mr. Conkling. Presently Mr. Conk- 
 ling came in and later Mr. Lincoln again called. There was 
 an old settee by the front window on which were several 
 buggy cushions. Mr. Lincoln stretched himself upon the 
 settee, his head resting on a cushion and his feet over the 
 end. For a long time they talked about the convention. 
 Mr. Lincoln wanted to know what had been done, what Mr. 
 Conkling had seen and learned, and what he believed would 
 be the result. Mr. Conkling replied that Mr. Lincoln would 
 be nominated that day; that after the conversations he had 
 had and the information he had gathered, he was satisfied 
 Seward could not be nominated, for he not only had en- 
 emies in other States than his own, but he had enemies at 
 home; that, if Mr. Seward was not nominated on the first 
 ballot, the Pennsylvania delegation and other delegations 
 would immediately go to Mr. Lincoln and he would be 
 nominated. 
 
 "Mr. Lincoln replied that he hardly thought this could 
 be possible, and that in case Mr. Seward was not nominated 
 on the first ballot it was his judgment that Mr. Chase, of 
 Ohio, or Mr. Bates, of Missouri, would be the nominee. 
 They both considered that Mr. Cameron, of Pennsylvania, 
 stood no chance of nomination. Mr. Conkling in response 
 
RECEIVES NEWS OF HIS NOMINATION 267 
 
 said that he did not think it was possible to nominate any- 
 other one except Mr. Lincoln under the existing circum- 
 stances, because the pro-slavery part of the Republican 
 Party then in the convention would not vote for Mr. 
 Chase, who was considered an Abolitionist, and the Aboli- 
 tion part of the party then in the convention would not 
 vote for Mr. Bates, because he was from a slave State; and 
 that the only solution of the matter was the nomination of 
 Mr. Lincoln. After discussing the situation at some length 
 Mr. Lincoln arose and said: 'Well, Conkling, I believe I will 
 go back to my office and practice law/ He then left the 
 office. 
 
 " I was present during a part of this interview and depend 
 largely for the details of this conversation upon what Mr. 
 Conkling and Mr. Brinkerhoffhave told me. In a very few 
 moments after Mr. Lincoln left I learned of his nomination 
 and rushed downstairs after him. I overtook him on the 
 west side of the Public Square before any one else had told 
 him, and to my cry, 'Mr. Lincoln, you're nominated/ he 
 said, 'Well, Clinton, then we've got it*; and took my out- 
 stretched hand in both of his. Then the excited crowds 
 surged around him and I dropped out of sight. 
 
 " In my possession are five original telegrams received by 
 Mr. Lincoln on the day he was nominated. All are on the 
 Illinois and Mississippi Telegraph Company forms. The 
 first one sent was from the telegraph superintendent, 
 Wilson, and shows signs of haste and bears no date. It 
 reads: 
 
 To Lincoln: 
 
 You are nominated. 
 
 J. J. S. Wilson 
 
268 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 "Mr. Pierce, the operator who received this message at 
 Springfield, wrote from Young America, Illinois, under 
 date of June 4, i860, to Mr. Lincoln saying this was the 
 first message for him announcing the nomination. A mo- 
 ment after this message was sent a messenger boy brought 
 to the main office in Chicago a message addressed simply, 
 'Abe* and which read: 'We did it. Glory to God! Knapp.' 
 The receiving clerk brought the message to Mr. E. D. L. 
 Sweet, superintendent of the Western Division, calling 
 his attention to the address and also to the expression, 
 'Glory to God/ Mr. Sweet directed that the words, 
 'Lincoln, Springfield/ be added and that the message be 
 sent at once. The message was probably the first one to 
 Mr. Lincoln from any person who was actively at work 
 in his behalf in the convention and without doubt was 
 from Mr. N. M. Knapp who wrote the letter of May 14th. 
 The next two telegrams are from J. J. Richards, who was 
 connected with the Great Western Railroad and resided at 
 Naples which was the terminus of the road. The first one 
 was as follows: 
 
 By Telegraph from Chicago, 
 To Abraham Lincoln : 
 
 You 're nominated and elected. 
 
 "The second read: 
 
 May 18 i860 
 
 J. J. Richards 
 
 You were nominated on the 3rd ballot. 
 
 J. J. Richards 
 
 " Mr. J. J. S. Wilson followed his first message, probably 
 within a few moments, by another which reads": 
 
TELEGRAPHIC NEWS FROM CHICAGO 269 
 
 May 18 i860 
 By Telegraph from Chicago 
 To Hon. A. Lincoln 
 
 Vote just announced. Whole No. 466. Necessary to choice 
 234. Lincoln 354. Votes not stated. On motion of Mr. Evarts 
 of N.Y. the nomination was made unanimous amid intense 
 enthusiasm. 
 
 J. J. S. Wilson 
 
 The only telegraph wires into Springfield in i860 were 
 owned and operated by the Illinois and Mississippi Tele- 
 graph Company, and were called the Caton lines, after 
 Judge John D. Caton, of Ottawa, Illinois, the president of 
 the company. The principal office of the company was in 
 St. Louis. John James Speed Wilson was superintendent 
 of the Eastern Division, with headquarters at Springfield, 
 and E. D. L. Sweet, of the Western Division, with his 
 office in Chicago. There was only one wire into the Wig- 
 wam — the building in which the convention was held in 
 Chicago — and this was connected at the main office with 
 the wire leading to the east. Mr. Wilson was in Chicago 
 during the convention and divided his time between the 
 main telegraph office at the southeast corner of Lake and 
 Clark Streets and the Wigwam. It was before the day of 
 the telephone, so that most of the personal messages from 
 delegates to Illinois points — and that included those to 
 Mr. Lincoln — were sent from the convention hall to the 
 main office of the company by messenger boys. 
 
 For the first time in its history the city of Springfield 
 had the honor of sheltering and numbering among its 
 citizens a candidate for President of the United States; 
 and judging by the activities of that period, as chronicled 
 in the local papers, its people deeply appreciated the dis- 
 tinction. 
 
tjo THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 "The news of Mr. Lincoln's nomination," says the 
 "Journal" on Saturday, May 19th, "reached the city 
 shortly after noon yesterday. Arrangements were at once 
 made to fire a salute of one hundred guns and the different 
 bells in the city were rung from five o'clock till sundown. 
 Flags were flying from the State House; Republican Head- 
 quarters, and the Journal office; and other evidences of 
 joy were visible in various parts of the city. Many called 
 on Mr. Lincoln at his home to congratulate him personally 
 and a large and enthusiastic crowd assembled at the State 
 House at eight in the evening where speeches were deliv- 
 ered by J. C. Conkling, George R. Webber, and others. 
 An hour later the Young American Band started for the 
 Lincoln residence. Arriving in front of the house the crowd 
 made loud calls for Mr. Lincoln and they were soon grati- 
 fied by seeing his tall form emerging from his doorway. 
 When the cheering subsided Mr. Lincoln proceeded to make 
 his first speech as a candidate for President." 
 
 Unfortunately for us no reporter was present to take 
 down the speech and we must therefore content ourselves 
 with the account of it as published in the local newspaper. 
 
 "For appropriateness the speech," observes the "Jour- 
 nal," "was never surpassed. Mr. Lincoln said he did not 
 suppose the honor of such a visit was intended particularly 
 for himself as a private citizen, but rather as the repre- 
 sentative of a great party; and in reference to his position 
 on the political questions of the day he referred his numer- 
 ous and enthusiastic hearers to his previous public letters 
 and speeches. The speech was a perfect model in its way, 
 and the loud applause with which it was greeted shows that 
 it struck the right place in the minds of his hearers. Just 
 
ARRIVAL OF NOTIFICATION COMMITTEE 271 
 
 previous to the conclusion of his speech Mr. Lincoln said 
 he would be glad to invite the whole crowd into his house 
 if it were large enough to hold them (A voice: 'We will give 
 you a larger house on the 4th of next March!'), but as it 
 could not contain more than a fraction of those who were 
 in front of it he would merely invite as many as could 
 find room." 
 
 Meetings to ratify the Chicago nominations were held 
 on the days following, not only in Springfield, but at other 
 points in Sangamon County, where enthusiastic crowds 
 gathered and listened to speeches by James H. Matheney, 
 William H. Herndon, John H. Littlefield (a law student in 
 Lincoln and Herndon's office), Shelby M. Cullom, Wil- 
 liam Jayne, and other local orators of like renown. 
 
 Two memorable and auspicious events in Lincoln's life 
 took place on Friday. One was his marriage to Mary 
 Todd, November 4, 1842; the other his nomination for 
 President at Chicago, May 18, i860. On the day following 
 the last-named occurrence, which was Saturday, came the 
 committee from the National Convention to notify Mr. 
 Lincoln of his nomination. They reached Springfield at 
 seven o'clock in the evening from Chicago on a special 
 train of three cars, which, besides the members of the com- 
 mittee, contained numerous other delegates and many of 
 Mr. Lincoln's personal friends. "Upon the arrival of the 
 committee at the Chenery House," says the "Springfield 
 Journal," "cheers were given by the crowd for Governor 
 Morgan, of New York, Frank P. Blair, of Maryland, 
 Governor Boutwell, of Massachusetts, and three cheers 
 and a tiger for the Pennsylvania delegation. From the 
 
272 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 hotel the delegation deployed off to the State House where 
 a most enthusiastic Republican meeting, addressed by 
 various distinguished speakers, was kept up to a late 
 hour." The notification committee, meanwhile, after par- 
 taking of supper and bountiful refreshments at the hotel, 
 proceeded to the residence of Lincoln. What took place 
 there is so well known it need not be repeated here. An 
 incident or two, however, has been preserved. 
 
 Among those who accompanied the delegation from 
 Chicago was Ebenezer Peck, later Clerk of the Supreme 
 Court of Illinois, who had once been a resident of Spring- 
 field, was a close friend of Lincoln, and therefore more 
 or less familiar with the latter's social and domestic sur- 
 roundings. On reaching the hotel Mr. Peck confided to the 
 local people gathered there that, on account of the delay 
 in the arrival of the train and the necessity of departing at 
 an early hour, the committee desired that the least time 
 possible be consumed by the notification ceremony at 
 Lincoln's residence. To that end it was intimated that no 
 ladies were to be invited and that even the presence of Mrs. 
 Lincoln was not expected or, in fact, desired. Being ac- 
 quainted with the mercurial disposition of Lincoln's 
 wife, Peck called aside several Springfield people whom he 
 knew and suggested that they notify Mrs. Lincoln of the 
 committee's preference so that thus she would take the 
 hint. But it happened that the Springfield people were also 
 familiar with Mrs. Lincoln's peculiar temperament so that 
 when appealed to by Peck they declined to intervene. 
 Instead they admonished him: "Go tell the lady, yourself." 
 Later, when the home on Eighth Street was reached and 
 the committee filed gravely in, the first person they saw 
 
THE NOTIFICATION CEREMONY 273' 
 
 was Mrs. Lincoln dressed in her finest, bedecked with 
 flowers, and graciously awaiting them in the parlor! 
 Whether Mr. Peck had courage enough to deliver the 
 message himself was never known. 
 
 A gentleman, who was living in Springfield when these 
 lines were written, told me that he, among others, was 
 consulted by Lincoln regarding the propriety of offering 
 wine to the committee while they were at his house. At 
 first it was deemed appropriate to comply with the custom 
 then in vogue in welcoming and entertaining guests who 
 ranked as high as the members of the notification commit- 
 tee; but later, after some reflection, Lincoln dissented, 
 holding that, as he himself did not drink wine, it could 
 with propriety be omitted in his own house. A few days 
 after the departure of the committee Lincoln encountered 
 the gentleman above mentioned — John W. Bunn — 
 on the street. The latter asked him how his guests took 
 to the cold water he had served to them at his house. 
 "Greatly to my surprise," answered Lincoln, "they drank 
 freely of it and I never knew the reason till one of them con- 
 fided that they had just come from a sumptuous dinner at 
 the hotel where they were given bountiful quantities of 
 everything to drink but water, so that when they reached 
 my house they were so dry, notwithstanding the refresh- 
 ments at the hotel, even water was stimulant enough to 
 satisfy their appetites." 
 
 In due time the campaign of i860 was well under way 
 With the dignity becoming his position Mr. Lincoln re- 
 mained at home supervising his correspondence, receiving 
 visitors, and, in general, managing his campaign. The 
 leading incident — one of absorbing local interest — was 
 
274 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 the mammoth meeting at Springfield August 14th, which, 
 in size and character, is graphically portrayed in the head- 
 lines of the " Springfield Journal" : 
 
 A POLITICAL EARTHQUAKE ! 
 
 THE PRAIRIES ON FIRE FOR LINCOLN 
 
 THE BIGGEST DEMONSTRATION 
 
 EVER HELD IN THE WEST 
 75000 REPUBLICANS IN COUNCIL 
 IMMENSE PROCESSION 
 
 Sneaking from Five Stands by Trumbull, Doolittle, 
 
 Kellogg, Palmer, Gillespie, etc. 
 
 Magnificent Torch Light Procession at Night 
 
 Meeting at the Wigwam and Representatives Hall, 
 
 This was not only Lincoln's first public appearance 
 after the day of his nomination, but also, as described in 
 the local papers, the greatest rally of the campaign. The 
 meeting was at the State Fair Grounds. "The announce- 
 ment that Mr. Lincoln had arrived on the ground," re- 
 lates the "Journal," "was the signal for a display of wild 
 enthusiasm the like of which was never before witnessed by 
 an Illinois audience. There was a rush from every stand to- 
 ward his carriage, which was immediately surrounded by his 
 warm admirers and he was forced almost violently from 
 his vehicle and carried upon the shoulders of the crowd to an 
 impromptu stand where he was called upon for a speech. 
 The huzzas and cheers which greeted him were continued 
 nearly ten minutes without cessation, the uproar being so 
 great he could not make himself heard. When order was 
 
GREAT RALLY IN AUGUST 275 
 
 partially restored he thanked his hearers in a brief speech 
 and then descended from the platform. Meanwhile thou- 
 sands pressed around to take him by the hand, but by an 
 adroit movement he escaped on horseback while the crowd 
 was besieging the carriage in which he was expected to 
 return to the city." 
 
