\ 5 4 - ^ Lc n. [Front Mind. Vol. IV. Ho. 13.] IV.—THE RELATION OF ATTENTION TO MEMORY. By W. G. Smith. •I* J It is obvious to every one that there are endless degrees of certainty and security in the knowledge which we have ac¬ quired, whether it be practical or scientific. Some things we cannot help recollecting: other things pertinaciously refuse to be recalled, or they come into our consciousness only after great effort. If we try to give an account of the reasons why some given fact or experience has impressed itself on our memory, we find ourselves at once able to name a large number of factors which may have had some share in bringing about the result. Our memory may be distinct and ready because our interest was aroused when the fact first became known to us. We may have given special attention to the fact apart from its emotional character, or we may have had it presented to us in a specially vivid and intense form. It seems plain also that the power of recollecting will depend in part on the general physiological condition of the individual, on the degree of his health or strength, at the time when he first acquires his knowledge as well as at the time when he attempts to reproduce it. Some of the factors which condition memory have already been the subject of important researches. One problem among others of which Ebbinghaus 1 has given the solution, has been that of ascertaining what effect the lapse of time since learning series of meaningless syllables has upon the ability subsequently to reproduce such series. A similar though much simpler problem has been studied by Wolfe 2 in his investigation re¬ garding the duration of our memory for musical tones. Recently Muller and Schumann 3 have studied the effects of rhythm and other modifications of the internal relations between the syllables in series like those used by Ebbinghaus. Evidently it is to such investigations as those, carried out according to 1 Uber das Gedachtnis. 2 Philosophische Studien , in. p. 354. 3 Zeitschrift fur Psychologie und Physiologie der Sinnesorgane, vi. p. 80. b40903 48 W. G. SMITH: the experimental method, that we must look for definite and exact information regarding the conditions of memory and the actual processes involved in its working. One of the elements in memory of whose efficiency we are sure, but whose exact function has not yet been studied, is that of Attention. It is this problem, the relation of Attention to our power of associating and recollecting objects presented to con¬ sciousness, that is dealt with in the following investigation. It was in the course of experimental work dealing with the subject of Mediate Association 1 that its importance and the need of a separate study of the problem became evident. My aim has been to isolate this factor and shew what is the effect when a subject or observer submits himself for the purposes of experiment to conditions which bring about various forms of distraction. I arranged and began the series of experiments which are here described in the Leipzig Institute for Experi¬ mental Psychology in the summer of 1893: they have been carried on since in the Physiological Laboratory, Oxford, in the summer of 1894 2 . To all those who have assisted, whether as reagents or in giving advice and help, I wish to express my heartiest thanks. The method employed by Ebbinghaus of repeating aloud series of meaningless syllables till they could be said by heart seemed inapplicable to the present problem. If it is difficult to keep a given state of attention constant for short intervals, the difficulty could only be heightened by the increase in the length of time required for learning when the attention is distracted. And if the object be to isolate the process of attending from the other processes which normally enter into the act of memorising, then we must have some means for analysing the complex elements involved in such a mode of memorising as that adopted by Ebbinghaus. On the other hand the method employed by Munsterberg in his investigation Die Association successiver Vorstellungen 3 , and elsewhere, seemed capable of being used for the purpose of this investigation. The principle of this method consists in presenting the subject matter which the reagent has to commit to memory in such a way that he acquires a certain knowledge of it; by noting the number and kind of errors committed in the attempt to reproduce what has been learned one obtains a measure of 1 This Journal, in. N.S., p. 289. 2 A paper describing these experiments was read before the Physio¬ logical Section of the British Association for the Advancement of Science at the Oxford meeting, 1894. 3 Zeitschr. f. Psych, i. p. 99. Cf. Beitrdge zur experimentellen Psy¬ chologic, Heft iv. p. 121. THE RELATION OF ATTENTION TO MEMORY. 49 the strength and accuracy of the associations which have been formed. Obviously, if the conditions under which the subject matter is presented remain constant, the total of errors commit¬ ted ought to remain fairly constant; there seems theoretically no reason why the process of learning should be carried to the point where the memory becomes perfect. The method employed in the following experiments is in principle the same as that initiated by Munsterberg: in detail however there are many variations. Letters of the alphabet, presented in such a way that disturbing ideas and associations should not readily be sug¬ gested, formed the subject matter which the reagent had to commit to memory. They furnish a convenient and easily variable material, and though objections, which will afterwards be referred to, may be made to their use, yet practically it was found that they were sufficient for the purpose in hand. After a considerable number of experiments involving a trial of various modifications, the following method was adopted and with slight changes employed in all the experiments whose results appear in the Tables. Twelve letters arranged in three lines, one above the other, were written on a card 1 : the card was placed on a stand so that the subject who sat close by could read the letters with perfect ease. Previous to the actual experiment the part of the room where the reagent sat was in darkness; by a suitable arrangement the person in charge of the experiments could illuminate the card for any desired length of time 2 . The time chosen for exposure was ten seconds; at the close of this interval, or in the later experiments after a pause of approximately two seconds, the subject was required to repeat as much as he could remember of what he had learned while the card was visible: this together with his remarks was then recorded. Perhaps the greatest difficulty in the investigation lay in the arranging of conditions which would secure variation of attention without involving any too complicated mental activity on the part of the subject. The forms of distraction used must be simple and must at the same time have a distinct and appreciable effect. In various researches dealing with the 1 A copy of one of the cards taken at random may be given:— b f 1 g s w k r t x m d 2 In the first experiments the light was furnished by a small incan¬ descent electric lamp : later this was replaced by an ordinary gas-burner the supply of which could be regulated at will. During the actual experiment the reagent was completely screened off from the person conducting the experiments. M. 4 50 W. G. SMITH: relation of attention to reaction-time, the distraction has been brought about by different kinds of sensory impression, such as the playing of music, the beating of a metronome, or successive flashes of light. It is plain however that such a means of producing inattention would be of little use here: the conflict between a series of sense-presentations and the somewhat en¬ grossing activity involved in learning a combination of letters would be too one-sided and unequal. In one group of ex¬ periments a metronome was kept beating while the experiment was going on; the subjects however remarked that they did not notice the sounds at all while learning. It was suggested that by requiring the subject to introduce into the regular beating of a metronome which was set agoing beside him rhythms of varying complexity, one could obtain distinct and simple forms of distraction. As however no definite or constant result was obtained by this method, it was aban¬ doned for the one which was employed in all the experiments which are summarised in the Tables. According to it the activity involved in memorising is interfered with by another form of activity. A distinct but not too complicated device for securing what one may call mental distraction consisted in requiring the subject, while learning the letters on the card, to perform a simple sum in addition, viz., that involved in repeating the series 2, 4, 6, 