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WORKS ISSUED BY 
 
 C |)t ©aftlujJt J^orietg. 
 
 DIVERS VOYAGES TOUCHING THE 
 DISCOVERY OF 
 AMERICA, 
 
 ETC. 
 
 M.DCCC.L. L 
 

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 il". jl :V> ly« M 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
DIVERS 
 
 VOYAGES. 
 
 TOUCHING THE DISCOVERY 
 
 OF 
 
 AMERICA 
 
 AND THE ISLANDS ADJACENT. 
 
 COLLECTED AND PUBLISHED 
 
 BY RICHARD HAKLUYT, 
 
 PREBENDARY OF BRISTOL, 
 
 IN THE YEAR 15S2. 
 
 EDITED, 
 
 TOttj) JloUs anti an Entrotiuctton, 
 
 BY 
 
 JOHN WINTER JONES, 
 
 OF THE BRITISH MUSEUM. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY, 
 
 M.DCCC.L. 
 
 r 
 
t)t &.*? 
 
 W\^ 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 RICHARDS, PRINTER. 
 
THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY 
 
 (ttounctl* 
 
 SIR RODERICK IMPEY MURCHISON, G.C.St.S., F.R.S., Corr. Mem. lust. Fr., 
 Hon. Mem. Imp. Acad. Sc. St. Petersburg, &c., &c., President. 
 
 Vice-Admiral Sir CHARLES MALCOLM, Knt. ") 
 
 ^ Vice-Presidents. 
 
 The EARL OF ELLESMERE. ) 
 
 Rear-Admiral Sir FRANCIS BEAUFORT, K.C.B. 
 
 CHARLES T. BEKE, Esq., Phil. D., F.S.A. 
 
 Captain C. R. DRINKWATER BETHUNE, R.N., C.B. 
 
 The LORD ALFRED S. CHURCHILL. 
 
 WILLIAM DESBOROUGH COOLEY, Esq. 
 
 BOLTON CORNEY, Esq., M.R.S.L. 
 
 The Right Rey. LORD BISHOP OF ST. DAVID’S. 
 
 Sir HENRY ELLIS, K.H., F.R.S. 
 
 JOHN FORSTER, Esq. 
 
 R. W. GREY, Esq., M.P. 
 
 THOMAS HODGKIN, Esq., M.D. 
 
 JOHN HOLMES, Esq. 
 
 JOHN WINTER JONES, Esq. 
 
 P. LEVESQUE, Esq. 
 
 The very Rev. the DEAN OF ST. PAUL’S. 
 
 THOMAS RUNDALL, Esq. 
 
 The Right Hon. the LORD ADVOCATE OF 'SCOTLAND. 
 
 The Hon. HENRY E. J. STANLEY. 
 
 R. H. MAJOR, Esq., F.R.G.S., Honorary Secretary. 
 
 184674 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The “ Divers Voyages touching the Discoverie of 
 America”, was the first publication of the active- 
 minded and public-spirited clergyman from whose 
 name the Hakluyt Society has derived its designation. 
 To many members the question will naturally suggest 
 itself, why, having thought the name worthy adoption, 
 the work should have been so long postponed. The 
 following is the explanation of this circumstance. 
 When the Hakluyt Society was instituted, the first 
 work proposed for publication was the u Divers Voy¬ 
 ages”; but it having been ascertained that the late 
 intelligent American bookseller, Mr. Rich, had con¬ 
 templated publishing a fac-simile reprint, and that he 
 had had cut a fount of black-letter type for that pur¬ 
 pose, application was made to him, in order to ascer¬ 
 tain whether he still proposed carrying that design 
 into effect. Mr. Rich, in reply, stated that he was 
 willing to leave the work in the hands of the Society, 
 provided the Council would print it as he himself had 
 proposed to do, and would purchase the type he had 
 had cast for it. As it was not deemed advisable 
 to adopt this proposition, and as a separate publica¬ 
 tion by the Society would have interfered prejudicially 
 
 b 
 
1L 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 with Mr. Rich’s prior right, it was considered proper 
 to forego what would certainly have been the most 
 appropriate leader of their series, and to adopt some 
 other work. When, however, after the lapse of three 
 years, the subject was again mentioned to Mr. Rich, 
 he stated that he had abandoned his intention of 
 publishing the book ; and the Society, being now un¬ 
 fettered, lost no time in placing it in course of pre¬ 
 paration. 
 
 Before making any remarks upon the work itself, 
 it will be proper to say something of the compiler; 
 than whom few, perhaps, have better deserved an 
 honourable place in the memory of their countrymen, 
 and none have commanded more general respect with 
 those who have taken the trouble to make themselves 
 acquainted with his far-seeing and patriotic views, and 
 the untiring perseverance with which he sought to 
 make his views effective. It is hardly necessary to 
 refer here to the solitary exception to this feeling of 
 admiration for the labours of an honest, upright man, 
 which is presented in the person of Mr. Biddle, in his 
 Memoirs of Sebastian Cabot. Mr. Tytler, in his 
 Historical View of the Progress of Discovery on the 
 more Northern Coasts of America , has sufficiently 
 exposed the animus of Mr. Biddle’s strictures. 
 
 The ancestors of Hakluyt were established at a very 
 early period in the county of Hereford. The family seat 
 was at Yatton ; and they must have ranked amongst 
 the principal landowners of the county. In the list 
 of sheriffs, given by Duncumb in his History of Here¬ 
 fordshire, we find that Walter de Hackluit filled that 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Ill 
 
 office in the first, second, third, and fourth years of 
 Edward II; Hugh Hackluit, in the tenth and eleventh 
 years of the same reign ; Edward Hackluit, in the 
 thirty-first, thirty-second, and thirty-third years of 
 Edward III; Leonard Hackluit, knt., in the second 
 year of Hen. IY; and a Ralph Hackluit in the seven¬ 
 teenth year of Edw. IV, and again in the twenty-third 
 of Hen. VII, and tenth of Hen. VIII. The list of 
 members for the county, contained in the same work, 
 presents us with Walter de Hackluite, in the sixth 
 year of Ed. II; Edmund Hakelute, in the first year 
 of Ed. Ill; Edmund Fitz-Edmund Hackluit, in the 
 twenty-eighth of Ed. Ill; Edward Hackluit, in the 
 thirty-first of Ed. Ill; and Leonard Hakkluyt, in 
 the ninth, eleventh, and seventeenth years of Rich. II. 
 We also learn, from the General Introduction to the 
 same work, that Walter Iiakelut was knighted, with 
 several others, in the thirty-fourth year of Ed. I; 
 and in a return of the principal inhabitants of Here¬ 
 fordshire, made to royal commissioners in the twelfth 
 year of Henry VI, we find, in the list of knights, 
 Walter Hackluit, and in that of the gentlemen, Wil¬ 
 liam Hackluit, Hugh Hackluit, and Egidius Hackluit. 
 One Thomas Hakeluyt was chancellor of the diocese 
 of Hereford in the year 1349. It appears also, from 
 the two following documents, that Thomas Hakeluytt, 
 probably the head of the family, was in the wardship 
 of Henry VIII, and Edward VI. Yizt.: 
 
 1. “ An indenture, made the 8th day of August, anno 28 
 Hen. VIII, between William Beuyle, gentleman, Roger 
 Acton, gentillman, twoo of the cousins and lieyres of John 
 
IV 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Suggewas, deceased, Philip Baskerwile, Esq., and Elizabeth, 
 his wife, late wife of James May, one other of the cousins 
 and heyres of the said John Suggewas, and Richard Watkyn, 
 gentilman, the king’s coihittee of the body and lands of 
 Thomas Hakeluytt, sonne and heyre of John Hakelnytt, 
 Esq., deceased, one other of the cousins and heyres of the 
 said John Suggewas, on the one partie, and John White, on 
 the other partye, etc., for a messuage in Grafton in com. 
 Heref. Datum A 0 . 21, H. 8 .”—Visitation of Huntingdonshire, 
 p. 45, published by the Camden Society. 
 
 2. “ Extract from a Court Roll held at Kyngstaple, in the 
 county of Hereford, 26 April, 1 Ed. YI, containing a memo¬ 
 randum that Thomas Havarde, Esq., the king’s feodary, had 
 granted to Thomas Mynde all the purpartie of Thomas Hake- 
 luyt, gent., the king’s warde, and one of the lords of King- 
 staple, of the copice of Cary Woodde and lands in Castell- 
 dichefelde, Vaughans Welle, and Moche Cavene, to hold 
 during the minority of the same Hakeluyt, paying yearly the 
 sum of three shillings and eight pence.” [Additional Char¬ 
 ters and Rolls, No. 1351, Brit. Mus.] 
 
 The subject of this memoir was born about the 
 year 1553, in or near London as it has been conjec¬ 
 tured, but upon what authority does not appear, un¬ 
 less it be the circumstance of his having been educated 
 at Westminster school, in which he informs us he was 
 one of the queen’s scholars. He was elected to Christ 
 Church College, Oxford, in the year 1570, being 
 then seventeen years of age. He took his degree of 
 
 Bachelor of Arts on the 19th of February 1574, and 
 
 «/ ' 
 
 that of Master of Arts on the 27th of June 1577. 
 The love of cosmography, and maritime discovery, 
 for which he became so justly distinguished at a later 
 period of his life, had been implanted in him while he 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 V 
 
 was yet a scholar at Westminster. The following is 
 the graphic account of his introduction to this fasci¬ 
 nating pursuit, given by himself in the dedication to 
 Sir Francis Walsingham, prefixed to the first edition 
 of his General Collection of Voyages and Travels. 
 
 “ I clo remember that being a youth, and one of her Ma¬ 
 jesties scholars at Westminster, that fruitful nurserie, it was 
 my happe to visit the chamber of M. Richard Hakluyt, my 
 cosin, a gentleman of the Middle Temple, 1 well knowen unto 
 you, at a time when I found lying open upon his boord cer- 
 teine bookes of cosmograpliie with an universall mappe : he 
 seeing me somewhat curious in the view thereof, began to 
 instruct my ignorance by shewing me the division of the 
 earth into three parts after the olde account, and then ac¬ 
 cording to the latter and better distribution into more. He 
 pointed with his wand to all the known seas, gulfs, bayes, 
 straights, capes, rivers, empires, kingdoms, dukedoms, and 
 territories of ech part; with declaration also of their spe¬ 
 cial commodities and particular wants which by the benefit 
 of traffike and intercourse of merchants are plentifully 
 supplied. From the mappe he brought me to the Bible, 
 and turning to the 107th Psalme, directed mee to the 
 23rd and 24th verses, where I read that they which go 
 downe to the sea in ships and occupy by the great waters, 
 they see the works of the Lord and his woonders in the 
 deepe, etc., which words of the Prophet, together with my 
 cousins discourse (things of high and rare delight to my yong 
 nature) tooke in me so deepe an impression, that I constantly 
 
 1 Wood, in his Athena Oxonienses , vol. ii, p. 186, edit. Bliss, falls 
 into a confusion between the cousins, and states that our author 
 studied law in the Temple. The mistake is natural, inasmuch as 
 Richard Hakluyt of Yatton was himself distinguished for his geo¬ 
 graphical knowledge, and frequently applied to for advice by mer¬ 
 chants and others. 
 
VI 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 resolved if ever I were preferred to the university, where 
 better time and more convenient place might he ministred 
 for these studies, would, by God’s assistance, prosecute that 
 knowledge and kinde of literature, the doores whereof (after 
 a sort) were so happily opened before me.” 
 
 He did not forget this resolution when the oppor¬ 
 tunity for carrying it into effect arrived. He pro¬ 
 ceeds, in the same dedication :—“ According to which 
 my resolution, when not long after I was removed to 
 Christ Church in Oxford, my exercises of duety first 
 performed, I fell to my intended course, and by degrees 
 read over whatsoever printed or written discoveries 
 and voyages I found, extant either in the Greeke, 
 Latine, Italian, Spanish, Portugall, French or English 
 languages; and in my publike lectures was the first 
 that produced and shewed both the olde and imper¬ 
 fectly composed and the new lately reformed mappes, 
 globes, spheares and other instruments of this art for 
 demonstration in the common schooles, to the singular 
 pleasure and generall contentment of my auditory.” 
 It is much to be regretted that Hakluyt does not 
 say specifically where these lectures were delivered. 
 Oldys, in his memoir of Hakluyt, printed in the 
 Biographia Britannica , expresses himself in such a 
 manner as to lead to the supposition that they were 
 read at Oxford, but the silence of Anthony a Wood on 
 the subject at least throws much doubt upon the cor¬ 
 rectness of such an inference. It may not be out of 
 place here to mention a curious error into which 
 Oldys has fallen respecting this same lectureship. 
 
 Speaking of the publication of the present work he 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Vll 
 
 says, quoting from notes he tells us he had made 
 many years before, “ It appears, in the epistle dedi- 
 catorie, that his lecture of navigation, before mentioned, 
 was so well approved of by the renowned Sir F. Drake, 
 that he made some proposals to continue, and establish 
 it in Oxford, upon the prospect, which Mr. Hakluyt 
 soon after had, of some engagement abroad.” It is 
 difficult to imagine, as the reader will be able to 
 judge for himself by turning to page 16, that the 
 man who wrote this sentence could possibly have 
 • seen the epistle dedicatorie in question. The proposal 
 for founding a lectureship, not continuing one, came 
 from Hakluyt himself, in consequence of what he had 
 heard of the good results of such establishments in 
 Spain, and of what he knew of the fatal consequences 
 resulting from the too general ignorance of our own 
 seamen : and the place was not Oxford, where, for 
 the purpose he had in view, it would be totally useless, 
 but London, or about RatclifFe; in the very centre, in 
 fact, of the localities most frequented by mariners of 
 all grades. It had no reference whatever to Hakluyt’s 
 lectureship, whether at Oxford or elsewhere; of which, 
 although his own statement is specific that he did, at 
 some time before 1589, deliver lectures on cosmo¬ 
 graphy, he leaves us to form our own conclusions 
 as to the probable period and locality. There is, 
 no doubt, however, as to the reality and earnest¬ 
 ness of Hakluyt’s exertions in this direction. He 
 returns to the subject in the dedication of the first 
 volume of the second edition of his Collection, where 
 he urges on the Lord Admiral Howard the import- 
 
via 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ance of establishing such a lectureship in London. 1 
 The honour due to the suggestion was not the less 
 that the suggestion itself was allowed to pass unheeded 
 
 whom it rested to give this boon of 
 
 nautical instruction to our seamen. Let us hope that 
 this now national reproach is about to be effectually 
 removed. 2 
 
 1 See also Hakewill’s Apology, 3rd edit. 1635, fol. p. 310, where 
 Hakluyt’s suggestion is particularly noticed. 
 
 2 In a paper addressed to Lord Mahon, president of the Society 
 of Antiquaries, and printed in vol. xxxviii of the Archceoloyia , 
 p. 283, Mr. Payne Collier publishes for the first time two highly 
 interesting letters from Hakluyt to Sir F. Walsingham. The first 
 letter is for the most part upon the subject mentioned in the text. 
 As Mr. Collier does not say where the original is to be found, 
 we print it as it appears in the Archccologia. 
 
 “ Right Honorable, 
 
 “ The famouse disputations in al partes of the mathematikes, 
 which at this present are held in Paris, for the gayning of the 
 lecture which was erected by the worthy scholer Petrus Ramus, to 
 the great increase of those excellent sciences, put me in mynd to 
 sollicite your honour agayne and agayne for the erection of that 
 lecture of the arte of navigation, whereof I have had some speach 
 with your honour, Sir Francis Drake, and Alderman Barnes and 
 other. And that you might meet with al inconveniences, which 
 might frustate the expected profit, which is hoped for by the erec¬ 
 tion of the same, I send your honour here the testament of Petrus 
 Ramus, newly put out agayne in printe, and sent unto mee by 
 monsur Bergeren, Ramus his executor; whereby you may see, first 
 the exceeding zeale that man had to benefit his countrey, in be¬ 
 stowing 500 livers, which (as your honour knoweth) is fiftie pound 
 sterling, upon establishing of that lecture, bequeathing not halfe so 
 much to al the kindred and friends he had. Secondly, you may 
 note, that he, being one of the most famouse clerkes of Europe, 
 thought those sciences, next after divinitie, to be most necessarie 
 for the common welth, in that he erected a newe lecture of the 
 same, whereas there was one before erected, and endued with fiftie 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 IX 
 
 It is very probable that some proposals had been 
 made to Hakluyt to accompany Sir Humphry Gilbert in 
 his last and fatal voyage to Newfoundland, in the year 
 
 pound stipend, by the kinges of France. Thirdly, that most pro¬ 
 vident order, which the good man by his will hath taken, is most 
 requisite to be put in execution in England; which is, that everie 
 three yeares there shalbe publicke disputation, signified to al men 
 by publicke writing, wherein it shalbe free for any man, for three 
 monethes space, to dispute agaynst the reader for the tyme being; 
 who, yf he be found negligent, or yf any one of the competitours 
 be found more worthy by the opinion of certayne indifferent men 
 of lerninge, chosen out of the purpose to be judges, that then the 
 unworthie shall give place to the more sufficient; who, so being 
 placed, is bound in three yeares space to read through the course 
 of the mathematikes. 
 
 “ Yf, by your honour’s instigation, her Majestie might be en- 
 duced to erecte such a lecture in Oxford, and the like for the arte 
 of navigation might by some other meanes be established at 
 London, allowing to each of them fiftie poundes yearly, with the 
 same conditions, in my simple judgment it would be the best hun¬ 
 dred poundes bestowed these five hundred yeares in England. For 
 it is not unknowne to your wisdome, how necessarie for service of 
 warres arithmeticke and geometrie are, and for our new discoveries 
 and longe voyages by sea, the arte of navigation is, which is com¬ 
 pounded of many partes of the aforesayd sciences. 
 
 “ Understandinge heartofore of your honour’s great abundance 
 of busines, and your dangerouse sicknes, I thought it not meet to 
 trouble your honour with such thinges as I had carefully sought 
 out here in France, concerning the furtherance of the westerne 
 discoveries, but chose rather to imparte the same with Mr. Carlile, 
 which thing also I did. But, being lately advertised of your re¬ 
 covery (for which I humblie thanke almightie God), I was bold to 
 signifie unto your honour my dealing with Horatio Palavicini, to 
 become an adventurer in those westerne voyages, and, among other 
 talke, alleadged your good disposition to the same; which he hearing 
 of, replyed very cheerfully, that yf he were moved thereto by the 
 least word from your honour, he would put in his hundred pound 
 adventure or more. If Mr. Carlile be gone, yet it might come in 
 
 c 
 
X 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 1583 but no particulars are to be found recorded. 
 The circumstance that Hakluyt contemplated taking 
 part in the expedition is alluded to in a letter ad- 
 
 good tyme to serve Mr. Frobisher’s tnrne, yf your wisdome shall 
 like well of yt, seeing he setteth not forth, as I understand, until 
 the beginning of May. 
 
 “ I understand that the papistes give out secretly in the towne, 
 that there shall shortly come forth a confutation of the defence of 
 the execution of justice in England, which was set forth in English 
 and French in London. When yt cometh forth, I trust to have it 
 with the first. 
 
 “ There is good hope that the minister, and those that were 
 taken lately with him in Paris, by the abbot of St. Geneveva, shall 
 very shortly be set at libertie; for the King secretly seemeth to 
 favour them; and they have very discreetly aunswered for them¬ 
 selves, that they were not at any communion or sermon, but that 
 they met together to consult whether to go out of Paris to some 
 place lawful by the edict. A frind of myne told mee he heard a 
 frier inveigh very exceeding bitterly agaynst them in a sermon 
 before a great congregation of people. 
 
 “ Wee have heard by divers letters from Geneva that, besides 
 the earthquake, which was there about the end of Februarie, which 
 untyled many houses, and overthrewe many chymneis in the towne, 
 there is besides a whole village, in the contrey of Vallaye, swallowed 
 up, being foure dayes journey of Geneva. 
 
 “ Those that favour the Spanish here in the towne have spred al 
 abroad, these two or three dayes, that Monsur is dead, which is 
 nothing so. 
 
 “ Thus leving other matters and advertisementes of importance 
 to them unto whom they apperteyne, with remembraunce of the 
 continuance of my humble dutie to your honour, and your worthy 
 and vertuouse sonne in lawe, I leve you to the merciful protection 
 of the Almightie. Paris, the first of April, 1584. 
 
 “ Don Antonio, his captaynes, and his fleet, are not yet departed 
 from Paris, but look every day to depart. 
 
 “ Your honour’s most humble 
 
 “ Richard Hakluyt.” 
 
 1 The second letter from Hakluyt to Sir F. Walsingham, pub- 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XI 
 
 dressed to him by Stephanas Parmenius, of Buda 
 (one of those engaged in the expedition), on their 
 arrival at the port of St. John. His words are 
 
 lished by Mr. Collier in the paper before quoted from (ante p. viii), 
 refers to a “ motion heartofore made” to him by Sir F. Walsingham 
 whether lie could be contented to accompany an expedition to 
 America, in which he expresses his willingness to go and to employ 
 all his observations, readings and conference whatsoever for that 
 object. It does not appear that he contemplated any pecuniary 
 adventure in the undertaking, as he refers his “ entertaynment in 
 this voyage” to Walsingham. The voyage here contemplated was 
 most probably that of Sir Francis Drake to the West Indies and 
 Carthagena in South America, the English fleet leaving England in 
 the month of September 1585. It is certain, however, that Hak¬ 
 luyt did not accompany it. The letter, as given by Mr. Collier, is 
 as follows :— 
 
 “ Right Honourable, 
 
 “ I understand from your servant Curtis your good acceptation 
 of my hastie letter, your special favour and good will towardes 
 mee, as also your expectation of my diligent inquirie of such thinges 
 as may yeld any light unto our westerne discoverie. For the two 
 former I yeld you most humble thankes; and for the later, I nether 
 have nor will omitte any possible diligence, expecting intelligences 
 thereof from Roan, Diepe, and St. Malo very shortly. 
 
 “ In Paris I have seen in one man’s house, called Perosse, the 
 value of five thousand crownes worth of furres, as sables, bevers, 
 otters, and other sortes, which he bought in August laste of the 
 men of St. Malo; and the yeare before, he told mee he bestowed 
 four thousand crownes with them in the like commoditie. He gave 
 me further to understand that he saw great quantitie of bulfe hides, 
 which they brought home, and sent into the lowe countreys to sell. 
 All which commodities, with diverse other of noe lesse value, are 
 brought out of the most northerly partes of those countreys, where- 
 unto our voyage of inhabiting is intended. 
 
 “ And now, because I knowe that this present enterprise is like 
 soone to waxe colde, and fall to the ground, unlesse in this second 
 voyage all diligence in searching everie hope of gayne be used; and 
 calling to mynd that your honor made a motion heartofore unto me, 
 
XU 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 “ Non statueram ad te scribere, cum in mentein veniret 
 promissum literarum tuarum. Putebas te superiore 
 jam Junio nos subsecuturum. Itaque de meo statu 
 
 whether I cold be contented to goe myselfe in the action, these are 
 to put your honor out of doubte, that for myne owne parte, I am 
 most willing to goe now in the same this present setting forth, and 
 in the service of God and my countrey to employ al my simple 
 observations, readinges, and conference whatsoever. For obtaining 
 leave of my L. Ambassador heere to departe, I doubt not but to 
 find meanes of myselfe, seeing he may have inough to supply my 
 roome. 
 
 “ For leave of my colledg, and entertaynment in this voyage, I 
 will wholly referre yt unto your honor, who wish me so well as you 
 will not see my poore estate impared. Because the tyme is ex¬ 
 ceeding shorte, I wold desire your honor’s present aunswere; uppon 
 sight whereof, with winges of Pegasus, I wold fy in England. 
 
 “ I have talked twise with Don Antonio of Portugal, and with 
 five or sixe of his best captaynes and pilots, one of whom was born 
 in Paste India. They al wish al prosperitie to Her Majestie and 
 yourselfe, and say that, if the Queene of England wold joyne with 
 their master, whose strength by sea they commend unto the skyes, 
 they know how the King of Spayne, our mortal enemy, might 
 easily be met withal, and she much enriched. The number of 
 Portingalls which hange uppon the poore King are aboute an hun¬ 
 dred or sixe score: diverse of them are lately come out of the 
 Easte India, overlande by Tripoly in Siria. They have a voyage 
 in hand, with five or sixe sayle of ships, which are in preparing at 
 Newe Haven for the coste of Guinea, and the castle of Mina, 
 wherein most parte of the Portingalls aforesayd are to be employed, 
 being joyned in company with the French. They set forward, as I 
 heare, within this moneth. 
 
 “ One Sinior Andreas, borne in Savoy, is nowe, I heare, in 
 Paris, which hath bin lately in the Island of Japan, with whom, by 
 meanes of Doctor Pena, I shall have conference within a day or 
 two. Diverse other intelligences, tending toward the furtherance 
 of our western planting and discoverie, I looke for from sondry 
 places very shortly. In the meane season, with remembrance of 
 my humble dutie to your honor, and to your worthy and honorable 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Xlll 
 
 ex cloctore Humfreclo certiorem te fieri jusseram. 
 Yerum sic tibi non esset satisfaction, etc.”— Hak¬ 
 luyt, vol. iii, p. 161. Whatever may have been 
 his intention in this respect, it may be presumed 
 that his plans were changed, in consequence of his 
 having been appointed chaplain to Sir Edward 
 Stafford, ambassador from Queen Elizabeth to the 
 court of France. At this period, also, he is said 
 to have held a professorship of divinity, but we 
 are not told where ; it could hardly have been at 
 Oxford, for if so it would not have been omitted in 
 the Athena Oxonienses . In the month of May 1585, 
 during his residence at Paris with the British em¬ 
 bassy, the reversion of the next prebendal stall that 
 should become vacant was secured to him by the 
 queen’s mandate ; and in the same, or the following 
 year, he, by virtue of this grant, took possession of 
 the first stall in the cathedral of Bristol, which at 
 that time became vacant by the death of Dr. John 
 Gough. Notwithstanding this preferment he did not, 
 as he informs us himself, give up his post of chaplain 
 
 sonne-in-lawe, I cease for the present, and beseech the Almightie 
 to hold yon bothe in his safe garde. 
 
 “ It was told me by Perosse, of whom I spake before, and by 
 Andrew Thevet, the Kinges cosmographer, that Duke Joyeuze, 
 Admiral of France, and the Cardinal of Burbon and their frindes, 
 have had a meaning to send out certayne ships to inhabite some 
 place of the north part of America, and to carry thither many friers 
 and other religiouse persons; but I thinke they be not in haste to 
 doe yt. Paris, from my Lord Ambassadour’s house, the vijth of 
 Januarie, 1584. 
 
 “ Your honor’s most humble to command, 
 
 “ Bichard Hakluyt, Preacher.” 
 
XIV 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 to the British embassy at Paris until the year 1588, 
 when he returned to England with Lady Sheffield, 
 sister to his early patron the Lord Admiral Howard, 
 after a residence in France of five years. 
 
 Elizabeth had granted to Sir Walter Raleigh letters 
 patent, dated the 25th of March 1584, authorising 
 him, in the usual terms, to discover, search, and find 
 out such remote heathen and barbarous lands, coun¬ 
 tries, and territories not actually possessed by any 
 Christian prince, nor inhabited by Christian people, 
 as to him, his heirs, etc., should seem good. This 
 patent Raleigh, in the latter part of this year 1588, 
 assigned to Hakluyt, and several other gentlemen 
 and merchants, as a corporation of counsellors, as¬ 
 sistants, and adventurers, for the purpose of carrying 
 out the object of the patent. On the 20th of April 
 1590, he was instituted to the rectory of Wetteringsett 
 cum Blochford, in the county of Suffolk. The next 
 event we find recorded in the life of Hakluyt, apart 
 from his literary labours, is that of his marriage, which 
 is supposed to have taken place in or about the year 
 1594. About the year 1605, he succeeded Dr. Richard 
 Webster as a prebendary of Westminster. 
 
 Hakluyt, by his writings, and by his personal exer¬ 
 tions with several persons of influence, was the chief 
 promoter of a petition, addressed to King James in 
 the year 1606, praying that he would grant patents 
 for the colonization of Virginia. A charter was in 
 consequence granted, bearing date April 10, 1606, 
 by which two companies were formed, subsequently 
 known as the London Company, and the Plymouth 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XV 
 
 Company. The tract of country lying between the 
 thirty-fourth and forty-fifth degrees of latitude was 
 to be divided into nearly equal portions, one of which 
 was to be enjoyed by each of the said companies. 
 The first settlement was effected by the London, or 
 South Virginian Company; the chief adventurers in 
 which, as patentees, were Sir Thomas Gates, Sir 
 George Somers, Richard Hakluyt, and Edward Maria 
 Wingfield. 
 
 Notwithstanding the extraordinary interest our 
 author took in maritime discovery, and his extensive 
 intercourse with seafaring men of all grades, it does 
 not appear that he was ever tempted to quit his 
 native country, with the exception of his sojourn in 
 France. Contenting himself with the peaceful task 
 of collecting and recording the accounts of other 
 men’s doings, it is not surprising that his life should 
 afford so little of incident to be recorded. He died 
 on the 23rd of November 1616, and was buried in 
 St. Peter’s Church, in Westminster Abbey, on the 
 26th of the same month. He left one son, who in¬ 
 herited from his father a fair estate, which, it is said, 
 he had not the prudence to keep, and an illustrious 
 name, which he knew not how to value. 
 
 Hakluyt had three brothers; one older, and two 
 younger than himself. Of the eldest, Thomas, we are 
 only told that he was elected from Westminster school 
 to Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1567. The next, 
 Oliver, was educated at the same college, and after¬ 
 wards practised, with distinction, as a physician. 
 The youngest, Edmund, held the post, for four years, 
 
XVI 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 of tutor to the Lord William Howard, the eldest son 
 of the earl of Nottingham. 
 
 Having given this hasty sketch of the life of our 
 author, we now proceed to the discussion of those 
 labours, by which his name has become inseparably 
 connected with the history of maritime discovery and 
 enterprise. It has been already stated, that he had 
 been chosen to lecture on cosmography and naviga¬ 
 tion ; but his views extended much farther than in¬ 
 structing his countrymen in these branches of know¬ 
 ledge. He saw clearly the course in which lay the 
 advantage and glory of his country ; he saw that 
 maritime traffic, and the acquisition of territory by 
 colonization, were the means by which England was 
 to improve the moral condition of her people, and main¬ 
 tain her position as a great naval power. Anxious to 
 promote these objects, he cultivated the acquaintance of 
 all who could give him information, and sought the pro¬ 
 tection of men who, appreciating his views, could assist 
 him in carrying them into effect. No labour, no ex¬ 
 pense deterred him. In the account of the u English 
 Voyage to Newfoundland in 1536”, given by him in 
 his General Collection , p. 517-519 ; vol. iii, p. 129- 
 131; he says, “ One Master Hore, of London, a man 
 of goodly stature, and of great courage, and given to 
 the studie of cosmography, encouraged divers gentle¬ 
 men, and others, being assisted by the king’s favour 
 and good countenance, to accompany him in this 
 voyage of discovery”, and that “ his persuasions tooke 
 such effect, that within short space many gentlemen 
 of the innes of court, and of the chancerie, and divers 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XVII 
 
 others of good worship, desirous to see the strange 
 things of the world, very willingly entered into action 
 with him.” This was a very disastrous voyage; re¬ 
 markable for the intense sufferings of the crew, and 
 the very curious incident of their obtaining partial 
 relief for their hunger by taking from an osprey’s 
 nest the fish the parent bird brought in great abund¬ 
 ance to its young. Hakluyt was so anxious to obtain 
 correct particulars of this voyage, that he rode two 
 hundred miles, in order to obtain the facts from the 
 lips of one Thomas Butts, then the only survivor of 
 the adventurers in the said voyage. He was inces¬ 
 santly emploj^ed in the examination, collection, tran¬ 
 script, and translation of accounts of voyages and 
 travels, charters, letters, and documents bearing in 
 any way upon his subject, and in correspondence with 
 men eager to impart information, obtain advice and 
 assistance, or to encourage him in his laudable and 
 patriotic efforts. The celebrated Abram Ortelius, 
 and Gerard Mercator, were among those who ex¬ 
 changed with him friendly communications upon the 
 subjects of common interest between them. Sir 
 Francis Walsingham, Sir Robert Cecil, the Lord High- 
 Admiral Howard, Sir Philip Sydney, and Sir Francis 
 Drake, were among those who supported him in 
 his labours by their commendations, and encouraged 
 him to proceed. On the 11th of March 1583, Sir F. 
 Walsingham writes to Hakluyt, thanking him for the 
 exertions he had made to assist in “ the discovery of 
 the western parts yet unknown”, and wishing him to 
 continue “ his travaile in these, and like matters.”— 
 
 d 
 
XV111 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Hakluyt Collection , vol. iii, p. 181. And by a letter 
 of the same date, addressed to the Mayor of Bristol, 
 Sir Francis Walsingham recommends the Bristol 
 adventurers to confer with the bearers of his letter, 
 K. Hakluit and Thomas Steven ton, on the subject of 
 some ships these Bristol merchants were about to fit 
 out for the purpose of accompanying Sir Humphry 
 Gilbert in his ill-fated expedition before referred to. lb. 
 
 The first work which issued from our author’s pen 
 was the collection now republished ; and it is not im¬ 
 probable that it may have been this work to which 
 Sir F. Walsingham more particularly alluded in his 
 letter of the 11th March 1582, when he spoke of 
 Hakluyt’s exertions to assist in the discovery of the 
 western parts yet unknown. It would be impossible 
 to explain Hakluyt’s views, or the object towards 
 which his exertions were directed, more clearly than 
 he has himself done in the epistle dedicatory to Sir 
 Philip Sydney, prefixed to this work. The glory of 
 England ; the advantages of colonization, as a means 
 of employing the idle, of rendering the laws less san¬ 
 guinary, by diminishing the necessity for capital 
 punishment, and of enlarging the commerce of the 
 country; the extension of the knowledge of navigation, 
 particularly amongst our merchant seamen ; and the 
 conversion of the savage, and consequent promotion 
 of the worship and glory of God, are all brought 
 forward in their turn. We shall have much to 
 say, in the course of this Introduction, upon the 
 various pieces of which this collection is composed; 
 but we postpone our remarks for the present, in 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XIX 
 
 order to dispose of the other works which either 
 emanated from our author, or were produced at his 
 suggestion. These will be taken in the order of their 
 production, as nearly as we have been able to ascer¬ 
 tain it. 
 
 He did not neglect his favourite pursuit during his 
 residence in France ; but made diligent inquiries for 
 information, not only among cosmographers and others, 
 but also in the libraries, both public and private. 
 During his researches he discovered a manuscript 
 account of Florida, a country which had been visited, 
 and to a certain extent explored, by Ribault in 1562, 
 and by Laudonniere in the following years. Perceiving 
 the interest and importance of this work, he engaged, 
 at his own expense, Martin Basanier to publish the 
 book at Paris, in French, in the year 1586. 1 It is dedi¬ 
 cated to Sir Walter Raleigh ; and the editor takes 
 occasion to bestow high praises upon Sir Walter, for 
 the enterprise he displayed in his then late discovery 
 of Virginia. This work does not contain Ribault’s 
 own account of his voyage. The attention this book 
 excited in France, encouraged Hakluyt to present 
 it to his countrymen in an English dress, and it was 
 published in London, in the year 1587, with the fol¬ 
 lowing title: 
 
 “ A notable historie containing foure voyages made by 
 certayne French captaynes unto Florida; wherein the great 
 riches and fruitefulnes of the countrey, with the maners of 
 the people, hitherto concealed, are brought to light; written, 
 
 1 See Dedication to vol. ii. of the 2nd edition of his general col¬ 
 lection. 
 
XX 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 all saving the last, by Monsieur Laudonniere, who remained 
 there liimselfe as the French king’s lienetenant a yere and a 
 quarter; newly translated out of French into English by 
 It. H. London *. imprinted by Thomas Dawson, 1587. 4to.” 
 
 Hakluyt has prefixed to his translation a dedicatory 
 epistle to Sir Walter Raleigh, encouraging him to 
 prosecute the colonization of Virginia, by pointing out 
 the advantages, and probable resources of the district. 
 
 In the year 1587 he also published, at Paris, a re¬ 
 vised edition of Peter Martyr Anghiera’s work, De 
 orbe novo. This edition appeared with the following 
 title: 
 
 “ De orbe novo Petri Martyris Anglerii Mediolanensis 
 Protonotarii et Caroli quinti Senatoris Decades octo, dili- 
 genti temporum observatione et utilissimis annotationibus 
 illustrate, suoque nitori restitute, labore et industria 
 Richardi Hakluyti Oxoniensis Angli, etc. Parisiis, 1587.” 8°. 
 
 Amongst other improvements in this edition, men¬ 
 tioned in the Latin dedication to Sir Walter Raleigh, 
 prefixed to the work, he observes: “ Cartam geogra- 
 phicam praecipua operis loca continentem ut perpen- 
 dicularem appendicem adjunxi, memor illius quod vere 
 dicitur 1 Geographiam esse historise oculuin’.” The map 
 here referred to is one of the world, and is dedicated to 
 Hakluyt in the following words: “ Doctiss. et ornatiss. 
 Rich. Hakluyto F.G.S. Cui potius quam tibi orbem 
 hunc novum dicassem ? cum tu assiduis eruditisque 
 libris tuis ipsum eundem in dies illustriorem reddas. 
 Eum igitur uti tua humanitate dignum est accipe, 
 teque nos vicissiin amabimus. Paris. Cal. Maij. 1587.” 
 This map is of very rare occurrence. There is pre- 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XXI 
 
 fixed a dedication, in Latin, to Sir Walter Raleigh, 
 occupying nine pages Many years afterwards, Michael 
 Lok, whose name is intimately connected with the 
 maritime history of this period, translated Anghiera’s 
 work into English at the recommendation of Hakluyt. 
 The title is as follows: 
 
 “ The histone of the West Indies, containing the Actes 
 and Adventures of the Spaniards which have conquered and 
 peopled those countries, inriched with varietie of pleasant 
 relation of the manners, ceremonies, lawes, governments, and 
 warres of the Indians. Published in Latin by Mr. Hakluyt, 
 and translated into English by M. Lok. Gent. London. 
 Printed for Andrew Webb.” 
 
 This publication preceded by a very short time the 
 permanent colonization of Virginia, the first English 
 settlement in America; and it is but just to presume, 
 that the public and private efforts of our author must 
 have had a most important influence in directing at¬ 
 tention towards these establishments, from which 
 such mighty results subsequently followed. We shall 
 have to refer to his exertions in this respect on more 
 than one occasion. 
 
 It has been stated, in the early part of this narra¬ 
 tive, that Hakluyt was one of those to whom, in the 
 year 1588, Sir Walter Ralegh assigned his patent for 
 the prosecution of discoveries in heathen lands. 
 Whether this circumstance directed his attention more 
 particularly towards the maritime exertions of the 
 English, or whether, as he himself states, 1 he was 
 roused by the reproach of want of enterprise, brought 
 
 1 Dedication to the first edition of his general collection. 
 
XXII 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 against his countrymen by foreigners, certain it is 
 that about this time he bent all his efforts towards 
 the arrangement of materials for a work which should 
 show that the English had not been idle, or unsuc¬ 
 cessful. This project, and its author, are thus referred 
 to by Philip Jones, in the dedication to Sir Francis 
 Drake, prefixed to his Certain briefe and speciall 
 Instructions for Gentlemen , ^rc., employed in ser¬ 
 vices abroad. London: 1589. 4to. 
 
 “ I confesse tliat although my propension was alwaies to 
 enclevor somtliing for the inlargement of your name and 
 honor, having so well deserved of this commonwealth and of 
 every particular thereof, yet I was motioned to remember 
 yourselfe in the impression of this Index by my very good 
 and learned friend Mr. Richard Hackluyt, a man of in¬ 
 credible devotion towarde yourselfe and of speciall careful- 
 nesse for the good of our nation; as the world injoying the 
 benefit of some of his travels can give testimonie, and is pos¬ 
 sible to give better if that rare and excellent worke which he 
 now plyeth once come to publike view. In the mean time I 
 record his diligence,” etc. 
 
 The result of these labours appeared toward the end 
 of the year 1589, in the publication of a folio volume, 
 with the following title:— 
 
 “ The principall navigations, voiages and discoveries of the 
 English nation made by sea or over land to the most remote 
 and farthest distant quarters of the earth at any time within 
 the compasse of these 1500 yeeres: devided into three severall 
 parts according to the positions of the regions wherunto 
 they were directed. The first conteining the personall tra¬ 
 vels of the English into Judsea, Syria, Arabia, the river 
 Euphrates, Babylon, Balsara, the Persian Gulfe, Ormuz, 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XXU1 
 
 Chaul, Goa, India, and many islands adjoyning to the south 
 parts of Asia : together with the like unto Egypt, the chiefest 
 ports and places of Africa within and without the streight of 
 Gibraltar, and about the famous promontorie of Buona Espe- 
 ranza. The second, comprehending the worthy discoveries 
 of the English towards the north and north-east by sea, as of 
 Lapland, Scrikfinia, Corelia, the Baie of S. Nicholas, the 
 Isles of Colgoieve, Yaigats, and Nova Zembla toward the 
 great river Ob, with the mightie empire of Russia, the Cas¬ 
 pian sea, Georgia, Armenia, Media, Persia, Boghar in Bactria, 
 and divers kingdoms of Tartaria. The third and last, in¬ 
 cluding the English valiant attempts in searching almost all 
 the corners of the vaste and new world of America from 73 
 degrees of northerly latitude southward to Meta Incognita, 
 Newfoundland, the maine of Virginia, the point of Florida, 
 the baie of Mexico, all the inland of Nova Hispania, the 
 coast of Terra Eirma, Brasill, the river of Plate to the streight 
 of Magellan and through it, and from it in the South Sea to 
 Chili, Peru, Xalisco, the gulfe of California, Nova Albion 
 upon the backside of Canada further than ever any Christian 
 hitherto hath pierced. Whereunto is added the last most 
 renowned English navigation round about the whole globe of 
 the earth. By Richard Hakluyt, master of artes and student 
 some time of Christchurch in Oxford. Imprinted at London 
 by George Bishop and Ralph Newberie, 1589.” Eol. 
 
 The dedication to Sir Francis Walsingham, prefixed 
 to this edition, contains some interesting particulars 
 relating to the life of the author ; and of which Oldys, 
 in his memoir of him in the Biographia Britannica , 
 has made good use. In the address to the reader, 
 Hakluyt explains the character of his work in the fol¬ 
 lowing concise terms. 
 
 “ I meddle in this work with the navigations onely of our 
 
XXIV 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 owne nation. And albeit I alleage in a few places (as the 
 matter and occasion required) some strangers as witnesses of 
 the things done, yet are they none but such as either fayth- 
 fully remember or sufficiently confirme the travels of our 
 owne people, of whom (to speake trueth) I have received more 
 light in some respects than all our owne historians could 
 affoord me in this case, Bale, Eoxe, and Eden onely excepted.” 
 
 His anxiety to communicate the best information he 
 possessed, is shown in the account of u The Ambassage 
 of Sir Hierome Bowes, to the emperour of Moscovie, 
 1583”, printed at page 491 of the first edition of his 
 General Collection, in some copies of which this nar¬ 
 rative will be found to have been reprinted, with the 
 title altered, as follows: 
 
 “ A briefe discourse of the voyage of Sir Jerome Bowes, 
 knight, her majesties ambassadour to the emperour of Mus- 
 covia, in the yeere 1582 : and printed this second time 
 according to the true copie I received of a gentleman that 
 went in the same voyage for the correction of the errours in 
 the former impression.” 
 
 Having now given a definite form to his work, 
 he went on with increased energy. u The honour 
 and benefit of this commonwealth”, he says, “ hath 
 made all difficulties seem easy, all pains and industry 
 pleasant, all expenses of light value and moment to 
 me.” In 1598 he published the first volume of a 
 second edition of his Collection, and two other volumes 
 followed in the two succeeding years. The first 
 volume is dedicated to the Lord Charles Howard, Earl 
 of Nottingham; and it maybe mentioned (par paren- 
 thdse) as a curious fact that, neither in this dedica- 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XXV 
 
 tion, nor in any part of the introductory matter, does 
 he make the slightest allusion to the first edition. 
 The second and third volumes are dedicated to Sir 
 Robert Cecil, the principal secretary of state, le whose 
 earnest desires to do him [Hakluyt] good, lately 
 broke out into most bountiful and acceptable effects.” 
 The titles of the several volumes of this edition are as 
 follows: 
 
 “ The principal navigations, voiages, traffiques and dis¬ 
 coveries of the English nation made by sea or over land to 
 the remote and farthest distant quarters of the earth at any 
 time within the compasse of these 1500 yeeres : devided into 
 three severall volumes according to the positions of the 
 regions whereunto they were directed. This first volume 
 containing the woorthy discoveries, etc. of the English toward 
 the north and north-east by sea, as of Lapland, Scrikfinia, 
 Corelia, the baie of S. Nicholas, the isles of Colgoieve, 
 Yaigatz, and Nova Zembla toward the great river Ob, with 
 
 t 
 
 the mighty empire of Russia, the Caspian sea, Georgia, 
 Armenia, Media, Persia, Boghar in Bactria, and divers king¬ 
 doms of Tartaria. Together with many notable monuments 
 and testimonies of the antient forren trades and of the warre- 
 like and other shipping of this realme of England in former 
 ages. Whereunto is annexed also a briefe commentarie of 
 the true state of Island and of the Northern seas and lands 
 situate that way. And lastly the memorable defeate of the 
 Spanish huge Armada, anno 1588, and the famous victorie 
 atchieved at the citie of Cadiz, 1596, are described. By 
 Richard Hakluyt, etc. Imprinted at London, by George 
 Bishop, Ralph Newberie, and Robert Barker, 1598.” Fol. 
 
 In the dedication to the volume, Hakluyt addresses 
 the Lord-Admiral strongly on the subject of the 
 
 e 
 
XXVI 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 establishment of a lectureship, on navigation, in the 
 city of London. 5 
 
 “ Tlie second volume of the principal navigations, voyages, 
 traffiques, and discoveries of the English nation made by sea 
 or over land to the south and south-east parts of the world 
 at any time within the compasse of these 1600 yeres : divided 
 into two severall parts. Whereof the first containeth the 
 personall travels, etc., of the English through and within the 
 streight of Gibraltar to Alger, Tunis, and Tripolis in Barbary, 
 to Alexandria and Cairo in iEgvpt, to the isles of Sicilia, 
 Zante, Candia, Bliodus, Cyprus and Chio, to the citie of Con¬ 
 stantinople, to divers parts of Asia Minor, to Syria and 
 Armenia, to Jerusalem and other places in Judsea; as also to 
 Arabia downe the river of Euphrates to Babylon and Balsara, 
 and so through the Persian gulph to Ormuz, Chaul, Goa, and 
 to many islands adjoyning upon the south parts of Asia; and 
 likewise from Goa to Cambaia and to all the dominions of 
 Zelabdim Echebar, the great Mogor, to the mighty river of 
 Ganges, to Bengala, Aracan, Bacola, and Chonderi, to Pegu, 
 to Jamahai in the kingdome of Siam, and almost to the very 
 frontiers of China. The second comprehendeth the voyages, 
 trafficks, etc., of the English nation made without the streight 
 of Gibraltar to the islands of the Azores, of Porto Santo, 
 Madera, and the Canaries, to the kingdomes of Barbary, to 
 the isles of Capo Yerde, to the rivers of Senega, Gambra, 
 Madrabumba, and Sierra Leona, to the coast of Guinea and 
 Benin, to the isles of S. Thome and Santa Helena, to the 
 parts about the cape of Buona Esperanza, to Quitangone 
 
 1 In some copies of the first volume of the second edition, the 
 voyage to Cadiz in 1596 is altogether suppressed or reprinted. 
 Where this is the case, the title-page is found to bear date 1599, 
 and that part of it which refers to the expedition to Cadiz is 
 omitted ; other alterations of a minor character being also intro¬ 
 duced into it. 
 
INTRODUCTION. XXvii 
 
 neere Mozambique, to the isles of Comoro and Zanzibar, to 
 the citie of Goa beyond cape Comori, to the isles of Nicubar, 
 Gomes Polo, and Pulo Pinaom, to the maine land of Malacca 
 and to the kingdome of Junsalaon. By Bichard Hackluyt, 
 etc. Imprinted at London by George Bishop, Balph New- 
 bery, and Robert Barker, anno 1599.” 
 
 “ The third and last volume of the voyages, navigations, 
 traffiques and discoveries of the English nation, and in some 
 few places where they have not been, of strangers, performed 
 within and before the time of these hundred yeeres to all 
 parts of the Newfound world of America or the West Indies, 
 from 73 degrees of northerly to 57 of southerly latitude: as 
 namely to Engronland, Meta Incognita, Estotiland, Tierra 
 de Labrador, Newfoundland, up the Grand bay, the gulfe of 
 S. Laurence, and the river of Canada, to Hochelaga and 
 Saguenay, along the coast of Arambec to the shores and 
 maines of Virginia and Florida, and on the west or backside 
 of them both to the rich and pleasant countries of Nueva 
 Biscaya, Cibola, Tiguex, Cicuic, Quivira, to the 15 provinces 
 of the kingdome of New Mexico, to the bottome of the gulfe of 
 California, and up the river of Buena Guia : and likewise to 
 all the vies, both small and great, lying before the cape of 
 Florida, the bay of Mexico, and Tierra firma, to the coasts 
 and inlands of Newe Spaine, Tierra firma and Guiana, up the 
 mighty rivers of Orenoque, Dessekebe, and Marannon, to 
 every part of the coast of Brasil, to the river of Plate, through 
 the streights of Magellan forward and backward, and to the 
 south of the said streights as far as 57 degrees: and from 
 thence on the back side of America along the coastes, har¬ 
 bours and capes of Chili, Peru, Nicaragua, Nueva Espanna, 
 Nueva Galicia, Culiacan, California, Nova Albion, and more 
 northerly as farre as 43 degrees. Together with the two 
 renowmed and prosperous voyages of Sir Francis Drake and 
 Mr. Thomas Candish round about the circumference of the 
 whole earth, and divers other voyages intended and set forth 
 
XXV111 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 for that course. Collected by Richard Hakluyt, preacher, 
 etc. Imprinted at London by George Bishop, Ralfe New- 
 berie and Robert Barker. Anno Dom. 1600.” 
 
 This and the preceding volume, as we have 
 already stated, are dedicated to “ Sir Robert Cecil, 
 principall secretarie to Her Majestie.” In the de¬ 
 dication to the second volume, Hakluyt strongly 
 urges on the minister the expediency of colonizing 
 Virginia, and refers to the . circumstance of Cecil 
 having consulted him, in 1597, “touching the state 
 of the country of Guiana, and whether it were fit 
 to be planted by the English?” In the dedication 
 to the third volume, Hakluyt takes an opportunity to 
 refer to the subject of a lectureship on navigation for 
 the benefit of English mariners, and to urge its esta¬ 
 blishment, referring to the good example of Spain in 
 this respect. 
 
 But Hakluyt was not satisfied with labouring him¬ 
 self, and encouraging others to labour; he endea¬ 
 voured to provide against the time when professional 
 or other cares might interfere with his great pursuit. 
 In the dedication of the third volume he says: 
 
 “ As I long since foresaw that my profession of divinity, 
 the care of my family, and other occasions, might call and 
 divert me from these kind of endeavours, I therefore have for 
 three years past encouraged and furthered in these studies of 
 cosmography and foreign histories my honest, industrious, 
 and learned friend, Mr. John Pory; one of special skill and 
 extraordinary hope to perform great matters in the same and 
 beneficial to the commonwealth.” 
 
 The result of this encouragement was a translation 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XXIX 
 
 of the History of Africa by John Leo, commonly 
 called Leo Africanus, which Mr. Pory published in 
 the year 1600, with the title— 
 
 “ A geographical historie of Africa, written in Arabicke 
 and Italian, by John Leo, a More, borne in Granada and 
 brought up in Barbarie, etc. Before which out of the best 
 ancient and moderne writers is prefixed a generall description 
 of Africa, and also a particular treatise of all the maine lands 
 and isles undescribed by John Leo. And after the same is 
 annexed a relation of the great princes and the manifold 
 religions in that part of the world. Translated and collected 
 by John Pory, lately of Gonevill and Cains College in Cam¬ 
 bridge. Londini, Impensis Georg. Bishop, 1600.” Pol. 
 
 In his dedication to Sir Robert Cecil, the translator 
 refers to the interest Hakluyt took in the work, in 
 the following terms : “M. Richard Hakluyt, who out 
 of his mature judgement in these studies, knowing 
 the excellencie of this storie above all others in the 
 same kinde, was the only man that mooved me to 
 translate it.” 
 
 Pory was not the only person whom Hakluyt en¬ 
 couraged to make translations of works bearing upon 
 his favorite pursuit. Parke, in the preface to his 
 translation of the History of China , from the Spanish 
 of Gonzalez de Mendoza, bears the following testimony 
 to his active zeal: 
 
 “ Which labours I have undertaken at the earnest request 
 and encouragement of my worshipfull friend Master Richard 
 Hakluyt, late of Oxforde, a gentleman, besides his other 
 manifolde learning and languages, of singular and deepe 
 insight in all histories of discoverie and partes of cosmo- 
 graphie. And also for the zeale he beareth to the honor of 
 
XXX 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 liis countrie and countrimen brought the same [ i . e. Gon¬ 
 zalez de Mendoza’s work] first above two years since over 
 into this court/’ etc. 
 
 Again, about the year 1612, P. Erondelle published 
 a translation of part of Lescarbot’s Histoire de la 
 Nouvelle France , under the title of— 
 
 “ Nova Francia, or the description of that part of New 
 France which is one continent with Virginia. Described in 
 the three late voyages and plantation made by Monsieur de 
 Monts, Monsieur de Pont-Grave, and Monsieur de Poutrin- 
 court, into the countries called by the French men La Cadie, 
 lying to the south west of Cape Breton. Together with an 
 excellent treatise of all the commodities of the said countries, 
 and maners of the naturall inhabitants of the same, etc. 
 London, printed for Andrew Webb.” 4to. 
 
 From the preface we learn that Hakluyt was also 
 the instigator of this work. 
 
 “ Gentle reader, the whole volume of the navigations of 
 the French nation into the West Indies (comprised in three 
 bookes) was brought to me to be translated by Mr. Bichard 
 Hackluyt, a man who for his worthy and profitable labours, 
 is well known to most men of worth not only of this king- 
 dome but also of forrain parts, and by him this part was 
 selected and chosen from the whole worke, for the particular 
 use of this nation, to the end that comparing the goodnesse 
 of the lands of the northern parts heerein mentioned with 
 that of Virginia, which (though in one and the selfe same 
 continent, and both lands adjoining) must be far better by 
 reason it stands more southerly neerer to the sunne, greater 
 encouragement may be given to prosecute that generous and 
 goodly action in planting and peopling that country to the 
 better propagation of the Gospel of Christ, the salvation of 
 innumerable souls, and general benefit of this land, too much 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XXXI 
 
 pestred with over many people. ... If a man that sheweth 
 foorth effectually the zealous care he hath to the wellfare and 
 common good of his country deserveth praises of the same, I 
 refer to the judgement of them that abhor the vice of ingra¬ 
 titude (hatefull above all to God and good men) whether the 
 said Mr. Hakluyt (as well for the first procuring of this 
 translation, as for many workes of his set out by him for the 
 good and everlasting fame of the English nation) deserveth 
 not to reape thankes.” 
 
 In the following year, 1601, Hakluyt gave to the 
 world a translation, from the Portuguese, of a work 
 by Antonio Galvam, entitled— 
 
 “ Tratado dos varios e diversos caminhos por onde nos 
 tempos passados a pimenta e especiaria veyo da India as 
 nossas partes e assim de todos os descubrimentos antigos e 
 modernos que sao feitos ate a era de 1550. Com os nomes 
 particulares das pessoas que os fizerao em que tempos e suas 
 alturas. Lisboa por Joao Barreira, 1563.” 8vo. 
 
 This work was edited and published, after the author’s 
 death, by Francesco de Sousa Tavares. To the English 
 version Hakluyt gave the title— 
 
 “ The discoveries of the world from their first originall 
 unto the yeere of our Lord 1555. Briefly written in the 
 Portugall tongue by Antonie Galvano, Governour of Ternate, 
 the chiefe island of the Malucos : corrected, quoted, and now 
 published in English by Richard Hakluyt, sometimes student 
 of Christchurch in Oxford. Londini, Impensis G. Bishop. 
 1601.” 4to. 
 
 This translation was not his own, as he himself 
 states in the dedicatory epistle to Sir Robert Cecil. 
 His words are— 
 
 “ Now touching the translation, it may please you, sir, to 
 
xxxu 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 be advertised that it was first done into our language by some 
 honest and well affected marchant of our nation, whose name 
 by no means I could attain unto, and that, as it seemeth, many 
 yeeres ago. For it hath lien by me above these twelve 
 yeeres. In all which space, though I have made much 
 . inquirie and sent to Lisbon, where it seemeth it was printed, 
 yet to this day I could never obtain the originall copie; 
 whereby I might reforme the manifold errours of the trans¬ 
 lator. ^ 
 
 He then proceeds to describe the trouble it cost him 
 to verify the facts from the original histories, and to 
 annex the marginal quotations to the work. 
 
 His last publication was a translation of Fernando 
 de Souto’s discoveries in Florida, which he printed 
 under the following title: 
 
 “ Virginia richly valued by the description of the maine 
 land of Florida her next neighbour : out of the foure yeeres 
 continuall travell and discoverie for above one thousand miles 
 east and west of Don Ferdinando de Soto, and sixe hundred 
 able men in his companie. Wherin are truly observed the 
 riches and fertilitie of those parts abounding with things 
 necessarie, pleasant and profitable for the life of man : with 
 the natures and dispositions of the inhabitants. Written by 
 a Portugall gentleman of Elvas emploied in all the action, 
 and translated out of Portugese by Richard Hakluyt. At 
 London, printed by Felix Kyngston for Matthew Lownes, 
 1609.” 4to. 
 
 This work was evidently intended to encourage the 
 young colony in Virginia, and procure support for 
 the undertaking. The hardships, naturally attendant 
 upon the first attempts at colonization in Virginia, 
 had been greatly increased by mismanagement, and 
 
\ 
 
 INTRODUCTION. XXXlii 
 
 the losses and discouragement of the settlers had ar¬ 
 rived at such a height that, but for the opportune 
 arrival of Lord Delawarr in the month of June, 1610, 
 the colony would have been abandoned ; the settlers 
 being actually on their way to the sea coast when 
 they were met by their new governor, with supplies 
 of stores and men. It was, probably, for the purpose 
 of again stimulating the exertions of the colonists, 
 depressed by much suffering, and of procuring the 
 additional support, of which they stood so much in 
 need, that in the year 1611 the title of the Virginia 
 richly valued, was altered as follows: 
 
 “ The worthye and famous historie of the travailes, disco¬ 
 very, and conquest of that great continent of Terra Florida, 
 being lively paraleld with that of our now inhabited Virginia. 
 As also the comodities of the said country, with divers excel¬ 
 lent and rich mynes of golde, silver, and other metals, etc., 
 which cannot but give us a great and exceeding hope of our 
 Virginia, being so neere of one continent, etc. London, 
 printed for Matthew Lownes, 1611.” 4to. 
 
 The preface is addressed “To the right honorable 
 the right worshipfull counsellors, and others, the 
 cheerefull adventurers for the advancement of that 
 Christian and noble plantation in Virginia”, whom, 
 perhaps, it was found necessary to excite by a direct 
 reference to “ riche mynes of golde, silver, and other 
 metals.” It will be evident from all that has been 
 said, that Hakluyt took a deep interest in the success 
 of the Virginian colony. Robertson, in his History of 
 America , vol.iv, p. 171, 10th edit., bears honorable tes¬ 
 timony to our author, in the following words : u The 
 
 / 
 
XXXIV 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 most active and efficacious promoter of this (the 
 colonization of Virginia) was Richard Hakluyt, pre¬ 
 bendary of Westminster, to whom England is more 
 indebted for its American possessions than to any 
 man of that age.” 
 
 The esteem in which he was held by mariners is 
 evidenced by the fact, that in a voyage of discovery 
 made by Hudson in the year 1608, at the charge of 
 the Muscovy company, a promontory, on the continent 
 of Greenland, was named Hakluyt’s Headland ; l and 
 three years later, in a voyage of discovery to Pechora, 
 in Russia, made at the expense of the same company, 
 by William Gourdon, a river was named by the navi¬ 
 gators Hakluyt’s River. 2 
 
 We have already mentioned that his estate de¬ 
 scended to his son, who is reported to have squandered 
 it. His unpublished manuscripts, sufficient to have 
 formed a fourth volume to his Collection, had a better 
 fate, by falling into the hands of Purchas, who in¬ 
 serted them, in an abridged form, in his Pilgrimes. 
 It is to be regretted that this compiler should have 
 adopted the plan of curtailing all his narratives ; we 
 get more facts, within a given compass, it is true, but 
 this advantage is more than compensated by the loss 
 of the interest, and indeed confidence, which a genuine 
 unabridged narrative always inspires. Purchas, how¬ 
 ever, was fully able to appreciate the merit of such a 
 
 1 Purchas , vol. iii, p. 464. The name of Hakluyt’s Headland 
 no longer exists, nor can the locality be identified. 
 
 2 Purchas , vol. iii, p. 531. This river cannot be identified at 
 the present day. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XXXV 
 
 man as Hakluyt, and has not neglected to give him the 
 praise he deserves; “thereby”, says Oldys, “concurring 
 with those writers of established judgment who have 
 distinguished, according to his deserts, the surpassing 
 knowledge and learning, diligence and fidelity, of this 
 naval historian.” 
 
 In Wood’s Athencp Oxonienses , edit. Bliss, a refer¬ 
 ence to three of Hakluyt’s manuscripts, in the Selden 
 Collection, is given as follows : viz.,— 
 
 1. “ Notes of certain commodities in good request in the 
 East Indies, the Moluccas, and China.” 2. “ The chiefe 
 places where sondry sorte of spices do growe in the East 
 Indies, gathered out of sondry the best and latest authors by 
 R. Hackluyt.” 3. “ The remembrance of what is good to 
 bring from the Indyes into Spayne, being good marchandize 
 and bowght by him that is skillfull and trusty.” 
 
 These manuscripts the Editor has printed in the 
 Appendix to this work. There is every reason to con-' 
 jecture that these notes were drawn up for the use of 
 some body of merchants ; the nature of the notes 
 themselves, and the language used in several places, 
 leave little room for doubt on this point. The ques¬ 
 tion is, for whose use were they intended ? It is not 
 probable that they were framed for the Muscovy Com¬ 
 pany, which had been incorporated by Philip and Mary 
 as far back as the year 1554, and, in all probability,! 
 stood in little need of such assistance.. But in the yeai| 
 1600, the date of the Notes, Queen Elizabeth granted a* 
 charter to an association of merchants, with whose 
 gigantic growth there is no parallel in the history of 
 commercial success. This association, “ The United 
 
XXX VI 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Company of Merchants of England trading to the East 
 Indies”, commonly called “The East India Company”, 1 
 sent out their first venture in the same year. Notes 
 such as those drawn up by Hakluyt, contain precisely 
 the information which would be required by men about 
 to trade to the East; and when we look at the coinci¬ 
 dence in the dates of the charter and the notes, we 
 cannot but come to the conclusion that it was for 
 the use of the East India Company that Hakluyt 
 framed them. 2 
 
 We now turn to the discussion of Hakluyt’s 
 first publication, the Divers Voyages touching the 
 Discoverie of America. This work is of extreme 
 rarity; when perfect it contains two maps, fac¬ 
 similes of which are given with this edition. We 
 are not aware of the existence of more than five 
 copies of the book; and of these two only con¬ 
 tain both the maps, and a third has one map. The 
 two perfect copies are in the British Museum. One 
 of these was acquired in the year 1841, at the 
 sale of the library of the late Mr. George Chalmers, 
 and is the most interesting of all, having the auto¬ 
 graph signature of the author subscribed to the 
 
 1 This is now their legal title by the 3rd and 4th Wm. IV, c. 85, 
 s. 111. 
 
 2 The Editor’s acknowledgments are due to Thomas Rundall, 
 Esq. of the East India House, for his kindness in searching in the 
 archives of the Company for evidence of these notes having been 
 communicated to it. Memoranda of “ What the Indies do vent”, 
 etc. were found by that gentleman, but not in such a form as to 
 identify them with the “ Notes”. This want of success, however, 
 can hardly be considered to affect the question. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XXXV11 
 
 “ Epistle Dedicatorie”, and of which signature a fac¬ 
 simile is here given. 
 
 The second is contained in the Grenville Collection. 
 A third copy is in the Bodleian Library, at Oxford: 
 this copy has only one map, that by Michael Lok. A 
 fourth copy is in the possession of Mr. Edward A. 
 Crowninshield, of Boston, with the maps supplied in 
 fac-simile ; and the fifth is in the library of Mr. James 
 Lennox, of New York, the maps being also supplied 
 in fac-simile. 1 
 
 It may be said of this, as of every other work of 
 
 J At a meeting of the Society of Antiquaries, held in the month 
 of March 1850, a copy of Michael Lok’s map was exhibited by 
 Mr. Payne Collier, and a letter read, addressed by that gen¬ 
 tleman to the president, comprising “ Some observations on Richard 
 Hakluyt, and American discoveries.” Speaking of the “Divers 
 Voyages”, Mr. Collier says: “ Another copy has come to light, 
 from which the map before the society has been extracted for 
 exhibition this evening ; and I apprehend that a third copy of the 
 volume is preserved in the cabinet of a chary lover of old books, 
 who was glad to obtain it at a high price, although it has not 
 either of the maps that properly belong to it.” Unfortunately, the 
 names of the lucky possessors, or supposed possessors of these 
 copies, are not given by Mr. Collier. The map, so exhibited, 
 makes the fourth known, and not, as Mr. Collier supposes, only 
 the second. 
 
XXXV111 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 which Hakluyt was either the author or promoter, 
 that it had a direct and practical object. At the 
 period when he commenced his geographical studies 
 there was but one English book in existence present¬ 
 ing even a limited view of maritime discovery; viz., 
 Eden’s Historie of Travayle; and this was confined 
 to a translation of four decades of Peter Martyr , of 
 Oviedo’s History of the West Indies , and of extracts 
 from various writers on geographical subjects, as Zi- 
 glerus, Paulus Jovius, Haiton, Herberstein, and others. 
 The English, in general, knew little of what had 
 been accomplished by their own countrymen, and 
 still less of the labours of foreigners. Merchant ad¬ 
 venturers collected information for the purposes of 
 their traffic, but they had no interest in making it 
 public, and a gold-mine, or a galleon, was in general 
 the real object of expeditions professing to aim at 
 higher purposes. With this spirit pervading all classes, 
 it is not surprising that Hakluyt should express him¬ 
 self in the following language, in his epistle dedicatory 
 to Sir Robert Cecil, prefixed to the English transla¬ 
 tion of Galvam’s work: 
 
 “Now if any man shall marvel that, in these discoveries of 
 the world for the space almost of fower thousand yeeres here 
 set downe, our nation is scarce fower times mentioned, he 
 is to understand that when this author ended his discourse 
 (which was about the yeere of grace 1555) there was little 
 extant of men’s travailes. And for aught I can see there 
 had no great matter yet come to light if my selfe had not 
 undertaken that heavie burden, being never therein enter¬ 
 tained to any purpose untill I had recourse unto yourselfe, 
 by whose speciall favour and bountifull patronage I have 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XXXIX 
 
 been often much encouraged and as it were revived. Which 
 travailes of our men, because as yet they be not come to 
 ripenes, and have been made for the most part to places first 
 discovered by others, when they shall come to more perfection 
 and become more profitable to the adventurers, will then be 
 more fit to be reduced into briefe epitomes by myselfe or 
 some other endued with an honest zeale of the honor of our 
 country.” 
 
 And, again, in the preface to the first volume of the 
 second edition of his General Collection, he says,— 
 
 “ For the bringing of which into this homely and rough- 
 hewn shape which here thou seest, what restlesse nights, 
 what painefull dayes, what heat, what cold, I have endured; 
 how many long and changeable journeys I have travailed; 
 how many famous libraries I have searched into; what va- 
 rietie of ancient and moderne writers I have perused; what 
 a number of old records, patents, privileges, letters, etc., I 
 have redeemed from obscuritie and perishing : into how ma¬ 
 nifold acquaintance I have entred; what expenses I have not 
 spared; and yet what faire opportunities of private game, 
 preferment and ease I have neglected, albeit thyselfe canst 
 hardly imagine, yet I by daily experience do finde and feele, 
 and some of my entier friends can sufficiently testifie,” etc. 
 
 At the period when this was written the history of 
 travel was in truth to the English reader all but a 
 blank, and it is not too much to say, that when our 
 author wished to enlist the sympathies of his country¬ 
 men in favour of his enlightened views for the moral 
 and political improvement of the nation, he found few 
 or no evidences to which he could point in support of 
 his proposals. 
 