 Among other things the campaign was enlivened by a 
 long letter published in the "Decatur Chronicle/* written 
 by Lincoln's kinsman John Hanks explaining why he 
 had left the Democratic Party and was then warmly sup- 
 porting the claims of his cousin Abraham Lincoln for Pres- 
 ident. No incident of the campaign made a deeper impres- 
 sion on Lincoln. Although John may not have written 
 the letter exactly as printed in the newspaper, it does not 
 follow that he neglected to dictate his ideas to another who 
 possessed the requisite skill to put it into shape for publi- 
 cation. As it was the first and only endorsement of 
 Lincoln's claims from any of his kindred, and as John 
 Hanks was his favorite cousin (the only one, too, he hon- 
 ored with an invitation to his wedding), we can well under- 
 stand that the latter with its plain logic and frank senti- 
 ments afforded Lincoln, as Herndon assured me, the 
 deepest gratification. In view of the fact that Lincoln read 
 the letter when published and was so deeply touched by 
 his cousin's loyal and generous support, a reproduction of 
 a portion of it in this connection may not be without more 
 or less interest. After reciting that from boyhood he had 
 been a supporter of the Democratic Party, Hanks insists 
 that he is but repeating the tactics of Douglas in trans- 
 ferring his support to the Republican Party. Referring to 
 Lincoln he says: 
 
276 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 I have known him for more than thirty years. In boyhood 
 days we Ve toiled together; many are the days we have lugged 
 the heavy oar on the Ohio, the Illinois and the Mississippi Rivers 
 together; many are the long cold days we have journeyed over 
 the wild prairies and through the forest with gun and axe; and 
 though it is now pleasant to refer to it well do I remember when 
 we set out together in the cold winter to cut and maul rails on 
 the Sangamon River in Macon County to enclose his father's 
 little home and from day to day kept at work until the whole 
 was finished and the homestead fenced in. We often swapped 
 work in this way and yet, during the many years we were asso- 
 ciated together as laborers sometimes flat-boating, sometimes 
 hog driving, sometimes rail making and, too, when it was nearly 
 impossible to get books he was a constant reader; I was a lis- 
 tener. He settled the disputes of all the young men in the 
 neighborhood and his decisions were always abided by. I never 
 knew a man more honest under all circumstances. Thus asso- 
 ciated with Mr. Lincoln I learned to love him and when, in 
 1858, he was a candidate for the first time within my reach, 
 against my feelings and, I may say, against my convictions my 
 old party ties induced me to vote for Mr. Douglas. My Demo- 
 cratic friends all declared Lincoln was an Abolitionist. I heard 
 him make a speech in Decatur just before the election and I 
 could see nothing bad in it; but I was told by the party he was 
 wrong and yet I did not see how he could be. They said I was a 
 Democrat and must vote that way. My wife used to say to me 
 that some day Abe would come out and be something great ; 
 I thought so too but I could not exactly see how a man in the 
 lower walks of life, a day laborer and helplessly poor would 
 ever stand much chance to rise very high in the world. 
 
 At last, one day at home, we heard that the Republican 
 State Convention was to be held at Decatur and that they were 
 going for Abe for President. As soon as I found this out I went 
 into town and told a friend of Abe's that great and honest merit 
 was at last to be rewarded in the person of my old friend Mr. 
 Lincoln of the Republican Party. I thought of the hard and try- 
 ing struggles of his early days and recollecting the rails we had 
 made together thirty years ago made up my mind to present 
 some of them to that convention as a testimonial of the begin- 
 ning of one of the greatest living men of the age, believing they 
 
LETTER OF JOHN HANKS 277 
 
 would speak more in his praise than any orator could, and 
 honor true labor more than the praise of men or the resolutions 
 of conventions. On our way to get the rails I told the friend of 
 old Abe that if Abe should be nominated for President I would 
 vote for him; everybody knows he has been and I rejoice that I 
 live to give this testimony to his goodness and honesty, and hope 
 I shall live to vote for him for President of the United States 
 next November. Is there anything wrong in this? Who ought to 
 refuse to vote for as good and as great a man as he is ? I know 
 that in voting for him I vote with the Republican Party and will 
 be considered as adopting its principles. As I now understand 
 him I see no good reason why I may not do so; our own party is 
 divided and we have no Solomon to tell who shall take the child. 
 Slavery has divided the Democratic Party and nobody can 
 blame Republicanism for the destruction that came upon us at 
 Charleston. Slavery has disunited us — has united the Re- 
 publican Party, and if there is any good about the question 
 they have it all and we have the trouble. If I understand Mr. 
 Douglas now, he occupies a position on the question just as dis- 
 tasteful to the South as Mr. Lincoln does — with this clear 
 difference; The South seems to understand Mr. Lincoln's po- 
 sition better than his and to respect it a great deal more; and I 
 am convinced that if Mr. Douglas does not reflect the nigger he 
 does the mulatto, and one brings just as much in Mobile as the 
 other and stands as high in the market. 
 
 Many of my Democratic neighbors will say I have done 
 wrong; but I know there are many who would do as I have done 
 were it not that they do not feel willing to break away from 
 party ties and encounter the talk of old friends. As long as I 
 have old Abe to lead me I know that I shall never go very far 
 from the right. Should he be elected President and find any 
 trouble in steering his new boat he has only to remember how 
 we used to get out of hard places by rowing straight ahead and 
 never by making short turns. The tallest oaks in the forest 
 have fallen by his giant arms; he still wields a tremendous 
 maul; out of the largest timber he can make the smallest rails. 
 I have seen him try a tough cut and fail once; in the second trial 
 he never failed to use it up. Though not a very beautiful symbol 
 of honesty I think the rail a fitting one and mean to present Abe 
 with one of his own make should he be elected, in the city of 
 
278 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 Washington on the day of inauguration to be kept in the White 
 House during his administration. 
 
 John Hanks 
 
 Illinois and especially Springfield was the storm center 
 of the campaign. Hither came the celebrities from all di- 
 rections so that the people were privileged to hear most of 
 the great spell-binders of the day including Tom Corwin, 
 Samuel Galloway, Galusha Grow, Carl Schurz, Robert 
 C. Schenck, Leonard Swett, and others of like renown. 
 Most of the meetings in Springfield were held in the Wig- 
 wam, a building erected for the purpose, and there Mr. 
 Lincoln would generally be seen, occupying a seat on the 
 platform, or sometimes walking beside the speaker in the 
 parade as it marched down the street. Although a punc- 
 tual and interested spectator at all the meetings, he in- 
 variably declined to make a speech. 
 
 There was also great activity among the local campaign- 
 ers. Herndon was especially ubiquitous and energetic; so 
 also were William Jayne, John H. Littlefield — a law stu- 
 dent in Lincoln & Herndon's office — and the lamented 
 Elmer Ellsworth. That Mr. Lincoln was himself not un- 
 mindful of their interest and zeal is demonstrated by the 
 following message which he sent to Herndon who was 
 billed to make a speech at Petersburg October ioth, just 
 after the State election in Indiana and Pennsylvania: 
 
 Springfield, Ills., Oct. 10, i860 
 Dear William:- 
 
 I cannot give you the details, but it is entirely certain that 
 Pennsylvania and Indiana have gone Republican very largely. 
 Pennsylvania 25,000 and Indiana 5,000 to 10,000. Ohio of 
 course is safe. Yours as ever 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
HERNDON'S SPEECH AT PETERSBURG 279 
 
 This message in Lincoln's handwriting is still in existence 
 having been presented by Herndon to a friend in Chicago 
 who has preserved and allowed me to copy it. "I well re- 
 member," related Herndon, " how, in the midst of my speech 
 at Petersburg, a man hurriedly made his way through the 
 crowd and thrust a message into my hand. I was more or 
 less agitated, if not really alarmed, fearing it might contain 
 sad or unwelcome news from my family; but great was my 
 relief when I read it, which I did aloud. It was from Lincoln 
 bidding me to be of good cheer, that Indiana, Pennsyl- 
 vania, and Ohio had been swept by the Republicans. These 
 were October States and this was the first gun of the cam- 
 paign. The announcement created so much commotion, 
 such a burst of enthusiasm, that the crowd in their excite- 
 ment forgot they had a speaker. They ran from the hall 
 and their cheers and yells were so vociferous I never suc- 
 ceeded in finishing my speech." 
 
 The incident is thus described in the "Axis," the Dem- 
 ocratic organ published in Petersburg October 13, i860: 
 
 Abraham Lincoln, of whom it has been stated by his private 
 secretary that he was under obligations to his friends not to 
 write or answer any interrogatories lest he should embarrass 
 the canvass, being overjoyed at the intelligence from the late 
 elections has violated the obligation imposed upon him. While 
 Bill Herndon was delivering his tirade of abuse upon the Southern- 
 ers and Southern institutions at the court-house in this place 
 on Monday evening, he was stopped in the middle of his speech 
 upon the arrival of a special messenger from Springfield (an- 
 nounced by the agent of the U. G. R. R.) bearing a note from the 
 great Abraham himself, heralding a Republican victory of twenty 
 thousand in Pennsylvania, twenty to twenty-five thousand in 
 Ohio, and five to ten thousand in Indiana and closing as follows: 
 
 "I send this glorious news to my friends, greeting: 
 Your friend in haste 
 
 A. Lincoln." 
 
a8o THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 Upon this announcement his friends obeyed the summons by 
 round after round of frantic shouts. 
 
 In an editorial bearing the headlines: "The Falsities and 
 Fanaticism of Bill Herndon, the Law Partner and Con- 
 fidant of Mr. Lincoln," the paper continues: 
 
 That the heresies and false dogmas of William H. Herndon are 
 traceable to the law office of Mr. Lincoln himself is a sufficient 
 reason why we feel called upon to expose them to the public in 
 order that conservative men of the Republican Party may know 
 whither we are drifting. It had for some time been previously 
 announced that Mr. Herndon would address our citizens upon 
 the political issues of the day and that this would be the ablest 
 speech ever delivered in the town of Petersburg. Accordingly we 
 were present Monday evening and have something to say of the 
 result. 
 
 From the seeming insuperable mass of incongruous substances 
 composing the speech of Mr. Herndon we are enabled to col- 
 late within the bounds of reasonableness a few of the points hav- 
 ing a smattering of argument in them. We shall not attempt to 
 follow him through the dark vaults of his truculent imagination 
 nor to calm the fears of those who become frightened at the gen- 
 tleman's ghost stories. Presuming upon the faith of our early 
 fathers he has dared to resurrect them in the name of Abraham 
 without offering the divine sacrifice that the people might have 
 disclosed to them the hallowedness of the act. 
 
 The news of the Republican victory in the October 
 States produced great enthusiasm especially in Lincoln's 
 home town. A meeting was held at the Wigwam to 
 which a long procession of Wide-A wakes and torchlight 
 bearers made their way after marching over town. They 
 stopped at Lincoln's residence. "Mr. Lincoln," so the 
 "Journal" relates, "stood in his doorway surrounded by 
 a large number of friends and bowed in silent acknowledg- 
 ment of the deafening cheers, but declined to speak. But 
 
LYMAN TRUMBULL SPEAKS a8i 
 
 Lyman Trumbull, who was conveniently at hand, made the 
 speech for him, telling the crowd that they must excuse 
 Mr. Lincoln as he was under engagement to address the 
 people at a later date, March 4th, from the eastern portico 
 of the Capitol of Washington/' 
 
CHAPTER XIX 
 
 Lincoln the candidate for President — Meeting the expenses of the campaign 
 
 — Judge Logan's plan — The ten friends of Lincoln who contributed — John 
 W. Bunn's story of the fund — John G. Nicolay selected as Lincoln's secretary 
 
 — Lincoln's attention to the details of the campaign — Meets with local com- 
 mittee — Recommends John Hay as assistant secretary — Interesting remi- 
 niscence of John W. Bunn — How Lincoln bore himself throughout the cam- 
 paign — The election — Lincoln going to the polls — Assigned quarters for his 
 office in the State House — His habits as President elect — Goes to Chicago to 
 meet Hannibal Hamlin — Returns to Springfield — Visitors at his office and 
 incidents of his stay there — Journeys to Charleston to see his stepmother — 
 Account of his visit and interesting reminiscence by James A. Connolly — 
 Returns to Springfield and begins preparations for the journey to Washington 
 
 — Last visit to his law office — Final interview with Herndon. 
 