8,... or rarely, when the former series tended to become too mechanically easy, the series 3, 6, 9.... In order that an effective control over the behaviour of the subject might be secured, he was required further to repeat the numbers aloud and to make each step in the addition coincide with the stroke of a metronome beating at the rate of 60—70 strokes per minute. In order to compare the results of this form of distraction with those gained when the vocal organ was exercised, but the mental activity implied was relatively small, the subject was required in the experiments of the next group 1 to repeat with each stroke of the metronome a simple syllable such as la. The distraction caused by speaking was next compared with that caused by employment of another set of muscles, viz., those employed in tapping the table with the forefinger, each tap coinciding with a beat of the metronome. Lastly experiments were made in order to gain a normal result 1 In order to facilitate reference to the different sets of experiments, all those involving one special form of distraction are taken together and referred to as a group. The groups are given here in the order in which they appear in the various Tables. Speaking generally, we may say that in group I. the distraction was mental, in group II. vocal, in group in. muscular. THE RELATION OF ATTENTION TO MEMORY. 51 and see the value of reading alone without any distraction save that caused by the fact that the metronome continued to beat. The order in which the distractions were introduced was varied, but they were always arranged so that before any one of the four variations could recur, the other three had been tried. The rate of the metronome was kept constant for each set of four experiments, and in each hour the total number of successful ex¬ periments numbered four or a multiple of four. When owing to any cause an experiment did not succeed, further experiments were made until an even number was reached: in this way there was some guarantee that conditions favourable or un¬ favourable to the memory would affect all groups equally. No attempt was made to keep the interval between the ex¬ periments constant; such a constancy seems by no means so necessary with this method as it is when an engrossing and wearying effort has to be kept up for a prolonged interval. In any case the work of recording the observations of the reagent makes such constancy very difficult. No system was used in choosing the cards for the experiments; it could only be rarely and by accident that different individuals had to memorise the same combinations of letters in the same groups. Not more than twice or thrice in all the experiments was the same card used over again with any one individual. There are two methods by which one can numerically estimate the value of the answers given by the subjects. The method of summing errors has already been referred to. The other method consists in estimating the value of what has been actually given, instead of paying attention only to what has not been given or has been given wrongly. Each takes expressly into account what the other has neglected: with a sufficiently large number of experiments the two methods ought to give similar results. The first or negative method of estimation does not resemble any procedure employed in practical life: the second or positive method, on the other hand, relies on the principle of positive valuation commonly employed in esti¬ mating the answers given in examinations. In dealing with the errors according to the negative method the following classification was adopted. The first class (o) con¬ sists of cases in which a letter is omitted which was written on the card, the second ( i ) of all cases in which a letter is inserted which ought not to be present, whether that letter was not on the card, or though upon the card is wrongly given a second time. In the third class ( d ) are included errors due to dis¬ placement or disorder, whether that is owing to reproduction in partly wrong order, or to complete ignorance of the position. Each error has the same weight attached to it and counts 1; 4—2 52 W. G. SMITH : the total number of errors gives a basis for estimating the work of the memory in any instance. The arrangement of values according to the positive method was more difficult; one is liable indeed to the charge of arbitrariness in affixing any kind of value. The following classification however seems based on a natural and definite principle of division. The letters which were reproduced were arranged in three classes: (1) the letter named is given in an entirely wrong position, or its position is quite unknown: (2) the subject has a certain imperfect knowledge of the position and order; the letter is put in the right line, or in its correct place in a group of letters which is in a wrong position: (3) when everything is right as regards the letter, full value is given. Corresponding to the three degrees of correct¬ ness, three values are assigned; to the letters of the first class is given the value 1, to the third the value 3; the letters of the second class receive the intermediate value 2. A perfectly correct answer then would receive 36 marks; according as the answer is more or less incomplete the total value varies. A more complicated system of valuation, which differentiated more exactly between the different kinds of displacement or disorder included in the second class, was employed in the first estima¬ tion of the results. A special value, for example, was given where the order was simply reversed: then, however, the question arises, what is to be done with a case of reversed order inserted in the wrong line ? All such complications are avoided by the division given above, which is based on a perfectly simple principle. As a matter of fact the results gained by the two systems agree in all essential points. It happened not unfrequently in the earlier experiments that an individual gave several letters in a line without in¬ dicating whether he had any recollection of their position in the line. After some hesitation I decided to regard this lack of positive information as equivalent to uncertainty on the part of the subject as to the actual position of the letters. When a letter was wrongly inserted or repeated, it was simply dis¬ regarded ; in the case of repetition the benefit of the doubt was given, and that letter taken into account which approached most closely to the correct position. It may be said that according to this procedure an essential feature in the answer is unjustifiably neglected. It is plain, however, that if the method of positive valuation is to keep strictly to its principle of recognising what is actually correct in the answer, cases of insertion cannot properly be taken into account. In fact, as will be seen from an inspection of Table III. which gives an analysis of the errors in each group, these cases form a pretty THE RELATION OF ATTENTION TO MEMORY. 53 constant, and in most cases relatively unimportant element in the total of errors. It is however easy to subtract from the mean totals in Table IV. the average errors of insertion: the result, it may be remarked, is either to remove or lessen the discrepancies which exist between the two Tables. As was before remarked, the reproduction by the subject of what he recollected followed in the earlier experiments imme¬ diately after the illumination of the card ceased. The result of this arrangement often was that the subject, fearful lest all should disappear, tried to give with a rush what was in his consciousness at the moment, or seemed in perfect readiness for being reproduced. As this tended in some measure to defeat the purpose of the experiments by reducing the part played by memory, the mode of reproduction was changed. Accordingly, in the second division of the experiments the subject was required to give what he remembered at a signal which followed two seconds later. This, it is plain, introduces a new and disturbing factor, for the question at once arises; what is being done in the two seconds ? In order to prevent further repeating and memorising during this pause the subjects were directed to continue the activity which had during the time of exposure served as a means of distraction. It may be objected that the original inequality of these activities as regards their ease of execution would interfere here and cause varying loss of memory during the pause: this must be ad¬ mitted, especially since in the last group there was no distraction. But it must be pointed out that this inequality, so far as our knowledge goes, would have its effect not through varying difficulty, but mainly through the varying completeness with which the field of consciousness was occupied by the activity. The amount of work we do in the interval between learning a task and reproducing what we have learned may have an effect on memory, but this factor, so far as I know, has never been directly taken into account and experimentally studied. Had a new and uniform mode of occupying conscious¬ ness been employed in the pause, there would still have been possibilities of error: the reagent must suddenly recollect and start upon something new, an effort whose difficulty would vary according to the difficulty of the preceding effort. It has not seemed necessary to give in separate tables the results of the experiments involving the two different methods of reproduction. On calculating the results separately it was found that the difference between the two sets of results was not great or important. There are variations of course, not merely in the absolute totals but also, though seldom, in the relative positions assigned to the groups in the two divisions. 