 Hakluyt was an ardent advocate for emigration. But 
 
xl 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 emigration to the states of a foreign power would give 
 strength to such power at the expense of England. 
 In order to be beneficial it must be connected with a 
 sound system of colonization ; and he naturally looked 
 towards the vast continent of America as the only field 
 upon which any such system could be carried out with 
 effect. Here again he had to find information not 
 
 only for the nation at large, but for those through 
 
 * 
 
 whom the accomplishment of his designs was to be 
 effected. For this purpose he brought together va¬ 
 rious accounts showing the discovery of the whole of 
 the east coast of North America. The materials for 
 this collection had to be gathered from various sources. 
 One only was printed to his hand, viz. Ribault’s dis¬ 
 covery of Florida, and this, he informs us, was so rare, 
 that had he not reprinted it, it would have utterly 
 perished. The rest were either in manuscript or 
 printed in a foreign language. A very slight examina¬ 
 tion of this little work will show that it is skilfully put 
 together for the object in view. After a list of writers 
 of geography and another of travellers, we have a 
 short chapter showing the great probability of a pas¬ 
 sage to India by the north-west. This is followed by 
 the epistle dedicatorie to “ Master Phillip Sydney, 
 Esquire,” in which the author explains his views upon 
 many subjects: The letters patent granted by King 
 Henry VII to John Cabot and his three sons for ex¬ 
 ploring unknown regions: and, A note of Sebastian 
 Cabot’s voyage to the coast of North America. We 
 then have a declaration of the Indies and lands disco¬ 
 vered unto the emperor and the king of Portugal, 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 xli 
 
 written by Robert Thorne, and showing that the 
 northern part of America remained for “ King Henrie 
 the Eight to take in hande”; and The booke made by 
 Master Robert Thorne, being an information of the 
 parts of the world discovered by him [the Emperor 
 Charles V] and the king of Portingale; and also of the 
 way to the Moluccaes by the north. This is followed 
 by the relation of John Yerazzani, in which he gives 
 an account of his voyage of discovery along the eastern 
 coast of America from about South Carolina to New¬ 
 foundland. Then come the Discoverie of the Isles of 
 Frisland, etc., made by Nicolas Zeno and his brother 
 Antonio ; and The discovery of Florida by Captain 
 John Ribault. Having thus given the reader the 
 fullest particulars then known respecting the coast of 
 America, he proceeds with notes given to Arthur Pett 
 and Charles Jackman, sent bv the merchants of the 
 Muscovy Company for the discovery of the north-east 
 streight, “ not altogether unfit for some other enter¬ 
 prises of discoverie hereafter to be taken in hande.” 
 These notes are evidently framed with a view to com¬ 
 mercial enterprise, but they are followed by “ Notes 
 to bee given to one that prepared for a discoverie”, 
 which are drawn up as instructions to colonists. The 
 whole is wound up by the “ Names of certain commo¬ 
 dities growing in part of America not presently inha¬ 
 bited by any Christians from Florida northward”, 
 containing a goodly list of objects available both for 
 the necessaries and the luxuries of life. 
 
 In a work so suggestive as this before us, it is dif¬ 
 ficult to avoid the innumerable temptations to dis- 
 
 g 
 
xlii 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 cursiveness which beset almost every page. Minute 
 annotation would, however, be out of place in the 
 present instance. No more notes, therefore, have 
 been given than appeared to be necessary for the pro¬ 
 per elucidation of the text, reserving for this Intro¬ 
 duction such further remarks as might be desirable 
 for the purpose of illustration. These will now be 
 made, in as concise a form as possible, upon the 
 several pieces, in the order in which they occur in 
 the Collection. 
 
 Our author commences with “The names of certaine 
 late writers of Geographie, with the yeere wherein 
 they wrote”, and “ The names of certaine late travay- 
 lers, both by sea and by lande, which also for the 
 most part have written of their owne travayles and 
 voyages.” 
 
 In order to make these lists really useful, the 
 works of the respective authors should be enumerated. 
 This deficiency it is now proposed to supply, giving 
 in every instance the title of the first edition, where 
 it could be ascertained. 
 
 1. Ismail Ibn Ali Abulfeda. The work which 
 entitles him to a place in this list is named “ Taku- 
 wimu 1-boldan” (i. e ., The description of the coun¬ 
 tries), and is the most complete and best geographical 
 work in Arabic. Portions have been published from 
 time to time by European scholars, as follows: 
 
 i. Descriptio Chorasmke et Mawaralnahrce [i.e., regionum 
 extra Oxum). Arabice cum versione J. Gravii. Lon- 
 dim, 1650. 4to. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 xliii 
 
 ii. Descriptio Peninsula; Arabise (printed with the Descriptio 
 Chorasmic), Arab. Lat.; in vol. 3 of Geographic veteris 
 Scriptores Grseci minores. [Edited by J. Hudson.] Oxo- 
 nise, 1698-1712. 8vo. 
 
 hi. Tabula Syrire, Arabice cum versione Latina et notis J. B. 
 Koehler, et cum observationibus J. J. Reiskii. Lipsise, 
 1766. 4to. 
 
 iy. Descriptio iEgypti, Arab. Lat. et cum notis J. D. Mi- 
 chaelis. Goettingae, 1776. 8vo. 
 v. Tabulae quaedam geographicae . . . nunc primum Arabice 
 ed. F. T. Rinck. Lipsiae, 1791. 8vo. 
 vi. Descriptio regionum Nigritarum, Arabice. Printed at 
 the end of Makrizi, Historia Regum Islamiticorum in 
 Abissinia . . . cum versione Latina E. T. Rinck. Lugduni 
 Batavorum, 1790. 4to. 
 
 2. Sir John Mandeville. He wrote an account of 
 his travels in the east. This work is said to have 
 been composed originally in French in the year 1355, 
 at Liege, to which place he had retired some years 
 before his death. We give the titles of four editions 
 (in as many languages), which were printed prior to 
 the year 1500. 
 
 Ce livre est eppelle madeville et fut fait et compose par 
 monsieur jelian de mandeville chevallier natif dagleterre 
 de la ville de saict alei. Et parle de la terre de promis¬ 
 sion cest assavoir de Jerusalem et de pluseurs autres isles 
 de mer et les diverses et estranges choses qui sont es 
 dites isles. End. Cy tinist ce tresplaisant livre nome 
 Mandeville....Et fut fait la 1480 le un jour davril. Fol. 
 This is supposed by Brunet to be the first edition in any 
 language. 
 
 The first Italian edition is without title, but has the 
 following colophon: 
 
xliv 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Explicit Johannes <E Madevilla impressns Mediolani ductu 
 et auspiciis magistri Petri de corneno pridie Callendas 
 augusti 1480. Johane Galeazio Maria Sfortia Viceco- 
 mitte Duce nostro invictissimo ac principe Jucondis- 
 simo. 4to. 
 
 Itinerarius domini Johanis de madeville militis. Printed 
 about the year 1480. 4to. 
 
 It is not certain whether the first English edition 
 was that printed by Wynkyn de Worde in 1499, or 
 that by Pynson, without date. Pynson’s, however, 
 was probably earlier than 1499; it has no title, but 
 the colophon is as follows: 
 
 Here endeth the boke of John Maimdvyle knyght of 
 wayes to Jerusalem and of marveylys of ynde and of 
 other countrees. Emprented by Rychard Pynson. 4to. 
 
 3. Albert Krantz. His historical and geographical 
 works are— 
 
 i. Polonise et reipublicse descriptio. Erfurti, 1575; fol. 
 
 ii. Yandalia. Colonise, 1519; fol. 
 
 iii. Regnorum aquilonarium Danise, Suecise, Norvagise, 
 Chronica. Erancofurti ad Moenum, 1575 ; fol. 
 
 iv. Saxonia. Francofurti ad Moenum, 1575 ; fol. 
 
 4. Pietro Martire Anghiera. His works are— 
 
 i. Opera. Legatio Babylonica; Oceani decas (one only) ; 
 Poemata; Epigrammata. Hispali, per Jacob u Corum- 
 berger, 1511; fol. 
 
 ii. De Orbe novo decades tres (with the Legatio Babylo¬ 
 nica). Alcala, 1516; fol. 
 
 hi. De Orbe novo decades (viii). First complete edition. 
 Compluti, 1530; fol. 
 
 iv. De nuper sub Carolo repertis insulis, simulq : incolarum 
 morihus, R. Petri Martyris Enchiridion, Dominse Mar- 
 garitse Dini Max. Cses. filise dicatum. Basilese, 1521; 4to. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 xlv 
 
 v. Opus epistolaru Petri Martyris Anglerii Mediolanesis 
 Protonotarii aplici atq : a cosiliis reru Indicaru nuc 
 pmu et natu et mediocri cura excusum : quod qde 
 prseter stili venustate nostroru qq 3 teporum liistorie loco 
 esse poterit. Copluti, 1530; fol. 
 
 5. Gonsalvo Hernandez de Oviedo y Valdez. He 
 wrote— 
 
 i. La historia general y natural de las Indias Occidentales. 
 Toledo, 1526; fol. 
 
 ii. La historia del estrecho de Magallanes; which also 
 forms hook xx of the preceding work. Printed sepa¬ 
 rately, 1552; fol. 
 
 hi. Navegacion del rio Maranon. Printed in Rarnusio; 
 vol. 3, p. 415, edit. 1565. 
 
 6. Robert Thorne. What he wrote appeared for 
 the first time in the “ Divers voyages”. 
 
 7. Girolamo Fracastoro. His geographical writ¬ 
 ings are comprised in his letters to Giambattista 
 Rarnusio, in which, amongst other subjects, he dis¬ 
 cusses at considerable length the periodical risings 
 of the Nile.—Rarnusio, vol. i, fol. 284 b. Edit. 
 1550. 
 
 8. Reiner us Gemma. He wrote a cosmography, 
 also “ Charta, qua continetur totius orbis descriptio”, 
 and “ De principiis astronomic et cosmographic ac 
 usu globi a se editi”; all which occur in the following 
 work: 
 
 i. Cosmographia Petri Apiani per Gemmam Frisium....jam 
 demum ah omnibus vindicata mendis, ac nonnullis quo- 
 que locis aucta. Additis ejusdem argumenti libellis 
 ipsius Gemmae Frisii. Antverpiae, Gregorio Bontio, 1550; 
 4to. 
 
xlvi 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ii. De Astrolabo Catholico Liber; which is inserted in 
 Joannes Bellerus^s edition of the Cosmographia of 
 Appianns and Gemma, printed at Antwerp in 1584; 4to. 
 
 9. Antonio de Mendoza. His papers and despatches 
 were used by Herrera in the composition of his 
 “ Historia general de los hechos de los Castellanos en 
 las islas y tierra firme del mar Oceano”; and he also, 
 while viceroy, caused a work to be written, entitled 
 “ De las cosas naturales y maravillosas de Nueva 
 Hispana”, the authorship of which has been generally 
 attributed to him. 
 
 10. Gerard Mercator. Besides the numerous maps 
 and charts laid down by him, he published— 
 
 i. Tabulae geographic* ad mentem Ptolemaei restitutae et 
 emendatae. Lovanii, 1589 ; fob 
 
 11. Chronologia a mundi exordio ad annum 1568, ex eclyp- 
 sibus & observationibus astronomicis ac Bibliis sacris ; 
 opus Onuphrio Panvinio probatum. Coloniae, 1568 ; fol. 
 
 hi. De usu annuli Astronomici. Lovanii, 1552. 
 
 iv. He edited also Globi terrestris Sculptura, 1541. And, 
 
 v. Globi coelestis Sculptura. Lovanii, 1551. 
 
 vi. G alliae tabulae geographical. Germaniae tabulae geogra- 
 phicae. Duysburgi Clivorum, 1585 ; fob 
 
 vii. Italiae, Sclavonic et Graeciae tabulae geographicae. 
 Duisburgi, 1589; fob 
 
 viii. Atlas, sive cosmographicae meditationes et fabrica mundi 
 et fabricati figura. Duisburgi Clivorum, 1595; fob 
 
 11. Giovanni Battista Guicciardini. He published 
 a map, entitled— 
 
 Universi terrarum orbis imago, maxima forma; quam 
 aquila biceps, alis expansis, comprehendit. Antverpiae, 
 1549. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 xlvii 
 
 12. Giovanni Battista Ramusio. 1 He compiled 
 three volumes of voyages and travels; the first was 
 published anonymously, the second and third with 
 his name. The first volume, which appeared in 1550, 
 has the following title— 
 
 Primo volume delle navigationi et viaggi nel qual si contiene 
 la descrittione delP Africa, et del paese del Prete Janni, 
 con varii viaggi del mar Rosso a Calicut et insin alP 
 Isole Molucche dove nascono le spetierie et la naviga¬ 
 tion attorno il mondo. In Venetia, appresso gli heredi 
 di Lucantonio Giunti, Panno 1550. 
 
 The second volume appeared in 1559; and the third, 
 three years earlier, viz., in 1556. That which is 
 called the second volume was not published until two 
 years after Ramusio’s death. The titles of these 
 volumes, as taken in an abridged form from the 
 editions of 1574 and 1565, are as follows: 
 
 Secondo volume delle navigationi, etc. Nel quale si con- 
 tengono PHistoria delle cose de* Tartari e diversi fatti 
 de’ loro imperatori....varie descrittioni di diversi auttori 
 delP Indie Orientali, della Tartaria, della Persia, Arme¬ 
 nia, Mengrelia, Zorzania, e altre provincie, &c. Et il 
 viaggio della Tana. Con la descrittione de* nomi de* 
 popoli, citth, fiumi et porti dfintorno al mar Maggiore, 
 &c. In Yenetia nella stamperia de^ Giunti, 1574; fol. 
 
 Terzo volume delle navigationi, &c. Nel quale si con- 
 tengono le navigationi al mondo nuovo, agli antichi 
 incognito, fatte da Don Christoforo Colombo....con gP 
 acquisti fatti da lui e accresciuti poi da Fernando Cor- 
 tese, da Francesco Pizarro et altri valorosi capitani, &c. 
 
 1 Ramusio was born at Trevigi in 1485, and not at Venice in 
 1486, as erroneously stated in Note 11, at the foot of p. 3. 
 
xlviii 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Le navigationi fatte dipoi alle dette Indie poste nella 
 parte verso maestro Tramontana dette hora la Nuova 
 Erancia, &c. In Yenetia nella stamperia de* Giunti, 
 1565 ; fol. 
 
 The materials for a fourth volume had been col¬ 
 lected, but were destroyed by fire at the printer’s. 
 
 13. Sebastian Munster. He was the author of— 
 
 i. Cosmographei oder Beschreibung aller Lander, Heer- 
 schaften, fiirnemsten Stetten, Geschicten, Gebreuchen, 
 Hantierungen, etc. Znm dritten mal trefflich sere 
 gemeret und gebessert. Basil, H. Petri, 1550; fol. 
 
 The first edition was printed at the same place, and 
 by the same printer, in 1541. From this work Richard 
 Eden translated— 
 
 A treatise of the newe India with other new fonnde landes 
 and ilandes, as well eastwarde as westwarde, as they are 
 knowen and found in these oure dayes, after the descrip- 
 cion of Sebastian Munster in his boke of universall cos- 
 mographie. London, by Edward Sutton, 1553; 8vo. 
 
 ii. Tabulae novae ad geographiam Ptolemaei adjectae. 
 
 in. Descriptio Germaniae pro tabula Nic.Cusae intelligenda, 
 cum canone ejusdem tabulae. Printed in Schardius, 
 Historicum opus, commonly called Rerum Germanica- 
 rum Scriptores. Tom. i. Basileae ; fol. 
 
 14. Tommaso Giunti. The only connexion he 
 appears to have had with the history of maritime 
 discovery, was as one of the printers of Ramusio’s 
 Collection of Voyages and Travels. In 1559, after 
 the death of Ramusio which occurred in 1557, Tom¬ 
 maso Giunti printed a second volume of the Collection, 
 with a preface laudatory of Ramusio. At the end of 
 the account of the Discovery of the Isles of Frisland, 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 xlix 
 
 etc., post , p. 90, this passage occurs: “ This discourse 
 was collected by Ramusio, secretarie to the state of 
 Venice (or by the printer , T/ios. Giunti). John 
 Baptista Ramusio died in Padua in July 1557.” 
 
 15. Clement Adams. See post under Richard 
 Chancellor, No. 41. 
 
 16. Oronce Fine. His works are— 
 
 i. De mundi spliaera sive cosmographiae libri v. Parisiis, 
 1530; fol. 
 
 n. Nouvelle description de la France (a map). Paris, 
 1525. 
 
 iii and iy. Two other maps, entitled, respectively; Nova 
 descriptio terrarum ad intelligentiam utriusque testa- 
 menti maxime conducentium, Parisiis, 1536: And; 
 Orbis totius recens et integra descriptio ad cordis humani 
 effigiem. Parisiis, 1536. 
 
 17. Abraham Ortel. Plis geographical works 
 are— 
 
 i. Theatrum orbis terrarnm. Antwerp, 1570 ; fol. 
 
 ii. Synonymia geographica. Antwerp, 1578 ; 4to. 
 
 iii. Thesaurus geographicus. Antwerp, 1596 ; fol. 
 
 iv. Italic antiquae specimen. Antwerp, 1584; fol. 
 
 v. Gallia Cisalpina. Antwerp, 1590; fol. 
 
 vi. Itinerarium per nonnullas Galliae Belgicae partes, ab 
 Ortelio et Joanne Yiviano descriptum. 1584; 12mo. 
 
 vii. Parergon, sive veteris Geographiae aliquot tabulae; item 
 nomenclator Ptolemaicus. Antwerp, 1595 ; fol. 
 
 viii. Descriptio civitatum in agro Leodiensi. In number 2 
 of M. Z. Boxhornii autores praecipui de Leodiensi re¬ 
 pub lica. Amsterdam, 1633; 16mo. 
 
 ix. Tabula veteris et novae Hispaniae. In the Hispania illus- 
 trata. Tom. 1. Franckfort, 1603; fol. 
 
 18. Jeronimo Osorio. He wrote, inter alia— 
 
 h 
 
1 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 De rebus Emmanuelis regis Lusitanise virtute et auspicio 
 gestis libri cluodecim. Ulyssiponse, 1571; fol. 
 
 This work contains an account of the discoveries 
 and conquests by the Portuguese in the East Indies. 
 
 19. Andre Thevet. He laid down several maps, 
 and also wrote— 
 
 i. Cosmographie du Levant. Lion, Jean de Tournes, 
 1556; 4to. 
 
 n. Les singularites de la France Antarctique, autrement 
 nominee Amerique, et de plusieurs terres et isles decou- 
 vertes de nostre temps. Anvers, C. Plantin, 1558; 
 8vo. 
 
 iii. Cosmographie universelle. Paris, Lhuillier, 1575; fol. 
 
 iv. Le grand insulaire et pilotage. 
 
 v. Description de plusieurs isles. 
 
 vi. Second voyage dans les terres australes et occidentales. 
 
 The last three works are in manuscript, in the 
 Bibliotheque du Roi, at Paris. 
 
 20. Francis Belleforest. He edited, with great 
 additions and numerous alterations, Munster’s Cos¬ 
 mography, under the title— 
 
 La Cosmographie universelle de tout le monde....Auteur 
 en partie Munster, mais beaucoup plus augmentee, ornee 
 et enrichie par F. de Belleforest, tant de ses recherches, 
 comme de Faide de plusieurs memoires par hommes 
 amateurs de Fhistoire et de leur patrie. 2 vols. Paris, 
 chez Michel Sonnius, 1575; fol. 
 
 21. Sir Humfrey Gilbert. He wrote— 
 
 A discourse of a discovery for a new passage to Cataia. 
 Imprinted at London, by Henry Middleton, for Richard 
 Ihones. 1576, Aprilis 12; 4to. 
 
 In this work there is a curious map, with the title 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 11 
 
 “ A general map, made onelye for the particular 
 declaration of this discovery”; in which all impedi¬ 
 ments in the way of the north-west passage are cleared 
 away in a most summary manner. 
 
 22. Dionysius Settle. He wrote— 
 
 A true reporte of the last [or rather the second] voyage 
 into the west and northwest regions, &c., 1577, worthily 
 atchieved by captaine Frobisher, of the sayde voyage 
 the first finder and generall. With a description of the 
 people there inhabiting, and other circumstances notable. 
 London, by Henrie Middleton, 1577; 8vo. 
 
 Two editions of this work were printed in the 
 year 1577. 
 
 23. George Best. He wrote an account of the 
 three voyages of Sir Martin Frobisher for the disco¬ 
 very of the north-west passage, under the title of— 
 
 A true discourse of the late voyages of discoverie, for the 
 finding of a passage to Cathaya by the north-weast, under 
 the conduct of Martin Frobisher, generall; devided into 
 three bookes. In the first wherof is shewed his first 
 voyage, wherein also, by the way, is sette out a geogra¬ 
 phical description of the worlde, and what partes thereof 
 have bin discovered by the navigations of the English¬ 
 men. Also, there are annexed certayne reasons to prove 
 all partes of the worlde habitable, with a generall mappe 
 adjoyned. In the second is set out his second voyage, 
 with the adventures and accidents thereof. In the tliirde 
 is declared the strange fortunes which hapned in the 
 third voyage, with a severall description of the countrey 
 and the people there inhabiting. With a particular card 
 thereunto adjoyned of meta incognita, so farre forth 
 as the secretes of the voyage may permit. London, 
 1578 j 4to. 
 
lii 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 24. Nicholas Chancellor. He drew up— 
 
 The second journal of Arthur Pet and Charles Jackman, in 
 their discoverie northeastward, in the yeere 1580, with 
 two barkes, the one called the William, the other the 
 George.—Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 476. 
 
 25. The Rabbi Benjamin Ben Jonah. He wrote 
 an account of his travels in Hebrew; the first edition 
 of which in that language was published at Constan¬ 
 tinople, at the Soncino press, in 1543, in 8vo. The 
 earliest Latin edition has the following title: 
 
 Itinerarium Benjamini Tudelensis, in quo res memorabiles 
 quas ante quadringentos annos totum fere terrarum 
 orbem notatis itineribus dimensus vel ipse vidit vel a 
 fide dignis suae setatis hominibus accepit, breviter atque 
 dilucide describuntur; ex Hebraiea Latinum factum, 
 Bened. Aria Montano interprete. Antwerpise,1575; 8vo. 
 
 26. Marco Polo. His work comprises an account 
 of the travels of his father Nicolo, his uncle MafFeo, 
 and himself, in the east. There has been much 
 discussion, whether the account of these travels was 
 written originally in Italian or in Latin ; but it 
 appears to be now generally admitted, that it was 
 composed by Marco in the Venetian dialect, and not 
 in the Latin language. Transcripts and translations 
 were, however, speedily multiplied; and in the year 
 1477, the first printed copy issued from the press. 
 This, however, was neither in Latin nor in Italian, 
 but in German. The following is the title: 
 
 Hie hebt sich an das puch des edeln Bitters vn landtfarers 
 Marcho polo. In dem er schreibt die grossen wunder- 
 liehen ding dieser welt. Sunderlichen von den grossen 
 kiinigen vnd keysern die da hersclien in den selbigen 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 liii 
 
 landen vnd von irem volck vnd seiner gewonhcit da 
 selbs. End. Diss liat gedruckt Friez Creiissner zu 
 Nurihberg, 147 7 ; fol. 
 
 Tlie first edition in Italian was printed at Venice 
 by “ Zoanne Baptista da Sessa” in the year 1496, 
 with the following title: 
 
 Marco Polo da Veniesia de le meranegliose cose del 
 mondo; 8vo. 
 
 The Latin edition, like many books printed in the 
 fifteenth century, has no title-page, but begins as 
 follows: 
 
 In nomine dni nri iliu xpi filii dei viui et veri amen. In- 
 cipit plogus 1 libro dni marci pauli de venecijs de cosue- 
 tudinibus et codicionibus orientaliu regionu. It was 
 printed about the year 1490 ; 4to. 
 
 27. Hatto. He drew up an account of various 
 places in the east. His work is said to have been 
 written in the French language, and it has been trans¬ 
 lated into many others. We give the titles of four 
 editions (i. e ., two in French, one in Latin, and one 
 in English), all of which were printed within a short 
 time of each other, and between each of which there 
 is more or less variation. That which immediately 
 follows is supposed to be the earliest. 
 
 L’hystori merveilleuse, plaisante et recreative du grad 
 empereur de Tartarie seigneur des Tartres nome le grad 
 Can. Cotenat six livres ou parties : Dont le premier 
 traicte des singularitez et conditions des xiiii Poyaulmes 
 de Asye subjectz audict grand Chan. Le second parle 
 des empereurs qui....ont regne et encore a present regnent 
 en Asie....Le tiers descript qlle chose on doibt faire avat 
 cpie commencer la guerre. Le quart parle du voyage 
 q fist ung religieux des freres pscheurs allant....oultre 
 
liv 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 mer prescher les mescreas....Le cinqesme cotiet commet 
 ung anltre religieux des freres mineurs alia oultre mer 
 pour presclier les infidelles. Et fust jusques en la terre 
 prebstre Jan....Le sixiesme pie du pays de surye et des 
 villes sur mer degipte du desert du mot de Synay darabe 
 &c. Imprimee nouvellement a Paris en Pan 1529, pour 
 Jehan sainct denys; fol. 
 
 In the commencement of this edition, it is stated that 
 the author, after having for a long time followed the 
 profession of arms under his uncle the king of Arme¬ 
 nia, became a monk of the Premonstratensian Order 
 in the kingdom of Cyprus in the abbey of the Epi¬ 
 phany, in which he wrote this book in the year 1310. 
 And that this book was translated from Latin into 
 French by Jean de Londit, a Benedictine monk of 
 the abbey of St. Bertin, at St. Omer, in the year 1351. 
 
 Another French edition, printed without date, but 
 certainly within a few years of the above, differs 
 from it materially both in language and substance, 
 and is entitled as follows: 
 
 Les fleurs des hystoyres de la terre Dorient. C5pillees par 
 frere Haycon seigneur du core et cousin germain du roy 
 Darmenie par le comandement du pape. Et sont divisees 
 en cinq parties. La premiere partie contient la situa¬ 
 tion des royaulmes Dorient. La seconde parle des 
 seigneurs q en orient out regne depuis lincarnation de 
 nre seigneur. La tierce partie parle des tartarins. La 
 quarte pie des sarrazins et des turcz depuis le pmier 
 jusqs aux presens q ont conqueste rliodes, hongrie et 
 dernieremet assailly Austriche. La v. parle de Sophy 
 roy de Perse et du prince Tamburlan. Nouvellement 
 imprimee a Paris. 4to. AVith the device of Denis Janot 
 on the verso of the last leaf. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Iv 
 
 The earliest Latin translation has the following 
 title: 
 
 Liber historiarum partium Orientis sive passagium terrae 
 sanctai, Ilaythono ordinis praemonstratensis authore : 
 scriptus anno Redemptoris nostri 1300. Haganose, per 
 Johan. See., anno 1529; 4to. 
 
 The preface to this edition, after stating that it was 
 compiled by Haytho, adds:—“Which I, Nicholas 
 Salconi, by command of Pope Clement V, first wrote 
 in the French language in the city of Poitiers, as the 
 said Friar Haytho verbally dictated it to me, without 
 note or copy. And from the French I have trans¬ 
 lated it into Latin in the year 1307.” 
 
 Not later than the same year (1529), Richard 
 Pynson printed an English translation in folio, cor¬ 
 responding very closely with the Latin edition, but 
 with the addition of matter not found in any of the 
 three editions above mentioned. The title is— 
 
 Here begynneth a lytell cronycle translated and imprinted 
 at the cost and charge of Rycharde Pynson, by the 
 comaundement of the ryght high and mighty prince 
 Edwarde duke of Buckingham, yerle of Gloncestre 
 Staffarde and of Northampton. 
 
 It is stated in the colophon, that this chronicle was 
 translated out of French. 
 
 28. Nicolo and Antonio Zeno. The account of the 
 travels of these brothers was published in the year 
 1558. The following is the title of the work in which 
 it is found: 
 
 Dei Commentarii del viaggio in Persia di M. Caterino Zeno 
 il K. e delle guerre fatte nelf imperio Persiano dal tempo 
 
lvi 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 di Ussuncassano in quA Libri due. Et dello scopri- 
 mento dell’ Isole Frieslanda, Eslanda, Engrovelanda, 
 Estotilanda, et Icaria fatto sotto il Polo Artico da due 
 fratelli Zeni, M. Nicolo il K. e M. Antonio. Libro uno. 
 Con un disegno particolare di tutte le dette parti di Tra¬ 
 montana da lor scoperte. In Yenetia, per Francesco 
 Marcolini, 1558; 12mo. 
 
 29. Nicolb di Conti. He communicated his travels 
 in the east to Poggio Bracciolini, by whom they were 
 committed to writing in the Latin language, and form 
 the fourth book of his Historia de varietate fortunes, 
 first published in 1723, by D. Georgi, from a manu¬ 
 script in the Ottoboni Library. Georgi says in his 
 preface, that this fourth book was published sepa¬ 
 rately about 1492 : “ Quartus vero continet elegantem 
 ...Indue...descriptionem quam a Nicolao de Comitibus 
 cive Yeneto qui turn ex iis oris venerat Florentise 
 hausit. Hie porro liber separatim prodiit circa annum 
 1492.” No authority is given for this latter assertion; 
 nor does an edition of 1492 appear to be known. 
 Bamusio has inserted a translation into his Collection, 
 vol. i, p. 365, edit. 1550; but his translation was made 
 from a Portuguese version by Yalentin Fernandez. 
 
 30. Cristoforo Colombo. The letters of Columbus 
 comprise accounts of his first, third, and fourth 
 voyages of discovery to the West Indies. The first 
 letter, which was written in Spanish on the 14th of 
 March 1493, was translated into Latin and published 
 in the same year, with the title: 
 
 Epistola Christofori Colom: cui etas nostra multum debet; 
 de insulis Indie supra Gangem nuper invetis. Ad quas 
 perquirendas octavo antea mense auspiciis et ere invic- 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 lvii 
 
 tissimorum Fernandi ac Helisabet Ilispaniar regu missus 
 fuerat; ad maguificum dnm Gabriclem Sanches ; eorun- 
 dem Serenissimorum Regum Tesaurariu missa: Qua^ 
 generosus ac litteratus vir Leander de Cosco ab Hispana 
 idiomate in Latinu covertit; tertio kaleh Maii, 1493. 
 Pontificatus Alexandri Sexti anno primo. Impressit 
 Romse Eucliarius Argenteus anno dni 1493; 4to. 
 
 The remaining letters, and also a memorial relating 
 to the second voyage, and addressed to Ferdinand and 
 Isabella, are printed in “ Navarrete, Colleccion de los 
 viages y descubrimientos que hicieron por mar los 
 Espanoles desde fines del siglo 15.” Madrid, 1825; 
 8vo. 
 
 31. Sebastian Cabot. Hakluyt refers to “ Mappes 
 and Discourses drawne and written by himself (Cabot), 
 which are in the custodie of the Worshipful Master 
 William Worthington, etc.” (post p. 26); but they are 
 no longer to be found. The “ Navigatione nelle parti 
 settentrionali”, generally attributed to him, and in¬ 
 serted in the second volume of Ramusio, edit. 1583, 
 is nothing more than the Journal of Stephen Burroughs 
 “ Navigation and discoverie toward the river of Ob.” 
 This was first noticed by Mr. Biddle, in his Memoir of 
 Cabot. We also find in Hakluyt, p. 259, edit. 1589: 
 “ Ordinances, instructions, and advertisements of and 
 for the direction of the intended voyage for Cathaye, 
 compiled .... the 9 day of May in the yere of our 
 Lord God 1553.” 
 
 32. Vasco da Gama. He wrote— 
 
 Rela^ao da viagem a India em a anno de 1597. MS. 
 
 33. Duarte Barbosa. He wrote an account of his 
 
lviii 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 travels in the east, which has been translated into 
 Italian, and inserted in the first volume of Ramusio’s 
 Collection, p. 288. Ramusio’s translation was made 
 from a copy of the Portuguese manuscript, original 
 then at Lisbon. 
 
 34. Fernando de Magalhaens. He wrote— 
 
 i. Roteiro da sua navegaqao (MS.). 
 
 ii. Mandado escrito em o canal de todos os Santos a 21 de 
 Novembro de 1520 em o qual ordena a todos os capitaens 
 a advirtao em tndo que for conveniente ao bom successo 
 da Jornada qne liia porseguiendo. Published in Barros, 
 Decad. 3, da India, liv. 5, cap. 9. 
 
 35. Joa5 de Barros. He wrote— 
 
 Primeira decada da Asia, dos feitos qne os Portuguezes 
 fizerao no descubrimento e conquista dos mares e terras 
 do Oriente. Lisboa, 1552; fol. Secunda decada da 
 Asia, &c. Lisboa, 1553; fol. Terceira decada da India, 
 &c. Lisboa, 1563; fol. 
 
 At his death he left a fourth Decade unfinished in 
 manuscript, which was completed many years after¬ 
 wards by Joao Baptista Lavanha, by order of Philip II 
 of Portugal, and published at Madrid in 1613, in fol. 
 Amongst his unpublished works are— 
 
 i. Decada da Africa. 
 ii. Geographia universalis. 
 hi. Historia natural do Oriente. 
 
 iv. Summario que trata das provincias do mundo em 
 especial das Indias assi de Castella como das de Por¬ 
 tugal, &c. 
 
 36. Jacques Cartier. We have accounts of three 
 voyages made by J. Cartier. The first account which 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 lix 
 
 was printed was of the second voyage, undertaken in 
 the year 1535. The title is as follows: 
 
 Brief recit et succincte narration cle la navigation faicte es 
 ysles de Canada, Hochelage, et Saguenay et autres, avec 
 particulieres meurs, langaige, et cerimonies des hahitans 
 d'icelles: fort delectable a veoir. Paris, par Ponce 
 Roffet diet Faucheur et Anthoine le Clerc, freres, 1545; 
 8vo. 
 
 In 1598, the first voyage appeared under the 
 title— 
 
 Discours du voyage de Jacques Cartier aux terres neufves 
 de Canada, Norimbergue, Hochelage, Labrador, et pays 
 adjacens dites Nouvelle France, en 1534. Rouen, Raph. 
 du Petit, 1598; 8vo. 
 
 The Journal of the third voyage is printed in the 
 third volume of Hakluyt’s Collection. It does not 
 appear that any of these journals were written by 
 Cartier himself; indeed, the presumption is the other 
 way. 
 
 37. Frances Yasques de Coronado. The third 
 volume of Ramusio (p. 354, edit. 1565) contains— 
 
 Sommario di due sue lettere del viaggio fatto da Fra Marco 
 da Nizza alle sette citt& di Cevola. 
 
 38. Juan Gaetano. He wrote— 
 
 Relatione del discoprimento delP Isole Molueebe per la via 
 delP Indie occidentali. In vol. i of Ramusio, fol. 403; 
 edit. 1550. 
 
 39. Fran 5 ois Xavier. Much geographical informa¬ 
 tion is contained in his letters, written during his 
 long residence in the east. The first publication was 
 entitled— 
 
lx 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Copie cPune lettre missive envoiee des Indes par monsieur 
 maistre Francois Xavier a son prevost monsieur Egnace 
 de Layola. Paris, Jehan Corbon, 1545; 8vo. 
 
 In 1600, Horatius Tarsellinus printed at Mentz a 
 collection of the letters of Xavier, under the title— 
 
 Francisci Xaverii epistolarum libri quatuor in Latinum 
 conversi ex Hispano. 8vo. 
 
 And in 1661, Petrus Possinus printed at Paris the 
 remainder, with the title— 
 
 S. Francisci Xaverii....Indiarum apostoli epistolse novae 
 xvm nunc primum ex autographis partim Hispanicis 
 partim Lusitanicis Latinitate et luce donatae. 12mo. 
 
 40. Sir Hugh Willoughby. In Hakluyt, vol. i, 
 p. 265, edit. 1589, we find— 
 
 The true copie of a note found written in one of the two 
 ships, to wit the Speranza, which wintered in Lappia, 
 where sir Hugh Willoughby and all his companie died, 
 being frozen to death. Anno 1553-4. O. S. This 
 note is said to have been in the handwriting of sir Hugh 
 Willoughby, and contains the names of the ships and 
 their respective companies; the juramentum, or otlie 
 ministred to the captaine; the othe ministred to the 
 maister of the ship, &c.; followed by a journal of the 
 voyage from the 10th of May to the 18th of September. 
 
 41. Richard Chauncellor. He wrote — 
 
 The book of the great and mighty emperor of Russia and 
 Duke of Moscovia, and of the dominions, orders and 
 commodities thereunto belonging.—Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 
 237; edit. 1598. 
 
 “ The newe navigation and discoverie of the king- 
 dome of Moscovia by the north-east in the yeere 
 1553”, is said to have been drawn up by Clement 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 lxi 
 
 Adams, from the dictation of Chancellor.—Hakluyt, 
 vol. i, p. 270, edit. 1589; where the account is given 
 in Latin and English. 
 
 42. Antonio Galvam. He was the author of a 
 work entitled— 
 
 Tratado dos varios e diversos caminhos por onde nos tem¬ 
 pos passados a pimenta e especiaria veyo da India as 
 nossas partes, e assim de todos os descubrimentos anti- 
 gos e modernos que sao feitos ate a era de 1550, &c. 
 Lisboa, por Joao Barreira, 1563; 8vo. 
 
 He is also said to have written a work entitled— 
 
 Historia dos Molucas, da natureza e descubrimento daquel- 
 las terras. 
 
 But it was never printed entire, and the original is 
 not known to be now in existence; a great part, how¬ 
 ever, is said to have been inserted by Damia5 de Goes, 
 in his “ Chronica del rey D. Manoel”. 
 
 43. Stephen Burrough. He wrote— 
 
 The navigation and discovery toward the river Ob (i. e. 
 Obe), intending the discovery of the north-east passage : 
 and, The voyage, an. 1557, from Colmogro to Ward- 
 house, which was sent to seeke the Bona Speranza, the 
 Bona Confidentia, and the Philip and Mary, which were 
 not heard of the yeere before. In Hakluyt, vol. i, 
 p. 274-290. 
 
 44. William Burroughs. All that we appear to 
 have of this navigator’s writings, are the following 
 short pieces; 
 
 i. The copie of a letter sent to the emperour of Moscovie by 
 Christopher Ilodsdon and William Burrough, anno 1570, 
 informing him that William Burroughs had taken five 
 ships of the freebooters.—Hakluyt, vol. i, p. 425 ; edit. 
 1589. 
 
lxii 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ii. The deposition of Mr. Wm. Burrough to certaine inter¬ 
 rogatories ministred unto him concerning the Narve, 
 Kegor, &c., to what king or prince they doe appertaine 
 and are subject, made the 23 of June 1576.—Ibid, 
 p. 438. 
 
 hi. Certaine reasons to dissuade the use of a trade to the 
 Narve aforesayd, by way through Sweden.—lb. 439. 
 iy. The opinion of Master Wm. Burrough sent to a friend 
 requiring his judgement for the fittest time of the de¬ 
 parture of our ships towards S. Nicholas in Russia.— 
 lb. 487. 
 
 45. Anthony Jenkinson. He wrote the accounts 
 of his several voyages, as follows: 
 
 i. The first voyage made by master Anthony Jenkinson 
 from the citie of London toward the land of Russia, 
 begonne the twelfth daye of Maye in the yeere 1557. 
 ii. The voyage, wherein Osepp Napea, the Moscovite am- 
 bassadour to Queen Maria, returned home into his coun¬ 
 trey. And a large description of the manners of the 
 countrey, &c. 
 
 in. The voyage of mr. Anthony Jenkinson, made from the 
 citie of Mosco in Russia, to the citie of Boghar in Bac- 
 tria, in the vere 1558. 
 
 J V 
 
 iv. A compendious declaration of the Journey of M. Anth. 
 Jenkinson into the land of Persia, passing thorow Russia, 
 Moscovia, and Mare Caspium. Anno 1561. 
 
 v. The voyage of Anthony J enkinson into Russia the third 
 time, an. 1566. 
 
 vi. The voyage of Anthony J enkinson into Russia the fourth 
 time, an. 1571. 
 
 These several accounts are printed in Hakluyt, vol. i, 
 pp. 310, 314, etc. 
 
 46. Jean Ribault. He wrote, in French, an account 
 of his voyage to Florida in the year 1562. This 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 lxiii 
 
 appears to be no longer extant; but the title of the 
 English translation, published in 1563, and which 
 Hakluyt has reprinted in this collection, is given at 
 p. 17 post. 
 
 47. Luke Ward. He wrote— 
 
 The voyage intended towards China, wherein Mr. Edward 
 Fenton was appointed generall. Written by Mr. Luke 
 Ward, his vice-admiral and captaine of the Edward 
 Bonaventure, begun anno Dom. 1582. In Hakluyt, 
 vol. iii, p. 757; edit. 1600. 
 
 48. Edward Heyes. He wrote— 
 
 A report of the voyage and successe thereof attempted in 
 the yeere 1583, by Sir H. Gilbert, knight, with other 
 gentlemen, intended to discover and to plant Christian 
 inhabitants upon those large and ample countries ex¬ 
 tended northward from the Cape of Florida; written by 
 Mr. Edward Haies, the principal actor in the same voy¬ 
 age. In Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 143; edit. 1600. 
 
 “ A very late and great probability of a passage of 
 the north-west part of America in fifty-eight degrees 
 of northerly latitude”, refers most probably to Hud¬ 
 son’s Straits. It is well known that the Spaniards 
 made some feeble attempts to discover the north-west 
 passage, but whether the expedition here referred to 
 as sent out by one Anus Cortereal be one of them, or 
 whether such an expedition was ever sent out at all, 
 it is impossible now to ascertain. Hakluyt was a man 
 of easy faith, and too apt to repeat accounts as he 
 received them, without stopping to verify or correct 
 them. This “ late probabilitie” would doubtless be 
 an important addition to the eight reasons mentioned 
 
lxiv 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 in his epistle to Sir Philip Sidney, and as such, not 
 lightly to be rejected. It is much to be regretted, 
 however, that he has not informed us who the u singu¬ 
 larly grave and experienced man of Portingale”, his 
 informant, was. The eight reasons alluded to in proof 
 of the probability of a north-west passage are: 1. The 
 opinion of Cabot that all the north part of America is 
 divided into islands. 2. That the passage is laid 
 down in the map by Verazzani. 3. The story of Gil 
 Gonsalva, recorded by Franciscus Lopes de Gomara, 
 which, however, amounts to no more than a statement 
 that Gil Gon 9 alez de Avila in 1522 explored the 
 western coast of Mexico from Capo Blanco to Capo de 
 Fonseca, for the purpose of finding a strait which it 
 was said by the pilots existed thereabouts, and by 
 which they could pass from the South Sea to the 
 Atlantic Ocean. 1 4. The report of the people of 
 Saguinay to Jacques Cartier, that upon their coasts 
 westward there was a sea the end whereof was 
 unknown to them. 5. The assertion, by the inha¬ 
 bitants of Canada, that it is a month’s space to sail 
 to a land where cinnamon and cloves are growing. 
 6. That the people of Florida stated to Ribault 
 that they might sail from the river of May unto 
 Cevola and the South Sea through their country in 
 twenty days. 7. The experience of Frobisher and 
 Drake, one on the west coast of America, and the 
 other on the east. 8. The opinion, or rather con¬ 
 jecture, of Mercator, that there must be a short way 
 
 1 Lopez de Gomara. La Historia general de las Indias, fol. 258. 
 Anvers, 1554. 12mo. 
 
INTRODUCTION. IxV 
 
 open into the west. It is not necessary at the present 
 day to enter into any arguments to show the utter 
 futility of these eight reasons. In the year 1582, 
 however, the case was widely different : enough had 
 been discovered to whet the appetite. To say nothing 
 of the pretended voyages of the Zeni at the end of the 
 fourteenth century, which were then universally re¬ 
 ceived as genuine, Sebastian Cabot, there is great 
 reason to believe, penetrated as high as 67 degrees of 
 north latitude, discovering Hudson’s Straits and Fox’s 
 Channel, in his search after the north-west passage to 
 India. Gaspar Cortereal, in 1500, explored the eastern 
 coast of America with the same object, and discovered 
 the St. Lawrence, and also Hudson’s Straits. Jacques 
 Cartier in 1534 found the St. Lawrence, and explored 
 it as high as Montreal, and from the statements of the 
 natives, great expectations were entertained that the 
 passage so ardently desired had been at length disco¬ 
 vered. Frobisher, in his first voyage, in 1576, disco¬ 
 vered in latitude 63 the strait which long bore his 
 name, and has subsequently been called Lumley’s 
 Inlet; and in his second and third voyages, made in 
 the two following years, he penetrated further into the 
 strait, and also made his way into Hudson’s Straits, 
 although with no better success than on his former 
 voyages. The time mentioned by Hakluyt, “ not 
 above eight yeres past”, would be about 1574, and as 
 the attention of navigators had since that time been 
 always directed to Frobisher’s Straits, this apparently 
 new discovery might well be considered by him worthy 
 of special mention. 
 
 k 
 
lxvi 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The next piece in the collection is the epistle dedi- 
 catorie to “ Master Philip Sydney, Esquire”. It is 
 well known that Sir Philip Sidney took a great in¬ 
 terest in whatever tended to the honour and advantage 
 of his native country, and it cannot be supposed that 
 he looked with only ordinary interest upon the efforts 
 made by such men as Frobisher and Drake for en¬ 
 larging the limits of geographical knowledge. Al¬ 
 though little is said by his biographers upon this 
 point, it is more than probable that he occupied a 
 prominent place among those who favoured the various 
 adventurers in search of gold mines and new worlds. 
 In October 1576, Frobisher returned from his first 
 voyage in search of a north-west passage. His sup¬ 
 posed success, both on this point and in the discovery 
 of gold ore, caused great excitement in England, and 
 Sidney wrote to his early friend and watchful adviser, 
 Hubert Linguet, in such glowing terms of Frobisher 
 and this expedition, as to draw from him (Linguet) a 
 long and striking reply, in which he says : “ Si vera 
 sunt quag de vestro Forbissero scribis, ille haud dubie 
 obscurabit non solum Magellani sed etiam ipsius 
 
 Christophori Columbi famam.Ego vero ad te 
 
 respicio qui hanc ob rem exaltas perinde ac si patria 
 esset optime consultum, cum praesertim superiore vere 
 in te animadverterim cupiditatem aliquam suscipiendae 
 ejusmodi navigationis.” Linguet was right in his 
 conjecture that Sidney contemplated undertaking one 
 of these voyages of discovery. There can be little 
 doubt that he entered into arrangements with Sir 
 Humphrey Gilbert, taking from him an assignment of 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 lxvii 
 
 part of his interest under the letters patent granted to 
 him by Queen Elizabeth in 1578. 1 He also, at a later 
 period, made secret preparations for associating him¬ 
 self with Sir Francis Drake in his second expedition, 
 of which he (Sidney) was to have had the principal 
 direction, and had even engaged to equip a naval and 
 land armament, and to make a vigorous attack upon 
 the Spanish settlements in America. He was only 
 prevented carrying this design into effect by the ex¬ 
 press command of the queen. It was not without 
 reason, therefore, that Hakluyt addressed to Sir Philip 
 Sidney a collection of documents, the object of which 
 was to induce his countrymen to make permanent 
 settlements in America : and we find that when in 
 1584 a bill was brought into parliament for confirming 
 the letters patent granted by the queen to Sir Walter 
 Raleigh for discovering remote heathen lands, it was 
 committed, on the second reading, to the care of Sir 
 Philip Sidney jointly with Hatton, then vice-cham- 
 berlain, Sir Francis Drake, and others. 2 
 
 Full as this epistle is of various and most important 
 topics, the author has laid out his views in so clear 
 and concise a manner as to render any additional 
 explanation here altogether superfluous. One of the 
 points upon which he insists is “ the title which we 
 have to that part of America which is from Florida 
 to 67 degrees northwarde, by the letters patentes 
 graunted to John Gabote and his three sonnes, Lewis, 
 
 1 See Gentleman's Magazine , Feb. 1850, p. 116, et seqq. 
 
 2 Zoucli’s Life of Sydney; Linguet, Epist. ad P. Sydneium, 
 
lxviii 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Sebastian and Santius, with Sebastian’s owne certifi¬ 
 cate to Baptista Ramusius of his discoverie of Ame¬ 
 rica, and the testimonie of Fabian our old chronicler.” 
 This forms the subject of the next division of the 
 collection before us. 
 
 The honour of having discovered North America is 
 claimed by most English writers for John Cabot, or 
 Gabota, a Venetian, who was residing in Bristol as a 
 merchant in the year T5-9L4. In the preceding year all 
 Europe had been astonished by the unlooked-for dis¬ 
 coveries of Columbus, and Cabot, who appears to have 
 possessed a bold and adventurous spirit, conceived the 
 idea of following in the same track. With this object 
 in view, he solicited the sanction of the king, Henry 
 VII, to his undertaking, and on the 5th of March 
 1496, 1 the letters patent above referred to were granted 
 to John Cabot and his three sons. The expedition 
 did not sail until the following year, and no very 
 intelligible details of the voyage are in existence. 
 There are, however, several accounts more or less 
 contradictory. Hakluyt has inserted no less than six 
 in his general collection. Perhaps the most precise is 
 that which was inscribed in Latin by Clement Adams 
 upon a map drawn by Sebastian, and engraved by 
 Adams, but which is no longer in existence. This 
 notice runs as follows : u In the year of our Lord 
 
 1 This patent is sometimes said to have been granted in 1495, 
 which would be correct according to the computation of the civil 
 year at that period, viz., from the 25th of March ; but as Henry 
 VII commenced his reign on the 22nd of August 1485, the 
 5th of March in the eleventh year of his reign would fall in the 
 year 1496, according to the historical computation. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 lxix 
 
 1497, John Cabot, a Venetian, and his son Sebastian, 
 discovered that country, which no one before his time 
 had ventured to approach, on the 24th of June, about 
 live o’clock in the morning. He called the land 
 Terra primum visa, because, as I conjecture, this was 
 the place that first met his eyes in looking from the 
 sea. On the contrary, the island which lies opposite 
 the land, he called the island of St. John—as I sup¬ 
 pose, because it was discovered on the festival of St. 
 John the Baptist. The inhabitants wear beasts’ skins 
 and the intestines of animals for clothing, esteeming 
 them as highly as we do our most precious garments. 
 In war their weapons are the bow and arrow, spears, 
 darts, slings, and wooden clubs. The country is 
 steril and uncultivated, producing no fruit ; from 
 which circumstance it happens that it is crowded with 
 
 white bears and stags of an unusual height and size. 
 
 © © 
 
 It yields plenty of fish, and these very large, such as 
 seals and salmon : there are soles also above an ell in 
 length ; but especially great abundance of that kind 
 of fish called in the vulgar tongue baccalaos. In the 
 same island also breed hawks, so black in their colour 
 that they wonderfully resemble ravens; besides which 
 there are partridges and eagles of dark plumage.” 
 The map upon which this account was inscribed was 
 engraved in the year 1549, 1 fifty-two years after the 
 event recorded took place; but it has been suggested 
 with much plausibility 2 that Adams may have been 
 
 1 Purchas, vol. iii, p. 807. 
 
 2 Tytler, Historical View of the Progress of Discovery on the 
 more Northern Coasts of America, p. 23. Edinb. 1832, 12mo. 
 
lxx 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 employed by Sebastian Cabot himself to engrave this 
 map in order to gratify Edward VI, with whom he 
 was in great favour, and that this account of the dis¬ 
 covery of Newfoundland may have been supplied by 
 Sebastian. 
 
 The author of the Memoirs of S. Cabot argues with 
 great show of reason, that the land first visited by 
 John Cabot was Labrador, and not the island of 
 Newfoundland. The name of the vessel which first 
 touched the shores of America was the Matthew, of 
 Bristol. The fact of this discovery having been made 
 by John Cabot and not Sebastian, is alluded to in a 
 second patent granted to u John Kabotto, Venetian”, 
 giving him license to sail with six ships “ to the land 
 and isles of late found by the said John in our name 
 and by our commandment.” It is not our object to 
 enter into any examination of the various accounts 
 extant respecting the voyages of the Cabots, father 
 and son; neither do we purpose attempting to settle 
 the respective claims of these two great men to the dis¬ 
 covery of the North American continent. To an im¬ 
 partial mind the quotations given above would, in all 
 probability, prove sufficiently conclusive. The author 
 of the Memoirs of S. Cabot however takes a far different 
 view of the question, and we cannot therefore quit 
 this part of our subject without noticing the perti¬ 
 nacity and ingenuity with which he endeavours to set 
 aside John Cabot, and disputes all evidence calculated 
 to disprove his theory in favour of Sebastian. 1 The 
 
 1 See Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, cap. x, where the author 
 treats this subject at some length, and brings forward many inte¬ 
 resting particulars. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 lxxi 
 
 extract given by Hakluyt from Fabyan, must refer 
 to the voyage made by Sebastian after the second 
 patent had been granted to his father. 
 
 The next paragraph of Hakluyt’s work refers to 
 three savage men, said to have been brought home by 
 Sebastian in 1498, and presented to the king. Here 
 again Mr. Biddle steps in to defend his protege, 1 
 and contends that these men were not brought home 
 by Cabot, repelling with great energy the charge that 
 he would be guilty of so cruel an act as carrying off 
 the aborigines of the country. This cruel act, he 
 contends, must have been perpetrated by “ three 
 Portuguese”, who, jointly with Bichard Warde, 
 Thomas Ashehurst, and John Thomas, obtained 
 letters patent from Henry YI1 in 1501, conferring 
 upon them the same powers, and couched in the same 
 terms as we find in the letters patent granted to John 
 Cabot and his sons in 1496. 
 
 While upon this part of our subject, it may not be 
 out of place to give a list of the several patents 
 granted by the sovereigns of England for the dis¬ 
 covery and planting of unknown lands. 
 
 The first is the patent granted by Henry VII in 
 1496 to John Cabot and his sons, as mentioned above, 
 and which is printed in this collection, post , p. 19. 
 
 On the 3rd of February 1498, Henry YII granted 
 a second patent to John Cabot alone. This patent 
 has often been referred to, but was printed for the 
 first time in the Memoir of Sebastian Cabot by Mr. 
 Biddle, who discovered this interesting document in 
 
 Memoir of S. Cabot , p. 229. 
 
 1 
 
lxxii 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 the Rolls’ chapel. It is of much importance in ex¬ 
 amining the question of the first discovery of America, 
 and we therefore five it at length. 
 
 Memorandum quod tertio die Februarii anno regni Regis 
 Henrici Septimi xiii ista Billa delibata fuit Domino Cancel- 
 lario Angli£e apud W estmonasterium exequenda. 
 
 TO THE KINGE. 
 
 Please it your highnesse of your most noble and habun- 
 daunt grace to graunte to John Kabotto, Venecian, your 
 gracious Lettres Patents in due fourme, to be made accord* 
 yng to the tenor hereafter ensuyng, and he shall continually 
 praye to God for the preservacion of your moste noble and 
 roiall astate longe to endure. 
 
 H. R. 
 
 Rex. 
 
 To all men to whom theis presenteis shall come send 
 gretyng: knowe ye that we of our grace especiall and for 
 dyvers causis us movying, we have geven and graunten, and 
 by theis presentis geve and graunte to our welbeloved John 
 Kabotto, Venecian, sufficiente auctorite and power, that he 
 by him, his deputie or deputies sufficient, may take at his 
 pleasure vi Englisshe shippes in any porte or portes or other 
 place within this our realme of England, or obeisance, so 
 that and if the said shippes be of the bourdeyn of cc tonnes, 
 or under, with their apparail requisite and necessarie for the 
 safe conduct of the said shippes, and them convey and lede 
 to the londe and isles of late founde by the seid John in 
 oure name and by our commaundemente, paying for theym 
 and every of theym as and if we should in or for our owen 
 cause paye and noon otherwise. And that the said John, 
 by hym, his deputie or deputies sufficiente, maye take and 
 receyve into the said shippes, and every of theym, all such 
 maisters, maryners, pages, and other subjects, as of their 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 lxxiii 
 
 owen free wille wole goo and passe with him in the same 
 shippes to the seid londe or iles without anye impedy- 
 mcntc, lctt, or perturbance, of any of our officers or ministres 
 or subjects, whatsoever they he, by theyrn to the seyd John, 
 his deputie, or deputies, and all other our seid subjects, or 
 any of theyrn passinge with the seid John in the seid shippes 
 to the seid londe or iles, to be doon, or suffer to be doon or 
 attempted. Geving in commaundement to all and every 
 our officers, ministers, and subjects, seying or herying theis 
 our Lettres Patents without any ferther commaundement 
 by us to theym, or any of theyrn, to be geven to perfourme, 
 and socour the said John, his deputie, and all our said sub¬ 
 jects so passyng with hym, according to the tenor of theis 
 our Letters Patentis. Any Statute, Acte, or Ordennance, 
 to the contrarye made or to be made in any wise notwith¬ 
 standing. 
 
 The next patent, in order of date, was granted by 
 Henry VII on the 19th of March 1501, to Richard 
 AVarde, Thomas Ashehurst, and John Thomas, of 
 Bristol, and John Fernandus, Francis Fernandus, and 
 John Gunsolus, subjects of the King of Portugal. 
 This document also was first brought to light by 
 Mr. Biddle. It was discovered by him in the Rolls’ 
 chapel, and is printed in the Appendix to his Memoir 
 of Cabot. As it is not likely to become very generally 
 known through either of these channels we have thought 
 it advisable to give it here at length. It is as follows: 
 
 Memorandum quod xix die Marcii, anno regni Regis 
 Henrici Septimi xvi, ista Billa delibata fuit Domino Custodi 
 Magni Sigilli Anglise apud Westmonasterium exequenda. 
 
 TO THE KYNG OUR SOVEREYNE LORD. 
 
 Please it your Highness of your most noble and habun daunt 
 
 l 
 
lxxiv 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Grace to graunt unto your welbeloved subjects Richard 
 Warde, Thomas Assliehurst, and John Thomas, merchants of 
 your Towne of Bristowe, and to John Fernandus, Francis 
 Fernandus, and John Gunsolus, Squyers, borne in the Isle of 
 Surrys under the obeisaunce of the Kynge of Portingale, your 
 gracious Lettres Patentis, under your Greate Seale, in due 
 forme to be made according to the tenour hereafter ensuying; 
 and that this Byll, sygned with your gracious hand, may be to 
 the Reverend Fader in God, Henry, Byshop of Salesbury, 
 Keeper of your Greate Seale, sufficient and immediate 
 warrant for the making, sealyng, accomplysshyng, of your 
 said Lettres Patentes, and they shall duryng ther lyves pray 
 to God for the prosperous contynuance of your most noble 
 and ryall astate. 
 
 H. R. 
 
 Rex universis et singulis ad quos praesentes Literae Nostrae 
 pervenerint Salutem: Notum sit vobis et manifestum quod 
 ex certis considerationibus nos moventibus de advisamento 
 Consilii Nostri, concessimus et licentiam dedimus, prout per 
 Praesentes concedimus et licentiam damus, pro Nobis et 
 haeredibus nostris quantum in Nobis est, dilectis subditis 
 nostris Ricardo Warde, Thomae Asshurst, et Johanni Thomas, 
 mercatoribus villae nostrae Bristolliae ac dilectis nobis Johanni 
 Fernandus, Francisco Fernandus, et Johanni Gunsolus, 
 armigeris in insulis de Surrys sub obediencia Regis Por- 
 tugaliae oriundis, et eorum cuilibet ac cujuslibet eorum haere¬ 
 dibus, attornatis, factoribus, seu deputatis ac eis et eorum 
 cuilibet plenam ac liberam auctoritatem, facultatem et potesta- 
 tem committimusnavigandi et se transferendi ad omnes partes, 
 regiones et fines Maris Orientalis, Occidentalis, Australis, 
 Borealis et Septentrionalis, sub banneris, et insigniis nostris 
 cum tot et tantis et talibus navibus sive batellis quot sibi 
 placuerint et necessariae fuerint, cujuscunque portagii quilibet 
 navis sive batella extiterit, cum magistris, contromagistris, 
 marinariis pagettis aliisque hominibus pro gubernatione. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 lxxv 
 
 salva custodia ct dcfensionc navium et batellarum praedic- 
 tarum competcntibus requisitis et necessariis, ad custus et 
 onera dicti Ricardi et aliorum praedictorum et pro lmjusmodi 
 salariis, vadiis et stipendiis prout inter eos poterunt concordare 
 ad inveniendum, recuperandum, discoperiendum et investi- 
 gandum insulas, patrias, regiones sive provincias quas- 
 cunque gentilium et infidelium in quacunque mundi parte 
 positas quae Christianis omnibus ante liaec tempora fuerunt 
 et in pnesenti sunt incognita. 
 
 Ac lmjusmodi banneras et insignia nostra in quacunque 
 villa, oppido, castro, insula seu terra-firma a se sic noviter 
 inventis affigendi, ipsasque villas, oppida, castra, insulas et 
 terras firmas pro nobis et nomine nostro intrandi et capiendi 
 et ea tanquam vasalli nostri ac gubernatores, locatenentes et 
 deputati nostri, eorumque dominio, titulo, dignitate et prae- 
 eminencia eorundem nobis semper reservatis, occupandi, 
 possidendi et subjugandi. 
 
 Et insuper quandocumque, imposterum, lmjusmodi insulae 
 patriae, terrae et provinciae per praefatos Ricardum et alios 
 praevocatos adeptae, recuperatae et inventae fuerint, tunc vo- 
 lumus et per praesentes concedimus quod omnes et singuli 
 tarn viri quam foeminae liujus regni nostri caeterique subditi 
 nostri et insulas hujusmodi sic noviter inventas visitare et in 
 eisdem inliabitare cupientes et desiderantes, possint et valiant 
 licite et impune ad ipsas patrias, insulas et loca cum eorum 
 navibus, liominibus et servientibus, rebus et bonis suis uni- 
 versis transire et in eisdem sub protectione et regimine 
 dictorum Ricardi et aliorum praenominatorum morari et 
 inliabitare, divitiasque, fructus et emolumenta patriarum, 
 terrarum et locorum praedictorum adquirere et obtinere. 
 
 Dantes insuper et concedentes praefatis Ricardo, Tliomae et 
 Johanni, Johanni, Francisco et Johanni et eorum cuilibet 
 plenam tenore Praesentium potestatem et auctoritatem omnes 
 et singulos homines, marinarios caeterasque personas ad insu¬ 
 las, patrias, provincias, terras firmas et loca praedicta ex causa 
 
lxxvi 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 prsedicta, se divertentes et confluentes tam in comitiva dictorum 
 Ricardi et aliorum prsenominatorum quam in comitiva aliorum 
 illuc imposterum recursum habere contingentium tam supra 
 mare quam in iusulis, patriis, terris-firmis et locis hujusmodi 
 post quam inventa et recuperata fuerint regendi et gubernandi 
 legesque ordinationes, statuta et proclamationes pro bono 
 et quieto regimine et gubernatione dictorum hominum, 
 magistrorum, marinariorum, et aliarum personarum prsedic- 
 tarum faciendi, stabiliendi, ordinandi et constituendi et 
 superinde proclamationes faciendi ac omnes et singulos quos 
 in liac parte contrarios et rebelles ac legibus, statutis et 
 ordinacionibus prsedictis inobedientes invenerint ac omnes 
 illos qui furtum, homicidia, rapinas commiserint et perpe- 
 trarint aut aliquas mulieres insularum seu patriarum prse- 
 dictarum, contra eorum voluntatem aut aliter, rapuerint et 
 violaverint juxta leges et statuta per ipsos in bac parte ordinata 
 castigandiet puniendi. Ac etiamconcessimusprsefatis Ricardo, 
 Tliomse, Johanni, Johanni, Francisco et Johanni hseredibus et 
 assignatis suis quod postquam aliquse insulae, provincial, terrae- 
 firmae, regio seu provincia imposterum per ipsum Ricardum 
 et alios praenominatos inventa fuerint tunc non licebit alicui 
 seu aliquibus subdito seu subditis nostris durante termino 
 decern annos proximo et immediate sequentes ad ipsas villas, 
 provincias, insulas, terras-firmas et loca causa mercandisandi 
 ac bona acquirendi absque licentia nostra regia et [the words 
 in italics illegible, but supplied conjecturally from the cor¬ 
 responding paragraph in the subsequent patent of 9th 
 December 1502] dictorum Ricardi et aliorum praenomina- 
 torum haeredum et assignatorum suorum cum suis navibus 
 frequentare aut se divertere aut in eadem ingredi seu in 
 eisdem pro aliquibus bonis acquirendi intromittere. 
 
 Et post terminum dictorum decern annorum quod nullus 
 ex nostris subditis ad aliquam terram-firmam, insulam, 
 patriam seu loca per ipsos Ricardum et Thomam et alios 
 praedictos sic noviter inventa navigare et frequentare praesu- 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 lxxvii 
 
 mat absque licentia nostra prcedicta et [the words in italics 
 supplied as before] praedictorum Ricardi et caeterorum sub 
 poena amissionis et forisfacturae omnium bonorum, mercan- 
 disarum, rerum et navium quarumcunque ad ea loca sic 
 noviter inventa navigare et in eadem ingredi praesumentium 
 (videlicit) una medietas inde erit ad opus nostrum et alia 
 medietas ad opus dictorum Ricardi et aliorum praenominato- 
 rum et haeredum suorum. 
 
 Et ultius ex abundanti gratia nostra concessimus et 
 per Praesentes concedimus pro Nobis et haeredibus nostris, 
 quantum in Nobis est, praefatis Ricardo, Thomae, Johanni, 
 Johanni, Francisco et Jobanni et eorum quilibet mercandisas, 
 mercimonia, aurum et argentum in massa, lapides preciosos et 
 alia bona qusecumque de crescentia patriarum, insularumque 
 et locorum praedictorum per ipsos sic recuperandorum et 
 inveniendorum tarn in dictis navibus et batellis quam aliis 
 quibuscumque navibus exteris a dictis patriis, insulis, terris- 
 firmis et locis in hoc regnum nostrum Angliae ad quemcunque 
 portum seu alium locum ejusdem adducere et cariare et 
 adduci seu cariari facere possit et valeat, eaque vendere et 
 distribuere ad eorum proficium et advantagium, aliquo statuto, 
 actu, ordinatione seu provisione inde in contrarium factis 
 sive ordinatis nonobstantibus. 
 
 Ac Nos intime considerantes grandia custus et onera quae 
 circa prasmissa facienda et perimplenda requiruntur, volentes 
 igitur prsefatis Ricardo, Thomse et aliis memoratis personis 
 gratiam provide facere specialem concessimus (prout) per 
 Prsesentes concedimus eisdem, liaeredibus et assignatis suis 
 quod ipsi et eorum quilibet iiseredes et assignati sui praedicti 
 de tempore in tempus durante termino quatuor annorum a 
 tempore recuperationis et inventionis insularum, et pro- 
 vinciarum praedictarum proximo et immediate sequentes, 
 mercandisas, mercimonia caeteraque bona in uno navi tantum 
 cujuscunque portagii fuerit eskippata et onustata ac in hoc 
 regnum nostrum Angliae adducenda et transportanda in portu 
 
lxxviii 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 sen loco praedicto ad terrain ponere, eaque vendere, exponere 
 et pro libito suo distribuere possint de tempore in tempus, 
 qnolibet viagio, durante termino dictorum quatuor anno- 
 rum, absque aliquibus custumis, subsidiis, seu aliis deveriis 
 pro eisdem bonis mercimoniis et caeteris praemissis in dicta 
 unica navi tantum contentis et eskippatis nobis aut haeredi- 
 bus nostris infra dictum regnum nostrum Angliae aliqualiter 
 solvendis. 
 
 Proviso tamen quod Nobis de custumis, subsidiis, pondagiis 
 et aliis deveriis Nobis pro caeteris mercandisis, mercimoniis et 
 bonis in omnibus aliis navibus contentis debitis juxta con- 
 suetudinem in hoc regno nostro Angliae hactenus usitatam 
 fideliter respondeatur ut est justum. Et insuper volumus et 
 concedimus per Praesentes quod quilibet capitalis magister, 
 contra magister et marinarius cujuslibet navis ad aliquam 
 terram-firmam, insulam, patriam, provinciam et locum prae- 
 dictum frequentantis et navigantis habeant, gaudeant et per- 
 cipiant de bonis et mercimoniis a dictis insulis, terris-firmis 
 et provinces in hoc regnum Angliae adducendis custumas et 
 subsidia sequentia, videlicit. 
 
 Quod quilibet magister habeat, gaudeat et percipiat sub¬ 
 sidia et custumas, quolibet viagio, quatuor doliorum. 
 
 Et quilibet contramagister vel quarter-magister custumas 
 et subsidia duorum doliorum. 
 
 Ac quilibet marinarius custumas et subsidia unius dolii. 
 