 Inasmuch as Abraham Lincoln was the first candidate 
 for President that the city of Springfield had ever sheltered 
 there were, therefore, no precedents, indicating the re- 
 quirements of the occasion, to guide him or his friends. In 
 a worldly sense Lincoln was of limited means, his ac- 
 cumulations after a quarter of a century at the bar never 
 having exceeded ten thousand dollars. He was therefore ill 
 constituted to bear, unaided, the burdensome expenses 
 which a campaign for the presidential office necessarily en- 
 tailed. That being the case I venture in this connection to 
 give space to a reminiscence of Lincoln I heard in Spring- 
 field. It is so illuminative and affords such an insight into 
 Lincoln's personal connection with the campaign of i860, 
 it cannot well be omitted. It is a recollection of the late 
 John W. Bunn, who was a close friend of Lincoln and one 
 of his political lieutenants in Springfield. The statement 
 written and delivered to me by Mr. Bunn is as follows: 
 
 Shortly after Mr. Lincoln's nomination for President in May, 
 
MEETING EXPENSES OF THE CAMPAIGN 283 
 
 i860, Judge Stephen T. Logan, a warm friend and former law 
 partner of Mr. Lincoln and one who had been active in his po- 
 litical interest, came to me at my brother Jacob Bunn's store, 
 where I was then employed, and reminded me that Mr. Lincoln 
 would necessarily receive a large amount of correspondence 
 which should be attended to promptly and which would require 
 clerical assistance; that prominent Republicans all over the 
 country would be coming to Springfield to visit him; that the 
 entertainment of these gentlemen would be an item of some con- 
 sequence and that there would be various other expenses incident 
 to the Springfield end of the campaign, all of which Mr. Lincoln, 
 being a man of limited means, could ill afford to bear. Judge 
 Logan then suggested that a fund for that purpose should be 
 provided by Mr. Lincoln's personal friends in Springfield, at the 
 same time handing me his check for five hundred dollars accom- 
 panied by a list of nine other friends of Mr. Lincoln including 
 such men as Colonel John Williams, my brother Jacob Bunn, 
 O. M. Hatch, Thomas Condell, and Robert Irwin, each one of 
 whom, he was sure, would be glad to contribute five hundred 
 dollars for a fund for this general purpose. He directed me to act 
 as treasurer of the fund and I at once called on the gentlemen 
 named, obtaining, as predicted, five hundred dollars from each 
 one, thus accumulating the fund of five thousand dollars for the 
 purposes indicated by Judge Logan. 
 
 Shortly after this John G. Nicolay, then a clerk in the office of 
 O. M. Hatch, agreed, without compensation, to give such time as 
 he could to attend to Mr. Lincoln's political correspondence. 
 Mr. Hatch was then Secretary of State, and he and the clerks in 
 his office arranged their duties so that Mr. Nicolay might have 
 considerable time at his disposal in connection with Mr. Lincoln's 
 correspondence. In the early part of August a great Republican 
 rally, said to have been attended by seventy-five thousand peo- 
 ple, was held at the State Fair Grounds in Springfield. The ex- 
 penses attendant upon that mammoth gathering of the people 
 consumed the unexpended portion of the five thousand dollars 
 that had been raised. After the rally a meeting of the committee 
 of gentlemen who had contributed the fund was held and each of 
 the original subscribers put in an additional five hundred dollars. 
 Meanwhile Mr. Lincoln's correspondence had so materially in- 
 
284 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 creased that Mr. Nicolay found it practically impossible for him 
 to take care of it without assistance. At the meeting of the com- 
 mittee, referred to, the question of procuring an assistant for 
 Nicolay was canvassed. The names of various persons were sug- 
 gested, but none seemed to possess the peculiar qualifications 
 deemed requisite for one who would necessarily have the re- 
 sponsible duties attending the disposal of Mr. Lincoln's weighty 
 and oftentimes delicate correspondence. Finally Milton Hay 
 suggested that his nephew John Hay, who was studying law in 
 his office, had marked literary talent, decided tact, and was oth- 
 erwise well equipped to fill the position and that, too, without 
 expense to the committee. Moreover, he contended, it would be 
 an excellent thing for young Hay in the way of practical experi- 
 ence. After due consideration the committee decided to make 
 requisition on John Hay for his services and he immediately took 
 his place beside Mr. Nicolay. The two worked together through- 
 out the remainder of the campaign, disposing of Mr. Lincoln's 
 correspondence which, especially after the election, and until the 
 departure of Mr. Lincoln for Washington, in February, 1861, was 
 very large and important. 
 
 Although more or less burdened by the weighty matters 
 that necessarily demanded his attention as a candidate 
 and later President elect, Lincoln in no respect over- 
 looked the details of the campaign. Especially solicitous 
 was he regarding local conditions, including campaign ex- 
 penses. He relied on Mr. Bunn and repeatedly called on 
 him and certain other discreet friends asking for reports of 
 developments. He insisted that he should be told every- 
 thing. Mr. Bunn, in his account of Lincoln's campaign 
 expenses, says: 
 
 Shortly before he left Springfield, he called a meeting of the 
 committee referred to above in order to close up the various un- 
 finished matters connected with his end of the campaign. It 
 developed that the fund was overdrawn about twenty-five hun- 
 dred dollars. This I insisted on paying, as I had been responsible 
 
HIS SECRETARIES, NICOLAY AND HAY 285 
 
 for incurring the deficit. At this meeting Mr. Lincoln said that 
 he had been examining the laws of Congress with reference to 
 Appropriations and found that, as President, he would have at 
 his disposal for secretarial work only the sum of twenty-five 
 hundred dollars per year, all of which amount, he judged, would 
 be required for Mr. Nicolay; that he had found John Hay to be 
 of great assistance and that he hoped after reaching Washington 
 he might find some way of continuing the latter's connection 
 with his personal work. Thereupon Milton Hay said that John 
 Hay had greatly enjoyed working with Mr. Lincoln, and that he, 
 Milton Hay, would provide for John's expenses for six months in 
 Washington. Immediately thereafter Mr. Lincoln requested 
 John Hay to accompany him to Washington in the capacity of 
 Assistant Secretary in conjunction with Mr. Nicolay, which re- 
 quest was duly complied with. During the early years of the war 
 John Hay returned to visit Springfield. He then told me that 
 when Mr. Lincoln received his first month's salary as President 
 he insisted on paying Hay a salary at the rate of three thousand 
 dollars a year. 
 
 John W. Bunn, the author of the foregoing reminiscence, 
 emigrated to Springfield from New Jersey about the time 
 Mr. Lincoln was elected to Congress in 1847. His brother 
 Jacob was the leading banker of Springfield and a client of 
 Lincoln's, and he himself was one of the latter's proteges 
 in the development of politics from 1850 to i860. He and 
 Lincoln were the closest of friends. Some of his recollec- 
 tions bring out characteristics of Lincoln that cannot fail 
 to enlighten us. 
 
 In the year of 1857 [he related] Mr. Lincoln asked me one day 
 if I did not wish to run for city treasurer of Springfield. The city 
 was then almost hopelessly Democratic and the proposition 
 rather startled me. He, however, gave me encouragement to 
 believe that I could be elected if I would go about the matter in 
 the right way. My brother, Jacob Bunn, who was present, said 
 to him, "John will run if you want him to." The candidate of 
 
286 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 the Democrats was Charles Ridgely. I confess I was pleased with 
 the idea, and when the Republican city convention met I was 
 an interested auditor of the proceedings. I expected to hear 
 my own virtues extolled in the lofty way common in such con- 
 ventions. Lincoln told me nothing of his plans as to how the an- 
 nouncement of my candidacy would be made or in what man- 
 ner I would be brought out. The convention was nearly over and 
 I began to think the matter of my nomination had been forgot- 
 ten. In a city so Democratic as Springfield Republican nomina- 
 tions were regarded at best as rather formal and perfunctory 
 affairs. Near the close of the convention a young man — a law- 
 yer who was an inmate of Lincoln's office — addressed the chair- 
 man and said he would like to make a nomination for the office 
 of city treasurer, but that, if the suggestion he should make did 
 not meet with the favor of every delegate present, he would 
 withdraw the name. He then put my name in nomination, but 
 again said: "If there is any delegate on this floor opposed to the 
 candidacy of Mr. Bunn I do not wish his name to be voted upon 
 or to go on the ticket." No one objected and I was nominated 
 by acclamation. 
 
 When I saw who was nominating me and knew that he was an 
 inmate of Mr. Lincoln's office, I, of course, knew very well that 
 he was acting under Mr. Lincoln's orders. The result of the elec- 
 tion was that I was chosen for treasurer, and I may say I was 
 again chosen in 1858, in 1859, and in i860. In all these cam- 
 paigns I was, so to speak, under the political wing of Mr. Lincoln. 
 
 A day or two after the first nomination for city treasurer I was 
 going uptown and saw Mr. Lincoln ahead of me. He waited until 
 I caught up and said to me, "How are you running?" I told him 
 I did n't know how I was running. Then he said, "Have you 
 asked anybody to vote for you ? " I said that I had not. " Well," 
 said he, "if you don't think enough of your success to ask any- 
 body to vote for you, it is probable they will not do it, and that 
 you will not be elected." I said to him, "Shall I ask Democrats 
 to vote for me ? " He said, " Yes, ask everybody to vote for you." 
 Just then a well-known Democrat, named Ragsdale, was coming 
 up the sidewalk. Lincoln said, "Now, you drop back there and 
 ask Mr. Ragsdale to vote for you." I turned and fell in with Mr. 
 Ragsdale, told him of my candidacy, and said I hoped he would 
 
LINCOLN DURING THE CAMPAIGN 287 
 
 support me. To my astonishment he promised me that he would. 
 Mr. Lincoln walked slowly along and fell in with me again and 
 inquired, "Well, what did Ragsdale say? Will he vote for you?" 
 I answered, "Yes, he told me he would." "Well, then," said 
 Lincoln, "you are sure of two votes at the election, mine and 
 Ragsdale's." This was my first lesson in politics and I received it 
 from a welcome source. 
 
 During the time between the election of Mr. Lincoln and his 
 departure from Springfield for Washington he had his office in 
 the old State House. I was, of course, deeply interested in the 
 campaign being a member of a local committee which had charge 
 of matters in Springfield and Sangamon County as well as treas- 
 urer of the same. 
 
 One day after the election had resulted successfully I went 
 over to Mr. Lincoln's room in the State House, and as I passed 
 up the stairway I met Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, coming away. 
 When I entered the room I said to Mr. Lincoln, rather abruptly, 
 "You don't want to put that man in your Cabinet, I hope?" It 
 was an impertinent remark on my part, but Mr. Lincoln received 
 it kindly, and replied to me in a characteristic way, by saying, 
 "Why do you say that?" "Because," I answered, "he thinks he 
 is a great deal bigger than you are." "Well," inquired Lincoln, 
 "do you know of any other men who think they are bigger than I 
 am ? " I replied, " I cannot say that I do, but why do you ask me 
 that?" "Because," said Mr. Lincoln, "I want to put them all in 
 my Cabinet." 
 
 On another occasion, after the campaign was over and I was 
 again in Mr. Lincoln's office, mention was made of the interest 
 and time I had given to the canvass locally. Lincoln asked me 
 some questions which brought out the fact that I had spent a 
 good deal of my own money in the canvass — a thousand dollars 
 or more. Mr. Lincoln suggested that I was not able to lose that 
 money. He spoke very seriously. I replied to him, "Yes, Mr. 
 Lincoln, I am able to lose it because when you have reached 
 Washington you are going to give me an office." The statement 
 seemed to startle him and the look in his face grew very serious. 
 He promptly denied that he had promised me any office what- 
 ever. "No, Mr. Lincoln," I replied, "you have not promised me 
 anything, but you are going to give me an office just the same." 
 
288 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 "What office do you think I am going to give you?" he asked, 
 "The office of Pension Agent here in Illinois," I exclaimed. 
 "During Isaac B. Curran's term as Pension Agent under Bu- 
 chanan I have done all the work in the office in order to get the 
 deposits in my brother's bank. The salary amounts to one thou- 
 sand dollars, and when you go to Washington you are going to 
 give me that office." To this he made no word of reply, and there 
 was therefore no way of determining what effect my prediction 
 made upon him. All I know is that three days after his inaugura- 
 tion as President, Caleb B. Smith, his Secretary of the Interior 
 in Washington, sent to Springfield my commission as Pension 
 Agent. 
 
 I do not believe that anything on earth could have exacted a 
 promise from Mr. Lincoln to give me that office; nor do I think 
 he would have bargained to give any man an administrative 
 office before or after his election. It is probable that he selected 
 the members of his Cabinet and that he had advised them of the 
 fact before they were appointed, but outside of his Cabinet of- 
 ficers I do not believe he promised anybody an office before the 
 day of his inauguration, and yet the incident I have above re- 
 lated shows that he was not by any means insensible to ordinary 
 political considerations. 
 
 The presidential election of i860 took place November 
 6th. "In the morning of that day," relates Herndon, 
 " I dropped in at the office in the State House to see Mr. 
 Lincoln and inquired how and when he expected to cast 
 his vote. At first he questioned the propriety of his voting 
 at all, but, on being reminded of his duty to his friends on 
 the State ticket, he called for a ballot, cut off the names of 
 the presidential electors, and started for the polls. On one 
 side of him walked Ward H. Lamon, on the other side, 
 Elmer Ellsworth, and I immediately in the rear. A goodly 
 number had gathered at the polling-place, and there was 
 more or less cheering when Lincoln appeared, but the 
 crowd very gracefully gave way, many raising their hats, 
 
GOING TO THE POLLS 289 
 
 when he approached the ballot box and handed up his 
 ticket. People forgot their political differences for the time, 
 the Democrats vying with the Republicans in their en- 
 deavor to accord the first presidential candidate Spring- 
 field ever had proper deference and respect. ,, 
 
 Aside from the fact that it resulted overwhelmingly in his 
 favor, but little remains to be said regarding the election 
 of Lincoln beyond what has already been recorded. A 
 few days after the election the following announcement 
 appeared in the "Springfield Journal": 
 
 "To-day and until further notice, Mr. Lincoln will see 
 visitors at the Executive Chamber in the State House from 
 10 to 12 a.m. and from 3.30 to 5.30 p.m. each day." 
 
 His own residence being inadequate for the purpose he 
 was now installed in the Governors room in the State 
 House, which was not used for official business during the 
 period the Legislature was not in session, and here he 
 greeted and received the procession of visitors who daily 
 made their way to his office. "There was free access to 
 him," relate Nicolay and Hay; "not even an usher stood at 
 the door; any one might knock and enter. His immediate 
 personal friends from Sangamon County and central Illinois 
 availed themselves largely of the opportunity. With men 
 who had known him in field and forest he talked over the 
 incidents of their common pioneer experience with unaf- 
 fected sympathy and interest as though he were yet the 
 flatboatman, surveyor, or village lawyer of early days." 
 
