THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY 614.09 H637p CENTRAL CIRCULATION BOOKSTACKS The person charging this material is re¬ sponsible for its renewal or its return to the library from which it was borrowed on or before the Latest Date stamped below. You may be charged a minimum fee of $75.00 for each lost book. Theft, mutilation, and underlining of books are reasons for disciplinary action and may result in dismissal from the University. TO RENEW CALL TELEPHONE CENTER, 333-8400 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN OCT When renewing by phone, write new due date below previous due date. L162 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2019 with funding from University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign https://archive.org/details/publichealthadmi00howa_0 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION AND m THE NATURAL HISTORY OF DISEASE IN BALTIMORE, MARYLAND 1797-1920 BY William Travis Howard, Jr., M. D. 'HF IIRHftRY Of ■» l DEC 1 2 1924 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS Published by the Carnegie Institution of Washington Washington, September, 1924 CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON Publication No. 351 jSorfc Q^afftmore (press BALTIMORE, MD., 0. S. A. 3 PREFACE. In this work the author has attempted to portray the development of the laws and practices of public-health administration in Baltimore, to trace the ideas underlying their origin and gradual evolution, to inquire into the natural history of those diseases which may be followed in the records of the Health Department, and, finally, to correlate as closely as possible all the ascertainable factors that may have influenced their courses. For the latter purpose, it has been necessary to present in some detail the essential facts concerning the location, origin, and growth of the city, the medical profession, the hospitals and other public agencies, the dwellings, and the growth and racial composition of the population. The foundations of this study were laid for very practical reasons, during the author’s service as assistant commissioner of health for the four years ending in the autumn of 1919. The first two years of the period were crowded with the details of administration, which necessitated intimate acquaintance with the history, the personnel, and the activities of each and every bureau and division of the health department. During the last two years, through the broadmindedness and interest of Mayor James H. Preston, who readily appre¬ ciated the importance of accurate study, by epidemiological and statistical methods, of the natural history of the diseases the city was undertaking to combat, provision was made for relief from administrative detail. Beginning with typhoid fever and tuberculosis, systematic studies were made of the common communicable diseases, in turn, by mortality since 1827 and by morbidity since 1898. Studies of poliomyelitis, tuberculosis, typhoid fever, influenza, infant mortality, accidents, and of the influence of race stock upon mortality of various diseases were published in the annual reports for 1916, 1917, and 1918. These studies were directed primarily to three main objectives, namely, the elucidation of the actual problems of disease control, critical appraisal of the efficacy of the methods in use, and modification and further development of methods in the light of knowledge that might be gained. Investigation soon disclosed truths which lead to conclusions at variance with many accepted doctrines and practices of public-health administration. It soon became evi¬ dent that in many respects the game is far more cunning than its would-be trappers, and that the problems of control and extinction of many of the com¬ municable diseases are concerned with great and fundamental problems of general biology far transcending present knowledge and the solution of which lies beyond the scope of present-day health officials and sanitarians in general. Some of the advice offered as the result of these studies was accepted, but much was rejected as too unorthodox. It was Professor Raymond Pearl who first appreciated the real value of the data thus collected and who suggested that the scope of the investigation be expanded and the results published in book form. To this end, among others, his invitation in the autumn of 1919 to join his staff was heartily welcomed. In November of that year the statistical and historical data, with many of the m 562420 IV PREFACE personal notes of the author on local epidemics of recent years, were destroyed by fire. The work was begun anew and on a wider scale. Some explanation of the groupings of certain communicable diseases here adopted is necessary. The division of these affections into nuisance-borne and contactive was dictated by historical and administrative as well as by analogical reasons. The author is not unaware of the facts that many of the diseases classi¬ fied in this work as nuisance-borne—the acute intestinal diseases, for example— may be and often are spread by contact, and some of those listed among the contactive affections are capable of being spread by other means. In spite of its obvious drawbacks, this old distinction still possesses many notable advantages. Many and perhaps indeed most of the observations recorded and the con¬ clusions reached in this work are not new in the sense that they have not been made before. Whatever of value this work may possess in these respects lies in the variety, extent, and comparative accuracy of the original data in regard to the particular diseases and to total mortality, the critical care with which they have