54 W. G. SMITH : But these variations seem to be of the same nature and extent as those which were found when each half of the experiments, furnished by the first three reagents mentioned in Tables II. III. and IV. was calculated separately for each individual. That no constant and appreciable factor is neglected by presenting the results together can be definitely shewn. The following Table gives the mean of the average values assigned to the subjects in the first (A) and in the second (B) division of the experi¬ ments. The upper line in each division gives the results obtained by the negative, the lower those given by the positive method. The numerals in the first horizontal column designate the groups in the way already mentioned; the total number of experiments in each group, except the third, is for the first division 29. The third group was started later and includes 19 separate results. In the second division, owing to a slight irregularity in arrangement, the numbers differ slightly for the different groups; in the first there are 33, in the second and third 34, and in the fourth 33 experiments. Table I. I II III IV A io-o 11*9 9-5 15*3 8-2 16-4 7*55 21*4 B 10T 11*3 8-5 156 8*0 176 7*4 21*3 This Table, it ought to be remarked, contains the results of experiments made with the last six subjects whose experiments are given in the succeeding Tables. The experiments made with Wh., A. and B., the first three subjects, all involve a pause of two seconds after memorising; they differ however as regards the way in which this pause was employed. Wh. did nothing during the two seconds, being directed to remain perfectly passive; A. in many cases forgot to carry on the activity which had served as a means of distracting, but did not attempt actively to memorise. B. on the other hand fulfilled the directions with much greater exactness. The resemblance of the results gained under the various conditions gives ground for believing that the relative values assigned to the groups represent constant and definite processes, and that the slight modifications in method do not in any appreciable degree THE RELATION OF ATTENTION TO MEMORY. 55 interfere with the main variations which it was the purpose of the experiments to study. In Table II., which is given below, the results are analysed according to the first or negative method. The first vertical column contains the letters which have been used to designate the different subjects. Under N is given the number of experiments made by the subject in each of the four groups: the total number of his separate results is thus got through multiplying this number by 4 1 . The character of the various groups has already been described. Under a is given the average value of each experiment; under mv the mean variation of each actual experiment from the average, this figure being got by adding together all the amounts by which each separate result differs from the average, and then finding their mean. Under r is given the probable error of the average a , calculated according / %v 2 to the formula r = 0’6745 ^, 'tv 2 being the sum of the squares of the amounts by which each result differs from the average, and n the number of results concerned. In Table III. is given the average number of errors of each reagent in the three classes (o, i, d,) already described. Table II. I II III IV N a mv r a mv r a mv r a mv r Wh. 24 8*8 2-5 0*37 8‘5 1-75 0-31 7-7 1*8 0-35 7-0 17 0-28 A. 19 8-3 1-3 0-31 7 3 1-8 0*35 6*7 1-7 033 6*8 1*5 0-29 B. 22 10T 1*5 0-28 8-9 1-2 0-31 7-9 2-0 0-38 8-5 2-2 0*41 He. 15 93 1-2 0-25 7*7 2-5 0*49 7*4 2-8 0-66 8*7 1-7 0*40 W. 15 9-9 1*4 0-31 9T 2-0 0-46 8*2 1-6 0-40 7-4 1*8 0-40 G. 10 11-6 2-1 0*54 11-7 2-6 0-59 10-6 2-5 0-79 8-8 2-0) 0-53 M. 7 8*6 0-9 0-29 8*4 1-0 035 5-7 2-5 0-77 4-4 1-6 0-59 K. 8 11T 2T 0*68 8-75 0-85 0-36 8-75 1-0 033 7-4 1-6 0-52 H. 7 9-4 1*5 035 7-8 1*4 0-58 8-6 1-6 0-53 8-0 1-1 0*39 1 The deviations from this rule are so few that they are best given in a note. The following corrections should be applied in Tables II. and IV.:— the number of experiments made by He. W. G. in Group III. should be 11, 10, 8, respectively instead of 15, 15, 10, and by G. in Group II. 11 instead of 10. 56 W. G. SMITH : Table III. I II III IV 0 i d 0 i d 0 i d 0 i d Wh. 5-8 0*9 2T 5-2 1-0 23 4-4 IT 2-2 4*2 0-9 1*9 A. 5*7 0-9 1-7 4-5 1*2 1*6 3-8 IT 1*8 39 IT 1-8 B. 43 1-9 39 4*0 1-2 37 3-7 1-4 2-8 3 05 2T5 33 He. 7-7 0-2 1*4 5-9 0*5 1*3 5-2 IT IT 4-65 1*65 2-4 W. 6*9 0-9 2T 5-9 IT 2T 5T IT 2-0 4*0 0*8 2-6 G. 5-6 2-9 3T 5-0 32 3*5 4-0 2*7 39 3*5 2T 32 M. 7*6 0T 0*9 6-4 0*7 1*3 33 1-0 1*4 1-7 1-6 IT K. 5-9 1-2 4*0 4-0 0-9 385 4-5 0-9 335 2*5 1*5 34 H. 8*3 0-55 0-55 6-7 0T 1-0 7-6 0-3 0-7 40 0-4 36 In Table IV. are given the figures representing the values of the different groups when the results are analysed according to the positive method. The Table is constructed on the same plan as the second. The amounts assigned according to the three degrees of value assumed by the positive method have not been summed up separately 1 . Table IV. I H III IV N a mv r a mv r a mv r a mv r Wh. 24 15-0 3*6 0-62 16*8 3*2 0-55 19-2 4-0 0*72 20*0 2-9 0-49 A. 19 15-8 34 0-68 19-8 38 0*76 21-4 43 0-77 21*2 32 0-58 B. 22 15-9 2-9 0-53 18T 40 073 20-4 3T 0-57 27*2 33 0*64 He. 15 11-0 1-6 0-34 16-5 5*9 1T7 18T 4*8 1*23 17-9 2*9 0-63 W. 15 11-6 2-5 0-55 14*2 33 0-75 17*4 38 1-04 19*9 39 0-94 G. 10 13*4 4-4 I'll 14*5 38 0-95 18T 2-85 0-82 20-6 2-8 0-88 M. 7 12-0 2-0 0-67 14-7 23 0*77 23 3 6*4 1-97 28-6 32 1T4 K. 8 11*5 34 1-06 17T 2-9 0-89 159 2'1 0-68 22-0 35 1-05! H. 7 10-3 2-2 0*76 14-6 3-4 1-35 12-3 3*2 0-93 19-7 1-8 0*56 j 1 It may not be amiss to give the figures representing the average result for all the subjects in each group : they present a sort of typical curve. The numbers in the upper and lower lines give the results of the negative and positive analysis respectively. I. 9-7 II. 8*7 III. 7-95 12-9 16-3 18-5 IV. 7-4 21-2 THE RELATION OF ATTENTION TO MEMORY. 57 Before going on to discuss the theoretical value and meaning of the numerical results given in the Tables, I wish to refer shortly to the question how far the methods of experimenting and handling the results are trustworthy. One can judge best of such matters by presenting data such as we have in the foregoing tables. The question, for example, whether com¬ binations of letters of the alphabet will not, when used as subject matter for memorising, give results too uncertain and variable to allow of any conclusion as to the actual processes of association and memory, receives its answer in the foregoing numerical analysis. It is difficult to see how the regularity and constancy of the numerical values can be explained if the method be unreliable. To say that in a single experiment any one letter or combination of letters reproduced may be due to accident is true; to conclude that therefore the same error attaches to prolonged series of experiments is not justified. Nor does the fact that the same letters are employed more or less often during the course of an hour create a difficulty: the combinations of letters employed are thoroughly uninteresting, and have no tendency to remain fixed in memory after a particular experiment has been finished. In any case the possible errors arising from this cause will obviously distribute themselves over all the groups, and disappear as the number of experiments increases. This last observation applies equally when we consider the errors due to slight variations in the time of exposure, in the length of the pause, in the rapidity with which the subjects react to the signal for reproduction in the various cases. That different combinations of letters will be learned with varying ease or difficulty is also a feature which necessitates having a fairly large number of observations. Two practical sources of error remain to be mentioned: first, the tendency to form intelligible words out of the letters