 To be known as the President elect was a new experience 
 for Lincoln, but its effect was not apparent, for it in no 
 way wrought any change in his demeanor or attitude to- 
 ward others. He was as unaffected, as thoughtful, and as 
 
2 9 o THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 easy of approach as ever. Two weeks after the election, 
 accompanied by his wife, he journeyed to Chicago where 
 he met Hannibal Hamlin, the Vice-President elect. After 
 a visit of several days, which included a reception at the 
 Tremont House, the two separated, Mr. Hamlin depart- 
 ing for Washington and the President elect returning to 
 Springfield. It was the first time Lincoln had been away 
 from his home since his nomination in May. At the re- 
 ception a line of visitors for two and a half hours moved 
 through the middle parlor of the hotel to the Dearborn 
 Street front, shaking Lincoln's hand. At his right stood 
 Mrs. Lincoln and next Mr. Hamlin. Being very tall, Lin- 
 coln had to stoop slightly when shaking hands with people 
 of average height. When one tall man came along Lincoln 
 raised his hand in astonishment and exclaimed: "Well, 
 you're up some, too, aren't you?" The "Chicago Trib- 
 une" in its issue of November 27th reports that "Messrs. 
 Lincoln and Hamlin on Sunday attended divine service in 
 company with Congressman I. N. Arnold at St. James's 
 Church on Cass Street, and in the afternoon they visited 
 the North Market Mission where, after the usual services, 
 the President elect delivered a short address which was 
 received with much pleasure by the destitute children at- 
 tending the Sabbath school." 
 
 In due time Lincoln was again in Springfield domi- 
 ciled in the office assigned to him in the State House in 
 which to receive and listen to the army of visitors des- 
 tined to call on him before his departure for Washington. 
 The procession was almost endless and from every part of 
 the country. He denied himself to no one. "Among the 
 visitors who called on Mr. Lincoln yesterday," reported 
 
VISITORS AT HIS OFFICE 291 
 
 the "Springfield Journal" early in January, 1861, "was 
 an old gentleman dressed in plain homespun clothing who 
 hailed from Mississippi. Mr. Lincoln talked freely with 
 him, explaining that he, the President elect, entertained 
 none but the kindliest feeling toward the people of the 
 South and that he would protect the South in her just 
 rights. The man went away delighted. After he had left 
 Mr. Lincoln's office and stood outside the door, he re- 
 marked, while the tears stole down his furrowed cheeks: 
 'O if the people of the South could but hear what I have 
 listened to, they would love instead of hating Mr. Lincoln. 
 I will tell my friends at home, but/ he added sorrowfully* 
 ' they will not believe me.' He repeated the wish that every 
 man in the South could be personally acquainted with Mr. 
 Lincoln." 
 
 A week after this incident one of the Springfield papers 
 reports that "Mr. Lincoln was called upon to-day by an 
 old man from Indiana named Jones for whom thirty years 
 ago he worked as a common farm-hand at a dollar a day," 
 referring to William Jones who kept the store at the vil- 
 lage of Gentryville, where Mr. Lincoln spent his boyhood, 
 and who later, as Colonel of the 53d Regiment, Indiana 
 Volunteers, fell at the siege of Atlanta. 
 
 The following which appeared in the "Springfield Jour- 
 nal" serves to indicate that events in Mr. Lincoln's career 
 as President elect were rapidly unfolding: 
 
 We had the pleasure yesterday of inspecting the magnificent 
 suit of clothes which has been in course of preparation for Mr. 
 Lincoln since his visit to Chicago. It is manufactured by mer- 
 chant tailors in Chicago and consists of a dress coat, pants, vest, 
 and cravat. The coat is of the best cloth that can be bought in 
 the country and made up with a taste and in a style that cannot 
 
292 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 be bought in any country. The pants are of the best and finest 
 black cassimere; the vest of the finest grandiere silk and lined 
 with buff goods of the same kind. The whole was presented to 
 Mr. Lincoln with the following inscription: "To Hon. Abraham 
 Lincoln from A. D. Titsworth, Chicago, Ills." which is beauti- 
 fully worked on the inside of the coat collar. 
 
 On January 8th Mr. Lincoln attended a joint meeting of 
 both houses of the Illinois Legislature and witnessed the 
 election of Lyman Trumbull to the United States Senate. 
 His presence was the "signal for a demonstration of pro- 
 longed applause as he took his seat beside Judge Caton 
 near the Speaker's desk." 
 
 That Mrs. Lincoln also was not without interest in the 
 developments of the hour may be gleaned from this an- 
 nouncement which appeared in the "Cleveland Herald" 
 January ioth: "Conductor Ames's train on the Cleveland 
 and Toledo Railroad this morning brought in Mrs. Lincoln, 
 wife of the President elect, accompanied by her brother- 
 in-law, Mr. C. M. Smith, and Hon. Amos Tuck, of New 
 Hampshire. They will proceed to New York by way of 
 Buffalo and, after a few days' stay to make purchases for 
 the White House, will go to Cambridge, Mass., to visit Mr. 
 Lincoln's son who is at Harvard College. Pres. Gardiner 
 tendered the courtesies of the road from Toledo to Cleve- 
 land and Supt. Nottingham set apart a special car to take 
 the party to Buffalo." 
 
 The time for Lincoln's final departure from Springfield 
 was now rapidly approaching, and although necessarily 
 greatly preoccupied he was not so deeply engaged that 
 he forgot the claims of those who had befriended him be- 
 fore he was either popular or famous. Accordingly, as soon 
 
JOURNEY TO CHARLESTON, ILLINOIS 293 
 
 as his wife returned from her Eastern trip, he tore himself 
 away from the anxious crowd who had so sedulously fol- 
 lowed his every movement and journeyed to Coles County, 
 Illinois, to visit his aged stepmother, then living in the 
 country a few miles from the town of Charleston. "He 
 cannot hope to meet her again for several years," records 
 the local paper, " and it is as characteristic of Mr. Lincoln 
 triumphant as Mr. Lincoln defeated that he has always 
 maintained the closest intimacy with all his kindred how- 
 ever humble their fortunes." While there he also paid a 
 visit to the grave of his father. In the evening he rode 
 back to Charleston in company with his aged relative, 
 and, at the urgent request of the citizens, held an im- 
 promptu reception in one of the public halls. A large 
 number of the people took advantage of the opportunity 
 to shake him by the hand. Though called upon, Lincoln 
 declined making any remarks shadowing forth his views 
 of the present state of the country or the policy of the 
 coming administration. 
 
 I knew and often talked with Augustus H. Chapman, 
 whose wife was a daughter of Dennis Hanks, and who was 
 Lincoln's companion when he drove from Charleston to 
 see his stepmother. "During the ride," related Colonel 
 Chapman, "Mr. Lincoln became more or less reminiscent, 
 adverting frequently to family affairs. He spoke in the 
 most affectionate way of his stepmother, characterizing 
 her as the best friend he ever had. He alluded to the sad, 
 if not pitiful condition of his father's family at the time of 
 the marriage to his stepmother and described the whole- 
 some change in the children due to her encouragement and 
 advice. He also spoke of the campaign of i860 and the 
 
294 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 loyal support of the Union men, dwelling especially on the 
 eloquence and ability of Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana, who 
 had, in his opinion, rendered him more effective service 
 than any other public speaker/' 
 
 This journey and visit by Lincoln to his stepmother 
 has been so accurately and vividly recalled by the late 
 James A. Connolly, a lawyer in Charleston at the time, that 
 I feel I cannot consistently omit his account of the incident. 
 It was carefully imparted to me one afternoon in his law 
 office in Springfield, to which place Major Connolly had 
 removed about ten years after the close of the Civil War. 
 After describing how he emigrated from Ohio to Charleston, 
 where he landed late in the fifties to begin the practice of 
 law, he said: 
 
 "In the closing days of January, 1861, word came to 
 Charleston that Mr. Lincoln was coming down from Spring- 
 field to pay a farewell visit to his aged stepmother at her 
 home in the country. On hearing this I went down to the 
 railroad station to witness his arrival, only to learn that he 
 had failed to make connection with the regular passenger 
 train at Mattoon and was therefore forced to come over 
 from that place on the evening freight. We waited a long 
 time and, when the train finally drew in and stopped, the 
 locomotive was about opposite the station and the caboose, 
 or car which carried the passengers, was some distance down 
 the track. Presently, looking in that direction, we saw a 
 tall man wearing a coat or shawl, descend from the steps 
 of the car and patiently make his way through the long ex- 
 panse of slush and ice beside the track as far as the station 
 platform. I think he wore a plug hat. I remember I v/as 
 surprised that a railroad company, with so distinguished a 
 
REMINISCENCE OF JAMES A. CONNOLLY 295 
 
 passenger aboard its train as the President elect of the 
 United States, did not manifest interest enough in his dig- 
 nity and comfort to deliver him at the station instead of 
 dropping him off in the mud several hundred feet down the 
 track. In addition to myself quite a crowd of natives were 
 gathered on the platform to see him. I confess I was not 
 favorably impressed. His awkward, if not ungainly figure 
 and his appearance generally, failed to attract me, but this 
 was doubtless due to the fact that I was a great admirer of 
 Douglas whose cause I had earnestly supported. There 
 were no formalities. Mr. Lincoln shook hands with a num- 
 ber of persons, whom he recognized or who greeted him, and 
 in a few minutes left for the residence of a friend, where, 
 it was understood, he was to spend the night. On the way 
 uptown from the station I was joined by Colonel A. P. 
 Dunbar, an old lawyer, who told me that he intended to 
 call on Mr. Lincoln at the residence where the latter was 
 expected to spend the night, and invited me to accompany 
 him. I accepted the invitation and later we walked out to 
 the house together. We timed our call so as to meet Mr. 
 Lincoln after he had eaten his supper. On the way I re- 
 member Dunbar expressed a doubt as to how he should ap- 
 proach or address Mr. Lincoln. He told me they were old 
 friends and associates at the bar, but now, since Mr. Lin- 
 coln had risen in life and was President elect, Dunbar felt 
 that he must keep within the proprieties of the occasion. 
 There was therefore some question in his mind as to his 
 own manner and behavior. He dared not betray any famil- 
 iarity in addressing him for fear of offending good taste, 
 and yet there had always been the greatest freedom in their 
 intercourse with each other. Finally he announced that 
 
296 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 his conduct would depend on Lincoln's attitude. 'If he is 
 noticeably dignified and formal/ said Dunbar, c I must act 
 accordingly.' 
 
 "When we reached the house the family were still at the 
 supper table, but Mr. Lincoln himself had withdrawn and 
 was in the front room sitting before the fire. In response 
 to our knock the door opened and who should step forward 
 to greet us but Lincoln himself. Grasping Dunbar's out- 
 stretched palm with one hand and resting the other hand 
 on his shoulder, he exclaimed in a burst of animation, 'Lord 
 A'mighty, Aleck, how glad I am to see you ! ' That broke the 
 spell; and if any stiffness or formality was intended it dis- 
 appeared like magic. I was introduced and presently we 
 were all sitting together and facing the fire. Lincoln did 
 most of the talking. He was cheerful and communicative. 
 After an exchange of ideas and recollections of the past with 
 Dunbar, he was soon telling stories. Apparently there was 
 a flood of them, one following another and each invariably 
 funnier than its predecessor. It was a novel experience for 
 me. I certainly never before heard anything like it. I shall 
 never forget the one story which he had evidently reserved 
 for the last, for he announced that it was the strangest and 
 most amusing incident he had ever witnessed. I knew it 
 would be interesting and was, therefore, all attention. It 
 was about a girl whose duty it was to find and drive home 
 the family cow. 'One day/ said Mr. Lincoln, 'she rode a 
 horse bareback to the woods. On the way home the horse, 
 frightened by a dog or something which darted from be- 
 hind a bush, made a wild dash ahead, the girl still astride 
 when suddenly — ' at this point Mr. Lincoln halted a mo- 
 ment, for some one was knocking at the door. He stepped 
 
PREPARATIONS FOR WASHINGTON 297 
 
 across the room and opened it, when lo, there stood the 
 Presbyterian preacher, his wife, and two other ladies. Of 
 course Mr. Lincoln had to suspend his narrative. Mean- 
 while other callers arrived and in a short time the house 
 began to fill with them, whereupon Dunbar and I decided to 
 withdraw. As we made our way downtown Dunbar, well 
 knowing what an admirer of Douglas I was inquired: 
 'Now that you have seen and heard the long-legged indi- 
 vidual whom our friend Douglas defeated for Senator, what 
 do you think of him ? ' I had to confess that he was a marvel 
 — a charming story-teller and in other repects one of the 
 most remarkable men I ever listened to. 'But he was 
 guilty of one thing I shall never cease to regret, ' I said, 
 'What was it?' he asked. 'He failed to relate the closing 
 chapter of that last story,' I answered." 
 
 Meanwhile owing to the approaching meeting of the 
 Legislature of Illinois and the need by that body of the room 
 in the State House which Lincoln for some months had 
 occupied as an office, the latter deemed it proper to vacate 
 the premises and secure quarters elsewhere. Accordingly he 
 accepted the offer of Mr. Joel Johnson and took up his 
 abode in the second story of a building owned by the latter 
 opposite the Chenery House, the leading hotel in the town. 
 We are therefore reminded in the "Springfield Journal," 
 February 4th, that "The present week being the last that 
 Mr. Lincoln remains in Springfield, and it being indis- 
 pensable that he should have a portion of the time to him- 
 self, he will see visitors only at his office No. 4 Johnson 
 Building from 3.30 to 5.00 p.m. each day"; and thither, un- 
 til the time was ripe for the inaugural journey to Washing- 
 ton, trudged the long line of weary pilgrims anxious to con- 
 
298 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 gratulate or seek the favor of the President elect. It was 
 during this period that Mr. Lincoln, betaking himself to an 
 unfurnished room over his brother-in-law's store in Spring- 
 field, spent several days in the preparation of his Inaugural 
 Address, the story of which is more minutely told in another 
 chapter. But writing addresses and state papers was not 
 the only thing that absorbed Mr. Lincoln's time, for one 
 day early in February the local paper records that "Hor- 
 ace Greeley, returning from Jacksonville where he had lec- 
 tured, had a three hours' interview with Mr. Lincoln and 
 five Indianaians called to solicit a Cabinet position for the 
 Hoosier State, three of them supporting the claims of 
 Caleb Smith and two favoring Schuyler Colfax." 
 