been sifted, and their correlation with public-health activities over so long a period of time. It is hoped that, quite independent of the use made of these statistical data in this work, inquiring students of statistics, of medicine, and of public health may find in them material convenient for their several purposes. The author is conscious that much of this material deserves wider and more refined treatment by statistical methods than is here attempted, and hopes that this store of biological data thus made generally available may prove useful to others more capable in the practice of such methods. The arithmetical work has been done with the greatest care and checked several times, but, in calculations on such a large scale, it is not improbable that occasional mistakes have crept in. However, all the factors necessary for their proof are given in appropriate tables. In order to keep this work within reason¬ able bounds, the temptation to make comparisons with other places has been studiously restrained. While gratefully acknowledging his deep indebtedness to his associates for advice and criticism, without which this work would not have been possible, the author assumes full responsibility for the opinions expressed and for the con¬ clusions reached. To his colleague and dear friend, Professor Raymond Pearl, for his generous counsel, guidance, and criticism and for the opportunity to work under his stimulating aegis, the heartiest thanks are tendered. For information and advice the author is under deep obligations to many associates in the department of health and to his colleagues in the department of biometry and vital statistics, and among the latter Drs. Lowell J. Reed and John Rice Minor are especially to be mentioned. Last and by no means least, the author acknowledges with gratitude his debt to his secretary, Miss Audrey W. Davis, for faithful and painstaking help in securing and tabulating data and in calculating rates, and above all for indispensable assistance in the ar¬ rangement and composition of this work. William Travis Howard, Jr. Department of Biometry and Vital Statistics, School of Hygiene and Public Health, The Johns Hopkins University. Baltimore, Maryland, March 7, 1923. CONTENTS. Part I. Certain Physical and Sociological Data Concerning Baltimore. page Chapter 1. 1 Location and topography; Settlement and growth in area; Factors deter¬ mining expansion in commerce, industry, and wealth; Forms of government; Meteorology. (Maps 1 and 2; Tables 1 to 3.) Chapter II. 11 Physicians; Medical education; Hospitals and dispensaries; Charities; Schools; Dwellings. Part II. Historical Development of the Health Department and of Health Laws and Regulations in Baltimore and the State of Maryland. Chapter III. Ideas Underlying the Public Health Laws of Baltimore. 33 Chapter IV. Evolution of the Public Health Laws. 47 1. Baltimore Town 2. Baltimore City: The two fundamental ordinances of 1797, Ordinance No. 11 and subsequent amendments and additions dealing with the organization of the health department and the duties and powers of health officials, the reporting and isolation of cases of communicable diseases within the city, quarantine of the port; Hospitals controlled by the city and the registration of births and deaths, and of physicians, midwives, and undertakers; Ordinance No. 15 and subsequent amend¬ ments and additions dealing with nuisances, namely: General sanita¬ tion on public domains—street cleaning, garbage, night-soil collection and disposal, food control—and sanitation on private domains—privies, cesspools, night-soil, standing water, and decaying materials, cellars, manufactories injurious to health, garbage, habitations, plumbing, foods. 3. State of Maryland: Contagious and infectious diseases; Vaccination; Medical practice; Registration and licensing of midwives; Pharma¬ cists; Nurses, plumbers, undertakers, and barbers; Registration of births and deaths; Lunacy commission; Child and other labor laws; General nuisances; Foods; Building inspection. Part III. Public Health Administration of Baltimore. Chapter V. Public Health Measures without the City. 83 Development of quarantine laws and practices; Lazaretto and quarantine hospitals of the Port of Baltimore; Effectiveness of maritime quaran¬ tine. Chapter VI. Public Health Administration within the City. 97 I. Introduction: Developments and accomplishments of public-health practice in the nineteenth century based upon ideas and methods long existent and determined very largely by the more general diffusion of knowledge and wealth among peoples of intellectual and personal free¬ dom; Influence of modern micro-parasitology; Reasons for vigorous attacks on nuisances rather than on contactive diseases. II. Measures of nuisance prevention and abatement directed against nuisance-borne diseases: Definition of nuisance; Prevention and abatement of nuisances on public property—Dredging and filling; Grading and paving; Street cleaning and garbage removal; Sewerage; Water; Food; Prevention and abatement of nuisances on private property—Standing water; Organic material; Manufactories, habita¬ tions. III. Measures of restriction directed against contagious diseases: Isolation, inoculation, and disinfection. (Tables 4 to 6.) v VI CONTENTS PAGE Chapter VII. The Administrative Officers and Subdivisions of the Health Department .1. 157 Commissioners of health; Vaccine physicians or health wardens; Division of statistics; Plumbing division; Laboratories; Inspection of school children; Nursing bureau; Bureau of communicable diseases; Bureau of infant welfare; Miscellaneous services. (Tables 7 and S.) Part IV. Population and Statistical Data. Chapter VIII. 173 1. Population: Rate of growth; Racial composition; Distribution by numbers, sex, and race. (Tables 9 to 13, Graph 1.) 