presented; second, the irregularity with which the distracting activities were carried on during the time of exposure and during the pause. As regards the first error, it has to be noted that with almost no other observers than A. and B. did it make its appearance. Where it does appear however, this tendency is very annoying; when once the idea of forming intelligible words out of the letters occurs to the subject, it is very difficult to suppress it, however much he may wish to do so—in fact the more he wishes the more difficult is it. I have excluded the cases where this error distinctly endangered the result; in the case of the observer A. very many experiments had to be rejected for this reason. The second error illustrates the difficulty of carrying out two conscious activities simultaneously. Whenever the 58 W. G. SMITH : subject broke down during the experiment, for example, when the attempt to do the sum in addition proved a complete failure, then the experiment was stopped. When however the irregularity in keeping time with the metronome and in the other processes was not too great, the observation was accepted. As the state of mind during the pause is not so important, and as it was advisable not to disturb the reagent by insisting too rigidly that the distracting activity should be carried on through the pause, a greater latitude was allowed in this respect. In all cases however it was understood that the pause was not to be used for the purpose of actively memorising. The question may be raised, what happens when the reagent remains passive during this interval ? As far as I can gather, a sort of after image of a line or part of a line seems to be present; it is faint and indefinite in the most of cases, and gradually fades away. In order to give opportunity for judging of the extent to which the averages of the total errors and of the positive values given in Tables II. and IV. really represent the actual observa¬ tions, both the mean variation and the probable error have been calculated. The former measures the average extent of deviation from the mean, and in doing so naturally gives great weight to a large deviation. One or two such deviations occur in almost every series, usually one positive deviation being nearly compensated by an opposing negative deviation: they have in every case been included, and no number has been rejected because it was unusually large or small. It is obvious, however, that such deviations are abnormal, and that the mean variation, which makes one bad observation outweigh several good ones, does not give any true representation of the character of the deviations; the larger the error is the less likely is it to occur. For this purpose the probable error is the best guide: in it both the extent of the deviations and the probability of their occurrence are taken into account: the resultant figure r gives the range on either side of the mean within which the observations probably fall. With the help of the mean variation and the probable error we can compare the results here obtained with those given in other researches: it will be granted I think that, comparing the extent of the probable error given in Tables II. and IV. with that reached in the observations of Ebbinghaus, or the mean variation with that which Oehrn 1 finds in experiments similar to those of Ebbinghaus, one finds a sufficient regularity and steadiness in the values assigned by both methods to the various stages of memory. 1 Experimentelle Studien zur Individualpsychologie. THE RELATION OF ATTENTION TO MEMORY. 59 The reliability of the positive method of valuation seems confirmed by the close correspondence which the relative posi¬ tions assigned by it to the various stages of memory shew with those indicated by the other method: with few exceptions what is proved to be a weakened memory by one method is likewise proved by the other. With absolute values we have here of course primarily nothing to do; it is the relative positions assigned to the different groups that is our chief concern. That the classification of values adopted in the working of the second method is merely arbitrary could in no case be reason¬ ably maintained ; that it is in a high degree trustworthy seems proved not merely by the constancy of the relative values which it assigns, but by the general support which it gives to the negative method. The discrepancies between the two methods which do exist can in most cases, as before remarked, be removed or lessened when errors of insertion are taken into account in the second method as well as the first. The other divergencies are only such as might be expected, for it is only roughly that the two methods supplement each other. This is at once apparent when the values assigned to single experi¬ ments are considered; it is only when a larger number of observations are taken that the correspondence becomes defi¬ nitely established. With respect to single experiments it is the second method which gives the truer estimate—truer in the sense that the relative positions indicated by it correspond more closely to the final relations of the groups as established by both methods than do those gained where the sum of errors is considered. In beginning experiments care was always taken that the subject should by actual experiments become familiarised with the task he was required to perform. A considerable amount of practice was gone through by several of the subjects before the final experiments began, owing to the number of tentative experiments that were carried through at the beginning of the investigation. That the influence of practice and exercise can not be so great here as in experiments where a certain more or less difficult task has to be done perfectly, and to be persisted in till finished, seems clear; where the learning on the other hand is continued only for a short time with no aim at final correct¬ ness, it is obvious that the subject has far less drill and that there will be less growth in the facility of learning than where series of syllables have to be learned by heart. And at the same time we may expect that the influence of weariness will also shew itself much less where a method such as the present is used. As a matter of fact, while one observer complained of being tired at the end of an hour’s work, another was surprised 60 W. G. SMITH: at such a complaint; the others made no remarks on the subject. Only in regard to one of the groups, the third, was the remark made that the task seemed to become distinctly easier. That in general there was a gradual improvement in the memorising ability of the subjects may be concluded from an inspection of the figures in Table I.; in this Table however the results in the second division shew the effect of exercise com¬ plicated with other factors. In order to gain more exact data I have analysed separately the results of the three observers who have furnished the longest series of experiments, the average values for the first and second halves of the series being calculated for each group. In some cases there is a fall in the value of the memory: in the majority of cases there is a rise, which however is not specially conspicuous in any one group. With reference to the capabilities of the persons who assisted in the investigation, it may be remarked that all save one are graduates or students of philosophy and psychology, while three are teachers of philosophy. The general features of the results presented by this in¬ vestigation may now be summed up. The greatest distraction is that caused by the activity involved in summation, while the use of the organ of speech causes a smaller, but still distinct, disturbance. The effort required in tapping the table produces generally a certain disturbance: its effect however is neither so universal nor so distinct. These conclusions may be taken as proved by both methods; the negative method, in addition, shews that the most prominent factor in the weakened memory is the diminution in the number of letters retained. The average number of errors of displacement and of insertion is, on the other hand, smaller and remains for each group practically constant; relatively those errors take a larger place in the results of the first and second groups when we consider them in connection with the decreasing number of letters which are recollected. There can be little doubt that the factor to which we must look in interpreting the results of the l#St three groups is that on which various psychologists have insisted, viz., the presence of a motor element in much of our mental activity. And in particular the loss of memory due to the effort of repeating a syllable in an audible voice while one is memorising seems caused by the fact that the reading or learning of any series of letters or words is accompanied normally by a more or less distinct articulation, this articulation being interfered with by repeating the syllable. To what extent our memory or asso¬ ciating processes in any case can act apart from direct or associated motor activity is a further question which cannot be THE RELATION OF ATTENTION TO MEMORY. 