 A day or two before his departure from Springfield in 
 February, Lincoln climbed the unbanistered stairway 
 leading to his law office on the west side of the Pub- 
 lic Square for a final interview with Herndon. "I knew 
 that Messrs. Lincoln and Herndon," is the testimony of 
 Henry B. Rankin, a law student, "would prefer to talk 
 alone, and so after Mr. Lincoln came in I left the office 
 and sauntered below into Chatterton's jewelry store where I 
 waited till they came down." For an account of what oc- 
 curred or what was said when the two partners were alone 
 we are indebted to Herndon. 
 
 "In the afternoon on one of his last days in Springfield," 
 he relates, " Mr. Lincoln came down to our office to exam- 
 ine some papers and confer with me regarding the status of 
 several lawsuits and certain other matters that concerned 
 us both. Once or twice before he had intimated that he 
 wanted to * have a long talk ' with me as he expressed it, but, 
 until then, his visits to the office had been so brief and few 
 
FINAL INTERVIEW WITH HERNDON 299 
 
 in number the desired interview had not taken place. On 
 this occasion we examined our books and arranged for the 
 settlement of all pending and unfinished matters. Going 
 over the record of our business he noted some cases in 
 which he was especially interested and in others certain 
 lines of procedure he thought I should follow. These things 
 disposed of he crossed to the opposite side of the room and 
 lay down on the old office sofa or lounge for a few minutes, 
 his gaze fastened on a certain spot near the ceiling as if in 
 a brown study. Presently he inquired: * Billy* — he al- 
 ways called me by that name — * how long have we been 
 together?* 'Over sixteen years/ I answered. 'We've never 
 had a cross word during all that time, have we?' to which I 
 returned an emphatic 'No, indeed.' He began to hark back 
 to the past, recalling the adventures of earlier days, and 
 including the recital of more than one amusing incident. 
 My memory was also stimulated, and although he did most 
 of the talking he still afforded me ample opportunity to re- 
 call some of the things to which, otherwise, I would not 
 have alluded. He was never more entertaining and cheer- 
 ful. At the conclusion of our talk he arose, gathered a 
 bundle of papers, and started to leave, meanwhile suggest- 
 ing that our partnership should continue indefinitely. 'Give 
 our clients to understand,' he said, c that the election of a 
 President makes no change in the firm of Lincoln & Hern- 
 don; for if I live I'm coming back in due time and then 
 we'll resume practice as if nothing had ever happened.' He 
 paused a moment as if to take a last look at the old quarters 
 and then passed through the door into the narrow hallway. 
 I accompanied him downstairs where we separated. He 
 was never in the office again." 
 
300 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 Herndon's account of this meeting with Lincoln is 
 verified by H. B. Rankin, the law student mentioned 
 above. He testifies as follows: "The evening I saw Messrs. 
 Lincoln and Herndon come down the stairs from their 
 office, Mr. Lincoln had just told Herndon that he ex- 
 pected to return to Springfield when his term of office had 
 ended and resume with him their law practice the same as 
 if nothing had happened. He further requested Herndon to 
 let the office sign remain and conduct business in the firm's 
 name until his return, all of which was complied with; for> 
 until the day the bullet of the assassin Booth had done its 
 gruesome and atrocious work, the little sign, * Lincoln & 
 Herndon, Attorneys at Law/ was still swinging on its 
 rusty hinges at the foot of the stairway." 
 
 One incident attending this interview between Lincoln 
 and Herndon, and which was communicated to me by the 
 latter when I collaborated with him, has thus far not been 
 told. Herndon, unfortunately, had a decided and well- 
 developed weakness for liquor, a habit which not only 
 militated against his success as a lawyer, but seriously im- 
 paired his usefulness in other respects. The appetite 
 which manifested itself at an early day gradually increased, 
 the so-called sprees occurring at more frequent intervals 
 as the days rolled by. Herndon, in the account which he 
 gave me of this period of his life, including the story of his 
 deplorable and bibulous habits, seemed to be anxious to 
 reveal all the facts. Apparently he withheld nothing. In 
 some respects it was a painful recital, but, having told 
 everything, he appeared to experience more or less relief, 
 much after the manner of the man who, being closeted 
 with one of his closest friends, makes a clean breast of his 
 
FINAL INTERVIEW WITH HERNDON joi 
 
 delinquency. He admitted that his conduct frequently 
 was an embarrassment to Lincoln who was in every re- 
 spect a total abstainer himself. "But although I have 
 nothing to add in extenuation of my offense," he said, "I 
 must insist that in his treatment of me Mr. Lincoln was the 
 most generous, forbearing, and charitable man I ever knew. 
 Often though I yielded to temptation he invariably re- 
 frained from joining in the popular denunciation which, 
 though not unmerited, was so frequently heaped upon me. 
 He never chided, never censured, never criticized my con- 
 duct — more than that, never, save on one occasion, al- 
 luded to it. That was the evening we were together in 
 our office for the last time. It was near sunset. We had 
 finished the details of our business and for a while were en- 
 gaged in the exchange of reminiscences when suddenly, 
 without rising from his seat, he blurted out: 'Billy, there's 
 one thing I have, for some time, wanted you to tell me, but 
 I reckon I ought to apologize for my nerve and curiosity 
 in asking it even now. ' What is it ? ' I inquired. ' I want you 
 to tell me/ he said, ' how many times you have been drunk.' 
 It was, of course, a rather blunt inquiry, but unexpected 
 though it was I realized that it came from an honest in- 
 quirer, one who had a right to the information, and I there- 
 fore answered it as promptly and definitely as the limited 
 sources of knowledge at my command would warrant. 
 Meanwhile I felt sure a lecture or moral admonition would 
 follow and prepared myself accordingly, but much to my 
 surprise nothing more was said by him on that subject. 
 Instead he relieved my tension by describing the various 
 efforts that had been made to induce him to drop me from 
 the partnership and substitute certain others, whom he 
 
302 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 named, all of which was a surprise to me. He assured me 
 that he invariably declined the intervention of others and 
 admonished those who sought to displace me that, despite 
 my shortcomings, he believed in me and therefore would not 
 desert me." 
 
CHAPTER XX 
 
 Last social function at Lincoln's home — He receives threatening letters — 
 Sends a friend to Washington to sound General Scott — General Thomas S. 
 Mather returns with his report — Plans for Lincoln's journey to Washington as 
 outlined in the local papers — Personnel of the party selected to accompany 
 him — Leaving the Chenery House — His trunks — Departure from the rail- 
 way station — Lincoln's farewell speech — Story of the two versions — His 
 emotion when the train moved off. 
 
 The social status of the Lincolns during their last days in 
 Illinois is well indicated by the following letter of a corre- 
 spondent of the "Missouri Democrat " written at Spring- 
 field February 7, 1861: 
 
 The first levee given by the President-elect took place last eve- 
 ning at his own residence in this city and it was a grand outpour- 
 ing of citizens and strangers together with the members of the 
 legislature. Your humble servant was invited to attend. Mr. 
 Lincoln threw open his house for a general reception of all the 
 people who felt disposed to give him and his lady a parting call. 
 The levee lasted from seven to twelve o'clock in the evening and 
 the house was thronged by thousands up to the latest hour. Mr. 
 Lincoln received the guests as they entered and were made 
 known. They then passed on and were introduced to Mrs. Lin- 
 coln, who stood near the center of the parlor, and who, I must 
 say, acquitted herself most gracefully and admirably. She was 
 dressed plainly but richly. She wore a beautiful full trail, white 
 moire antique silk, with a small French lace collar. Her neck was 
 ornamented with a string of pearls. Her head-dress was a simple 
 and delicate vine arranged with much taste. She displayed but 
 little jewelry and this was well and appropriately adjusted. She 
 is a lady of fine figure and accomplished address and is well cal- 
 culated to grace and to do honor at the White House. 
 
 She was on this occasion accompanied by four of her sisters 
 — Mrs. W. S. Wallace, Mrs. C. M. Smith, of Springfield, Mrs. 
 Charles Kellogg, of Cincinnati, and a Miss Todd, of Kentucky. 
 They all appeared to be extremely happy and I hope there will be 
 
3o 4 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 nothing thrown in their way to hinder them from experiencing 
 in full all the pleasures which they now anticipate in coming 
 events. I thought, when looking upon the lovely group of the 
 Todd family, how proud old Kentucky would have felt if she 
 could have been present to witness the position in which her son 
 and daughters were placed. 
 
 T. W. 
 
 This was the last social function or gathering at Lin- 
 coln's home; for preparations even then were under way 
 looking to his departure from Springfield. 
 
 Meanwhile, at this time and for a few weeks prior thereto 
 Lincoln was in receipt of numerous notes and letters 
 threatening his life in case he undertook the journey to 
 Washington to be inaugurated. At first he paid no atten- 
 tion to them, but they so increased in violence and num- 
 bers that he finally concluded he could no longer ignore 
 them. He, therefore, decided to send the late Thomas S. 
 Mather, Adjutant-General of Illinois, to Washington com- 
 missioned to inquire into the military situation and es- 
 pecially to call on General Scott, apprise him of the threats 
 the President elect had been receiving, and learn what, if 
 any, precautions would be taken to protect the latter when 
 he came to be inaugurated. 
 
 I knew General Mather well, and when I was in Spring- 
 field often heard him relate the incidents of his trip to 
 Washington. The diary of Major E. D. Keyes, who was 
 General Scott's military secretary, fixes January 29, 1861, 
 as the date of his visit. He said that Lincoln more than 
 all else seemed to be concerned regarding Scott's loyalty, 
 anxious to learn if he was unreservedly for the Union 
 — in short, if, in every emergency that might arise, he 
 could be depended upon. "That," related General Mather, 
 
SOUNDING GENERAL SCOTT 305 
 
 "seemed to be Lincoln's chief concern. Senator Seward, 
 Mr. Washburn, and others had certified to General Scott's 
 loyalty and high character, and the General himself had 
 written to the President elect offering his services without 
 reserve. 'But he is a Virginian/ explained Mr. Lincoln, 
 'and while I have no reason or evidence to warrant me 
 in questioning him or his motives, still I shall feel better 
 satisfied if you will visit him in my behalf. When you 
 call insist on a personal interview and do not leave till 
 you have seen and sounded him. Listen to and look him 
 in the face. Note carefully what he says, and when you 
 return with your report I shall probably be in a condition 
 to determine about where he stands and what to expect 
 of him.'" 
 
 General Mather further related that when he reached 
 Washington General Scott was sick and confined to his bed 
 so that he did not succeed in gaining access to him till two 
 days later. He thus describes the interview: "Presently I 
 was invited upstairs into the sick man's chamber. There 
 propped up in bed by an embankment of pillows lay the 
 hero of Lundy's Lane, wrinkled and pale. His hair and 
 beard were disordered and his flesh lay in rolls across his 
 warty face and neck. His breathing was labored and diffi- 
 cult. 'You may present my compliments to Mr. Lincoln 
 when you reach Springfield,' he said in a wheezy voice, ' and 
 tell him I shall expect him to come on to Washington as 
 soon as he is ready. Say to him also that, when once here, 
 I shall consider myself responsible for his safety. If neces- 
 sary I '11 plant cannon at both ends of Pennsylvania Ave- 
 nue, and if any of the Maryland or Virginia gentlemen 
 who have been so threatening and troublesome of late 
 
306 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 show their hands or even venture to raise a finger, I'll 
 blow them to the infernal regions/ I shall never forget the 
 scene nor how profoundly the old soldier seemed to be 
 wrought up. His trembling frame betokened his unequivo- 
 cal and righteous indignation at the perfidy of those of his 
 countrymen who were so willing to destroy the Union which 
 he had fought so long and ardently to maintain. 
 
 "In due time I reached Springfield and promptly made 
 my report to Mr. Lincoln. He was anxious to hear it. 
 Of General Scott's rigid determination and unswerving 
 loyalty I assured him there was no question whatever; all 
 of which seemed to be the most gratifying information. 
 It allayed all doubt that may have found lodgment in his 
 mind; for, thenceforward, the local situation in Washing- 
 ton gave him no further concern and he went ahead with 
 his preparations for the inaugural journey/' 
 
 The story of the departure from Springfield and the 
 journey to Washington has in nowise been overlooked 
 by Lincoln's numerous biographers, but it will not be 
 considered a repetition, I hope, if I add a few things, 
 gleaned from the local papers or from certain Springfield 
 people whom I interviewed, and which have thus far not 
 reached the public eye. It is recorded that he left Spring- 
 field Monday, February n, 1861. The next day was his 
 fifty-second birthday. Having shortly before leased his res- 
 idence to Mr. L. Tilton, the president of the Great West- 
 ern Railroad, he disposed of his furniture and removed 
 with his family to the Chenery House, the leading hotel 
 in the city where, for a few days, he occupied rooms on the 
 second floor facing Fourth Street. 
 