 Licet sint caveata et eskippata [the words in italics sup¬ 
 plied as before] ut bona sua propria aut ut bona alicujus 
 alterius personae cujuscunque et hoc absque aliquibus cus¬ 
 tumis, subditis debitis seu deveriis infra hoc regnum nostrum 
 Angliae ad opus nostrum aut haeredum nostrorum pro eisdem 
 doliis aliqualiter solvendis seu petendis. 
 
 Et si contingat aliquem vel aliquos mercatorem seu mer- 
 catores hujus regni nostri ad dictas insulas, patrias et loca 
 sub licencia dictorum subdictorum nostrorum aut absque 
 licencia causa habendi mercandisas et mercimonia adventare 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 lxxix 
 
 ct laborare ad bona et mercimonia ab eisdem partibus in hoc 
 regnum nostrum adducere, tunc volumus et concedimus, per 
 praesentes, praefatis Ricardo, Thomae, Johanni, Johanni, 
 Francisco, Johanni haeredibus et assignatis suis quod ipsi 
 durante termino decern annorum antedicto habeant de quo- 
 libet hujusmodi m^rcatore, solutis nobis custumis, subsidiis 
 et aliis deveriis Nobis in hac parte debitis et consuetis, vicesi- 
 mam partem omnium hujusmodi bonorum et mercimoniarum 
 per ipsos a dictis insulis, patriis et locis quolibet viagio 
 durante dicto termino decern annorum in hoc regnum nos¬ 
 trum Angliae traducendorum et caricandorum habendam et 
 capiendam hujusmodi vicesimam partem in portu ubi con- 
 tigerit dicta bona discaricari et exonerari. 
 
 Proviso semper quod predicti Ricardus et alii praedicti, 
 haeredes et assignati sui et non alii omnino imposterum 
 durante dicto termino decern annorum sint Factores et At- 
 tornati in dictis insulis, terris-firmis et patriis pro quibus- 
 cunque hujusmodi mercatoribus aliisque personis illuc ex 
 causa praedicta confluentibus in et pro eorum factis merca- 
 toriis in eisdem. 
 
 Proviso etiam quod nulla navis cum bonis et mercandisis 
 a dictis partibus sic noviter inventis carcati et onusta post- 
 quam in aliquam portum hujus [the words in italics supplied 
 as before] Regni nostri adducta fuerint non exoneratur de 
 eisdem bonis et mercandisis nisi in praesentia praefactorum 
 Ricardi et aliorum praedictorum eorumve haeredum seu depu- 
 tatorum ad hoc assignandum sub poena forisfacturae eorumdem 
 bonarum et mercandisarum; unde una medietas ad opus 
 nostrum et alia medietas praefatis Ricardo et aliis praenomi- 
 natis et haeredibus suis applicentur. 
 
 Et si imposterum aliqui extran-ei aut alive [the part in 
 italics supplied as before] personae ad ipsas partes contra 
 voluntatem ipsorum Ricardi et aliorum praenominatorum 
 causa habendi divitias navigare et ea vi et armis ingredi ac 
 dictos Ricardum et alios praedictos aut haeredes suos ibidem 
 
lxxx 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 insultare ac eos expellere et debellare aut alias inquietare 
 presumpserint quod tunc volumus ac eisdem subditis nostris 
 tenore Prsesentium damus et committimus ipsos extraneos 
 licet sint subditi et vasalli alicujus principis Nobiscum in 
 liga et amicitia existentis totis suis viribus tam per terrain 
 quam per mare et aquas dulces expugnandi, resistendi et 
 gueriam contra eos levandi et faciendi eosque capiendi, sub- 
 peditandi et incarcerandi ibidem quousque fines et redemp¬ 
 tions eisdem subditis nostris facerint moratur aut alias 
 secundum sanam discretionem ipsorum subditorum nostorum 
 et liseredum suorum castigandi et puniendi. 
 
 At etiam prsefatis subditis nostris cseterisque personis prse- 
 dictis plenam tenore Prsesentium potestatem damus et com¬ 
 mittimus sub se quoscumque capitaneos, locatenentes et 
 deputatos in singulis civitatibus, villis, oppidis et locis 
 dictarum insularum, provinciarum, patriarum et locorum 
 prsedictorum ad regendum et gubernandum omnes et singu- 
 las personas in eisdem partibus sub regimine et gubernatione 
 dictorum subdictorum nostorum ibidem commorantium ac 
 ad justitiam eisdem secundum tenorem et effectum ordina¬ 
 tion um ; statutorum et proclamationum prsedictorum debite 
 exequendum et administrandum per Literas suas Patentes 
 sigillis eorum sigillandas, faciendi, constituendi, nominandi 
 et substituendi. Et insuper concessimus et per Prsesentes 
 concedimus prsefatis Picardo, Tliomse, Johanni, Jolianni, 
 Francisco et Jolianni ad terminum vitse suse et cujuslibet 
 eorum diutius viventis officium Admiralli supra Mare in 
 quibuscunque locis, patriis, et provinciis a se sic noviter 
 inventis et imposterum inveniendis et recuperandis, ipsosque 
 Picardum, Thomam, Jobannem, Jobannem, Franciscum, 
 Jobannem et eorum quemlibet conjunctim et divisim Ad- 
 mirallos nostros in eisdem partibus facimus, constituimus, 
 ordinamus et deputamus, per Prsesentes dantes et concedentes 
 eisdem et eorum cuilibet plenam tenore Prsesentiarum potes¬ 
 tatem et auctoritatem ea omnia et singula quse ad officium 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 lxxxi 
 
 Admirallitatis pertinent faciendi, exercendi et exequendi se¬ 
 cundum legem et consuetudinem maritimam in hoc regno 
 nostro Angliae usitatam. 
 
 Ac etiam postquam praefati Ricardus Warde, Thomas 
 Ashhurst et Johannes Thomas, ac Johannes Fernandus, 
 
 t 
 
 Franciscus Fernandas et Johannes Gunsolus aliqnas terras- 
 firmas, insulas, patrias et provincias, oppida, castra, civitates 
 et villas per assistentiam nostram sic invenerint, obtinuerint, 
 et subjugaverint tunc volumus et per Praesentes concedimus 
 eisdem, liaeredibus et assignatis suis, quod ipsi et haeredes sui 
 habeant, teneant et possideant sibi, liaeredibus et assignatis 
 suis omnia et singula talia et tanta, terras-firmas, insulas, 
 patrias, provincias, castra, oppida, fortallicia, civitates et 
 villas qualia et quanta ipsi et homines tenentes et servientes 
 sui possunt inhabitare, custodire, sustinere et manutenere: 
 Habenda et Tenenda easdem terras, insulas et loca praedicta 
 sibi, liaeredibus et assignatis suis et cujuslibet eorum de nobis 
 et haeredibus nostris imperpetuum per fidelitatem tantum 
 absque aliquo compoto seu aliquo alio nobis aut haeredibus 
 nostris proinde reddendo seu faciendo, Dignitate, Dominio, 
 Regalitate, Jurisdictione, et Pre-eminentia in eisdem nobis 
 semper salvis et omnino reservatis. 
 
 Et ultius concessimus praefatis Ricardo, Thomse, Johanni, 
 Johanni, Francisco, Johanni quod ipsi, hseredes et assignati sui 
 prsedicti dictas terras-firmas, insulas et provincias ipsis et hae- 
 redibus suis praedictis ut praemittitur sic concessas, postquam 
 inventae et recuperatae sint, ac cum in plena possessione earun- 
 dem fuerint teneant, possideant et gaudeant liberb, quiete, et 
 pacifice absque impedimento aliquali nostri aut haeredum nos- 
 trorum quarumcunque. Et quod nullus ex subditis nostris 
 eos eorum aliquem de et super possessione et titulo suis de et 
 in dictis terris-firmis, insulis et provinces se aliqualiter contra 
 voluntatem suam expellat quovis modo seu aliquis eoctraneus 
 aut aliqui extranet virtute aut colore alicujus concessionis nostrce 
 sibi Magno Sigillo Nostro per antea factce aut imposterum 
 
lxxxii 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 faciendce cum aliquibus aliis locis et insulis . et con - 
 
 tiguis ac membris et parcellis prcefatis insulis, t err is -fir mis 
 
 provinciis et locis . absque licentia . 
 
 subditorum nostrorum et aliorum prvenominatorum aliquo modo 
 intromittat nec intromittant. [Through the words in italics 
 the pen is drawn in the original, and a space then occurs, 
 from which the writing has been carefully and completely 
 erased."] 
 
 Promittentes bona-fide et in verho regio Nos ratum gratum 
 et firmum habituros totum et quicquid praefati RAcardus, 
 Thomas, Johannes, Johannes, Franciscus et Johannes et 
 eorum quilibet pro praemissorum complemento fecerint 
 fierique procuraverint in hac parte. Et quod Nos aut haeredes 
 nostri nullo unquam tempore in futuro ipsos aut eorum 
 aliquem haeredes et assignatos suos in jure, titulo et posses¬ 
 sion suis inquietabimus, impediemus aut molestium eis 
 faciemus nec per alios nostros subditos aut alios quoscunque 
 quantum in nobis fuerit fieri sen procurari permittemus seu 
 procurabimus, nec ipsos haeredes et assignatos suos pro 
 aliqua causa imposterum emergente seu contingente ab 
 eisdem terris-firmis, provinciis et locis nullo modo amovebi- 
 mus aut amoveri seu expelli per subditos nostros procurabimus. 
 Et ultius ex uberiori gratia nostra et mero motu nostro con- 
 cessimus et per Praesentes concedimus pro nobis et haere- 
 dibus quantum in nobis est Johanni Eernandus, Francisco 
 Fernandus et Johanni Gunsolus, Armigeris de Insulis de 
 Surrys subditos Regis Portugaliae oriundis et eorum cuilibet 
 quod ipsi et eorum quilibet ac omnes liberi sui tarn procreati 
 quam procreandi in perpetuum sint indigeni et ligei nostri et 
 haeredum nostrorum et in omnibus causis, querelis, rebus et 
 materiis quibuscumque habeantur, pertractarentur,teneantur, 
 reputentur et gubernentur tanquam veri et fideles ligei 
 Nostri infra regnum nostrum Angliae oriundi et non aliter 
 nec alio modo. Et quod ipsi et omnes liberi sui praedicti 
 omnimodo actiones reales, personales et mixtas in omnibus 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 lxxxiii 
 
 curiis, locis ct jurisdictionibus nostris quibuscunque habere, 
 exercere, eisque uti et gaudere ac eas in eisdem placitare et 
 implacitari, respondere et responded, defendere ac defendi 
 possint et eorum quilibet possit in omnibus sicnti veri et 
 fideles ligei nostri infra rcgnum nostrum prse dictum oriundi. 
 Et quod ipsi et eorum quilibet terras, tenementa, reditus, 
 reversiones, servitia et alias possessiones quascunque tarn in 
 dominio quam in reversione infra dictum regnum nostrum 
 Anglise ac alia dominia et loca sub obedientia nostra per- 
 quirere, capere, recipere, habere, tenere, possidere et hsere- 
 ditare sibi, hseredibus et assignatis suis imperpetuum vel alio 
 modo quocunque, ac ea dare, vendere, alienare et legare 
 cuicunque personse sive quibuscunque personis sibi placuerit 
 libere, quiete, licite et impune possint et quilibet eorum possit 
 ad libitum suum adeo libere, integre et pacifice sicut possit et 
 valeat aliquis ligeorum nostrorum infra regnum nostrum 
 Anglise oriundus. Ita tamen quod prsedicti Johannes Fer- 
 nandus, Franciscus et Johannes Gunsolus et omnes liberi sui 
 prsedicti solvant aut solvi faciant et eorum quilibet solvat seu 
 solvi faciat talia custumas, subsidia et alia demandia pro 
 bonis, mercibus, mercandisis et mercimoniis suis in Regnum 
 nostrum Anglise adducendis vel extra idem Regnum educen- 
 dis qualia alienigeni nobis solvant aut solvere deberent vel 
 consueverunt. Et quod idem Johannes Fernandus, Franciscus 
 et Johannes Gunsolus et omnes liberi sui prsedicti de csetero 
 in futuro colore seu vigore alicujus statuti, ordinacionis sive 
 concessionis in Parliamento nostro aut extra Parliamentum 
 nostrum facti vel fiendi non arcteantur seu compellantur nec 
 eorum aliquis arcteanetur, teneatur, seu compellatur ad sol- 
 vendum, dandum vel supportandum nobis vel alicui hseredum 
 nostrorum seu cuicunque alteri aliqua taxas, tallagia seu 
 alia onera qusecunque pro terris, tenementis, bonis vel per¬ 
 sonis suis prseterquam talia et tanta qualia et quanta alii 
 fideles ligei nostri infra dictum regnum nostrum oriundi 
 pro bonis, terris tenementis seu personis suis solvunt, dant, 
 
Ixxxiv 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 faciunt vel supportant ant solvere, dare, facere vel supportare 
 consueverunt et teneantur, seel quod praedicti Johannes Fer- 
 nandus, Franciscus et Johannes Gunsolus et omnes liberi 
 sui praedicti habere et possidere valeant et possint et eorum 
 quilihet valeat et possit omnia et omnimodo alia libertates, 
 privilegia, franchesias et custumas ac eis uti et gaudere pos¬ 
 sint et eorum quilibet possit infra dictum regnum nostrum 
 Angliae, jurisdictiones et dominia nostra quaecunque adeo 
 plene, libere, quiete, integre et pacifice sicut caeteri ligei 
 nostri infra idem regnum nostrum oriundi habent, utunt et 
 gaudent aut habere, possidere, uti et gaudere debeant et 
 valeant aliquo statuto, acto, ordinacione vel aliqua alia causa, 
 re, vel materia quacunque nonobstante. 
 
 Proviso semper quod praefati Johannes Fernandus, Fran¬ 
 ciscus et Johannes Gunsolus homagium ligeum Nobis faciant 
 et eorum quilibet faciat ac lotto et scotto et aliis oneribus 
 in regno nostro prsedicto debitis et consuetis contribuant et 
 eorum quilibet contribuat sicut alii ligei nostri infra dictum 
 regnum nostrum oriundi faciunt. 
 
 Proviso etiam quod iidem Jobannes Fernandus, Franciscus 
 et Johannes Gunsolus solvant et eorum quilibet solvat nobis 
 et haeredibus nostris tot et tanta custumas subsidia et alia 
 deveria pro bonis et mercandisis suis prout alienigeni nobis 
 solvere et reddere teneantur. 
 
 Et ulterius ex uberiori gratia nostra concessimus praefatis 
 Ricardo, Thomae, Johanni, Jobanni, Francisco, et Johanni 
 quod ipsi habeant Praesentes Literas Nostras in Cancellaria 
 nostra absque aliquo fine seu feodo aut aliquibus finibus seu 
 feodis pro eisdem Literis nostris aut aliqua parte eorundem 
 aut pro Magno Sigillo nostro ad opus nostrum in Hanna- 
 perio dictae Cancellariae nostrae aliqualiter solvendis. 
 
 Et volumus et concedimus per Praesentes quod Reveren- 
 dissimus in Christo Pater Henricus Episcopus Salisb. Custos 
 Magni Sigilli nostri auctoritate praesentis Concessionis nostrae 
 fieri faciat et sigillari tot et talia B re via sub Magno Sigillo 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 lxxxv 
 
 nostro sigillando custodi sive clerico Hanaperii nostri diri- 
 genda pro exoncratione dictorum finiiim et feodorum quot 
 ct qualia in liac parte necessaria fuerint et requisita, absque 
 aliquo alio Warranto aut prosecutione penes Nos in liac 
 parte faciendis. 
 
 In cujus, etc. 
 
 In the following year, viz., on the 9th of December 
 1502, Henry VII granted by his letters patent to 
 Hugh Elyot, Thomas Ashehurst, John Gunsolus, and 
 Francis Fernandus, and their heirs—“ Auctoritatem, 
 facultatem et potestatem navigandi et se transferendi 
 ad omnes partes et fines maris orientalis, occidentalis, 
 australis, borealis et septentrionalis sub banneris et 
 insigniis nostris ... ad inveniendum, recuperandum, 
 discooperiendum et investigandum insulas, patrias, 
 regiones sive provincias quascunque gentilium et infi- 
 delium in quacunque mundi parte positas.” It was 
 enjoined that no one should be at liberty to visit the 
 places discovered by the patentees for the purposes of 
 trade for the period of forty years after such disco¬ 
 very, without the licence of the patentees. 
 
 Philip and Mary, by their charter dated the 6th of 
 February, in the first and second years of their reign 
 (1555), 1 incorporated William Marquis of Winchester, 
 Henry Earl of Arundel, and others, by the name of 
 Merchant adventurers of England for the discovery 
 of lands, territories, isles, dominions and seignories 
 unknown; and appointed Sebastian Cabot to be the 
 first Governor of the Company. This Corporation 
 was commonly called the Muscovy Company, and 
 
 1554 old style. 
 
 i 
 
lxxxvi 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 enjoyed under their charter most extensive privileges 
 for exclusive traffic in northern parts. In the year 
 1566, Queen Elizabeth, in consequence of various 
 traders having encroached upon the monopoly of the 
 Muscovy Company, granted them a fresh charter of 
 incorporation, by the name of the Fellowship of Eng¬ 
 lish Merchants for discovery of new trades. 
 
 Queen Elizabeth, by her letters patent, dated June 
 11th, in the twentieth year of her reign (1578), 
 granted unto Sir Humphrey Gilbert, of Compton, in 
 the county of Devon, and to his heirs and assigns for 
 ever, free liberty and licence from time to time, and 
 at all times for ever, to discover, find, search out, 
 and view, such remote, heathen, and barbarous lands, 
 countries, and territories, not actually possessed of 
 any Christian prince or people, as to him, his heirs, 
 and assigns, and to every or any of them, shall seem 
 good, and the same to have, hold, occupy, and enjoy, 
 to him, his heirs, and assigns, for ever. 
 
 By letters patent, dated the 6th of February, in 
 the twenty-sixth year of her reign (1584), Elizabeth 
 granted to Adrian Gilbert, of Sandridge, in the county 
 of Devon, and to any other person, by him or his heirs 
 to be assigned, and to those his associates and assist¬ 
 ants whose names are written in a schedule thereunto 
 annexed and to their heirs and to one assignee of each 
 of them, and each of their heirs, free liberty, power, 
 and full authority to depart out of the realm into all 
 or any isles, countries, regions, provinces, and all 
 manner of other places whatsoever, that by the north¬ 
 westward, north-eastward, or northward, should be by 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 lxxxvii 
 
 him, his associates or assigns, discovered. The patent 
 then grants the exclusive trade to all such places as 
 aforesaid, and confers upon the said Adrian Gilbert 
 and his associates the name of the “ Colleagues of 
 
 O 
 
 the fellowship for the discovery of the northwest 
 passage”. 
 
 By letters patent, dated 25th March, in the twenty- 
 sixth year of her reign (1584), Elizabeth granted 
 unto Sir Walter Raleigh, his heirs and assigns for 
 ever, free liberty and licence from time to time, and 
 at all times for ever, to discover, search, find out, and 
 view, such remote, heathen, and barbarous lands, 
 countries, and territories, not actually possessed of 
 any Christian prince, nor inhabited by Christian 
 people, as to him, his heirs, and assigns, should seem 
 good, and to hold the same to him, his heirs, and 
 assigns, for ever. 
 
 The two pieces next in order, are u The declaration 
 of the Indies ... by Master Robert Thorne, merchant 
 of London ’, the object of which is to induce Henry 
 VIII to promote voyages of discovery for a passage 
 to the East Indies, by the north, north-east, or north¬ 
 west ; and u The Booke made by Master Robert 
 Thorne ... being an information of the parts of the 
 world discovered by [the emperor] and the king of 
 Portin gale Van d also of the way to the Moluccaes by 
 the north.” 
 
 The subjects treated of in this latter piece are very 
 various and of much interest, but they are not of a 
 nature to call for remark here. The map which 
 accompanies it is not mentioned by Hakluyt in his 
 
lxxxviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Epistle Declicatorie; it is, however, not only curious 
 in itself, but derives an additional interest from the 
 explanation of it given by Thorne. 
 
 The “ Relation of John Verarzanus” comprises an 
 account of his voyage along the coast of North 
 America, from Florida as high as Cape Breton. The 
 expedition consisted originally of four ships, fitted 
 out by Francis I, and which sailed under the com¬ 
 mand of Yerazzani in the year 1523. Their first 
 operations were directed against the Spaniards, and 
 for this purpose they cruised for some time off the 
 coast of Spain. Three of the vessels were greatly 
 damaged in a storm, and Yerazzani, after refitting, 
 proceeded alone on his voyage of discovery,—the 
 details of which are comprised in this relation. 
 
 This is the earliest voyage embracing a description 
 of the eastern coast of North America, of which any 
 particulars are found recorded. Yerazzani, however, 
 was not the first by whom at least a great part of 
 this coast had been visited. Peter Martyr (Dec. hi, 
 cap. vi) informs us that “ These Northe seas have 
 byn searched by one Sebastian Cabot.... He furnished 
 two shippes in England at his owne charges: and 
 fyrst with three hundreth men directed his course so 
 farre toward the Northe pole, that even in the mooneth 
 of July he founde monstrous heapes of Ise swimming 
 on the sea, and in maner continual day lyght. ... Thus 
 seyng suche heapes of Ise before hym, he was enforced 
 to tourne his sayles and folowe the Weste, so coast- 
 ynge styll by the shore, that he was thereby broughte 
 so farre into the southe by reason of the lande bend- 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 lxxxix 
 
 ynge so muche southward, that it was there almoste 
 equall in latitude with the Sea cauled Fretum Hercu- 
 leum, havynge the north pole elevate in maner in the 
 same degree. He sayled likewise in this tracte so farre 
 towarde the weste, that he had the islande of Cuba [on] 
 his lefte hande in maner in the same degree of longi- 
 tude.” 1 The statement by Gomara on the same 
 subject is to the same purpose. He says:—“He 
 armed two ships in England at the expense of 
 King Henry VII, who was desirous of trading in the 
 spicery as did the King of Portugal. Some say that 
 he bore the cost himself, and that he promised King 
 Henry to go by the north to Catayo, and to bring 
 thence spices in less time than the Portuguese could 
 accomplish it by the south. He also went for the 
 purpose of ascertaining what kind of country the 
 Indies would be to colonise. He took with him three 
 hundred men, and directed his course for Cape La¬ 
 brador, as high as fifty-eight degrees. ... Then Cabot 
 yielding to the cold and the strangeness of the land, 
 turned towards the west, and refitting at the Bac- 
 calaos, he ran along the coast as far as thirty-eight 
 degrees, and thence returned into England.” 2 
 
 This was most probably the second voyage,—that 
 made in 1598, after the granting of the second patent 
 to John Cabot. 
 
 The map which accompanies this relation is twice 
 referred to by Hakluyt in his Epistle Dedicatorie. 
 
 1 Eden’s Translation, 1555, 4to., fol. 118. 
 
 2 Lopez de Gomara. La Historia general de las Lidias , cap. 
 89, fol. 31. Anvers, 1554, 12mo. 
 
 n 
 
xc 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Speaking of the practicability of the north-west pas¬ 
 sage (p. 11), he says : “ Secondly, that Master John 
 Verarzanus, which had been thrise on that coast, in 
 an olde excellent mappe which he gave to King Ilenrie 
 the Eight, and is yet in the custodie of Master Locke, 
 doth so lay it out as it is to bee seene in the mappe 
 annexed to the end of this boke, beeing made accord¬ 
 ing to Yerarzanus plat.” And again (at p. 17) : “ The 
 mappe is Master Michael Locke’s, a man for his know¬ 
 ledge in divers languages, and especially in cosmo- 
 graphie, able to doe his countrey good, and worthie, in 
 my judgment, for the manifolde good partes of him, of 
 good reputation and better fortune.” 
 
 The name of Michael Lock must always occupy a 
 place in the history of maritime discovery. But little 
 has appeared in print respecting him beyond the fact 
 that he was consul at Aleppo for the Company of 
 Merchants of Turkey. In the Cotton MSS. in the 
 British Museum (Otho, e. viii.) are various papers 
 relating to his affairs with the Turkey Company, 
 among which (fol. 41) is the following piece of auto¬ 
 biography. “ My late father, S r William Lok, knight, 
 alderman of London, kept me at scholes of grammer in 
 England till I was xiij yeres olde, which was A°. Dni. 
 1545, and he being sworn servant to King Henry the 
 viii th his mercer and also his agent beyond the seas 
 [in] dyvers affayres, he then sent me over seas to 
 Elanders and France to learn those languages and to 
 know the world. Synce which tyme I have contynued 
 these xxxij yeres in travaile of body and study of 
 mynde, following my vocation in the trade of mer- 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XCI 
 
 chandise, whereof I have spent the first xv yeres in 
 contynuall travaile of body, passing through allmost 
 all the cuntrees of Christianity. Namely out of Eng¬ 
 land into Scotland, Ireland, Flanders, Germany, 
 France, Spayne, Italy, and Greece, both by land and 
 by sea, not without great labo' s , cares, dangers and 
 expenses of mony incident: having had the charge (as 
 capitayn) of a great ship of burden 1000 tuns, by the 
 space of more then iij yeres in dyvers voyages in the 
 Levant seas, wherwithall I returned into England. In 
 which travailes, besides the knowledge of all those 
 famous common languages of those cuntries, I sought 
 allso for the knowledge of the state of all their common 
 wealths, chiefly in all matters apperteining to the 
 traffique of merchants. And the rest of my tyrne I 
 have spent in England under the happy raigne of the 
 Queenes Ma lie now being,” etc. The remainder is in¬ 
 jured by fire. 
 
 It appears from the same manuscript that he was a 
 great promoter of the voyages of Martin Frobisher to 
 discover a north-west passage to Cathay, acting as 
 treasurer for the first three expeditions, and in two 
 instances at least being left to make up a very con¬ 
 siderable sum out of his own funds. This must have 
 taken place some time before his engagement as consul 
 or agent at Aleppo for the Turkey Company. 1 
 
 Hakluyt speaks of three voyages made by Veraz- 
 zani. 2 At present nothing is known of any other 
 
 1 For further particulars respecting Lock, see Additional MSS. 
 in the British Museum, Nos. 12497, 12503, 12504, and the Life 
 of Sir Julius Ccescir (who was his stepson), 1810, 4to. pp. 8, 9. 
 
 2 See post p. 11. 
 
XC11 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 voyage than that the particulars of which are given in 
 the following collection. Tiraboschi, vol. vii, p. 383, 
 edit. 1827, mentions a manuscript account of a voyage 
 by Verazzani in the following words : u JNella libreria 
 Strozziana in Firenze oltre la relazion sopraccenata 
 conservasi manoscritta una narrazione cosmografica 
 assai bene distesa di tutti i paesi ch’egli avea in quel 
 viaggio osservati, e da essa raccogliesi ch’egli ancora 
 evea formato il disegno di tentar per que’ mari il 
 passaggio all’ Indie orientali.” A copy of this manu¬ 
 script is now on its way to England, but we are in¬ 
 formed that the particulars it contains are substantially 
 the same as those of which we are already in posses¬ 
 sion. Annibale Caro, in one of his letters {Lettere 
 Familiari^ p. 7, edit. 1610) speaks of a brother of 
 Verazzani as a discoverer of new lands. There may 
 probably be a confusion between the two, but this 
 point, as well as those of the connection, if any, of 
 Giovanni with Henry VIII, 1 and the time and manner 
 of his death, appear to be involved in the utmost ob¬ 
 scurity. 2 
 
 u The discoverie of the Isles of Frisland, Iseland, 
 Engroveland, etc.,” which follows next in the collec¬ 
 tion, has been passed over without any editorial anno¬ 
 tation, a careful perusal of the account having led us 
 to the perfect conviction that the story as a whole is 
 a fabrication. Some of the materials of which it is 
 composed may be true, but the true is so blended with 
 the palpably false as to be no longer separable from it 
 otherwise than by the application of a process of ana- 
 
 See post p, 11. 2 See post p. 93. 
 
 j 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XC111 
 
 lyzation far too tedious for the present work. Pal¬ 
 pably incredible, however, as this relation is, the 
 genuineness of its details have been contended for by 
 more than one modern writer of intelligence; and an 
 amount of labour has been spent upon the investigation 
 which could only be justified by the degree of credit 
 the account enjoyed during a period of nearly two 
 hundred years, and the influence this ill-placed faith 
 exercised on the early progress of geographical know¬ 
 ledge. Although, as we have said above, the scope of 
 the present work will not allow of a complete exami¬ 
 nation and exposure of all the points of this imposture, 
 neither should we have thought it advisable to rest 
 upon the bare denunciation of falsehood against it, 
 had the subject not been treated so clearly and in so 
 satisfactory a manner by Captain C. C. Zahrtmann, 
 in the fifth volume of the Journal of the Royal Geo¬ 
 graphical Society of London, p. 102. In this most 
 excellent paper the author contends: 
 
 First.—That there never existed an island of 
 Frisland; but that what has been represented by 
 that name in the chart of the Zeni is the Ferbe 
 Islands. 
 
 Second.—That the said chart has been compiled 
 from hearsay information, and not by any seaman 
 who had himself navigated in those seas for several 
 years. 
 
 Third.—That the “ History of the voyages of 
 the Zeni”—more particularly that part of it which 
 relates to Nicolo—is so replete with fiction, that it 
 
XC1V 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 cannot be looked to for any information whatever 
 as to the state of the North at that time. 
 
 Fourth.—That both the history and the chart 
 were most probably compiled by Nicolo, a de¬ 
 scendant of the Zeni, from accounts which came to 
 Italy in the middle of the sixteenth century, being 
 the epoch when information respecting Greenland 
 first reached that country, and when interest was 
 awakened for the colony which had disappeared. 
 
 It is not our purpose to follow Captain Zahrtmann 
 through his chain of proofs in support of these several 
 positions. His arguments appear to us most conclu¬ 
 sive ; and they are easily acc essible to allwho take 
 sufficient interest in the subject to desire to follow out 
 the investigation. 
 
 At the period when Ribault wrote his account of 
 “ the true and last discoverie of Florida,” and for a 
 very long time afterwards, the name of Florida was 
 applied to that vast tract of country extending from 
 Canada to the Rio del Norte. The present boundaries 
 of the state were not definitively fixed until the year 
 1795, when they were settled by treaty with Spain. 
 
 Ribault, in the early part of his narrative, says 
 that “ many from time to time have gone about to 
 finde out this great lande, and to inhabite there, who 
 neverthelesse have alwaies failed, and beene put by 
 from their intention and purpose; some by fear of 
 shipwrackes, and some by great windes and tempestes, 
 that drove them backe to their marveilous griefe.” 
 That this assertion was substantially true, not only 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XCV 
 
 of the district then known as Florida, but also of the 
 entire country from Mexico northwards, will appear 
 from the following facts. Of the voyage of Sebastian 
 Cabot in 1498, but slight particulars have come down 
 to us: supposing, however, that he left some of his 
 three hundred men as colonists on any part of the 
 American coast, it is certain that the settlement never 
 took root. The voyage of Verazzani produced no 
 result. Jacques Cartier in the years 1534 and 1535 
 visited the higher parts of North America. In the 
 first voyage he discovered the gulph of St. Lawrence, 
 and in the second the river of that name, up which he 
 sailed three hundred leagues, and took possession of 
 the country (which he called New France,) in the 
 name of his sovereign Charles IX. In both voyages 
 he wintered in the country, returning home in the 
 spring, but made no settlement. In the year 1540 he 
 was dispatched thither again by Francis I, with five 
 ships, for the purpose of extending his discoveries in 
 Canada and Hochelaga, to which latter district he gave 
 the name of Montreal. It was now determined that 
 the work of colonization should be vigorously prose¬ 
 cuted, and that Cartier should be followed as speedily 
 as possible by Francois de la Roche, Sieur de Roberval, 
 as governor of Canada, with emigrants, and all 
 necessary stores. Cartier arrived in Canada in August 
 1540, and waited until 1542 for Roberval (who had 
 been detained in France by various obstacles), when 
 finding himself reduced to great extremities, he re¬ 
 turned to France. Roberval arrived in Canada this 
 same year and planted his colony, shortly after which 
 
XCV1 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 he also returned to France, and the colony was totally 
 neglected. In 1549 Roberval again embarked for the 
 St. Lawrence, accompanied by his brother and many 
 emigrants, but they were never heard of afterwards. 
 Another attempt at colonization on the American 
 coast was made in the year 1555, under the auspices 
 of the Admiral Coligny, who was actuated by the 
 double object of promoting the welfare of his native 
 country, and of providing for the Protestants of 
 France a refuge from religious persecution, of which 
 he foresaw they would ere long stand in great need. 
 The Chevalier de Yillagagnon, who had embraced the 
 tenets of the Reformed Church, was chosen to com¬ 
 mand the expedition, which consisted of two ships. 
 In this instance Yillagagnon selected South America, 
 and landing at the river Janeiro, constructed a fort, 
 to which he gave the name of his patron Coligny. 
 This fort was soon washed away by the sea. Three 
 ships arrived at the settlement in the year 1557, car¬ 
 rying colonists, and also fourteen missionaries sent 
 out by the Church of Geneva; but Villagagnon had 
 in the mean time abandoned the Protestant religion, 
 and returned to his old faith. The settlers, treated 
 by him with harshness, became discouraged, and the 
 greater number returned home in the following year. 
 Many of those who remained were murdered by the 
 Portuguese, who compelled the few survivors to quit 
 the colony in the year 1560. This attempt having 
 proved abortive, Coligny, anxious to carry out his 
 project of colonization, selected Jean Ribault as the 
 captain of an expedition to the coast of North America. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XCV11 
 
 A man more fit for his purpose could not have been 
 chosen. The account of this voyage which Hakluyt 
 has printed, is of the most interesting character; but 
 it breaks off with the departure of Ribault from the 
 shores of Florida on his return to France, leaving his 
 readers in ignorance of the fate of the small band of 
 brave men he left behind him. Fortunately we 
 possess an account of this same voyage, and of 
 two which succeeded it, edited and published by 
 Basanier at the instigation and expense of Hakluyt in 
 the year 1586, and translated and published by 
 Hakluyt himself in the following year. 1 From this 
 work we learn 2 that when Ribault had explored the 
 coast and neighbouring country, as described in his 
 own Account, and while at Port Royal, he called his 
 men together, and addressed them in the following 
 terms: “ I thinke there is none of you that is ignoraunt 
 of howe greate consequence this our enterprise is, and 
 also howe acceptable it is to our young king; there¬ 
 fore, my friends, as one desiring your honour and 
 benefite, I woulde not fayle to advertise you all of the 
 exceeding greate good happe which shoulde fall to them, 
 which as men of valure and worthy courage, would 
 make triall in this our first discoverie of the benefites 
 and commodities of this newe lande: which should be, 
 as I assure myselfe, the greatest occasion that ever 
 could happen unto them to arrise unto the title and 
 degree of honour. And for this cause I was desirous 
 to propose unto you, and set downe before yeour eies, 
 
 1 See ante p. xix. 
 
 2 We quote from Hakluyt’s translation. 
 
 O 
 
xcvm 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 the eternall memorie which of right they deserve, 
 which forgetting both their parents and their countrey, 
 have had the courage to enterprise a thing of such 
 importance, which even kinges themselves understand¬ 
 ing to be men aspiring to so high degree of magnani- 
 mitie, and increase of their majesties, doe not disdaine 
 so wel to regarde, that afterwardes, employing them 
 in matters of weight and of high enterprise, they make 
 their names immortal for ever. How beit I woulde 
 not have you persuade yourselves, as manie do, that 
 you shall never have such good fortune, as not being 
 knowen neither to the king nor the princes of the 
 realme, and besides descending of so poore a stock that 
 few or none of your parents having ever made pro¬ 
 fession of armes have beene knowen unto the great 
 estates. For albeit that from my tender yeeres I my 
 self have applied al my industry to follow them, and 
 have hazarded my life in so many dangers for the 
 service of my prince, yet could I never attaine ther- 
 unto (not that I did not deserve this title and degree 
 of government) as I have seen it happen to many others, 
 only bicause they descended of a noble race, since 
 more regard is had of their birth than of their vertue. 
 For well I knowe that if vertue were regarded, there 
 would more be found better to deserve the title, and 
 by good right to be named noble and valiant. I will 
 therfore make sufficient answeare to such proposi¬ 
 tions and suche thinges as you maye object against 
 mee, laying before you the infinite examples which 
 we have of the Eomaines : which, concerning the 
 
 7 o 
 
 point of honour, were the first that triumphed over 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XC1X 
 
 the world. For how many find we among them 
 which for their so valiant enterprises, not for the 
 greatnesse of their parentage, have obtayned the 
 honour to triumph. If we have recourse unto their 
 ancestors, wee shall finde that their parentes were of so 
 meane condition, that by labouring with their handes 
 they lived verie basely. As the father of iElius Pertinax, 
 which was a poor artisant; his grandfather likewise 
 was a bondman, as the historiographers do witnesse : 
 and neverthelesse, being moved with a valiant courage 
 he was nothing dismayed for al this, but rather de¬ 
 sirous to aspire unto high things, he began with a 
 brave stomache to learne feates of armes, and profited 
 so well therein, that from steppe to step he became at 
 length to be emperour of the Romanies. For all this 
 dignitie he despised not his parentes; but contrariwise, 
 and in remembrance of them hee caused his father’s 
 shoppe to be covered with a fine wrought marble, to 
 serve for an example to men descended of base and 
 poore linages, and give them occasion to aspire unto 
 high things notwithstanding the meanness of their 
 ancestors. I will not passe over in silence the ex¬ 
 cellence of prowes of the valiant and renowned 
 Agathocles, the sonne of a simple potter; and yet, 
 forgeting the contemptible estate of his father, he so 
 applied himself to vertue in his tender yeeres, that by 
 the favour of armes he came to be king of Sicilia; and 
 for all this title he refused not to be counted the sonne 
 of a potter. But the more to eternise the memorie 
 of his parents and to make his name renowned, he 
 commanded that he should be served at the table 
 
c 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 with vessels of gold and silver and others of earth; 
 declaring thereby that the dignitie where in he was 
 placed came not unto him by his parents, but by his 
 owne vertue onely. If I shall speak of our time, I 
 will lay before you onely Rusten Bassha, which may 
 be a sufficient example to all men ; which, though he 
 were the sonne of a poor heardman, did so apply his 
 youth to all vertue, that being brought up in the 
 service of the great Turke he seemed so to aspire to 
 great and high matters in such sorte, that growing in 
 yeeres he increased also in courage, so farre foorth 
 that in fine for his excellent vertues he married the 
 daughter of the great Turke his prince. How much 
 then ought so many worthy examples to move you to 
 plant here ? Considering also that hereby you shalbe 
 registered for ever as the first that inhabited this 
 strange countrey. I pray you therefore all to advise 
 your selves therof and to declare your minds freely 
 unto me, protesting that I will so well imprint your 
 names in the king’s eares, and the other princes, that 
 your renowme shall hereafter shyne unquenchable 
 through our realme of Fraunce.” 
 
 This speech excited the greatest enthusiasm among 
 his men, and the volunteers to remain were so numer¬ 
 ous that the only difficulty was whom to select. 
 Twenty-eight men were ultimately chosen, at the 
 head of whom he placed Albert de la Pierria, “ a 
 souldier of long experience, and the first that from 
 the beginning did offer to tarry”. His next care was 
 to find a fit place for the settlement, and after some 
 search he fixed upon a spot generally supposed to be 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Cl 
 
 the site of the present town of Beaufort. Here he 
 erected a fort, to which he gave the name of Charles- 
 fort, after the reigrning sovereign of France ; and 
 having supplied it abundantly with stores of all kinds, 
 resigned it to the settlers with the following observa¬ 
 tions : “ Captayue Albert, I have to request you, in the 
 presence of all men, that you would quite yourselfe so 
 wisely in your charge, and governe so modestly your 
 small company which I leave you, which with so 
 good cheere remayneth under your obedience, that I 
 never have occasion but to commend you, and to re¬ 
 count unto the king, as I am desirous, the faithful 
 service which before us all you undertake to doe him 
 in his New France : And you, companions, quoth 
 he to the souldiers, I beseech you also to esteeme of 
 Captayne Albert as if it were myselfe that stayed 
 here with you; yeelding him that obedience which a 
 souldier oweth unto his generall and captayne, living 
 as brethren one with another without all dissension, 
 and in so doing God will assist you and bless your 
 enterprises.” After this admirable exhortation Ri- 
 bault and his company took leave of the settlers and 
 returned into France. 
 
 Albert and his companions now set themselves dili¬ 
 gently to work to fortify their position. This neces¬ 
 sary work accomplished, they spent their time in 
 exploring the country and forming friendships with 
 the Indians. All this was wisely and prudently done: 
 but unfortunately they neglected one most important 
 duty; they made no provision for their future sus¬ 
 tenance. As a natural consequence, when the stores 
 
cn 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 left them by Ribault were exhausted, they were forced 
 to apply for assistance to the natives. This appeal 
 was responded to readily and with great liberality, 
 and they had just begun to feel themselves at ease as 
 regarded the means of existence, when their fort acci¬ 
 dentally caught fire and was burnt to the ground. 
 Again the Indians came forward, and lent their aid 
 with such hearty good will that in twelve hours their 
 fort was rebuilt. Want of provisions was for some 
 time their principal ground of complaint, but at length 
 dissensions arose among them, the administration of 
 the affairs of the colony by Albert became unpopular, 
 and the hostile feeling arose at last to so great a height 
 that he was put to death, and a man named Barre 
 chosen as captain in his place. The account of this 
 tragedy, as given by Laudonniere, is as follows:— 
 “ But misfortune, or rather the just judgment of 
 God, would have it that those which coulde not be 
 overcome by fire nor water, shoulde be undone by 
 their owne selves. This is the common fashion of 
 men, which cannot continue in one estate, and had 
 rather to overthrowe themselves than not to attempt 
 some new thing daily. We have infinite examples in 
 the auncient histories, especially of the Romanes, 
 unto which number this little handful of men, being 
 far from their countrey and absent from their countrie- 
 men, have also added this present example. They 
 entred therfore into partialities and dissentions which 
 began about a souldier named Guernache, which was 
 a drummer of the French bands ; which, as it was 
 told me, was very cruelly hanged by his owne captaine 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 cm 
 
 and for a small fault; which captaine also using 
 to threaten the rest of his souldiers which staied be¬ 
 hind under his obedience, and peradventure, as it is to 
 be presumed, were not so obedient unto him as they 
 should have bin, was the cause that they fell into a 
 mutiny, because that many times hee put his threat- 
 nings in execution; whereupon they so chased him 
 
 that at the last they put him to death.They 
 
 assembled themselves together to choose one to be 
 governour over them, whose name was Nicholas 
 Barre, a man worthy of commendation, and one which 
 knew so well to quite himself of his charge, that all 
 rancour and dissention ceased among them and they 
 lived peaceably one with another.” 
 
 This account was derived by Laudonniere from the 
 mutineers themselves, whose interest it was to throw 
 all the blame upon the murdered man. But 
 Williams, in his Territory of Florida (New York, 
 1837, 8vo.) presents us with a somewhat different 
 version of the story. He says (p. 170) : “ Albert 
 visited the Indian princes in his neighbourhood, cul¬ 
 tivating their friendship and paying every attention to 
 their wants, and such was his success that they readily 
 supplied his people with provisions, arid made them 
 many presents of pearls, crystals, silver, etc. The 
 colonists, however, were licentious, lazy and quarrel¬ 
 some, and to preserve peace between them and the 
 natives, he was obliged to exercise a very strict disci¬ 
 pline ; this they would not endure. Among the co¬ 
 lonists was one Lachan [query, La Chere], who was a 
 popular demagogue : he endeavoured to reduce some of 
 
CIV 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 the Indians to slavery, which Albert would not permit, 
 and compelled him to do justice to the natives. A mu¬ 
 tiny was the consequence, in which Albert lost his life. 
 The Indians then refused to supply them with provi¬ 
 sions, and none being likely to arrive from France, the 
 colonists resolved to leave the fort and return to their 
 country, etc.” 
 
 Whatever may have been the circumstances by 
 which Albert was led to adopt those measures of 
 severity which cost him his life, his murder doubtless 
 increased the difficulties of the settlers, and rendered 
 it necessary that they should devise means for quitting 
 Florida. With great labour, none of them being 
 acquainted with the art of ship building, they con¬ 
 structed a small pinnace; the natives supplied them 
 with cordage, and the sails they made out of their 
 shirts and the sheets of their beds. In this ill-con¬ 
 structed vessel they put to sea, scantily supplied with 
 provisions even for an uninterrupted voyage. Again 
 the consequences of their want of foresight fell heavily 
 upon them. When they had made about one-third of 
 their voyage, the wind, which had hitherto been fa¬ 
 vourable, fell, and they lay becalmed for three weeks, 
 making in all this time only about twenty-five leagues. 
 Their provisions were soon exhausted, and after expe¬ 
 riencing all the ordinary sufferings of famine, they 
 were forced to the crowning horror, that of sacrificing 
 one for the safety of the rest. A man named La 
 Chere voluntarily offered himself. Before it became 
 necessary to sacrifice a second victim, they were 
 picked up by an English vessel, who, after putting the 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 CV 
 
 most feeble on shore (we are not told on what land) 
 carried the rest to England, where they were pre¬ 
 sented to Queen Elizabeth. 
 
 The civil war which raged in France at the time 
 of Ribault’s return prevented the government from 
 giving any attention to the settlement in Florida; but 
 on the restoration of peace, Laudonniere was appointed 
 to command three ships fitted out for the purpose 
 of carrying succours to Albert and his companions. 
 They set sail on the 22nd of April 1564, and arrived 
 on the coast of Florida on the 22nd of June following. 
 On this occasion, finding the settlement at Charlesfort 
 abandoned, they selected a spot for their plantation 
 near the mouth of the river May (now called the St. 
 John), where they erected a fort, to which they gave the 
 name of Fort Caroline in honour of Charles IX 
 of France. They do not appear to have taken any 
 wiser measures for a permanent settlement than those 
 adopted by Albert, spending their time like him in 
 exploring the country, and also suffering like their 
 predecessors from want of provisions. After the 
 lapse of more than a year, during which time they 
 were often reduced to the brink of starvation, the men 
 became clamorous to return to France, but two of 
 their vessels having been carried away several months 
 previously by some of their mutinous companions, 
 they no longer possessed the means of transport. 
 
 On the 3rd of August, 1565, however, Sir John 
 Hawkins came upon the coast, and through his hu¬ 
 manity and kindness the suffering Frenchmen were 
 put in a condition to escape from this wretched con- 
 
 V 
 
CV1 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 dition. The following is the account given by Lau- 
 donniere of the generous conduct of the British com¬ 
 mander, who voluntarily offered them a free passage 
 to France, and ultimately, at the desire of Laudonniere, 
 sold them one of his ships. “ We therefore tooke a 
 viewe of the shippe which the generall would sell, 
 whom we drewe to such reason that he was content 
 to stand unto mine owne men’s judgment, who 
 esteemed it to be worth seven hundred crowns, wherof 
 we agreed very friendly. Wherfore I delivered him in 
 earnest of the summe two bastards, two mynions, one 
 thousand of iron and one thousand of powder. This 
 bargaine thus made he considered the necessity wherein 
 we were, having for all our sustenance but myl and 
 water: whereupon being moved with pitie, he offred 
 to relieve me with twenty barrels of meale, six pipes 
 of beanes, one hogshead of salt, and a hundred of waxe 
 to make candels. Moreover, forasmuch as he sawe my 
 souldyers goe barefoote, he offred me besides fifty 
 payres of shoes, which I accepted, and agreed of a 
 price with hym, and gave hym a by 11 of mine hand for 
 the same, for which untill this present I am indebted 
 to hym. He did more than this: for particularly he 
 bestowed uppon myselfe a great jare of oyle, a jare of 
 vynagre, a barill of olyves, and a great quantitye of 
 ryce, and a barill of white biscuit. Besides he gave 
 diverse presents to the principall officers of my com- 
 panye according to their qualities ; so that I may saye 
 that wee receaved as manye courtesies of the generall 
 as it was possible to receive of any man living.” 
 
 Having made all necessary preparations, they were 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 CV11 
 
 about to depart on the 28th of August, when several 
 vessels were discovered making for the shore. This 
 proved to be Eibault, who had returned to Florida 
 with seven ships, carrying emigrants and stores, and 
 with authority to supersede Laudonniere in the go¬ 
 vernment of the colony. About a week after his 
 arrival, six large Spanish ships appeared on the coast, 
 and anchored in the road, where four of the French 
 ships lay which were too large to enter the river. 
 The Frenchmen, distrusting the intentions of the 
 Spaniards, slipped their cables, and stood out to sea. 
 The Spaniards immediately gave chase, and fired upon 
 them, but finding the French too fast for them, they 
 returned to the coast, and entered a river about eight 
 leagues from the River May, named by Ribault, in 
 his first voyage, the Dolphins. The French vessels 
 soon afterwards returned to their former position off 
 the mouth of the River May. Ribault was at this 
 time on shore with Laudonniere, who was confined by 
 fever. When the arrival of the Spaniards was reported 
 to Ribault, he determined to attack them with the 
 three ships that were in the river, notwithstanding 
 the remonstrances of Laudonniere, whose objections he 
 silenced by producing a letter from the Admiral 
 Coligny, containing these words :— u While I was 
 sealing this letter, I received certain advice, that Don 
 Pedro Melendes is departing from Spain to go to the 
 coast of New France. See that you suffer him not to 
 encroach upon you, and that you do not encroach 
 upon him.” On the 10th of September Ribault 
 departed on this expedition, taking with him almost 
 
CV111 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 every man accustomed to bear arms, and thus depriv¬ 
 ing Laudonniere of all means of offering effective 
 resistance to the Spaniards should they attack him, 
 as he fully anticipated they would do. He endeavoured 
 as far as he was able to repair and strengthen the 
 fort, but a violent storm commenced immediately 
 after Ribault’s departure, and continued with such 
 severity, that the works were greatly impeded. The 
 same cause, however, which checked their defensive 
 operations, gave them a delusive sense of security, as 
 they imagined the Spaniards would never attempt an 
 attack during such tempestuous weather. In this, 
 however, they were fatally mistaken. On the 20th of 
 September, the Spaniards suddenly appeared, having 
 been guided overland by a deserter named Francois 
 Jean, and captured the fort after a very slight resist¬ 
 ance—the greater part of those who attempted to 
 defend it were slain, and Laudonniere himself escaped 
 with difficulty to the woods. The only chance of 
 safety consisted in reaching the French ships, which 
 lay at the mouth of the river. To accomplish this 
 he had to wade through the marshes, and passed the 
 night standing up to his neck in water, supported in 
 the arms of one of his soldiers: in the morning he 
 got safely on board, and succeeded in picking up 
 about eighteen or twenty others, the rest being all 
 butchered by the Spaniards. Dismal as was the fate 
 of Laudonniere and his company, that of Ribault was 
 yet more disastrous. The storm which we have 
 already mentioned as having arisen immediately after 
 his departure from the River May, wrecked all his 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 C1X 
 
 ships, and he and his men, to the number of about 
 six hundred, escaped with difficulty to shore in the 
 neighbourhood of the spot where the Spaniards had 
 encamped. It is said, that even under these unfa¬ 
 vourable circumstances, Ribault might have attacked 
 the enemy with a prospect of success, but his men 
 were discouraged. One party of two hundred gave 
 themselves up, and were forthwith led by tens behind 
 a sand-hill and butchered in cold blood. Three days 
 afterwards, Ribault and one hundred and fifty more 
 surrendered, and were in like manner murdered. Le- 
 scarbot, in his Histoire de la Nouvelle France , says, 
 that Ribault was flayed alive, and his skin sent into 
 Spain. Of the remainder, twenty escaped to the 
 woods, and were never heard of afterwards; and the 
 rest, being too insignificant to cause any fear to the 
 Spaniards, were spared. The French settlement was 
 thus utterly destroyed by the Spaniards, who, it must be 
 borne in mind, were at this time at peace with France. 
 They attached labels to their murdered victims, on 
 which were inscribed the words, “ Not as Frenchman, 
 but as heretics”—the poor Frenchmen being Hugue¬ 
 nots. These atrocious deeds were bitterly revenged 
 by Dominique de Gourgues, who in the year 1567, 
 fitted out a private expedition, and in his turn utterly 
 annihilated the settlement raised by the Spaniards on 
 the ruins of Fort Caroline—hanging those who were 
 not destroyed by the sword, to whom he attached 
 labels, with the words, u Not as Spaniards, but as 
 murderers”. The particulars of this expedition are of 
 high interest, but the scope of the present work does 
 
cx 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 not permit us to carry any further the history of the 
 colonization of America. 
 
 On the 14th day of September 1585, Sir Francis 
 Drake sailed from England on his voyage to the West 
 Indies, in command of twenty-five ships. He first 
 directed his course to the coast of Spain, and anchored 
 within the isles of Bayona, now called the islands of 
 Cies, at the mouth of the Bay of Vigo. His appear¬ 
 ance caused the greatest consternation among the 
 Spaniards ; and the Marquis of Santa Cruz, High- 
 Admiral of Spain, drew up suggestions for the neces¬ 
 sary defences, both on the coast of Spain, and for the 
 Spanish possessions in the East and West Indies. A 
 translation of a small part of this plan, in the hand¬ 
 writing of Hakluyt, is now in the possession of Mr. 
 Henry Stevens. By the kind permission of this gen¬ 
 tleman, we are enabled to present the members of the 
 society with a fac-simile of this highly interesting 
 fragment, of which we also append a transcript for 
 the benefit of those of our readers to whom the hand¬ 
 writing of the sixteenth century may not be familiar. 
 
 “That the castles of this citie, river, and teritorie, bee 
 victuayled: and that they bee provided of powder, mach, 
 and leade, and al things els touchinge artillerie: as I have 
 craved the same in my supplications, w ch I sent unto his 
 ma tie the seventh of March this present yere 1585. 
 
 “ That the galies bee provided for fower monethes, and 
 that sixe more bee brought from Spayne unto this river 
 w th 120 soldiers in every galie, that they may bee devided 
 
 Eight ga¬ 
 lies belonge 
 to the river of 
 Lisbon & six 
 to ye river of 
 Sivil. 
 

 
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 &- C^y c (X 
 
 Of 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 CXI 
 
 amonge those eight w ch are here in this river of Lisbon. 
 And in case that it fall out that the English army goe not 
 for the Indies, and occupie it selfe in this kingdomc, 
 because there bee English ships w ch will doe the one and 
 the other, wee shall bee enforced to make another army 
 for the safe conduct of the Indian fleete of twelve ships, 
 fower pataclies, and fifteene hundred soldiers, beside ma¬ 
 riners. 
 
 “ A1 these things seeme unto me to bee necessarie for 
 his ma ties service to bee prepared w th greate diligence and 
 care, and to provide money needful for the same without 
 preferringe the one before the other, but that al may bee 
 don without omittinge of any parte. Yet I referre my- 
 selfe wholely to better advice and riper judgment. Written 
 in Lisbon the 26 of October, after the Spanish accomptc, 
 1585. 
 
 THE ENDE. 
 
 Translated out of Spanish by Richard 
 Hakluyt, preacher. 
 
 {Endorsed.) 
 
 “ The opinion of Don Alvaro Ba^an, Marches of Santa 
 Cruz, and late Admiral of Spayne, touching the army of 
 Francis Drake, lying at the yles of Bayona, on the cost of 
 Galizia, declaring what harme hee might doe in al the 
 West Indies.” 
 
 The document of which the above is a portion is 
 printed entire in Hakluyt’s General Collection , voh 
 iii, p. 532. Edit. 1600. 
 
DIVERS 
 
 'oyages touching the discouerie of 
 America and the Hands adiacent 
 
 vnto the same, made first of all by our 
 Englishmen and afterwards by the French¬ 
 men and, Britons . 
 
 And certaine notes of adaertisements and obserua- 
 tions, necessarie for such as shall heereafter 
 make the like attempt. 
 
 tfoo fHappeS amtepcti fycereunto for tfjc 
 plainer untJerstanUing of tlje Indole 
 matter. 
 
 Imprinted at Lon- 
 
 don for Thomas Woodcocke, 
 
 dwelling in paides Church-Yard , 
 at the signe of the blacke beare. 
 
 1582 . 
 
THE NAMES OF CERTAINE LATE WRITERS OF 
 GEOGRAP1IIE, WITH THE YEERE 
 WHEREIN THEY WROTE. 
 
 The yeere of 
 our Lorde. 
 
 1300. Abelfada Ismael, Prince of Syria, Persia, and Assyria. 1 
 
 1320. John Mandeuill, Englishman. 2 
 
 1500. Albertus Crantzins of Hambnrge. 3 
 
 1520. Peter Martyr, Millanoyse. 4 
 
 1525. Gonsaluo Ouiedo, Spaniarde. 5 
 
 1527. Robert Thorne, Englishman. 
 
 1530. Hieronymus Fracastor, Italian. 6 
 
 1539. Gemma Frisius. 7 
 
 1540. Antonie di Mendoza, Spaniard. 8 
 
 1541. Gerardus Mercator, Fleming. 9 
 
 1549. John Baptista Guicchardine, Florentine. 10 
 
 1553. John Baptista Ramusius, hee gathered many notable 
 
 things. 11 
 
 1554. Sebastian Munster, Germane. 12 
 
 1554. Thomas Giunti, Venetian. 13 
 
 1555. Clement Adams, Englishman. 
 
 1555. Orontius Finseus, Frenchman. 14 
 
 (!) Ismail Ibn Ali Abulfeda, King of Hammah, in Syria, born in the 
 year 1273. ( 2 ) Sir John Mandeville, born at St. Albans. ( 3 ) Albert 
 
 Krantz, a native of Hamburg. ( 4 ) Pietro Martire Anghiera, born at 
 Arona in 1455. ( 5 ) Gonsalvo Hernandez de Oviedo y Valdez, born at 
 
 Madrid about 1478. ( 6 ) Girolamo Fracastoro, a native of Verona, born 
 
 in the year 1483. ( 7 ) Reinerus Gemma, born at Dockum, in Friesland, 
 
 in 1508. ( 8 ) Antonio de Mendoza, Viceroy of Mexico. ( 9 ) Gerard 
 
 Mercator, born at Rupelmond, in 1512. ( 10 ) Giovanni Batista Guic¬ 
 
 ciardini. ( n ) Giovanni Batista Ramusio, born at Venice in 1486. 
 ( 12 ) Sebastian Munster, born at Ingelheim in 1489. ( 13 ) Tommaso 
 
 Giunti, a celebrated printer at Venice. ( I4 ) Oronce Fine, born at Bri- 
 
4 
 
 1564. Abraham Ortelius, Fleming. 15 
 
 1574. Hierome Osorius, Portingall. 16 
 
 1575. Andreas Theuet, Frenchman. 17 
 
 1575. Francis Belforest, Frenchman. 18 
 
 1576. Humfrey Gilbert Knight, Englishman. lr> 
 
 1577. Dionyse Settle, Englishman. 
 
 1578. George Beste, Englishman. 
 
 1580. Nicolas Chauncellor, Englishman. 
 
 an^on in the year 1494. ( 15 ) Abram Ortel, a native of Antwerp, was 
 
 born in the year 1527. ( 16 ) Jeronimo Osorio, born at Lisbon in 1506. 
 
 ( 17 ) Andre Thevet, a native of Angouleme. ( 18 ) Francois Belleforest, 
 born at Sarzan, near Samatan, in 1530. ( 19 ) Sir Humphrey Gilbert, 
 
 born in Devonshire in 1539. 
 
THE NAMES OF CERTAINE LATE TRAUAYLERS, BOTH 
 BY SEA AND BY LANDE, WHICH ALSO FOR THE 
 MOST PART HAUE WRITTEN OF THEIR 
 OWNE TRAUAYLES AND VOYAGES. 
 
 The yere of 
 our Lorde. 
 
 1178. Beniamin Tudelensis, a Iewe. 1 
 
 1270. Marcus Paulus, a Venetian. 2 
 
 1300. Harton, an Armenian. 3 
 
 1320. John Mandeuile Knight, Englishman. 
 
 1380. Nicolaus and Antonius Zeni, Venetians. 
 
 1444. Nicolaus Conti, Venetian. 
 
 1492. Christopher Columbus, a Genoway. 4 
 1497. Sebastian Gabot, an Englishman, the sonne of a 
 Venetia. 5 
 
 1497. M. Thorne and Hugh Eleot of Bristowe, Englishmen. 
 
 1497. Vasques de Gama, a Portingale. 6 
 
 1500. Gasper Corterealis, a Portingale. 7 
 
 1516. Edoardus Barbosa, a Portingale. 8 
 
 1519. Fernandus Magalianes, a Portingale. 9 
 
 1530. John Barros, a Portingale.' 0 
 
 1534. Jaques Cartier, a Briton. 11 
 
 1540. Francis Vasques de Coronado, Spaniarde. 
 
 1542. John Gaeton, Spaniarde. 12 
 
 (’) Benjamin Ben Jona, born at Tudela in the first half of the twelfth 
 century. ( 2 ) Marco Polo, a native of Venice. ( 3 ) Hatto, Hayto, Aitho- 
 nus, Aythonus, Haithonus, or Aytonus, Prince of Gorigos, in Cilicia. 
 
 ( 4 ) Cristoforo Colombo, a native of Genoa, born about the year 1447. 
 
 ( 5 ) Sebastian Cabot, born at Bristol about the year 1467. ( 6 ) Vasco da 
 
 Gama, born at Sines, in Portugal. ( 7 ) Gaspar Cortereal, born at Lisbon. 
 ( 8 ) Duarte Barbosa, a native of Lisbon. ( 9 ) Fernando de Magalhaens. 
 ( 10 ) Ioao de Barros, was born at Viseu, in Portugal, in the year 1496. 
 ( n ) Jacques Cartier, born at St. Malo. ( 12 ) Juan Gaetano. 
 
6 
 
 1549. Francis Xauier, a Portingale. 13 
 
 1553. HughWillowbie knight and Richard Chauncellor, Eng. 
 
 1554. Francis Galliano, a Portingale. 14 
 
 1556. Steuen and William Burros, Englishmen. 15 
 1562. Antonie Jenkinson, Englishman. 
 
 1562. John Ribault, a Frenchman. 
 
 1565. Andrewe Theuet, a Frenchman. 
 
 1576. Martin Frobisher, Englishman. 16 
 
 1578. Francis Drake, Englishman. 17 
 
 1580. Arthur Pet and Charles Jackma, Englishmen. 
 
 1582. Edwarde Fenton and Luke Warde, Englishmen. 
 
 1582. Humfrey Gilbert knight, Edward Heyes, and Antonie 
 Brigham, Englishmen. 
 
 ( 13 ) Francois Xavier, Saint, born at the Castle of Xavier, at the foot of 
 the Pyrenees, in 1506. ( u ) The person here meant appears to be Antonio 
 Galvam, Governor of the Moluccas, born in 1503 at Lisbon; or, according 
 to Barbosa Machado, in the East Indies. ( 15 ) Stephen Burrough, born 
 at Northam, in Devonshire, in 1525. ( 16 ) Sir Martin Frobisher, born at 
 
 Doncaster. ( 17 ) Sir Francis Drake, born near Tavistock, in Devonshire, 
 in 1545. 
 
7 
 
 A YERIE LATE AND GREAT PROBABILITY OF A PASSAGE 
 BY THE NORTH-WEST PART OF AMERICA IN FIFTY- 
 EIGHT DEGREES OF NORTHERLY LATITUDE. 
 
 An excellent learned man of Portingale, of singuler grauety, 
 authorities and experience, tolde mee very lately, that one 
 Anus Cortereal / Captayne of the yle of Tercera, about the 
 yeere 1574, which is not aboue eight yeres past, sent a Sliippe 
 to discouer the North-west passage of America, and that the 
 same shippe arriuing on the coast of the saide America, in 
 fiftie eyglite degrees of latitude, founde a great entrance ex¬ 
 ceeding deepe and broade without all impediment of ice, into 
 wliiche they passed aboue twentie leagues, and found it alwaies 
 to trende towarde the South, the lande lying lowe and plaine 
 on eyther side: And that they perswaded them selues verely 
 that there was a way open into the south sea. But their 
 victailes fay ling them, and being but one shippe, they returned 
 backe agayne with ioy. This place seemeth to lie in equal 
 degrees of latitude with the first entrance of the sounde of 
 Denmark, betweene Norway and the head land, called in 
 Latin Cimbrorum promontorium , 2 and therefore like to bee 
 open and nauigable a great part of the yeere. And this 
 report may be well annexed unto the other eight reasons 
 mentioned in my epistle dedicatorie, for proofe of the likeli¬ 
 hood of this passage by the north-west. 3 
 
 1 i.e., Ioaf>, or Ioannes. 2 Anglic I, the Skaw. 
 
 5 This statement is extremely vague. There can be no doubt but that 
 the “ great entrance” mentioned in the text was Hudson’s Straits ; but, 
 unfortunately, we have no further account of this expedition. It is, to 
 say the least, singular, that the names of Gaspar Cortereal and his de¬ 
 scendant or relative Anus (or Joannes), should be connected with two 
 independent discoveries of this great inland sea, at the distance of nearly 
 eighty years from each other. 
 
+ 
 
 TO THE RIGHT WORSHIPFULL AND MOST 
 VERTUOUS GENTLEMAN MASTER 
 PHILLIP SYDNEY, ESQUIRE. 
 
 I maruaile not a little (right worshipfull) that since the first 
 discouerie of America (which is nowe full fourescore and 
 tenne yeeres), after so great conquests and plantings of the 
 Spaniardes and Portingales there, that wee of Englande could 
 neuer haue the grace to set fast footing in such fertill and 
 temperate places as are left as yetfvnpossessed of them. But 
 again e,] when I consider that there is a time for all meiqj and 
 see the Portingales ti me to he out of date , and that the 
 nakednesse of the Spaniards and their long hidden secretes 1 
 are nowe at length espied, whereby they went about to delude 
 the worlde, I conceiue great hope that [the time approchethj 
 and nowe is, that we of England may share and p art s t akes 
 (if wee will our selues), both with the spaniarde and the 
 Portingale, in part of America and other regions, as yet vn- 
 discouered. And surely if there were in vs that desire to 
 aduaunce the honour of our countrie which ought to bee in 
 euery good man, wee woulde not all this while haue foreslowne 2 
 the possessing of those landes, wliichc of equitie and right 
 appertaine vnto vs, as by the discourses that followe shall 
 appeare most plainely. Yea, if wee woulde beholde with the eye 
 of pitie how al our Prisons are pestered and filled with able men 
 I to serue their Countrie, which for small roberies are dayly 
 hanged vp in great numbers, euen twentie at a clappe, out of 
 one iayle (as was seene at the last assizes at Rochester),(wee 
 
 1 By “ hidden secretes”, it is presumed that the author alludes to the 
 false pretence of religion used by the Spaniards as a cloak for their cruel 
 oppression of the Indians; or, as he expresses it in a subsequent passage, 
 
 “ pretending to convert infidels, but seeking their goods.” 
 
 2 Foreslowne—Forborne, in the sense of neglected. 
 
THE EPISTLE DEDICATOR!E. 
 
 9 
 
 woulde hasten and further euery man to his power the de¬ 
 ducting 1 of some Colonies of onr superfluous people into those 
 temperate and fertile partes of America, which, being within 
 sixe weekes sayling of England, are yet vn possessed by any 
 Ch ristian s : and seeme to offer themselues vnto vs, stretching 
 neerer vnto lier Majesties Dominions then to any other part 
 of Europe. [ W ee reade that the Bees whe* they grow to he 
 too many in their own hiues at home, are wont to bee led 
 out by their Captaines to swarme abroad and seeke them¬ 
 selues a new dwelling placeA If the examples of the Gre¬ 
 cians and Cart haginian s of olde time and the practise of our 
 age may not mooue vs, yet let vs learne wisdo me of t hese smal 
 weake and vnreasonable creatures. It chaunced very lately 
 that vpon occasion I had great conference in matters of Cos- 
 mographie with/an excellent learned man of Portingale^ 
 most priuie to all the discoueries of his nation, who wondered 
 that those blessed countries from the point of Florida North¬ 
 
 ward were all this whileVvnplanted by Christi ans, ( protesting 
 with great affection and zeale, that if hee were nowe as 
 young as I (for at this present hee is threescore yeeres of 
 age) lie^lyoulde sel all hee had, being a man of no small wealth 
 and honour, to furnish a conuenient number of ships to sea 
 for the inhabiting of those countries, and reducing those 
 gentile people to cliristianitie^ Moreouer, hee added, that 
 John Barros, their chiefe Cosmographer, being moued with 
 the like desire, was the cause that Bresilia was first inhabited 
 by the Portingales : 2 where they haue nine baronies or lord- 
 
 1 Deducting, i. e., conveying. 
 
 2 This statement must be received with caution. The coast of Brazil 
 was discovered by Vicente Yanez Pinzon, in the year 1499, and posses¬ 
 sion taken for the crown of Portugal by Pedro Alvarez Cabral in 1500. 
 The first settlement was made as early as the year 1503, by Amerigo 
 Vespucci. Joao de Barros, who was not born until the year 1496, held 
 successively the offices of Captain or Governor of Fort St. George da 
 Mina, Treasurer of the Colonial Department, and Factor or Agent- 
 General for the Colonial Possessions of Portugal in India and Africa. 
 