61 dealt with here. For the interpretation of the present results it seems necessary to assume that this motor activity plays a very large part in the formation of our associations. The full significance of this assumption can be seized only when we remember that what the subject is called upon to do in all cases is simply to read the series of letters, i.e., to let the series of visual objects which are presented to him impress themselves on his memory. Apart from experimental evidence one might suppose that a series of visual objects would associate them¬ selves together as well as any other series of perceptions or sensations. But, as we see, when the reiterated articulation of a syllable obstructs the further innervation of the articulatory mechanism, the memory is much worse than it is where no distraction is present, and where the unskilled observer would detect no process other than that of simple reading. Such a result indeed is only a confirmation of the fact already ascer¬ tained by Pathology of the close connection between sensory and motor activities, and in particular between the under¬ standing of words and the ability to articulate them, or in some other way give to them a motor expression. These theoretical considerations are amply confirmed by the observations contributed by the subjects. They insist that a distinct and embarrassing obstruction is felt when they attempt to read over the series of letters, an obstruction which is specially marked at a point where a letter such as z stands, whose pronunciation is unusually difficult. They see the letters and realise them distinctly as visual objects, but are at the same time impressed with a sense of their inability to connect the letters and form them into a series which can be remembered. And they notice how in the intervals of audible articulation the attempt is involuntarily made to insert an inaudible articulation, to employ Bewegungs-antriebe, which shall help to form the letters into a connected whole. An additional support is lent to this explanation by a consideration of the data presented by the third group of experiments. The object of this group was to allow of a comparison between the motor activity of the vocal organ and that involved in the use of a set of muscles not directly connected with any mental operation. That an exact com¬ parison is hardly, if at all, possible is plain from the fact that we must in any case employ two quite different groups of muscles habituated to different functions. Apart from theoretical ex¬ actness however, a basis for comparison may be got by observing what effect activity of the vocal mechanism has as compared with that implied in moving the forefinger. Possibly the act of saying ‘ do ’ or * la ’ is more complicated than that of moving 62 W. G. SMITH : * the forefinger; yet after all a very considerable degree of facility in executing more complicated vocal movements must be granted to most persons. We may then assume equivalence between the two kinds of movements to this extent at least, that regarded physically the energy expended and the effort of innervation required in the two cases are fairly similar. In almost every instance mere muscular movement produces less of a disturbance in memory than does activity of the vocal mechanism. And the reason for this is evident: the articula¬ tory innervations involved in memorising are most conspicuously interfered with by conflicting activity of the vocal mechanism. The observations made by the reagents are only a concrete expression of this statement: what they notice in the ex¬ periments of the third group is a conflict of two motor series such as, for example, is involved in the effort to play on a musical instrument when one hand is required to move in a time different from that of the other. Had the reagents been able to render the two series coincident, and make the rhythm of the finger movement the same as that of the articulatory movement, then the difficulty would have been lessened, and one impulse or innervation would have served to carry out both movements. But owing to the arrangement of the experiments such coincidence would have made the learning too fast or too slow; too fast if a whole line was to be gone through at each stroke of the metronome, too slow if only one letter was to accompany each stroke. In some cases indeed the observers seemed to find a help in the rhythm of the finger movements; when they succeeded in combining the innervations for articula¬ tion and for movement an added emphasis was lent to the letters, which seemed to help in fixing them in the memory. It is evident however that experiments directed to the isolation and direct proof of this fact are needed before anything definite can be said. If the series of letters presented to the reagent were associated as visual objects, then it would be still more difficult than in the experiments of the second group to understand why an indifferent muscular activity, such as that of the hand, should interfere with the associations. It may be said that this activity implies a certain degree of inattention to the letters presented, and no doubt this is true. But the dimi¬ nution of attention must have been very small; there is a distraction, but it is almost wholly a distraction of the motor mechanism. And it is important to distinguish here between these two things, predominance of a state of consciousness or attention, and that state or attitude of mind which we term activity. In many of its manifestations, and here in particular, THE RELATION OF ATTENTION TO MEMORY. 63 psychical activity, so far as it is a factor different from mere movement of ideas, seems intimately connected with some form of function of the motor system. According to the testimony of more than one subject, the disturbance caused by the finger tended to disappear in pro¬ portion as the effort required to make its movement keep time with the beating of the metronome became more automatic. This would mean that the two motor series conflict and compete with each other only so long as they both remain in direct connection with conscious experience: two disparate activities on the other hand can be carried on simultaneously if one at least be automatic, or carried on apart from our ordinary consciousness. Binet concludes, as the result of an experi¬ mental study of such questions 1 , that an automatic movement is able to coexist with a voluntary movement because it is not preceded by a conscious mental representation, and consequently does not involve conflict of ideas. This it is obvious is not an explanation, but simply a restatement of facts: why two con¬ scious series of ideas must conflict is not explained either psychologically or physiologically. The theory, that inability to attend effectively to more than one series of ideas is due to a limitation in the available psychophysical energy, does not seem at all convincing, but what should be put in its place is by no means equally clear. It will be observed that while, with regard to the majority of the observers and the average of the results given by all the individuals, the value of memory shews a diminution in the experiments of the third group as compared with the fourth, yet divergencies occur. For this fact various explana¬ tions are available. Apart from accidental variation in the results, which is not a probable explanation, there will evidently be a difference in the effect of these distractions upon memory according as the subject is of a motor, a visual, or an auditory type. I feel inclined to believe that this is partly the expla¬ nation of the irregular results of He.; this individual was particularly emphatic in his statements as to the prominence of visual images in the process of reproduction. How far this explanation can be carried is however doubtful; I tried to ascertain from the subjects what their usual kind of imagery was, and to relate it with the results, but was not able to find any definite connexion: to establish such a relation it would be necessary to ascertain by direct experiment to what extent and in what relations the imagery conformed to the different types. 