PLANS FOR JOURNEY TO WASHINGTON 307 
 
 Robert Lincoln, the oldest son [reports the " Springfield 
 Register"], came home from college to accompany the family to 
 Washington. During Mr. Lincoln's sojourn at the hotel he had 
 been visited by many men of prominence whom he had sum- 
 moned for conferences on national affairs. The complete ab- 
 sence of ostentation and his physical self-reliance was illustrated 
 on the morning of his departure when in the hotel office he roped 
 his trunks with his own hands, took some of the hotel cards, on 
 the back of which he wrote: 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 White House 
 
 Washington, B.C. — 
 
 and tacked them on the trunks, supplementing the act by writ- 
 ing his autograph on another card and giving it to the landlord's 
 daughter. In due time the omnibus backed up in front of the 
 hotel and he left for the depot. 
 
 The special train which is to bear Mr. Lincoln to Washington 
 [is the comment of the "Springfield Journal" in its issue of Feb- 
 ruary nth] will start this morning at eight from the Great 
 Western Railroad depot. It will be under charge of Mr. W. S. 
 Wood from New York whose arrangements both for the comfort 
 and the safety of the President elect are perfect and prove his 
 managerial capacity to be of the highest order. The party num- 
 bers about fifteen persons besides special reporters for the leading 
 newspapers. The train consists of one passenger and one bag- 
 gage car drawn by a magnificent Rogers locomotive under the 
 special direction of Messrs. Tilton and Bowen, the president and 
 superintendent respectively of the road. Every precaution has 
 been taken for the safety of the train. It will be flagged through 
 — a pilot engine preceding — and under the direction of Mr. 
 J. J. S. Wilson, Superintendent of the Telegraph, will be tele- 
 graphed from station to station and retelegraphed to headquar- 
 ters as it passes. The speed will be about thirty miles per hour. 
 
 According to the original plans Mrs. Lincoln and the 
 younger sons, William and Thomas or Tad, were to linger 
 a few days in Springfield, or go to St. Louis for a brief stay 
 and overtake the President elect at some point in the East, 
 
308 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 thus avoiding the slow and tedious journey through Indi- 
 ana, Ohio, and New York. Her husband and eldest son 
 Robert, then an undergraduate at Harvard, who had re- 
 turned from the East a few days before, accordingly left 
 Springfield in the morning without her; but, later in the 
 day, she decided to leave for Indianapolis, nevertheless. 
 She reached that place and rejoined her husband the next 
 morning shortly before the special train departed thence 
 for Cincinnati, her change of mind being due, it is said, to 
 word from General Scott who thought Lincoln would 
 be in less danger, if during his journey he was surrounded 
 by his family. Regarding this change of programme I have 
 been permitted to copy letters from two residents of 
 Springfield each written the day after Lincoln's depar- 
 ture. In one the writer says: 
 
 Mrs. Lincoln was not to leave for some days after Mr. Lincoln's 
 departure, but a dispatch from General Scott determined her to 
 leave the evening of the same day. The General thought it would 
 be safer for him to be surrounded by his family. Lockwood 
 Todd was her escort. 
 
 In the other letter, after describing the scene at the rail- 
 road station when Lincoln made his farewell speech, the 
 writer adds: 
 
 Mrs. Lincoln left here last evening to overtake her husband at 
 Indianapolis at the suggestion of General Scott. 
 
 General Scott had detailed two army officers in the per- 
 sons of Major David Hunter and Colonel E. V. Sumner to 
 accompany Lincoln from Springfield to his destination. 
 Sumner failed to report in time, but joined the special 
 train at Indianapolis. These officers, along with Ward H. 
 Lamon, of Danville, Illinois, who was an aide on the staff 
 
DEPARTURE FROM RAILWAY STATION 309 
 
 of Governor Yates, and Elmer Ellsworth, colonel of a Chi- 
 cago Zouave regiment, constituted the military portion of 
 the cortege. Dr. William S. Wallace, Mr. Lincoln's brother- 
 in-law, was the physician. Besides those named, and the 
 President elect and his son Robert, the following composed 
 the party: John G. Nicolay and John Hay, secretaries, 
 N. B. Judd, O. H. Browning, David Davis, Jesse K. Du- 
 bois, Ebenezer Peck, Robert Irwin, Edward L. Baker, 
 and George C. Latham. 
 
 Long before the hour appointed for the departure of the special 
 train provided for Mr. Lincoln and his suite [observes the " Spring- 
 field Journal" — February 12th] hundreds of his fellow citizens 
 without distinction of party assembled at the station of the 
 Great Western Railway yesterday to tender him their respects, 
 grasp once more that honest hand and bid him God-speed on his 
 eventful journey. A subdued and respectful demeanor character- 
 ized the vast assemblage. All seemed to feel that they were about 
 to witness an event which, in its relations to the future, was of no 
 ordinary interest. 
 
 Mr. Herndon was not at the railway station when Lin- 
 coln departed, but I have talked to others, including 
 John G. Nicolay, John W. Bunn, and David Davis, who 
 were there. Although early in the morning and the weather 
 unpleasant, a goodly crowd had gathered. 
 
 Early Monday morning [relate Nicolay and Hay] found Mr. 
 Lincoln, his family and suite at the dingy little railroad station 
 with a throng of at least a thousand of his neighbors who had 
 come to bid him good-bye. It was a stormy morning, which 
 seemed to add gloom and depression to their spirits. The leave- 
 taking presented a scene of subdued anxiety, almost of solem- 
 nity. Mr. Lincoln took a position in the waiting-room where his 
 friends filed past him after merely pressing his hand in silent 
 emotion. 
 
 At precisely five minutes before eight [says the "Springfield 
 
3 io THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 Journal "] Mr. Lincoln, preceded by Mr. Wood of New York, 
 slowly made his way from his room in the station, through the 
 expectant masses which respectfully parted right and left at his 
 approach, to the car provided for his ride. At each step of his 
 progress friendly hands were extended for a last greeting. On 
 reaching the platform of the car Mr. Lincoln turned toward the 
 people, removed his hat, paused for several seconds till he could 
 control his emotions and then slowly, impressively, and with 
 profound emotion uttered the following words: 
 
 "Friends, no one who has never been placed in a like position 
 can understand my feelings at this hour nor the oppressive sad- 
 ness I feel at this parting. For more than a quarter of a century 
 I have lived among you, and during all that time I have 
 received nothing but kindness at your hands. Here I have 
 lived from my youth till now I am an old man. Here the most 
 sacred trusts of earth were assumed; here all my children were 
 born; and here one of them lies buried. To you, dear friends, I 
 owe all that I have, all that I am. All the strange checkered past 
 seems to crowd now upon my mind. To-day I leave you; I go to 
 assume a task more difficult than that which devolved upon 
 General Washington. Unless the great God who assisted him 
 shall be with and aid me, I must fail. But if the same omniscient 
 mind and the same Almighty arm that directed and protected 
 him shall guide and support me, I shall not fail; I shall succeed. 
 Let us all pray that the God of our fathers may not forsake us 
 now. To Him I commend you all — permit me to ask that with 
 equal sincerity and faith you will all invoke His wisdom and 
 guidance for me. With these few words I must leave you — for 
 how long I know not. Friends, one and all, I must now bid you 
 an affectionate farewell. ,, 
 
 The half-finished ceremony was broken in upon [relate Nicolay 
 and Hay] by the ringing bells and rushing train. The crowd 
 closed about the railroad car into which the President-elect and 
 his party made their way. Then came the central incident of the 
 morning. The bell gave notice of the starting, but as the conduc- 
 tor paused with his hand uplifted to the bell-rope Mr. Lincoln ap- 
 peared on the platform of the car and raised his hand to command 
 attention. The bystanders bared their heads to the falling snow- 
 flakes and, standing thus, his neighbors heard his voice for the 
 
HIS FAREWELL SPEECH 311 
 
 last time in the city of his home in a farewell address so chaste and 
 pathetic that it reads as if he already felt the tragic shadow of 
 forecasting fate: 
 
 "My friends: No one not in my situation can appreciate my 
 feeling of sadness at this parting. To this place and the kind- 
 ness of these people I owe everything. Here I have lived a 
 quarter of a century and have passed from a young to an old man. 
 Here my children have been born and buried. I now leave not 
 knowing when or whether I may return, with a task before me 
 greater than that which rested upon Washington. Without the 
 assistance of that Divine Being who ever attended him, I cannot 
 succeed. With that assistance, I cannot fail. Trusting in Him 
 who can go with me and remain with you and be everywhere for 
 good, let us confidently hope that all will yet be well. To his care 
 commending you, as I hope in your prayers you will commend 
 me, I bid you an affectionate farewell." 
 
 The speech of Lincoln on this occasion was published 
 on the day of its delivery in the "Springfield Journal" and 
 also in the "Chicago Tribune." Although both versions 
 were substantially alike, there was just enough variation 
 to occasion among those who are divided on the subject 
 of Lincoln's belief in Christianity, his religious faith or 
 lack of it, a difference of opinion as to what he actually 
 said. Several years ago, when I visited John G. Nicolay at 
 his home in Washington, the matter of Lincoln's farewell 
 address at Springfield came up for discussion. Mr. Nico- 
 lay related that on the day before Lincoln departed he 
 caused the newspaper correspondents gathered about the 
 hotels to be notified that nothing warranting their atten- 
 tion would take place at the railroad station when he em- 
 barked on his journey; in other words, that speech-making, 
 so far as he was concerned, would not begin till after he had 
 left Springfield. But the next morning when he looked into 
 
312 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 the faces of the neighbors gathered about his car he forgot 
 the assurances to the newspaper men made the night be- 
 fore and indulged in a brief but appropriate farewell speech. 
 The moment the train steamed out of Springfield the news- 
 paper men, one of them being the late Henry Villard, 
 gathered about Lincoln and asked him to furnish them with 
 a copy of his speech; reminding him that they were given 
 no chance to take it down as delivered. He answered that 
 his remarks were extempore and therefore not in man- 
 uscript form, but he assured them that he would write the 
 speech in full. He therefore beckoned to Nicolay, who pro- 
 vided paper and pencil, and he proceeded to comply with the 
 request. He penciled a few lines, then halted and turned 
 the paper over to Nicolay, who began writing where he 
 left off, Lincoln meanwhile dictating to him. Presently 
 at his request Nicolay returned the paper to him and he 
 resumed the writing himself, but erelong, due to nervous- 
 ness or the motion of the train, he desisted a second time and 
 again invoked the aid of Nicolay, who continued the task, 
 all of which verifies the statement that the farewell address 
 at Springfield published in the "Century Magazine" in 
 connection with the Nicolay and Hay "Life of Lincoln/ ' 
 was correctly printed from the original manuscript, hav- 
 ing been written immediately after the train started, partly 
 by Lincoln's own hand and partly by that of his private 
 secretary from his dictation. When I visited Mr. Nico- 
 lay he showed me not only this manuscript, but a number 
 of others also in Lincoln's handwriting, explaining that 
 before he left Springfield Lincoln was so solicitous and care- 
 ful regarding his utterances en route to Washington that 
 he prepared and wrote out in advance such speeches as he 
 
EMOTION WHEN THE TRAIN MOVED OFF 313 
 
 expected to make. The manuscripts were enclosed in 
 separate envelopes and properly labeled. Knowing that I 
 was a native of Indiana he withdrew from a package one 
 envelope and turned it over to me to peruse. On it Lin- 
 coln had endorsed "For Indianapolis." It proved to be 
 the manuscript of the speech intended for delivery to the 
 Legislature of Indiana containing his definition of coercion 
 and invasion, and a brief but ingenious dissertation on the 
 sacredness of a State. I read it with the deepest interest. 
 
 As a rule Lincoln was well poised. He could not be 
 called cold, but in the delivery of a speech or on public 
 occasions he was dignified if not invariably serious; the re- 
 sult was that he never bubbled over — rarely ever wept 
 or otherwise betrayed his emotion. That condition, how- 
 ever, did not prevail the morning he separated from his 
 friends and neighbors in February, 1861, headed for Wash- 
 ington. On that occasion he was deeply moved. My 
 authority for that statement comes from an intimate 
 friend of Lincoln, James C. Conkling, a man in whom 
 Lincoln reposed the fullest confidence and who stood within 
 a few feet and immediately in front of him when he bade 
 his neighbors farewell from the platform of his car. The 
 testimony is in the handwriting of Mr. Conkling himself. 
 Describing the incident, he says: 
 
 It was quite affecting. Many eyes were filled to overflowing as 
 Mr. Lincoln uttered those few and simple words of farewell. 
 His own breast heaved with emotion and he could scarcely com- 
 mand his feelings sufficiently to commence. There was scarcely 
 a dry eye in all that vast crowd. 
 
 The following, which is the farewell incident as de- 
 
3 1 4 THE REAL LINCOLN 
 
 scribed in the "Springfield Journal," was the work of the 
 editor Edward L. Baker: 
 
 It was a most impressive scene. We have known Mr. Lincoln 
 for many years; we have heard him speak upon a hundred 
 different occasions; but we never saw him so profoundly af- 
 fected, nor did he ever utter an address which seemed to us so full 
 of simple and touching eloquence, so exactly adapted to the oc- 
 casion, so worthy of the man and the hour. Although it was rain- 
 ing fast when he began to speak, every hat was lifted and every 
 head bent forward to catch the last words of the departing 
 chief. When he said, with the earnestness of a sudden inspira- 
 tion of feeling, that with God's help he should not fail, there was 
 an uncontrollable burst of applause. At precisely eight o'clock 
 city time the train moved off bearing our honored townsman, our 
 noble chief, Abraham Lincoln, to the scenes of his future labors 
 and, as we firmly believe, of his glorious triumph. God bless 
 honest Abraham Lincoln! 
 