2. Natality: Living births; Still-births. (Tables 10 to 15 and 124, 126, 132.) Chapter IX. Statistical Material. 191 Character; Sources; Uses; Methods. Part V. Febrile Diseases. Chapter X. Nuisance Diseases . 199 1. Insect-borne diseases: Malaria; Yellow fever; Typhus fever. (Tables 16 to 18, Graphs 2 to 4.) 2. Acute inflammatory affections of the intestinal tract characterized by frequent loose stools of abnormal composition; Diarrhoea; Dysentery; Asiatic cholera; Typhoid fever. (Tables 19 to 33, Graphs 5 to 10.) Chapter XI. Typically Contactive Diseases.. 275 1. Acute exanthematous diseases: Small-pox; Cow-pox; Chicken-pox; Scarlet fever; Measles; Influenza. (Tables 34 to 59, Graphs 11 to 16.) 2. Acute inflammatory affections of the respiratory tract: Whooping-cough; Diphtheria; Pneumonia. (Tables 60 to 77, Graphs 17 to 20.) 3. Tuberculosis. (Tables 78 to 90, Graphs 21 to 26.) Chapter XII. Other Acute Infectious Diseases, some apparently Contactive... 418 Acute meningitis; Poliomyelitis; Tetanus and erysipelas; Appendicitis. (Tables 91 to 100 and 34, 128, 131.) Part VI. Various Chronic Organic Diseases. Chapter XIII. Tumors. (Tables 101 to 109, Graphs 27 to 29.). 435 Chapter XIV. Diseases of the Cardio-Vascular-Renal System. (Tables 101, 110 to 116, Graphs 27 to 29.). 454 Chapter XV. Diseases of the Central Nervous System and Liver. 469 Diabetes; Alcoholism. (Tables 117 to 119.) Part VII. Miscellaneous Causes of Death. Chapter XVI. Violence. (Tables 120 to 123, Graphs 30 to 32.). * 479 Chapter XVII. Child-birth. (Tables 124 to 127, Graphs 33 to 34.). 487 Chapter XVIII. Ill-defined Causes. 498 Diseases of early infancy; Arthritis; Hernia and intestinal obstruction. (Tables 128 to 131.) Part VIII. General Conclusions. Chapter XIX. Deaths from All Causes. (Tables 132 to 139, Graphs 35 to 41.).. 507 Chapter XX. Summary and Conclusions. 531 Febrile diseases; Affections peculiar to child-birth and to early infancy; Violence; Chronic organic diseases. (Tables 140 and 141.) Bibliography . 563 THE U8RM of rot ttwyiflsiTy of iuijiois HP l « - ■> r^s .'"Hi** r^r«r*. - ■ ~*^S>' *1^ •i a. 6 --®-*.* '—aa-’^T [“■ «- ttW C ^ *£=S?^ > a ^ . aa. — C" - - - _=- Chaj^eigJ .,yg- -Ssa '-'; • •^r.«a. 2 ^a^r w rn ^ **■ ^ 5£- „ 2 SL . j£r*7 s-*-&7 ^-. %SL •*!•$....... ■i&EITsJ W . * & B-' ! a #; *5Fj8ar-~& ■*- - . j-ast ^f^Tjr ^ £-; if- .4'*-^“?*_ *- $1119 ChatuUeAAtte < *» *52. o ' ^ ssL tr <&. - ^ ^ SH_ -*• a <^> p-I~ IfiSf?: 1 FTl ETi ” miB®: @ 5 S@OBDOOO | or 7L a 0 ft Wtnrjr J* 7roreff' >/ //T^rlrt^ JWrtjr mefem. EMCE S' A Seminary P. Hanover Market House B. RornwiC«ih e .Ch Q . German Reformed C- C. S* Pauls Church R . Christ Church D. MenonisisMeeting House. S. Baptist M.H. E .Methodist Church T. Methodist C. T . Baltimore Bank.. V. QuakarM.H. G .Jail. W. Germanljulheran C. H . Courl House X. Observatory. I . English Presb? Mil. "Y. Custom E. R. Maryland Bank. 1 . Methodist C.Point. L . GermanCalv. MJH. 2 . RomanCath. C M. Exchange 3 . Market N . United States Bank 4 .Hew AssamblyR.&Ubrar O .. MarshMarKet ---_-—-S5 5 . Ne yr Theatre Bill HU MAP OF BALTIMORE, 1801. This plat shows the City as it appeared about the time of its incorporation. Enyravec/ t>p Trane i s 5ha Jlu& PKbi PART I.—PHYSICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL DATA CONCERNING BALTIMORE. Chapter I. Location and topography; Settlement and growth in area; Factors de¬ termining expansion in commerce, industry, and wealth; Forms of govern¬ ment; Meteorology. (Maps 1 and 2; Tables 1 to 3.) (1 to 8.) 1 LOCATION AND TOPOGRAPHY. Baltimore, the chief city of the State of Maryland and of the southern At¬ lantic seaboard, is situated in latitude 39° 17' N. and longitude 76° 37' W., on the Patapsco River and the Middle and Northwest Branches, at the point where these join to form a broad and deep estuary leading directly to the Chesapeake Bay some 12 miles distant. At the head of tidewater, 172 miles from the At¬ lantic Ocean, from which it is approached over a great and easily navigable inland sea, with safe and ample harbor and convenient piers and with good communications with a territory rich in natural and developed resources, it occupies an important strategic position as a port of entry, exit, and distribu¬ tion for domestic and foreign trade. Its past, present, and future are intimately bound up with these circumstances. A second attribute of deep significance dependent upon physical geographical characters is the city's situation on the fall line, at the junction of the alluvial and Piedmont soils, or where the water-laid coastal and the granitic forma¬ tions meet. Indeed, the city straddles these, its lower portion, or water front, being on the former, and its larger and higher sections resting on the latter. Away from the water front the soil consists of clay and sand hills covered in many places with a thick coat of gravel. This series of hills, rising from 10 to nearly 200 feet above tide, has in the main a northeast and southwest direction. Between them course in a general northerly and southerly direction five streams. Two, Harford Run and Jones Falls, running through deep and some¬ what irregular valleys and carrying considerable volumes of water, empty into the Northwestern Branch or Basin; the other three, Rutter's Run and Schroeder's Run, both comparatively small, and the larger Gwynn's Falls dis¬ charge into the Middle Branch. Gwynn's Falls is near the extreme western boundary and Jones Falls bisects the city into two nearly equal parts, the eastern and the western sides. In earlier days, before the city was built up, a number of smaller brooks fed from springs, and coursing through narrow valleys between the hills, discharged, either directly or indirectly by means of the above-mentioned streams, into the basin or into the Middle Branch. These and other topographical features yet to be described may be followed on maps 1 and 2. At different periods in the city's history all these streams, with the exception of Gwynn's Falls, have been covered over. Originally the valley of Jones Falls, 1 Figures in parenthesis refer to bibliography at end of this volume. 