1 Revile Philosophique , xxix., “La concurrence des etats psychologi- ques.” 64 W. G. SMITH : Another explanation may perhaps be found in the fact that the reagents were left entirely free in their method of learning; they could learn the series slowly, or they could run over the letters quickly and often: especially in the fourth group was there scope given for the varying preferences of the individual. In the other groups the subject, it is plain, had to memorise not so much as he wished, but as best he could. These individual variations may take shape also in another form; according to his momentary disposition he will tend to spend greater or less energy in learning what is presented to him. And apart from this general variability there are the differences which arise from the fact that, as the experiments were actually arranged, a severe distraction alternated with one less severe, or with a state of freedom from distraction. The subject will obviously feel relieved when an easy task is put before him; this however leaves it quite undecided whether he will shew this feeling of relief in memorising much better, the energy expended being the same as before, or whether he will un¬ consciously with the removal of the difficulty lessen the intensity of his efforts and, sure of learning in any case more than before, will content himself with memorising less vigorously. These divergencies, it is plain, furnish the point of departure for further research and exacter analysis. In particular it would be desirable in a more advanced stage of this research that the conditions of experiment should be altered so that while becoming more artificial, they would still in the end be more precise. A greater similarity in the method of learning would in part be secured by the adoption of a method like that of Muller and Schumann, which secures that each object shall be presented to the reagent in an order and for a length of time which can be exactly regulated 1 . In order to facilitate the analysis of the various phenomena I have begun by discussing the nature of the processes involved in the experiments of the last three groups. It is however only in the first group that we have facts bearing directly and immediately on the phenomena of attention. In fact the three last groups were arranged in order to analyse and illustrate the factors that are involved in the processes of the first group. That we have in this group a real disturbance of attention might be supposed on theoretical grounds; that such a state of mind actually resulted from the experimental conditions was 1 The series of meaningless syllables used in their experiments were written on sheets of paper; these were fastened on a cylinder which rotated at a known rate and shewed the syllables in succession to the reagent, who was looking through a slit in a screen set before the cylinder. THE RELATION OF ATTENTION TO MEMORY. 65 asserted by the observers. The movements of speaking, said K., one of the most skilled observers, do not become more difficult in the fpuffh group; what the addition does is to diminish the energy available for learning. Here again, as in the relation between the second and third sets of experiments, it is not possible to effect an exact comparison between the effort of articulation in the second group with that implied in the repeating the series of numbers audibly. The words uttered in the course of the addition differ with each stroke of the metronome: towards the end of the period of memorising words of more than one syllable are involved. As regards the first point, it is not probable that the effort of repeating different but perfectly easy and well- known words is much greater than that of uttering the same syllable over again. That as the addition progresses we have first words of two syllables and then two or, at most, three words of three syllables, is a more important consideration. The reagents however used constantly a device which minimised the difficulty; emphasising only one out of the two or the three syllables to be spoken, they allowed the voice to die away in pronouncing the rest of the word, which thus formed a sort of indistinct sound or Nachklang. That this diminished intensity of articulation greatly diminished the amount of disturbance otherwise involved seems clear from the cases where the reagent, while attending too exclusively to the work of memorising, allowed the voice to die away and ceased to speak distinctly, thus increasing his power of memorising. The only data of an experimental kind available for the confirmation of this account of the matter are those gained in the course of various tentative experiments. The purely vocal disturbance was in these experiments brought about by pronouncing in their order the series of numbers 1, 2, 3,. So far as these experiments go, their results correspond very closely to what is found when it is a syllable that is pronounced. Simple as the act of addition may seem, the effort required to combine it with the process of memorising was extremely difficult—“painful” was the term applied to it by one of the subjects. For its effect was to make it almost impossible to do more than stare in a helpless way at the different parts of the combination of letters presented. The reagent was conscious of the presence of the visual objects, but it was as if their meaning was lost and he was unable to grasp the letters as anything more than mere signs, as if part of their content was wanting. Accompanying this state of mind was a feeling of helplessness, and a conviction of the uselessness for the purposes of learning and recollection of this merely visual consciousness of what was 5 M. 66 W. G. SMITH : presented. According to one observer it was during the earlier and easier stages of addition that memorising was really possible : according to others the opportunity for grasping the connection of letters presented itself in the pauses between the beats of the metronome, or at the close of the time of exposure 1 , when it seemed possible as it were to snatch part of the series and give it a moment’s concentration. In this way short groups of letters, small pictures, could be impressed on the memory, and in this way the full effect of the distraction was not felt; the attention oscillated, so to speak, during the process of memorising. In any case however the total attention together with the ability to reproduce larger groups and a connected series was much lessened. How low the value of the memory would have sunk had the state of distraction involved in each separate step of the addition been maintained uniformly throughout, it is difficult to say. Reference has already been made to the fact that as we pass to the second and then to the first group, the number of errors of insertion and of displacement increases relatively to the number of letters actually remembered. As regards errors of insertion this statement seems justified, in spite of considerable variations. But in any case this kind of error is not of great importance in comparison with the errors of disorder: they shew with considerable clearness and persistency an increase from the fourth group to the first. The effect of mental distraction may then be said to consist not only in lessening the total area of consciousness available for the reception of new impressions, but in confusing the recollection and thus lessening the power of forming exact associations, which shall enable the reagent in the first place to locate definitely what has been impressed on his memory, and secondly to exclude ideas which did not form part in the complex first presented to him. In his research on the Association of Successive Ideas, which has already been referred to, Miinsterberg comes to the opposite conclusion. In these experiments, which were carried out in order to answer the question whether association through mere succession was possible, letters forming series of varying length were successively presented to the subject. Some of the series were learned with full attention ; others had to be learned while at the same time he was carrying out in an audible voice complicated arithmetical operations. The distraction of the attention lessened the. number of letters wffiich could be 1 The latter fact was noticed only when the electric light was em¬ ployed. It is difficult to say whether it was illusion, or was due to the circumstance that the cessation of light in the incandescent lamp is not quite instantaneous. THE RELATION OF ATTENTION TO MEMORY. 67 retained; according to Miinsterberg it could not be the reason why in series including only four or five letters the right letters almost without exception were reproduced, but at the same time were given in wrong order. The real reason lay, he contends, in the exclusion of any opportunity for association by simultaneous contiguity. “The only possible effect of the greater or less amount of attention devoted to the perception of single letters is to cause them to be impressed more or less firmly on the memory.” 