 C 
 
 The speech 
 of a learned 
 Portingale. 
 
 Master John 
 Barros, the 
 causer ofthe 
 inhabiting 
 of Bresilia. 
 
10 
 
 THE EPISTLE 
 
 ships, and thirtie engennies or snger milles, two or three 
 hundred slanes belonging to eche myll, with a Indge and 
 other officers and a Church: so that euery mill is as it were a 
 little common wealth: and that the countrie was first planted 
 by such men as for s mall offences we re saued from the rope. 1 
 This liee spake not onely vnto mee and in my hearing, but 
 also in the presence of a friend of mine, a m^in of great skill 
 in the Mathematikes. J If this mans desire might bee exe¬ 
 cuted, wee might not only for the present time take posses¬ 
 sion of that good land, but also, in short space, by Gocks 
 grace, finde out that sliorte and easie passage by the North- 
 
 About 1539 he obtained the Captaincy (or in other words a grant) of a 
 district in the Brazils called Maranham, but that was ten years after the 
 attention of the Portuguese government had been steadily directed 
 towards the colonization of the Brazils, and the system of dividing 
 the country into captaincies had been adopted. His great work, the 
 Decads, was not published until the year 1553, and these contained the 
 history of the East and not of the West Indies. It appears, therefore, that 
 neither his official nor his historical labours pointed towards the American 
 continent ; and although he may have influenced the movements of his 
 government in this respect, there is no evidence on record to support the 
 broad assertion contained in the text.—See Barbosa Machado, Bibliotheca 
 Lusitana. —Southey’s History of the Brazils , part i, page 32-48. 
 
 1 The Portuguese and Spaniards, but particularly the former, set the 
 example to modern Europe of transporting criminals to their colonies. 
 The first legislative enactment in England, upon the subject of transport¬ 
 ation, was the statute 39 Eliz. c. 4, by the fourth section of which it was 
 enacted—that u if any rogues shall appear to be dangerous to the inferior 
 
 sort of people, <fcc. they may lawfully bee banished out of this realme. 
 
 unto such parts beyond ye seas, as shall be at any time hereafter for that 
 
 purpose assigned by the Privy Councell.or by any sixe or more of 
 
 them.” The practical interpretation of this act was given by James I, 
 who, by a letter addressed to the Treasurer and Council of the Colony of 
 Virginia in the year 1619, commanded them “ to send a hundred disso¬ 
 lute persons to Virginia, which the Knight Marshal would deliver to 
 them.” Virginia appears thus to have been the first British settlement in 
 America to which English criminals were transported ; and the system 
 was afterwards extended, particularly from the reign of Charles II, to 
 Maryland, Delaware, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, New Jersey, 
 New York, and Pennsylvania.—See also Lang, Transportation and Colo- 
 nizatio?i, p. 8, et seqq. 
 

 nW f$U) V> i p2 
 
 v/ 
 
 DEDICATORIE. 
 
 11 
 
 west, which wc haue hetherto so long desired, and whereof 
 wee haue'many good and more then probable coniectures/: a 
 fewe whereof I thinke it not amisse hcere to set downe, 
 although your worship knowe them as well as my selfe. 
 Firstj therefore, it is not to be forgotten that Sebastian 
 Gabot wrote to Master Baptista Ramusius, that he veryly 
 beleeued that all the north part of America is dinided into 
 Ilandcs. 1 Secondly^that master John Yerazanns, which 
 had been thrise on that coast, in an olde excellent mappe 
 which he gaue to King Henrie the eight, and is yet in the 
 custodie of master Locke, doth so lay it ont as it is to bee 
 seene in the mappe annexed to the end of this boke, beeing 
 made according to Verazanus plat. Thirdly, the story of 
 Gil Gonsalua, recorded by Franciscus Lopes de Gomara, 
 which is saide to haue sought a passage by the Northwest, 
 seemeth to argue and proue the same. 2 | Fourthly in the 
 second relation of Iaques Cartier, the 12 chapter, the people 
 of Saguinay doe testifie that vpon their coastes Westwarde 
 there is a sea, the ende whereof is vnlmowne vnto them. 3 
 
 iftlyJin the end of that discourse is added this, as a special 
 remembrance, to wit, that they of Canada say that it is a 
 monethes space t o saile to a lande where cinamon and cloues 
 are growing. 4 Sixtly, the people of Florida signified vnto 
 
 1 Ramusio, Navigationi , vol. iii, Preface, p. 6. 
 
 2 For the passage referred to in the text, see Lopez de Gomara, His- 
 toria general de las Indias , fol. 258. Anvers, 1554, 12°. 
 
 3 The following is the passage referred to in the text: “We understood 
 of Donnacona and of others, that the said river is called the River ot 
 Saguenay . . . and that beyond Saguenay the said river entereth into two 
 or three great lakes, and that there is a sea of fresh water found ; and as 
 they have heard say of those of Saguenay, there was never man heard of 
 that found out the end thereof : for as they told us, they themselves were 
 never there.”— Hakluyt , vol. iii, p. 225. The river here meant is the 
 St. Lawrence ; and the lakes and sea, Lakes Ontario, Erie, Huron, Michi¬ 
 gan, and Lake Superior. 
 
 4 Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 232. This statement is far too vague to admit of 
 any conjecture as to the land meant. 
 
 * 
 
 I^ 
 
 * 
 
12 
 
 THE EPISTLE 
 
 John Ribault (as it is expressed in his discourse lieere with all 
 imprinted), that they might saile from the Riuer of May 
 vnto Ceuola and the south sea through their countrie within 
 twentie dayes. j Seuenth ly, the experience of captain Fro¬ 
 bisher 1 on the hyther side, and Sir Fraunces Drake on the 
 back side of America, 2 with the testimonie of Nicolaus and 
 Anthonius Zeni, that Estotilanda is an Ilande, 3 doth yeelde 
 no small hope thereof. Lastly, the judgement of the ex¬ 
 cellent Geographer Gerardus Mercator, which his sonne, 
 
 1 Frobisher made three voyages in search of a north-west passage : the 
 first in the year 1576, and the second and third in the two following 
 years. On each occasion he penetrated far enough to excite hopes 
 of ultimate success ; but not so far as to meet with any of those discou¬ 
 raging circumstances which at a later period checked the spirit of adven¬ 
 ture in this quarter, and it is to be hoped will at length be allowed their 
 due weight in determining how far it is expedient to risk the lives of 
 brave men in solving a geographical problem,—the explanation of which, 
 however complete, can lead to no practical result. In the first voyage 
 those straits were discovered which have since borne Frobisher’s name : 
 “ He entered”, the account says, “ the same the one and twentieth of 
 July, and passed above fifty leagues therein . . having upon either hand 
 a great maine or continent.”— Hakluyt , vol. iii, p. 58. In the third 
 voyage, the ships missed Frobisher’s Straits, and bearing to the south of 
 Queen Elizabeth’s Foreland, entered Hudson’s Straits by mistake,—“of 
 Avhich mistaken straights, considering the circumstance, we have great 
 cause to confirm our opinion, to like and hope well of the passage in this 
 place. For the foresaid bay or sea, the further we sailed therein, the 
 wider we found it, with great likelihood of endless continuance.”— lb. 
 vol. iii, p. 80. 
 
 2 The voyage of Drake, in which he discovered and took possession of 
 California, under the name of New Albion, was performed in the years 
 1577-80. There is no circumstance connected with this voyage calcu¬ 
 lated to raise hopes of the practicability of the north-west passage, beyond 
 the fact, that Drake sailed as high as the forty-eighth degree of north 
 latitude, with the bold design of returning home by a north-east passage, 
 and still found an open sea before him : at this point, however, the suffer¬ 
 ings of his men from cold obliged him to turn southwards again. It is 
 worthy of notice, that in the description of New Albion, contained in the 
 account of this voyage, the following passage occurs : “ There is no part 
 of earth here to be taken up wherein there is not some probable show of 
 gold or silver.”— Hakluyt , vol. iii, p. 730. 
 
 3 S zepost, under “ The Discoverie of the Isles of Frisland, Iseland,” etc. 
 
DEDICATORIE. 
 
 13 
 
 ltumold Mercator, my friende, shewed mee in his letters, and The iudge 
 drewe out for mee in writing, is not of wise men lightly to ^ l " s 0 J I a er * 
 be regarded. His words are these— Magna tametsi pauca SSEth- 
 de nona Frobisheri nauigationc scribis, quam miror ante multos 
 annos no fuisse attentatam. Non enim dubium est, quin recta 
 et breuis via pateat in occidentem Cathaium vsq;. In quod 
 regnu , si recte nauigationem instituant, nobilissimas totius 
 mundi merces colligent et multis Gentibus adhuc idololatris 
 Christi nomen communicabunt. You write (saith hee to his 
 sonne) great matters, though very briefly, of the new dis- 
 couerie of Frobisher, which I wonder was neuer these many 
 yeeres heretofore attempted. For there is no doubt but that 
 there is a straight and sho rt way open into the W est, euen 
 vnto Cathay. Into which kingdome, if they take their course 
 aright, they shall gather the most noble merchandise of all 
 the worlde, and shall make the name of Christ to bee knowne 
 vnto many idolatrous and Heathen people. And lieere, to 
 conclude and shut vp this matter, I haue hearde my selfe of 
 Merchants of credite, that have liued long in Spaine, that King 
 
 A lawe 
 
 Phillip hath made a lawe of late that none of his subiectes madeofiate 
 
 A . by King 
 
 shall discouer to the Northwardes of flue and fortie degrees of PhlUl i } - 
 America : whiche may bee thought to proceede chiefly of two 
 causes, the one, least passing farther to the North they 
 should discover the open passage from the south sea to our 
 north sea: the other, because they haue not people enough 
 to possesse and keepe that passage, but rather thereby 
 shoulde open a gappe for other nations to passe that way. 
 
 Certes, i f hetherto in our own e discouerics we had not beene 
 led with a prepostero us desire of seeking rather gam e then 
 G od^ glorieTKassurc my self that our labours had taken farre 
 better effecte. But wee forgotte that Godlinesse is great 
 riches, and that if we first seeke the kingdome of God all 
 other thinges will be giuen vnto vs, and that as the light ac- 
 companieth the Sunnc, and the lieate the fire, so lasting riches 
 do waite vpon them that are zealous for the aduauncement 
 
14 
 
 THE EPISTLE 
 
 The co’trac- 
 tatio’ house 
 at Siuilh 
 
 of the kingdome of Christ and the enlargement of his glori¬ 
 ous Gospel!: as it is sayde, I wili h onour them that honour 
 mee. ^ I truste that nowe, being taught by their manifolde 
 losses, our men will take a more godly course, and vse some 
 part of their goods to his glorie : if not, he will turne euen 
 their couetousnes to serue him, as he hath done the pride 
 and auarice of the Spaniards and Portingales, who, pretend¬ 
 ing in glorious words that they made their discoueries chiefly 
 to conuert Infidelles to our most holy faith (as they say) in 
 deed and truth, sought not t hem but their goods and ri ches. 
 Whiclie thing, that our nation may more speedily and happily 
 performe, there is no better meane, in my simple iudgemet, 
 then the increase of knowledge in the arte of nauigation and 
 breading of skilfulnesse in the sea men: whiche Charles the 
 Emperour, and the king of Spaine that nowe is, wisely consi¬ 
 dering, haue in their Contractation house 1 in Siuill, appointed 
 a learned reader of the sayde art of Nauigation, and ioyned 
 with him certayne examiners, and haue distinguished the 
 orders among the sea men, as the groomet, whiche is the 
 basest degree, the marriner, which is the seconde, the 
 master the thirde, and the pilot the fourth, vnto the which 
 two last degrees none is admitted without hee haue heard the 
 reader for a certaine space (which is commonly an excellent 
 Mathematician, of which number were Pedro di Medina, 2 
 which writte learnedly of the art of nauigation, and Alonso 
 di Chauez 3 and Hieronimus di Chauez, whose works likewise 
 
 1 Contractation-house, i. e., the house in which agreements are made 
 for the promotion of trade—the Exchange. 
 
 2 Pedro de Medina, born at Seville. He wrote— 1 , Arte de Navegcir , 
 Seville, 1545, fol. 2, Regimiento de Navegacion, Seville, 1563, 4to. 3, 
 Libro de las Grandezas y Cosas memorables de Espana , Seville, 1543, fol. 
 4, Chronica breve de Espana , Seville, 1548. 5, Chronica de los Duques 
 de Medina Sidonia , MS. 6, Dialogos de la Verdad sobre la Conversion del 
 Pecador , Valladolid, 1545, fol. 7, Tabula Hispanice Geographica ; used 
 bj Ortelius, in his Theatrum Orbis Terrarum. 
 
 3 Alonso de Chaves was a Spanish cosmographer, and one of the exa¬ 
 miners of pilots (Herrera, Historia general de los Ilechos de los Castellanos 
 
DEDICATORIE. 
 
 15 
 
 I liauc seene), * 1 and being founde fitte by him and his assis¬ 
 tants, which are to examine matters touching experience, 
 they are admitted with as great solemnitie and giuing of pre¬ 
 sents to the ancient masters and Pilots, and the reader and 
 examiners, as the great doctors i n the Yniuersities, or our 
 great Sergeant es at the law when they proceed, and so are 
 admitted to take ch arge for the Indies. And that your wor- 
 
 sliippe may knowe that this is true, Master Steven Borrows, 2 m. steuen 
 nowe one of the foure masters of the Queene's nauie, tolde 
 me that, newely after his returne from the discouery of Mos- 
 couie by the North in Queene Maries daies, the Spaniards 
 hauing intelligence that he was master in that discouerie, 
 tooke him into their cotractation house at their making and 
 
 en las Isles y Tierra Firme del Mar Oceano , Dec. in, p. 219; iv, p. 30), but 
 we cannot find any account of bis works. 
 
 1 Geromino de Chaves, a native of Seville. His works are— 1 , Tratado 
 de la Fsfera, que compuso el doctor Juan de Sacrobusto, con muchas adi- 
 ciones, traducido con escolios y figuras, Seville, 1545, 4to. 2, Chronogra- 
 phia o Repertorio de los Tiempos, Seville, 1554, 4to. 3, He was also the 
 author of two maps : one of America, which was never published ; and 
 the other of Seville and its territory, which was used by Ortelius, in his 
 Theatrum Orbis Terrarum. 
 
 2 The following inscription occurs on a monumental brass, in the 
 middle aisle of Chatham Church, and is here given from a rubbing, with 
 which we have been favoured by William Thomas Wright, Esq., of 
 Gravesend:—“Here lieth buried the bodie of Steuen Borough, who 
 departed this life ye xijth of July, in ye yere of our Lord 1584, and was 
 borne at Northam, in Deuonshire, ye xxvth of Septemb’, 1525. He in 
 his life-time discouered Muscouia, by the Northerne sea passage to St. 
 Nicholas, in the yere 1553. At his settinge foorth of England, he was 
 accompanied with two other shippes, Sir Hugh Willobie beinge Admirall 
 of the fleete, who, with all the Company of ye said two shippes, were 
 frosen to death in Lappia ye same winter. After his discouerie of Roosia, 
 and ye Coastes there to adioyninge—to wit, Lappia, Nova Zemla, and 
 the Cun trie of Samoyeda, etc. : hee frequented ye trade to St. Nicholas 
 yearlie, as chiefe pilot for ye voyage, untill he was chosen for one of ye 
 fowre principall Masters in ordinarie of ye Queen’s Ma tiss royall Navy, 
 where in he continued beinge imployed as occasion required, in charge 
 of sundrie sea seruises, till time of his death.” This inscription is 
 printed in the Registrum Rofense , p. 731. 
 
THE EPISTLE 
 
 0 
 
 
 
 A lecture of 
 the art of 
 nauigatio’ 
 necessarie 
 for to be 
 erected in 
 London. 
 
 / 
 
 The bounti- 
 full offer of 
 Sir Fra’cis 
 Drake to¬ 
 ward fur¬ 
 thering the 
 art of Naui- 
 gation. 
 
 lfj -b 
 
 Ct*j . 
 
 admitting of masters and pilots, giuing him great honour, 
 and presented him with a payre of perfumed gloues, woorth 
 hue or six Ducates. I speake all this to this ende, that the 
 like order of erecting such a Lecture here in London, or 
 about Ratcliffe, in some conuenient place, were a matter of 
 great consequence and importance for the sauing of many 
 mens lines and goods, which nowe, through grosse ignorance, 
 are dayly in great liazerd, to the no small detriment of the 
 whole realmedjf For whiche cause I haue dealt with the right 
 worsliipfull sir Frances Drake, that seeing God hath blessed 
 him so wonderfully, he woulde do this honour to him selfe 
 and benefite to his countrey, to bee at the cost to erect such 
 a lecture : Whereunto, in most bountifull maner, at the verie 
 first, he answered, that he liked so well of the motion, that 
 he would giue twentie poundes by the yeere standing, and 
 twentie poundes more before hand to a learned man, to fur¬ 
 nish him with instruments and maps, that woulde take this 
 thing vpon him: yea, so readie he was, that he earnestly re¬ 
 quested mee to lielpe him to the notice of a fitte man for that 
 purpose, which I, for the zeale I bare to this good actio*, did 
 presently, and brought him one, who came vnto him and con¬ 
 ferred with him thereupon : but in fine he would not vnder- 
 take the lecture vnless he might haue fourtie pounde a yeere 
 
 1 In the course of nearly three hundred years, but little improvement, 
 if any, appears to have been effected in this respect. In the year 1848, 
 certain papers relating to the commercial marine of Great Britain were 
 presented to both Houses of Parliament: they consist of answers addressed 
 to Mr. Murray, of the Foreign Office, in reply to queries submitted to 
 several of the British Consuls abroad—having a particular reference to 
 the character and conduct of British shipmasters and seamen. Two sen¬ 
 tences from these documents will suffice to show how closely the present 
 state of things resembles that against which Hakluyt so strongly pro¬ 
 tests :—“ There is no system of regular education for the merchant ser¬ 
 vice of Great Britain ; but in foreign countries this is much attended 
 to” (page 1). Again :—“ Is it justifiable, that the lives of thousands of 
 persons should be jeoparded, because shipowners have a right to place 
 incompetent persons in charge of vessels?” (page 142). 
 
DEDICATORTE. 
 
 17 
 
 standing, and so the matter ceased for that time: howebeit, 
 the worthie and good Knight remaineth still constant, and 
 will be, as he told me very lately, as good as his worde. 
 
 No we,- if God slioulde put into the head of any noble man 
 to contribute other twentie pounde to make this lecture a 
 competent liuing for a learned man, the whole realme no 
 doubt might reape no small benefite thereby. To leave this y 
 matter and to drawe to an ende I haue heare, right worship - 
 full, in this hastie worke first put downe the title which we 
 haue to that part of America which is from Florida to 67 de¬ 
 grees northwarde by the IetterF"pafentes graunted to Iohn d 
 
 Gabote and his three sonnes, Lewes, Sebastian,’ and Santias, Idnn.T 
 with Sebastians owne Certificate to Baptista Ramusius of his 
 discouerie of America, and the testimonie of Fabian, our 
 own Chronicler. Next, I have caused to bee added the letters 
 of Mr. Robert Thorne to King Henrie the eight, and lhs dis¬ 
 course to his Ambassadour, doctor Ley, in Spaine, of the like 
 argument, with the Kings setting out of two ships for dis¬ 
 couerie in the 19 yere of his raigne. The* I have translated 
 the voyage of Iohn Verarzanus from thirtie degrees to Cape 
 Briton (and the last yeere, at my charges and other of my - '' 
 friendes, by my exhortation, I caused laques Cartiers two c 
 
 voyages of discouering the grand Bay, and Canada, Sagui- ' 
 
 f 
 
 nay, and Ilochelaga, to bee translated out of my Volumes, 
 which are to be annexed to this present translation). More—- 
 ouer, following the order of the map, and not the course of 
 time, I have put downe the discourse of Nicliolaus and An¬ 
 tonins Zenie. The last treatise of Iohn Ribault is a thing 
 that hath been alreadie printed, but not nowe to be had, 
 vnlesse I had caused it to be printed againe. 1 The mappe is 
 
 1 The title of the first edition of this treatise is “ The whole and true 
 discouerye of Terra Florida, (englished the Florishing lande) Conteyning 
 aswell the wonderfull straunge natures and maners of the people, with 
 the merueylous commodities and treasures of the country : As also the 
 plesaunt Portes, Hauens and wayes therevnto. Neuer founde out before 
 the last yere 1562. Written in Frenche by Captaine Ribauld, the fyrst 
 
 D 
 
18 
 
 THE EPISTLE DEMCATORIE. 
 
 master Michael Lockes, a man, for his knowledge in diuers 
 languages, and especially in Cosmographie, able to doe his 
 countrey good, and worthie, in my iudgment, for the mani- 
 folde good partes in him, of good reputation and better for¬ 
 tune. This cursorie pamphlet I am ouer bold to present 
 vnto your worshippe : but I had rather want a litle discretion 
 then to bee founde vnthankful to him which hath been alwaies 
 so readie to pleasure me and all my name. 
 
 Heere I cease, crauing pardon for my ouer boldnesse, 
 trusting also that your worshippe will continue 
 and increase your accustomed fauour to- 
 warde these godly and honourable 
 discoueries. 
 
 0 
 
 . . Your worshipped humble alwayes 
 
 to commaunde. R. H. 
 
 that wholly e discouered the same. And no we newly set forthe in Eng- 
 lishe the xxx of May. 1563. Prynted at London by Rouland Hall for 
 Thomas Hacket.” A copy is in the general library of the British 
 Museum, but the work is of great rarity. 
 
19 
 
 A LATINE COPIE OF THE LETTERS PATENTES 
 OF KING HENRIE THE SEVENTH, GRAUNTED 
 
 vnto Iolm Gahote and his three Sonnes, Lewes, 
 Sebastian, and Santius, for the disconering of 
 newe and vnknowen Landes. 
 
 Henricus dei gratia rex Anglice et Francice et dominus hiber- 
 nice, omnibus ad quos prcesentes literce nostrce peruenerint, salu- 
 tem , Notum sit et manifestum: quod dedimus et concessimus, ac 
 per prcesentes damns et concedimus pro nobis et hceredibus nos - 
 tris dilectis nobis Ioanni Gaboto ciui Veneciarum, Lodouico, 
 Sebastiano et Santio, filiis dicti Ioannis, et eorum et cumslibet 
 eorum hceredibus et deputatis , plenam ac liberam authoritate 
 facultatem et potestatem nauigandi ad ornnes partes, regiones 
 et sinus maris orientalis, occidentalis, et septentrionalis, sub 
 banneris, vexillis et insigniis nostris, cum quinque nauibus siue 
 nauigijs cuiuscunque portiturce et qualitatis existant et cum tot 
 et tantis nautis et hominibus quot et quantos in dictis nauibus 
 secum ducere voluerint, suis et eorum propriis sumptibus et ex- 
 pensis ad inueniendum, discoperiendum et inuestigandum quas- 
 cunque insulas, patrias, regiones siue prouincias gentilium et 
 infidelium quorumcunque in quacunqueparte mundi posit as, quce 
 Christianis omnibus ante hcec tempora fuerint incognitce. Con¬ 
 cessimus etiam eisdem et eorum cuilibet eorumque et cuiuslibet 
 eorum hceredibus et deputatis ac licentiam dedimus ad affigen- 
 dum prcedictas banneras nostras et insignia in quacunque villa, 
 oppido, castro, insula sen terra firma a se nouiter inuentis. 
 Et quod prcenominatus Ioannes et filii eiusdem seu hceredes 
 et eorundem deputati quascunq; huiusmodi villas, castra, oppida 
 et insulas a se inuentas quce subiugari, occupari, possideri pos- 
 sint, subiugare, occupare, possulere valedt tanqud vasalli nostri 
 et gubernatores, locatenentes et deputati, eorundem dominium, 
 
20 
 
 LETTERS PATENTES. 
 
 titulum et iurisdictionem earundem villarum, castrorum, oppi- 
 dorum, insularum, ac terra firmce sic inuentorum nobis acqui- 
 rendo. It a tamen vt ex omnibus fructibus, proficuis, emolu¬ 
 ment is, commodis, lucris, et obuentionibus ex huiusmodi naui- 
 gatione prouenientibus, prafatus Ioannes et fitii ac hceredes, et 
 eorum deputati tenedtur et sint obligati nobis pro omni viagio 
 suo, toties quoties ad portu nostril Bristollia applicuerint fad 
 quern omnino applicare tenedtur et sint astricti) deductis omni¬ 
 bus suptibus et impensis necessariis per eosdem factis, quintam 
 partem capitalis lucri facti, siue in mercibus siue in pecuniis 
 persoluere. Dantes nos et concedetes eisde suisq: hceredibus et 
 deputatis, vt ab omni solutione custumarum omniu et singu- 
 lorum bonorum ac mercium, quas secum reportarint ab illis 
 locis sic nouiter inuentis, liberi sint et immunes. Et insuper 
 dedimus et concessimus eisdem ac suis lueredibus et deputatis, 
 quod terra omnes firmce, insulae, villa, oppida, castra et loca 
 quacunq; a se inuenta, quot-quot ab eis inueniri contigerit, non 
 possint ab aliis quibusuis nostris subditis frequentari seu visi- 
 tari, absq: licentia pradictorum loannis et eius filiorum suo- 
 rumq; deputatorum, sub poena amissionis ta nauium, quam 
 bonorum omniu quorumcunq; ad ea loca sic inuenta nauigare 
 prasuentiu. Volentes et strictissime mandantes omnibus et sin¬ 
 gulis nostris subditis tarn in terra quam in mari constitutis, vt 
 prafato loanni et eius filiis, ac deputatis, bond assistentiam 
 faciant et tam , in armandis nauibus seu nauigiis, quam in pro - 
 uisione quietatus et victualium pro sua pecunia emendorum, atq: 
 aliarum omnium rerum sibi prouidendarum pro dicta nauiga- 
 tione sumenda, suos omnes fauores et auxilia impertiant. In 
 , cuius rei testimonium has liter as nostras fieri fecimus patentes : 
 teste me ipso apud Westmonasteriu quinto die Martii, anno 
 regni nostri vnclecimo. 
 
91 
 
 X 
 
 
 THE SAME LETTERS PATENTS IN ENGLISH. 
 
 Henrie, by tlie grace of Gocl, king of England and France, 
 and Lorde of Irelande, to all, to whom these presentes shall 
 come, greeting. Be it knowen, that we haue giuen and 
 granted, and by these presentes doe gine and grant for ns 
 and our heyres, to our well beloued John Gabote, citizen of 
 Venice, to Lewes, Sebastian, and Santius, sonnes of the saide 
 John, and to the heires of them and euery of them, and their 
 deputies, full and free authoritie, leaue, and power, to sayle 
 to all partes, countreys, and seas, of the East, of the West, and 
 of the North, under our banners and ensignes, with hue ships W e ™j e to 
 of what burden or quantitie soeuer they be: and as many hi?sonneL ot 
 mariners or men as they will haue with them in the saide to discouer 
 
 . vnknowen 
 
 ships, upon their owne proper costes and charges, to seeke lands vnder 
 out,fdiscouer,jand finde, whatsoeuerjl es, countreyes, regions banner - 
 or prouinces, of the heathen and infidelles, whatsoeuer they 
 bee, and in what part of the worlde soeuer they be, whiche 
 before this time haue been vnknowen to all Christians. We 
 haue granted to them also, and to euery of them, the heires 
 of them, and euery of them, and their deputies, and haue 
 giuen them licence to set up our banners and ensignes in 
 euery village, towne, castel, yle, or maine lande, of them 
 newely founde. And that the foresaid John and his sonnes, 
 or their heires and assignes, may subd ue, occu pie, and _pos- sesseThose 
 sesse, all such townes, cities, c astle s, and yles, of them founde, the kings 
 
 ^ --- --—- - ' ~ — ■ -—•— vassalles. 
 
 which they can subdue, occupie, and possesse, as our vas- 
 sailes and lieufenahtes, get tin g vnto vs the rule, title, and 
 iurisdiction of the same villages, townes, castles, and firme 
 lande so founde. Yet, so that the foresaide John and his 
 sonnes and heires, and their Deputies, bee holden and bounden 
 of all the fruites, profites, games, and commodities, growing 
 of such nauigation, for euery their voyage, as often as they 
 shall arriue at our port of Bristoll (at the which port they 
 shall be bounde and holden only to arriue), all manner of 
 
 
 To subdue 
 
22 
 
 LETTERS PiTENTES. 
 
 The fift of 
 all goods to 
 be paid to 
 the king. 
 
 Freedome 
 from all 
 customes. 
 
 None but 
 they and 
 their assig- 
 nes may 
 trauaile 
 thither. 
 
 The 5 of 
 March 1594. 
 
 necessarie costes and charges by them made being deducted, 
 to pay vnto us in wares or money the fifth part of the Capi- 
 tall gaine so gotten. Wee giuing and graunting vnto them 
 and to their heires and Deputies, that they shall bee free from 
 all paying of customes of all and singuler such merchandize 
 as they shall bring with them from those places so newely 
 founde. 
 
 And, moreouer, wee haue giuen and graunted to them, 
 their heires and Deputies, that all the firme landes, lies. Vil¬ 
 lages, Townes, Castles, and places, whatsoeuer they he, that 
 they shall chaunce to finde, may not of any other of our sub- 
 iectes bee frequented or visited without the licence of the 
 foresayd John, his sonnes, and their deputies, under paine of . 
 forfayture as well of their shippes as of all and singuler 
 goods of all them that shall presume to sayle to those places 
 so founde. Willing and most straightly commaunding all 
 and singuler our subiectes, as well on lande as on sea, ap¬ 
 pointed officers, to giue good assistace to the aforesaid John 
 and his sonnes and deputies, and that as well in arming and 
 furnishing their ships or vessels, as in prouision of quiet- 
 nesse, and in buying of victualles for their money, and all 
 other thinges by them to be prouided, necessarie for the 
 saide nauigation, they doe giue them all their helpe and 
 fauour. In witnesse whereof, wee have caused to bee made 
 these our letters patentes. Witnesse our selfe at Westmin¬ 
 ster, the fifte day of March, in the xi yeere of our reigne. 
 
A NOTE OF SEBASTIAN GABOTES -.VOYAGE OF 
 Discoueriejtaken out of an old Chronicle, written by 
 Robert Fabian, sometime Alderman of London, 
 which is in the custodie of John Stowe, Citizen, 
 a diligent searcher and presenter of Antiquities. 
 
 This yeere the King (by meanes of a Venetian, whiche made in the 13 
 liimselfe very expert and cunning in knoweledge of the cir- Henrie the^ 
 
 J r ° & VII. 149S. 
 
 cuite of the worlde and Ilandes of the same as by a Carde 
 and other demonstrations reasonable hee shewed), caused to 
 man and victuall a shippe at Bristowe, to search for an Ilande, Note, 
 whiche hee saide hee knewe well was riche and replenished 
 with riche commodities. Which Ship, thus manned and vic¬ 
 tualed at the kinges cost, diuers merchants of London ven¬ 
 tured in her small stockes, being in her as chiefe Patrone the 
 saide Venetian. And in the companie of the saide shippe 
 sayled also out of Bristowe three or foure small ships fraught Bristow - 
 with sleight and grosse merchandizes, as course cloth, Caps, 
 
 Laces, points, and other trifles, and so departed from Bris¬ 
 towe in the beginning of May: of whom in this Maiors time 
 returned no tidings. London.' 
 
 sa- 
 
 Of three sauage men which hee brought home and presented vnto the 
 king in the xvn yeere of his raigne. 
 
 This yeere also were brought vnto the king three men. Three 
 taken in the new founde Hand, 1 that before I spake of in brought into 
 
 England. 
 
 William Purchas time, being Maior. These were clothed in 
 beastes skinnes, and ate rawe fleshe, and spake such speech Rawe flesh, 
 that no man coulde understand them, and in their demea- skins, 
 nour like to bruite beastes, whom the king kept a time after. 
 
 1 Hands.—Stowe, Annals, p. 485. Edit. 1615. 
 
Sebastian 
 Gabots 
 letters to 
 Kamusius. 
 
 24 
 
 SEBASTIAN GABOTES VOYAGE. 
 
 Of the which vpon two yeeres past after I saw two apparelled 
 after the maner of Englishmen, in Westminster pallace, which 
 at that time I coulde not diseerne from Englishemen, till I 
 was learned what they were. Bnt as for speech, I heard 
 none of them vtter one worde. ] 
 
 John Baptista Ramusius, in his preface to the thirde volume of the 
 nauigations, 1 writeth thus of Sebastian Gabot :— 
 
 In the latter part of this volume are put certaine relations 
 of John de Verarzana, a Florentine, and of a great Captaine 2 
 a Frenchman, and the two voyages of Jaques Cartier, a Briton , 3 
 who sailed vnto the lande set in fiftie degrees of latitude to 
 the north, which is called New France : and the which landes 
 hitherto it is not throughly knowne whether they doe ioyne 
 with the firme lande of Florida and Nona Hispania, or 
 whether they be separated and dinided all by the Sea as 
 Hands: and whether that by that way one may goe by Sea 
 vnto the countrie of Cathaio : 4 as many yeeres past it was 
 written vnto me by Sebastian Gaboto, our countrie man Vene¬ 
 tian, a man of great experience, and very rare in the art of 
 
 1 Page 6. Edit. 1565. 
 
 2 The title of this piece is as follows :—“Discorso d’un gran capitano 
 di mare Francese del luoco di Dieppa sopra le navigationi fatte alia 
 terra nuova dell’ Indie occidental^ chiamata la nuova Francia, da gradi 
 40 fino a gradi 47 sotto il polo artico, e sopra la terra del Brasil, Guinea, 
 Isola di San Lorenzo e quella di Summatra, fino alle quali hanno navigato 
 le caravelle e navi Francesi.” Who the great captain may have been 
 does not appear. 
 
 3 i. e., from Brittany. 
 
 4 Cathaia, or Cathay, has been mentioned by writers as a great 
 kingdom, as early as the thirteenth century : it is not easy, however, to 
 ascertain what district was comprised under this appellation. The locality 
 was the north of China ; but the notions of the early cosmographers 
 appear to have beeu far from definite upon the subject.—See a learned 
 dissertation, by Andreas Muller, entitled Disquisitio Geographica et Ilis- 
 torica de Ckataja, in which he discusses “ Qumnam Chataja sit, et an sit 
 idem ille terrarum tractus quern Sinas et vulgo Chinam vocant, aut pars 
 ejus aliqua'F’ Berolini, 1671, 4to. 
 
SEBASTIAN GABOTES VOYAGE. 
 
 25 
 
 Nanigation and the knowledge of Cosmographie: who sayled 
 along and beyonde this lande of Newe Fraunce, at the charges 
 of King Henrie the seuenth, king of Englande. And hee 
 tolde mee, that haning sayled a long time West and by North 
 beyonde these Ilandes vnto the latitude of 67 degrees and an 
 halfe under the North Pole, and at the 11 day of June, find¬ 
 ing still the open Sea without any manner of impediment, 
 hee thought verily by that way to haue passed on still the 
 way to Cathaio, which is in the East, and woulde haue done 
 it, if the mutinie of the shipmaster and marriners had not 
 rebelled, and made him to returne homewardes from that 
 place. 1 But it seemeth that God doth yet still reserue this 
 great enterprise for some great Prince to discouer this voyage 
 of Cathaio by this way; which for the bringing of the spiceries 
 from India into Europe were the most easie and shortest of 
 all other wayes hetherto founde out. And, surely, this en¬ 
 terprise woulde hee the most glorious, and of most impor¬ 
 tance of all other, that can he imagined, to make his name 
 great, and fame immortall, to all ages to come, farre more 
 then can be done by any of all these great troubles and 
 
 He calleth 
 
 them 
 
 Hands. 
 
 Sebastion 
 Gabot might 
 haue sailed 
 to Cathaio. 
 
 This voyage 
 to Cathay 
 reserued hy 
 God for 
 some great 
 Prince. 
 
 This way 
 the shortest 
 of all others. 
 
 This disco- 
 uery were a 
 most glori¬ 
 ous ente- 
 prise. 
 
 1 There is much contradictory evidence, and of an early date, as to the 
 degree of north latitude actually reached by S. Cabot; and the natural 
 consequence has been great discrepancy in the statements of later writers, 
 according as they have followed one or other of the earlier authorities. 
 The doubt is, whether he stopped short at 56 degrees, or had penetrated 
 as high as 67, when compelled to turn back by the mutinous fears of his 
 crew. There is a strong presumption in favour of his having actually 
 discovered Hudson’s Straits, and gained the 67th degree through Fox’s 
 Channel.—See Ramusio, Navigationi , vol, i, fol. 402. Edit. 1550. Id. 
 vol. iii, fol. 417. Edit. 1565 ; the various statements in Hakluyt’s 
 PrincipaU Navigations , vol. iii, p. 6-9, 25, 26. Edit. 1600; vol. iv, p. 417. 
 Edit. 1811 ; Gomara, Historia general de las Indias, fol. 31. Edit. 1554 ; 
 and also the Memoir of iS. Cabot , by Biddle, where the subject will be 
 found discussed at considerable length. It is to be regretted that this 
 gentleman has not been as careful in the arrangement of the very valuable 
 materials he has brought together, as he has been diligent in the collec¬ 
 tion of them: we can rarely be certain that we have got all the informa¬ 
 tion contained in his book upon any given subject. 
 
 E 
 
2G 
 
 SEBASTIAN GABOTES VOYAGE. 
 
 William 
 Worthing¬ 
 ton, Pen¬ 
 sioner. 
 
 warres, which dayly are vsed in Europe among the miserable 
 Christian people. 
 
 This much concerning Sebastion Gabotes discouerie may 
 suffice for a present cast: hut shortly, God willing, shall 
 come out in print, all his owne mappes and discourses, drawne 
 and written by himselfe, 1 which are in the custodie of the 
 worshipfull master Willia Worthington, 2 one of her Maiesties 
 Pensioners, who (because so worthie monumentes shoulde not 
 be buried in perpetuall obliuion) is very willing to suffer 
 them to be ouerseene and published in as good order as may 
 bee, to the encouragement and benefite of our Countriemen. 
 
 1 Cabot’s Maps and Discourses were never printed. See also Memoir 
 of S. Cabot , page 221, where Mr. Biddle suggests that Worthington may 
 have been a creature of Philip II of Spain, and have been employed by 
 him for the purpose of gaining possession of all Cabot’s charts and 
 papers. 
 
 2 William Worthington. One of the “ ordinary gentlemen and pen¬ 
 sioners” of King Edward VI, and “ bailiff and collector of the rents and 
 revenues of all the manors, messuages, and hereditaments, within the 
 city of London and county of Middlesex, which did belong to colleges, 
 guilds, fraternities, or free chapels.”—Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials , 
 vol. ii, part ii, page 234. Oxford, 1822. 
 
A DECLARATION OF THE INDIES AND LANDES 
 discouered and subdued vnto the Emperour and the king 
 of Portugale; and also of other partes of the Indies and 
 rich countries to be discouered, which the worshipfull 
 Master Uobert Thorne, merchant of London (who 
 dwelt long in the city of Siuil, in Spaine), exhorted 
 King Henrie the eight to take in hande. 
 
 MOST EXCELLENT PRINCE, 
 
 Experience proueth that naturally all Princes bee desirous to 
 extend and enlarge their dominions and kingdomes. Wher- 
 fore it is not to bee maruelled to see them euery day procure 
 y e same, not regarding any cost, perill, and labour, that may 
 thereby chaunce; but rather it is to bee majcucilcd -if there 
 be any prince content to line-quiet with liis owne dominions. 
 For surely the people would thinke he lacketh the noble 
 courage and spirit of all other. The worlde knoweth that 
 the desires of Princes haue beene so feruent to obtaine their 
 purpose, that they haue aduentured and proued things to 
 mans coniecture impossible, the which they haue made pos¬ 
 sible, and also things difficult haue made facil; and thus to 
 obtaine their purpose, haue in maner turned vp and downe 
 the whole worlde so many times, that the people inhabiting 
 in the farthest regio of the Occident, haue pursued with great 
 desires, labours, and perils, to penetrate and enter into the 
 farthest regions of the Orient: And in likewise those people of 
 the said partes of the Orient haue had no lesse labour and desire 
 to enter and penetrate into the farthest land of the Occident, 
 and so following their purchase [purpose ?] haue not seased 
 vntill they could passe no farther by reason of the great Seas. 
 This naturall inclination is cause that scarsely it may bee 
 
28 
 
 DECLARATION OP 
 
 saide there is any kingdome stable, nor king quiet, but that 
 his owne imagination, or other Princes his neighbours, doe 
 trouble him. God and nature hath prouided to your Grace, 
 and to your Gracious progenitors, this Realme of Englande, 
 and set it in so fruitefull a place, and within suche limites, 
 that it shoulde seeme to bee a place quiet and aparted from 
 all the foresaide desires. One speciall cause is, for that it is 
 compassed with the Sea: by reason thereof it seemes, this 
 notwithstanding, their desires and noble courages haue been 
 most commonly like vnto others : and with marueilous great 
 labours, costes, and perilles, they haue trauelled and passed the 
 Seas, making warre not onely with kings and dominions nigh 
 neighbours, but also with them of farre countries, and so 
 hath wonne and conquered many riche and faire Dominions, 
 and amplified this your Graces Realme with great victorie 
 and glory. And also nowe of late, your Grace hauing like 
 courage and desire, and not without iust cause to enlarge 
 this your kingdome, and demaund your limites and tribute 
 of the French king, which at that present hee restrained, 
 your Grace in person passed with a great power into France, 1 
 putting your Grace’s person to great paine and labour, and 
 without doubt victoriously you had conquered the saide 
 Realme of Fraunce as yee began, if your aduersarie had not 
 reconciled him, and knowledged your Graces right and title: 
 and so promised truely to pay the tribute then due, and ful¬ 
 fill your request in all thinges, and also desired your Grace 
 for peace, the which of your clemencie you could not refuse. 
 
 Nowe I, considering this your noble courage and desire, and 
 also perceiuing that your Grace may at your pleasure, to your 
 greater glory, by a godly meane, with litle cost, perill, or la¬ 
 bour to your Grace or any of_your Subiectes,'amplifie and 
 inriche this your saide Realme, I knowe it is my bounde dutie 
 to manifest this secrete vnto your Grace, which hitherto, as I 
 
 1 Henry VIII passed over into France in the month of June, 1513. 
 
THE INDIES. 
 
 20 
 
 suppose, hath bcene hid: which is, that with a small number N otef) 
 of shippes there may bee discouered diuers newe landes and 
 kingdomes, in the whiche, without doubt, your Grace shall 
 winne perpetuall glory and your Subiects infinite profite. 
 
 To which places there is left one way to discouer, which is 
 into the North: For that of the foure parts of the worlde it 
 seemeth three partes are discouered by other Princ es. For 
 out of Spaine they haue discouered all the Indies and Seas 
 Occidental!, and out of Portugale all the Indies and Seas Ori- 
 • ental: So that by this part of the Orient and Occident they 
 haue compassed the worlde. For the one of them departing 
 towarde the Orient, and the other towarde the Occident, met 
 againe in the course or way of the middest of the day, and 
 so then was discouered a great part of the same Seas and 
 coastes by the Spaniard^. So that nowe rest to bee dis¬ 
 couered the said North partes, the which it seemeth to mee 
 is onely your charge and dutie. Because the situation of this 
 your Realme is thereunto neerest and aptest of all other: and 
 also for that you haue alreadie taken it in hande: A nd, in Note, 
 mine opinion, it wijl not seeme well to leaue so great and 
 profitable an enterprise, seeing it may so easily, and with so 
 little coste, labour, and daunger, bee followed and obteined: 
 Though, heretofore, your Grace hath made theereof a proofe, 
 and founde not the commoditie thereby as you trusted, at 
 this time it shall bee no impediment. For there may bee 
 nowe prouided remedies for thinges then lacked, and the in- 
 conueniences and lettes remooued that then were cause your 
 Grace's desire tooke no full effect, which is, the courses to be 
 chaunged, and followe the aforesaid new courses. 1 And con- 
 
 1 In Hakluyt’s Collections , vol.i, page 515, we find an account of “ The 
 voyage of Sir Thomas Pert and S. Cabota to Brasil, St. Domingo, and St. 
 
 John de Porto Ricco, an. 1516.” This is the only voyage of the kind in 
 Henry YIII’s reign, prior to the time when Thorne wrote this Declaration; 
 and is, no doubt, the a proofe” referred to in the text. Hakluyt declares 
 that the expedition failed through the cowardice of Sir Thomas Pert ; 
 but we are not informed whether the object were the discovery of new 
 
30 
 
 DECLARATION OF 
 
 cerning the marriners, shipipes, and prouision, an order may 
 be denised and taken, meete and conuenient, much better 
 then hetherto. By reason whereof, and by God^s grace, no 
 doubt your purpose shall take effect. Surely the coste 
 heerein will bee nothing in comparison to the great profite. 
 The labour is much lesse, yea nothing at all, where so great 
 honour and glory is hoped for: and, considering well the 
 courses, truly the dager and way is shorter to vs the to 
 spaine or Portugal!, as by euident reasons appeareth. And 
 Note. nowe to declare some thing of the commodit ie and v tilitie of 
 this Nauigation andjiiscouering: it is very cleere and certaine 
 that the Seas that commonly men say that without great 
 danger, difficultie, and perill, yea, rather, it is impossible to 
 passe, those same Seas bee nauigable, and without any such 
 daunger but that shippes may passe, and have in them per- 
 petuall cleerenesse of the day without any darknesse of the 
 night: which thing is a great commoditie for the nauigants 
 to see at all times rounde about them, as well the safegardes 
 as daungers; and howe great difference it is betweene the 
 commoditie and perilles of other, whi^h lease the most 
 parte of euery foure and twentie houres the saide light and 
 goe in darknesse, groping their way, I thincke there is none 
 so ignorant but perceiueth this more plainely then it can bee 
 expressed : yea, what a vantage shall your Graces Subiects 
 haue also by this light to discouer the strange landes, coun¬ 
 tries, and coastes, for if they that bee discouered to sayle by 
 them in darkenesse is with great danger, muche more then 
 the coastes not discouered be dangerous to trauell by night 
 or in darknesse. Yet these dangers or darkenesse hath not 
 letted the Spaniardes and Portingals and other to discouer 
 many unknowen realmes to their great perill, which con- 
 
 regions, or a predatory excursion against the Spanish possessions. The 
 “new courses” recommended by Thorne, evidently refer to the expediency 
 of attempting a northern passage in preference to the more beaten track 
 towards New Spain. 
 
THE INDIES. 
 
 31 
 
 sidered (and that your Grace’s Subiectes may haue the said 
 lighte) it will seeme your Gr ace’s sulj aects to bee witho ut ac- 
 tiui tie or courage in le auing fodo thi s glorious and noble 
 en terpri se. For they, being past"" this little way which they 
 named so dangerous, which may bee ii or iii leagues before 
 they come to y e Pole, and as much more after they passe the 
 Pole, it is cleere that from thence foorth the Seas and landes 
 are as temperat as in these partes, and that then it may be at 
 the will and pleasure of the marriners to choose whether they 
 will saile by y e coastes that bee colde, temperate, or hot. 
 For they being past the Pole, it is plaine they maye decline 
 to what parte they list. If they will goe towarde the Orient, 
 they shall inioy the regions of all the Tartarians that extende 
 towarde the midday, and from thence they may goe and pro- 
 ceede to the lande of y e Chinas, and from thence to the 
 land of Cathaio oriental, which is of all the mayne lande 
 most orientall that can bee reckoned from our habitation. 
 And if from thence they doe continue their nauigation, fol¬ 
 lowing the coaste that returns towarde the Occident, they; 
 shall fall in Melassa, 1 and so in all t he In dee s whi ch we call 
 oriental; and, following that way, may return hither by the 
 Cape of Bona Speransa : 2 and thus they shall compasse the 
 whole worlde. And if they will take their course after they 
 be past the pole towarde the Occident, they shall goe in the 
 backe side of the new found lande, which of late was dis- 
 couered by your Grace’s subiectes, vntill they come to the back¬ 
 side and South seas of the Indees occidentals. And so con¬ 
 tinuing their Gage, they may returne thorowe the Straite of 
 Magallanas to this countrey, and so they compasse also the 
 worlde by that way, and if they goe this thirde way, and 
 after they bee past the pole, goe right towarde the pole Ant- 
 artike, and then decline toward the lands and Hands situated 
 betweene the Tropikes and vnder the Equinoctial, without 
 
 1 Melassa—most probably the Malay peninsula. 
 
 2 Cape of Good Hope. 
 
32 
 
 DECLARATION OF THE INDIES. 
 
 doubt they shal find there y e richest lads and Hands of the 
 worlde of Golde, precious stones, balmes, spices, and other 
 thinges that wee here esteeme most: which come out of 
 strang countreys, and may returne the same way. 
 
 By this, it appeareth your Grace have not onely a greate 
 aduantage of the riches, but also your subiectes shal not 
 trauell halfe of the way that other doe, which goe rounde 
 about as aforesaide. 
 
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 |4isis the forme of a Mappe fent ifl 7 . from Skill in Spay mr hyrnaifter Robert Thorne 
 march aunt, to D o<£tor LeyEmbaiTadourforkingHenry thc8. to Charles the Emperour. 
 [And although thefameinthis prefcnttimemAyfeeinc rude, yet Ihauc/etit out , he- 
 ptufehisbookecoulde not well bevnderftood without the fame. The imperfection of 
 rhich hd appe may be excuied by that tymerthe knowledge of Cofmographienot thenhe- 
 yng entreJ among ourMarchauntes^ as no we it is. 
 
 I 
 
33 
 
 THE BOOKE MADE BY THE RIGHT WORSHIPFUL 
 
 Master Robert Thorne, in the yeere 1527, in Siuill, to 
 Doctour Ley, 1 Lorde Ambassadour for King Henrie the 
 eight, to Charles the Emperour, being an information 
 of the parts of the world discouered by him and 
 the King of Portingale : And also of the way 
 to the Moluccaes by the north. 
 
 Right Noble and Reuerende in, etc. — I receiued your 
 letters, and haue procured and sent to lmowe of your seruant 
 who your Lordeship wrote shoulde bee sicke in Merchena. 2 
 I can not there or els where heare of him, w’out he be re¬ 
 turned to you or gone to S. Lucar and shipt. I can not iudge 
 but that of some contagious sicknes he died, so that the owner 
 of the house for defaming his house woulde bury him secretly 
 and not be known of it. For such things haue ofte times 
 happened in this countrey. 
 
 Also, to write to your Lordshippe of the newe trade of 
 spicerie of the Emperour, there is no doubt but that the 
 Ilandes 3 are fertile of cloues, nutmegs, mace, and cinnamon: 
 And that the saide Ilandes, with other there about, abounde 
 in gold, Rubies, Diamonds, Balasses, 4 Granates, 5 iacincts, and 
 other stones and pearles, as al other lads that are vnder and 
 nere y e equinoctial. For we see where nature giueth any 
 thing she is no nigarde. For as with vs and other, that are 
 
 1 Dr. Edward Lee, chaplain and almoner to King Henry VIII, and 
 afterwards archbishop of York.—Wood, Atlience Oxon. vol. i, page 138. 
 Edit. 1813. 
 
 2 Marchena, near Seville. 
 
 3 The Philippine Islands, discovered by Magellan for the crown of 
 Spain, in the year 1521. 
 
 4 The Balass ruby, of a faint red colour. 
 
 5 Granate, or grenatite; prismatic garnet, of a shining, transparent, 
 yellowish red. 
 
 F 
 
34 
 
 THE BOOKE MADE BY 
 
 aparted from tire sayde equinoctial^ our mettalles be lead, 
 tynne, and yron, so theirs be golde, siluer, and copper. And as 
 our fruites and graines be aples, nuttes, and corne, so theirs bee 
 dates, nutmegges, pepper, cloues, and other spices. And as 
 wee haue iette, amber, cristall, iasper, and other like stones, 
 so haue they rubies, diamonds, balasses, saphires, Iacincts, 
 and other like. And though some say that of such precious 
 mettals, graines, or kind of spices, and precious stones, the 
 aboundance and quantitie is nothing so great as our mettals, 
 fruites, or stones, aboue rehearsed : yet, if it be well consi¬ 
 dered how the quantitie of the earth vnder the equinoctiall 
 to both the tropicall lines (in which space is founde the said 
 golde, spices, and precious stones), to be as much in quan¬ 
 titie as utmost all the earth from the tropickes to both the 
 poles: it can not be denied but there is more quantitie of the 
 said mettels, fruites, spices, and precious stones, then there 
 is of the other mettels and other tliinges before rehearsed. 
 And I see that the preciousnesse of these thinges is measured 
 after the distance that is betweene vs, and the things that 
 we haue appetite vnto. For in this nauigation of the spicerie 
 was discouered, that these Hands nothing set by golde, but 
 set more by a knife and a nayle of yron, then by his quan¬ 
 titie of Golde : and with reason, as the thing more necessarie 
 for mans seruice. And I doubt not but to them shoulde 
 bee as precious our corne and seedes, if they might haue 
 them, as to vs their spices : and likewise the peeces of glasse 
 that heare wee haue counterfayted, are as precious to them as 
 to vs their stones : which by experience is seene daylie by 
 them that haue trade thither. This of the riches of those 
 countries is sufficient. 
 
 Touching that your Lordship wrote, whether it may be 
 profitable to the Emperour or no, it may be without doubte 
 of great profit: if, as the King of Portingall doth, he woulde 
 become a marchant and prouide shippes, and their lading, 
 and trade thither alone, and defende the trade of these 
 
MASTER ROBERT THORNE. 
 
 35 
 
 Hands for liimsclfe. But other greater busines withholdeth 
 him from this. But still, as novve it is begunne to bee occu¬ 
 pied, it would come to much. For the ships comming in 
 safetie, there would thither many euery yeere, of whiche to 
 the Emperour is due of all the wares and Juelles that come 
 from thence the fiffc part for his custome cleare without any 
 cost. And besides this, he putteth in euery flote a certayn 
 quantitie of money, of whiche hee enioyeth of the games 
 pounde and poundes, like as other aduenturers doe. In a 
 flote of three sliippes and a carauell, that went from this 
 citie, armed by the marchauntes of it, which departed in 
 Aprill last past, I and my partener liaue 1400 Ducates, that Note 
 we employed in the sayde fleete, principally for that two 
 Englishmen, friends of mine, whiche are somewhat lefirned in 
 Cosmograpliie, shoulde goe in the same shippes, to bring mee 
 certaine relation of the situation of the coHntrey, and to bee 
 experte in the Nauigation of those seas, and there to haue 
 informations of many other things and aduise that I desire 
 to know especially. Seeing in these quarters are shippes 
 and marriners of that countrey, and cardes by which they 
 sayle, though much vnlike ours: that they should procure 
 to haue the said Cards, and learne howe they vnderstande 
 them, and especially to know what Nauigation they haue for 
 those Ilandes Northwardes and Northeastwarde. 
 
 For if from the sayde Ilandes the Sea do extende without Note 
 interposition of lande, to sayle from the North poynt to the 
 Northeast poynt, 1700 or 1800 leagues, they should come to 
 the Newe founde Ilandes that wee discouered, and so wee 
 shoulde bee neerer to the sayde spicerie by almost 2000 leagues 
 then the Emperour or the king of Portingal are. And to 
 aduise your Lordshippe whether of these spiceries of the 
 King of Portingal or the Emperours is neerer, and also of 
 the titles that eyther of them hath, and howe our Newe founde 
 landes are parted from it (for that by writyng without some 
 demonstration it were harde to giue any declaration of it), 
 
36 
 
 THE BOOKE MADE BY 
 
 To know 
 the lati¬ 
 tudes. 
 
 I have caused that your Lordeshippe shall receyue herewith 
 a little Mappe or Carde of the worlde: the whiche I feare mee 
 shall put your Lordshippe to more labour to understande 
 then mee to make it, only for that it is made in so little 
 roome that it cannot be but obscurely set out, y t is desired 
 to be seene in it, and also for y l I am in this science little 
 expert: Yet to remedy in part this difficultie, it is necessary 
 to declare to your Lordshippe my intent, with which I trust 
 you shal perceiue in this card part of your desire, if, for that 
 I cannot expresse mine intent with my declaratio, I doe not 
 make it more obscure. 
 
 First, your Lordship knoweth that the Cosmographers liaue 
 deuided the earth by 360 degrees in latitude, and as many in 
 longitude, vnder the which is comprehended al the round- 
 nesse of the earth: the latitude beeing deuided into 4 quarters, 
 ninetie degrees amount to euerie quarter, which they mea¬ 
 sure by the altitude of the poles, that is, the North and South 
 starres, beeing from the line equinoctiall, till they come right 
 vnder the North starre, the saide ninetie degrees: and as 
 muche from the sayde line equinoctiall to the South starre 
 bee other ninetie degrees. And asmuche more is also from 
 eyther of the saide starres agayne to the equinoctiall. Which, 
 imagined to be rounde, is soone perceiued thus 360 degrees 
 of latitude to be consumed in the said foure quarters, of 
 ninetie degrees a quarter, so that this latitude is the measure 
 of the worlde from North to South, and from South to North. 
 And the longitude, in which are also counted other 360, is 
 counted fro West to East or from East to West, as in the card 
 is set. The said latitude your Lordship may see marked and 
 deuided in the end of this carde on the left hande. So that 
 if you woulde know in what degrees of latitude any region 
 or coast standeth, take a compasse and set the one foote of 
 the same in the equinoctiall line right against the said region, 
 and apply the other foote or compasse to the saide region or 
 coast, and then set the sayd compasse at the ende of the 
 
37 
 
 MASTER ROBERT THORNE. 
 
 carde, where the degrees are deuided. And the one foote of 
 the copasse standing in the line equinoctial^ the other will 
 sliewe in the scale the degrees of altitude or latitude that the 
 sayd region is in. Also, the longitude of the worlde I have 
 set out in the nether part of the carde, contayning also 360 
 degrees : which begin to be couted, after Ptolome and other 
 Cosmograpliers, from an head land, called Capo verde} which 
 is ouer against a little crosse, made in the part Occident all, 
 where the diuision of the degrees beginneth and endeth in 
 y e same Capo verde. Nowe, to knowe in what longitude To know 
 
 the Long: 
 
 any lande is, your Lordshippe must take a ruler, or a com- tudes. 
 passe, and set the one foote of the compasse upon the lande, 
 or coast, whose longitude you woulde knowe, and extende 
 the other foote of the compasse to the nexte parte of one of 
 the transuersall lines in the Orientall or Occidentall part: 
 which done, set the one foote of the compasse in the saide 
 transuersall lyne at the ende of the nether scale, the scale of 
 longitude and the other foote sheweth the degree of longi¬ 
 tude that the region is in. And your Lordshippe must vnder- 
 stande, that this carde, though little, conteyneth the vniuersall 
 whole worlde betwixte the twoo collaterall lines, the one in 
 the Occidentall parte descendeth perpendicular vppon the 175 
 degree, and the other in the Orientall on the 170 degree, whose 
 distaunce measureth the scale of longitude. And that whiche 
 is without the two sayde transuersall lynes is onely to shew 
 liowe the Oriental part is ioyned with the Occident, and Occi¬ 
 dent with the Orient. For that that is set without the line in 
 
 1 The meridian adopted by Ptolemy is not Cape Verde, but Ferro, the 
 most westerly of the Canary Islands, which were well known to the 
 ancients as the Insulas Fortunatae, although gradually forgotten after the 
 destruction of Carthage, the great maritime power of antiquity. Some 
 have fixed the first meridian at the island of St. Nicholas, near Cape 
 Verde; some at the island of Corvo, one of the Azores. The Dutch have 
 chosen the Peak of TenerifFe; others, the Isle of Palma, one of the Cana¬ 
 ries ; and the French have reckoned, within the last hundred years, both 
 from the Island of Ferro, and from Paris. 
 
38 
 
 THE BOOKE MADE BY 
 
 the Orient parte is the same that is set within the other line in 
 the Occidentall parte : and againe, that that is sette without 
 the iine in the Occidentall part is the same that is set within 
 the line on the Orientall parte : To shewe that though this 
 figure of the worlde, in playne or flat, seemeth to haue an 
 ende, yet one imagining that this sayde carde were set vpon 
 a round thing, where the endes shoulde touche by the lines, 
 it would plainely appeare howe the Orient part ioyneth with 
 the Occident, as there without the lines it is described and 
 figured. And for more declaration of the said card, your 
 Lordship shall vnderstand, that beginning on the parte Occi¬ 
 dentall within the lyne, the first land that is set out is ye 
 mayne land, and Hand of the Indies 1 of ye Emperour. Which 
 mayne lande or coast goeth Northwarde, and finisheth in the 
 lande that wee founde, which is called lieere Terra de Labra¬ 
 dor. So that it appeareth the sayde lande that wee founde, 
 and the Indies, to bee all one mayne lande. The sayd coast 
 from the saide Indies Southwarde, as by the carde your 
 Lordshippe may see, cometh to a certaine straite sea, called 
 
 Now called Estrecho de todos Sanctos: by which straite Sea the Spaniardes 
 
 the streit of 
 
 Mageiane. g 0 to the spiceries, as I shall declare more at large : the 
 which straite sea is right against the three hundred fifteene 
 degrees of Longitude, and is of Latitude or altitude from the 
 Equinoctiall fiftie-three degrees. The first lande from the 
 sayd beginning of the carde towarde the Orient, is certaine 
 Ilandes of the Canaries, and Ilandes of Capo verde. But 
 the first mayne lande next to the line Equinoctiall, is the 
 sayde Capo verde, and from thence northwarde by the streite 
 of this sea of Italie. 2 And so followeth Spayne, Eraunce, 
 Flaunders, Almaine, Denmarke, and Norway, which is the 
 highest parte toward the North. And ouer against Elaun- 
 ders are our Hands of England and lrelande. Of the landes 
 and coastes within the straites, I haue set out onelye the 
 
 1 Mexico and the West Indies. 
 
 2 The Straits of Gibraltar. 
 
MASTER ROBERT THORNE. 
 
 39 
 
 Regions, deluding them by lynes of their lymittes, by whiche 
 playnelie I thinke your Lordship may see, in what situatio 
 euerv region is, and of what highnesse, and with what regions 
 it is ioyned. I doe thinke few are lefte out of all Europe. 
 
 In the partes of Asia and Affrica, I could not so well make 
 the said diuisions: for that they be not so well knowen, nor 
 neede not so muche. This I write, because in the sayde 
 carde bee made the sayde lynes, and strikes that your Lord- 
 shippe should vnderstande wherefore they doe serue. Also, 
 returning to foresayde Capo verde, the coast goeth South- 
 warde to a cape, called Capo de bona speransa d which is right 
 ouer agaynst the sixtye and sixtie-fifte degree of Longitude. 
 
 And by this cape goe the Portingales to their spicerie. For 
 from this cape towarde the Orient, is the Lande of Calicut, as 
 your Lordshippe may see in the head lande ouer against the 
 130 degree. From the said Cape of Bona Speransa the coast 
 returneth toward the line Equinoctiall, and passing foorth, 
 entreth the read sea, and returning out, entreth againe into 
 the gnlfe of Persia, and returneth towarde the Equinoctiall 
 line, till that it commeth to the headland called Callicut 2 
 aforesaide, and from thence the coast, making a Gulfe, 3 where 
 is the riuer of Ganges, returneth towarde the line to a head 
 lande called Malaclia, where is the principall spicerie: And 
 from this cape, returneth and maketh a great Gulfe, 4 and after, 
 the coast goeth right toward the Orient, and ouer against 
 this last gulfe and coast be manie Ilandes, 5 which be Ilandes 
 of the spiceries of the Emperour. Upon which the Portingales 
 and he be at variaunce. The said coast goeth towarde the Note. 
 Orient and endeth right against the 155 degrees, and after 
 returneth toward the Occident Northwarde : which coast not 
 yet plainely knowne, I may ioyne to the new found land 
 found by vs, that I spake of before. So that I finishe with 
 
 1 Cape of Good Hope. 2 How called Cape Comorin. 
 
 3 The Bay of Bengal. 4 The Gulf of Siam. 
 
 5 The Philippine Islands. 
 
40 
 
 THE BOOKE MADE BY 
 
 this, a briefe declaration of the carde aforesavde. Well I 
 knowe I shoulde also haue declared how the coastes within 
 the streites of the Sea of Italie runne. It is plaine, that 
 passing the streites on the Northside of that Sea after the 
 Coast of Granado, and with that which pertaynes to S payne, 
 is the coast of that which Fraunce hath in Italie. And then 
 followeth in one peece all Italie, which lande hath an arme 
 of a sea, with a gulf, which is called Mare Adriaticum. And 
 in the bottome of this gulfe is the citie of Venice. And on 
 the other part of the said gulfe is Sclauonia, 1 and nexte 
 Grecia, then the streites of Constantinople, 2 and then the Sea 
 called Euxinus, which is within the saide streites : and com- 
 ming out of the said straits, floweth toward Turcia maior. 
 (Though now on both sides it is called Turcia.) And so the 
 coast runneth Southward to Syria, and ouer against the said 
 Turcia are the Hades of Rhodes, Can die, and Cyprus. And 
 ouer against Italie are the Ilandes of Sicilia and Sardinia. 
 And ouer against Spaine is Maiorca and minorca. In the 
 ende of the gulfe of Syria is Iudea. And from thence 
 returneth the coast toward the Occident, till it commeth to 
 the streites where wee beganne, whiche all is the coast of 
 Affricke or Barbarie. Also, your Lordshippe shall vnder- 
 stande, that the coastes of the Sea throughout all the world 
 I haue coloured with yellow, for that it may appeare that all 
 that is within the line coloured yellow, is to be imagined to 
 be mayne land, or Hand: and all without the sayde line so 
 coloured to bee Sea; whereby it is easie and light to know it. 
 Albeit, in this little roome, aiiy other description would 
 
 rather haue made it obscure then cleere. Also, the sayd 
 
 ' */ 
 
 coasts of the Sea are all set iustly after the manner and forme 
 
 1 Istria, Croatia, and Dalmatia, to which the term Sclavonia was for¬ 
 merly applied, as well as to that part of Europe which is known at the 
 present day as Sclavonia Proper, situate between the Save, the Danube, 
 and the Illova. 
 
 2 The Dardanelles and Sea of Marmora. 
 
MASTER ROBERT THORNE. 
 
 41 
 
 as they lye, as the nauigation approoueth the throughout all 
 the carde, saue onely the coastes and lies of the spicerie of 
 y e Emperour, which is from ouer against the 160 to the 215 
 degrees of Longitude. For these coastes and situations of 
 the Hands, euery of the Cosmographers and pilots of Portin- 
 gall and Spayne doe set after their purpose. The Spaniards, 
 more towards the Orient, because they should appear to apper- 
 taine to the Emperour: and the Portingalles more toward 
 the Occident, for that they should fall within their iurisdic- 
 tion. So that the Pilots and nauigants thither, which in 
 such cases should declare y e truth, by their industrie doe set 
 the falsely euery one to fauour his prince. And for this 
 cause can be no certaine situatio of y t coast and Hands til 
 this difference betwixte them be verified. Nowe, to come to 
 the purpose of your Lordsliippes demaunde, touching the 
 difference betweene the Emperour and the king of Portin- 
 gall, to vnderstad it better, I must declare y e beginning of 
 this discouering. Though, peradueture, your Lordship may 
 say, y f in that I liaue writte ought of purpose, I fall in the Pro- 
 uerbe, A gemino ouo helium: But your Lordship commaunded 
 me to be large, and I take licence to be prolixouse, and slial 
 be, peraduenture, tedious, but your Lordship knoweth that 
 nihil ignorantia verbosius. In the yeere 1484, 1 the king of 
 Portingal minded to arme certaine caruelles to discouer this 
 spicery. Then forasmuch as he feared that being discouered, 
 euerie other prince would send and trade thither, so y l the 
 cost and peril of discouering should be his, and the profite 
 common : wherefore, first, he gaue knowledge of this his 
 mvnd to all princes christened, saying, y 1 he would seeke 
 amogst y e infidels newe possessios of regions, and therefore 
 
 1 In this year Congo was discovered by Diego Cam, a Portuguese.— 
 Barros, Asia, Dec. i, fol. 39. This was the first voyage in which stone 
 pillars were used by the Portuguese to mark their discoveries ; they had 
 previously used wooden crosses. We do not find in the different histories 
 of Portuguese discovery, any account of the application to the various 
 sovereigns of Europe, mentioned in the text. 
 