 In the closing days of January the following adver- 
 tisement had appeared in the columns of the " Spring- 
 field Journal": 
 
 AT PRIVATE SALE 
 
 The furniture consisting of Parlor and Chamber Sets, Carpets, 
 Sofas, Chairs, Wardrobes, Bureaus, Bedsteads, Stoves, China, 
 Queensware, Glass etc. at the residence on the corner of Eighth 
 and Jackson streets is offered at private sale without reserve. 
 For particulars apply at the premises at once. 
 
 In the issue of March came this notice: 
 
 The notes and papers of Mr. Lincoln are left with Mr. Robert 
 Irwin where persons interested can find them. If any of the ac- 
 counts are left unpaid Mr. Irwin will pay them on being satisfied 
 of their correctness. 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 THE END 
 
INDEX 
 
INDEX 
 
 Bagley vs. Vanmeter, how Lincoln 
 secured his fee, 160. 
 
 Bailey vs. Cromwell, suit by Lincoln 
 establishing the freedom of a colored 
 girl, 146. 
 
 Baker, Edward L., meets Lincoln the 
 morning of his nomination, 265; 
 his account of Lincoln's departure 
 from Springfield, 314. 
 
 Birch, Jonathan, examined for admis- 
 sion to the bar by Lincoln at Bloom- 
 ington, 111., 132-34; Lincoln's ap- 
 pearance in court and on the stump, 
 
 Bloomington Convention, call signed 
 by Lincoln and 129 other Springfield 
 citizens, 253. 
 
 Bradford, John S., invites Lincoln's 
 wife to join him and his family in a 
 carriage drive, 99. 
 
 Brayman, Moses, retains Lincoln to 
 assist him in a suit against the Illi- 
 nois Central Railroad, 152. 
 
 Browne, Thomas C, his interruption at 
 the Lincoln-Todd wedding, 63. 
 
 Bunn, Jacob, story of English impos- 
 tor and how Lincoln secured his fee, 
 203-05; contributes to fund to meet 
 Lincoln's campaign expenses, 283. 
 
 Bunn, John W., his recollection of the 
 Horological Cradle, 159; what Lin- 
 coln told him about the fees he and 
 Ben Edwards charged, 165; incident 
 of Lincoln and the notification com- 
 mittee, 273; recollections of the 
 President-elect, 282-88; hears Lin- 
 coln's farewell speech, 309. 
 
 Butler, Evan, joins literary society 
 along with Lincoln, Matheney and 
 Milton Hay, 70. 
 
 Canton, Edgar, fugitive slave arrested 
 and tried in Springfield, 197. 
 
 Carman vs. Glasscock, suit by Lincoln 
 involving the navigability of the 
 Sangamon River, 146-47. 
 
 Castle, Edward, transports Ward La- 
 mon from St. Louis to Springfield, 
 219. 
 
 Chapman, Augustus H., accompanies 
 Lincoln when he visited his step- 
 mother at Charleston, 111., 293. 
 
 Chapman, Harriet, journeys with Mr. 
 Lincoln from Charleston to Spring- 
 field, $3; describes Lincoln as he 
 lived in his home, 55. 
 
 Chase, Salmon P., incident of his 
 visit to Lincoln at Springfield as 
 recalled by John W. Bunn, 287. 
 
 Chicago Convention, Davis and Logan, 
 two men on whom Lincoln relied, 
 261; letters by Lincoln to C. M. 
 Allen of Indiana and R. M. Corwine 
 of Ohio, 262; Knapp's letter to 
 Lincoln, 263; how Lincoln spent the 
 time in Springfield, 264-68; arrival 
 of notification committee, 271. 
 
 Chiniquiy, Charles, retains Lincoln to 
 represent him in the Spink slander 
 suit, 161; Lincoln prepares decree, 
 162. 
 
 Condell, Thomas, contributes to Lin- 
 coln's campaign expenses in Spring- 
 field, 283. 
 
 Conkling, Clinton L., describes Lin- 
 coln's activities during the Chicago 
 convention, 269. 
 
 Conkling, James C, recalls Lincoln's 
 farewell at Springfield, 313. 
 
 Connolly, James A., saw and talked 
 with Lincoln when he visited his 
 stepmother at Charleston, 294-97. 
 
 Cooper Institute Speech, what the 
 Springfield people said about it, 
 258; comments of the Eastern pa- 
 pers, 259. 
 
3'8 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Davis, David, what Lincoln said to him 
 about women, 65; recalls Lincoln's 
 attention to the singer, 76; how 
 Lincoln's honor saved a woman, 81; 
 describes Lincoln's domestic life, 90; 
 estimate of Lincoln as a lawyer, 
 127; relates how Lincoln was ap- 
 prized of his vote for Vice-President 
 at the Philadelphia convention, 211; 
 how Ward Lamon entertained him 
 and Lincoln during court at Dan- 
 ville, 217; prods Lincoln over his 
 attempt to lecture, 244; hears Lin- 
 coln's farewell speech at Springfield, 
 
 Davis, George P., describes Lincoln on 
 the circuit, 189-92. 
 
 Dawson vs. Enos, last suit in which 
 Lincoln appeared in court, 158. 
 
 Delahay, Mark W., relates stories of 
 lawsuits in which he and Lincoln 
 figured, 221; invoking Lincoln's aid 
 to gain a seat in Congress from 
 Kansas, 222; appointed U.S. Judge 
 by Lincoln, 223; resigns after in- 
 vestigation by Congressional com- 
 mittee, 225. 
 
 Discoveries and Inventions, Lincoln's 
 lecture, 243; sections of same, 247- 
 
 49- 
 
 Donnelly, William, relates how Lincoln 
 played ball the day of his nomination 
 at Chicago, 264. 
 
 Donnohue, Dillard C, recollections 
 of the Lincoln-Douglas debate at 
 Charleston, 235-36. 
 
 Dorman vs. Lane, one of Lincoln's 
 cases in the Supreme Court, 167; how 
 he proposed to collect his fee, 168. 
 
 Douglas, Stephen A., Lincoln's esti- 
 mate of, 229; deceives Lincoln at 
 Peoria, 231; incidents of the debate 
 at Charleston, 123~3^' 
 
 Dresser, Charles, solemnizes marriage 
 of Lincoln and Mary Todd, 59. 
 
 Dunbar, Alexander P., calls on Lin- 
 coln when he visits his, stepmother 
 at Charleston, 295. 
 
 Duncan, John, how he and Lincoln 
 hunted a groundhog in Kentucky, 
 
 Dungey vs. Spencer, slander suit in 
 Dewitt County, 111., 162; fixing 
 Lincoln's fee, 163. 
 
 Eddy, Franklin M., recalls Dorman- 
 Lane suit and marriage of Rebecca 
 Daimwood, 167-68. 
 
 Edmonds, Alexander, story of the 
 Horological Cradle suit tried by 
 Lincoln, 157. 
 
 Edwards, Benjamin, his answer to 
 Lincoln about attorney fees, 165. 
 
 Edwards, Ninian W., residence of, 
 where Lincoln and Mary Todd were 
 married, 58. 
 
 Ellsworth, Elmer, accompanies Lin- 
 coln to the polls when he votes, 
 228; also when he goes to Washing- 
 ton, 309. 
 
 Fell, Jesse W., Lincoln gives him his 
 autobiography, 131. 
 
 Ficklin, Orlando B., how Lincoln used 
 him at the Charleston debate, 234. 
 
 Fiske, John, his Evolution of Society 
 compared to Lincoln's definition of 
 the Law of Progress, 238. 
 
 Floyd, George P., letter from Lincoln 
 regarding his fee, 143. 
 
 Francis, Simeon, wife of, reconciles 
 Lincoln and Mary Todd, 60; her 
 letter to Jesse W. Weik regarding 
 the Lincoln-Todd wedding, 64. 
 
 Freese, Jacob, recommended for ap- 
 pointment as colonel of a colored 
 regiment by Lincoln, 132. 
 
 Gollaher, Austin, recollects Lincoln as 
 a boy in Kentucky, 14. 
 
 Gourley, James, knew Lincoln as a 
 neighbor, 119; his wife's temper, 122. 
 
 Greeley, Horace, visits Lincoln at 
 Springfield, 298. 
 
 Green vs. Green, Lincoln's first di- 
 vorce suit, 148. 
 
INDEX 
 
 3 J 9 
 
 Grabb vs. Funk, damage suit for over- 
 turning stage-coach, 156. 
 
 Gunther, Charles F., secures the Lin- 
 coln family Bible, 32-33. 
 
 Hanks, Dennis F., interview with 
 J. W. Weik at Charleston, 25; 
 works with Abe and John Johnston 
 at Posey's Landing, 26; letter to 
 Herndon, 27; described by Herndon, 
 39; natural son of Charles Friend, 
 40-41; his account of the genealogy 
 of Nancy Hanks, 42-45. 
 
 Hanks, John, birth as fixed by Hern- 
 don, 39; leaves Indiana for Illinois, 
 45; birth and descent of Nancy 
 Hanks, 46; invited to Abe Lincoln's 
 wedding, 58; carries in the rails at 
 the Decatur convention, 261; his 
 letter in the Decatur Chronicle advo- 
 cating the election of Lincoln, 276- 
 78. 
 
 Hanks, Lucy, married to Henry Spar- 
 row in Mercer County, Kentucky, 
 
 41. 
 
 Harris, Gibson W., describes life as a 
 student in the office of Lincoln & 
 Herndon, 106; also recalls Mrs. 
 Lincoln, 108. 
 
 Harris, Jasper, hires Lincoln to sue 
 railroad for personal injuries, 156. 
 
 Hatch, O. M., helps Lincoln in Spring- 
 field during the campaign of i860, 
 283. 
 
 Hawthorne vs. Woolridge, account of 
 Lincoln's first lawsuit, 134-38. 
 
 Hay, John, what he said about Lin- 
 coln's personal habits, 218; assists 
 Nicolay in caring for Lincoln's cor- 
 respondence, 284. 
 
 Hay, Milton, along with Lincoln, 
 Matheney, and Butler joins Spring- 
 field literary society, 70; the influ- 
 ence of Lincoln's wife, 90-91; rec- 
 ommends John Hay to Lincoln as 
 assistant secretary, 284. 
 
 Haycraft, Presley, describes Abe as a 
 boy in Kentucky, 15. 
 
 Helm, John B., recalls Lincoln who fre- 
 quently visited his uncle's store, 15. 
 
 Herndon, William H., compared with 
 Lincoln, 3-4; meets J. W. Weik, 5; 
 prepares to write the Life of Lincoln, 
 7; abandons law-office and moves to 
 country, 8; assorting books and pa- 
 pers, 10; travels into Kentucky and 
 Indiana, 13-14; describes efforts to 
 determine Lincoln's birth and de- 
 scent, 29-30; the ride with Lincoln 
 to Petersburg and what he said 
 about his mother, 37; the genealogy 
 of Lincoln's mother as outlined by 
 Dennis and John Hanks, 40-45; 
 Lincoln's marriage to Mary Todd, 
 $6; attends concert in public hall 
 with Lincoln, 76; Lincoln's passion 
 for women, 81; his attitude toward 
 female witnesses and clients, 82-85; 
 his conduct at home and the gov- 
 ernment of his children, 100-02; 
 habits in the office and his manner 
 of reading, 105; Herndon's lecture 
 analyzing Lincoln mentally and 
 physically, 1 10-18; his estimate of 
 Lincoln as a lawyer, 128; enters 
 partnership with him, 139; is offered 
 appointment by Lincoln after the 
 latter becomes President, 140; Lin- 
 coln divides fee in Illinois Central 
 Railroad suit with him, 155; where 
 Lincoln spent his evenings, 206-08; 
 Lincoln and Herndon as patrons of 
 the Springfield banks, 212-14; letter 
 to Henry Wilson, 227; how Lincoln 
 attempted to square the circle, 240; 
 Herndon's lecture on the Sweep of 
 Commerce, 249-50; describes Lin- 
 coln's speech at the Bloomington 
 convention, 255; his own speech at 
 Petersburg, 278; comment of the 
 local papers, 280; Lincoln's visit to 
 the polls on election day, 288; meet- 
 ing Lincoln at their law-office, 299; 
 the final interview, 301. 
 
 Hill, Frederick T., mention of the 
 Effie Afton case, 178. 
 
320 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Hillis, Mrs. Lois E., recalls Lincoln's 
 fondness for the town concert, 76; 
 the episode at the hotel, 78-80. 
 
 Hitchcock, Caroline, her investigation 
 in Kentucky into the birth of Nancy- 
 Hanks, 39. 
 
 Hitt, Robert R., reports Lincoln's 
 speech in the Rock Island Bridge 
 case, 179. 
 
 Horological Cradle, Lincoln's connec- 
 tion therewith, 159, 242. 
 
 Illinois Central Railroad, hires Lincoln 
 to represent company in McLean 
 County suit, 152; statement of six 
 lawyers justifying Lincoln's fee, 154. 
 
 Indiana and Illinois Lincoln Route 
 Commissions, reports of, 47; list of 
 emigrant party and route, 49. 
 
 Ingalls, John J., recalls Mark W. 
 Delahay of Kansas, 223. 
 
 Irwin, Robert, joins others in meeting 
 Lincoln's campaign expenses, 283; 
 looks after Lincoln's business af- 
 fairs when he departs for Washing- 
 ton, 314. 
 
 Jayne, Julia, maid of honor at wedding 
 of Lincoln and Mary Todd, 59. 
 
 Jayne, William, witnesses Lincoln- 
 Todd marriage, 59; hears Lincoln's 
 lecture at Jacksonville, 243. 
 
 Johnston, John D., letter to Herndon, 
 50; signs Thomas Lincoln's name to 
 receipt for attorney's fees paid over 
 by Abraham Lincoln, 161. 
 
 Jones, W T illiam, visits Lincoln at Spring- 
 field after his election, 291. 
 
 Joy, James F., assists Lincoln in Il- 
 linois Central Railroad suit, 152. 
 