1 That the main conclusion regarding successive association— viz., that apart from simultaneous association or connections formed by means of the motor mechanism, it has no existence,— is rendered probable may be granted. But it does not follow either from the theory or from the experimental results that the only effect of inattention is to lessen the number of ideas which can be retained; in fact the suggestion that variation in attention can vary the intensity or completeness with which ideas are “impressed” on memory, without at the same time thereby altering the intensity or strength of the associative bonds between them, seems somewhat improbable. And as regards the actual results obtained in Mtinsterberg’s research there is room for the working of all these factors; the greatest share in the disturbance of order may be due to the cause he suggests, but part also may very well be due to the two factors in attention; inattention or distraction may cause fewer ideas to be recollected, and may lessen the strength with which these are held, but it may also diminish the security and firmness of their associative connections. That it does so is rendered highly probable by the results which have already been brought forward in this paper. The words Attention and Memory have been used through¬ out these pages as if they corresponded to definitely and generally accepted conceptions. Practically we know quite well what attention is, though the theory of the matter may be hard enough. It will be most profitable here to avoid theories and simply state what view of the function of attention seems most appropriate to the facts which we have been considering. The facts relating to attention are, as we saw, furnished mainly by the experiments of the first group. And the chief fact we found to be that inattention not merely lessened the extent to which ideas could be taken up and retained in consciousness, but in a still greater degree confused and deranged the associative connections in what was actually recollected. This again is simply the objective expression for 1 Zeitschr. f. Psych., i. p. 105. 5—2 68 W. G. SMITH : the subjectively felt inability of the reagent to apperceive and relate what was presented to him. Through the process of mental distraction, said one of the observers, Wahrnehmung was turned into Empfindung. It is in this that the essential operation of mental distraction seems to lie. In ordinary attentive experience each impression, each idea, as it occurs, is met and transformed—to speak in Herbart’s language—by a mass of apperceiving ideas which render it known, familiar, recognised, and in doing so relate and associate it with similar experience we have had in the past. It is this mass of apperceiving ideas which enables us so easily without conscious or voluntary reflection to follow and understand some new fact in a science with which we are familiar. And in distraction of the kind we are con¬ sidering the really effective element seems to be an inhibition of these associative processes which enable us unconsciously to relate and recognise what is presented to us, the effect of this inhibition being to produce temporarily a state to which one may apply the term Seelenblindheit. How far these processes are in any case represented in consciousness is another question; probably hei;e, as in many other relations, apperception is to be understood as referring simply to the total indefinite state or attitude of mind, “ the feeling of tendency” resulting from the minimal excitation of certain “ideational centres.” The essential fact in attention on the other hand would lie, apart from its accompaniments, muscular adjustment and the like, in the strengthening of an idea or impression by the processes of blending and redintegration, those processes which are operative in all learning and knowing: attention on this view of the matter would be knowledge in its most perfect form, that form being attained not merely by positive support and strengthening, but by an inhibition or repression of all that might compete with and distract energy from the apprehension of what is attended to. There do not seem positive reasons, either theoretical or experimental, to forbid the hypothesis that there are degrees of clearness and distinctness in mental states: it seems however equally im¬ possible to prove that an apparent increase in the clearness of an idea or sensation is an independent special process 1 , and 1 In a paper “Uber die Schwankungen in der Auffassung minimaler Sinnesreize,” Phil. Stud., vm. p. 365, Eckener asserts that a stimulus can still affect consciousness though quite unperceived and “dark”: his proof consists in the observation that when a minimal sound stimulus has become subjectively inaudible, the reagent is still in many cases able to tell when the source of sound is objectively interrupted. That this proves nothing in regard to degrees of clearness in ideas is evident when we THE RELATION OF ATTENTION TO MEMORY. 69 not an illusive appearance due to some change in the associative or emotional complex surrounding it. When we speak of memory as being a storehouse for ideas, of psychical states impressing themselves, being retained and last of all reproduced, we are using metaphors which are adequate for all practical purposes, and which are about as true as the theories often brought forward as giving the real truth of the matter. On this subject Physiology seems a better guide than Psychology, for Psychology has been too much burdened by its theory of ideas, and by its conviction that the elementary and fundamental psychical processes must be explained in terms of the developed mind. Physiological memory means simply that a given nervous centre has been so changed—how we do not know—by the occurrence in it of a certain set of processes, that when one of these occurs again the others tend to follow. It does not occur to anyone to say that the old processes are reproduced, and that physiological memory is inconceivable unless we suppose that numberless old innervations fuse with a new one, when that new one occurs, and so enable it to start a series of movements over again. But it does occur to psychologists, and is confidently asserted, that such a fusion of old and new is one of the fundamental associative processes. The physiological account of the matter is simple and natural: old psychical states are no more reproduced than are physical states, but similar states are reproduced; these in their turn tend to recall other states, which again had something like them in past experience. The fusion of old and new which occurs in organic memory means that owing to habit or repetition of an experience the physiological processes have become changed: they are modified owing to what has gone before, so that a fresh reaction is correspondingly modified. There seems no reason why, when we speak of storing up and of reproduction of ideas, we should introduce anything more into the processes than we would require were we to apply like metaphors to purely physiological memory. According to the usual statement of the Law of Association by Simultaneous Contiguity, objects or ideas which have once been present together in consciousness tend in consequence to recur in the same connection. It is obvious that in such statements emphasis is laid on the fact that the ideas have been simultaneously elements of a conscious state, and that the process is one concerned solely with sensory or intellectual remember that cessation of a stimulus physiologically may have for its first effect an increase of the reaction ; e.g., in experiments demonstrating the electrical response of the frog’s eye to light, the first effect noted when the light is withdrawn is an increase of the response. 