1 2 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE the most important stream, rose rather sharply to the hills on its west side, but spread out widely with a comparatively flat surface for some distance on its eastern side. No high hills separated the valley of Harford Eun from that of Jones Falls; indeed, it appears that these two streams shared the same valley over much of their courses through the site of Baltimore. At a comparatively short distance from the water-front, the east side of the valley of Harford Eun rose somewhat gradually to meet a series of high hills. The consequence is that with the grading that accompanied the development of the city, the descent to this combined valley, over a certain large area, is abrupt on the west and gradual on the east side. The formation above described in the higher portions of the city is well adapted to surface drainage, both from north to south and from east to west. All of these streams, and Jones Falls in particular, were fre¬ quently subject to overflow after very heavy rains, and as the city grew it be¬ came necessary to wall their banks and in some instances to straighten their courses. In earlier days these streams were of great importance on other ac¬ counts; both G wynn’s and Jones Falls were used to turn mills, the latter being for a long time an important source of water-supply. All of them have served continuously as storm-water sewers and until recent years, in varying degree, as sanitary sewers as well. Turning now to the water-front, the land between the basin and the first range of hills to the north was comparatively low, hut sloping in a general way from north to south. Near the mouths of the streams, along the shores of the basin and on those of the Middle Branch (Spring Gardens), there were wide marshes, which for many years were sources of nuisance. Between the western side of the basin and the Patapsco Eiver there projects a long tongue of land, Whetstone Point, marked at its base by a towering hill (Federal Hill) and along its center from base to tip by a ridge from each side of which the surface in¬ clines to the water. At its southern extremity is situated the famous Fort Mc¬ Henry. This comparatively narrow strip of land forms the southwestern bound¬ ary of the old harbor, and from early days its eastern side has been the seat of important docks and terminals, as well as shipbuilding and other kindred ac¬ tivities. Opposite a point of land (Locust Point) which projects from about the center of the northern shore of Whetstone Point, lies Fell’s Point, the eastern boundary of the basin. The ground here was uneven and in general low. To the west and at the base of this point empties Harford Eun. In early times, before the basin was dredged for this purpose, FelFs Point was the head of deep water and the docking-place for vessels of deep draft. Somewhat to the east of the center of the northern shore of the basin, Jones Falls discharges. To the west of its mouth were the docks and piers for vessels of lighter draft. Directly opposite Fort McHenry and over 2 miles southeast of FelFs Point is Lazaretto Point, long the seat of the quarantine station and of the old lazaretto for the reception of goods from quarantined vessels. To the east and west of the city, along the fall line, extends a narrow and comparatively low ridge containing iron ore, wherefrom the ridge derived its name, Mine Banks. To the south of the Mine Banks and on each side of the Patapsco Eiver the land is in general relatively flat, with numerous inlets and small streams and was formerly marked by swamps and ponds. From the earliest records until recent years this region was a hotbed of malaria, and in it the city’s quarantine hospitals and pest houses have always been situated. PHYSICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL DATA CONCERNING BALTIMORE 3 SETTLEMENT AND GROWTH IN AREA. In 1729, on petition of the inhabitants of Baltimore County, the General Assembly of Maryland provided for the erection of a town upon the Patapsco Piver. In consequence, in September 1730, 60 acres of land, situated just north of Northwestern Branch of the Patapsco River, purchased of Charles and Daniel Carroll, was divided by commissioners into 60 lots of nearly equal size, with the necessary streets, lanes, and alleys, and named Baltimore Town. It will be noted from map 1 that the original town was irregular in outline. The basin, since considerably narrowed at this point by fillings, formed part of its south¬ ern boundary. On the north side the town was limited by the first considerable range of hills. To the east were the marshy lowlands bordering the mouth of Jones Falls. Only one street led to the water and the primitive docks. Through the center of the town from east to west ran the principal thoroughfare, known as Market Street, which was in reality the road connecting Philadelphia with the southern colonies. The avowed reason for establishing this town was the necessity for an additional port to serve the surrounding territory, which was fast becoming an important farming country. Until 