 Judd, Norman B., Lincoln spends an 
 evening at his Chicago home, 73; 
 Mrs. Judd's recollection of the visit, 
 75- 
 
 Kent, Josiah P., his recollection of the 
 Lincoln household, 122; driving the 
 Lincoln carriage, 123; attending the 
 
 circus and what Lincoln said about 
 it, 124; borrowing the Lincoln car- 
 riage, 126. 
 Keyes, Gen. E. D., his diary fixes the 
 date of Mather's visit to Gen. Scott, 
 3°4- 
 
 Lamon, Ward H., evenings spent with 
 Lincoln and Judge Davis in Dan- 
 ville, 217; how Lincoln regarded 
 him, 218; his conduct as U.S. Mar- 
 shal of the District of Columbia, 220; 
 Lincoln sends him to South Caro- 
 lina to see Gov. Pickens, 221; ac- 
 companies Lincoln to the polls 
 when he votes, 228, also joins Lin- 
 coln on the journey from Spring- 
 field to Washington, 308. 
 
 Lincoln, Abraham, his visits to Ken- 
 tucky, 13; describes his removal to 
 Indiana, 21; early schooling there 
 and books he studied, 22, 23; auto- 
 biographical sketch furnished Jesse 
 W. Fell, 35; joins literary society, 
 70; punishes drunken shoemaker, 
 71; spending the evening with the 
 ladies in Urbana, 72; an evening at 
 the home of Norman B. Judd in 
 Chicago, 73; attends concert in 
 public hall in Springfield with 
 Herndon, 75, 76; his partiality for 
 Mrs. Hillis the singer, 77-79; his 
 passion for women, 81; avoiding 
 social functions while on the circuit, 
 85; investigation to determine 
 whether he heard Thackeray's lec- 
 ture in St. Louis, 86-88; Lincoln as 
 a married man, 89-90; his mental 
 equipment as described by a Spring- 
 field lawyer, 109; Herndon's analy- 
 sis, 1 10-18; journeys to Boonville, 
 Indiana, to hear lawyers plead, 131; 
 admitted to the bar, 132; his three 
 partners, Stuart, Logan and Hern- 
 don, 139; his office methods, 144; 
 how he prepared his papers and the 
 extent of his practice, 146; his aver- 
 sion to divorce suits, 140-49; suits 
 
INDEX 
 
 321 
 
 for fees, 151; letter to M. Brayman, 
 152; one of his earliest damage suits, 
 156; the Horological Cradle case, 
 157—59; his decree in the Chiniquiy 
 suit, 162; Dorman vs. Lane and what 
 Lincoln said about his fee, 168; his 
 briefs and how he prepared them, 
 170; his argument in the Rock Island 
 Bridge case and his opinion of Judge 
 McLean, 180-87; teaching the 
 woman who bought the Matheney 
 land, fair play, 201; stores and 
 offices where he lounged, 206; eve 
 nings spent at the Supreme Court 
 Clerk's office, 208; receives news of 
 his vote for Vice-President at the 
 Philadelphia convention, 21 1; how 
 he and Herndon kept track of their 
 fees and their business at the bank, 
 212-14; his failure to restrain or 
 reform Herndon, 216; his friendship 
 and partiality for Ward Lamon, 
 218; sends Lamon on a mission to 
 South Carolina, 221; appoints Mark 
 W. Delahay U.S. Judge in Kansas, 
 223; his appointment of Simon Cam- 
 eron, 226; incidents of the joint 
 debate with Douglas, 230-35; stud- 
 ies Euclid, 239; working on his 
 patent in Walter Davis's shop, 242; 
 lecture on Discoveries and Inven- 
 tions, 244; turns manuscript over 
 to Mrs. Grimsley, 246; his speech 
 in Springfield in October, 1854, in 
 answer to Douglas, 252; announces 
 himself at the Bloomington con- 
 vention, 256; resolutions of Spring- 
 field convention endorsing Lincoln 
 for President, 260-61; Lincoln dur- 
 ing the Chicago convention, 264-68; 
 his speech to the people who called 
 to congratulate him, 270; arrival 
 of the notification committee, 274; 
 meeting the expenses of the cam- 
 paign, 283; how he cast his ballot 
 on election day, 288; goes to Chi- 
 cago, 290; visits his stepmother at 
 Charleston, 293; last social recep- 
 
 tion at the Lincoln home, 303; sends 
 Thomas S. Mather to Washington 
 to see Gen. Scott, 304; leases his 
 residence to L. Tilton, 306; the 
 party which accompanied Lincoln 
 to Washington, 309; the farewell 
 speech at Springfield, 310-14. 
 
 Lincoln & Herndon, their fee-book, 
 141; their bank account, 213. 
 
 Lincoln, Mary Todd, her domestic 
 economy and experience with trades- 
 men, 92-95; described by Herndon, 
 96-98; dealings with servants and 
 children, 100-03; travels to New York 
 after her husband's election, 292. 
 
 Lincoln's melancholy, observed and 
 portrayed by Stuart, Treat, Conk- 
 ling, Matheney, Davis, Swett, and 
 Whitney, ill; the recollection of 
 Robert L. Wilson, 1 13. 
 
 Lincoln, Robert, accompanies his 
 father on the journey from Spring- 
 field to Washington, 309. 
 
 Lincoln, Sarah, described by Hern- 
 don, 231 ner marriage to Aaron 
 Grigsby, 34. 
 
 Lincoln, Thomas, lived in Coles Coun- 
 ty, Illinois, but did not visit Spring- 
 field, 50; his son Abraham turns 
 over to him fees he earned in the 
 McKibben vs. Hart lawsuit, 160. 
 
 Linder vs. Fleenor, the slander suit in 
 Coles County, 165-67. 
 
 Linder, Usher F., assists Lincoln in 
 the Bagley-Vanmeter case, 160. 
 
 Logan, Emily, a fugitive slave case 
 tried in Springfield, 195. 
 
 Logan, Stephen T., begins law-part- 
 nership with Lincoln, 139; recom- 
 mended by Lincoln to Secretary of 
 War for commissioner to settle war 
 claims, 139. 
 
 McKibben vs. Hart, noted slander 
 
 suit in Coles County, 160. 
 Matheney, Charles, owned land bought 
 
 by widow which Lincoln surveyed, 
 
 202. 
 
322 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Matheney, James H., describes wed- 
 ding of Lincoln and Mary Todd, 
 60; joins literary society to which 
 Lincoln, Butler, and Hay belonged, 
 70; assists in punishing the drunken 
 shoemaker, 71; recollections of 
 Lincoln's domestic life, 90; story of 
 Mary Todd at the party, 98. 
 
 Melvin, Samuel H., recalls Lincoln's 
 lecture on Discoveries and Inven- 
 tions, 245. 
 
 Miller os. Miller, a divorce character- 
 ized by Lincoln as a pitiful story, 
 150. 
 
 Moffett, John B., sued by Lincoln for 
 his attorney fee, 151. 
 
 Moore, Clifton H., joins Lincoln in 
 the Dungey-Spencer lawsuit, 164; 
 recalls what Lincoln said about 
 Douglas, 231. 
 
 Nicolay, John G., serves as Lincoln's 
 secretary, 283; accompanies him to 
 Washington, 309; incidents of the 
 departure from Springfield, 310-14. 
 
 Owens, Mary, declines Lincoln's offer 
 of marriage, 56; what Lincoln wrote 
 her about flourishing in carriages, 66; 
 riding with him to the party at Uncle 
 Billy Greene's, 69. 
 
 Parks, Samuel C, hi", opinion of Lin- 
 coln as a lawyer, 128. 
 
 Patterson os, Edwards, a unique slan- 
 der suit, 170; Lincoln's brief, 171-74. 
 
 Pickett, Thomas J., proposes Lincoln 
 for President: Lincoln's answer, 260. 
 
 Pitcher, John, recalls how Lincoln 
 consulted him about studying law, 
 130. 
 
 Rankin, Henry B., recalls Lincoln's 
 last meeting with Herndon, 300. 
 
 Richards, John T., the feeling between 
 railroads and steamboats over the 
 Rock Island bridge, 178. 
 
 Rickard, Sarah, declines Lincoln's 
 
 marriage proposal, $6; Lincoln es- 
 corts her to the theater, 67. 
 
 Rock Island Bridge suit, tried before 
 Judge John McLean, 177; Lincoln's 
 argument, 180; his opinion of Judge 
 McLean, 187; how he applied the fee 
 he earned, 214. 
 
 Rodman, Jesse H., his visit to Lincoln 
 at Washington: Lincoln recalls 
 incidents of his boyhood in Ken- 
 tucky, 18. 
 
 Rowbotham, John H., visits Kentucky 
 and Indiana, 18; describes Lincoln's 
 birthplace, 20. 
 
 Scammon os, Cline, Lincoln's first 
 Supreme Court case, 138. 
 
 Scott, Gen. Winfield, what he told 
 Thomas S. Mather in Lincoln's 
 behalf, 305; details Major Hunter 
 and Col. Sumner to accompany 
 Lincoln from Springfield to Wash- 
 ington, 308. 
 
 Scripps, John L., visits Lincoln to se- 
 cure data for his campaign biog- 
 raphy, 36. 
 
 Smith os. Smith, suit on election bet, 
 174; how Lincoln regarded wrongs on 
 the ballot box, 176. 
 
 Smith, Caleb B., what Lincoln told 
 Col. Chapman about him, 294. 
 
 Smith, C. M., accompanies his sister- 
 in-law Mrs. Lincoln to New York, 
 292. 
 
 Speed, Joshua F., apprized of his 
 wedding by Lincoln, 6^; writes 
 Herndon about Lincoln's marriage 
 to Mary Todd, 68. 
 
 Springfield convention, resolutions of 
 Sangamon County favoring Lincoln 
 for President, 260-61. 
 
 Springfield Journal, how the people 
 received news of Lincoln's nomina- 
 tion, 270; the great rally in August, 
 274. 
 
 Stuart, John T., letter from Lincoln, 
 57; loans Lincoln law-books, 131; 
 enters partnership with Lincoln, 
 
INDEX 
 
 313 
 
 139; comments on Lincoln's Cooper 
 Institute speech, 258. 
 
 Stuart & Lincoln, what their fee-book 
 revealed, 142. 
 
 Swett, Leonard, notes Lincoln's atten- 
 tion to the lady singer, 76; account of 
 his first meeting with Lincoln, 192- 
 93; Lincoln's faults, 21 f his at- 
 tempt to lecture, 244. 
 
 Tarbell, Ida, assists Caroline H. Hitch- 
 cock in determining the birth and de- 
 scent of Nancy Hanks, 39. 
 
 Thornton, Hempstead, a fugitive slave 
 case tried in Springfield, 196. 
 
 Tilton, L., leases Lincoln's residence 
 after latter leaves Springfield, 306. 
 
 Titsworth, A. D., presents Lincoln 
 clothes to be worn at his inaugura- 
 tion, 291. 
 
 Treat, Samuel H., his opinion of Lin- 
 coln's wife and the interrupted chess 
 game, 102. 
 
 Trumbull, Lyman, speech in Spring- 
 field after Lincoln's nomination, 281. 
 
 Turnham, David, loans Lincoln Re- 
 vised Statutes of Indiana, 130. 
 
 Wallace, William S., accompanies 
 Lincoln from Springfield to Wash- 
 ington, 309. 
 
 Weik, Jesse W., visits Kentucky to 
 investigate stories of Lincoln's ori- 
 gin, 29; the Enloe tradition, 31-32; 
 interview with Ninian W. Edwards 
 and wife, 63; interview with one of 
 Lincoln & Herndon female clients, 
 82-85; tries to learn if Lincoln heard 
 a lecture by Thackeray in St. Louis, 
 86-88; visits John G. Nicolay, 311- 
 12. 
 
 Weldon, Lawrence, recollections of the 
 Dungey-Spencer lawsuit, 163. 
 
 White, Horace, his estimate of Hern- 
 
 don, 1-2; notices Lincoln's moral 
 obtuseness, 216; what he said about 
 Mark W. Delahay and Simon Cam- 
 eron, 226; Lincoln as a politician, 
 228; recollections of Douglas, 232; 
 Lincoln's campaign handbook, 233. 
 Whitney, Henry C, letter regarding 
 Herndon, 2-3; Lincoln's visit to the 
 Urbana jail, 51-53; at the Mayor's 
 residence, 72; Lincoln's partiality 
 for Miss Newhall, the concert 
 singer, 76; how Lincoln spent the 
 evenings on the circuit, 85; accom- 
 panies Lincoln to the negro minstrel 
 show in Chicago, 86; describes the 
 Spink vs. Chiniquiy suit, 161; 
 recollections of Lincoln on the cir- 
 cuit, 188-91; is assisted by Lincoln 
 as attorney for the Illinois Central 
 Railroad, 194; Lincoln as a guest of 
 the American House at Urbana, 209; 
 helps Lincoln collect his fees, 211; 
 riding in the omnibus, 212; recalls 
 Lincoln's lecture on Discoveries 
 and Inventions, 244; the incident at 
 Bloomington after the convention, 
 
 Williams, John, joins the other Spring- 
 field friends of Lincoln in meeting 
 the latter's campaign expenses, 283. 
 
 Wilson, Henry, opposes Ward Lamon 
 when Lincoln appoints him U.S. 
 Marshal of the District of Columbia, 
 220; recalls the letter Herndon wrote 
 him describing Lincoln, 227. 
 
 Wilson, James Grant, tries to deter- 
 mine whether Lincoln heard Thack- 
 eray's lecture in St. Louis, 86-88. 
 
 Wilson, J. J. S., sends telegrams to 
 Lincoln from Chicago announcing 
 his nomination, 267-69. 
 
 Wilson, Robert L., relates what Lin- 
 coln told him about his mental de- 
 pression, 112. 
 
I 
 
 id