70 W. G. SMITH : experience. Observations made during the course of this research give occasion for some remarks on these two points. It was pointed out again and again by the reagents that mere perception of a number of letters, mere presence together in consciousness, was useless for the purpose of associating and learning; that unless they were able systematically to go through the series at a moderate speed and with a fair amount of attention, no abiding impression was left on the memory. And the remark suggested by these observations is that those factors which form the real constructive basis of associations are such as are usually recognised merely as helps and supports to a connection which is due to simultaneous apperception. Interest, Attention, Repetition are recognised, though only as modifying factors, as influences which contribute to the efficacy of contiguity. But it is obvious that Interest in itself has no necessary connection with and is not implied in contiguity: Attention again is a factor which as we have seen is of great importance in the processes of associating and recollecting ideas; but that too is not implied in the description commonly given of the nature of association by contiguity. And, so far as the need of Repetition, Exercise, Habit for the formation of firm associative connections is emphasised, it is admitted that mere simultaneity is of little avail. It may well be that the method of entering into one’s breast and observing what happens in the play of ideas whose connections have already been formed, has been the reason why a description which applies to so many of our actual associations is taken as a statement of the law of their formation and growth: that description is here taken for explanation seems in any case to be the fact. Ideas which are associated have very often been contiguous;—on the other hand ideas which have been merely contiguous are in the vast majority of cases not associated. Contiguity is indeed a formal characteristic which associated ideas possess : it seems necessary that ideas should form parts of one conscious state before they can be associated. It is however in these dynamic factors, Interest, Attention, Repetition, that the real causes, the formative influences, are found; it is this which should form the matter of any law intended to state the nature of the processes by which our actual assqciative connec¬ tions are built up. The second set of facts points to the need of emphasising, in our account of Association by Contiguity, the part played by the agency of the motor system. That habitual activities, or any acquired physical ability, illustrate the operation of con¬ tiguity has long been recognised. But in order to understand the formation of associative connections in the more purely THE RELATION OF ATTENTION TO MEMORY. 71 sensory or intellectual sphere, it seems necessary here also to seek an explanation in the functions of the motor mechanism. How that operates may not be clear; the subject, whose importance has been recognised perhaps most by Bain, Strieker and Miinsterberg, has not been studied with sufficient exactness either psychologically or physiologically. But this factor offers itself without straining as a reason why visual objects presented in succession should refuse to relate themselves as members of a series when the help of articulatory innervations is withdrawn, and why the reagents in these experiments insisted so strongly on the necessity of going over the letters serially and systemati¬ cally, and on the great hindrance caused by disturbance of the vocal mechanism. These facts it would seem cannot be explained except by supposing that, as purely sensory objects, the associa¬ tive tendency of the presentations was much less strong than where the reagent was left free to combine both sensory and motor elements in the process of memorising. And, if this be so, it will only be the psychical expression for the conviction which is gaining ground in Physiology that there are no purely sensory nervous centres, but that what bears this name really subserves a double function. Miinsterberg, in the paper from which I have already quoted, states that no special or predominant type of in¬ correct order was detected in the answers which were given in his experiments. Bolton 1 , experimenting on school-children to whom he read over lines of five to eight figures, found that among the errors that of inversion was prominent. Errors of inversion were not infrequent in the experiments already described; still the number was not at all remarkable. Another type of error which occurred fairly often is more inter¬ esting ; it consisted in letters changing their places in the lines so that, for example, the first letter of one line would take the place of the corresponding letter in another, this second letter then occupying the place of the first; in another instance the first letter of the last line is followed by the second of the middle line, by the third of the last line, and then by the fourth of the middle line. Whether this is to be interpreted as a disarrangement of a visual picture it is impossible in the absence of direct experiments to say. The question still waits solution, what sort of error is committed when each element in memory, visual sensations, auditory sensations and so on, is isolated and its capabilities tested. To such a task the method applied in this investigation seems specially fitted. 1 The Growth of Memory in Schoolchildren. Am. Journ. of Psych ., v. p. 363. 72 W. G. SMITH : The number of cases where similar letters were confused was too great to allow of the supposition that the confusion was due to accident: it was however not great enough to allow of a definite account of this tendency. Letters similar in sound, such as m and n, or t and d, were interchanged: similarity in shape seemed to be the reason why h and k , u and v were confused. It may well be that with such letters as t and d, the reason of the interchange lay also in the easy transition from the one position of the vocal organ to the other. What letters are most liable to confusion and what disappear most readily, together with the relation of these facts to the phenomena of aphasia 1 , are matters of interest, but can be studied only by extended and precise experiment. A series of experiments was begun to test what effect audible pronunciation of the letters to be learned had upon the memory: it was however only carried far enough to shew that probably very great individual differ¬ ences exist in regard to the help or hindrance which such express articulation occasions in the effort to memorise. It is plain that one great drawback in the results gained first by Ebbinghaus, and next by Muller and Schumann, in their investigations on memory, is that the work of memory is formulated in terms of time only, and that a qualitative analysis of memory is still to seek. It is obvious that results into which visual, auditory, motor and other elements enter as unknown, though probably relatively constant factors, can form only the first step in an account of memory. W T e have still, as was pointed out before, to find out the capabilities of these various factors and to shew further what changes they undergo in the gradual decay of memory. A few observa¬ tions regarding the various factors may be adduced from the foregoing experiments. In the experiments of the last group the memory image seemed to be a somewhat indefinite complex of various factors: as the distracting activity became more difficult, and the aid given by articulatory innervations grew less, the observer had to depend more and more on the visual consciousness. Auditory ideas, as is intelligible, came little into play: they were indeed said to be present, but it is doubtful whether sensations connected with the organ of speech were not mistaken for them, a confusion which seems particularly easy when the two elements are present only in imagination or memory. Motor elements seemed to be present in the process of learning wherever they were not expressly excluded: it was they that lasted longest and enabled the 1 It might be possible also to establish some relation between such changes and the philological facts embodied in “ Grimm’s Law.” THE RELATION OF ATTENTION TO MEMORY. 73 reagent to recollect when the other sensory images failed. It is not without interest to note the different modes of reproduc¬ tion of these elements. Whereas with the sensory memory the reagent seemed expressly to perceive and recognise each successive idea that appeared in consciousness, the process in motor memory was automatic or mechanical. The reagent pronounced the letters because an impulse to speak presented itself; often the appropriate movements came one after the other without thought or reflection, and without their being recognised as forming the required elements in the complex that was to be recollected 1 . In some cases what was retained in memory was only a vague general idea of the geometrical shape of the letters—their curves or straight lines—which on reflection might become more definite: in other instances there seemed to be a sort of vague idea of the spatial arrangement of the letters without any definite observable images being present. It often happened that, when the reagent believed himself to be in full possession of a line and ready to repeat it perfectly, he was yet unable when the time came to reproduce any part of it: to his surprise the line simply disappeared. Apparently this often happened while he was engaged in repeating the first letters: during this effort the rest of the memory image seemed to be driven out of consciousness. What the conditions of such a belief and its subsequent effects are, could not be exactly determined: according to one observer K. the basis was a Gesammtvorstellung, a sort of all-embracing complex idea in which the parts have an indefinitely felt unity. 1 Observations of similar phenomena are given by Muller and Schumann 4 loc. cit. §§ 23 ff.