1780 the port of Baltimore Town was subsidiary to Annapolis. In 1732, also pursuant to act of the General Assembly, Jones Town (see map 1) was erected on the east side of Jones Falls and northeast of Baltimore Town. It consisted of 20 lots of approximately one-half acre each. Jones Town was united with Baltimore Town in 1745. As these original settlements grew, more land was incorporated, drained, and built upon on both sides of Jones Falls to the basin. As early as 1730, William Fell, a shipwright, had settled on the point bear¬ ing his name. With the expansion of commerce and shipbuilding, the region about Fell’s Point was rapidly built up, and in 1781 it, too, was legally joined to Baltimore Town. By act of the Legislature, Baltimore Town became Baltimore City on De¬ cember 31, 1796. It will be observed on map 1 that by 1801, when the popu¬ lation numbered about 27,000, extensive changes in the physical characters of the situation has been made. Jones Falls in its lower part had been canalized with masonry walls and the marshes on each side of it and about the north and west sides of the basin filled in and built upon. Extensive docks lined the north and west sides of the basin and Fell’s Point. The main streets, with few exceptions, ran directly north and south and east and west, and were laid out with great regularity. This same regularity, with ample width for most streets, imposed by the early surveyors, has persisted throughout the city’s history. The tendency to cling to the water-front and to expand easterly and westerly rather than to the north was a striking feature of the town and early city. This has been overcome slowly under the influence of railroads and modern rapid transit. In 1816, by annexation of territory to the east, west, and north, the corporate limits were considerably increased. The city now included 13.2 square miles. These limits remained fixed until the annexation of 1888, when 18.45 square miles were added. By the annexation of 1919, the city lines were again con¬ siderably extended. With this the corporate limits embraced 91.93 square miles. With each annexation there was included a fringe of closely built-up areas, im- 4 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION - , ETC., IN BALTIMORE mediately contiguous to the old city lines, and extensive outlying areas of village and rural territory, all containing manufacturing and other industries, chiefly located along the streams and the harbor. FACTORS DETERMINING THE EXPANSION IN WEALTH AND COMMERCIAL IMPORTANCE. The birth, growth, wealth, and civic history of Baltimore are intimately cor¬ related with water-borne trade. In the minds of the petitioners for the erection of Baltimore Town, the harbor for the convenient loading of tobacco, then the principal staple of export and medium of exchange for manufactured goods needed, was the chief consideration. The first public building was a tobacco warehouse situated near the basin. A second factor of prime importance was its situation on the Philadelphia Road, the direct land route between New England, New York, and Philadelphia and the rich southern colonies. To the land side, striking natural advantages were convenient deposits of copper and iron ore within easy reach, abundant timber of great variety and of fine quality from nearby forests, the water-power of Jones and Gwynn’s Falls and of the Patapsco River and other streams, fine clay for brickmaking within her gates, marble and other building stone at her doors, and the rich agricultural lands of first the Piedmont and later of the Ohio Valley for grains, flax, meats, hides, vegetables and similar products. Tobacco from the tide-water counties, and fish from the Chesapeake Bay could be readily shipped in vessels. These great natural advantages were cultivated and later exploited by a rapidly growing band of adventurers drawn first from Maryland, then from the British Isles, and particularly from the north of Ireland and Scotland, and later from Virginia, North Carolina, New England, New York, and Penn¬ sylvania. Of considerable importance were two groups of French extraction, the Acadians who were forcibly transplanted by the British in 1756 and the San Domingan refugees who arrived in 1793. The arrival, after the middle of the eighteenth century, of a few people of German extraction, largely from Pennsylvania, who were trained in the arts of spinning and weaving and in saddle and harness making, was opportune. Despite the natural advantages and the adventurous and determined popu¬ lation, the early growth and progress of Baltimore would not have been pos¬ sible without another gift—a genius for innovation and adaptation in transpor¬ tation on both water and land. The genius of Baltimore shipbuilders developed the famous Baltimore clipper, the fastest cargo and fighting wind-driven vessel known to history. On the same model they built, first the small schooner and later the larger square-rigged vessel, the bark, the brig, and their modifications, and the full-rigged ship. These two types differed only in size and rig, and their startling success was due to two characteristics—the design of the hull and the tall masts carrying an unusual area of sail. This model, “ full forward and off aft ” or “ catfish head and mackerel tail,” was broader and higher in the bows than in the stem, and further characterized by “ a great dead-rise at her mid-ship section, long, easy, convex water-lines, low free-board and raking stern, stern-post, and masts.” This design, variously ascribed to the Chesapeake water-fowl, - to Capt. John Smith’s pinnace, and to the French lugger, speci¬ mens of which visited the Chesapeake