 C, 
 
42 
 
 THE BOOKE MADE BY 
 
 would make a certain army: and j x if any of the would help 
 in y e cost of y e said army, he should enioy his parte of the 
 profite, or honour, that slioulde come of it. And as then this 
 discouering was holden for a straunge thing and vncertaine. 
 Nowe they say, that all the Princes of Christendome aun- 
 sweared, that they woulde bee no parte of such an army, nor 
 yet of the profite y 1 might come of it. After the which, he 
 gaue knowledge to the Pope of his purpose, and of the answere 
 of all the Princes, desiring him, y t seeing that none would 
 helpe in the costes, that hee woulde iudge all that shoulde 
 he founde and discouered to he of his iurisdiction, and com- 
 maund that none other Princes should intermeddle there¬ 
 with. The pope saide not, as Christ saith, Quis me constituit 
 iudicem inter vos ? He did not refuse, but making himselfe 
 as Lorde and Iudge of all, not only grauted that all that 
 should be discouered from Oriet to Occidet should be the 
 kings of Portingall, but also, that vpon great censiires no 
 other Prince should discouer but he : And if they did, all to 
 be the kinges of Portingall. 1 So he armed a fleete, and in 
 the yeere 1487 was discouered y e Hands of Calicut, 2 from 
 
 1 See Barros, Asia (Dec. i, fol. 14-39. Edit. 1628), as to the grants to 
 this effect by various popes (beginning with Martin V, down to Sextus 
 IY), of all that might be discovered by the Portuguese from Cape 
 Bojador to the East Indies inclusive. Also, Dec. i, lib. ii, cap. 4; and 
 Navarrete, Collection de Viages , tom. ii, p. 23 el seqg.; as to the bulls of 
 Pope Alexander YI, dated 2nd and 3rd May 1493, granting to Spain the 
 whole of the western hemisphere, to commence at a line drawn from the 
 north to the south pole, one hundred leagues westward from the Azores 
 and Cape Yerde Islands. 
 
 2 What is here termed the discovery of the islands of Calicut, or in 
 other words, the passage to the East Indies by the Cape of Good Hope, 
 was not accomplished until the year 1498. But in 1487, the practica¬ 
 bility of the passage was proved by Bartholomeu Diaz, w r ho actually 
 doubled the cape in that year.—Barros, Asia, Dec. i, fol. 43. Edit. 1628. 
 On the 8th of July 1497, Yasco da Gama set sail from Lisbon for the 
 purpose of accomplishing the passage to the east by this route; and after 
 exploring the eastern coast of Africa as far as Melinda, he steered across 
 the Indian Ocean, and made land in India for the first time at the city 
 of Calicut, on the 18th of May 1498.— Id. Dec. i, fol. 63-73. 
 
MASTER ROBERT THORNE. 
 
 48 
 
 whence is brought all the spice he hath. After this, in the 
 yeere 1492, the king of Spaine, willing to discouer landes 
 towarde the Occident, without making any such diligence, or 
 taking licence of the king of Portingale, armed certayne 
 caruelles, and then discouered this India Occidental!, espe¬ 
 cially two Ilandes of the saide India, that in this carde I set 
 foorth, named, the one Ladommica, and the other Cuba, 1 and 
 brought certaine gold from thence. Of the which, when the 
 king of Portingall had knowledge, he sent to the king of 
 Spayne, requiring him to give him y e said Hands. For that 
 by the sentence of the Pope, all that should be discouered 
 was his, and that he should not proceede further in the dis- 
 couerie without his licence. And at the same time it seemeth, 
 that out of Castill into Portingale had gone, for feare of 
 burning, infinite number of Iewes that were expelled out of 
 Spayne, for that they would not turne to be Christians, and 
 carried with the infinite number of gold and silver. So that 
 it seemeth that the King of Spayne answered that it was 
 reaso that the king of Portingall asked, and that to bee 
 obedient to that which the pope had decreed, he would 
 giue him the said Hands of the Indies. Now, for as much as 
 it was decreed betwixt y e said kings, y l none should receiue 
 y e others subiects, fugitiues, nor their goodes, therefore the 
 king of Portingale should pay and returne to the king of 
 Spaine a million of Golde or more, that the Iewes had car¬ 
 ried out of Spaine to Portingale; and that so doing, he would 
 giue these Ilandes, and desist from any more discouering. 
 And not fulfilling this, he would not onely not giue these 
 Hands, but procure to discouer more where him thought best. 
 It seemeth that the king of Portingale would not, or could 
 not, with his ease pay this mony. And so not paying that, he 
 coulde not let the King of Spaine to discouer : so that hee 
 
 1 The island of Dominica was discovered by Columbus, on the 3rd of 
 November 1493 ; and Cuba in the month of October 1492 .—Select Letters 
 of Columbus , edited by Major for the Hakluyt Society, pp. 2, 21. 
 
44 
 
 THE BOOKE MADE BY 
 
 enterprised not toward tlie Orient where he had begun and 
 found the spicery. And consented to the king of Spaine, 
 that touching this discouering, they should deuide the worlde 
 betweene them two. And that all that should be discouered 
 fro Capo verde, where this carde beginneth to be counted in 
 the degrees of longitude, to 180 of the sayde scale of longi¬ 
 tude, which is halfe the worlde toward the Orient, and 
 finisheth in this carde right ouer against a little crosse made at 
 the sayde 180 degrees, to be the king of Portingalles. And 
 all the lande from the sayde Crosse towarde the Occident 
 vntill it ioyneth with the other Crosse in the Orient, which 
 conteinetli the other hundreth and eightie degrees, that is 
 the other halfe of the worlde, to bee the king of Spaynes. 
 So that from the lande ouer agaynst the sayde hundreth 
 and eightie degrees vntill it finish in the three hundred and 
 sixtie on both the endes of the carde, is the iurisdiction of 
 the king of Spayne. So after this manner they deuided the 
 worlde betweene them. 1 Nowe, for that these Hands of 
 spicerie fall neere the terme and lymites betweene these 
 Princes (for as by the sayde carde you maye see they beginne 
 from one hundred and sixtie degrees of Longitude, and ende 
 in 215), it seemeth all that falleth from 160 to 180 degrees 
 shoulde bee of Portingall: and all the rest of Spayne. And 
 for that their Cosmographers and Pilots could not agree in 
 the situation of the said Hands (for the Portingals set them 
 al within their 180 degrees, and the Spaniards set them all 
 without: and for that in measuring, all the Cosmographers 
 of both partes, or what other that euer haue beene, canot 
 giue certaine order to measure y e logitude of the world as 
 
 1 See ante , p. 42, note 1. An agreement between Spain and Portugal 
 was concluded on the 7th of June 1494, and is known as the Capitula¬ 
 tion of Tordesillas. Its object was to secure to Portugal all that might 
 be discovered within a line, to be drawn from the north to the south 
 pole, at the distance of three hundred and seventy leagues from the Cape 
 Verde Islands. — Navarrete, Colleccion de Viages y Descubrimientos, tom. 
 ii, p. 130 et seqq. 
 
MASTER ROBERT THORNE. 
 
 45 
 
 they do of y e latitude: for y l there is no starre fixed fro The longi . 
 East to West, as are y e starrs of the poles from North to to be 1'ourule 
 
 _ out. 
 
 South, but all mooueth with the mouing diuine) : no maner 
 can be found how certainely it may be measured, but by con- 
 iectures, as the Nauigantes liaue esteemed the way they haue 
 gone. But it is manifest, that Spayne had the situation of 
 all the landes from Capo verde towarde the Orient of the 
 Portingales to their 180 degrees. And in all their cardes 
 they neuer hitherto set the sayd Hands within their limita- 
 tio of the sayd 180 degrees (Though they knew very well of 
 the Ilandes) til nowe that the Spaniards discouered them. 
 
 And it is knowne that the king of Portingale had trade to 
 these Hands afore, but would neuer suffer Portingale to goe 
 thither from Calicut: for so much as hee knewe that it fell 
 out of his dominion : least by going thither there might 
 come some knowledge of those other Ilandes of the King of 
 Spayne, but bought the cloues of Merchauntes of that 
 countrie, that brought them to Calicut, much deerer then 
 they would haue cost if he had set for the, thinking after 
 this maner it would abide alwaies secrete. And now that it 
 is discouered he sendes and keepes the Spanierds from the 
 trade all that he can. Also, it should seeme, that when this 
 foresaide consent of the diuision of the worlde was agreed 
 of betweene them, the king of Portingale had alreadye dis¬ 
 couered certayne Ilandes that lye ouer against Capo verde) 
 and also certayne parte of the mayne lande of India towarde 
 the South, from whence he fet Brasill, and called it the lande 
 of Brasill. 2 So for that all shoulde come in his terme and 
 
 1 The Cape Verde Islands were discovered by Antonio Nolle, a Geno¬ 
 vese, in the service of the Infante Don Henry of Portugal. Geographers 
 are not agreed as to the year in which this discovery was made : accord¬ 
 ing to Chelmicki (Corografia Cabo-Verdiana, p 2), it was in the month 
 of May 1446 ; hut we find it also assigned to the years 1440, 1445, 1449, 
 
 1450, and 1460. 
 
 2 The natural conclusion to be drawn from this and the following pas¬ 
 sage is, that the Portuguese had discovered Brazil before the agreement 
 as to the three hundred and seventy leagues had been entered into. But 
 
46 
 
 THE BOOKE MADE BY 
 
 limites, hee tooke three hundred and seuentie leagues be- 
 yonde Capo verde: and after this, his 180 degrees, being his 
 part of the worlde, shoulde beginne in the Carde right ouer 
 against the 340 degrees, where I haue made a little compasse 
 with a crosse, and shoulde finishe at the 160 degree, where 
 also I haue made an other little marke. And after this com¬ 
 putation without any controuersie, the Ilandes of the spicerie 
 fall out of the Portingales domination. So that nowe the 
 Spaniardes say to the Portingales, that if they woulde be¬ 
 ginne their 180 degrees from the saide Capo Verde, to the 
 intent they shoulde extende more towarde the oriente, and 
 so to touche those Ilandes of the spicerie of the Emperour, 
 which is all that is betweene the two crosses made in this 
 carde, that then the Ilandes of Capo verde, and the lande of 
 Brasill that the Portingales nowe obtaine, is out of the sayde 
 limitation, and that they are of the Emperours. Or if their 
 180 degrees they count from the 370 leagues beyonde the 
 sayde Capo verde, to include in it the sayde Ilandes and 
 landes of Brasill, then plainely appeareth the saide 180 
 degrees shoulde finishe longe before they come to these 
 Ilandes of the spicerie of the Emperour: As by this Carde 
 your Lordesliippe may see. For their limittes shoulde be¬ 
 ginne at the 340 degrees of this Carde, and ende at 160 
 degrees, where I haue made two little marks of the compasse 
 with crosses in them. 
 
 this is not correct, the Capitulation of Tordesillas bearing date five years 
 before the coast of Brazil was known. The name given to the country 
 by the discoverers was Santa Cruz, which was afterwards changed to 
 Brazil, from the immense quantity of the wood so called found there. 
 There is early evidence to prove that the wood gave the name to the 
 country, and not the country to the wood. The following passage occurs 
 in the Liber Radicum of the Rabbi Kimchi, a Spaniard, who lived in the 
 thirteenth century. “Algummim (2 Chron. ix, 10), alias Almugim (1 
 Kings, x, 12) : both stand for the same, and in common language it is 
 called Corallo; but some persons declare it to be a sort of wood used for 
 dying, called in Arabic Albakam , and in common language Brazil .”— 
 Kimchi, Lib. Rad. sub voce, axb- 
 
MASTER ROBERT THORNE. 
 
 4 7 
 
 So that plainely it shoulde appeare by reason, that the 
 Portingales shoulde leaue these Ilandes of Capo verde, and 
 land of Brasill, if they would haue part of the spicerie of the 
 Emperours : or else holding these, they haue no parte there. 
 To this the Portingales say, that they will beginne their 180 
 degrees from the selfe same Capo verde: for that it maye 
 extende so muche more towarde the oriente, and touche 
 these Ilandes of the Emperours: and woulde winne these 
 Ilandes of Capo verde and lande of Brasill neuer the lesse, as 
 a thinge that they possessed before the consent of this limi¬ 
 tation was made. 1 
 
 So none can verylye tell whiche hath the best reason. 
 
 They bee not yet agreed, Quare sub Iudice Us est. But 
 without doubte, by all coniectures of reason, the sayde Ilandes 
 fall all without the limitation of Portingale, and pertayne to 
 Spaine, as it appeareth by the most parte of all the Cardes 
 made by the Portingales, saue those they haue falsified of 
 late purposely. 2 But nowe touching that your Lordeshippe 
 
 1 See ante , page 9, note, as to the discovery of Brazil. 
 
 2 In the year 1524, a serious effort was made to settle these differences, 
 and commissioners from both crowns met at the boundary between 
 Badajoz and Yelves. It had been previously agreed, that the Portuguese 
 should be allowed the three hundred and seventy leagues mentioned in 
 the text, and the points to be discussed were — 1, Upon what medium 
 the line of demarcation should be made, whether upon the marine 
 chart, or upon the spherical map ; 2, How they should fix the proper 
 situation of the Cape Yerde Islands ; and 3, From which of the Cape 
 Yerde Islands they should commence the measurement of the three hun¬ 
 dred and seventy leagues, for the line of demarcation. Difficulties imme¬ 
 diately arose. There was found to be a difference of seventy leagues 
 between the situation of places, as laid down in the maps produced by 
 the Spaniards and the Portuguese. Again, the Portuguese wished to 
 measure the three hundred and seventy leagues from La Sal, the most 
 eastern of the Cape Yerde Islands; the Spaniards, from San Antonio, the 
 most western : the distance between the two being not less than seventy 
 leagues. The Portuguese rejected both the marine charts and maps of 
 the Spaniards, and endeavoured to confine the inquiry to the question of 
 actual possession of the Spice Islands. The Spanish commissioners, on 
 the other hand, insisted upon fixing the line of demarcation, affirming, 
 
48 
 
 THE BOOKE MADE BY 
 
 wrote, whether that which wee discouered toucheth any 
 New found thing the foresayde coastes : once it appeareth plainely, that 
 engi? S h- ythe the Newe founde lande that wee discouered is all a mayne 
 lande, with the Indies occidental!, from whence the Empe- 
 ronr hath all the golde and pearles: and so continueth of 
 coaste more then 5000 leagues of length, as by this Carde 
 appeareth. For from the saide newe landes it proceedeth 
 toward the occidet to the Indies, and from the Indies return- 
 eth toward the orient, and after tnrneth sonthwarde vp till 
 it come to the straytes of Todos Sanctos, whiche I reckon to 
 bee more then 5000 leagues. 
 
 Note. So that to the Indians it shoulde seeme that wee haue some 
 
 title, at least, that for our discouering wee might trade thither 
 as other doe. But all this is nothing neere the spicerie. 
 Tosayie by Nowe then (if from the sayde newe founde landes the Sea 
 
 the pole. v J 
 
 bee Nauigable), there is no doubte, but sayling Northwarde 
 and passing the pole, descending to the equinoctiall lyne, 
 
 ( wee shall hitte these Ilandes, and it shoulde bee much more 
 shorter way then eyther the Spaniardes or the Portingales 
 haue. For wee bee distaunt from the pole but 39 degrees, 
 and from the pole to the Equinoctiall bee 90, the which 
 added together be 129 degrees, leagues 2480, and myles 
 7440. Where wee shoulde finde these Ilandes. And the 
 Nauigation of the Spaniardes to the spicerie is, as by this 
 Carde you may see, from Spayne to the Ilandes of Canarie, 
 and from these Ilandes they runne ouer the lyne Equinoc- 
 
 that the line of partition for the three hundred and seventy leagues must 
 commence at the Island of San Antonio, and that the Moluccas, Sumatra, 
 Malacca, the Philippine Islands, and also China, fell within the line of 
 demarcation for Castille, by many degrees ; and that their situation was 
 not in the longitude affirmed by the Portuguese. In the midst of these 
 discussions, the term for which the commission was appointed expired, 
 and the commissioners ultimately came to the decision that they could 
 decide nothing; and not knowing what better to do, left the matter to be 
 settled by their respective sovereigns.—Herrera, Historia de la Espana, 
 tom. i, Descripcion, p. 2, Dec. in, lib. vi, cap. 3-8 ; Navarrete, Colleccion, 
 tom. iv, p. 310 et seqq. 
 
MASTER ROBERT THORNE. 
 
 49 
 
 tiall South war de to the cape of the mayne lande of Indians, 
 called the Cape of Sainte Augustine, and from this cape 
 Soutliwardes to the straytes of Todos Sanctos, in the whiclic 0rt . he , 
 Nauigation to the sayde straites is 1700 or 1800 leagues: and Magelen - 
 from these straytes, being past them, they returne towarde 
 the line Equinoctiall to the Ilandes of spicerie, whiche are 
 distante from the sayde straites 4200 or 4300 leagues. 
 
 The Nauigation of the Portingalles to the sayd Hands is, 
 departing from Portingale Southwarde towarde the Capo 
 verde, and from thence to another Cape, passing the lyne 
 equinoctiall, called Capo de bona speransa, and from Por¬ 
 tingale to the cape is 1800 leagues, and from this cape to the 
 Ilandes of spicerie of the Emperour is 2500 leagues. 
 
 So that by this nauigation amounteth all to 4300 leagues. 
 
 So that as afore is sayde, if betweene our Newe founde landes, 
 or Norway, or Islande, the Seas towarde the north be Naui- 
 gable, wee shoulde goe to these Ilandes a shorter way by 
 more then 2000 leagues. And though wee went^bPTo^fhe' 
 saide Ilandes, for that they are the Emperours or Kinges of 
 Portingale, wee shoulde by the way, and comming once to Note - 
 the line Equinoctiall, finde landes no lesse riche of Golde 
 and spicerie as all other landes are vnder the saide line Equi¬ 
 noctiall: and also shoulde, if wee may passe vnder the North, 
 enioye the Nauigation of all Tartarie. 
 
 Which should bee no lesse profitable to our commodities Benefite to 
 
 Englande. 
 
 of clothe, then these spiceries to the Emperour and king of 
 Portingale. 
 
 But it is a generall opinion of all Cosmograpliers, that Obiection. 
 passing the seuenth clyme, 1 the sea is all ice, the colde so 
 
 1 A climate is a space of the surface of the globe comprised between 
 two circles parallel to the equator. The general rule for determining 
 the region embraced by each climate has been a certain variance in the 
 length of the longest day, so that the longest day at the parallel nearest 
 to the equator shall exceed the longest day at the parallel nearest to the 
 pole by the period of time fixed upon. Ptolemy made a quarter of an hour 
 his rule; but most geographers, up to a period long subsequent to the time 
 
 H 
 
50 
 
 THE BOOKE MADE BY 
 
 An s were. 
 
 much that none can suffer it. And hitherto they had all the 
 like opinion, that vnder the lyne Equinoctiall for muche 
 lieate the lande was inhabitable. 1 
 
 Yet since by experience is prooued no lande so much 
 habitable nor more temperate. And to conclude, I thinke 
 the same shoulde bee founde vnder the North if it were expe¬ 
 rimented. For as all fudge, Nihil fit vacuum in rerum natura: 
 So I iudge there is no lande inhabitable nor Sea innauigable. 
 If I should write the reason that presenteth this vnto mee, I 
 shoulde bee too prolixe, and it seemeth not requisite for this 
 present matter. God knoweth that though by it I shoulde 
 haue no great interest, yet I haue had and still haue no little 
 f f ls v C oue?ie° f minde of this businesse : So that if I had facultie to my 
 the pole. ^ s } 10u ^ B ee ^e p rs t thing that I woulde vnderstande, 
 
 M.Thorne e uen to attempt, if our Seas Northwarde bee nauigable to the 
 uerS’s^f 00 ' Pole, or no. I reason, that as some sicknesses are heredi- 
 iand tound tarious and come from the father to the sonne, so this inclin- 
 
 A true 
 opinion 
 
 when Thorne wrote, made half an hour the boundary of each climate, which 
 would bring the “seventh clyme” mentioned in the text to about 50^ de¬ 
 grees north. This, however, would not at all bear out the assertion, that 
 “ it is a general opinion of all cosmographers, that passing the seventh 
 clyme, the sea is all ice, the cold so much that none can suffer it.” Geogra¬ 
 phers have been far from unanimous on the subject. Ricciolius, in his Geo- 
 grophia ei Hydrographia reformata , page 268, Edit. Venetiis, 1672, fol. 
 commences a very learned disquisition, “ De climatum diversitate,” by 
 observing, “ There is a marvellous confusion respecting them, and not a 
 little need of reformation.” It is quite clear, that the opinion quoted by 
 Thorne, must have been founded upon tables very different from those 
 generally given; and that his “seventh clyme” must have been much 
 farther north. Jan Janson, referring to the necessarily increasing con¬ 
 traction of the climates as they receded from the equator, when the 
 variance of time is made the basis of the limit, proposed that the 
 northern and southern hemispheres should be divided into ten climates 
 of ten degrees each,— thus rejecting all consideration both of time and 
 of temperature. This would bring the northern limit of the seventh 
 climate to seventy degrees ; but this division, which was adopted by 
 Blaeu, was not introduced until more than a century after Thorne 
 wrote.—Janson, Novus Atlas , tom. i, cap, 6, Introd. Edit. 1658 ; Blaeu, 
 De Globis , cap. 4, No. 3. 
 
 1 In pro non, i. e., not habitable. 
 
MASTER ROBERT THORNE. 
 
 51 
 
 ation or desire of this discouerie I inherited of my father, 
 which with another merchant of Bristowe, named Hugh 
 Eliot, were the discouerers of the newe found lads, of the 
 which there is no doubt, as now plainly appeareth, if the 
 marriners woulde then haue been ruled, and folowed their ^J lees 
 pilots mind, the lands of the west Indies, from whence all also S sSa? 
 the gold commeth, had been ours. For all is one coaste, as writeth in 
 
 an epistle 
 
 by the carde appeareth, and is aforesaide. Also in this carde, ^Baptist ^ 
 by the coastes where you see C, your Lordship shall vnder- 
 stand it is set for Cape or head land; where I, for Hand ; 
 where P, for Port; where 11, for Bluer. Also in al this little 
 carde, I thinke nothing be erred touching the situation of 
 the land, saue onely in these Hands of spicery : which for 
 that as afore is sayd, euery one settetli them after his minde, 
 there can be no certification how they stand. I doe not 
 denie that there lacke many things that a consumate carde 
 should haue, or that a right good demonstration desireth. 
 
 For there should be expressed all the mountaines and riuers 
 that are principal! of name in the earth, with the names of 
 Portes of the sea, the names of all principal! cities, whiche 
 all I might haue set, but not in this Carde, for the little space 
 would not consent. 
 
 Your Lordship may see that setting only the names almost 
 of euery region and yet not of all, the roome is occupied. 
 
 Many Hands are also left out for the saide lacke of roome : 
 the names almost of all portes put to silence, with the roses 
 of the windes or pointes of the compasse : For that this is 
 not for Pilots to sayle by, but a summarie declaration of that 
 which your Lordship commaunded. And if by this your 
 Lordshippe cannot well perceiue the meaning of this carde, 
 of the which I woulde not maruell, by reason of the rude 
 composition of it, will it please your Lordship to aduise mee 
 to make a bigger and a better mappe, or els that I may cause 
 one to bee made. For I knowe my selfe in this and all 
 
 1 Ramusio, Navigationi , vol. iii, p. 6, Preface. Edit. Id05. 
 
52 
 
 THE BOOKE MADE BY 
 
 other nothing perfect but Licet semper discens, nunquam 
 tamen ad perfectam scientiam peruenient. Also I knowe to 
 set the forme Sphericall of the workle in Plano after the true 
 rule of Cosmographie, it would haue been made otherwise 
 then this is : howbeit the demonstration shoulde not haue 
 beene so plaine. And also these degrees of longitude, that 
 I set in the lower part of this Card, shold haue been set 
 along by the line equinoctiall, and so then must bee ima¬ 
 gined. For the degrees of longitude neare either of the poles 
 are nothing equal in bignes to them in the equinoctiall. 
 But these are set so, for that setting them a long the Equi¬ 
 noctiall, it would haue made obscure a great parte of the 
 mappe. Many other curiosities may be required, which for 
 the nonce I did not set downe, as well for that the intent I 
 had principally was to satisfie your doubt touching the spicerie, 
 as for that I lacke ley sure and time. I trust your Lordshippe, 
 correcting that which is erred, will accept my good will, 
 which is to do any thing that I maye in your Lordshippes 
 seruice. But from henceforth, I knowe your Lordshippe wil 
 rather commande me to keepe silence then to be large, when 
 you shalbe weeried with the reading of this discourse. Iesus 
 prosper your estate and health. 
 
 Your Lordshippes Robert 
 Thorne, 1527. 
 
 Also this Carde, and that which I write touching the vari- 
 aunce betweene the Emperour and the king of Portingale, 
 is not to bee shewed or communicated there with many of 
 that Courte. For though there is nothing in it preiudiciall 
 to the Emperour, yet it may bee a cause of paine to the 
 maker : as well for that none may make these Cardes but 
 certaine appointed and allowed for masters, as for that per- 
 aduenture it woulde not sounde w r ell to them, that a stranger 
 shoulde knowe or discouer their secretes: and wolde appeare 
 
MASTER ROBERT THORNE. 
 
 53 
 
 worst of all, if they vnclerstand that I write touching y e short 
 way to the spicerie by our Seas. Though, peraduenture, of 
 troth, it is not to bee looked too, as a thing that by all opi¬ 
 nions is impossible, and I tliinke neuer will come to effect : 
 and, therefore, neither lieere nor elswhere is it to bee spoken 
 of. For to moue it amongest wise men it shoulde bee had 
 in derision. And, therefore, to none I woulde haue written 
 nor spoken of such things but to your Lordship, to whome 
 boldly I commit in this all my foolish fantasie as to my selfe. 
 But if it please God that into Englande I may come with your 
 Lordship, I will shewe some coniectures of reason, though 
 against the generall opinion of Cosmographers, by which 
 shall appeare this that I say not to lacke some foundation. 
 And tyll that time, I beseeche your Lordship let it bee put 
 to silence : and in the meane season it may please God to 
 sende our two Englishmen, that are gone to the spicerie, 
 which may also bring more plaine declaration of y t which in 
 this case might bee desired. 1 Also I knowe, it needed not to 
 haue beene so prolixe in the declaration of this Carde to your 
 Lordship, if the saide Carde had beene very well made after 
 the rules of Cosmographie. For your Lordship woulde soone 
 vnderstande it better then I, or any other that coulde haue 
 made it: and so it shoulde appeare that I shewed Delphinum 
 natare. But for that I haue made it after my rude maner, 
 it is necessarie that I be the declarer or gloser of mine owne 
 work, or els your Lordship should haue had much labour to 
 vnderstande it, which nowe with it also cannot bee excused 
 it is so grossely done. But I knewe you looked for no 
 curious things of mee, and therefore I trust your Lordshippe 
 will accept this and holde mee for excused. In other mens 
 letters that they write, they craue pardon that at this present 
 
 1 See ante, p. 35, where Thorne informs us, that he and his partner had 
 ventured 1400 ducats in a certain fleet of Spanish merchantmen, princi¬ 
 pally that he might have an opportunity of sending two Englishmen with 
 them, who might thereby haye an opportunity of observing the naviga¬ 
 tion to the Spice Islands. 
 
54 
 
 THE BOOKE MADE BY MASTER ROBERT THORNE. 
 
 they write no larger : bnt I must finish, asking pardon, that 
 at this present I write so largely. Iesus preserue your Lord- 
 ship with augmentation of dignities. 
 
 Your seruant Robert Thorne. 1527. 
 
 This Exhortation to king Henrie the eight, with the dis¬ 
 course to Doctor Ley, his Ambassadour in Spaine, was pre- 
 serued by one master Emmanuel Lucar, executour to master 
 Robert Thorne, and was friendly imparted vnto mee by 
 master Cyprian Lucar, his sonne, an honest Gentleman, and 
 very forwarde to further any good and laudable action. And 
 that it may bee knowne that this motion tooke present effect 
 with the king, I thought it good herewithall to put downe 
 the testimonie of our Chronicle that the king set our shippes 
 for this discouerie in his lifetime. Master Hall 1 and master 
 Grafton 2 in their Chronicles write both thus: This same 
 moneth king Henry the eight sente two faire ships well 
 manned and victualed, hauing in them diuers cunning men, 
 to seeke strange regions : and so they set foortli out of the 
 Thames the xx day of May, in the xix yeere of his raigne. 
 In the yeere of our Lorde 1527. 3 
 
 1 Vol. ii, fol. 158, b. Edit. 1550. 2 Page 1149. Edit. 1569. 
 
 3 These two ships were the Mary of Guildford and the Sampson, which 
 sailed from Plymouth on the 10th of June 1527. The Mary of Guild¬ 
 ford arrived at Newfoundland on the 21st of July; but the Sampson had 
 been separated from her consort in a storm about the 1st of July, and 
 was never heard of afterwards. The fullest account of the voyage, and 
 that extremely meagre, is given by John Rut, the master of the Mary of 
 Guildford, in a letter addressed by him to King Henry YIII, from St. 
 John’s Bay, Newfoundland, and dated August 3rd, 1527.—Purchas, Pil- 
 grimes, vol.iii, p, 809. See also Hakluyt (vol. iii, p. 129), who evidently 
 had not seen Rut’s letter, and was very imperfectly acquainted with the 
 particulars of this voyage ; and Memoirs of Cabot, p. 272, et seqq. 
 
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TO THE MOST CHRISTIAN KING OF FRAUNCE, 
 
 FRAUNCES THE FIRST. 
 
 THE RELATION OF JOHN VERARZANUS, A 
 Florentine, of the lande by him disconered in 
 the name of his Maiestie, written in Diepe 
 the eight of July 1524. 
 
 I wrote not to your Maiestie (most Christian king) since 
 the time wee suffered the tempest in the North partes, of 
 the snccesse of the foure Ships which your Maiestie sent 
 forth to discouer new lands by the Ocean, thinking your 
 Maiestie had been alreadie duly enformed thereof. Nowe 
 by these presents I will giue your Maiestie to vnderstand 
 howe by the violence of the windes wee were forced with y e 
 two ships, the Norman and the Dolphin, in such enill case 
 as they were, to lande in Britaine. 1 Whereafter wee had 
 repaired them in all pointes as was needefull, and armed 
 them very well, wee tooke our course a long by the coast of 
 Spaine. Afterwardes, with the Dolphin alone, wee deter¬ 
 mined to make discouerie of newe Countries, to prosecute 
 the nauigation wee had alreadie begun, which I purpose at 
 this present to recount vnto your Maiestie, to make manifest 
 the whole proceeding of the matter. The 17 of Ianuarie, the 
 yeere 1524, by the grace of God, wee departed from the dis- 
 habited Rocke, 2 by the Isle of Madera, appertaining to the 
 king of PortingaU, with fiftie men, with victuals, weapon, 
 and other ship munition very well prouided and furnished 
 
 1 Brittany. 2 One of the Dezertas. 
 
56 
 
 THE DISCOUEItlE OF 
 
 for 8 monethes: And say ling westwards with a faire Easterly 
 winde, in 25 dayes wee ranne 500 leagues, and the 20 of 
 Februarie wee were onertaken with as sharpe and terrible a 
 tempest as ener any saylers suffered: whereof with y e diuine 
 helpe and mercifull assistaunce of Almiglitie God, and the 
 goodnesse of our ship, accompanied with the good hap of her 
 fortunate name, wee were deliuered, and with a prosperous 
 wind followed our course West and by North, and in other 
 25 dayes wee made aboue 400 leagues more: where wee dis- 
 couered a newe landj'nieuer before seene of any man, either 
 auncient or moderneJand at the first sight it seemed some¬ 
 what lowe, but beeing within a quarter of a league of it, wee 
 perceiued by the great fiers that wee sawe by the Sea coaste 
 that i t was inhabited: and saw that the lande stretched to 
 the Southwards : in' seeking some conuenient harborough 
 whereby to come a lande and haue knowledge of the place, 
 wee sayled fiftie leagues in vaine, and seeing the lande to 
 runn still to the Southwards, wee resolued to returne backe 
 againe towardes the North, where we found our selues trou¬ 
 bled with the like difficulty: at length, beeing in despaire 
 to finde any port, wee caste anker upon the coast, and sent 
 our Boate to shore, where we sawe gr eat store o f people, which 
 came to the Sea side, and seeing vs to approcheAhey fled 
 away, and sometimes would stande still and looke backe, 
 beholding vs with great admiration : but afterwardes, beeing 
 animated and assured with signes that wee made them, some 
 of them came harde to the Sea side, seeming to reioyce very 
 much at the sight of vs, and marueiling greatly at our appa- 
 rell, shape, and whitenes, shewed vs by sundry signes where 
 wee might most commodiously come a land with our Boat, 
 offering vs also of their victuals to eate. Nowe I will briefly 
 declare to your Maiestie their life and manners, as farre as 
 wee coulde haue notice thereof: These people goe altogea- 
 
 1 Probably in the neighbourhood of Charleston, in South Carolina, or 
 of the Savannah. 
 
57 
 
 MORUM BEGA . 1 
 
 tlier naked, except only that they couer their priuie partes 
 with certaine skinnes of beastes like vnto Marterns, which 
 they fasten vnto a narrowe girdle made of grasse, verye arti¬ 
 ficially wrought, hanged about with tailes of diuers other 
 beastes, which rounde about their bodies hang dangling 
 downe to their knees. Some of them weare garlandes of 
 byrdes feathers. The people are of colour russet, and not 
 much vnlike the Saracens, their hayre blacke, thicke, and 
 not very long, which they tye togeather in a knot behinde, 
 and weare it like a taile. They are wel featured in their 
 limbs, of meane stature, 1 2 and commonly somewhat bigger 
 then we, brode breasted, strong armes, their legges and 
 other partes of their bodies well fashioned, and they are dis¬ 
 figured in nothing, sauing that they haue somewhat brode 
 visages, and yet not all of them: for wee sawe many of them 
 well fauoured, hauing blacke and great eyes, with a cheerefull 
 and stedie looke, not strong of body, yet sharpe witted, 
 nymble and great runners, as farre as we coulde learne by 
 experience; and in those two last qualities they are like to 
 the people of the East partes of the worlde, and especially to 
 them of the vttermost partes of China, wee coulde not learne 
 of this people their manner of liuing, nor their particular 
 customes, by reason of y e short abode we made on the shore, 
 
 1 This should be Norumbega, or Nurumbega, as appears by the follow¬ 
 ing passages, from a piece entitled “ Discorso d’un gran Gapitano di Mare 
 Francese ”, inserted by Ramusio in his Collection, vol. iii, p. 425. Edit. 
 
 1565:—“Della terra di Norumbega” .“La terra e detta da paesani 
 
 suoi Nurumbega”, etc. According to Michael Lok’s map, and also that 
 of Ortelius and some other geographers, Nurumbega comprised the dis¬ 
 trict between the river and Gulph of St. Lawrence and the Hudson river. 
 Cluverius, however, in his Introductio ad Universam Geographiam, p. 552, 
 Amstel. 1697, says : “ Pars tamen ejus [Nova Francia], quae ad mare 
 accedit Norumbega ab urbe cognomine dicta.” And this corresponds with 
 the map in Ramusio (vol. iii, page 424. Edit. 1565), where Nurumbega 
 appears to comprise the southern portion of that district, from Long 
 Island Sound to the Bay of Fundy. 
 
 2 i. e., middle or medium stature. 
 
 I 
 
58 
 
 THE DISCOUERIE OE 
 
 our companie being but small, and our ship ryding farre of 
 in the Sea. And not farre from these we founde an other 
 people, whose liuing wee thinke to bee like vnto theirs (as 
 heereafter I will declare vnto your Maiestie), shewing at this 
 present the situation and nature of the foresaide lande: The 
 shore is all couered with small sande, and so ascendeth vp- 
 wardes for the space of fifteene foote, rising in forme of little 
 hilles about fiftie paces broade. And sayling forwards, wee 
 founde certaine small Biuers and armes of the Sea, that enter 
 at certain creekes, washing the shore on both sides as the 
 coast lyeth. 1 And beyonde this wee sawe the open Countrie 
 rising in height aboue the sandie shore, with many fayre 
 fieldes and plaines, full of mightie great woods, some verie 
 thicke and some thinne, replenished with diuers sortes of 
 trees, as pleasaunt and delectable to beholde as is possible to 
 imagine. And your Maiestie may not thinke that these are 
 like the woodes of Hercinia, 2 or the wilde Desertes of Tartary, 
 and the North erne Coastes full of fruitlesse trees : But full 
 of Palme trees, Bay trees, and high Cypresse trees, and many 
 other sortes of trees vnknowne in Europe, which yeeld most 
 sweete sauours, farre from the shore; the propertie whereof 
 wee coulde not learne for the cause aforesaide, and not for 
 any difficultie to passe through the woods : Seeing they are 
 not so thicke but that a man may passe through them. 
 Neither doe wee thinke that they part taking of the East 
 worlde rounde about them are all to geather voide of drugs or 
 spicerie and other richesse of gold, seeing the colour of the 
 lande doth so much argue it. And the lande is full of many 
 beastes, as Stags, Deare, and Hares, and likewise of Lakes 
 and Pooles of Fresh water, with great plentie of foules, con- 
 uenient for all kinde of pleasant game. This lande is in 
 
 1 This description corresponds with the character of the shore and 
 country about George Town and Long Bay. 
 
 2 A vast forest in antient Germany, remarkable for its wild character 
 in the time of Caesar. The Black Forest in Suabia is a portion of it, and 
 attests by its name the character of its gloomy parent. 
 
MORUM BEGA. 
 
 59 
 
 latitude 34 D, with good and liolsome ayre, temperate be- Gr.34. 
 tweene hot and colde, no vehement windes doe blowe in 
 those Regions, and those that doe commonly raigne in those 
 Coastes, are the North West and West windes in the Som¬ 
 mer season (in the beginning whereof wee were there), the 
 skie cleere and faire, with very little raine : and if at any 
 time the ayre bee cloudie and mistie with the Sowtherne 
 winde, immediately it is dissolued, and waxeth cleare and 
 fayre agayne. The Sea is caulme, not boysterous, the waues 
 gentle, and although all the shore bee somewhat lowe and 
 with out harborough: yet it is not daungerous to the saylers, 
 beeing free from rockes and deepe, so that within foure or 
 fiue foote of the shore, there is twentie foote deepe of water 
 without ebbe or flood, the depth still increasing in such vni- 
 forme proportion. There is very good ryding at Sea: for any 
 Ship beeing shaken in a tempest, can nener perislie there by 
 breaking of her cables, which wee haue proued by experience. 
 
 For in the beginning of March (as is vsual in all Regions), 
 beeing in the Sea oppressed with Northerne windes, and 
 riding there, wee founde onr anker broken before the earth 
 fay led or mooued at all. Wee departed from this place, still 
 running a long the coaste, which we found to trende towarde 
 the East, 1 and wee saw euerie where verie great tiers by reason 
 of th e multitude of the inhabita nts. While we rode on that 
 Coaste, partlie because it had no harborough, and for that 
 wee wanted water, wee sent our Boat a shore with 25 men : 2 
 where, by reason of great and continual waues that beate 
 against the shore, being an open coast, without succour, none 
 of our men coulde possible goe a shore without loosing onr 
 boate. We sawe there many people, which came vnto the 
 shore, making diuers signes of friendship, and shewing that 
 they were content W'ee shoulde come a lande, and by trial we courteous 
 
 _ and gentle 
 
 found the to be very courteous and gentle, as your maiestie people. 
 
 1 Probably Onslow Bay. 
 
 2 Probably about Raleigh Bay. 
 
60 
 
 THE DISCOUERIE OF 
 
 shal vnderstand by the successe. To the intent we might 
 sende them of onr thinges, which the Indians commonly 
 desier and esteeme, as sheetes of Paper, glasses, belles, and 
 such like trifles : Wee sent a young man, one of our Mar- 
 riners, a shore, who swimming towards them, and being 
 within 3 or 4 yeards off the shore, not trusting them, cast 
 the thinges vpon the shore, seeking afterwardes to returne, 
 hee was with such violence of the waues beaten vpon the 
 shore, that he was so bruised that hee lay there almost dead, 
 whiche the Indians perceiuing, ranne to catche him, and 
 drawing him out, they carried him a little way of from the 
 sea : The young man perceiuing they caried him, beeing at 
 the first dismaide, began then greatly to feare, and cried out 
 pitiously, likewise did the Indians, which did accompanie 
 him, going about to cheere him and giue him courage, and 
 then setting him on the grounde at the foote of a little hill 
 against the sunne, beganne to beholde him with great admi¬ 
 ration, marueiling at the whitenesse of his fleshe: and put¬ 
 ting off his clothes, they made him warme at a great fire, not 
 without our great feare which remained in the boate that 
 they would haue rosted him at that fire and haue eaten him. 
 The young man hauing recouered his strength, and hauing 
 stayed a while with them, shewed them by signes that hee 
 was desirous to returne to the sliippe : And they with great 
 loue clapping him fast about with many embracings, accom¬ 
 panying him vnto the sea, and to put him in more assurance, 
 leauing him alone, they went vnto a high grounde and 
 stoode there, beholding him, vntil he was entred into the 
 boate. This yong man obserued, as we did also, that these 
 are of colour enclining to Blacke, as the other were, with 
 their fleshe verie shining, of meane stature, handsome visag, 
 and delicate limmes, and of verie little strength: but of 
 prompt witte, farther wee obserued not. 
 
 Departing from hence, following the shore, which trended 
 somewhat towarde the North, in 50 leagues space, wee came 
 
MOTtTJM BEG A. 
 
 61 
 
 to another lande, 1 which shewed much more faire and full of 
 
 woods, being very great, where we rode at Ancker, and that 
 
 wee might haue some knowledge thereof, wee sent 20 men a 
 
 lande, which entred into the countrey about two leagues, 
 
 and they founde that the people were fledde to the woods for 
 
 feare, they sawe onely one olde woman with a young maide 
 
 of 18 or 20 yeeres olde, which, seeing our companie, hid them- 
 
 selues in the grasse for feare, the olde woman caried two 
 
 Infantes on her shoulders, and behinde her necke a cliilde 
 
 of 8 yeeres olde : the yong woman was laden likewise with 
 
 as many: hut when onr men came vnto them, the women 
 
 cryed out, the olde woman made signes that the men were 
 
 fled vnto the w r oods as soone as they sawe vs : to quiet them 
 
 and to winne their fauour, our men gaue them suehe victuals 
 
 as they had with them to eate, which the old woman receiued 
 
 thankfully: hut the yong woman disdained them al, and 
 
 threwe them disdainefully on the grounde, they tooke a ^ 
 
 ch ilde fromj bh e olde woman to bring into Fraunce. and ^ 
 
 goi ng about to take the young woman, which was verye F 
 
 beawtifull , and of tal stature, they could not possibly, for y e 
 
 great outcries that shee made, bring her to the sea, and espe- 
 
 cially hau i ng great woods to passe through, and being farre 
 
 f rom the shippe, wee purposed to leaue her behi ndg, bearing 
 
 aw r ay th e__chihla o nely. We found those folkes to bee more 
 
 white than those that we founde before, being clad with cer- 
 
 taine leaues y 1 hang on boughes of trees, which they sowe 
 
 together wuth thredes of wilde hempe, their heads were 
 
 trussed vp after the same manner as the former were, their 
 
 ordinarie foode is of pulse, w r hereof they haue great store, 
 
 differing in colour and taste fro ours, of good and pleasant 
 
 taste. Moreouer, they liue by fishing and fouling, which 
 
 they take with ginnes, and bowes made of hard wood, the 
 
 arrowes of Canes, being headed with the bones of fishe and 
 
 other beastes. The beastes in these parts are much wilder 
 
 1 About latitude 38 north. 
 
62 
 
 THE DISC0UEEJE OF 
 
 the in our Europe, by reason they are continually chased and 
 hunted. Wee sawe many of their boates, made of one tree, 
 20 foote long, and 4 foote broade, which are not made with 
 Iron, or stone, or any other kinde of metal (because that in all 
 this countrie, for the space of 200 leagues whiche we ranne, 
 wee neuer sawe one stone of any sort) : they help themselues 
 with fyre, burning so much of the tree as is sufficient for the 
 liollownesse of the boate, the like they doe in making the 
 sterne and the foreparte, vntill it be fitte to saile vpon the 
 sea. The lande is, in situation, goodnesse, and fairenes, like 
 the other : it hath woods like the other, tliinne and full of 
 diuers sortes of trees: but not so sweete, because the countrey 
 is more northerly and cold. 
 
 Wee sawe in this Countrey many Vines growing naturally, 
 which growing vp take hold of the trees, as they do in 
 Lombardie, w c if by husbandmen they were dressed in good 
 order, without all doubte they woulde yeelde excellent wines: 
 for wee liauing oftentymes seene the fruite thereof dried, 
 whiche was sweete and pleasaunt, and not differing from 
 ours. Wee doe thinke that they doe esteeme the same, be¬ 
 cause that in euery place where they growe, they take away 
 the vnder braunches growing rounde about, that the fruite 
 thereof may ripen the better. 
 
 We found also roses, violettes, lillies, and many sorts of 
 herbes, and sweete and odoriferous flowers, different from 
 ours. We knewe not their dwellinges, because they were 
 farre vp in the lande, and we iudge by manye signes that wee 
 sawe, that they are of wood and of trees framed together. 
 
 Wee doe beleeue also, by many coniectures and signes, 
 that many of them sleeping in the fieldes, haue no other 
 couer then the open skye. Further knowledge haue wee 
 not of them, we thinke y 4 all the rest whose countreys we 
 passed liue all after one manner. Hauing our aboade three 
 dayes in this cuntrey, riding on the coast for want of har- 
 boroughs, we concluded to departe from thence, trending 
 
MOUUM BEGA. 
 
 63 
 
 along the shore betweene the North and the East, sayling 
 onely in the daytime, and riding at ancker by night. In the 
 space of 100 leagues sayling, wee founde a very pleasant 
 place, situated amongst certaine litle steepe liilles: from 
 amiddest the which hillcs there ran down into the sea a 
 great streame of water, which within the mouth was very 
 deep, and from y e sea to y e mouth of same, with the tyde, 
 which wee found to rise 8 foot, any great vessell laden may 
 passe vp. 1 
 
 But because wee rode at Ancker in a place well fensed 
 from the winde, wee woulde not venture our selues without 
 knowledge of the place, and wee passed vp with our boate 
 onely into the sayde Riuer, and sawe the Countrey very wel 
 peopled. The people are almost like vnto the others, and 
 clad with the fethers of foules of diuers colours, they came 
 towardes vs very cherefully, making great showtes of admi¬ 
 ration, shewing vs where we might come to lande most safely 
 with our boate. We entred vp the said riuer into the lande 
 about halfe a league, where it made a most pleasant lake 
 about 3 leagues in compasse: on the which they rowed from 
 the one side to the other, to the number of 30 of their small 
 boates : wherein were many people, wliiche passed from one 
 shore to the other to come and see vs. And beholde, vpon the 
 sodaine (as it is wont to fall out in sayling), a contrarie flawe 
 of winde comming from the sea, wee were enforced to returne 
 to our Shippe, leauing this lande to our great discontent¬ 
 ment, for the great commoditie and pleasantnesse thereof, 
 whiche wee suppose is not without some riches, all the hills 
 shewing minerall matters in the. We weied Ancker, and 
 sayled towarde the East, for so the coast trended, and so 
 alwayes for 50 leagues, being in the sight thereof, wee disco- 
 uered an Ilande in the forme of a triangle, distant from the 
 
 1 The mouth of the Hudson River answers to this description. The 
 Hudson is, most probably, the river known in this locality to the geogra¬ 
 phers of the sixteenth century as the Rio Grande. 
 
 The plea¬ 
 santries and 
 riches of the 
 lande. 
 
 The de scrip- 
 tio’ of Clau¬ 
 dia Ilande. 
 
64 
 
 THE DISCOUERIE OF 
 
 maine lande 3 leagues, about the bignesse of the Ilande of 
 the Rocles, it was full of hilles, couered with trees, well 
 peopled, for we sawe fires all along the coaste, wee gaue the 
 ciaudi awa s name of it of your Maiesties mother, 1 not staying there by 
 Francis. reason of the weather being contrarie. 
 
 Ttecoun- And wee came to another lande, being 15 leagues distant 
 ^' e G ‘ Uoy from the Ilande, where wee founde a passing good hauen, 
 wherein being entred we founde about 20 small boates of the 
 people, which with diuers cries and wondrings came about 
 our shippe, comming no nerer then 50 paces towards vs, they 
 stayed and behelde the artificialnesse of our ship, our shape, 
 and apparel, tha they al made a loud showte together, declar¬ 
 ing that they reioyced: when we had something animated 
 them, vsing their geastes, they came so neere vs, that wee 
 cast them certaine bells and glasses and many toyes, whiche 
 when they had receiued, they lookte on them with laughing, 
 and came without feare aborde our ship. There were amongst 
 these people 2 kings, of so goodly stature and shape as is 
 possible to declare, the eldest was about 40 yeares of ag, the 
 second was a yong man of 20 yeeres old. Their apparell was 
 
 1 Or rather his first wife, Claudia. Generally supposed to be the island 
 now called Martha’s Vineyard. If this supposition be correct (and it would 
 be difficult to substitute any more plausible conjecture), it becomes im¬ 
 possible to make the subsequent account of Verazzani’s course correspond 
 with the present character of the coast, unless we admit, that at this 
 point he sailed back a few leagues. He says : “Wee came to another 
 land, being 15 leagues distant from the Ilande, where we founde a pass¬ 
 ing good haven”:—and, subsequently, describes the land as lying east 
 and west, and the mouth of the haven as open to the south. Sailing from 
 Martha’s Vineyard eastward, and following the coast, no haven would 
 be found corresponding in any particular with that described in the text, 
 nearer than Boston, which, however, is much more than fifteen leagues from 
 Martha’s Vineyard, which opens to the east and not to the south, and 
 where the land runs north and south, and not east and west ; not to 
 mention other points of difference. If, on the other hand, we suppose 
 that on leaving Claudia, he approached the main land to the north-west, 
 the fifteen leagues would bring him to Narraganset Bay, which in all its 
 main features corresponds with the “ passing good haven”, as described 
 in the text. 
 
MOIiUM BEGA. 
 
 65 
 
 on this maner : the elder had upo his naked body a harts 
 skin, wrought artificialie with diuers braunches like Damask e, 
 his head was bare, with the liaire tyed vp behinde with diuers 
 knottes : About his necke he had a large chaine, garnished 
 with diuers stones of sundrie colours, the young man was 
 almost appareled after the same manner. This is the good¬ 
 liest people, and of the fairest conditions, that wee liaue found 
 in this our voyage. They exceed vs in bignes, they are of 
 the colour of brasse, some of the encline more to whitness : 
 others are of yellowe colour, of comely visage, with long and 
 blacke lieire, which they are very carefull to trim and decke 
 vp, they are blacke and quicke eyed. I write not to your 
 Maiestie of the other parte of their bodie, hauing all suche 
 proportion as appertayneth to anye handsome man. The 
 women are of the like conformitie and Beawtie, verie hand¬ 
 some and well-fauored, they are as well mannered and con- 
 tinente as anye women of good education, they are all 
 naked, saue their priuie partes, whiche they couer with a 
 Deares skinne, braunched or embrodered, as the men vse: 
 there are also of them whiche weare on their armes verie 
 riche skinnes of leopardes, they adorne their heades with 
 diuers ornamentes made of their owne heire, whiche hange 
 downe before on both sides their brestes, others vse other 
 kinde of dressing them selues, like vnto the women of Egypt 
 and Syria, these are of the elder sorte: and when they are 
 married, they weare diuers toyes, according to the vsage of 
 the people of the East, as well men as women. 
 
 Among whom wee sawe many plates of wrought coper, 
 which they esteeme more then golde, whiche for the colour 
 they make no accompt of, for that among all other it is 
 counted the basest, they make most accompt of Azure and 
 red. The things that they esteemed most of al those which 
 we gaue them, were bels, cristall of Azure colour, and other 
 toies, to hang at their eares or about their necke. They did 
 not desire cloth of silke or of golde, much lesse of any other 
 
 K 
 
66 
 
 THE DISCOUERIE OF 
 
 sorte, neither cared they for tliinges made of steele and 
 
 Iron, which wee often shewed them in our armour, whiche 
 
 they made no wonder at, and in beholding them they onely 
 
 asked the arte of making them : the like they did at our 
 
 glasses, which whe they behelde, they sodainely laught and 
 
 gane them vs againe. They are very liberal, for they giue 
 
 that which they haue; we became great friendes with these, 
 
 and one day wee entred into the hauen with our shippe, 
 
 where as before wee rode a league of at sea by reason of the 
 
 contrary weather. They came in great companies of their 
 « 
 
 small boates vnto the ship with their faces all bepainted with 
 diuers colours, shewing vs y l it was a signe of ioy, bringing 
 vs of their victuals; they made signes vnto vs where wee 
 might safest ride in the hauen for the safegarde of our shippe, 
 keeping still our companie : and after we were come to an 
 Ancker, we bestowed fifteene dayes in prouiding our selues 
 many necessary things, whether euery day the people re- 
 payred to see our ship, bringing their wiues with them, 
 whereof they are very ielous : and they themselues entring 
 abrode the shippe, and stayinge there a good space, caused 
 their wiues to stay in their boates, and for al the intreatie 
 we could make, offering to giue them diuers things, we could 
 neuer obtaine that they would suffer them to come aborde 
 our ship. And oftentimes one of the two kings comming 
 with his queene, and many gentlemen for their pleasure, to 
 see vs, they all stayed on y e shore, two hundred paces fro 
 vs, sending a small boate to giue vs intelligece of their com¬ 
 ming, saying they would come to see our shippe, this they 
 did in token of safetye; and assoone as they had answere 
 from vs, they came immediately, and hauing stayed a while 
 to beholde it, they wondered at hearing the cryes and noyes 
 of the marriners. The queene and her maids stayed in a 
 very light boate, at an Hand a quarter of a leage off, while 
 the king abode a long space in our ship, vttering diuers 
 conceites with geastures, viewing with great admiration all 
 
MORUM BEGA. 
 
 67 
 
 tlic furniture of the shippe, demaunding the propertie of 
 euerie thing perticularly. He tooke likewise great pleasure 
 in beholding our apparell, and in tasting our meates, and so 
 courteously taking his leaue departed. And sometimes our 
 men staying for two or three dayes on a little Ilande nere 
 the ship for diuers necessaries (as it is y e vse of seamen), he 
 returned with 7 or 8 of his gentlemen to see what we did, 
 and asked of vs oft times if wee meant to make any long 
 aboade there, offering vs of their prouision : then the king 
 drawing his bowe, and running vp and downe with his gen¬ 
 tlemen, made much sporte to gratifie our men; wee were 
 oftentimes within the lande 5 or 6 leagues, which we found 
 as pleasant as is possible to declare, very apt for any kinde 
 of husbandry, of corne, wine, and oyle : for that there are 
 plaines 25 or 30 leagues broad, open and without any impe¬ 
 diment of trees of such fruitfulnesse, that any seede being 
 sowne therein, will bring forth most excellent fruite. We 
 entred afterwards into the woods, which wee found so great 
 and thicke, that any armie, were it neuer so great, might 
 liaue hid it selfe therein, the trees whereof are okes, cipres 
 trees, and other sortes, vnknowen in Europe. We found 
 Pomi appii, 1 Damson trees, and Nutte trees, and many other 
 sorts of fruits, differing fro ours : there are beasts in great 
 abundance, as hartes, deares, leopardes, and other kinds, 
 which they take with their nets and bowes, which are their 
 
 1 A particular kind of apple; but this term is not in use at the present 
 day, and probably never extended beyond Italy. Pliny (Historia Natu¬ 
 ralise b. 15, c. 14) says : “ Ab Appio e Claudiana gente Appiana sunt 
 cognominata”; from which we may infer, either that Appius introduced 
 them into Italy from some foreign country, or that he produced them 
 from some particular graft. Matthioli, in his Discorsi nelli sei Libri di 
 Dioscoride (tom. i, p. 260), observes : u In Tuscany, those [apples] called 
 1 appie’ and 1 mele rose’, are prized before all others, because in these two 
 species an aromatic and pleasing odour is found combined with a very 
 agreeable taste. Wherefore, I think that those would not err much who 
 should call the ‘ appie ’ the honey apple, and the 1 mele rose’ the Epirus 
 apple of Dioscorides.” 
 
68 
 
 THE DISCOUERIE OF 
 
 chiefe weapons; the arrowes wliiclie they vse are made with 
 great cunning, and in steade of iron they head them with 
 smeriglio, 1 w l iasper stone, and hard marble, and other sharp 
 stones, which they vse in stead of iron to cut trees, and make 
 their boates of one whole piece of wood, making it hollowe 
 with great and wonderfull art, wherein 10 or 12 men may 
 bee comodiously; their oares are shorte, and broad at the 
 ende, and they vse them in the sea without anye daunger, 
 and by maine force of armes, with as great speedinesse as 
 they liste them selues. We sawe their houses, made in cir- 
 culer or rounde fourme, 10 or 12 foote in compasse, made 
 Avith halfe circles of timber, seperate one from another, with¬ 
 out any order of building, couered with mattes of strawe 
 wrought cunningly together, which saue them from the 
 winde and raine, and if they had the order of building, and 
 perfect skil of workmaship as we haue, there w T ere no doubt 
 but y l they would also make eftsoones great and stately 
 buildings. For all the sea coastes are full of cleare and glis¬ 
 tering stones, and alablaster, and therefore it is full of good 
 hauens and liarbarours for ships. They mooue the foresaide 
 houses from one place to another, according to the commo- 
 ditie of the place and season, wherein they will make their 
 aboade, and only taking of the couer they haue other houses 
 builded incontinent. The father and the whole familie dwell 
 together in one house in great number: in some of them we 
 sawe 25 or 30 persons. They feede as the other doe afore- 
 saide, of pulse, wliiclie doe groAve in that countrey with better 
 order of husbandry the in the others. They obserue in their 
 sowing the course of the Moone, and the rising of certaine 
 starres, and diuers other customes spoken of by antiquitie. 
 Moreouer, they liue by hunting and fishing; they liue long, 
 and are seldome sicke, and if they chaunce to fall sicke at 
 any time, they lieale tliemselues with fire, without any phisi- 
 tion, and they say that they die for very age. They are very 
 pitiful and charitable towardes their neighbours, they make 
 
 1 Emery. 
 
MORUM BEGA. 
 
 69 
 
 great lamentations in tlieir aduersitie and in their miserie, 
 the kinred recken vp all their felicitie, at their departure out 
 of life, they vse mourning, mixt w 1 singing, w c continueth 
 for a 15g space. This is asmuch as wee coulde learne of 
 them. This lande is situated in the Paralele of Rome, in 41 
 degrees and 2 terces : but somewhat more colde by accidentall 
 cause and not of nature (as I will declare vnto your high- 
 ncsse els where), describing at this present the situation of 
 the foresaide countrie, which lyeth East and West, I say that 
 the mouth of the hauen lyeth open to the South halfe a 
 league broade, and being entred within it, betweene the 
 East and the North, it stretcheth twelue leagues : where it 
 waxeth broder and broder, and maketh a gulfe aboute 20 
 leagues in compasse, wherein are hue small Islandes, very 
 fruitfull and pleasant, full of hie and broade trees, among the 
 which Ilandes any great Nauie may ryde safe without any 
 feare of tempest or other daunger. Afterwardes, turning 
 towards the South, and in the entring into the Hauen, on 
 both sides there are most pleasant hilles, with many riuers of 
 most cleere water falling into the Sea. 1 
 
 In the middest of this entraunce there is a rock of free¬ 
 stone growing by nature, apt to builde any Castle or Eor- 
 tresse there, for y e keeping of the hauen. The fift of May, 
 being furnished with all thinges necessarie, we departed from 
 y e said Coast, keeping along in the sight thereof, and we 
 sayled 150 leagues, finding it all w'ayes after one manner : 
 but the lande somewhat higher with certaine mountaines, all 
 which beare a shewe of minerall matter; wee sought not to 
 lande there in any place, because the weather serued our 
 turne for sayling: but wee suppose that it was like to the 
 
 1 After a very careful examination of the best printed maps,— Ame¬ 
 rican and English, and many MSSwe have come to the conclusion, 
 that this haven is Narraganset Bay. In following a route like this of 
 Verazzani, it must be borne in mind, that many of the statements as to 
 distance will be merely rough estimates ; and that even on the point of 
 degrees of latitude, it will not be safe to give writers of this early period 
 credit for strict accuracy. 
 
70 
 
 THE DISCOUEllIE OF 
 
 former; the Coast ranne Eastward for the space of fiftie 
 leagues. And trending afterwardes the North, wee founde 
 another lande 1 high, full of thicke woods, the trees whereof 
 were firres, Cipresses, and such like, as are wont to growe in 
 colde Countries. The people differ much from the other, 
 and looke how much the former seemed to he courteous and 
 gentle, so much were these full of rudenesse and ill manners, 
 and so barbarous, that by no signes that euer wee coulde 
 make, wee could haue any kinde of trafficke with them. 
 They cloth theselues with Beares skinnes, and Leopardes, 
 and sealles, and other beastes skinnes. Their foode, as farre 
 as wee coulde perceiue, repayring often vnto their dwellings, 
 wee suppose to bee by hunting and fishing, and of certaine 
 fruites, which are a kinde of rootes which the earth yeeldeth 
 of her owne accord. They haue no graine, neither sawe wee 
 any kinde or signe of tyllage, neither is the lande, for the 
 barrennes therof, apt to beare frute or seed. If at any time 
 we desired by exchaunge to haue any of their commodities, 
 they vsed to come to the Sea shore vpon certaine craggie 
 rocks, and wee standing in our Boats, they let downe with a 
 rope what it pleased them to giue vs, crying continually that 
 wee should not approch to the lande, demanding immedi¬ 
 ately the exchange, taking nothing but kniues, fishookes, 
 and tooles to cut withall, neither did they make any account 
 of our curtesie. And when we had nothing left to exchange 
 with them, when we departed from them, the people shewed 
 all signes of discourtesie and disdaine, as was possible for any 
 creature to inuent. Wee w r ere, in despight of them, two or 
 three leagues within the lande, being in number 25 armed 
 men of vs. And when we went on shore, they shot at vs 
 with their bowes, making great outcries, and afterwardes fled 
 into the woods. Wee founde not in this lande any thing 
 notable, or of importance, sauing very great woods and cer¬ 
 taine liilles, they may haue some mynerall matter in them, 
 because wee sawe many of the haue headstones of Copper 
 
 1 About Portsmouth, in New Hampshire, or the southern part of Maine. 
 
MO RUM BEGA. 
 
 71 
 
 hanging at their eares. We departed from thence, keeping 
 our course North-East along the coaste, which wee founde 
 more pleasant champion, and without woods, with high moun- 
 taines within the lande : continuing directly along the coast 
 for the space of fiftie leagues, wee discouered 32 Ilelandes 1 
 lying all neare the lande, being small and pleasant to the 
 viewe, high, and hauing many turnings and windings be- 
 tweene them, making many fayre karboroughes and clianels, 
 as they doe in the goulfe of Venice in Saluonia, and Dal¬ 
 matia; wee had no knowledge or acquaintance with the people: 
 wee suppose they are of the same maners and nature that the 
 others are. Sayling Northeast for the space of 150 leagues, 
 we approched to the lande that in times past was discouered 
 by the Britons, which is in fiftie degrees. 2 Hauing now spent 
 all our prouision and victuals, and hauing discouered about 
 700 leagues and more of newe Countries, and being fur¬ 
 nished with Water and Wood, wee concluded to returne into 
 Eraunce. 
 
 Touching the religion of this people which wee haue 
 founde, for want of their language, we could not vnderstand, 
 neither by signes nor gesture, that they had any religion or 
 lawe at all, or that they did acknowledge any first cause or 
 mouer, neither that they worship the heauen or starres, the 
 Sunne or Moone, or other Planets, and much lesse, whether 
 they bee idolaters; neither coulde wee learne whether that 
 they vsed any kinde of Sacrifices or other adorations, neither 
 in their villages haue they any Temples or houses of prayer. 
 We suppose that they haue no religion at all, and y* they liue 
 at their owne libertie. And y t all this proceedeth of igno¬ 
 rance, for that they are very easie to bee persuaded: and all 
 that they see vs Christians doe in our diuine seruice, they 
 did the same, with the like imitation as they sawe vs to 
 doe it. 
 
 1 We conjecture this to be Penobscot Bay. 2 Newfoundland. 
 
Podesta. 
 
 THE DISCO UERIE OF THE ILES OF FRISLAND, 
 
 Iseland, Engroueland, Estotiland, Drogeo, and Icaria, 
 made by M. Nicolas Zeno, Knight, and M. Antonio 
 
 his Brother. 
 
 In the yere of our Lord 1200, There was in the Citie of 
 Venice a famous Gentleman, named M. Marino Zeno, who for 
 his great vertue and singular wisedome, was called and elected 
 gouernour in certain common wealthes of Italy, in the admi¬ 
 nistration whereof hee bore himselfe so discreetly, that hee 
 was beloued of all men, and his name greatly reuerenced of 
 those that neuer knewe or sawe his person. And among 
 sundrie his worthie workes, this is recorded of him, that hee 
 pacified certaine greeuous ciuile dissentions that arose among 
 the Cittzens of Verona: whereas otherwise if by his graue 
 aduise and great diligence, they had not beene preuented, the 
 matter was likely to breake out in hot broiles of warre. Hee 
 was the first Agent that the common wealth of Venice kept 
 in Constantinople in the yeere 1205, quando n’era patrona , 
 conli baroni frdcesi. This Gentleman had a sonne, named 
 M. Pietro, who was the father of the Duke Rinieri, which 
 Duke dying with out issue, made his heyre M. Andrea, the 
 sonne of M. Marco his brother. This M. Andrea was cap- 
 taine generall and Procurator, a man of great reputation for 
 many rare partes, that were in him. He had a sonne M. Ri¬ 
 nieri, a worthie Senatour and prudent councellour : Of whom 
 descende M. Pietro, Generall of the league of the Christians 
 against the Turkes, who was called Dragon, for that in his 
 armes hee hare a Dragon. Hee was father to M. Carlo, the 
 famous Procurator and Generall againste the Genowayes in 
 those cruel warres, when as almost all the chiefe princes of 
 
THE DISCOUERIE OE MORUM BEGA. 
 
 73 
 
 Europe did oppugne and seek to ouertlirow our Empire and 
 libertie, wliere by bis great valiancie and prowesse, like an 
 other Furius Camillus, lie delivered his Countrie from the 
 present perill it was in, being readie to become a pray and 
 spoyle vnto the enemie, wherefore hee was afterwarde sur- 
 named the Lion, and for an eternall remembrance of his 
 fortitude and valiant exploits he gaue the Lion in his armes. 
 M. Carlo had two brethren, M. Nicolo the knight and Anto¬ 
 nio, the father of M. Dragon, of whom issued M. Caterino, 
 the father of M. Pietro, this M. Pietro had sonnes M. Caterino 
 that dyed the last yeere, M. Francisco, M. Carlo, M. Battista, 
 and M. Vincenzo. That M. Caterino was father to M. Nicolo 
 that is yet liuing. Now M. Nicolo the knight, being a man 
 of great courage and very nobly minded, after this foresaide 
 warre of Genoua, that troubled so our predecessours, entred 
 into a wonderfull great desire and fansie to see the fashions 
 of the world, and to trauaile, and to acquaint himselfe with 
 the manners of sundry nations, and learne their languages, 
 whereby afterwards vp5 occasions hee might be y e better able 
 to do seruice to his coutrie and purchase to himselfe credite 
 and honor. Wherfore hee caused a shippe to bee made, and 
 hauing furnished her at his proper charges (as hee was very 
 w r ealthie), hee departed out of our Seas, and passing the 
 straites of Gibralterra, he sailed for certaine dayes vpon 
 y e Ocean, keeping his course stil to y e Northwards, w 4 intent 
 to see Englaund and Flaunders. Where being assaulted in 
 those Seas by a terrible tempest, was so tossed for the space 
 of many dayes with the Sea and winde, that hee knew r e not 
 where hee was, till at length hee discouered lande, and not 
 beeing able any longer to sustaine the violence of the tempest, 
 the ship was cast away vpon the Isle of Friseland. The men 
 were saued and most part of the goods that were in the Ship. 
 And this was in the yeere 1380. The inhabitants of the 
 Hand came running in great multitudes w t weapons to set 
 vpon M. Nicolo and his men, who beeing sore wether beaten 
 
 The ship of 
 M. N. Zeno 
 cast away 
 vpon Fris- 
 landin anno 
 
 lm 
 
 L 
 
7 4 
 
 THE DISCOUERIE OF 
 
 A forraine 
 prince hap- 
 ninp to be in 
 Frisla’d wt 
 armed men. 
 When M. 
 Zeno suffer¬ 
 ed ship- 
 wrack, there 
 came vnto 
 him and 
 spake latin. 
 
 Zichmni 
 prince of 
 Porland or 
 duke of 
 Zorani. 
 