during the Revolution, marked a great X MAP 2. (From Dr. Th. H. Buckler.) MAP 2 W rn 'Vt/he# StaveyvrfialtzmeTrv (From Dr. Th. H. Buckler.) PHYSICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL DATA CONCERNING BALTIMORE 5 advance over the ungainly hulks of the British navy and merchant marine. Owing to the superiority of model, excess of sail, and the unusual skill and daring of their skippers and crews, these vessels outsailed and outmanoeuvred everything afloat and laughed at blockading fleets in both home and foreign waters. As privateers they were particularly well adapted, and great wealth was brought to Baltimore in prizes and prize-money during the wars with Britain. During the wars of the French Revolution and of Napoleon, the en¬ terprising Baltimore merchants captured with these vessels a large part of the world’s shipping trade. They were especially active in the West Indian, South American, Mediterranean, Spanish, North Sea, and Baltic ports. Some reached out to the Orient. The clipper-ship era lasted until the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869. This ship, which sacrificed cargo capacity to speed, was espe¬ cially serviceable in time of war, for perishable and manufactured goods of small bulk and for passengers. It finally gave way to the coasting schooner and the steamship, and had almost disappeared by 1890. One of the most famous, the John Gilpin, on a voyage to the Orient and to South America, sailed some 34,920 miles at the average rate of 183 miles a day. With the settlement and development of the country in her rear, first nearby in Maryland, and then at a distance to and over the Alleghenies, land transpor¬ tation became a matter of great importance to the growing city and its tribu¬ tary country. For a time, rough wagon-roads and pack-trails sufficed. Late in the eighteenth and early in the nineteenth centuries the construction of wide turnpikes to strategic centers was begun. Thus, the Harford, York, Reister- town, Frederick, Washington, Philadelphia, and other roads were gradually con¬ verted into broad highways, with solid foundations and coverings, capable of supporting the huge u Conestoga 99 wagons, carrying from 6,000 to 10,000 pounds and drawn by teams of 6 to 8 horses or mules. Of great significance in this connection was the opening in 1818 of the Na¬ tional Pike from Cumberland, Maryland, running over the mountains to the Ohio River. This national thoroughfare was later extended to Indiana, Illinois, and Missouri, and, until the passage of the railroads beyond the Allegheny Mountains in 1852, was the highway from East to West for the mails and most of the travel and traffic. The improved State highway from Baltimore to Cum¬ berland was completed in time for Baltimore to take full advantage of the National Pike to hold and to extend her trade with the West, for which she was the natural market. As early as 1819 a stage route was established to Pitts¬ burgh and Wheeling. By 1823, however, her supremacy was threatened on the one hand by Phila¬ delphia, over the highways built through Pennsylvania, and on the other by New York, over the newly opened Erie Canal. Somewhat later, steamers from New Orleans invaded the Ohio River. But Baltimore merchants arose to the occasion and planned and executed their second great contribution to trans¬ portation, this time by land. Casting aside the first considered plan, canals from the Susquehanna and the Potomac rivers, they decided to construct a railroad from Baltimore by the most direct route to some point on the Ohio River. This decision, arrived at in 1827, resulted in the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, the first railroad for general purposes. Most of the early problems of track and motive power were solved by Baltimoreans. The new road was open to Point of Rocks, 72 miles, in 1832, to Harpers Ferry in 1834, to Cumberland 6 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE in 1842, and to Wheeling in 1852. Connection with other roads opened the Baltimore and Ohio service to Cincinnati and St. Louis in 1857. Meanwhile, at Harper’s Ferry, connections were made with short but important railroads leading into the Valley of Virginia. The extension to Cumberland made avail¬ able extensive fields of cheap steam coal to Baltimore. Other railroads soon followed. The Baltimore and Susquehanna, begun in 1829, the Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore and the Baltimore and Potomac started about 1830, financed partly at least by Baltimore, and finally absorbed into the Pennsylvania Railroad system, connected Baltimore by rail with Philadelphia and New York, Pittsburgh and the South. The Western Maryland, running more centrally through the State than the others, was in¬ augurated in 1852. By 1880, with the extension and consolidation of trunk lines throughout the country, which connect with all the great Atlantic seaports, Baltimore had lost all of her relative advantages except one—her position nearer to the West and South gave shorter hauls and thereby a favorable differential in freight rates. This, with highly convenient terminal facilities, and Chesapeake, coast¬ wise, and foreign steamship lines, has helped to preserve her importance as a port. Advantageous arrangements made early between the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad and the North German Lloyd Steamship Company fostered a large trade through Bremen. Of late years cargo steamship lines have been widely established, but particularly with British ports. It is not possible to follow here in detail all the shipping, manufacturing, and jobbing activities of Baltimore. It was natural that in the port of export and import of a rapidly growing and developing territory, wholesale jobbing should become and remain an important industry, and that in connection with this as well as with materials near at hand or readily obtainable, an enterprising population should develop the manufacture of iron, copper, chrome, and grain products; tobacco; wooden, clay, and leather ware; powder; cotton and woolen goods; clothing, hats, shoes; and the like. Nor is it strange that in such a com¬ munity banking should have been highly developed at an early date, and that investments in transportation and manufacturing enterprises in the West and South have made high returns. Certain very distinct periods of growth and depression characterize Balti¬ more’s history. Until 1776 growth was comparatively slow. The Revolution, in which she played a conspicuous part by both land and sea, found Baltimore a struggling shipping village and left her an embryo city of fearless and bold, yet hard-headed, inhabitants, with ships, shipyards, foundries, mills, and un¬ rivaled harbor, and with a rich and expanding farming community in the rear. Freed from the shackles of British navigation and manufacturing laws, within the next 30 years her growth in population and wealth was fabulous. Be¬ tween 1790 and 1810 the population increased nearly 250 per cent. Her mer¬ chants were rich, her professional men in medicine, law, and theology were distinguished, her general population was prosperous, well housed, and fed, and all classes were contented. With food in great variety and abundance and of the best quality, to be had cheap at convenient markets, with famous beers and whiskies made locally, and every facility for the importation of foreign liquors, material conditions were very attractive. Life was characterized by an easy and genial courtesy and hospitality. PHYSICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL DATA CONCERNING BALTIMORE 7 During the embargoes of the years just preceding 1812 and the period of this war, when the Chesapeake was occupied by the British fleet, but especially as the result of the succeeding general financial collapse and the consequent de¬ cline in commerce and industry, Baltimore suffered severely. It is recorded that in 1819, 20,000 people were out of employment. From 1825 to the outbreak of the Civil War in 1861, Baltimore prospered in the main. During this period crowds of immigrants, mainly from Ireland and Germany, entered at the port, and many settled in the city. The city was hard hit by the Civil War, for coastwise and foreign trade was restricted, southern trade was interdicted, and trade with the West was par¬ alyzed. During much of this period the city was under military rule and oc¬ cupied by Federal troops, against whom a large and influential portion of the population was hostile. Recovery was slow and not until after 1880 was the comer turned. Since 1890 great advances have been made in trade and in wealth from many sources. A great fire in 1904 destroyed a large portion of the business section. In connection with reconstruction, which was soon com¬ pleted, extensive improvements to the docks and piers of the basin were carried out. FORMS OF GOVERNMENT. Baltimore Town was governed by commissioners, sometimes appointed by State authority and sometimes elected on a restricted franchise. With few ex¬ ceptions, the laws under which the town was governed were passed by the Colonial Assembly or by the Legislature of the State. Granted a charter in 1796, Baltimore was incorporated as a city January 1, 1797, under the title of the Mayor and City Council of Baltimore City. Since this date, but with several more liberal charters granted at various times, the government has been carried on by a mayor, a bicameral city council, a judiciary, and a local mag¬ istracy. For civic purposes, the political subdivisions are wards. For nearly half a century the control of the police force has been in the hands of commissioners appointed by the governor of the State. Since the charter of 1900, the re¬ sponsibility of the city government has been concentrated in the hands of the mayor and the board of estimates, consisting of the mayor and the heads of departments, who are, with several important exceptions, appointed by the mayor, and subject to confirmation by the council. The schools, the park sys¬ tem, the jail, the harbor, the city charities, and the sinking fund are conducted by special boards composed of members appointed by the mayor for definite and overlapping terms. Membership on these boards is a mark of distinction and members serve without salary. Members of commissions for various other pur¬ poses receive salaries. The board of estimates holds the purse strings and, to¬ gether with the mayor, is the real power. On the whole this system has worked well and in many departments of the city government has given reasonably ef¬ ficient sendee. METEOROLOGY. The climate of Baltimore is exceptionally fine, with an abundance of sun¬ shine and rain and a comparatively low relative humidity. As a rule, severe storms are infrequent, prolonged droughts are rare, and extreme changes in 8 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE temperature develop gradually. These characteristics are due in part to the tem¬ pering influence of the Chesapeake Bay and in part to the fact that of the three great transcontinental storm areas, two pass well to the north, while the one following the southern course is moderated in its passage over the Southern States before it reaches the city. The annual averages for temperature, precipitation, and relative humidity are 55.5° F., 43.18 inches, and 69 per cent, respectively. As on an average, the sun shines some portion of the day on 321 days in the year, gloomy weather is of rare occurrence. However, days with 100 per cent sunshine are uncommon at any season of the year, for on typical days the sky is partly covered with clouds. In winter the sunshine is 53 per cent of the possible amount and the relative humidity is only about 70 per cent. While high winds are rare, except in con¬ nection with occasional storms, the air in both summer and winter is usually in gentle motion. At all seasons, in association with calm or light winds from the direction of the water, fogs occur. They are rarely dense, and are usually of short duration. The temperature is mild in winter, moderate in spring and autumn, and warm in summer. In table 1, compiled from data furnished by the local Table 1.