 Frisland the 
 king of Nor- 
 wayes. 
 
 and ouerlaboured at Sea, and not knowing in what part of 
 the worlde they were, were not able to make any resistaunce 
 at all, much lesse to defende them selues conragionsly, as it 
 behooued them in such dangerous case. And they shoulde 
 haue been doubtlesse very discourteously entreated and 
 cruelly handeled, if by good hap there had not been hard by 
 the place a Prince with armed people. Who vnderstanding 
 that there was e'uen at that present a great ship cast away 
 vpon the Hand, came running at the noyse and outcries that 
 they made against our poore Mariners, and drilling away the 
 inhabitants, spake in latine, and asked them what they were 
 and from whence they came, and perceiuing y 4 they were 
 Italians and all of one Countrie, he was surprised with mar- 
 ueilous great ioy. Wherefore promising the all that they 
 shoulde receiue no discourtesie, and that they were come into 
 a place where they shoulde bee well vsed and very welcome, 
 he tooke them into his protection vpon his faith. This was 
 a great Lord, and possessed certaine Hands, called Porland, 
 lying one the Southside of Frisland, being y e richest and 
 most populous of all those partes; his name was Zichmni : 
 and beside the said little Hands, he was Duke of Sorani, 
 lying within the land towards Scotland. Of these North 
 partes I thought good to draw the copie of a Sea carde, which 
 amongest other antiquities, I haue in my house, wdiich al¬ 
 though it be rotten through many yeres, yet it falleth out 
 indifferent well, and to those that are delighted in these 
 things, it may serue for some light to the vnderstanding of 
 that, which without it cannot so easily be conceiued. Zi¬ 
 chmni, being Lorde of those Seignories (as is said), was a very 
 warlike and valiant man, and aboue all things famous in Sea 
 causes. And hauing this yeere before giuen the ouerthrowe 
 to the king of Norway, who was Lord of the Ilande, beeing 
 desirous to winne fame by feates of armes, was come on land 
 with his me to giue the attept, for y e winning of Frisland, 
 which is an Hand much bigger then Ireland. Wherefore 
 
MORUM BEGA. 
 
 / 5 
 
 seeing that M. Nicolo was a ma of iudgement and discretion, 
 and very expert both in Sea matters and martiall affaires, lice 
 gaue him commission to goe aboord his nanie with all his 
 men, charging the captaine to honour him, and in all things 
 to vse his counsaile. This Nauie of Zichmni was of thirteene 
 vessels, wlierof two only were with oares, the rest small 
 barkes, and one ship, with the which they sayled to the 
 Westwardes, and with little paines wonne Ledouo and Ilofe, 
 and diuers other small Ilandes, and turning into a bay called 
 Svdero, in the hauen of the towne named Sanestol, they 
 tooke certaine small Barks laden with salt fish. And heere 
 they founde Zichmni, w r ho came by land with his armie, 
 conquering all the countrie as he went; they staied here but 
 a while, but held on their course to the Westwards, till they 
 came to the other Cape of the goulfe or bay, then turning 
 againe,they found certaine Ilelandes and broken landes, which 
 they reduced all vnto the Seignorie and possession of Zichmni. 
 These Seas for as much as they sayled, were in maner 
 nothing but sholds and rocks, in sort that if M. Nicolo and 
 the Venetian mariners had not beene their Pilots, the whole 
 Fleete, in iudgement of all that were in it, had been cast away, 
 so small was y e skill of Zichmnis men in respect of ours, who 
 had been trained vp in the art and practice of nauigation all 
 the daies of their life. Now the Pleete hauing doone such 
 things (as is declared), y e Captaine, by the counsel of M. Ni¬ 
 colo, determined to goe a lande at a towne called Bondendon, 
 to vnderstande what successe Zichmni had in his warres, 
 where they heard, to their great content, that he had fought 
 a great battaile and put to flight the armie of his enemie : 
 by reason of which victorie they sent Embassadours from all 
 partes of the Ilande to yeeld the countrie vp into his handes, 
 taking down their enseignes in euery towne and castell: They 
 thought good to stay in that place for his comming, being 
 reported for certaine that he would bee there very shortly. 
 At his comming there was great congratulate and many 
 
76 
 
 THE DISCOUEHIE OF 
 
 signes of gladnes shewed, as wel for the victorie by lande as 
 for that by Sea, for the which the Venetians were honoured 
 and extolled of all men, in such sort y t there was no talke 
 but of them, and of y e great valour of M. Nicolo. Wherfore, 
 the Prince, who was a great fauourer of valiant men, and 
 especially of those that coulde behaue them selues well at the 
 Sea, caused M. Nicolo to bee brought before him, and hauing 
 commended him with many honourable speeches, and praysed 
 his great industrie and dexterie of wit, by the which he 
 acknowledged himselfe to haue receiued an inestimable 
 benefite, as the sauing of his Fleete and the winning of many 
 maJeknight places, he made him Knight, and rewarded his men with 
 by zichmm. man y r i c ] ie and bountifull giftes : Then departing from 
 
 with fisher l^ ence ^ they went in triumphing maner towardes Priseland, 
 the chief Citie of y e Ilande, situate on the Southest side of the 
 Isle within a goulf (as there are very many in that Hand). 
 In this goulfe or bay there is such great abundance of fish 
 taken, that many ships are laden therewith, to serue Plaunders, 
 Britaine, England, Scotland, Norway, and Denmarke, and 
 by this trade they gather great wealth. 
 a letter sent And thus much is taken out of a letter that M. Nicolo sent 
 K zem> er vnto M. Antonio his brother, requesting him that hee woulde 
 
 from Frise- . 
 
 land to his seeke some meanes to come to him. Wherefore hee, who 
 
 brother M. 
 
 Venice°End as great desire to trauaile as his brother, bought a Ship, 
 letter. firat an( l directing his course that way, after hee had sayled a 
 great while, and escaped many dangers, hee arrived at length 
 in safetie with M. Nicolo, who receiued him very ioyfully, for 
 that hee was his brother not only in fleshe and blood, but 
 also in valour and good qualities. M. Antonio remained in 
 Friselande, and dwelt there for the space of fourteene yeeres, 
 foure yeeres with M. Nicolo, and ten yeeres alone. Where 
 they came into such grace and favour with the Prince, that 
 hee made M. Nicolo Captaine of his Nauie, and with great 
 preparation of warre, they were sent foorth for the enterprise 
 of Estlande, which lyeth upon the coaste between Friseland 
 
 Frisland; 
 for Foun¬ 
 ders, Bri¬ 
 taine, Eng¬ 
 land, Scot¬ 
 land, Nor¬ 
 way, and 
 Denmark. 
 But not to 
 bee proued 
 that euer 
 any came 
 the’ce. 
 
M0RUM BEGA. 
 
 77 
 
 and Norway, where they did many domages, but hearing that 
 the king of Norway was comming towardes them with a great 
 Fleet, they departed w l such a terrible flaw of wind y l they 
 were driue vpo certain sholdes. Where a great part of their 
 ships were cast away, y e rest were saued upo Grisland, a great 
 Hand, but dishabited. The king of Norway his fleete being 
 taken with the same storme, did vtterly perishe in those 
 seas. Whereof Zichmni liauing notice, by a shippe of his 
 enemies, that was cast by chaunce upon Grisland, hauing 
 repayred his fleete, and perceyuing him selfe northerly neere 
 vnto the Islandes, determined to set vpon Islande, which 
 together with the rest was subiect to the king of Norway: 
 but he founde the countrey so well fortified and defended, 
 that his fleete being so small, and very ill appointed both of 
 weapons and men, hee was gladde to retire. And so hee 
 left that enterprise without perfourming any thing at all, and 
 in the same chanelles he assaulted y e other lies, called the 
 Islands, which are seven : Talas, Broas, Iscant, Trans, Mi- 
 nant, Dambere, and Bres, and hauing spoyled them all, hee 
 built a fort in Bres, where he left M. Nicolo, with certaine 
 small barkes and men and munition. And nowe thinking he 
 had done well for this voyage, with those fewe shippes which 
 were left hee returned into Frieslande. M. Nicolo remayning 
 nowe in Bres, determined vpon a time to goe forth and dis- 
 couer lande, wherefore arming out their small barkes in the 
 moneth of July, he sayled to the Northwardes, and arriued 
 in Engrouelande. Where he founde a monastery of Fryers Engroue- 
 of the order of the Predicators, and a church dedicated to Preaching 
 
 . Friers of S 
 
 S. Thomas, harde by a hill that casteth forth fire like Vesu- Thomas, 
 uius and Etna. 
 
 There is a fountayne of hot burning water, with the whiche 
 they heate the Churclie of the monasterie and the Fryers 
 chambers; it commeth also into the kitchen so boyling 
 liotte, that they vse no other fire to dresse their meate, and 
 putting their bread into brasse pottes without any water, it 
 
78 
 
 THE DISCOUEltlE OF 
 
 A notable 
 lye. 
 
 cloeth bake, as it were in a hot ouen. They hane also small 
 gardens couered ouer in the winter time, which being watered 
 with this water, are defended from the force of the snowe and 
 colde, which in those parts being situate farre vnder the 
 pole, is very extreeme, and by this meanes they produce 
 flowers and fruites and herbes of sundrie sortes, enen as in 
 other temperate conntreys in their seasons, in suche sorte that 
 the rude and sauage people of those partes seeing these 
 supernaturall effectes, doe take those Friers for Gods, and 
 bring them many presentes as chickens, fleshe, and diuers 
 other thinges, and haue them all in great reuerence as 
 Lords. When the frost and snowe is great, they heate their 
 houses in maner before said, and will, by letting in the water 
 or opening the windowes, temper the heate and colde at 
 their pleasure. In y e buildings of the monastery, they vse 
 no other matter but that which is ministred vnto them by 
 the fire, for they take the burning stones that are cast out as 
 it were sparkles or ceindres at the firie mouth of the hill, 
 and when they are most enflamed, cast water vpon them, 
 wherby they are dissolued and become excellet white lime, 
 and so tough, that being contriued in building, it lasteth for 
 euer. And the very sparkles after the fire is out of them do 
 serue in steede of stones to make walles and vautes : for being 
 once colde, they will neuer dissolue or breake except they be 
 cut with some iro toole, and the vautes that are made of them 
 are so light, that they need no sustentacle or proppe to holde 
 them vp, and they wil endure continually very fayre and 
 whole. By reason of these great commodities, the friers 
 haue made there so many buildings and walles that it is a 
 wonder to see. The couerts or roofes of their houses for the 
 most part are made in this maner; first they rayse the wall 
 vp to his full height, then they make it enclining or bowing 
 in by litle and litle in forme of a vaute. But they are not 
 greatly troubled with raine in those partes, for that, by reason 
 of the pole or colde climate, the first snowe being falne, it 
 
MORUM BEG A. 
 
 79 
 
 thaweth no more for the space of nine monefhs, for so long 
 dureth their winter. They feede of the fleshe of wilde beastes 
 and of fish, for where as the warme water falleth into the sea, 
 there is a large and wide hauen which by reason of the lieate 
 of the water, doeth neuer freeze all the winter, by meanes 
 whereof there is suche concourse and flocks of sea fonle and 
 such aboundance of fishe, that they take thereof infinite mul¬ 
 titudes, whereby they maintayne a great number of people 
 rounde about, whiche they keepe in continuale worke, both in 
 building and taking of foules and fishe, and in a tliousande 
 other necessarie affaires and busines about the monasterie. 
 
 Their houses are builte about the hill on euery side, in 
 fourme rounde, and 25 foote broade, and in mounting vp- 
 wardes they goe narower and narower, leauing at the toppe a 
 litle hole, whereat the ayre commeth in to giue light to the 
 house, and the flore of the house is so hot, that being within 
 they feele no colde at all. Hither in the sommer time come Trade in 
 
 * sommer 
 
 many barkes from the Hands there about, and from the 
 Cape aboue Norway, and from Trondon. And bring to the MeT-s in in. 
 Friers al maner things that may be desired, taking in grouelacL 
 change thereof fishe, which they drie in the sunne, or in the 
 colde, and skins of diuers ldndes of beastes. For the which 
 they haue wood to burne, and timber verie artificially carued, 
 and corne and cloth to make them apparell. For in change 
 of the two foresayde commodities, all the nations bordering 
 rounde about them couet to trafficke with them, and so they 
 without any trauell or expences haue that which they desire. 
 
 To this monasterie resort Friers of Norway, of Suetia, and Resort of 
 
 ^ friers from 
 
 of other countreys, but the most part are of the Islandes. 
 There are continually in that part many barkes, whiche are 
 kept in there by reason of, the sea being frozen, wayting for 
 the season of the yeere to dissolue the Ice. The fishers 
 boates are made like vnto a weauers shuttle; taking the 
 skins of fishes, they fashio them with the bones of the same 
 fishes, and sowing the together in many doubles, they make 
 
 Norway and 
 Sueden to 
 the monas¬ 
 terie in In- 
 grouelande 
 called S. 
 Tho*. 
 
80 
 
 THE DISCOUERIE OF 
 
 tliem so sure and substantial!, that it is miraculous to see 
 how in tempests they will shut theselues close within, and 
 let the sea and winde carrie them, they care not whether, 
 without any feare eyther of breaking or drowning. And if 
 they chance to be driuen vpd any rocks they remaine sounde, 
 without the least bruse in the worlde : And they haue, as it 
 were, a sleeue in the bottome, w r hich is tied fast in y e middle, 
 and when there cometh any water into their boat, they put 
 it into the one halfe of y e sleeue, the fastning y e ende of it 
 w t two peeces of wood, and loosing y e band beneath, they 
 conuey the water forth of the boate: and this they doe as. 
 often as they haue occasion, without any perill or impedi¬ 
 ment at all. 
 
 Moreouer, the water of the monasterie, being of sulphurious 
 or brimstone nature, is conueyed into the lodginges of the 
 principall Friers by certaine vessels of brasse, tinne, or stone, 
 so hotte, that it heateth the place as it were a stowe, not car¬ 
 rying with it any stinke or other noysome smell. 
 
 Besides this, they haue another conueyance to bring hot 
 water, with a wall vnder the ground, to the ende it should 
 not freese, vnto the middle of the court, where it falleth into 
 a great vessel of brasse, that standeth in the middle of a 
 boyling fountayne, and this is to heate their water to drinke, 
 and to water their gardens, and thus they haue from the hill 
 the greatest commodities that may be wished; and so these 
 Fryers employ all their trauaile and studie for the most part 
 in trimming their gardins, and in making faire and beawti- 
 full buildings, and especially handsome and commodious; 
 neyther are they destitute of ingenious and painefull artificers 
 for the purpose, for they giue very large payment, and to 
 them that bring them fruites and seedes they are very boun- 
 tifull, and giue they care not what. So that there is great 
 resort of workmen and maisters in diuers faculties, by reason 
 of the good games and large allowance that is there. 
 
 The most of them speake the Latin tongue, and especially 
 
MORUiAI BEGA. 
 
 81 
 
 the superiours and principalis of the monasterie. And this is in the mo 
 
 nastarie S. 
 
 as muche as is knowen of Engrouelande, which is all by the 
 relation of M. Nicolo, who maketh also particular description iE k toS e 
 of a riuer that he discouered, as is to he seene in the carde of the two 
 
 letter. 
 
 that I drewe. And in the ende, N. Nicolo, not being vsed 
 and acquainted with these cruell coldes, fell sicke, and a 
 little while after returned into Frislande, where he dyed. He 
 left behinde him in Venice two sonnes, M. Giouanni and M. 
 
 Toma, who had two sonnes, M. Nicolo, the father of the 
 famous Cardinal Zeno and M. Pietro, of whom descended the 
 other Zenos that are liuing at this day. 
 
 Now M. Nicolo being dead, M. Antonio succeeded him, n. zeno 
 both in his goods and in his dignities and honour, and albeit lande? 
 he attempted diuers wayes, and made greate supplication, hee 
 coulde neuer obtaine licence to returne into his Countrey, 
 for Zichmni had determined to make himselfe Lorde of the 
 sea. Wherefore, vsing alwayes the counsaile and seruice of 
 M. Antonio, hee sent hym with some small barkes to the 
 Westwardes, for that towardes those partes some of his fish¬ 
 ermen had discouered certaine Ilandes verye rich and popu¬ 
 lous; which discouerie, M. Antonio, in a letter to his brother 
 M. Carlo, recounteth from point to point in this manner, 
 sauing that wee haue chaunged some olde woordes, leauing 
 the matter entire as it was. 
 
 Sixe and twentie yeeres agoe there departed foure Fisher ^m.A n- 
 
 3 letter be- 
 ginneth 
 from the 
 
 boates, the wliiche a mightie tempest arising, were tossed for 
 the space of manye dayes verye desperately vpon the Sea, brother in 
 
 "V enice, 
 
 when at length the tempeste ceassying, and the weather 
 waxing fayre, they discouered an Ilande called Estotilande, Estotitand. 
 lying to the Westwardes aboue 1000 Miles from Frislande, 
 vpon the wliiche one of the boates was caste awaye, and sixe 6 Fisher 
 
 . . _ . 1 . .. men taken. 
 
 men that were m it were taken ot the mhabitauntes, and 
 brought vnto a verye fayre and populous Citie, where the 
 kyng of the place sent for manye interpreters, but there was 
 none coulde bee founde that vnderstoode the language of the 
 
 M 
 
82 
 
 THE DISCOUERIE OF 
 
 Fishermen 
 of Frislande 
 spake latin. 
 
 Sixe were 5 
 yeeresin 
 Eslotilande. 
 
 One of the 
 fishers of 
 Frisland re- 
 porteth of 
 Estotilande. 
 
 Estotilande 
 rich: 
 
 abounding 
 with al the 
 commo ditie 
 of the 
 worlde. 
 
 Aboundance 
 of golde. 
 
 Trade from 
 Estotiland 
 to Engroue- 
 land—skins, 
 brimstone, 
 and pitche. 
 
 Gold, corne, 
 and bere or 
 ale. 
 
 Many cities 
 and castles. 
 
 A countrey 
 called Dro- 
 gio. 
 
 fishermen, excepte one that spake Latin, who was also cast 
 by chaunce vpon the same Ilande, who in the behalfe of the 
 kyng asked them what Countreymen they were, and so 
 vnderstanding tlieyr case, rehearsed it vnto the King, who 
 willed that they shoulde tarrie in the Countrey, wherefore, 
 they obeyinge his commaundement, for that they coulde not 
 otherwise doe, dwelte hue yeeres in the Ilande, and learned 
 the language, and one of them was in diuers partes of the 
 Ilande, and reporteth that it is a verye riche Countrey, 
 abounding with all the commodities of the worlde, and that 
 it is little lesse than Islande, but farre more fruitefull, 
 hauing in the middle thereof a verye hyghe mountayne, from 
 the whiche there riseth foure Kiuers, that passe throughe the 
 whole Countrey. 
 
 The inhabitantes are very wittie people, and haue all the 
 artes and faculties as wee haue : and it is credible, that in 
 time past they haue had trafficke with our men, for he sayde 
 that he sawe latin bookes in the Kings library, whiche they 
 at this present doe not vnderstande, they haue a peculiar 
 language, and letters, or caracters, to themselues. They 
 haue mines of all manner of mettals, but especially they 
 abounde with golde. They haue their trade in Engroueland, 
 from whence they bring skins, and brimstone, and pitch : 
 And he saith, that to y e southwards there is a great populous 
 coutrey, very rich of gold. They sowe corne, and make bere 
 or ale, which is a kind of drinke that the north people doe 
 vse, as we do wine. They haue mightie great woods; they 
 make their buildings with wals, and there are many cities 
 and castles. They build smal barkes, and haue sayling, but 
 they haue not the lodestone, nor know not the vse of the 
 copasse. Wherefore these fishers were had in great estima- 
 tio, insomuch that the king sent them with 12 barkes to the 
 southwardes, to a countrey whiche they call Drogio : but in 
 their voyage they had suche countrary weather, that they 
 thought all to haue perished in the sea, but yet escaping that 
 
MORUM BEGA. 
 
 83 
 
 cruell death, they fel into another more cruel. For they 
 were take in the countrey, and the most parte of them eaten 
 by the Sauage people, which fecde vpon mans fleshe, as the 
 sweetest meate in their iudgementes that is. 
 
 But that fisher, with his fellowes, shewyng them the maner 
 of taking fishe with nettes, saued their liues : and woulde 
 goe euery day a fishing to the sea and in fresh riuers, and 
 take great aboundance of fish, and giue it to the chiefe men 
 of the countrey, whereby hee got himselfe so great fauour, 
 that hee was very well beloned and honoured of euery one. 
 
 The fame of this man being spred abroad in the countrey, 
 there was a Lorde thereby that was verie desirous to hane 
 him with him, and to see how hee vsed his miraculous arte 
 of catching fishe, in so mnche that he made warre with the 
 other Lorde, with whom hee was before, and in the ende pre- 
 uayling, for that hee was more mightie and a better warriour, 
 the fisherman was sent vnto him, with the rest of his com¬ 
 pany. And for the space of thirteene yeeres that hee dwelt 
 in those partes, he saith that he was sent in this order to 
 more than 25 Lordes, for they had continuall warre amongest 
 them selues, this Lorde with that Lord, and he with another, 
 onely to haue him to dwell with them; so that wandring vp 
 and downe the Countrey, without any certayne abode in one 
 place, hee knewe almost all those partes. He saith that it 
 is a very great countrey, and, as it were, a newe world, the 
 people very rude and voyde of all goodnesse; they goe all 
 naked, so that they are miserablie vexed with colde; neyther 
 haue they the wit to coner their bodies w* beasts skins, 
 w l they take in huntinge; they haue no kind of metal; they 
 liue by huting; they carie certain lances of wood, made sharp 
 at y e point; they haue bowes, the stringes whereof are made 
 of beastes skinnes : They are a very fierce people, they make 
 cruell warres one with another, and eate one an other, they 
 haue gouernours and certayne lawes verye diners amongest 
 them selues. But the farther to the South west wardes, the 
 
 The 6 fish- 
 erme’ of 
 frisland 
 only saued 
 by shewing 
 the maner to 
 take fishe. 
 
 The chiefest 
 of the 6 fish¬ 
 ers specified 
 before his 
 co’panions. 
 
 In the space 
 of 13 yeres 
 in Drogio. 
 
 Sent to more 
 then 25 
 lords, which 
 continually 
 warred 
 amongst 
 the selues 
 for the same 
 fisherman. 
 
84 
 
 THE DISCOTJEKIE OE 
 
 more ciuility there is, the ayre being somewhat temperat, so 
 that there they haue Cities and temples to Idolls, wherein 
 they sacrifice men, and afterwardes eate them; they haue 
 there some knowledge and vse of gold and silner. 
 
 Nowe this fisher hauing dwelt so many yeeres in those 
 countreys, purposed, if it were possible, to returne home into 
 his conntrey, hut his companions dispayring euer to see it 
 agayne, let him goe in Gods name, they kept them selues 
 where they were. Wherefore hee bidding them farewel, 
 fledde through the woods towardes Drogio, and was verie 
 well receiued of the Lorde that dwelt next to that place, who 
 knewe him, and was a great enemie of the other Lorde, and 
 so running from one Lorde to an other, being those by who 
 hee had passed before, after long time and many trauelles, 
 he came at length to Drogio, where hee dwelt three yeeres. 
 When as by good fortune he heard by y e inhabitants y t there 
 were certaine boates arriued upon y e coast, wherefore, en- 
 tring into good hope to accdplish his intent, he went to y e sea 
 side, and asking the of what conntrey they were, they 
 answered of Estotiland, whereat he was exceeding glad, and 
 interpret™ 6 requested that they woulde take him into them, whiche they 
 Ihat’lriued did verye willingly, and for that hee had the language of the 
 the boates of Conntrey, and there was none of them that conlde speake it, 
 
 Estotilande. 
 
 they vsed him for their interpreter. 
 
 Aftcrwcirds 
 
 hee tie- And after that, hee frequented that trade with them, in 
 
 quented that 
 
 them 7n ith suc ^ sor te, that hee became verye riche, and so furnishing 
 thathe°he- ou ^ a barke of his owne, hee returned into Erislande, where 
 STIndso hee made reporte vnto this Lorde of that welthie Conntrey. 
 hark of his And hee is throughly credited, because of the Mariners 
 
 owne, and ° ^ 
 
 Frisiande 0 w ^io approoue many straunge thinges that hee reporteth to 
 reported. 6 the b ee true. Wherefore, this Lorde is resolued to sende me 
 Lonie to 18 foorth with a fieete towardes those partes, and there are so 
 manye that desire to goe in the voyage for the noueltie and 
 minded'to strangenesse of the thing, that I thinke we shall be very 
 
 send M. An- . -iti 
 
 tonio zeno strongly appointed, without any publike expence at all. And 
 
 3 yeresin 
 Drogio. 
 
 Where by 
 happ arriu. 
 ed certaine 
 boates from 
 Estotiland. 
 
MORUM BEGA. 
 
 85 
 
 this is the tenor of the letter, before mentioned, which I hane 
 
 heere set downe to giue intelligence of an other voyage, that onsstot£ tes 
 
 M. Antonio made, being set out with many Barkes and men, of 3 letter. 
 
 notwithstanding hee was not captaine as hee had thought at 
 
 the first hee shoulde, for Zichmni went in his owne person: 
 
 and concerning this matter, I haue a letter in forme, as fol- 4 letter be- 
 
 ginneth fro' 
 
 loweth. Our great preparation for the voyag of Estotiland, island 
 was begun in an vnlnckie houre, for three dayes before our thJj^caSo 
 departure, the fisherman died that shoulde haue been our 
 guid : notwithstanding, this Lorde wonlde not giue oner the Sat should 
 
 enterprize, but in steade of the fisherman, tooke certayne guid and 
 Marriners that returned out of the Ilande with him, and so cedatne 
 making our nauigation to the Westwards, we discouered cer- SkeSinhis 
 
 St6Gd6 
 
 tayne Ilandes subiect to Prislande, and hauing passed cer- whichcame 
 tayne shelues, we stayed at Ledouo for the space of 7 dayes [™ d Estoti " 
 to refreshe our selues, and furnish the fleete with necessarie 
 prouision. Departing from hence, we arriued the first of 
 
 m- 
 
 July at the He of Ilofe, and for that the winde made for vs IIe 
 w r ee stayed not there, but passed forth, and being vpon the 
 maine sea there arose immediatly a cruell tempest, where- 
 w r ith for eight dayes space wee were miserably vexed, not 
 knowing vdiere wee were, and a great part of the Barkes 
 w r ere cast away; afterwarde waxing faire wether, we gathered 
 vp the broken peeces of the Barkes that were lost, and sayl- 
 •ing with a prosperous winde, wee discouered lande at West. 
 Wherefore, keeping our course directly vpon it, wee arriued SsS'dis. 
 in a very good and safe harborough, where wee sawe an infi- the iiand 
 nite companie of people readie in armes, come running very InfinUe 
 furiously to the water side, as it were for defence of the pe^lein 1 
 Ilande. Wherefore, Zichmni causing his men to make signes aums ‘ 
 of peace vnto them, they sent tenne men vnto vs that coulde 
 speake tenne languages, but wee coulde vnderstande none Annw 
 of them, except one that was of Island. He being brought Icana - 
 before our Prince and asked what was the name of the Hand, 
 and what people inhabited it, and who gouerned it, answered, 
 
86 
 
 THE DISCOUERIE OF 
 
 Icaria 
 
 Ilande. All 
 the kings yt 
 had raigned 
 in that Ila’d 
 were called 
 Icari, after 
 the name of 
 the first 
 king of yt 
 place: which 
 they say was 
 the sonne of 
 Dedalus, 
 king of 
 Scots. 
 
 Icarius 
 
 drowned. 
 
 Icarian Sea. 
 
 The people 
 of Icaria de¬ 
 sirous of the 
 Italian 
 tongue. 
 
 Hauing in 
 that Hand 
 10 men of 
 ten sundry 
 nations. 
 
 that the Hand was called Icaria, and that all the kinges that 
 had raigned there, were called Icari, after the name of the 
 first king of that place, which, as they say, was the sonne of 
 Dedalus, king of Scotland, who conquering that Hand, left 
 his sonne there for king, and left the those lawes that they 
 retain to this present, and after this, he desiring to sayle fur¬ 
 ther, in a great tempest that arose, was drowned; wherefore, 
 for a memoriall of his death, they call those Seas yet the 
 Icarian Sea, and the kings of the Hand, Icari; and for that 
 they were contented with that state which God had give 
 them, neither whold they alter one iote of their lawes and 
 eustomes, they would not receiue any straunger, wherefore 
 they requested our Prince that hee woulde not seeke to violate 
 their lawes, which they had receiued from that king of wor- 
 thie memorie, and obserued very duly to that present: which 
 if hee did attempt, it woulde redounde to his manifest destruc¬ 
 tion, they being all resolutely bent rather to leaue their life, 
 than to loose in any respect the vse of their lawes. Not¬ 
 withstanding, that wee should not thinke they did altogether 
 refuse the conuersation and trafhcke with other men, they 
 tolde vs for conclusion, that they would willingly receiue one 
 of our men, and preferre him to be one of y e chiefe amongest 
 them, only to learne my language the Italian tongue, and to 
 bee enformed of our maners and eustomes, as they had 
 alreadie receiued those other tenne of tenne sundrie nations, 
 that came vnto their Hand. To these things our Prince 
 answered nothing at all, but causing his men to seeke some 
 good harborough, hee made signes as though he would come 
 on lande, and sayling round about the Hand, hee espied at 
 length a harborough on the East side of the Ilande, where 
 he put in with all his Fleet, the mariners went on land to 
 take in wood and water, which they did with as great speede 
 as they conlde, doubting, least they shoulde be assaulted by 
 the inhabitants, as it fell out in deed, for those that dwelt 
 there abouts, making signes vnto the other with fire and 
 
MORUM BEGA. 
 
 87 
 
 smoke, put them seines presently in armes, and the other 
 comming to them, they came all running downe to the Sea 
 side vpon our men with bowes and arrowes and other wea¬ 
 pons, that many were slaine and diuers sore wounded. And 
 we made signes of peace vnto them, but it was to no purpose, 
 for their rage encreased more and more, as though they had 
 fought for life and liuing. Wherefore, wee were forced to 
 depart, and to sayle along in a great circuite about the Hand, 
 being alwaies accompanied vpon the hil tops and the Sea 
 coast with an infinite multitude of armed men, and so dou- infinite 
 bling the Cape of the Hand towardes the North, wee found armed men 
 
 A # in Icaria. 
 
 many great sholdes, amongst the which for the space of ten 
 daies we were in continual danger of loosing our whole 
 Fleete, but that it pleased God all that while to send vs very 
 faire weather. Wherefore, proceeding on till we came to 
 y e East cape, we sawe the inhabitaunts still on the hill tops 
 and by the Sea coast keepe with vs, and in making great out¬ 
 cries, and shooting at vs a farre of, they vttered their olde 
 spitefull affection towards vs. Wherefore we determined to 
 stay in some safe harborough, and see if we might speak 
 once againe with the Islander, but our determination was 
 frustrate, for the people, more like vnto beastes than men, 
 stood continually in armes, w* intent to beat vs backe if we 
 should come on lande. Wherefore, Zichmni seeing hee 
 coulde not preuaile, and thought if hee shoulde haue per- 
 seuered and followed obstinately his purpose, their victuals 
 would haue failed them, hee departed with a faire winde, and 
 sailed sixe dayes to the Westwards, but the winde chaung- ^7^" 
 ing to the Southwest, and the Sea waxing rough, wee sayled 4 waS3s. West " 
 dayes with the wind in the powpe, and at length discouering 
 land, wee were afraide to approch neere vnto it, being the sjjj 4 of 
 Sea growen, and we not knowing what lande it was, but God 
 prouided for vs, that the winde ceasing, there came a greate 
 calme. Wherefore, some of our companie rowing to land 
 with oares, returned and brought vs word to our great com- 
 
88 
 
 THE DISCOUERIE OF 
 
 100 good 
 souldiers 
 sent by 
 Zichmni to 
 search the 
 countrie 
 (which 
 countrie is 
 not named). 
 
 June. 
 
 The ayre so 
 te’perate 
 and sweete 
 as impossi¬ 
 ble to ex- 
 presse it. 
 
 Hauen 
 
 Trim. 
 
 Capo di 
 Trim. 
 
 The 100 
 souldiers 
 returned 
 which had 
 been 
 
 through the 
 Hand, re¬ 
 port what 
 they sawe 
 and found. 
 
 forte, that they had fonnde a very good Countrie, and a better 
 harborough, vpon which newes wee towed our ships and 
 smal Barkes to lande, and being entred into the harborough, 
 wee sawe a farre of a great mountaine y t cast forth smoke, 
 which gaue vs good hope that we shoulde finde some inha- 
 bitantes in y e Hand, neither would Zichmni rest, although it 
 were a great way of, hut send a 100 good souldiers to search 
 the Countrie, and bring report what people they were that 
 inhabited it; and in the meane time they tooke in wood and 
 water for the prouision of the Fleete, and catcht great store 
 of fishe and Sea foule, and founde such abundance of birdes 
 egges, that our men that were halfe famished were filled 
 withall. Whiles we were riding here, began the moneth of 
 June, at which time the ayre in the Hand was so temperate 
 and pleasant as is impossible to expresse; hut when we coulde 
 see no people at all, wee suspected greatly that this pleasant 
 place was desolate and dishabited. We gaue name to the 
 hauen, calling it Trim, and the point that stretched out into 
 y e sea we called Capo di Trim. The 100 souldiers that were 
 sent foorth, eight dayes after returned, and brought worde 
 that they had been through the Ilande, and at the moun¬ 
 taine, and that the smoke was a naturall thing, proceeding 
 from a great fire that was in the bottome of the hill, and 
 that there was a spring, from which issued a certaine matter 
 like pitch, which ran into the Sea, and that there ahoutes 
 dwelt greate multitudes of people half wilde, hiding theselues 
 in caues of the grounde, of small stature, and very fearefull, 
 for as soone as they sawe them, they fled into their holes; 
 and that there was a great riuer and very good harborough. 
 Zichimni being thus informed, and seeing that it had a hol- 
 some and pure ayre, and a very fruitefull soyle, and fayre 
 riuers, with sundrie other commodities, fell into such liking 
 of the place, that he determined to inhahite it, and build 
 there a Citie. But his people being weary and faint with 
 their long and tedious trauaile, began to tumult and mur- 
 
MORUM BEGA. 
 
 89 
 
 mure, saying, that they would returne into their Countrie, zichmni <ie. 
 for that the winter was at hand, and if they entred into the 
 harborough, they should not be able to come out againe Ekept 
 before the next Sommer. Wherefore, hee retaining only the barkes with 
 
 oares, and 
 
 Barkes with Oares, and such as were willing to stay with me ’ 
 
 y o t/ were will- 
 
 him, sent all the rest with the shippes backe againe, and {Jf’Jest sent 
 willed that I (though vnwilling) should bee their Captaine. wlrdsEp- 
 I therefore departing, sayled for the space of twentie dayes toX? n zrao 
 
 chiefe cap- 
 
 to the Estwards without sight of any land, then turning my ^® of 
 course towardes Southeast, in flue dayes I discouered lande, Antonio 
 and founde my selfe vpon the He of Neome, and knowing ^ght See¬ 
 the Countrie, I perceiued I was past Islande: Wherefore, knewe him- 
 
 s elfe past 
 
 taking in some fresh victuals of the inhabitants, being island, 
 subiect to Zichmni, I sayled with a faire winde in three dayes 4 letter - 
 to Frisland, where the people, who thought they had lost 
 their Prince, because of his long absence, in this our voyage, 
 receiued vs very ioyfully. 
 
 What followed after this letter, I know not but by coniec- A peece of a 
 ture, wdiich I gather out of a peece of an other letter, which 
 I will set downe heere vnderneath : That Zichmni builte a 
 towne in the porte of the Hand that hee discouered, and that 
 hee searched the Countrie very diligently and discouered it 
 all, and also the riuers on both sides of Engroueland, for 
 that I see it particularly described in the Sea card, but the 
 discourse or narration is lost. The beginning of the letter Beginning 
 
 • i . . of the letter. 
 
 is thus. Concerning those things that you desire to knowe 
 of mee, as of the men and their manners and customes, of 
 the beastes, and the Countries adioyning, I haue made thereof 
 a particular booke, which, by God ; s helpe, I will bring with 
 mee : Wherein I haue described the countrie, the monstrous 
 fishes, y e customes and law r es of Frisland, Island, Estland, 
 the kingdome of Norway, Estotiland, JDrogio, and in the end, 
 the life of Master Nicolo, the knight our brother, with the 
 discouerie which he made, and of Groland. I haue also 
 written the life and acts of Zichmni, a Prince as worthie of 
 
90 
 
 THE DISCOUERIE OE MORUM BEGA. 
 
 immortall memory as any that euer liued, for his great vali- 
 ancie and singuler liumanitie, wherein I hane described the 
 disconerie of Engroueland on both sides, and the Citie that 
 liee builded. Therefore, I will speeke no further hereof in 
 this letter, hoping to be with yon very shortly, and to satisfie 
 you in sundrie other thinges by worde of mouth. All these 
 letters were written by master Antonio to master Carlo, his 
 brother. And it greeuetli me, that the booke and diuers 
 other writinges concerning these purposes, are miserably lost: 
 For I beeing but a child when they came to my hands, and 
 not knowing what they were (as the manner of children is), 
 I tore them, and rent them in peeces, which now I cannot 
 call to remembrance but to my greef. Notwithstanding that 
 the memory of so many good thinges shoulde not bee lost; 
 whatsoeuer I could get of this matter, I haue disposed and 
 put in order, in the former discourse, to the ende that this 
 age might bee partly satisfied, to y e which we are more be¬ 
 holden for the great discoueries made in those partes, then 
 to any other of the time past, beeing most studious of the 
 relations of the discoueries of strange Countries made by the 
 great mindes and industry of our auncetours. 
 
 This discourse was collected by Ramusio, Secretarie to the 
 state of Venice (or by the Printer, Tho. Giunti). 
 
 John Baptist a Ramusio died in Padua, in July 1557. 1 
 
 1 The first time that this account appears in Ramusio’s Collection, is 
 in the edition of the second volume published in 1574, seventeen years 
 after the death of Ramusio : and it is not probable that he would himself 
 have selected for publication a “ discourse” like that of the Zeni, which 
 bears upon it the evident impress of fabrication. What share Tommaso 
 Giunti had in this edition, beyond printing it, and prefixing a preface, is 
 not known. 
 
 The object of the Hakluyt Society is to extend the knowledge of the 
 bold and energetic and successful efforts of early discoverers, not to bring 
 prominently forward clumsy compilations and absurd fictions. For this 
 reason, no attempt has been made to distinguish by annotation the pro¬ 
 bably true from the certainly false in the above narrative. 
 
91 
 
 
 THE TRUE AND LAST DTSCOUERIE OF FLORIDA, 
 
 made by Captain John Ribault in the yeere 1562. 
 
 Dedicated to a great noble man of Fraunce, 1 and 
 translated into Englishe by one Thomas Hackit. 
 
 Where as in the yeere of onr Lorde God 1562, it pleased 
 God to mone your honour to choose and appoint vs to dis- 
 couer and view a certaine long coast of the West India, from 
 the head of the lande called Laflorida, drawing towarde the 
 North part, vnto the head of Britons, 2 distant from the saide 
 head of Laflorida 900 leagues or there about: to the ende wee 
 might certifie you and make true report of the temperature, 
 fertilitie, Portes, Hauens, Riuers, and generally of all the 
 commodities that bee seene and found in that lande, and also 
 to learne what people were there dwelling, which thing you 
 haue long time agoe desired, beeing stirred therevnto by this 
 zeale: That Fraunce might one day through newe discoueries 
 haue knowledge of strange Countries, and also thereof to 
 receiue (by meanes of continuall trafficke) riche and inesti¬ 
 mable commodities, as other nations haue done, by taking in 
 hand such farre nauigations, both to the honor and prowes of 
 their kings and princes, and also to the encrease of great 
 profite and vse to their common wealthes, countries, and 
 dominions, which is most of all, w^ut copariso, to be consi¬ 
 dered and esteemed. It seemeth well y l yee haue been stirred 
 hereunto euen of God aboue, and led to jt by the hope and 
 desire you haue that a number of brutishe people and igno- 
 
 1 Gaspard de Coligny, admiral of France, an earnest promoter of the 
 attempts made to establish colonies in America, which he regarded as 
 the future asylum for the French Protestants. 
 
 2 Cape Breton, in lat. 46 N. 
 
92 
 
 THE DISCOUEllIE OF 
 
 Sebastian 
 
 Gabota. 
 
 John Ve- 
 rarza’. 
 
 rant of Jesns Christe, may by bis grace come to some know¬ 
 ledge of bis lioly Lawes and Ordinannces. So therefore it 
 seemetli that it hath pleased God by his godly prouidence to 
 reserue the care which hee hath had of their salnation vntill 
 this time, and will bring them to our faith at the time by 
 liimselfe alone foreseene and ordeined. For if it were need- 
 full to sliewe howe many from time to time haue gone about 
 to finde out this great lande and to inhabite there, who neuer- 
 thelesse haue alwaies failed, and beene put by from their 
 intention and purpose: some by feare of shipwrackes, and 
 some by great windes and tempestes, that droue them backe, 
 to their merueilous griefe. Of the which there was one, a 
 very famous stranger named Sebastian Gabota, an excellent 
 Pylot, sent thither by king Henry the yeere 1498, and many 
 others, who neuer could attaine to any habitation, nor take 
 possession thereof one only foote of grounde, nor yet approche 
 or enter into these parties and faire riuers, into the which 
 God hath brought vs. Wherefore (my Lorde) it may bee 
 well saide, that the liuing God hath reserued this great lande 
 for your poore seruantes and subiectes, as well to the ende 
 they might bee made great ouer this poore people and rude 
 nation, as also to approue the former affection which our 
 kings haue had vnto this discouerie. 
 
 For y e late king Frances the first (of happie memorie), a 
 Prince endued with excellent vertues, the yeere 1524 sent a 
 famous and notable man, a Florentine, named Master John 
 Verarzan, 1 to search and discouer the West parts as farre as 
 might be : Who, departing from Deepe 2 with two vessels little 
 differing from the making and burden of these two Pinnaces 
 of the kinges which your honour hath ordeined for this pre¬ 
 sent nauigation. In the which land they haue found the 
 eleuation [of] the Pole, an vm degrees. 3 The Countrie (as he 
 
 1 Giovanni Yerazzani.—See ante , p. 55. 2 Dieppe. 
 
 3 We have no account of any of the voyages of Yerazzani, but the first 
 in 1524 ; and it does not appear that on this occasion he penetrated fur- 
 
TERRA FLORIDA. 
 
 93 
 
 writeth) goodly, fruitfully and so good temperature, that it is 
 not possible to liaue a better: beeing then as yet of no ma 
 seen nor discerned. But they not being able to bring to 
 passe at this first voyage that which he had intended, nor to 
 arriue in any Port, by reason of sundrie incoueniences 
 (which comdly happe) were costrained to return into Fraunce: 
 where, after his airmail, he neuer ceassed to make suite vntill 
 he was sent thither againe, where at last he died. 1 The which 
 occasion gaue small courage to sende thither agayne, and 
 was the cause that this laudable enterprise was left of, vntill 
 the yeere 1534, at which time his Maiestie (desiring alwayes 
 to enlarge his kingdome, countreys, and dominions, and the 
 aduauncing the ease of his subiectes) sent thither a Pilote of 
 S. Mallowes, a Briton named James Cartier, well seene in 
 the art and knowledge of Nauigation, and especially of the 
 North parts, commonly called the new land, led by some 
 hope to find passage that waies to the south seas : Who, being 
 
 ther south than about twenty-eight degrees. The eight degrees men¬ 
 tioned in the text, may be a mistake for twenty-eight: we cannot under¬ 
 stand it in any other manner. 
 
 1 The time and manner of Yerazzani’s death is not known. In the 
 introduction to his voyage in 1524, published in the third volume of 
 Ramusio (p. 417 b.), the following passage occurs :—“ In the last voyage 
 which he made, having landed together with some of his companions, 
 they were all killed by the natives, and roasted and eaten in the presence 
 of those who remained on board the ships.” Mr. Biddle, in the Memoirs 
 of Cabot , p. 278, contends, that he was the Piedmontese pilot who accom¬ 
 panied an English vessel on a voyage of discovery to the north in 1527, 
 and having ventured on shore at Newfoundland, was killed by the natives. 
 There are two objections to this theory : one, that Verazzani was a Flo¬ 
 rentine, and not a Piedmontese; and the other, that Annibale Caro, in a 
 letter dated ten years afterwards,—viz., on the 13th of October 1537,— 
 addresses himself to one “Verrazzano, a seeker of new worlds and of 
 their marvels”, and says : “We have passed no lands that have not been 
 discovered either by yourself or by your brother.” ( Lettere Familiari , 
 page 7. Edit. 1610.) We think that it is proper to lay these facts 
 before the reader, but cannot pretend to draw any conclusion from them. 
 —See Tiraboschi, Storia della Letteratura Italiana , tom. vii, page 383. 
 Edit. 1824. 
 
94 
 
 THE DISCOUERIE OP 
 
 not able at his first going to bring any thing to passe that he 
 preteded to do, was sent thither againe the yeere following, 
 and likewise Le sire Hemerall j 1 and as it is well knowen 
 they did inhabite and builde, and plant the kings armies in 
 the North part, a good way in the lande, as far as Tauadu and 
 Ochisaon. 2 Wherefore (my Lord) trust iustly that a thing 
 so commendable, and worthie to bee with good courage 
 attempted, that God woulde guid and keepe vs, desiring 
 alwayes to fulfill your commaundement. When wee had done 
 your businesse, and made our preparations the xvm day of 
 Februarie 1562, through the fauour of God wee departed with 
 our two vessels out of the hauen of Claue de Grace 3 into the 
 road Caur : 4 and the next day hoysted vp saile (the winde 
 being in y e East), which lasted so hue daies, that wee coulde 
 not arriue at the nauch, 5 that is from betweene the coast of 
 Briton 6 and Englande and the lies of Surlinos 7 and Wiskam: 8 
 So that the Winde blowing with great fury and tempest out 
 of the West and West Southwest, altogether contrary to our 
 way and course, and all that we could doe was to none effecte, 
 besides the great daunger of breaking of our Mastes, as also 
 to be hindered in our other labours. Wherefore as well to 
 shonne many other inconueniences which might follow to the 
 preiudice and breach of our voyage, hauing regard also to 
 the likely daunger of death, y 1 some of our gentlemen and 
 
 1 The person here meant must be Francois de la Roche, sieur de 
 Roberval, who was appointed governor of Canada by Francis I, in 1540, 
 and sailed for America with emigrants in 1542. 
 
 2 The English edition of Ribault’s voyage, which Hakluyt has here 
 reproduced, is disfigured by several gross inaccuracies, particularly in the 
 proper names. The French original is not known to exist, and it is 
 doubtful if it was ever printed. Probably, this translation was made from 
 the manuscript, and hence the extraordinary mis-readings we shall have 
 to correct in the course of our remarks upon this voyage. The tAvo 
 names, Tavidu and Ochisaon, must be Canada and Hochelaga, to which 
 latter district Cartier gave the name of Montreal. 
 
 3 Havre de Grace. 6 Brittany. 
 
 4 Caux. 7 The Scilly Islands. 
 
 5 The Manche, or English Channel. 8 IJshant. 
 
TERRA FLORIDA. 
 
 95 
 
 soulcliers being troubled with feuers and wliot sicknesses, 
 might haue fallen into: as also for other considerations wee 
 thought good to fall into the road of Brest, in Britaine, to 
 see there our sick folke on land, and suffer the tempest to 
 passe. From whence (after wee had taried there two dayes) 
 wee returned againe to Seawarde to followe our nauigation; 
 so that (my Lorde) albeit the winde was for a long season 
 very much against 'vs, and troublesome, yet at the ende (God 
 giuing vs, through his grace and accustomed goodnesse, a 
 meetely fauourable winde), I determined with all diligence 
 to proue a newe course which hath not beene yet attempted: 
 trauersing the Seas of Oction 1 1800 Leagues at the least, 
 whiche in deed is the true and short course, that hereafter 
 must be kept to the honour of our nation, reiecting the old con- 
 serued opinion, which so long time hath beene holden as true. 
 
 Which is, as it was thought a thing impossible to haue the 
 winde at East, Northeast, and keepe the race and course wee 
 enterprised, but that we shoulde be driuen towarde the region 
 of Affrica, the lies of Canaria, Madera, and other landes there 
 aboutes. And the cause why wee haue beene the more pro- 
 uoked and assured to take this new race, hath bin because 
 that it seemed to euery one that we might not passe nor goe 
 in this Nauigation without the sight and touching of the 
 Antillies and Lucaries, 2 and there soiourne and take fresh 
 waters and other necessaries, as the Spaniards doe in their 
 voyage to new spaine: wherof (thanked be God) we haue 
 had no neede, nor entered the chanell of Boham : 3 which hath 
 
 1 Seas of Oction. The first edition of this narrative, printed in 1563, 
 has Octi«n. We presume that what is here rendered “the seas of Oction”, 
 was in the French original either “Les mers cVOccident”, meaning the 
 Western or Atlantic Ocean; or “La mer oceane”, the main ocean: and 
 that the translator, being unable to read the manuscript before him, made 
 a word for the occasion. 
 
 2 Antillies—The Caribbee Islands ; Lucaries—The Lucayes, or Bahama 
 Islands. 
 
 3 Roham—This must be a mis-reading for Bahama; the passage referred 
 to being through the old Bahama Channel and the Gulf of Florida. 
 
96 
 
 THE DISCOTJERIE OF 
 
 bin thought impossible. Foreseeing also that it was not 
 expedient for vs to passe through the Ilandes, as wel to shune 
 many inconueniences that might happen in passing that way 
 (wherof springeth nothing but innumerable quarrels, plead¬ 
 ings, cdfusions, and breach of al worthy enterprises and 
 goodly nauigations, whereof ensueth complaintes and odious 
 questions betweene the subiectes of the king and his friends 
 and alies) as also to the ende they might vnderstand that, in 
 the time to come (God hauing shewed vs such graces, as these 
 his wonderfull benefites firste shewed to the poore people of 
 this so goodly newe framing 1 people, of so gentle a nature, 
 and a countrey so pleasant and fruitefull, lacking nothing at 
 all that may seeme necessarie for mans food), we would not 
 haue to doe with their Ilandes and other landes, which (for 
 that they first discouered them) they keepe with much ielousie: 
 trusting that if God will suffer the king (through your per- 
 swation) to cause some part of this incomparable countrey to 
 be peopled and inhabited with such a number of his poore 
 subiectes as you shall thinke good, there neuer happened in 
 the memory of man so great and good commoditie to France 
 as this; and (my Lorde) for many causes, whereof a man is 
 neuer able to say or write to the ful, as vnder the assured 
 hope that we haue alwayes had in executing vprightly that 
 which I had receiued in charge of you, God woulde blesse 
 our wayes and nauigations. After we had constantly and 
 with diligence, in time conuenient, determined upon the way, 
 wee shoulde haue thought it noysome and tedious to all our 
 companie if it had before bin knowe vnto any without tourn- 
 ing or wauering to or fro from their first ententio. And not¬ 
 withstanding that satan did often what he could to sowe 
 many obstractes, troubles, and lettes, according to his accus¬ 
 tomed subtilties, so it is come to passe that God, by his onely 
 goodnes, hath giuen vs grace to make the furthest arte and 
 
 1 There is, most probably, a mistake here : but we are unable to sug¬ 
 gest an explanation of it. 
 
TERRA FLORIDA. 
 
 97 
 
 trauars of the seas, that eaer was made in our memorie or 
 knowledge, in longitude from the East to the West: 1 and 
 therefore was it commonly sayde both in Eraunce and Spaine, 
 and also among vs, that it was impossible for vs safely to 
 arriue thither, whither the Lord did conduct vs. A1 which 
 perswaded but of ignoraunce and lacke of attempting : which 
 wee haue not bin afrayde to giue aduenture to prooue. Albeit 
 that all Mariners Cardes doe set the Coastes with shipwrackes, 
 without portes or Riuers : which wee haue found otherwise, 
 as it folioweth. 
 
 Thursday the last of Aprill, at the breake of the day, wee 
 discouered and clearely perceyued a fayre Coast, stretchyng 
 of a great length, couered with an infinite number of high 
 and fayre trees, wee being not past 7 or 8 leagues from the 
 shore, the countrey seeming vnto vs plaine, without anye 
 shewe of liils, and approching neerer, within foure or fine 
 leagues of the land, we cast an ancker at ten fadome water, 
 the bottome of the Sea being plaine with muche Ocias, 2 and 
 fast liolde on the South side, as farre as a certaine point or 
 Cape situate vnder that Latitude of nine and twentie degrees 
 and a halfe, which we haue named Cape Francis. 3 
 
 Wee could espie neither Riuer nor Bay, wherefore wee 
 sent our Boates, furnished with men of experience, to sounde 
 and knowe the coast neere the shore: who returning to vs 
 about one of the clock at after noone, declared that they had 
 founde, among other thinges, viii fadome of water at the 
 harde bancke of the sea. Wherevpon hauing diligently wayed 
 vp our Anckers, and hoysted vp our sayles with wind at will, 
 
 1 See, however, the relation of Giovanni Yerazzani {ante, page 56), who 
 also crossed the Atlantic without touching at any of the West Indian 
 Islands. 
 
 2 Ocias—Another blunder; perhaps for the word osiers. 
 
 3 The nearest cape to the latitude 29^ is Cape Canaveral, which is 
 
 situate in latitude 28° 16' 50". “ Under that latitude”, we are inclined 
 
 to conjecture, means to the south of the latitude of the spot where they 
 cast anchor. 
 
 O 
 
98 
 
 THE DISCOUEIIIE OF 
 
 we sayled and vewed the coast all along with vnspeakable 
 pleasure, of the odorous smell and beawtie of the same. And 
 because there appeared vnto ys no signe of any Porte, about 
 the setting of the sunne we cast ancker againe: which done, 
 we did behold to and fro the goodly order of the woods, 
 wherewith God hath decked enery way the sayd land. Then 
 perceining towarde the North, a leaping and a breaking of 
 the water, as a streame falling out of the lande into the Sea. 
 For the whiche wee set vp sayles againe, to double the same 
 while it was yet day. And as wee had so done, and passed 
 beyond it, there appeared vnto vs a fayre entrie of a faire 
 riuer, which caused vs to cast Ancker agayne there nerer the 
 land: to the end the next day we might see what it was, and 
 though that the winde blew for a time vehemently to the 
 shoreward : yet the hold and Anckerrage was so good, that 
 one cable and one Ancker helde vs fast with out danger or 
 sliding. 
 
 The next day, in the morning, being the first of May, wee 
 assayed to enter this Porte with two newe barges and a boate 
 well trimmed, finding little water barges whiche might haue 
 astonied and caused vs to returne backe to shipborde, if God 
 had not speedily brought vs in. Where finding 36 fadome 
 water, entred into a goodly and great riuer, 1 which as we 
 went founde to encrease still in depth and largenesse, boyl- 
 ing and roaring through the multitude of all kind of fish. 
 This being entred, wee perceiued a great number of y e In¬ 
 dians, inhabitants there, comming along the sandes and Sea 
 bankes, comming neare vnto vs, without any taking of feare 
 or doubt, shewing vnto vs the easiest landing place : and 
 thereupon, we giuing them also on our parts thanks of assu¬ 
 rance and friendlinesse. Forthwith, one of appearance out 
 of the best among them, brother vnto one of their kinges or 
 
 1 This was, most probably, St. John’s river; there is no other near 
 the locality pointed out in the text that corresponds with the author’s 
 description. 
 
TERRA FLORIDA. 
 
 99 
 
 gouernours, commaunded one of the Indians to enter into 
 the water, and to approach our boats, to show vs the coastes 
 landing place. We seeing this (without any more doubting 
 or clifficultie), landed, and the messenger (after we had re¬ 
 warded him with some looking-glasse, and other pretie things 
 of small value) ran incontinently toward his Lord : who forth¬ 
 with sent mee his girdle, in token of assurance and friend¬ 
 ship, which girdle was made of red leather, as well couered 
 and coloured as was possible : and as I began to go towards 
 him, liee set foorth and came and receiued me gently, and 
 reised after his manner, all his men following with great si¬ 
 lence and modestie : yea, more then our men did. And after 
 we had awhile with gentle vsage congratulated with him, we 
 fell to the ground a little way from them, to call upon the 
 name of God, and to beseech Him to cotinue still His good- 
 nesse towards vs, and bring to the knowledge of our Saviour 
 Christ this poore people. While wee were thus praying (they 
 sitting vpon the grounde, which was strawed and dressed with 
 Bay bowes), behelde and hearkened vnto vs very attentiuely, 
 without either speaking or mouing : and as I made a signe 
 vnto their king, lifting vp mine arm, and stretching foorth 
 one finger, only to make them looke vp to heauen ward : He 
 likewise lifting vp his arme towards heauen, put foorth two 
 fingers, whereby it seemed that he made vs to vnderstande 
 that they worshippid the Sunne and y e moone for Gods : as 
 afterwardes wee vnderstoode it so. In the meane time, their 
 numbers increased, and thither came the kings brother that 
 was first with vs, their mother, wiues, sisters, and children, 
 and being thus assembled, they caused a great number of 
 Bay boughes to bee cut, and therewith a place to be dressed 
 for vs, distant from theirs two fadom. For it is their maner 
 to talke and bargaine sitting : and the chiefe of them to bee 
 apart from the meaner sort, with a shewe of great obedience 
 to their kinges, superiours, and elders. They bee all naked, 
 
100 
 
 THE DISCOUERIE OF 
 
 ■Why the 
 riuer of 
 May was 
 called. 
 
 and of a goodly stature, mightie, and as well sliapen and 
 proportioned of body, as any people in y e world : very gentle, 
 curteous, and of a good nature. 
 
 The most part of them couer their raines and prinities with 
 faire Harts skinnes, painted most commonly with sundrie 
 colours : and the fore part of their body and armes bee painted 
 with pretie deuised workes, of Azure, red and blacke, so well 
 and so properly, as the best Painter of Europe conlde not 
 amende it. The women haue their bodies painted with a 
 certaine Herbe like vnto Mosse, whereof the Cedar trees, and 
 all other trees, bee alwayes conered. The men for pleasure 
 doe alwayes trimme them seines therwith, after sundrie 
 fashions: They bee of tanny colour, hanke nosed, and of a 
 pleasant countenance. The women be well fauoured, and 
 will not suffer one dishonestly to approch too neare them. 
 But wee were not in their houses, for we sawe hone at that 
 time. 
 
 After we had taried in this North side of the riuer the 
 most part of the day (which riuer wee haue called May for 
 that wee discouered the same the firste day of the Moneth) 
 wee congratulated, made aliannce, and entred into amitie 
 with them, and presented the king and his brethren with 
 Gownes of blewe cloth garnished with yellowe Elonredeluces. 
 And it seemed that they were sory for our departure : so that 
 the most part of them entred into the water vp to the necke, 
 to set our boates aflote. 
 
 Putting into vs sundry kinde of fishes, which with mer- 
 ueilous speede they ranne to take in their packs made in the 
 water with great Reedes, so well and cunningly set togeather, 
 after the fashion of a Laberinth or Maze with so many 
 turnes and crookes, as it is impossible to do it without much 
 cunning and industrie. 
 
 But desiring to imploy the rest of the day on the other 
 side of this riuer, to viewe and know those Indians that wee 
 
TERRA FLORIDA. 
 
 101 
 
 sawe there, we trauersed thither, and without any diffi¬ 
 cult^ landed amongest them who receiued vs very gently and 
 with great humanitie : putting vs of their fruites, euen into 
 our boates, Mulberies, Raspis, and such other fruites as they 
 founde ready by the way. 
 
 Soone after this came thither the king with his brethren, 
 and others with bowes and arrowes in their handes, vsing 
 tlierewithall a goodly and a graue fashion, with their beha- 
 uiour right souldierlike, and as warlike boldnes as may be. 
 They were naked and painted as the other, their haire like¬ 
 wise long, and trussed vp (with a lace made of herbes) to the 
 top of their heads: but they had neither their wiues nor 
 children in their companie. After we had a good while 
 louingly enterteined and presented them with like gifts of 
 habersher wares, cutting hookes and hatchets, and clothed 
 the king and his brethren with like robes, as we had giuen to 
 them on the other side: we entred and viewed the countrie 
 thereaboutes, which is the fairest, fruitfullest, and pleasantest 
 of al the world, abounding in hony, venison, wilde foule, 
 forests, woods of all sortes, Palme trees, Cypresse and Cedars, 
 Bayes y e highest and greatest, with also the fayrest vines in 
 all the world, with grapes according, which without natural 
 art and without mans helpe or trimming will grow to toppes 
 of Okes and other trees that be of a wonderfull greatnesse 
 and height. And the sight of the faire medowes is a pleasure 
 not able to lie expressed with tongue : full of Hernes, Cur- 
 lues, Bitters, Mallards, Egreptlis, 1 woodcocks and all other 
 kinde of small birds : with Harts, Hindes, Buckes, wilde 
 Swine, and all other kindes of wilde beastes, as we perceiued 
 well, both by their footing there, and also afterwardes in 
 other places, by their crie and roaring in the night. 
 
 Also, there be Conies and Hares : Silke wormes in mer- * 
 ueilous number, a great deale fairer and better then be our 
 silk wormes. To bee short, it is a thing vnspeakable to 
 
 1 Egrets : beautiful birds, like herons, but white. 
 
102 
 
 THE DISCOUERIE OF 
 
 consider the thinges that bee seene there, and shalbe founde 
 more and more in this incomperable lande, which nener yet 
 broken with plough yrons, bringeth forth al things accord¬ 
 ing to his first nature, wherewith the eternall God indued it. 
 About their houses they labour and till the grounde, sowing 
 their fieldes with a graine called Mahis, whereof they make 
 their meale: and in their Gardens they plant beanes, gourdes, 
 cucumbers, Citrons, peason, and many other fruits and rootes 
 vnknowen vnto vs. Their spades and mattocks be made of 
 Wood, so well and fitly as is possible: which they make with 
 certaine stones, oyster shelles, and muscles, wherewith also 
 they make their bowes and smal launces: and cut and polish 
 all sortes of wood that they imploye about their buildings and 
 necessarie vse : There groweth also many Walnut trees, 
 Hasell trees, Cheritrees, very faire and great. 
 
 And generally wee haue seene thereof the same simples 
 and herbes that wee haue in Fraunce, and of the like good- 
 nesse, sauour, and taste. The people be very good archers, 
 and of great strength: Their bowe stringes are made of 
 Leather, and their arrowes of Reedes, which they doe head 
 with the teeth of fishes. As we now demaunded of them 
 concerning y e land called Seuola, 1 whereof some haue written 
 
 1 The correct form of this name appears to he Sibola, or Cibola. 
 Sibola is the name of an Indian district, or province, situate on the river 
 Gila, and about one thousand miles north-west from Mexico. The 
 attention of the Spaniards was first directed towards it by a missionary- 
 named Marcos de Nitja, who, in the year 1539, penetrated into this at that 
 time unconquered region. On his return to Mexico, he gave such a glow¬ 
 ing description of the wealth and populousness of Sibola and its seven cities, 
 that an expedition was fitted out for the conquest of the country, under 
 the command of Rodrigo del Rio, the governor of New Biscay. The 
 result of this enterprise was far from justifying the representations of the 
 friar. The Spaniards became masters of the district at the expense of 
 considerable loss in men and horses, and of great suffering from cold and 
 starvation ; but the gold and precious stones they had been taught to 
 expect were nowhere to be found.— Lopez de Gomara, Hist. Gen. de las 
 Indias (Anvers, 1554; fol. 272) ; Herrera, Hist, de las Indias (Dec. vi, 
 lib. vii, viii). See also the Maps of America by Ortelius and Mercator. 
 
TERRA FLORIDA. 
 
 103 
 
 not to bee farre from thence, and to bee situate within the 
 lande, and toward the Sea called the South Sea. They 
 shewed vs by signes that which we vnderstood well enough, 
 that they might goe thither with their Boates (by riuers) in 
 twentie dayes. 1 They that liaue written of this kingdome 
 and towne of Seuola, and other townes and kingdomes tliere- 
 aboutes, say, that there is great aboundance of golde and 
 siluer, precious stones, and other great riches : and that the 
 people had their arrowes headed (in steede of yron) with 
 sharpe pointed Turquesses. Thus the night approching, it 
 was conuenient for vs to returne by day a ship-boorde. 
 Wee tooke leaue of them muclie to their griefe, but more to 
 ours without comparison, for that wee had no meane to enter 
 the riuers with our shippe. And albeit, it was not their 
 custome eyther to eate or drinke from the Sunne rising till 
 his going downe: yet the king openly woulde needes drinke 
 with vs, praying vs verie gently to giue him the cuppe where- 
 out we had drunke: and so making him to vnderstande that 
 wee woulde see him againe the next day, we retired to our 
 shippes, which lay about sixe leagues from the hauen to 
 the sea. 
 
 The next day in the morning we returned to land againe, 
 accompanied with the Captaines, Gentlemen, and Souldiers, 
 and other of our small trope : carrying with vs a Pillour or 
 columne of harde stone, our kings armes graued therein, to 
 plant and set the same in the enterie of the Porte in some 
 high place, where it might bee easely seene, and being come 
 thither before the Indians were assembled, we espied on the 
 south syde of the Bluer a place very fitte for that purpose 
 vpon a little hill, compassed with Cypres, Bayes, Paulmes, 
 and other trees, with sweete smelling and pleasant shrubbes. 
 
 1 From the eastern shore of Florida to Sibola is about two thousand miles 
 in a direct line. There was, therefore, as little possibility of the journey, 
 if practicable at all, being accomplished in twenty days, as there was 
 probability that the Indians of Florida knew anything of the country in 
 question. 
 
 Seuola 
 within xx 
 daies tra- 
 uailing by 
 boate of the 
 riuer of 
 May. 
 
104 
 
 THE DISCOUERIE OF 
 
 Oolde, sil¬ 
 ver, and 
 copper, in 
 Florida. 
 
 Turquesses 
 and aboun- 
 dance of 
 pearles. 
 
 Marshes. 
 
 \ 
 
 Pearles as 
 big as 
 acornes. 
 
 
 In the middle whereof we planted the first bound or limit of 
 his Maiestie. This done, perceiuing our first Indians assem¬ 
 bled, not without some misliking of those on the South 
 parte, where we had set the limitte, who taried for vs in the 
 same place where they met with vs the day before, seeming 
 vnto vs that there is some enimitie betweene them and the 
 others. But when they perceyued our long tarying on this 
 side, they ran to see what we had done in that place, where 
 we landed first, and had set our limitte: which they vew T ed 
 a great while without touching it any way, or abassing, or 
 euer speaking to vs thereof at any time after. Howebeit, we 
 could skat depart, but as it were w t griefe of minde, fro this 
 our first alliance, they rowing vnto vs all along the riuer 
 from all parts, and presenting vs with some of their harts- 
 skins, painted and vnpainted, meale, litle cakes, freshe water, 
 rootes like vnto Binbabe, 1 which they haue in great estima¬ 
 tion, and make therof a potion of medicine: also they brought 
 little bagges of redde colours, and some small spices like 
 vnto Vire, perceyuing among them selues fayre thinges 
 painted as it had bin with graine of scarlet, showing vnto vs 
 by signes that they had in the lande golde and siluer and 
 copper: whereof wee haue brought some. Also lead, like 
 vnto ours, which we shewed. Also turquesses and great 
 aboundance of pearles, whiclie, as they declared vnto vs, 
 they tooke out of oysters, whereof there is taken euer along 
 the riuer side, and among the reedes, and in the marshes : 
 and so merueylous aboundance as is skant credible: and we 
 haue perceiued that there be as many and as faire pearles 
 found there as in any countrey of the worlde. For we sawe 
 a man of theirs, as we entered into our boates, that had a 
 pearle hanging at a coller of golde and siluer about his 
 necke, as great as an Acorne at y e least. This man, as he 
 had taken fishe in one of their fishing packs, thereby brought 
 that same to our boates, and our men perceiuing the great- 
 
 1 Most probably rhubarb. 
 
TERRA FLORIDA. 
 
 105 
 
 nessc therof, one of them putting his finger toward it, the 
 man drewe backe, and woulde no more come neare the 
 boate: not for any feare that he had that they wonlde haue 
 taken his Coller and Pearle from him, for he would haue 
 giuen it them for a looking glasse or a knife: 
 
 But that hee doubted lest they woulde haue pulled him into 
 the boate, and so by force haue caried him away. He was 
 one of the goodliest men of all the company. But for that 
 we had no leasure to tary any longer with them, the day 
 being well passed, whiche greeued vs, for the commoditie and 
 great riches, whiche as wee vnderstoode and sawe, might bee 
 gotten there, desiring also to employ the rest of the day with 
 our seconde aliance, the Indians on the south side, as we 
 perceiued them the day before, which still taried looking for 
 vs : Wee passed the riuer to their shore, where as wee founde 
 them tarying for vs, quietly and in good order, with newe 
 paintings vpon their face, and feathers vpon their heads : the 
 King, with his Bowe and Arrowes lying by him, sate on the 
 grounde, strawed with boughes, betweene his two brethren, 
 whiche were goodly men and well shapen, and of a wonder- 
 full show of actiuities, hauing vpon their heades, one haire 
 trussed vpright of heyght, of some kinde of wild beast, 
 gathered and wrought together with great cunning, wrethed 
 and fasted after the forme of a Diademe. One of them had 
 hanging about his necke a rounde plate of redde copper well 
 polished, with one other lesser of Siluer in the middest of it, 
 and at his eare a litle plate of Copper, wherewith they vse to 
 stripe the sw r eat from their bodies. They shewed vs that 
 there was great store of this mettell within the countrey, 
 about hue or sixe daies iourney from thence, both in the 
 soutliside and northside of the same riuers, and that they 
 went thither in their Boates. 1 Which Boates they make but 
 
 1 Copper is no longer named among the mineral productions of the 
 country. The statement in the text was most probably either an exag¬ 
 geration on the part of the natives, or a misconception on the part of the 
 French. 
 
106 
 
 THE DISCOUEIIIE OF 
 
 Gentlenes 
 must be 
 vsed to. 
 wards them. 
 
 of one piece of a tree, woorking it whole so cunningly and 
 featly, that they put in one of these boates fifteene or twentie 
 persons, and go their wayes very safely. They that rowe 
 stande vpright, hauing their ores short, after the fashion of 
 a Peele. Thus being among them, they presented vs with 
 meale dressed and baked, very good and wel tasted, and of 
 good nourishmet, also beanes and fish, as crabbes, lobstars, 
 creuises, 1 and many other kinde of good fishes, shewing vs by 
 signes y l their dwellings were farre off, and if their prouision 
 had been neere hande, they woulde haue presented vs with 
 manye other refreshinges. 
 
 The night nowe approaching, we were faine to returnc to 
 our Shippe, very much to our griefe : for that w r e durste not 
 hazarde to enter with our Shippe, by reason of a barre of 
 sande, that was at the enterie of the Porte, howe be it, at a 
 full Sea there is two fadome and a halfe of water at the least, 
 and it is but a leape ouer a surge to passe this Barre, not 
 passing the length of two cables, and then forthwith euery 
 where within sixe or seuen fadome water. So that it maketh 
 a very fayre hauen, and Shippes of a meane burden, from 
 fourescore to a hundred tunnes, may enter therein at all 
 floodes, yea, of a farre greater burthen, if there were French 
 men dwelling there that might skoure the enterye, as they 
 doe in Fraunce : for there is nothing lacking for the lyfe of 
 man. The situation is vnder the eleuation of xxx degrees, 
 a good climate, healthfull, and of a good temperature, mer- 
 ueilous pleasat, y e people good and of a good and amiable 
 nature, which willingly will obay : yea, be content to seme 
 those that shall with gentlenes and humanitie goe about to 
 allure them, as it is needful for those that be sent thither here¬ 
 after so to doe, and as I haue charged those that be left there 
 to do, to the ende they may aske and learne of the where 
 they take their gold, copper, and turquesses, and other things 
 yet vnknowen vnto vs; by reason of the time we soiourned 
 
 1 Ecrevisses : cray-fish, or lobsters. 
 
TERRA FLORIDA. 
 
 107 
 
 there. For if any rude or rigorous meanes should be vsed 
 towards this people, they woulde flie hither and thither through 
 the Woods and Forests, and abandon their habitations and 
 countreys. 
 
 The next day being the thirde day of May, desiring alwaies 
 to finde out harbours to rest in, we set vp saile againe: And 
 after we had raunged the coast as neere the shore as we could, 
 there appeared vnto vs, about seuen leagues of on this side of 
 y c riuer of May, a great opening or Bay of some riuer, whither 
 with one of our boates we rowed, and there found one entrie 
 almost like y t of the riuer of May, and within the same as 
 great a depth, and as large a diuiding it selfe into many 
 great streames, great and broade stretchinges towardes the 
 high lande, with many other lesse, that diuide the countrey 
 into faire and great landes, and great number of small and 
 fayre Medowes.l Being entred into them about three leagues, 
 wee found in a place very commodious, strong, and pleasant 
 of situation, certayne Indians, who receiued vs very gently : 
 Howe be it, we being somewhat neare their houses, it seemed 
 it was somewhat against their good willes that we went thither, 
 for at their cries and noyses they made their wiues and chil¬ 
 dren and hoshoulde stuffe to be caried into the Woods: 
 Howe be it they suffered vs to goe into their houses, but 
 they themselues woulde not accompany vs thither. Their 
 houses bee made of Wood, fitly and close, set vpright and 
 couered with Reedes: the most part of them after the fashion 
 of a pauilion. But there was one house amongest the rest 
 verie long and broade, with settles rounde about made of 
 Reedes, trimly couched together, which serue them both for 
 beddes and seates, they be of height two foote from the 
 grounde, set vpon great rounde pillers, painted with red, 
 yelowe, and blewe, well and trimlie polished: some sorte of 
 this people perceiuing that we had in no maner wise hurted 
 their dwellings nor gardens, which they dressed very dili¬ 
 gently, they returned all vnto vs before our inbarking, seem- 
 
108 
 
 THE DISCOUERIE OF 
 
 ing very well contented by their giuing vnto vs water, fruites, 
 and Hart skinnes. It is a place wonderfull fertill, and of 
 Great ter- strong situatio, the ground fat, so that it is likely that it 
 would bring forth Wheate and all other corne twise a yeere, 
 and the commodities for liuelihood and the hope of more 
 riches, bee like vnto those we found and considered vpon the 
 riuer of May : without eomming into the sea, this arme doth 
 diuide, and maketh many other lies of May, as also many 
 other great Ilandes: by the which wee trauell from one 
 Note. Ilande to another, betweene lande and land. And it seemeth 
 that men may sayle without danger through al the countrey, 
 and neuer enter into the great sea, which were a wonderfull 
 aduantage. 
 
 This is the lande of Checere 1 whereof some haue written, 
 and which many haue gone about to find out, for y e great 
 riches they perceiued by some Indians to be founde there. 
 It is set vnder so good a climate, that none of our men, 
 (though wee were there in the hotest time of the yeere, the 
 sunne entring into Cancer),were troubled with any sicknesses. 
 The people there liue long and in great health and strength, 
 so that the aged men goe without staues, and are able to goe 
 and runne like the youngest of them, who onely are knowen 
 to be olde by the wrinckles in their face, and decay of sight. 
 Wee departed from them verie friendly, and with their con- 
 tentation. But the night ouertaking vs, we were constrayned 
 to lye in our ships all that night, till it was day, floting vpon 
 this riuer, which we have called Sene, 2 because that the en- 
 
 1 Checere, Chicora, or Chicoria, a province in Florida, probably the 
 locality afterwards called St. Helens, in South Carolina.—See Garcilasso 
 de la Vega, La Florida del Inca (page 4; Madrid, 1723; fol.); Cardenas, 
 Ensayo Cronologico para la Historia General de la Florida (pages 4, 5, 
 etc. ; Madrid, 1723 ; fol.). 
 
 2 This bay and river may be either Nassau Inlet and River, or Cum¬ 
 berland Sound and St. Mary’s River ; most probably the latter, the 
 inland connexion between that and the St. John’s River, which we con¬ 
 jecture to be the river May, corresponding very closely with the descrip¬ 
 tion in the text. 
 
TEllltA. FLOlilDA. 
 
 109 
 
 tery of it is as broade as from hauer degrace vnto Honesleue. 1 ^| e “ e uer 
 At the breake of the day wee espied out of the South syde 
 
 / 
 
 one of the fayrest, pleasauntest, and greatest medowe grounde 
 that might be seene, into the which wee went, finding at the 
 very entrie a long, faire, and great Lake, and an innumerable 
 number of footesteps of great Hartes and Hindes of a wonder- Heardes of 
 
 tame hartes 
 
 full greatnesse, the steppes being all fresh and new, and it 
 seemeth that the people doe nourish them like tame Cattell, 
 in great beards : for we saw the steppes of an Indian that 
 folowed them. 
 
 The Chanell and depth of this riuer of Seyne is one side 
 of the medowe that is in the He of May. Being returned to 
 our ships, we sayled to knowe more and more of this coast, 
 goying as neere the shore as we coulde. And as wee had 
 sayled about sixe or seuen leagues, there appeared vnto vs 
 another Bay, where we cast anker, and tarrying so all the 
 night, in the morning wee went thither, and finding (by our 
 sounding) at the entrie many banks and beatings, we durst 
 not enter there with our great ship, hauing named the riuer 
 Somme, 2 which is 8, 9, 10, 11 fadome depth, diuiding itselfe 
 into many great Hands, and small goodly medow grounds and 
 pastures, and euery where such abundance of fish as is in¬ 
 credible, and on the Weast Northwest side, there is a great 
 riuer that commeth fr5 the countrie of a great length ouer: 
 and another on the Northeast side, which returne into the 
 Sea. So that (my Lord) it is a countrie full of hauens, riuers, Good ha- 
 and Hands of such fruitfulnes, as cannot with tongue be ex- riuers. 
 pressed : and where in short time great and precious como- 
 dities might bee found. And besides this wee discouered 
 and found also vn riuers more, as great and as good, cutting ? great and 
 and diuiding the land into faire and great Hands. The In¬ 
 dians inhabitants there be like in manners, and the countrie 
 
 1 Honfleur. 
 
 2 The river Somme appears to correspond most nearly with the river 
 St. Ilia and Jykill, or St. Andrew’s Sound. 
 
110 
 
 THE DISCOUERIE OE 
 
 Maps ancl 
 Sea Cardes. 
 
 in fertillitie apt and commodious throughout, to beare and 
 bring foorth plentifully all that men would plant or sowe 
 vpon it. There bee euery where the highest and greatest 
 Firtrees yt can he seene, very well smelling, and where out 
 might bee gathered (with cutting the only bark) as much 
 Rosen, Turpentine, and Frakesence, as men would desire. 
 And to be short there lacketh nothing. Wherefore being 
 not able to enter and lie with our great vessels there, we 
 could make no long abiding, nor enter so farre into the riuers 
 and countries as wee would faine haue done : for it is well 
 knowne how many inconueniences haue happened vnto men, 
 not only in attempting of newe discoueries, but also in all 
 places by leauing their great vessels in the Sea, farre from 
 the land, vnfurnished of the heads and best men. As for 
 y e other riuers we haue giuen them names as followeth : and 
 vnto the Ilandes ioyning vnto them the same name that the 
 next riuer vnto it hath, as you shall see by the portratures or 
 Cardes y* I haue made thereof. As to the fourth name of 
 Loire, to y e fiffc Charnet, to y e sixt Card, to the 7 riuer Belle, 
 to y e 8 riuer Graude, to the 9 port Royall, and to the tenth 
 Belle Virrir. 1 
 
 Upon Whitsunday the xxvn day of May, after wee had 
 perceiued and considered that there was no remedie, but to 
 assay to find the meanes to barber our ships, as wel to amend 
 and trimme them, as to get vs fresh water, wood, and other 
 necessaries, whereof wee hauing opinion that there was no 
 fayrer or fitter place for the purpose then port Royall, and 
 
 1 The names of these rivers, as given by Laudonniere (27 Histoire 
 Notable de la Floride, edited by Basanier, Paris, 1586, fol. 10, 11), are 
 Loire, Charente, Garonne, Gironde, Belle, Grande, and the last, Belle a 
 Yeoir. No indications are given in the text by which these seven rivers 
 can be distinguished at the present day. More than one writer has 
 offered conjectures on this point; but as proof is impossible, we have 
 thought it unadvisable to follow their example. The same remark will 
 apply to the two rivers named respectively, by Ribault, Libourne and Che- 
 nonceau.—See Holmes, Annals of America , page 566, and the authorities 
 there cited. 
 
TERRA FLORIDA. 
 
 Ill 
 
 when wee had sounded the entrie of the Chanell, (thanked 
 he God), wee entered safely therein with our shippes, against amoS'S? 1 ’ 
 the opinion of many, finding the same one of the fayrest and Smen! 
 greatest Hauens of the worlde. 
 
 Howe he it, it must be remembred, least men approaching Note, 
 neare it within seuen leagues of the lande, bee abashed and 
 afraide on the Eastside, drawing towarde the Southeast, the 
 grounde to be flatte, for neuerthelesse at a full sea, there is 
 euery where foure fadome water keeping the right Chanel. 
 
 In this part there are many riners of meane bignesse and 
 large, where without daunger the greatest shippes of the 
 worlde might bee harboured, which wee founde no Indian 
 inhabiting there aboutes. The Porte and Biuers side is neerer 
 then tenne or twelue leages vpwardes into the countreys, 
 although it bee one of the goodliest, best, and fruitefullest 
 countreys that euer was seene, and where nothing lacketh, 
 and also where as good and likely commodities bee founde 
 as in other places thereby. 
 
 For we founde there a great number of Pepertrees, the pepper. 
 Pepper yet greene and not ready to bee gathered : Also the 
 best water of the world, and so many sortes of fishes that yee 
 may take them without net or angle so many as ye will. 
 
 Also an innumerable sort of wilde foule of all sortes, and in 
 little Ilandes at the entrie of this hauen, on the East North¬ 
 east side, there is so great number of Egrepes that the bushes 
 bee all white and couered with them, so that one may take 
 of the young ones with his hande as many as hee will carry 
 away. There bee also a number of other foules, as Hernes, 
 
 Bitters, Curlues. And to bee short, there is so many small 
 byrdes, that it is a strange thing to bee seene. Wee founde 
 the Indians there more doubtfull and fearefull then the others 
 before : Yet after we had been in their houses and congre¬ 
 gated with them, and shewed curtesie to those that we founde 
 to liaue abandoned there through boats meale, victuall, and 
 small lioussholde stuffe, and both in not taking awaye or 
 
112 
 
 THE DISCOUEHIE OF 
 
 A special 
 note. 
 
 A corn- 
 man dement. 
 
 The riuer 
 Iordan. 
 
 touching any part thereof, and in leauing in that place where 
 they dressed their meate, Kniues, Looking glasses, little 
 Beades of glasse, which they loue and esteeme aboue golde 
 and pearles, for to hang them at their eares and neck, and to 
 giue them to their wiues and children : they were somewhat 
 emboldened. 
 
 For some of them came to our boates, of the which wee 
 carried two goodly and strong aboorde our shippes, clothing 
 and vsing them as gently as it was possible. But they ceased 
 not day nor nyght to lament, and at length they escaped 
 away. Wherefore albeit I was willing (according to your 
 commaundement and memoriall) to bring away some of them 
 with ys, on the Princes behalfe and yours, I forbare to doe so 
 for many considerations and reasons that they told mee, and 
 for that we were in doubt that (leauing some of our men 
 there to inhabite) all the Countrie, men, women, and children, 
 woulde not haue ceased to pursue them for to haue theirs 
 againe: seeing they bee not able to consider and way to 
 what entent wee shoulde haue carried them away : and this 
 may bee better doone to their contentation, when they haue 
 better acquaintance of vs, and know that there is no suche 
 crueltie in vs as in other people and nations, of whom they 
 haue beene beguiled vnder colour of good faith: whiche doing 
 in the ende turned to the doers no good. This is the riuer 
 of Jordain 1 in mine opinion, whereof so much hath beene 
 
 1 It appears by a passage in Garcilasso de la Yega’s Florida del Inca , 
 pages 3-4, that Lucas Vasquez de Ay lion and six others, fitted out two 
 vessels in San Domingo, about the year 1520, and sailed to the coast of 
 Florida, for the purpose of obtaining Indians to work in their gold mines. 
 The ships were driven by bad weather to a cape, “ which they named 
 Saint Elena, because it was on that saint’s day that they arrived there, 
 and into a river which they called Jordan, because the seamen who first 
 saw it so named it.” The Jordan is, most probably, the Broad River in 
 South Carolina, as we find from Cardenas, Ensayo Cronologico , pages 4-5, 
 and 44, that the province of Chicora, in which the Jordan is said to be 
 situated, was afterwards called Saint Elena : <c El reino de Chicora que 
 despues se llamo Santa Elena,” etc. 
 
TERRA FLORIDA. 
 
 113 
 
 spoke, which is very faire, and the coutrie good both for 
 y e easie habitation, and also for many other things which 
 should bee long to write. 
 
 The twentie of May wee planted another columne or pillor 
 grauen with the kinges armes on the South side, in a high 
 place of the entrie of a great riuer, which wee called Libourne: 
 where there is a lake of fresh water very good, and on the 
 same side, a little lower towards the entrie of the Hauen, is 
 one of the fayrest fountaines that a man may drink of, which 
 falleth by violence down to the riuer from an high place out 
 of a red and sandy ground, and yet for all that fruitefull and 
 of good ayre, where it shoulde seeme that the Indians haue 
 had some faire habitation. 
 
 There we sawe the fayrest and the greatest vines with Exceeding 
 grapes according and young trees, and smal woods, very wel great vines - 
 smelling, that euer were seen: whereby it appeareth to be 
 the pleasantest and most commodious dwelling of al y e world. 
 Wherefore (my Lorde) trusting you will not thinke it 
 amisse (considering the commodities that may be brought 
 thence) if w r e leaue a number of men there, which may for- 
 tifie and prouide themselues of things necessary: for in all Jo^most 
 new discoueries it is the chiefest thing that may be done, at SSinewe 
 
 chscoueries. 
 
 the beginning to fortifie and people the countrey. I had not 
 so soone set forth this to our companie, but many of them 
 affraid 1 to tary there, yet with such a good will and ioly 
 corage, that such a number did thus offer themselues as we 
 had much to do to stay their importunitie. 
 
 And namely of our shipmaisters and principall pilotes, and 30 lefte be. 
 
 J hind at their 
 
 such as we could not spare. How bee it, wee lefte there but owne suite, 
 to the number of tliirtie in all, Gentlemen, souldiers, and 
 marriners, and that at their own suit and prayer, and of their 
 owne free willes, and by the aduice and deliberation of the 
 Gentlemen sent on the behalfe of the Prince and yours. 2 
 
 1 Affraid. This must be a misprint for offered. 
 
 2 The state of affairs in France at the time of Ribault’s return, pre- 
 
 Q 
 
114 
 
 THE DISCOUEUIE OF 
 
 They forti¬ 
 fied in an 
 Hand. 
 
 Fortie de¬ 
 grees of 
 eleuation. 
 
 Mistes and 
 fogs when 
 they come. 
 
 And haue left vnto the forehead and rulers (following 
 therein your good will) Captaine Albert de la Pierria, a 
 souldier of long experience, and the first that from the begin¬ 
 ning did offer to tarry. And further by theyr aduice, choyce, 
 and will inskaled and fortified them in an Hand on the north 
 side, a place of strong situation and commodious, vpon a 
 riuer which wee named Chenonceau, and the habitation and 
 Portresse Charlefote. 1 
 
 After we had instructed and duly admonished them of that 
 they shoulde doe (as well for their maner of proceeding, as 
 for the good and louing behauior of them) the xi day of the 
 moneth of June last past, we departed from port Royal: 
 minding yet to range and view the coast vntill the xl degrees of 
 the eleuation: But for as much as there came vpon vs trouble¬ 
 some and cloudie weather, very incommodious for our purpose, 
 and considering also amongst many other thinges, that w e 
 had spent our cables and furniture thereof, which is the most 
 principall thing that longeth to them that go to discouer 
 countreys, where continually both night and day they must 
 lie at ancker: also our victualls beeing perished and spilte, 
 our lacke of Boateswaines to set forth our rowe barges and 
 leaue our vessels furnished. The declaration made vnto vs 
 of our Pilots and some others that had before been at some 
 of those places, where we purposed to sayle, and haue been 
 already found by some of the kings subjects, the daunger 
 also and inconueniences that might thereof happen vnto vs : 
 and by reason of the great mystes and fogges wherof the 
 seaso was already come, we perceiued very well wheras we 
 
 vented any attention being directed towards this colony until 1564. The 
 colonists in the mean time had been obliged to abandon the country: the 
 circumstances which led to this resolution on their part, will be found 
 stated in the Introduction. 
 
 1 It is generally supposed, that Charlesfort was constructed near the 
 site of the present town of Beaufort. Charlesfort must not be con¬ 
 founded with Fort Carolin, erected by Laudonniere two years afterwards, 
 about two leagues from the mouth of the River May. 
 
TERRA FLORIDA. 
 
 115 
 
 were, y { we could do no good, and that it was to late, and 
 y e good and fit season for to vndertake this thing already 
 past. All these tliinges thus well considered and wayed, and 
 also for that we thought it meet and necessarie that your 
 honour should with diligence he aduertised (through the help 
 of God) to returne homewards to make relatio vnto you of 
 the effect of our nauigation. Praying God that it may please 
 him to keepe you in long health and prosperitie. 
 
116 
 
 NOTES IN WHITING BESIDES MOBE PRIUIE BY 
 Mouth that were giuen by a Gentleman, Anno 1580, to 
 M. Artliure Pette and to M. Charles Jackman, sent by 
 the Marchants of the Muscouie Companie for the 
 discouerie of the northeast strayte, not altogether 
 vnfit for some other enterprises of discouerie, 
 hereafter to bee taken in hande. 
 
 What respect of Ilandes is to be had, and why. 
 
 Whereas the Portingales liaue in their course to their Indies 
 in the Southeast, certaine portes and fortificatios to thrust 
 into by the way, to diuers great purposes : So you are to see 
 what Hands and what portes you had neede to haue by the 
 way in your course, to the Northeast. Eor which cause I 
 wish you to enter into consideration of the matter, and to 
 note all the Hands, and to set them downe in plat, 1 to two 
 endes, that is to say, That wee may deuise to take the bene- 
 fite by them. And also foresee how by the the Sauages or ciuill 
 Princes may in any sort anoy vs in our purposed trade that 
 way. 
 
 And for that the people to the which wee purpose in this 
 voyage to goe, he no Christians, it were good that the masse 
 of our commodities were alwayes in our owne disposition and 
 not at the will of others. Therefore it were good that we 
 did seeke out some small Hand in the Scithian Sea, 2 where 
 we might plant, Eortifie,and Staple safely, fro whece (as time 
 shoulde seme) wee might feede those heathen nations with 
 
 1 Plat; i. e., a map or chart. 
 
 2 That part of the Arctic Ocean which lies to the east of Nova 
 Zembla. 
 
NOTES IN WRITING. 
 
 117 
 
 our commodities without cloying them, or without venturing 
 our hole masse in the bowels of their countrey. 
 
 And to whiche Ilande if neede were (and if we shoulde 
 thinke so good) we might allure the Northeast navie, the 
 nauie of Cambalu 1 to resort with their commodities to vs there 
 planted, and stapling there. 
 
 And if such an Hand might be found so standing as might 
 shorten our course, and so standing as that the Nauie of 
 Cabulu, or other those parties might coueniently saile vnto 
 w 4 out their dislike in respect of distace : the would it fal out 
 wel. For so besides lesse dauger, and more safetie, our ships 
 might there vnlade and lade againe, and returne the selfsame 
 sommer to the ports of England or of Norway. 
 
 And if such an Hand may be found for the stabling of our 
 commodities, to the which they of Cambalu would not saile, 
 yet we might, hauing shippes there, imploy them in passing 
 betweene Cambalu and that stapling place. 
 
 Respect of hauens and harbarowes. 
 
 And if no such Ilandes may be found in the Scithia sea 
 toward the firme of Asia, then you are to search out the 
 ports that be about Noua Sembla, all along the tract of that 
 land, to the end you may winter there the first yeere, if you 
 be let by contrarie winds, and to the ende that if wee may 
 in short time come vnto Cabalu, and vnlade and set saile 
 
 1 Cathay, as we have already explained (page 24), is the name which 
 was formerly given to the northern part of China, and Cambalu, Kanbalu, 
 or Khan-balik, or Khan-baligh, the name given to its capital, is the 
 modern Pekin. It is an old Mongolian form, and means “ the city of the 
 Lord”; or, in other words, the residence of the Khan. The name was in 
 use in the time of Marco Polo, who describes the city as situated towards 
 the north-eastern extremity of the province of Kataia, and says, that it 
 was the winter residence of the Khan : it also occurs as late as 1653, in 
 an account of the Russian embassy to China in that year .—Travels of 
 Marco Polo. Translated with notes, by W. Marsden. London, 1818, 4to, 
 page 300. 
 
118 
 
 NOTES IN WRITING. 
 
 againe for returne without ventering, 1 there at Cabalu, that 
 you may on your way come as farre in returne as a port 
 about Nouasebla: That the Sommer following, you may the 
 sooner be in England for the more speedy vent of your East 
 comodities, and for the speedier discharge of your Mariners : 
 if you can not goe forward and backe in one selfe same 
 sommer. 
 
 And touching the tract of the land of Noua sembla, toward 
 the East, out of the circle Artick, in the more temperate 
 zone, you are to haue regard, for if you finde the soyle planted 
 with people, it is like y l in time an ample vet of our warm 
 wolle clothes may be founde. And if there be no people at 
 al there to be found, then you shall specially note what 
 plentie of whales and of other fish is to be found there, to 
 the end wee may turne our newfoud land fishing, or Island 
 fishing, or our whalefishing, y fc way, for the ayde and cdfort 
 of our new trades to the Northeast to the coasts of Asia. 
 
 Respect of fishe and certayne other thinges. 
 
 And if the ayre may be found vpon that tract temperate, 
 and the soyle yeelding wood, water, land, and grasse, and 
 the seas fish, then we may plant on the mayne the offals of 
 our people, as the Portingals doe in Brasil, and so they may 
 in our fishing in our passage, and diuers wayes yeelde com- 
 moditie to England, by harbouring and vitelling of vs. 
 
 And it may be, that the inland there may yeelde mastes, 
 pitch, tarre, hempe, and all thinges for the Nauie, as plen¬ 
 tifully as Eastland 2 doth. 
 
 The ilandes to be noted with their commodities and wantes. 
 
 To note the Hands, whether they be hie lande or lowe 
 land, moutanie or flat, sandy, grauelly, clay, chalchy, or of 
 
 1 i. e., wintering. 
 
 2 Esthonia. 
 
NOTES IN WRITING. 
 
 119 
 
 what soyle, wooddy or not wooddy, with springs and riuers, 
 or not, and what wyld beasts they haue in the same. 
 
 And whether there seeme to be in the same apt matter to 
 build withall, as stone, free or rough, and stone to make 
 lime withall, and w'ood or coale to burne the same withall. 
 
 To note the goodnes or the badnes of the hauens and har- 
 borowes in the Ilandes. 
 
 If a straite be founde, what is to bee done, and what greate importance 
 
 it may bee of. 
 
 And if there be a strayte in the passage into the Scithian 
 Seas, the same is specially and with great regard to bee 
 noted, especial^ if the same straite be narrow and to be 
 kept, I say it is to be noted as a thing that doeth much im- 
 porte, for what Prince soeuer shall be Lorde of the same, 
 and shall possesse the same, as the king of Denmarke doth 
 possesse the straite of Denmarke, he onely shall haue the 
 trade out of these regions into the Northeast partes of the 
 world for himselfe, and for his priuate profit, or for his sub- 
 iectes only, or to enioy wonderfull benefite of the toll of the 
 same, like as the king of Demarke doth enioy of his straites, 
 by suffering the Merehantes of other Princes to passe that 
 way. If any such straite be found, the eleuation, the hie 
 or lowe lande, the hauens neere, the length of the straites, 
 and all other such circustaunces, are to be set downe for many 
 purposes : And all the Mariners in y e voyage are to be 
 sworne to keepe close al such thinges, that other Princes 
 preuent vs not of the same, after our returne, vpon the dis¬ 
 closing of the mariners, if any suche thing should happe. 
 
 A 
 
 Which way the Sauage may be made able to purchase our cloth, and 
 
 other their wantes. 
 
 If you finde any Hand or mayne lande populous, and that 
 the same people hath neede of cloth : Then are you to 
 
120 
 
 NOTES IN WRITING. 
 
 denise what commodities they hane to purchase the same 
 withall. 
 
 If they he poore, then you are to consider of the soyle, 
 and how by any possibilitie the same may be made to enrich 
 thy, that hereafter they may haue somthing to purchase the 
 cloth withall. 
 
 If you enter into any mayne by portable riuer, and shall 
 finde any great woods, you are to note what kynd of timber 
 they be of: That we may know whether they are for pitche, 
 tarre, mastes, deleborde, clapborde, or for buylding of ships 
 or houses, for so if the people haue no vse of them, they 
 maye be brought perhaps to vse. 
 
 Not to venture the losse of any one man. 
 
 You must haue great care to preserue your people, since 
 your number is so small, and not to venture any one man in 
 any wise. 
 
 To bring home besides marchandize certaine trifles. 
 
 Bring home with you (if you may) from Cambalu, or other 
 ciuill place, one or other young man, although you leaue one 
 for him. 
 
 Also the fruites of the countries, if they will not of the- 
 selues dure, drie them, and so preserue them. 
 
 And bring with you the Curnelles of peres and apples, 
 and the stones of such stone fruites as you shall find there. 
 
 Also the seedes of all strange herbes and flowres, for such 
 seedes of fruites and hearbes comming from another part of 
 the world and so farre off, wil delite the fancie of many, for 
 the strangenes, and for that the same may growe and con¬ 
 tinue the delite long time. 
 
 If you arriue at Cambalu or Quinsay, 1 to bring thence the 
 
 1 The proper name of this city is Ilang-cheu-feu : it stands on the 
 
NOTES IN WRITING. 
 
 121 
 
 Mappe of that Countrey, for so shall you haue the perfecte 
 description, which is to great purpose. 
 
 To bring thence some old printed booke, to sec whether 
 they haue had print there before it was deuised in Europe, 
 as some write.' 
 
 To note their force by sea and by iande. 
 
 If you arriue in Cambalu or Quin say, to take a speciall 
 viewe of their Nauie, and to note the force, greatnesse, maner 
 
 river Tsien-tang-kiang ; was the ancient capital of Southern China, and 
 is now the capital of the province of Che-kiang. Quinsai, Kin-sai, Kin- 
 tsay, or according to Morrison, King-sze, appears to have been no more 
 than a descriptive appellation, signifying, says Marco Polo, “the celes¬ 
 tial city”, “and which it merits, from its preeminence to all others in the 
 world in point of grandeur and beauty.” The literal signification is— 
 “ The residence of the Imperial Court”.— Travels of Marco Polo : Edited 
 by W. Marsden. London, 1818, 4to., p. 508 et seqq.; Morrison’s Chinese 
 Dictionary, p. 794. 
 
 1 There is much reason to believe, that the art of printing books, as 
 exercised by the Chinese at the present day, was known to them as 
 early as the first half of the tenth century.—See Medhurst, China , its 
 State and Prospects, p. 573. London, 1838. The earliest work, however, 
 of which we have been able to obtain an account, from one having had 
 the opportunity of personally inspecting it, bears date the eighth year of 
 the last period of the reign of Shun Te, or a.d. 1348. M r . Prevost, our 
 informant, who is at present engaged in cataloguing the splendid collec¬ 
 tion of Chinese books in the British Museum, has favoured us with the 
 following description of the book. “ The title is Chin Tsaou Tseen Wan, 
 or The Thousand Character Classic. It is one of the most popular works in 
 China, and consists of exactly one thousand different characters, not one 
 being repeated. It is composed in octosyllabic verses, which rhyme in 
 couplets; each verse presenting to the student some useful Chinese 
 notion, either in morals or in general knowledge. The object of this 
 work is to teach the written character, both in its semi-cursive and in its 
 stenographic form, termed Tsaou, or grass-writing: the text is, therefore, 
 printed in parallel columns, alternately in the Chin, or correct, and the 
 Tsaou, or cursive character. The author lived in the first half of the 
 sixth century.” This work, when seen by M r . Prevost, was in the pos¬ 
 session of Colonel Tynte. 
 
 R 
 
122 
 
 NOTES IN WEITING. 
 
 of building of them, the sayles, the tackels, the anckers, the 
 furniture of them, with ordinaunce, armour, and munition. 
 
 Also, to note the force of the walles and bulwarkes of their 
 cities, their ordinaunce, and whether they liaue any caliuers, 
 and what powder and shot. 
 
 To note what armour they haue. 
 
 What swordes. 
 
 What pikes, halbertes, and billes. 
 
 What horses of force, and what light horses they haue. 
 
 And so throughout to note the force of the countrey, both 
 by sea and by lande. 
 
 Things to be marked to make coniectures by. 
 
 To take speciall note of their buildings, and of the orna¬ 
 ments of their houses within. 
 
 Take a speciall note of their apparell and furniture, and 
 of the substance that the same is made of, of which a mar- 
 chant may make a gesse, as well of their commodities as also 
 of their wantes. 
 
 To note their shoppes and warehouses, and with what com¬ 
 modities they abounde, the price also. 
 
 To see their shambles, and to vie we all such thinges as are 
 brought into the markets, for so you shall sone see the com¬ 
 modities, and the maner of the people of the inlande, and so 
 giue a gesse of many things. 
 
 To note their fieldes of grayne, and their trees of fruite, 
 and howe they abounde or not abounde in one and other, 
 and what plentie or scarcetie of fishe they haue. 
 
 Thinges to be carried with you, whereof more or lesse is to be caried for 
 a shewe of our commodities to bee made. 
 
 Kersies of all orient coulours, specially of stamel , 1 brode 
 cloth of orient colours also. 
 
 r'. 1 Stamel—Fine worsted. 
 
123 
 
 NOTES IN WRITING. 
 
 Frisadoes , 1 2 motleys/ bristowe frices, Spanish blankettes, 
 baycs of all collours, specially with stamell, wosteds, care! s , 3 4 5 6 
 saves/ wedmoles/ Handles, rashe/ etc. 
 
 Feltes of diuers colours. 
 
 Taffeta hats. 
 
 Deepe cappes for mariners coloured in stamell, whereof if 
 ample vent may be found, it woulde turne to an infinite 
 commoditie of the common poore people by knitting. 
 
 Quilted Cappes of leuant Taffeta of diuers colours, for the 
 night. 
 
 Knit stockes of silke of orient colours. 
 
 Knit stockes of Jersey yerne, of orient colours, whereof if 
 ample vent might followe, the poore multitude shoulde be 
 set in worke. 
 
 Stocks of kersey, of diuers colours, for men and for 
 women. 
 
 Garters of Silke, of senerall kindes, and of colours diuers. 
 
 Girdels of Buffe, and all other leather, with gilt and 
 ungilt Buckles, specially wast girdels, wast girdles of veluet. 
 
 Gloues of all sortes, knit and of leather. 
 
 Gloues perfumed. 
 
 1 Frisadoes. This appears to have been a Spanish term, applied to 
 friezed cloths. 
 
 2 Motleys—Cloth of mixed colours. 
 
 3 Carels—Cloths made of fustian. 
 
 4 Sayes—Thin woollen stuff, or serge. 
 
 5 Wedmole. This stuff, \s also the name, is of northern origin. Mol- 
 bech, in his Danish Dictionary , describes it, under the word Vadmel, as “A 
 kind of coarse home-made stuff, universally worn by the common people.” 
 It was also in use in Iceland, Sweden, Norway, and the Zetland Islands. 
 Kennett, in the Glossary to his Parochial Antiquities (Oxford, 1818, 
 4to.), has the following entry : “ Waddemole, now called Woadmel, and 
 in Oxfordshire, Woddenell, a coarse sort of stuff used for the covering of 
 the collars of cart-horses. Mr. Ray, in his collection of east and south 
 country words, describes it to be a hairy coarse stuff made of Iceland 
 wool, and brought thence by our seamen to Norfolk, Suffolk, etc.” 
 
 6 Rashe—A species of inferior silk, or silk and stuff manufacture. 
 
124 
 
 NOTES IN WllITING. 
 
 Poyntes of all sortes of silke, threed, and lether, of all 
 maner of colours. 
 
 Shooes of spanishe leather, of diuers colours, of diuers 
 lengthes, cut and vncut. 
 
 Shooes of other leather. 
 
 Veluet shooes and pantoples . 1 
 
 These shooes and pantoples to be sent this time, rather 
 for a showe then for any other cause. 
 
 Purses knit, and of leather. 
 
 Night cappes knit and other. 
 
 A Garnishe of Pewter, for a showe of a vent of that Eng- 
 lishe commoditie, Bottelles, flagons, spoones, etc., of that 
 metall. 
 
 Glasses of Englishe making. 
 
 Venice glasses. 
 
 Looking glasses for women, great and fayre. 
 
 Small dials, a few for proofe, although there they wil not 
 hold the order they do heere. 
 
 Spectacles of the common sort. 
 
 Others of Cristall, trymmed with siluer and otherwise. 
 
 Owre glasses. 
 
 Commes of Iuorie. 
 
 Commes of Boxe. 
 
 Commes of Horne. 
 
 Linen of diuers sorts. 
 
 Handkerchewes, with silke of seuerall colours, wrought. 
 
 Glasen eyes to ride with against dust. 
 
 Kniues in sheathes, both single and double, of good edge. 
 
 Needles, great and small, of euery kinde. 
 
 Buttons, greater and smaller, with mouldes of leather and 
 not of wood, and such as be durable of double silke, and that 
 of sundrie colours. 
 
 Boxes with weightes of golde, and of euery kinde of the 
 coyne of golde, good and badde, to shewe that the people 
 
 1 Pantoples—Pantables, slippers with high soles. 
 
NOTES IN WRITING. 
 
 125 
 
 here vse weight and measure, which is a certayne sliowe of 
 wisedome, and of a certayne gouernment setled here. 
 
 All the seuerall siluer Coynes of our Englishe moneys to 
 bee caricd with you, to bee showed to the gouernours at 
 Cambalu, which is a thing that slial in silence speake to wise 
 men more then you imagine. 
 
 Lockes and keyes, hinges, boltes, liaspes, etc., great and 
 small, of excellent workemanshippe, whereof if vent may bee 
 hereafter, wee shall set our subiectes in worke, whiclie you 
 must liaue in great regarde. For in finding ample vente of 
 any thing that is to be wrought in this realme, is more 
 worth to our people besides the gaine of the marchant, then 
 Christchurch, Bridewel, the Sauoy, and all the Hospitals of 
 Englande. 
 
 For banketing on shipborde persons of credite. 
 
 First, the sweetest perfumes to set vnder hatches to make 
 the place sweete against their comming aborde, if you arriue 
 at Cambalu, Quinsey, or in such great cities, and not among 
 sauages. 
 
 Marmelade. 
 
 Sucket . 1 
 
 Figges barelled. 
 
 Key sings of the sunne. 
 
 Comfets of diuers kindes made of purpose, that shall not 
 dissolue, by him that is most excellent. 
 
 Prunes damaske. 
 
 Dried peres. 
 
 Walnuttes. 
 
 Almondes. 
 
 Smalnuttes. 
 
 Oliues, to make them taste their wine. 
 
 1 Sucket—A sweetmeat. 
 
126 
 
 NOTES IN WHITING. 
 
 The Apple Iohn, that dureth two yeeres, to make showe 
 of our fruites. 
 
 Hullocke . 1 
 
 Sacke.- 
 
 Vials of good sweet waters, and casting bottels of glasses, 
 to besprinckel the gests withall, after their comming aborde. 
 
 Suger, to vse with their wine, if they will. 
 
 The sweete oyle of Santie , 2 and excellent Frenche vineger, 
 and a fine kinde of Bisket, stiped in the same, doe make a 
 banketting dishe, and a little Suger cast in it cooleth and 
 comforteth, and refresheth the spirites of man. 
 
 Synomome water fis to be had with you to make a shew 
 
 Imperiall water | of by taste, and also to comfort your 
 
 ^sicke in the voyage. 
 
 With these and such like, you may banket where you 
 arriue the greater and best persons. 
 
 Or with the gift of these Marmelades in small boxes, or 
 small violles of sweete waters, you may gratifie by way of 
 gift, or you may make a merchandise of them. 
 
 The mappe of England 3 and of London. 
 
 Take with you the mappe of Englande set out in faire 
 colours, one of the biggest sort I meane, to make shewe of 
 your Countrie from whence you come. 
 
 And also the large mappe of London, to make shewe of 
 your Citie, and let the riuer be drawne full of shippes of all 
 sortes, to make the more shewe of your greate trade and 
 trafficke in trade of merchandise . 4 
 
 1 Hullocke—Hollock, a kind of sweet wine. 
 
 2 Santie—Zante. 
 
 3 The map here recommended to be taken, was either that by Hum¬ 
 phrey Lluyd, or Lloyd, published by Ortelius, in his Theatrum Orbis 
 Terrarum (Antwerp, 1573) ; or Saxton’s, published in his Atlas, at 
 London, in 1579. 
 
 4 This must be the large plan of London, made by Ralph Aggas, the 
 
NOTES IN WRITING. 
 
 127 
 
 Ortelius booke of mappes. 1 
 
 If you take Ortelius booke of mappes with you to marke 
 all these regions, it were not amisse, and if neede were to 
 present the same to the great Cam, for it would bee to a 
 Prince of merueilous account. 
 
 The booke of the attyre of all nations. 2 
 
 Such a booke carried with you and bestowed in gift, woulde 
 be much esteemed, as I persuade my selfe. 
 
 Bookes. 
 
 If any man will lende you the newe Herball , 3 and suche 
 bookes as make shewe of Herbes, Plantes, Trees, Fishes, 
 Foules, and Beastes, of these regions, it may much delight 
 the great Cam, and the nobilitie, and also their merchants, 
 to haue the viewe of them : for all things in these parties so 
 
 surveyor, about the year 1560, and entitled “ Civitas Londinum”. It is 
 of extreme rarity in its original state, but has been frequently re-pub- 
 lished, with alterations and additions, showing the altered state of the 
 city. 
 
 1 The title of this work is Theatrum Orbis Terrarum. 
 
 2 There are two works, either of which may be here alluded to, viz.— 
 Omnium pcene Gentium Imagines ubi Oris totiusque Corporis et Vestium 
 Habitus diligentissime exprimuntur , by H. Damman and A. Bruyn, 
 (Cologne, 1577, fol.) ; and Habitus Variarum Orbis Gentium , by J. J. 
 Boissard (fol. 1581). The first is most probably the work alluded to. 
 
 3 The book which bests corresponds with this description is “ A New 
 Herball, wherein are conteyned the names of Herbes, in Greke, Latin, 
 Englysh, Duch, Frenche, and in the Poticaries and Herbaries Latin, 
 with the properties, degrees, and naturall places of the same, gathered 
 and made by Wylliam Turner, phisicion unto the Duke of Somersettes 
 Grace. Imprinted at London, by Steven Mierdman,” 1551, fol. It 
 was enlarged by the addition of a second and third part; and a new 
 edition of the entire work was published in 1568. At the time Hakluyt 
 wrote, it had most probably quite superseded “ The Grete Herbal”, first 
 printed by Peter Treveris, in 1516, fol. 
 
128 
 
 NOTES IN WRITING. 
 
 much differing from the thinges of those regions, since they 
 may not he here to see the, by meane of the distance, yet 
 to see those things in a shadowe, by this meane will delight 
 them. 
 
 The booke of Rates. 
 
 Take with you the booke of Hates, to the ende you may 
 pricke all those commodities there specified that you shall 
 cliaunce to find in Camhalu, in Quinsey, or in any part of 
 the East, where you shall chaunce .to bee. 
 
 Parchment. 
 
 Howies of Parchment, for that we may vent much without 
 hurt to the Healme, and it lyes in small roome. 
 
 Grlewe. 
 
 To carrye Glewe, for that wee haue plentie, and want 
 vent. 
 
 Red Oker for Painters. 
 
 To seeke vent, because wee haue great mines of it, and 
 haue no vent. 
 
 Sope of both kindes. 
 
 To trie what vent it may haue, for that we make of both 
 kindes, and may perhaps make more. 
 
 Saffron. 
 
 To trie what vent you may haue of Saffron, because this 
 Realme yeeldes the best of the worlde, and for the tillage 
 and other labours, may set the poore greatly in work to 
 their reliefe. 
 
 Acjuauitse. 
 
 By newe deuise wonderfull quantities may bee made heere, 
 and therefore to seeke the vent. 
 
NOTES IN WltlTING. 
 
 129 
 
 Blacke Conic skinnes. 
 
 To trie the vent at Cambalue, for that it lyes towardes 
 the North, and for that wee abounde with the commoditie, 
 and may spare it. 
 
 Threade of all colours. 
 
 The vent thereof may set our people in worke. 
 
 Copper Spurres, and haukes belles. 
 
 To see the vent, for it may set our people in worke. 
 
 A note and a caueat for the merchant. 
 
 That before yon offer your commodities to sale, that you 
 indeuour to learne what commodities the Countrie there 
 hath. For if you bring thither veluet, taffeta, spice, or any 
 such commoditie, that you your selfe desire to lade your 
 selfe home with, you must not sell yours deare, least here¬ 
 after you purchase theirs not so cheape as you woulde. 
 
 Seedes for sale. 
 
 Carrie with you for that purpose all sortes of Garden 
 seedes, as well of sweete strawing herbes and of flowers, as 
 also of pot herbes, and all sorts for rootes, etc. 
 
 Leadde of the first melting. 
 
 Leadde of the second melting of the slagges. 
 
 To make triall of the vent of Leadde of all kindes. 
 
 English yron, and wyer of yron and copper. 
 
 To trye the sale of the same. 
 
 Brymstone. 
 
 To trie the vent of the same, because wee abounde of it, 
 made in the Realme. 
 
 s 
 
130 
 
 NOTES IN WRITING. 
 
 Anthimoney, a minerall. 
 
 To see whether they haue any ample vse there for it, for 
 that wee may lade whole names of it, and hane no vse of it, 
 vnlesse it bee for some small portion in founding of belles, 
 or a lithel that the Alcnmistes vse, of this yon may haue two 
 sortes at the Appoticaries. 
 
 Tinder boxes, with Steele, flint, and matches and tinder, 
 the matches to be made of Gineper , 1 to anoide the offence of 
 brimstone. 
 
 To trie and to make the better sale of Brimstone by shew¬ 
 ing the vse. 
 
 Candles of waxe to light. 
 
 A painted Bellowes. 
 
 For that perhaps they haue not the vse of them. 
 
 * 
 
 A pot of cast yron. 
 
 To trie the sale, for that it is a naturall commoditie of 
 this Realme. 
 
 All maner of edge tooles. 
 
 To bee sold there, or to the lesse ciuill people, by the way 
 where you shall twich . 2 
 
 What I woulde haue you there to remember. 
 
 To note specially what excellent dying they vse in these 
 regions, and therefore to note their garments and ornaments 
 of houses: and to see their die houses, and the materialles 
 and simples that they vse about the same: and to bring 
 
 1 Gineper—Juniper, used for matches, in order that the strong smell 
 of the wood might overpower that of the brimstone. 
 
 2 Touch. 
 
NOTES IN WRITING. 
 
 131 
 
 Musters 1 and shewes of the colours and of the materials, for 
 that it may serue this clothing realme to great purpose. 
 
 To take with you for your owne vse. 
 
 All maner of Engyns to take fishe and foule. 
 
 To take with you those thinges that bee in perfection of goodnesse. 
 
 For as the goodnesse nowe at the first may make your 
 commodities in credit in time to come : So false and sophis¬ 
 ticate commodities shall drawe you and all your commodities 
 into contempt and ill opinion. 
 
 1 Samples or patterns. 
 
132 
 
 NOTES FRAMED BY A GENTLEMAN HERETOFORE 
 to bee giuen to one that prepared for a discouerie, and 
 went not: and not vnfitt to be committed to print, considering 
 the same may stirre vp considerations of these and of 
 such other thinges, not vnmeete in such new voyages 
 as may be attempted hereafter. 
 
 That the first Seate be chosen on y e seaside, so as (if it may 
 be) you may haue your owne Nauie within Bay, riuer, or 
 lake, within your seat safe from the enemie. And so as the 
 enemie shalbe forced to lie in ope rode abroade without, to be 
 dispersed with all windes and tempests that shall arise. Thus 
 seated you shall bee least subiecte to annoy of the enemie, so 
 may you by your Nauie within, passe out to all partes of the 
 worlde, and so may the shippes of Englande haue accesse to 
 you to supply all wantes, so may your commodities be caried 
 away also. This seate is to bee chosen in temperate Climat, 
 in sweete ayre, where you may possesse alwayes sweete water, 
 wood, seacoles, or turfe, with fish, flesh, grayne, fruits, herbes, 
 and rootes, or so many of those, as may suffice very 1 neces¬ 
 sity for the life of such as shall plant there. And for the 
 possessing of mines of golde, of siluer, copper, quicksiluer, 
 or of any suche precious thing, the wantes of diuers of those 
 needfull tliinges may be supplied from some other place by 
 sea, etc. 
 
 1 Every. 
 
NOTES FRAMED BY A GENTLEMAN. 
 
 133 
 
 Stone to make Lyme of. 
 
 Slate stone to tile withall, or 
 such clay as maketli tyle. 
 
 Stone to wall withal, if Brycke 
 may not bee made. 
 
 Timber for building easely to 
 be conneied to the place. 
 
 Reede to couer houses, or such 
 like, if tile or slate be not. 
 
 The people there to plant and to continue, are eyther to 
 liue without trafficke, or by trafficke and by trade of mar- 
 chandize. If they shall liue without sea trafficke, at the 
 first they become naked by want of linen and wollen, and 
 very miserable by infinite wantes that will otherwise ensue, 
 and so will they be forced of them selues to depart, or els 
 easely they will bee consumed by the Sp . 1 by the Fr . 2 or by 
 the naturall inhabithantes of the countrey, and so the inter¬ 
 price becomes reprochfull to our nation, and a lett to many 
 other good purposes that may be taken in hande. 
 
 And by trade of marchandize they can not liue, excepte 
 the sea or the lande there may yeelde commoditie for com- 
 moditie. And therefore you ought to haue most speciall 
 regarde of that point, and so to plant, that the naturall com¬ 
 modities of the place and seate may drawe to you accesse of 
 Nauigation for the same, or that by your owne Nauigation 
 you may carie the same out, and fetche home the supplye of 
 the wantes of the seate. 
 
 Such nauigation so to bee employed, shall, besides the 
 supply of wantes, bee able to encounter with forreyne force. 
 
 And for that in the ample vente of suche thinges as are 
 brought to you out of engl. by sea, standeth a matter of 
 great consequence, it behoueth that all humanitie and cur- 
 tesie, and much forbearing of reuenge to the inland people, 
 be vsed, so shall yon haue firmc amitie with your neyghbours, 
 
 Are to be looked for as 
 thinges without which 
 no Citie may bee 
 made, nor people in 
 ciuill sorte be kept 
 together. 
 
 1 Spaniards. 
 
 2 French. 
 
134 
 
 NOTES FRAMED BY A GENTLEMAN. 
 
 so shall you have their inland commodities to maintayne traf¬ 
 ficker and so shall you waxe rich and strong in force. Diuers 
 and seuerall commodities of the inland are not in great 
 plentie to he brought to your handes, without the ayde of 
 some portable or Nauigable ryuer, or ample lacker and there¬ 
 fore to haue the helpe of suche a one is most requisite : And 
 so is it of effecte for the dispersing of your owne commodi¬ 
 ties in exchange into the inlandes. 
 
 Nothing is more to be indeuoured with the Inland people 
 then familiaritie. For so may you best discouer al the 
 naturall commodities of their countrey, and also all their 
 wanteSr all their strengthes, all their weakenesse, and with 
 whome they are in warre, and with whome considerate in 
 peace and amitier etc., whiche knowenr you may woorke 
 many great effectes of greatest consequence. 
 
 And in your plantingr the consideration of the climate and 
 of the soyle bee matters that are to bee respected. For if 
 it be so that you may let in the salt sea waterr not mixed 
 with the freshr into flatteSr where the sunne is of the heate 
 that it is at Rochell, in the Bay of portingallr or in Spaine, 
 then may you procure a man of skillr and so you haue wonne 
 one noble commoditie for the fishing, and for trade of mar- 
 chandize, by making of Salt. 
 
 Or if the soyle and clymate bee such as may yeelde you 
 the Grape as good as that at Burdeus , 1 as that in Portingale, 
 or as that about Siui 2 in Spaine, or that in the Hands of the 
 Canaries, then there resteth but a woorkeman to put in exe¬ 
 cution to make wines, and to dresse Resings of the sunne 
 and other, etc. 
 
 Or if you finde a soyle of the temperature of the South 
 part of Spaine or Barbarie, in whiche you finde the Olif tree 
 to growe : Then you may bee assured of a noble marchan- 
 dize for this realme, considering that our great trade of 
 clothing doth require oyle, and weying howe deere of late it 
 
 1 Bourdeaux. 
 
 2 Seville. 
 
NOTES FRAMED BY A GENTLEMAN. 
 
 135 
 
 is become by the vent they haue of that commoditie in the 
 West Indies, and if you finde the wilde olif there it may be 
 graffed. 
 
 Or if you can finde the berrie of Cochenile, with whiche 
 wee colour Stammelles, or any Roote, Berrie, Fruite, wood, 
 or earth, fitte for dying, you winne a notable thing fitt for 
 our state of clothing. This Cochenile is naturall in the 
 west Indies on that firme. 
 
 Or if you haue hides of beastes fit for sole Lether, etc., It 
 wilbe a marchandize right good, and the sauages there yet 
 can not tanne Lether after our kinde, yet excellently after 
 their owne maner. 
 
 Or if the soyle shall yeelde Figges, Almondes, Sugar 
 Canes, Quinces, Orenges, Lemons, Potatos, etc., there may 
 arise some trade and trafficke, by figges, almonds, sugar, 
 marmelade, Sucket, etc. 
 
 Or if great woods bee founde, if they be of Cypres, chests 
 may bee made, if they bee of some kinde of trees, pitche and 
 tarre may be made, if they bee of some other, then they may 
 yeelde Rosin, Turpentine, etc., and al for trade and trafficke, 
 and Caskes for wine and oyle may be made : likewise, ships 
 and houses, etc. 
 
 And because trafficke is a thing so materiall, I wish that 
 great obseruation be taken what euery soyle yeeldeth natu¬ 
 rally, in what commoditie soeuer, and what it may be made 
 to yeeld by indeuour, and to send vs notice home, that 
 therevppon wee may deuise what meanes may be thought of 
 to rayse trades. 
 
 Nowe admit that we might not be suffered by the sauages 
 to enioy any whole countrey, or any more the the scope of a 
 Citie, yet if wee might enioy trafficke, and be assured of the 
 same, wee might bee much inriehed, our Nauie might be 
 increased, and a place of safetie might there be found, if 
 change of religion or ciuill warres shoulde happen in this 
 realme, which are thinges of great benefite. But if we may 
 
136 
 
 NOTES FRAMED BY A GENTLEMAN. 
 
 inioy any large Territorie of apt soyle, we might so vse the 
 matter, as we should not depende vpon Spaine for oyles, 
 sacks, resinges, orenges, lemons, Spanish skinnes, etc. Nor 
 vppon Eraunce for woad, baysalt, and Gascoyne wines, nor 
 on Estlande for flaxe, pitch, tarre, mastes, etc. So we shonlde 
 not so exhaust our treasure, and so exceedingly inriche our 
 doubtfull friendes, as we doe, but shoulde pnrchasse the com¬ 
 modities that we want for halfe the treasure that now we do : 
 but should by onr own industries and the benefits of the 
 soile there, cheapely purches oyles, wines, salt, fruits, pitch, 
 tarre, flaxe, hempe, mastes, boordes, fishe, gold, siluer, cop¬ 
 per, tallowe, hides, and many commodities : besides, if there 
 be no flatts to make salt on, if you haue plentie of wood you 
 may make it in sufficient quantitie for common vses at home 
 there. 
 
 If you can keepe a safe hauen, although you haue not the 
 friendship of the neere neyghhours, yet you may haue traf- 
 ficke by sea vpon one shore or other, vpon that firme in time 
 to come, if not present. 
 
 If you finde great plenty of tymher on the shore side, or 
 vpon any portable riuer, you were best to cut downe of the 
 same the first wynter, to bee seasoned for shippes, barkes, 
 botes, and houses. 
 
 And if neere such wood there be any riuer or brooke, vpon 
 the which a sawing mill may he placed, it woulde doe great 
 seruice, and therefore consideration woulde bee had of suche 
 place. 
 
 And if such port and chose place of setling were in pos- 
 sessio, and after fortified by art, although by y e land side our 
 Englishme were kept in, and might not inioy any traffick 
 with the next neighbours, nor any vittel: yet might they 
 vittel themselues of fishe to serue verie necessitie, and enter 
 into amitie with the enemies of their next neighbours, and 
 so haue vent of their marchandize of England, and also haue 
 vittel, or by meanes herevpon to be vsed, to force the next 
 
NOTES FRAMED BY A GENTLEMAN. 
 
 137 
 
 neighbours to amitie. And keeping a nauie at the setting 
 place, they shoulde finde out along the tracte of the lande to 
 liaue trafficke, and at diners Ilandes also. And so this first 
 scate might in time become a stapling place of the commo¬ 
 dities of many countreys and territories, and in tyme this 
 place myght become of all the prouinces round about the 
 only gouernour. And if the place first chose should not so 
 wel please our people, as some other more lately founde out: 
 There might bee an easie remoue, and that might be rased, 
 or rather kept, for others of our nation to auoyde an ill 
 neyghbour, etc. 
 
 If the soyles adioyning to such conuenient hauen and 
 setting places be founde marshie and boggie, then men skilful 
 in draining are to be caried thither. For arte may worke 
 wonderfull effectes therein, and make the soyle rich for 
 many vses. 
 
 To plante vppon an Ilande in the mouth of some notable 
 riuer, or vpon the poynt of the lande entring into the riuer, 
 if no such Hand be, were to great ende. For if such riuer 
 were nauigable or portable farre into the lande, then would 
 arise great hope of planting in fertill soyles, and trafficke on 
 the one or on thother side of the riuer, or on both, or the 
 linking in amitie with one or other petie king conteding 
 there for dominion. 
 
 Such riuers founde, both barges and boates may bee made 
 for the safe passage of such as shal perce y e same. These 
 to bee couered with doubles of course linnen, artificially 
 wrought, to defend the arrow or the dart of the sauage from 
 the rower. 
 
 Since euery soyle of the world by arte may be made to 
 yeelde things to feede and to cloth man, bring in your 
 returne a perfect note of the soyle without and within, and 
 we shall deuise if neede require to amende the same, and to 
 draw it to more perfectid. And if you finde not fruits in 
 
 T 
 
138 
 
 NOTES FRAMED BY A GENTLEMAN. 
 
 your planting place to your liking, we shal in v drifats 1 fur¬ 
 nish you w t such kinds of plants to be caried thither y e win¬ 
 ter after your planting, as shall the very next summer Mow¬ 
 ing, yeeld you some fruite, and the yere next Mowing, as 
 much as shal suffice a towne as big as C allice, and that 
 shortly after shall he able to yeeld you great store of strong 
 durable good sider to drinke, and these trees shalbe able to 
 increase you within lesse then vn yeres as many trees pre¬ 
 sently to beare as may suffice the people of diuers parishes, 
 which at the first setling may stand you in great steade, if 
 the soyle haue not the commoditie of fruites of goodnesse 
 already. And because you ought greedily to hunt after 
 thinges that yeelde present reliefe, without trouble of ca- 
 riage thither, therefore I make mencion of these thus spe¬ 
 cially, to the ende you may haue it specially in mynde. 
 
 1 Boxes, or packing-cases. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
THE NAMES OF CERTAINE COMMODITIES GROW- 
 ing in part of America, not presently inhabited by 
 any Christians, frd Florida northward, gathered out of 
 the discourses of Verarzanus, Thorne, Cartier, 
 
 Ribalt, Theuet, and Best, which haue bin person¬ 
 ally in those Countreys, and haue seene these 
 things amongst many others. 
 
 Beastes. 
 
 Leopardes 
 
 Stagges 
 
 Hartes 
 
 Deare 
 
 Beares 
 
 Hares 
 
 Wildeswine 
 Connyes 
 White beares 
 
 A beast farre bigger then an oxe 1 
 
 Wolues 
 
 Dogges 
 
 A kinde of beast like a Conny 2 
 
 Beuers 
 
 Marterns 
 
 Foxes 
 
 Bagers 
 
 Otters 
 
 W eesels 
 
 A beast called Su, being like a 
 Bull. 3 
 
 Birdes. 
 
 Haukes 
 
 Bitters 
 
 Curlewes 
 
 Herons 
 
 Woodcockes 
 
 Partridges 
 
 Small birdes 
 
 Plentie of foule for al pleasant 
 game 
 
 Aporates 
 
 Blackbirdes 
 
 Cranes 
 
 Crowes, like Cornish Choughes 
 
 Duckes 
 
 Godetes 4 
 
 Geese 
 
 Pigions 
 
 Margaues 5 
 
 Feasants 
 
 Swannes 
 
 Thrushes 
 
 Turtles 
 
 Fintches 
 
 Nightingales, etc. 
 
 Fishes. 
 
 Coddes 
 
 Salmons 
 
 Seales 
 
 Makerels 
 
 Tortoyses 
 
 Whales 
 
 Horsefishes 6 
 
 A fish like a grayhound good 
 meate 
 Lampreys 
 Crabbes 
 Crefishes 
 Lobsters 
 Eeles 
 
 The riuers full of incredible store 
 of all good fishe. 
 
 1 This may be the elk. 3 The bison. 
 
 2 Most probably the marmot. 4 Probably the godwit. 
 
 5 Perhaps the muckawis ; caprimulgus rufus. 
 
 6 The hippocampus. 
 
140 
 
 NAMES OF CERTAINE COMMODITIES 
 
 Wormes. 
 
 Hearbes and Floures. 
 
 Silke wormes fayre and great. 
 
 Trees. 
 
 Bay 
 
 Cypres 
 
 Damson 
 
 Palme 
 
 Many trees yeelding sweet sauour 
 Okes 
 
 Nut trees 
 
 Firre 
 
 Vines 
 
 Cahene, good against poyson 
 Cedars ( Hasell trees 
 
 Cheritrees \ Walnut trees 
 
 Pepper trees 
 
 Ameda, which healeth many dis¬ 
 eases 
 
 Ashe (Elmes 
 
 Boxe J Whitelmes 
 
 Cidron j Pynes 
 
 Ye we IWillowes 
 
 Filbird trees, better than ours 
 Whitethornes, bearing a berrie as 
 big as a Damson 
 Vines, bearing a great grape. 
 
 Fruites. 
 
 Cowcumbers f Guordes 
 Cytrons < Mulberries 
 Raspis (Almonds 
 
 Apples 1 Melons 
 
 Damsons (Figges 
 Reasons, great and small 
 Muske melons j Lemons 
 Orenges ( Dates, very great 
 Strawberries 
 
 Gooseberries, red and white. 
 
 Many sortes of herbes, differing 
 from ours 
 
 Many simples, like those of Fraunce 
 
 Hempe 
 
 Parseley 
 
 ( Redde 
 Roses < White 
 
 / Damaske. 
 
 Grayne and Pulse. 
 
 Corne, like Rie ( Myllet 
 Oates < Beanes of diuers 
 
 Peason ( coulers 
 
 Another strage corne, of good 
 nourishment 
 Maiz. 
 
 Metalles. 
 
 Gold, in good quantitie 
 
 Siluer 
 
 Coper 
 
 Leade 
 
 Many hills shew mineral matter. 
 
 Precious Stones. 
 
 Turqueses 
 
 Rubies 
 
 Pearles, great and faire 
 Precious stones, of diuers colours 
 Esurgni, a stone much estemed 
 there 
 
 Kiph, a kind of stone shining 
 bright. 
 
 Gummes. 
 
 Rosen ( Pitche. Tarre 
 
 Turpentine < Honnie 
 Frankencense ( Waxe 
 
 Other Stones. 
 
 Marble, very hard ( Jasper 
 Alabaster (Freestone 
 
 Quarries of glistring stones. 
 
 Spices and Drugges. 
 
 Pepper 
 
 Small spices, like to vire 
 Reubarbe in Florida: diuerse other 
 kindes. 
 
 Yelowe 
 
 Blewe 
 
 Colours. 
 
 ( Redde 
 < Scarlet 
 ( Roane colour 
 
GROWING IN PART OF AMERICA. 
 
 141 
 
 Deare skinnes, wrought like branch¬ 
 ed Damaske 
 
 Harts skinnes, paynted and died, 
 of diuers colours 
 Bagges of red colours 
 A roote called Auaty, that they 
 dye red withall in Florida. 
 
 So as the commodities already 
 knowen, besides many yet vn- 
 knowen , are these, and that 
 in great quantitie. 
 
 -r, , t Furres 
 
 £ e ? rles Feathers 
 
 ®P lcea Gummes 
 
 Drugges ( Q , es 
 
 Silke 
 
 Hides vndressed 
 
 Beasts skins, wrought like Damaske 
 
 Lether died 
 
 Hartes skinnes painted 
 
 Stones for fayre building 
 
 Precious stones 
 
 Colours 
 
 All kinde of good wood. 
 
 Fleshe (Fruites 
 
 Fish ( Grayne 
 
 Beueradges, or drink, of diuers 
 sortes 
 
 Golde (Copper 
 
 Silver \ Lead 
 
 Imprinted at London, at the 
 three Cranes , in the Vine- 
 
 tree, by Thomas Daw¬ 
 son. 1582. 
 

 
APPENDIX 
 
 THE WILL OF RICHARD HAKLUYT.-THE CHIEFE PLACES WHERE 
 
 SONDRY SORTE OF SPICES DO GROWE, ETC.-NOTES OF 
 
 CERTAYNE COMODITIES IN GOOD REQUEST IN 
 THE EAST INDIES, ETC. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 The following pieces have never before been made public. 
 The Will is printed from an official copy in the possession of 
 Bolton Corney, Esq., to whom the editor is indebted for the 
 loan of this very interesting document. The Notes have 
 evidently been drawn up by Hakluyt at the request of some 
 person or persons of consideration, desirous of availing them¬ 
 selves of his intimate acquaintance with all particulars bearing 
 upon maritime enterprise, and w r ere most probably intended 
 for the use of some company of merchants. They are per¬ 
 haps rather curious than valuable at the present day; but 
 their practical utility at the time they were framed must 
 have been great; and from whatever point of view we may 
 regard them, they will be found to possess considerable 
 interest. 
 
 THE WILL OF BICHABD HAKLUYT. 
 
 EXTRACTED FROM THE REGISTRY OF THE PREROGATIVE COURT OF 
 
 CANTERBURY. 
 
 In the name of God, Amen. The twente daye of August, 
 in the yeare of Lord God one thowsand sixe hundreth and 
 twelve, I, Bichard Hackluit, person of Wetheringsett, in the 
 countie of SufFolke, beinge of good and pfect memorie 
 thanked be God, revokinge and frustratinge hereby all 
 former willes or testaments whatsoever heretofore by me 
 thought vpon or made, doe make, declare, and ordaine, this 
 my last will or testament hereafter followinge. First, I 
 
 u 
 
146 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 comend my soule into the handes of God, from whence 
 I receaved the same, trusting thorow the only merits of 
 Jesus Christ and the sanctification of the blessed Spirit, to 
 be both in body and sonle a member of His most holy and 
 heavenly kingdome. And as concerninge my body, I yeald 
 it (by course of nature and God his ordinance) vnto the 
 earth to be nevertlielesse decentlie buried (in hope of a 
 happie resurrection) by the discretion and charges of my 
 executor. Item, I give vnto Edmond Hackluit, my my only 
 sonne, and to his heires for ever, all that my manour called 
 Bridg-place, w th all royalties, prerogatives, proffitts, and 
 advantages, w th all the landes, meadowes, pastures, woods, 
 underwoods, or other the appurtenances to the said manour, 
 any waye belonginge or appertayninge, in as full and ample 
 maner, as I lately purchased the same of Mr. John Scrive¬ 
 ner, late of Barbican, in the suburbs of the cittie of London. 
 Also, I geve vnto the said Edmonde Hackluit, and to his 
 heires for ever, all that my tenement, w th the landes their- 
 vnto belonginge, lyinge and beinge in Leominster Oare, now 
 demised by my brother Oliver Hackluit, for sixtene nobles 
 a yeare; further, I give vnto the said Edmond Hackluit, and 
 to his heires for ever, all those my tenements lying in the 
 nortli-w r est end of Tuttell-streete, in the cittie of West¬ 
 minster, w ch I lately purchased in fee of one Mr. 
 
 Line, neere adioyninge to the inn called the White Harte, 
 vpon condition nevertlielesse hereafter followinge and not 
 otherwise,—that is to saye, that the said Edmond or his 
 assignes doe paye, or cause to be payed, vnto Mr. Thomas 
 Peters, late of Fleete-streete, in London, to the use of Francis 
 Hackluit, the wife of me Richard Hackluit, the full and 
 whole some of three hundreth pounds of lawfull English 
 money, in full contentacon and satisfaction of a certaine 
 bond obligatorie heretofore by me sealed and delivered, for 
 the contentment, reliefe, and maintynance of the said Francis, 
 in such manner and forme as in the said bond is specified. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 147 
 
 Howbeit, my mcaninge, intent, and will, is, that yf tlie said 
 Francis, or her assignes, doe deliver into tlie hands of my 
 said sonne Edmond, tlie said bond obligatorie, whereby it 
 may be lawfully cancelled, and he freed and for ever law¬ 
 fully discharged from the said dett of three hundreth 
 poundes, and of all penalties or forfaytures therevpon arising 
 or to arise at any tyme hereafter w th in one moneth and 
 imediately ensewinge after my decease, w th out fraud, cooven, 
 or delaye, that then I will, that after the deliverye of the 
 bond aforesaid, that all the said tenements lyinge and beinge 
 in the north-west end of Tuttell-streete aforesaid, devised to 
 my sonne Edmond, shalbe and remain fully and wholye to 
 my said wife Francis and to her heires for ever, as fully and 
 whollye as I had before appointed them to my said sonne 
 and his heirs, any gifte or graunt whatsoever to the con¬ 
 trary e in any wise notw th standinge. Also, I will that the 
 said Francis my wife shall have all the plate, jewelles, and 
 lioushold stuffe, of what nature soever, w ch are in the posses¬ 
 sion of me, in any place whereof the said Francis was pos¬ 
 sessed in the tyme of her widowdiood by administration. 
 Item, I give and bequeath vnto Oliver Haclduit my brother, 
 the some of tenn pounds, to be payd vnto him or his assignes 
 w th in one yeare next ensewing after my decease, to be 
 bestowed amongste his sonnes at his owne discretion. Item, 
 I geve and bequeath to Joane Haclduit, daughter of the 
 said Oliver, other tenn pounds, to bee payed vnto her w th in 
 two monethes nexte and iihediatelye ensewinge after the day 
 of her manage, the same beinge lawfully demaunded. Item, 
 I give vnto my sister Katherine Morer, dwellinge in Hol- 
 bourne, the some of twentie pounds; tenn pounds whereof I 
 will to be payed vnto her w th in one moneth after my decease, 
 and the other tenn pounds w th in sixe monethes after my 
 decease. Item, I give and bequeath to John Morer, her 
 sonne, fiftie shillings, to be payed vnto him w th in one yeare 
 after my decease; and likewise other fiftie shillings to 
 
148 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Barbary Moorer, her daughter, to be payed her also w th in 
 one yeare after my decease. Item, I give to Mistris Longe, 
 dwellinge in the Tower, twentie shillinges. Also, to Mr. 
 Thomas Peters, and to his wife, to either of them, twentie 
 shillinges, which last three ponndes I will shalbe payed 
 w th in one yeare after my decease. Item, I give nnto Mr. 
 Edward Bigges twentie shillinges and my best cassock, de- 
 siringe him to preach a funerall sermon at my bnriall. 
 Item, I geve to Mr. Collman, my curate, tenn shillinges and 
 my old gowne. Item, I geve to my sister Bacon tenn shil¬ 
 linges ; and to my servant, Thomas Button, tenn shillinges; 
 and to Lionell Pearson, five shillinges; and to Mary Upson, 
 three shillinges and four-pence. Also, I geve to the towns¬ 
 men of Wetheringset and Brockford, to be distributed to 
 the poore people, by the discretion of my executor and the 
 churchwardens for the tyme beinge, the some of five markes, 
 to be payed w th in one year after my decease. Item, I doe geve. 
 to the right worshipfull colledge of Westminster the some of 
 five pounds, to be payed into the handes of the treasurer w th in 
 sixe monethes after my decease, towards the repayringe of the 
 north windowe of the said church. Also, whereas I have a table, 
 a bedsted, and certaine furniture of hangings, pictures, and 
 other implements, in a chamber belonging to me in the Savoye, 
 I doe give and bequeath them all vnto the said liowse, to the 
 use of the Dorturye their. Also, whereas I have at Bristow 
 son dry implements, hangings, and furniture their, in my lodg- 
 inge and chambers, I do freely geve all to the only vse and 
 benefitt of the said Colledge, to be disposed at the discretion of 
 the right worshipfull Mr. Deane. Item, I geve to my cosen, 
 Thomas Hackluit, two dublets, two paire of britches, one of 
 my best shirts, and twenty shillings in money. I geve to 
 Oliver Cogram, my good friend, one of my old cassocks, an 
 old dublett, and a paire of old britches, and a paire of course 
 slietes. Further, I geve to my sister Katherine one of my 
 gownes, w ch my sonne Edward thinketh good, and to be 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 149 
 
 delivered before winter. Lastly, I geve to my lovinge cosen, 
 Mistris Dorotlie Patrickson, the some of fyve pounds, to be 
 payed vnto her w tb in six montlies after my decease. And 
 likewise I geve to the worshipfull Mr. John Davyes, her sonne, 
 the some of other five pounds, to be likewise payed him 
 w tb in six monetlies after my decease; whom I heartelye in- 
 treate and apoint to be the only supravisour of this my last 
 will and testament, that accordingly, in all poynts, it may be 
 truelye and effectually pfourmed; whose counsaile I have 
 vsed heretofore in my two late purchases, of Bridge-place in 
 Suffolke, and my tenements in Tuttell Streete, as is afore 
 remembred. Also, I geve to Mr. Richard Ireland and to Mr. 
 Wilson, now scholemaster of Westminster, to either of them 
 tenn shillinges, as a token of my love and good will towards 
 them; and to Michaell Locke the younger, other tenn shil¬ 
 linges. And I ordayne Edmond Hackluit, my sonne, my sole 
 and only executor of this my last will and testament, vnto 
 whome I geve hereby all my ready money, plate, jewells, 
 billes, bondes, debtts, and dutyes, howsholdstuffe, goods, 
 cattell, corne, implements, chatties, or whatsoever els to me 
 belongeth or appertayneth, to the end he shall paye my debts 
 and legacies, w tb all funerall expences, and vndertake the 
 proovinge of this my will, and all other things w cb in right 
 belongeth to an executor. In Wettness whereof I have here- 
 vnto sett my hand and seale the day and yeare first above 
 written. By me, Richard Hakluyt, person, of Wetheringset. 
 These being witnesses : Edward Rigges, John Colman, David 
 Allshais. 
 
 Probatum fuit testamentum suprascriptum apud London, 
 coram venerabili viro Magro Edmundo Pope, legum Doctore 
 Surrogato venerabilis viri Domini Johannis Benet, militis, 
 legum etiam Doctoris, Curie prerogative Cantuariensis Magri 
 Custodis sive Coihissarij legitime constituti, vicesimo tertio 
 
150 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 die mensis Novembris, anno Dni millessimo sexcentesimo 
 decimo sexto, jnramento Edmundi Hackluit, filij nralis et 
 ltimi dicti defuncti, et executoris in eodem testamento nomi- 
 nat*cui coinissa fuit administraco bonorum, jnrium et credi- 
 tornm dicti defuncti, de bene et fideliter administrando, 
 etc., ad sancta Dei Evangelia jurat*. 
 
151 
 
 Bibl. Bodl. MS. Arch. Seld. B. 8. 
 
 THE CHIEFE PLACES WHERE SONDRY SORTE ™ s m n a ° d a e in 
 
 of spices do growe in the East Indies, gathered out 
 of sondrj the best and latest authours, by 
 
 R. Hakluyt. 
 
 February, 
 
 1600. 
 
 The places where Peper groweth. 
 
 The greatest parte of the peper browght by the Portngales 
 out of the East Indies unto Lisbon, groweth in the country 
 of Malabar, and is embarqued at the townes of Onor, Bar- 
 zelor, Mangalor, Cananor, Crangenor, Cochin, and Conlan. 
 All which places are in the Portugalas possession. It groweth 
 also about Calient; but the hinge of Calicut and they are 
 seldome in amity. 
 
 Places yielding Peper out of the Portugales iurisdiction. 
 
 First, in the Isle of Zeilon ,—Ccesar Fredrick , l Cap. de Zei- 
 lon, and John Huighen van Linschoten. 2 
 
 1 The title of the English edition of this work is “The Voyage and 
 Travaile of M. Csesar Frederick, Merchant of Venice, into the East 
 India, the Indies, and beyond the Indies. Wherein are contained very 
 pleasant and rare matters, with the customes and rites of those countries. 
 Also heerein are discovered the merchandises and commodities of those 
 countreyes, as well the aboundaunce of goulde and siluer, as spices, 
 drugges, pearles, and other jewelles. Written at sea in the Hercules of 
 London. Comming from Turkie this 25 of March 1588.” London, 
 1588, 4to. This is a translation from an Italian original, which was pub¬ 
 lished at Venice in 1587, in 8vo., under the title “ Viaggio di M. Cesare 
 de i Federici nell’ India Orientale e oltra Y India. Nelquale ... si descri- 
 vano le spetiarie, droghe, gioie e perle che d’essi si cavano.” etc. 
 
 2 “ John Huighen van Linschoten, his discours of voyages into y e Easte 
 and West Indies. Devided into foure Bookes. Printed at London by 
 John Wolfe.” This work was published originally in Dutch, from which 
 the above translation was made by William Phillip. 
 
152 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Out of the 
 first voiage 
 of the Hol- 
 anders, in 
 Latin and 
 French, cap 
 15 & 20 . 
 
 Places where Peper groweth in the Isle of Sumatra. 
 
 1. Daia 
 
 2. Aclien 
 
 3. Pedir 
 
 4. Pacem 
 
 5. Camper 
 
 6. Andragiri 
 
 7. Jambe 
 
 8. Speriamon 
 
 9. Bar os 
 
 10. Dampin. 
 
 Places where Peper groweth in the Isle of Iaua Maior, Out of the 
 first voyage of the Hoi., cap. 15 and 20. 1 2 3 
 
 1. Pariban 
 
 2. Cheruguin 
 
 3. Buama 
 
 4. Labuan 
 
 5. Clierola 
 
 6. Charita 
 
 7. Meleassari 
 
 8. Cangabaia 
 
 9. Chuconin 
 
 10. Anier 
 
 11. Bantam 
 
 12. Punctan 
 
 13. Panarucan; where longe 
 
 peper groweth, as also in 
 Pegu and Bangala, Gons . 
 de Ouiedfzmd. Coes. Fred., 
 in the end of this dis¬ 
 
 course. 
 
 Peper also groweth in Queda, on the Maine of Malaca, 
 oyer against Achen. Linsch., cap. 17; and the 1 Voy. of the 
 Hot., cap. 17. 
 
 It groweth also in the ldngdome of Patane, on the east 
 side of the sayde Maine of Malaca. Hist, of China f cap. 22. 
 
 1 “ Premier livre de l’histoire de la Navigation aux Indes Orientales 
 par les Hollandois, etc. Plus les Monnoyes, Espices, Drogues et Mar- 
 chandises et le pris d’icelles, etc. Par G-. M. A. W. L.” Amstelredam, 
 1598. fol. A very indifferent abridgment of this account was published 
 in English, under the following title : “ The description of a voyage 
 made by certaine ships of Holland into the East Indies. With their 
 adventures and successe : together with the description of the countries, 
 townes, and inhabitantes of the same, etc. Translated out of Dutch 
 into English by W. P.” The translator is William Phillip. 
 
 2 “ Oviedo de la natural hystoria de las Indias.” Toledo, 1526, fol. 
 
 3 “ The Historie of the great and mightie kingdome of China and the 
 
( 
 
 APPENDIX. 153 
 
 It groweth likewise in the kingclome of Siam. Ibidem. 
 Also it groweth in the territories neere Malaca. Linsch., 
 cap. 62. 
 
 Item. There groweth excellent peper in the Isles of Nicu- 
 bar, somewhat to the north of Sumatra. Hist. China, cap. 25. 
 
 There groweth also longe peper in the Isle of Baratene, as 
 appcareth by the testimony of Sir Frances Drake, in the 3rd 
 volume of my English Voiages, pag. 741. 
 
 The price of peper may be read in Linsch ., pag. 161, 
 
 The places where Sinamon groweth. 
 
 The best sinamon groweth in the Isle of Zeilon, the kinge 
 whereof is the Portugales mortall enemy; where, neuerthe- 
 less, they have a small forte, called Colombo. Cces. Fred., 
 Cap. de Zeilon. 
 
 Wild sinamon, called by the Portugales Canella de Mato, 
 groweth in the Malabar, on the back side of Cochin, and is 
 browght in greate quantitye into Europe for the best. 
 Linsch., cap. 14. 
 
 In the Isles of Nicubar, lying to the north-west of Suma¬ 
 tra, between the latitude of 6 and 10 degrees, are many trees 
 of sinamon, which is the best in all the world, and is sold at 
 a small price. Hist. China, cap. 25. 
 
 Likewise there groweth in the islande of Java, and on the 
 maine by Malaca. Linsch., cap. 63. 
 
 The places where Cloves do growe. 
 
 Cloves do growe in the isles of Maluco, namely in Tarenate, 
 Tidore, Motelo, Machian, Bachian, Alatua; on the north¬ 
 west end of the Isle of Ceiran, and in the isles of Ambonio. 
 
 situation thereof. Togither with the great riches, huge citties, politike 
 governement, and rare inventions in the same. Translated out of Spanish 
 by R. Parke. London : Printed by J. Wolfe, 1588,” 4to. 
 
 The above is a translation from the Spanish of Gonzalez de Mendoza. 
 
 X 
 
154 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 In the isles of Tidore and Ambonio the Portugales have 
 two small fortes, as appeareth by the greate Italian map, 
 taken in the Madre di Dios, which I have translated and 
 caused to be drawne for the Company. 
 
 Great store of cloves are to be sold in Bantam. 
 
 Cloves are also browght from Siam to Malaca. Hist. Chin. } 
 cap. 22. 
 
 The places where Nuttmegges and Mace do growe. 
 
 Nuttmegges and maces grow chiefly in the Isle of Banda 
 and the seven small isles thereto adjoyninge. 
 
 They likewise grow in three other islands greater then 
 Banda, lyinge to the north-west thereof, called Am a, Liazer, 
 and Bucellas. As appeereth out of the foresayd greate 
 Italian map. 
 
 Nuttmegges also come from the greate Isle of Borneo. 
 Hist. Chin., cap. 22. 
 
 Sir Frances Drake found nuttmeggs, ginger, and longe 
 peper, growing in the Isle of Baratave. Vol. 3 of my Eng. 
 Voi., pag. 741. 
 
 Nuttmeggs also grow in the isles of Java and Sunda. 
 Linsch., cap. 66. 
 
 Places where Camphora groweth. 
 
 The best camphora groweth in canes, in the Isle of Borneo, 
 
 It groweth also about Chinclien, in a citty of China. 
 
 It groweth likewise in the isles of Sumatra and Java. It 
 is much used in medicines, and is one of the richest wares of 
 India. Linsch., cap. 80, and the 1 Voy. of the Hoi., pag. 14. 
 
 Anil, or Indico. 
 
 It groweth in Cambaya; but is sold good cheape in 
 Bantam, the chiefe citty of Java. The 1 Voy. of the Hoi., 
 pag. 20. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 155 
 
 Amber. 
 
 It is fownd on the coaste of Africa, about Gofala, Mozam- ^uJoTu-grcy 
 bique, and Malinde. 1 St S* : 
 
 It is also fownd neere the isles of Maldivar, as likewise on besf 15 
 
 the coast of China. Linsch., cap. 70. 
 
 Much is browght also from the West Indies, and from the 
 coast of Florida, which is of two sorts,—liquid amber, and 
 clare amber. 
 
 Muske. 
 
 Muske cometh from Tartarie and from China. It is often 
 falsified by the Chinois and Jewes. Coes. Fred., pag. 38, and 
 Linsch., cap. 70. 
 
 Civet. 
 
 Civet, called by the Portugales, Algalia, is fownd in Ben- 
 gala, which the people falsifie; but the best cometh from the 
 Nina, on the coast of Guinie, and from the isles of Cabo verde. 
 Linsch., cap. 70. 
 
 Beniamin. 
 
 Beniamin groweth much in the kingdome of Siam, and also 
 in the island of Sumatra, and in the isles of Java, and in the 
 country neere unto Malaca. There are two sorts, white and 
 black. The black is best, which groweth out of the youngest 
 trees. Linsch., cap. 71. It is one of the costliest druggs of 
 all the East, because it excelleth all other in sweetenes. 
 
 Frankincense. 
 
 Frankincense, called in Latin, Thus, groweth in Arabia 
 Felix. The best is white, like drops, and is called the male; 
 the worst is black : both are the gume of a tree. Linsch., 
 cap. 72. 
 
 1 Melinda. 
 
156 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Myrrhe. 
 
 Myrrhe groweth like beniamin and frankincense, and 
 commeth ont of Arabia Felix, and out of tlie contry of the 
 Abassins. 1 Ibidem. 
 
 Manna. 
 
 Manna commeth out of Arabia and Persia, but most ont of 
 the province of Usbeke, lyinge behind Persia, in Tartarie. 
 There be four sorts thereof: 1, whitish; 2, reddish ; 3, that 
 which commeth in greate peces, with the leaves among it; 
 the 4th kind is browght in lether bags, and is melted like 
 liony, and is of a white coulor. Linsch., cap. 73. 
 
 Rheubarbe. 
 
 Rheubarb groweth about Campion, a province and citty 
 lyinge north of China. It is most brought by land through 
 the contry of Usbeke, lyinge to the east of Persia in Tar¬ 
 tarie, and adjoyning to Persia on the back side of India, and 
 so commith to Ormus, and thence to Sumatra and Java, 
 The best is browght, for the most parte, over land to Venice. 
 Read Ramusius , in the preface of his 2 volume. 
 
 Rhenbarb also groweth abundantly in the country of Ma¬ 
 labar. 
 
 It also commeth from Cathaio or China to Malaca, by 
 water. Ramus., vol. ii, cap. 323, and Linsch., cap. 37. 
 
 Sandalo, or Sanders. 
 
 Sandalo, or sanders, are of three sorts, white, yellow, and 
 red. The white and the yellow, which is the best, come from 
 the islands of Timor and Solor, and another island next ad- 
 joyninge on the west, whether the Captaine of Malaca sendeth 
 
 1 Abyssinians. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 157 
 
 yearly a shippe. Cas. Fred ., fo. 19. The red sanders grow in 
 Coromandel and Tcnasseri, on the coast of Pegu. Linsch., 
 cap. 74. 
 
 Snake wood, or Palo da cobra. 
 
 Snakewood, or Palo da cobra, groweth most in the Isle of 
 Zeilon. One ounce thereof, bruised and mixed with water, 
 is good against all poison and sicknes, and the stinginge of 
 snakes, wherof it hath the name. Wherfore it is now 
 much browght and carryed into all countryes, especially into 
 Portugale, and thence hether. Linsch ., cap. 75. 
 
 Lignum Aloes, or Calamba. 
 
 The lignum aloes, which, in India, is called Calamba, and 
 Palo d^aguilla, is most plentifull in Malaca, in the Isle of Su¬ 
 matra, Camboya, Siam, and the contries borderinge on the 
 same. The best and finest is called Calamba; and the other, 
 Palo d^aguilla. The Calamba, yf it be good, is sold by 
 weight against sillver and gold. Linsch ., cap. 76. 
 
 The Root of China. 
 
 The roote of China beinge a most sovereigne remidie 
 against the French poxe, is very common, and so good cheape 
 in the Indies, that it is not worth above halfe a pardao the 
 pound, which is a teston and a halfe of Portugale money. 
 The best rootes are the blackest, with few knotts, and white 
 within. They grow in no place but in China. Linsch., 
 cap. 77. 
 
 Of opium, famarindi, mirabolans, spikenard, aloe zoco- 
 trina, anacardi, calamus aromaticus, costus, cubebes, galanga, 
 etc., read Linsch., from the 78 to the 83 chapter, where you 
 shall find their proper names in the Indies, the places where 
 they growe, the several kindes of them, their uses, prices, etc. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 158 
 
 Of the severall prices of precious stones and spices, with 
 their weights and measures, as they were accustomed to he 
 sold by the Moores and Gentiles, as also of the places where 
 they growe, I have 3 severall treatises : one of Ttamusius, in 
 Italian and English; the second, of Cses. Ered., in English; 
 and the third, in my first volume of English Voyages. 
 
 Of the prices of pearles and certeine pretious stones, I 
 delivered your worships a note in Portugese and English, and 
 more may be fownd therof in Linschot., cap. 84 and 91. 
 
 Likewise I have delivered you a catalogue of the severall 
 commodities good for the East Indies, wherof sence I have 
 fownd a greater nomber. I have also provided for you two 
 copies of that large Italian intercepted map of the Malucos, 
 the notes wherof, for the better understandinge, are trans¬ 
 lated into English. 
 
 I have also large notes, of 20 yeares observation, concern- 
 inge the north-west passage, which your worships shall com¬ 
 mand, yf you shall have occasion to use the same. 
 
 Diamants 1 perfect, of one graine lavardos de reas. 
 
 toto fundo, 2 are worth 3 milreis 3 - 
 
 Diamants of 1^ graine are worth 
 Diamants of 2 graines are worth 
 Diamants of 2^ graines are worth 
 Diamants of 3 graines are worth 
 Diamants of 3^ graines are worth 
 Diamants of 1 quilate are worth 
 
 3,000 
 
 4,000 
 
 8,000 
 
 - 10,000 
 
 - 15,000 
 - 18 and 20,000 
 
 - 25,000 
 
 Dimants of this sorte, perfect in all their grownds, are of 
 
 1 The “notes” from this place to the end of the section will be found 
 repeated in substance at p. 162. 
 
 2 See this term explained at p. 162, where it is rendered “wrought 
 
 throughout”. It means, properly, cut the same on the under as on the 
 upper side. if 
 
 3 A milreis is worth 5s. 7^d. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 159 
 
 this vallew; yf they he of a greater weight they go by qui- 
 la'tfes, 1 and rise double in vallew. 
 
 iiDiamants chapas, 2 w r hicli are to be bought, and gaine made 
 in w'\orkinge them. 
 
 D/uamants chapas, 3 to a quilate, worth 6,000 
 < reis ------- 6,000 
 
 Diamants of 4 to a quilate, w T orth - - 5,000 
 
 Diamants of 5 to a quilate, worth from 3 to 4,000 
 Diamants of 1 quilate, worth - 10,000 
 
 Diamants of 2 to a quilate, worth - - 10,000 
 
 Diamants of 15 to a quilate, worth, being 
 
 pointed, ------ 3,000 
 
 Rubi es, being perfect, of 5 and 6 in a quilate, 
 
 vrorth - 6,000 
 
 Rubies of 4 to a quilate, worth 20 crusados 3 - 8,000 
 
 Rubies of 2 to a quilate, worth 30 crusados - 12,000 
 
 Rubies of 1 quilate, worth 30 crusados - 12,000 
 
 Towchi age rubies, sometime they be at a high rate, and 
 sometime lat a lower, these ought to be perfect in all respects. 
 
 and to be b ought as good cheape as you may. 
 
 Pearles of 1 graine are worth 1 vintaine, 4 yf reis. 
 
 they l ie perfect - - -- - 20 
 
 Pearles of J! \ graine, worth halfe a tostorne - 050 
 
 Pearles of 2 graines, worth 2 rialls, beinge 
 
 perfect - - 080 
 
 Pearles of 2i graines, worth 5 rialls - - 200 
 
 Pearles of 3 graines, worth 8 rialls - - 320 
 
 Pearles of 3J graines, worth 10 rialls - - 400 
 
 Pearles of 1 quilate, beinge 4 graines, worth 
 
 12 rialls ------ 480 
 
 1 A quilate is four grains, or one carat. 
 
 2 Table diamonds. 
 
 3 A crusado is worth 2s. 3d. 
 
 4 A vintin is of the value of 1^-d. or not quite three halfpence. 
 
160 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Pearles of 5 graines, worth 15 rialls - - 600 
 
 Pearles of 1J quilate, beinge 6 graines, worth 
 
 20 rialls ------ 80(J 
 
 Pearles of 7 graines, worth 3 crusados - - 1.200 
 
 Pearles of 2 quilates, 8 graines, worth 2 milries 2,0)00 
 
 Pearles of 9 graines, worth 7 crusados - - 2,800 
 
 Pearles of 2| quilate, 10 graines, worth 10 
 
 crusados - 4,000 
 
 Pearles of 11 graines, worth - 5,000 
 
 Pearles of 3 quilates, worth - 6,000 
 
 Pearles of 13 graines, worth 20 crusados - 8,000 
 
 Pearles of 3| quilates, worth 30 crusados - 12,000 
 
 Pearles of 15 graines, worth 40 crusados - 16,000 
 
 Pearles of 4 quilates, worth 70 crusados - 28,000 
 
 Pearles of 17 graines, worth 90 crusados - '36,000 
 
 Pearles of 4 quilates and §, worth 110 crusados 44,000 
 
 Pearles of 19 graines, worth 130 crusados - 54,000 
 
 Pearles of 5 quilates, worth 150 crusados - 600,000 
 
 These pearles ought to be perfect in all respects. Towch- 
 inge the buying of these pearles, it must be accorf inge to the 
 time, and they may be bowght at sometime cheaper then at 
 another; for a man may gaine by them accc rding to the 
 vallew and estimation that every person hath of them, for 
 they be things without certeine limits or estimation, and are 
 esteemed accordinge to the time. 
 
 A remembrance of what is good to bring from the Indyas 
 into Spayne, beinge good marchandize, and bowght by him 
 that is skillfull and trusty. 
 
 Small seede pearrell, naturall white, of the first size. Of 
 the same sorte, of the second size. Small sede pearrell, of 
 the same sorte, of the 3rd size. And of the 4th size, which 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 161 
 
 is called Ane. Of the 5th and 6th sorte, which hath not 
 crosse nor yellow. Small pcarrell of the 7th and 8th size. 
 
 Small scde pearrcll, that is called Ane ervell; let it he of 
 the largest you can gett. 
 
 Biinge no sede pearle of the first 2 nor 3 size, but bringe 
 of the 4tli sorte, for they yeld more proffitt and game then 
 other sizes. 
 
 Rubis, perfect of coullor, of 5 or 6 enfanos. 1 Yf yon can Rubies, 
 
 r " Saphiers. 
 
 find any good saphires, well coullored or white, beinge bowght 
 cheape and cleane, they will yeld greate gayne. 
 
 Oiamondes bought by him that hath knowledge of the new 
 or old cutt, or poynted, being cleane, from 3 to 6 in man- 
 gellin. 
 
 Diamondes, poynted, from 1 to 2 mangelins. 2 And rubis, 
 beinge perfect, yf ye find any, buy them accordinge to the 
 state of the contry, for in these things there is no certeine 
 price, but they are things that yeld most proffitt. 
 
 Heere follow the prizes. 
 
 Small pearle, naturall, of the first size, are worth heere, 
 
 8,000 or 10,000 res. per ounce. Small pearle of the seconde 
 size, 6,000 or 7,000 res. The 3rd and 4th size are worth 
 4,500 res. per ounce. Small pearle of the 5th and 6th size 
 are worth heere, this yeare, 2,200 res. The 7th and 8tli size, 
 
 1,100 res. Small pearle, called Ane ervell, hath no limitted 
 price, but are esteemed according to the greatnes and good- 
 nes of them, and are of many prizes. 
 
 Pearle of the 4th size are sold heere for 30 and 35 ryalls 
 and 40, accordinge to their wayght. Rubis of 5 or 6 infanos, 
 being perfect, are worth heere 5 or 6000 res. 
 
 You must vnderstand, that things naturall, and espinellas, 3 
 
 1 For the explanation of this word, see post, p. 165. 
 
 2 The word mangalis, or mangelira, is here the same as the quilate or 
 carat, but it is also used to express five, six, or seven and a half grains. 
 
 3 A kind of ruby. 
 
 Y 
 
162 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 that are large and good, are to be bowght the best choape 
 you can gett them, for they have no certeyn prize. 
 
 Yf yon can find any amatistes or jacincts, buy them in 
 like sorte as yon can. 
 
 Diamondes of 3 in mangelin rongs, are worth 6,000 res.; 
 of the 4th in mangelin, 5,000 res. 
 
 Diamondes of 5 and of 6 in mangelin, are worth 3 and 
 4,000 res. 
 
 Diamondes of 15 in mangellin, pointed, 3,000 res. Dia¬ 
 mondes of 1 mangellin, 8 and 10,000 res. 
 
 Diamondes of 2 mangellins, 15,000 res. These thinges 
 are worth more or lesse, accordinge to the times; but these 
 are the best marchandize for stones. 
 
 Diamondes wrought throughout. 
 
 Diamondes wrought of every side, of 1 grayne, are worth 
 3,000 res ; of 1 graine 4,000 res. 
 
 Diamondes of 2 graines are worth 8,000 res. Diamondes 
 of 2^ graines are worth 10,000 res. 
 
 Diamondes of 3 graines, 15,000 res. 
 
 Diamondes of 3J [graines], 20,000 res. 
 
 Diamondes of 1 quartine, which is 4 graines, are worth 
 25,000 res. Diamondes of this sorte, beinge perfect, and 
 wrought on every side, are the things most esteemed; and 
 the bigger sizes are worth in vallew by waight. Diamondes 
 rough are so to be bought that I may gaine by workinge of 
 them. 
 
 Diamondes rough, of 3 quartines, which is 12 graines, 
 6,000 res. 
 
 Diamondes rough, of 4 quartaines, are worth 5,000 res. 
 
 Diamondes of 5 quartaines are worth 4,000 res. 
 
 Diamondes of 1 quartaine, and of 2 pointed, are worth 
 10,000 res. 
 
 Rubis perfect of 5 or 6 quartines, are worth 6,000 res. 
 
 Rubis of 4 quartines, 8,000 res. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 163 
 
 Rubis of 2 quartaines are worth 30 Ds. 1 
 Rubis of 1 quartine, 30 Ds. Towchinge rubis, they are 
 bought cheaper, or deerer, as time serves, but they must be 
 perfect in all perfection. 
 
 Prizes of Pearles. 
 
 Pearles beinge perfect of 1 graine are worth 20 res. 
 Pearles of 1J graines, 50 res. 
 
 Pearles of 2 graines are worth 80 res. 
 
 Pearles of 2J graines are worth 200 res. 
 
 Pearles of 3 graines, 320 res. Of 3J graines, 400 res. 
 Pearles of a quartine, being 4 graines, 480 res. 
 
 Pearles of 5 graines are worth 600 res. 
 
 Pearles of 6 graines, 800 res. Pearles of 7 graines, 1,200 res. 
 Pearles of 2 quartines, 2,000 res. 
 
 Pearles of 9 graines, 2,800 res. 
 
 Pearles of 10 graines, 4,000 res. 
 
 Pearles of 11 graines, 5,000 res. 
 
 Pearles of 3 quartines, 6,000 res. 
 
 Pearles of 13 graines, 8,000 res. 
 
 Pearles of 3 quartines 12,000 res. 
 
 Pearles of 15 graines, 16,000 res. 
 
 Pearles of 4 quartines, 28,000 res. 
 
 Pearles of 17 graines, 36,000 res. 
 
 Pearles of 4 quartines 44,000 res. 
 
 Pearles of 19 graines, 54,000 res. 
 
 Pearles of 5 quartines, 600,000 res. 
 
 These pearles must be perfect in all perfection; towchinge 
 their prizes, it wilbe accordinge to the time; but they are 
 things much esteemed; buy them as clieape as you can. 
 
 Nicholas. 
 
 Sobras. 
 
 1 Ducados. 
 
164 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 A remembrance of suche tilings as are good marchandize 
 to bringe from the Est Indies into Spayne, beinge bought 
 by a skyllfull and trusty factor. 1 
 
 Aliofre, 2 or perles of the first sorte or size. 
 
 Aliofre of the second sort. 
 
 Aliofre of the third sort. 
 
 Aliofre of the fourthe sort, which is called Ane. 
 
 Aliofre of the 5 and 6 sorte, which have no Calixo, nor is 
 not yellow. 
 
 Aliofre of the 7 and 8 sorte. 
 
 Aliofre, which is called Ane ervel, which must be of the 
 bigest sort that can be gotten. 
 
 Bringe not into Europe any Perles of the first, second, or 
 third sort, but those of the 4th sorte, in which there is more 
 gayne then in the others. 
 
 To buy Bubies perfect of hart, of 5 or 6 Enfanon, beinge 
 about 2 caratts of Venice weight. 
 
 Saphires good of hart or white, and cleane, and baratas, 
 wherin a marchant may do much good. 
 
 Diamondes bought by one that hath skill of the new or 
 old rockes, which have their chapas and pointes cleane, from 
 3 to 6 in a mangalin, beinge | of a carate. Diamondes 
 pointed from one mangali, unto 2 mangalis, and rubies per¬ 
 fect, which must go together with them, which must be 
 bought accordinge to the custome of the country, for heerin 
 there is no certeine price sett downe, and these are the 
 commodities wherein a man may do most good accordinge 
 to the time. 
 
 The severall prices of pearles, rubies, saphires, spinels, 
 amatists, jacynthes, or ballasses. 
 
 1 This section is substantially the same as the first page and a half of 
 that which precedes it : as there are some variations, however, it has 
 been thought advisable not to omit this part of the manuscript. 
 
 a A corruption of the Portuguese and Spanish word Aljofar, which is 
 again a corruption of the Arabic word El Jauhar. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 165 
 
 Aliofre nataraou, or pearles of the first jueira or size, 
 beinge perfect, are worth 8,000 and 10,000 reyos the ounce. 
 
 Aliofre of the second sort are worth from 6,000 to 7,000 
 rcies the ounce. 
 
 Aliofre of the 3rd and 4th sorte are woortli 4,500 reies. 
 
 Aliofre of the 5th and 6th sorte were sold this yeare at 
 2,200 reies. 
 
 Aliofre of the 7th and 8th sorte is sold, and is worth heere 
 1,100 reies. 
 
 Aliofre Ane Cruel (or seede pearle) hath no certeine price, 
 because it is sold accordinge to the bignes and goodnes 
 therof, and is of many prices. 
 
 Pearles of the 4th sorte are sold in the Indies at 30 reies, 
 at 35 reies, and at 40 reies, accordinge to their difference in 
 weight. 
 
 Rubies which be perfect, of 5 and 6 to an enfanon (beinge 
 a kind of weight which conteineth about 2 carates of Venice 
 weight), are worth 5,000 or 6,000 reies. 
 
 Saphieres are at uncerteine prices, which a man must buy 
 as good cheape as he may. 
 
 Good and greate spinells, beinge a kind of base rubies, 
 must be bought as good cheape as you may, for they are not 
 sold at any certeine price. 
 
 Amatistes, or jacinthes, and balasses, are bought after the 
 same manner. 
 
 Diamants of 3 to a mangalin beinge chapas, are sold at 
 6,000 reies; of 4 to a mangalin, 5,000 reies; of 5 and 6 to 
 a mangalin, they are worth from 3,000 to 4,000 reies. 
 
 Diamondes of 15 to a mangalin, beinge pointed, are sold 
 at 3,000 reies. 
 
 Diamantes of one mangalin are worth from 8,000 to 
 10,000 reies. 
 
 Diamantes of 2 mangalins are worth 15,000 reies. 
 
 At certeine times the prices of these juells riseth and 
 falleth, but these are the best marchandize of all other juells. 
 
166 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Safron. 
 
 Sacks, Ca- 
 narie wyne, 
 Malmesies, 
 Oy]e Olive, 
 Holland 
 cloth, Cam- 
 bricke. 
 
 NOTES OF CERTAYNE COMODITIES IN GOOD REQUEST IN 
 the East Indies, the Malucoes, and China, gathered out 
 of the last and best authours which have lived and 
 trafficked in those parts, by Richard Hakluyt. 
 
 Out of Caesar Fredericke, a Venetian, who lived 18 yeres in many 
 
 parts of the East Indies. 
 
 Velvets, damasks, satins, armesine of Portugal, which is a 
 kind of silke taffata, safron and skarlets.— -fol. 10, pag. 2. 
 
 The ships that come from the streight of the Red Sea or 
 Mecca, bring to Pegu and Sivion wollen cloth (made at 
 Venice, of these coullours, to witte, murrey, violet, red- 
 mosine, skarlet, light or grasse greene), skarlets, velvets, 
 opinno or affron, and chekines of gold.— -fol. 32, pag. 1, and 
 fol. 36, p. 1. 
 
 Bracelets of elephants teeth of diverse colours, much 
 esteemed.— fol. 6, pag. 2. 
 
 The money of Pegu called Gansa, is made of copper and 
 lead, which two mettals may therefore prove good marchan- 
 dize.— fol. 32, pag. 2. 
 
 Notes of Commodities fit for the East Indies. Out of John 
 Huygen Van Linschoten. 
 
 Wyne, as sacks, canarie wyne, and malmesies.— pag . 4. 
 
 Oyle of olives.— pagina 4. 
 
 Holland cloth and cambricke good marchandize in Jaua. 
 — p. 54. 
 
 Wollen cloth good marchandize in China.— pag. 40. 
 
 Reals of 8, wyne, both Portugale and Indian, oyles of 
 olive greatly desired, velvet, cloth of skarlet (whereof they 
 have none, nor yet can make any, although they have both 
 slieepe and woll inough), looking glasse, ivorie, al kind of 
 cristal, and glasse, are wel sold in China.— pagina 44. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 167 
 
 Emraulds, wrought and unwrought, very gayneful mar- 
 cliandize to bee carried to India, Pegu, and other places, 
 brought thither from Cairo, and the Spanish Indies, which 
 in these oriental parts are much worne and esteemed: So 
 that many Venetians that have travayled thither with em- 
 raulds, and bartered them for rubies, are become very rich, 
 because amonge them men had rather have them then 
 rubies.— pag. 134. 
 
 Costly w r ares carried from Turkie into India by the 
 Streight of Mecca.— pag. 214. 
 
 Notes out of The Historie of China, in English. 
 
 Noe wollen cloth is made in China.— pag. 20. 
 
 Spanish wollen cloth much esteemed in China.— pag. 163. 
 
 Helmets of tynne gilded over, worne in China.— pag. 188. 
 
 Notes out of Mr. Lancaster’s Voyage, printed in the second 
 volume of Richard Hakluyt. 
 
 There were found in the galeon of Malacca, which Mr. 
 Lancaster tooke in the entrance of the Streight of Sincapura, 
 
 300 butts of canarie wynes, al kind of haberdash ware, as 
 hats, redde caps knit of Spanish wol, worsted stockings knit, Hats, red 
 
 A caps, knit 
 
 which are worne of the mastizoes, sliooes, velvets, taffataes, stockings, 
 chamlets, and silks. Aboundance of suckets, Venice glasses 
 of al sorts, certayne papers of counterfeiete stones, which an 
 Italian brought from Venice to deceve the rude Indians 
 withal, abundance of playing cards, 2 or 3 packs of French 
 paper.— pag. 107. 
 
 Notes of Commodities carried by the Hollanders in their first 
 voyage, printed in folio in Latine and French. 1 
 
 Hatchets good marchandise aboute the Cape of Bona Hatchets. 
 Sperane. Barres of yron.— -fol. 4, pag. 2. 
 
 1 It was also printed at Amsterdam, in Dutch, in the same year (1598), 
 in which the French and Latin editions appeared. 
 
168 
 
 4PPENDIX. 
 
 White and 
 red wollen 
 caps. 
 
 Tynne 
 
 spoones.' 
 
 lynen 
 
 handker¬ 
 
 chiefs. 
 
 Lynen 
 
 cloth. 
 
 Jet. 
 
 Shirts redie 
 made. 
 
 Caffa is a 
 silke made 
 in Naples 
 and Flo¬ 
 rence, called 
 Tabydi Nea- 
 polis, like 
 unrased vel¬ 
 vet, blacke, 
 greene, and 
 peach color. 
 
 On the cost of Madagascar. 
 
 Beatles.— folio 5, pag. 2. 
 
 White and redde wollen caps.— -folio 5 and 6. 
 
 Little looking glasses, red caps, heads, tynne spoones, 
 much esteemed in the river of St. Augustine on the north¬ 
 west parte of the Isle of Madagascar.— folio 7. 
 
 A fayre oxe given for a tynne spoone.— fol. 7 , pag. 2. 
 
 Three or 4 sheepe given for one tyn spoone.— fol. 7. 
 
 A yong girle offred for a tynne spoone.— fol. 8, p. 2. 
 
 Lynen hankerchiefe, beads, and bracelets, good wares in 
 the isle of St. Marie on the coste of Madagascar.— fol. 10. 
 
 Earings, beads, small looking glasses, drinking glasses.— 
 fol. 10, p. 2. 
 
 Pynnes.— folio 11. 
 
 Wollen cloth esteemed.— folio 11. 
 
 Lynen cloth straked in use.— folio 11. 
 
 Beads, chaplets, and bracelets.— folio 12. 
 
 Spanish wyne greately desired in the bay of Antengil in 
 Madagascar.— folio 12, pag. 2. 
 
 Eyne lynen cloth.— folio 12, etc. 
 
 Bracelets of brasse.— folio 12, pag . 1. 
 
 Bracelets of tynne or false silver.— folio \3,pag. 2. 
 
 Greene glasse bracelets much esteemed.— folio 14. 
 
 Jet bracelets, rings, earings, beads, like to be good mar- 
 chandise, which are chiefely to bee had in England. 
 
 Commodities uttered in Sumatra, Jaua, and Baly. 
 
 Lynen cloth in request in Sumatra.— folio 16. 
 
 Shirts redie made.— folio 18, pag. 2. 
 
 Knives exchanged for spices.— folio 18, pag. 2. 
 
 Eight elnes of greene caffa, given for a present to the 
 Admiral and Sabandar of Bantan.— folio 19, pag. 2. 
 
 Three small Norumberge looking glasses, exchanged for 
 a great jarre of moyst Indico.— folio 20, pag. 2. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 169 
 
 
 The presents given to the viceroy, were christal vessels, a 
 gilded looking glasse, and a piece of skarlet.— fol. 20, p. 1. 
 Greene velvet and skarlet given to the viceroy.— fol, 20, 
 
 p. 2. 
 
 Drinking glasses given to the viceroy.— fol. 21, p. 2. 
 Blacke and redde cloth worne by the noblemen.— fol. 27, 
 
 p. 1. 
 
 Armor some what like shirts of mavle, used in Bantam.— 
 fol, 27, p. 2. 
 
 Waxe sold by weight in Bantam.— folio 28. 
 
 Tynne and leade.— folio 28, pag. 2. 
 
 Saffron much used by the Javans in their meate and 
 rice.— fol. 39. 
 
 Yron and lead much desired in the isle Lebock, 1 on the 
 north syde of Jaua.— folio 43, pag. 2. 
 
 The greate desire of yron in other places.— fol. 44, pag. 1. 
 Wrought velvet, red coral, christal glasses, looking glasses, 
 sent to the king of the isle of Baly.— fol. 47, pag. 2. 
 
 Greate store of gold in Baly.— fol. 48, pag. ]. 
 
 Notes out of The Hollanders Second Voyage to Jaua and the isles 
 of the Malucoes , beg on 1598 and ended 1600. 2 
 
 There presents to the kinge of Bantan were, A fayre 
 covered cuppe of silver and gilt, certayne velvets and cloth 
 of sylke, very fine drinking glasses, excellent fyne looking 
 glasses.— pag. 6. 
 
 Pewter and other weres.— pag. 7. 
 
 Belles.— pag. 8. 
 
 1 Lubock. 
 
 2 “The Journal], or dayly register, contayning a true manifestation 
 and historical declaration of the voyage accomplished by eight shippes 
 of Amsterdam, under the conduct of Jacob Corneliszen Neck, admirall, 
 and Wybrandt van Warwick, vice-admirali, which say led from Amster¬ 
 dam the first day of March 1598. London, 1601,” 4to. This is a trans¬ 
 lation from the Dutch, of which we have only been able to see editions 
 printed subsequently to the above version. 
 
 Waxe. 
 
 They min¬ 
 gle their 
 safron with 
 oyle that it 
 dry not. 
 
 Red coral. 
 
 Belles. 
 
 Z 
 
170 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Notes out of The last Voyage of the Hollanders 
 to the Malucoes. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 
 
 iron nayles and spikes good marchandise. — fol. 29, 
 pag. 2. 
 
 1 This, most probably, refers to the second voyage to the east, by Van 
 Neck, an account of which was published under the title “ Kort ende 
 waerachtigh verhael van de tweede Schipvaerd, by de Hollanders op 
 Ost-Indien gedaen, onder den Ileer Admirael Jacob van Neck, getogen 
 uyt het Journael van Roelof Roelofsz, vermaender op’t Schip Amsterdam 
 ende doorgaens uyt andere Schryvers vermeerdert.” 
 
 CERTAYNE NOTES GATHERED OF SUCH AS HAVE HAD 
 much familiaritie with the Portugales that trade in the 
 East Indies, by Richard Hakluyt. 
 
 1. Yron wyer. 
 
 2. Axes and hatchets heads. 
 
 3. Cutting hookes. 
 
 4. Ivory combes and hoxe combes. 
 
 5. Spectacles. 
 
 6. Amber of Danske yelowe in greate request. 
 
 7. Emraulds wrought. 
 
 8. Saphires. 
 
 9. Waxe candles used in there mesquitoes and pagodes. 
 
 10. False sylver lace and false sylver threed. 
 
 11. False gold lace and false gold threed in greate quan¬ 
 tities to decke there hangings and garments. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 171 
 
 12. Cruses or potts of red and white earth, such as they 
 melt gold and sylver in, packed up in bran in pipes and 
 barels. 
 
 A jueller, a paynter, and certayne musisians, are very 
 necessarie for the voyage. 
 
 But above al others, a trustie interpretour in the Easterne 
 Arabian tongue; for by using the Portugal tonge, you are 
 in greate danger of being betrayed, as the Hollanders were 
 7 tymes in their first voyage. 
 
 THE END. 
 
 RICHARDS, PRINTER, 100, ST. MARTINS DANE. 
 
 Yfyou goe 
 without a 
 smal barke 
 or 2, I 
 compte your 
 voyage half'e 
 over- 
 
 throwne, be¬ 
 fore you goe 
 foorth. 
 

INDEX. 
 
 A. 
 
 Abelfada (Ismael), see Abulfeda 
 Abulfeda (Ismail Ibn Ali), geogra¬ 
 phical works, xlii; birth, etc., 3 
 Adams (Clement), 3 
 Aithonus, see Hay to 
 Alexander VI, Pope, grant to Spain 
 in 1493 of the Western Hemisphere, 
 42 
 
 America, “ Divers voyages touching 
 the discoverie of”, description of 
 this work, xxxvi ; futile attempts to 
 colonize America, xcv ; arguments 
 in favour of sending colonies to, from 
 England, 8, 9; names of commodities 
 growing in some parts of, 139 
 Anghiera (Pietro Martire), works, 
 xliv; birth, etc., 3 
 
 B. 
 
 Barbosa (Duarte), works, lvii ; birth, 
 etc., 5 
 
 Barros (Joao de), works, lviii; birth, 
 etc.> 5 ; account of, 9 ; said to have 
 caused Brazil to be colonized by the 
 Portuguese, 9 ; this statement doubt¬ 
 ful, ib. 
 
 Belleforest (Francois), works, 1; birth, 
 etc., 4 
 
 Benjamin, Tudelensis, works, lii ; birth, 
 etc., 5 
 
 Best (George), works, li, 4 
 Brazil, when discovered, 9 ; colonized 
 by the Portuguese, ib. ; origin of 
 name and its antiquity, 46 
 Brigham (Anthony), 6 
 Burrough (Stephen), works, lxi; birth, 
 etc., 6; account of, on a monu¬ 
 mental brass in Chatham church, 15 
 Burrough (William), works, lxi, 6 
 Burros (Steven), see Burrough 
 Burros (William), see Burrough 
 
 C. 
 
 Cabot (John), discoverer of America, 
 
 lxviii ; account of his expedition in 
 1496, ib. ; letters patent granted to 
 him and to his three sons by Henry 
 VII, 19 
 
 Cabot (Sebastian), works, lvii ; birth, 
 etc., 5; argument in favour of a 
 north-west passage, 11 ; extract 
 from Peter Martyr respecting his 
 voyage along the east coast of North 
 America, lxxxviii; extract from 
 Gomara on the same subject, lxxxix ; 
 note of his voyage, 23 ; extract from 
 Ramusio respecting his voyage to 
 the north, 24 ; maps and discourses 
 in the possession of William Wor¬ 
 thington, 26 
 
 Cabral (Pedro Alvarez), took posses¬ 
 sion of Brazil in 1500, 9 
 Calicut, Vasco da Gama arrives at, by 
 sea in 1498, 42 
 
 Cam (Diego), discovers Congo in 1484, 
 41 
 
 Cape Verde islands, discovery of, 45 
 Cartier (Jacques), lviii, xcv, 5 
 Cathaia, explanation of, 24 
 Chancellor (Nicholas), works, lii, 4 
 Chancellor (Richard), works, lx, 6 
 Charles V, emperor of Germany, study 
 of navigation promoted by, 14 
 Chart, by R. Thorne, explanation of, 
 36 
 
 Chaves (Alonso de), account of, 14 
 Chicoria, described, 108 
 Claudia island, discovered by Veraz- 
 zani, 63 
 
 Climate, described, 49 
 Colombo (Cristoforo), works, lvi ; birth, 
 etc., 5 
 
 Congo, discovered by Diego Cam, in 
 1484, 41 
 
 Conti (Nicolo di), works, lvi, 5 
 Contractation House, 14 
 Coronado (Francis Vasques de), see 
 Vasques 
 
 Cortereal (Anus), ship sent by him in 
 1574 to discover a north-west pas¬ 
 sage, 7 
 
 A A 
 
2 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Cortereal (Gaspar), 5 
 
 Crantzius (Albertus), see Krantz 
 
 Cuba, discovered by Columbus in 1492, 
 43 
 
 D. 
 
 Diamonds, prices of, 158, 161,164, 165 
 
 Diaz (Bartholomeu), doubles the Cape 
 of Good Hope for the first time in 
 1487, 42 
 
 Dominica, discovered by Columbus in 
 1493, 43 
 
 Drake (Sir Francis), 6 ; makes a voyage 
 of discovery along the western coast 
 of North America as high as the 
 48th degree, 12 ; offer to found a 
 lectureship in navigation, 16 
 
 Drogeo, discovery of, 72 
 
 E. 
 
 Eleot (Hugh), see Elliot 
 
 Engroveland, discovery of, 72; Fran¬ 
 ciscan monastery at, described, 77 ; 
 Zichmni arrives there, and builds a 
 city, 87 
 
 Erondelle (P.), translation of part of 
 Lescarbot’s “ Histoire de la Nouvelle 
 France,” xxx 
 
 Estotiland, discovery of, 72 ; descrip¬ 
 tion of, 81 
 
 Fenton (Edward), 6 
 Finseus (Orontius), see Fine 
 Fine (Oronce), works, xlix ; birth, 
 etc., 3 
 
 Florida, first French colony in, under 
 Albert de la Pierria, xciv; misman¬ 
 agement and sufferings of the first 
 colonists, ci; second colony under 
 the command of Laudonniere, cv; 
 destroyed by the Spaniards, cviii ; 
 natives of, their evidence in favour 
 of the north-west passage, 11 ; dis¬ 
 covery of, by J. Ribault, 91, 97 ; 
 description of the country, its inha¬ 
 bitants and produce, 98 
 Fracastoro (Girolamo), works, xlv ; 
 birth, etc., 3 
 
 Frisland, discovery of the island of, 72 
 Frobisher (Sir Martin), 6 ; made three 
 voyages in search of the north-west 
 passage, 12 
 
 G. 
 
 Gabot, see Cabot 
 
 Gaetano (Juan), works, lix, 5 
 
 Gaeton (John), sec Gaetano 
 Galvam (Antonio), works, lxi; birth, 
 etc., 6 ; his “ Tratado”, published in 
 English by Hakluyt, xxxi 
 Galvano (Francis) see Galvam 
 Gama (Vasco da), works, lvii ; birth, 
 etc. 5 ; doubles the Cape of Good 
 Hope in 1497, and arrives at Cali¬ 
 cut in 1498, 42 
 
 Gemma, Frisius, see Gemma (R.) 
 Gemma (Reinerus), works, xlv; birth, 
 etc. 3 
 
 Geography, names of writers on, 3, 4 
 Gilbert (Sir Humphrey), works, 1. ; 
 birth, etc. 4, 6 
 
 Giunti (Tommaso), xlviii ; birth, etc. 3 
 Gonsalva (Gil) said to have sought a 
 passage by the north-west, lxiv, 11 
 
 Gonzalez de Mendoza, (-), History 
 
 of China translated by Parke, xxix 
 Good Hope, Cape of, doubled for the 
 first time by Bartholomeu Diaz in 
 1487, 42 
 
 Grafton (Richard), extract from his 
 chronicle, relating to the voyage of 
 discovery by two ships in 1527, 54 
 Guicciardini (Giovanni Batista), works, 
 xlvi; birth, etc. 3 
 
 H. 
 
 Haithonus, see Hatto 
 Hakluyt, Family of; account of, ii-iv 
 Hakluyt. (Richard), birth and educa¬ 
 tion, iv ; circumstance which led him 
 to study Geography, v; his desire 
 to procure the establishment of a lec¬ 
 ture on navigation, vii ; addresses 
 the Lord Admiral Howard on the 
 subject, vii; letter to Sir Francis 
 Walsingham principally upon the 
 same subject, viii; proposal to him 
 to accompany Sir Humphrey Gilbert 
 in his voyage to Newfoundland in 
 1583, ix ; second letter to Sir F. 
 Walsingham, xi; appointed chaplain 
 to Sir Edward Stafford, ambassador 
 to the Court of France, xiii; made 
 a prebendary of Bristol, xiii; one of 
 those to whom Sir Walter Raleigh 
 assigned his letters patent for dis¬ 
 coveries in heathen lands, xiv ; in¬ 
 stituted to the rectory of Wettering- 
 set-cum-Blochford, in Suffolk, xiv; 
 his marriage, xiv ; chief promoter of 
 a petition to King James for a char¬ 
 ter for the colonization of Virginia, 
 xiv ; death, xv ; his anxiety to pro¬ 
 mote geographical discovery, xvi ; 
 his exertions to procure information, 
 xvii; encouraged by Sir F. Wal- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 3 
 
 singham to continue his labours, 
 xvii; his first work, the “Divers 
 V oyages”, xviii; induces Basanier 
 to edit the voyages of Ribault and 
 others to Florida, and also pub¬ 
 lishes an English translation of the 
 work, xix ; publishes an edition of 
 Peter Martyr Anghiera’s work, De 
 orbe novo, xx ; publishes his “ Prin¬ 
 cipal Navigations.of the Eng¬ 
 
 lish Nation”, etc.xxii-xxviii; induces 
 Pory to publish a translation of the 
 History of Africa by Leo Africanus, 
 xxix ; induces Parke to publish a 
 translation of the History of China, 
 from the Spanish of Gonzalez de 
 Mendoza, xxix; induces P. Eron- 
 delle to publish a translation of part 
 of Lescarbot’s Histoire de la nouvelle 
 France, xxx ; publishes an English 
 translation of a work by A. Galvam, 
 xxxi; translates F. de Souto’s Dis¬ 
 coveries in Florida, xxxii; a promon¬ 
 tory on the continent of Greenland 
 named after him, xxxiv ; a river dis¬ 
 covered in a voyage to Pechora 
 named after him, ib. ; description of 
 his “ Divers Voyages,” xxxvi etseq 
 Will. 145 ; note of the chief places 
 where spices grow in the East In¬ 
 dies, 151 ; of the several prices of 
 precious stones and spices, 158 ; 
 good merchandize to bring from the 
 East Indies into Spain, 160 ; note of 
 commodities in good request in the 
 East Indies, the Moluccas, and China, 
 166 
 
 Hall (E.), extract from his chronicle re¬ 
 lating to the voyage of discovery by 
 two ships in 1527, 54 
 Harton, see Hatto 
 Hatto, works, liii; birth, etc. 5 
 Hayto, see Hatto 
 
 Henry VII., king of England, letters 
 patent granted by him to John Cabot 
 and his three sons, lxxi, 19 ; letters 
 patent granted to Richard Warde 
 and others, lxxiii ; also to Hugh 
 Elyot and others, lxxxv 
 Hernandez de Oviedo y Valdez (Gon- 
 salvo), works, xlv ; birth, etc. 3 
 Heyes (Edward), works, lxiii, 6 
 Hudson’s straits, discovered by Gaspar 
 Cortereal, and by the ship said to 
 have been sent out by Anus Cor¬ 
 tereal, 7 
 
 I. J. 
 
 Jackman (Charles), 6 
 Icaria, discovery of, 72, 85 
 
 Iceland, discovery of, 72 
 Jenkinson (Anthony), works, lxii, 6 
 Jordan, river, 112 
 
 K. 
 
 Krantz (Albert), works, xliv ; birth, 
 etc. 3 
 
 L. 
 
 La Pierria (Albert de), remains in Flo¬ 
 rida at the head of [28] thirty settlers 
 left there by Ribault, c, 114 ; explores 
 the country and endeavours to conci¬ 
 liate the natives, ci; is put to death 
 by his companions, cii. 
 
 Laudonniere (-), sails to Florida in 
 
 command of three ships, with emi¬ 
 grants, cv ; erects a fort named Ca¬ 
 roline, on the river St. John, ib. ; 
 relieved by Ribault when about to 
 abandon the colony in despair, cvii ; 
 colony destroyed by the Spaniards, 
 cviii 
 
 Lee (Edward), account of, 33 
 Leo, Africanus, History of Africa, trans¬ 
 lated by J. Pory, xxix 
 Lescarbot (M.) Histoire de la Nouvelle 
 France, translated by Erondelle, xxx 
 Letters patent, granted by the sove¬ 
 reigns of England for the discovery 
 and planting of unknown lands, lxxi 
 Lock (Michael) translation of Hakluyt’s 
 edition of Peter Martyr Anghiera’s 
 work, De Orbe Novo, xxi ; autobio¬ 
 graphical account of, xc 
 Longitude, adopted by Ptolemy, and 
 by different countries, 37 
 Lucar (Cyprian), 54 
 Lucar (Emanuel), 54 
 
 M. 
 
 Magalhaens (Fernando de), works, lviii, 5 
 Magalianes (Fernandas), see Magalhaens 
 Mandeville (Sir John), works, xliii ; 
 birth, etc. 3 
 
 Martyr (Peter), see Anghiera 
 Mary of Guildford, voyage of discovery 
 to the north, 54 
 May, river, discovered, 98 
 Medina (Pedro de), works, 14 
 Mendoza (Antonio de), works, xlvi ; 
 birth, etc. 3 
 
 Mercator (Gerard), works, xlvi; birth, 
 etc. 3; opinion in favour of the ex¬ 
 istence of the north-west passage, 13 
 Meridian, see Longitude 
 Munster (Sebastian), works, xlviii; birth, 
 etc. 3 
 
4 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 N. 
 
 Navigation, study of, recommended, 
 14 ; Reader in the art of, appointed 
 by the Emperor Charles V, ib.; Im¬ 
 portance of founding a lectureship 
 on, in London, 16 ; mariners igno¬ 
 rant of navigation in the sixteenth 
 century and at the present day, ib. 
 Ni<ja (Marcos de), discovers Sibola, 102 
 Nolle (Antonio), discovers the Cape 
 Yerde Islands, 45 
 
 North-west passage, probability and 
 advantages of, 7, 11, 24, 29, 35, 48. 
 Norumbega, origin of the name, 57 
 Notes given to Pette and Jackman, 
 sent out by the Muscovy Company 
 for the discovery of the north-east 
 passage, 116 ; notes to he given to 
 one that prepared for a discovery, 
 132 ; notes of certain commodities 
 in good request in the East Indies, 
 the Moluccas, and China, 166 
 
 O . 
 
 Ortel (Abram), works, xlix ; birth, 
 etc., 4 
 
 Osorio (Jeronimo), works, xlix ; birth, 
 etc., 4 
 
 Oviedo y Valdez (Gonsalvo Hernan¬ 
 dez de), see Hernandez 
 
 P. 
 
 Parke (R.), Translation of the History 
 of China from the Spanish of Gon ¬ 
 zalez de Mendoza, xxix 
 Paulus (Marcus), see Polo 
 Pearls, prices of, 159, 161, 163, 164, 
 165 
 
 Pet (Arthur), 6 
 
 Philippine Islands, discovery of, 33 ; 
 precious stones and metals, etc., 
 found there, ib. 
 
 Pierria (Albert de la), see La Pierria 
 Pinzon (Vicente Yaiiez), discovered 
 Brazil in 1499, 9 
 
 Polo (Marco), works, lii; birth, etc., 5 
 Pomi Appii, description of, 67 
 Portugal, grants to, by different popes, 
 of all discoveries from Cape Bojador 
 to the East Indies, 42 ; the world 
 divided between Portugal and Spain, 
 44 ; all discoveries within 370 
 leagues west from the Cape Verde 
 Islands secured to Portugal, ib.; 
 commissioners appointed by Spain 
 and Portugal to settle the line of 
 demarcation for these 370 leagues, 47 
 Pory (John), Translation of the History 
 
 of Africa, written by Leo Afficanus, 
 xxix 
 
 R. 
 
 Ramusio (Giovanni Batista), works, 
 xlvii ; birth, etc., ib.; extract from, 
 respecting S. Cabot, 24 
 Ribault (Jean), 6 ; title of first edition 
 of his work in English, 17 ; speech 
 to the first settlers in Florida, xcvii; 
 second voyage to Florida in 15 65, cvii. 
 Sails against the Spaniards who had 
 arrived on the coast, cvii; is ship¬ 
 wrecked, cix ; he and 350 of his 
 men surrender, and are murdered 
 by the Spaniards, cix ; voyage of 
 discovery to the east coast of North 
 America, 91 ; arrives on the coast 
 of Florida, 97 ; enters the River 
 May, or St; John’s River, and com¬ 
 municates with the inhabitants on 
 both banks, 98, 101 ; inhabitants 
 described, 100 ; productions of the 
 country, 101, 104, 109 ; examines 
 the coast northwards, 107 ; disco¬ 
 vers several rivers, 108 ; builds a 
 fort named Charlesfort, on a river 
 called Chenoncean, and leaves thirty 
 men there under the command of 
 Captain Albert de la Pierria, 113 
 Rochester, twenty men hung in, at one 
 time, 8 
 
 Rubies, prices of, 159, 161, 162, 164, 
 165 
 
 S. 
 
 Saguinay, natives of, their evidence as 
 to the existence of the north-west 
 passage, 11 
 
 Sampson, voyage of discovery of the 
 ship Sampson to the north, 54 
 Savage men, three brought home, 23 
 Sclavonia, district formerly comprised 
 within this term, 40 
 Settle (Dionysius), works, li, 4 
 Seyne, river, discovered, 108 
 Sibola, described, 102 
 Sidney (Sir Philip), interest taken by 
 him in maritime discovery, lxvi; 
 takes an assignment of part of the 
 interest of Sir Humphrey Gilbert 
 under the letters patent granted to 
 him in 1578, lxvii 
 Somme, river, discovered, 109 
 Souto (Fernando de), discoveries in 
 Florida, translated by Hakluyt, xxxii 
 Spain, grant to, by Pope Alexander 
 VI, in 1493, of the western hemi¬ 
 sphere, 42 ; the world divided be- 
 
INDEX, 
 
 5 
 
 tween Portugal and Spain, 44 ; good 
 merchandize to bring from the East 
 Indies into, 160 
 
 Spice Islands, placed in different de¬ 
 grees of longitude by the Spaniards 
 and Portuguese, 41 ; dispute be¬ 
 tween Spain and Portugal respect¬ 
 ing, 41, 44 ; may be reached by the 
 north-west passage, 35, 48 
 
 Spices, chief places where they grow 
 in the East Indies, 151 
 
 Stowe (John), extracts from his An¬ 
 nals, 23 
 
 T. 
 
 Thevet (Andre), works, 1; birth, etc., 
 4, 6 
 
 Thorne (M.), 5 
 
 Thorne (Robert), Declaration of the 
 Indies, 27 ; reasons for attempting 
 the north-west passage, 29 ; book to 
 Dr. Ley, 33 ; explanation of his map, 
 36 
 
 Tordesillas, capitulation of, securing to 
 Portugal all discoveries within three 
 hundred and seventy leagues west 
 from the Cape Verde Islands, 44 ; 
 efforts to carry the capitulation into 
 effect, 47 
 
 Transportation, first adopted, in mo¬ 
 dern times, by the Portuguese and 
 Spaniards, 10 ; when introduced into 
 the penal code of England, ib. 
 
 Travellers, names of, 5, 6 
 
 V. 
 
 Valdez (Gonsalvo Hernandez de Oviedo 
 y), see Hernandez. 
 
 Vasques de Coronado (Francis), works, 
 lix, 5 
 
 Verazzani (Giovanni), observations on 
 his voyage, lxxxviii ; manuscript 
 account of liis voyage, xcii; sets out 
 a north-west passage in his map, 11 ; 
 relation of his voyage of discovery, 
 55 ; departs from one of the De- 
 zertas, ib. ; discovers land, in the 
 neighbourhood of Charleston, or of 
 the Savannah, 56 ; manners and 
 customs of the natives, ib.; descrip¬ 
 tion of the country and its animals, 
 58 ; sails northward to what is sup¬ 
 posed to be George Town and Long 
 Bay, 58 ; sends a young man on 
 shore, probably about Raleigh Bay, 
 with presents, who is thrown on the 
 beach by the violence of the surf, 
 and stunned, but kindly treated by 
 the natives, 60 ; sends twenty men 
 
 ashore, about lat. 38 degrees, who 
 examine the country, and endeavour 
 to bring off a young woman and 
 child, but are obliged to content 
 themselves with the child, 61 ; de¬ 
 scription of the boats of the natives, 
 and mode of construction, 62 ; vines 
 grow naturally here, ib. ; sails one 
 hundred leagues further, and arrives 
 at what is supposed to be the mouth 
 of the Hudson, 63 ; enters the river, 
 ib. ; sails fifty leagues further, and 
 discovers Claudia Island, ib. ; this 
 island supposed to be Martha’s Vine¬ 
 yard, 64 ; sails fifteen leagues fur¬ 
 ther, and arrives at what is supposed 
 to be Narraganset Bay, 64 ; asso¬ 
 ciates with the natives, ib.; descrip¬ 
 tion of them, and of their manners 
 and customs, 65, 68 ; have copper, 
 which they esteem more than gold, 
 65 ; would not allow their women 
 to go on board the ship, 66 ; de¬ 
 scription of the country and its pro¬ 
 ductions, 67 ; leaves this coast, and 
 sails one hundred and fifty leagues 
 further, to about Portsmouth, in 
 New Hampshire, or the southern 
 part of Maine, 69 ; finds the natives 
 fierce and discourteous, ib. ; sails 
 along the coast for fifty leagues, and 
 discovers thirty-two islands, sup¬ 
 posed to be Penobscot Bay, 71 ; 
 sails north-east for one hundred and 
 fifty leagues, and approaches New¬ 
 foundland, at which point he deter¬ 
 mines to return to France, ib.; time 
 and manner of his death not known, 
 93 ; Mr. Biddle’s hypothesis concern¬ 
 ing it, ib. 
 
 Vespucci (Amerigo) made the first set¬ 
 tlement in Brazil in 1503, 9 
 
 Virginia, the first British penal settle¬ 
 ment, 10 
 
 / 
 
 W. 
 
 Ward (Luke), works, lxiii, 6 
 
 Willoughby (Sir Hugh), works, lx, 6 
 
 Worthington (William), account of, 26 
 
 X. 
 
 Xavier (Francois), works, lix ; birth, 
 etc., 6 
 
 Z. 
 
 Zahrtman (C. C.), remarks on the 
 alleged voyages of N. and A. Zeno, 
 xciii. 
 
0 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Zeni, family of, genealogy, 72 
 Zeno (Antonio), joins his brother Nicold 
 in Frisland, 76 ; his letter, giving 
 an account of the discovery of Esto- 
 tiland, 81 ; sails, with Zichmm, for 
 Estotiland, discovers Icaria and En- 
 groveland, 85 
 
 Zeno (Nicold) sails from Venice in the 
 year 1380, 73 ; cast away, in a storm, 
 upon the Island of Frisland, ib. ; 
 attacked by the natives, but pro¬ 
 tected by Zichmni, duke of Sorani, 
 
 74 ; Zichmni sends him on board his 
 fleet, and takes him into his service, 
 
 75 ; made captain of Zichmni’s navy, 
 
 and attacks Estlande, 76; left in 
 command of the Island of Bres, 77 ; 
 sails to Engroveland, where he finds 
 a monastery of Friars Preachers, 77 ; 
 death, 81 
 
 Zeno (Nicolo and Antonio), observa¬ 
 tions on their voyages, xcii 
 
 Zichmni, saves Nicold Zeno from the 
 natives of Frisland, 74 ; conquers 
 Frisland, 75 ; attacks Iceland, and 
 Talas, Broas, Iscant, Trans, Minant, 
 Dambere, and Bres, 77 ; expedition 
 towards Estotiland, and discovers 
 Icaria and Engroveland, in which 
 latter place he builds a city, 85 
 
. 
 
 
 

 
 
 
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