— Average monthly temperatures in degrees Fahrenheit and the average pre¬ cipitation in inches for the period 1871-1920 and relative humidity for the period 1888-1921, inclusive. Month. Temp. Precip¬ itation. Relative humidity at 8 a.m., 12 noon, and 8 p. m. Month. Temp. Precip¬ itation. Relative humidity at 8 a.m., 12 noon, and 8 p. m. Jan. 34. 3.22 p. ct. 71 July . 77.4 4.82 • p. ct. 69 Feb. 35.4 3.51 68 Aug. 75.5 4.21 72 Mar. 42.3 3.88 66 Sept. 68.5 3.85 74 Apr. 53.6 3.27 62 Oct. 58.2 3.02 71 May . 64.4 3.56 66 Nov. 46.3 2.92 69 June . 72.7 3.84 68 Dec. 37.2 3.08 70 Average annual: Temperature 55.5° F. Precipitation 43.18 inches. Humidity 69%. office of the United States Weather Bureau, are given the average temperature, precipitation, and humidity by months. It will be noted that while January is the month of lowest and July the month of the highest temperature, the dif¬ ference between the average monthly temperatures of December, January, and February and between those of June, July, and August, is comparatively slight. The average temperature is above 60° F. between 'May and September, in¬ clusive, and below this level during the remainder of the year. Excessively high temperatures are occasionally recorded in both May and October. On the whole the ascent of the temperature from the low point in January to the peak in July, and the descent through the rest of the year, follow rather regular gra¬ dients. The curve of the rainfall by months is not so regular. During February and March the rainfall increases in amount decidedly over the level for January, falls significantly in April, and then rises gradually to its peak in July, the hot¬ test month. By September the rainfall has decreased to the level of June, and PHYSICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL DATA CONCERNING BALTIMORE 9 during October, November, and December, the driest months of the year, the monthly rainfall varies hardly at all. Measured in inches by season, the rain¬ fall averages 3, 3.53, 3.55, and 4.25, respectively, for each month of the fall, winter, spring, and summer. Thus it appears that the monthly rainfall is about the same in winter and spring, but in the summer months it is much higher and in the fall months much lower, than in the rest of the year. Humidity is lowest in April and highest in September. In July, the month of the highest temperature and rainfall, and in November, a cool month with the smallest rainfall of the year, humidity stands at the level of its average for the year. From 71 in January it declines progressively during February and March to 62 in April. Over the succeeding five months it rises steadily to 74 in September and remains relatively high, 71, 69, and 70, in October, Novem¬ ber, and December, respectively. Data concerning direction of the wind are given in table 2. For the year as Table 2. —Direction of the wind at Baltimore hy seasons of the year, according to per¬ centages based upon hourly observations and averaged for 11 years. (U. S. Weather Bureau.) Season. * NW. w fc GO GO w GO w £ ta is & & w CO •a GO GO Off land. Off water. SW., W., NW., N., NE., & E. S. & SE. Winter .... 16 18 11 12 20 9 5 9 45 41 72 28 Spring .... 15 18 11 14 15 13 7 7 44 42 73 27 Summer ... 14 12 10 21 18 13 7 5 36 52 66 34 Autumn ... 16 16 10 15 17 11 7 8 42 43 74 26 Year . 15 16 10 16 18 12 6 7 41 46 72 28 a whole, the wind blows from the northern segment for 41 per cent and from the southern segment 46 per cent of the time. During the remaining 13 per cent of the time due east and due west winds are almost equal in frequency. In winter, spring, and autumn, northerly and due westerly winds occur with greater frequency than do southerly and due easterly winds. In the summer months conditions are reversed, and the wind blows from a generally southerly direction for 52 per cent and from the northerly segment for only 36 per cent of the time, and decidedly less frequently from due west than from due east. These differences of wind direction in these two seasons are owing very largely to the higher percentage of due south winds and a lower percentage of due north, northwest and west winds in summer as compared with winter. This is a point of considerable importance, for as a general rule winds from the north¬ erly segment are associated with cold or relatively cool weather and those from the south with warm or temperate weather. There is comparatively little sea¬ sonal variation in the frequency of northeast winds, which are often associated with rain at all seasons. The last two columns of the table show the occurrence of winds in relation to the river and Chesapeake Bay near the city. It will be observed that in summer the percentage of frequency of land winds falls and the percentage of frequency of winds from over the water rises decidedly as com¬ pared with what obtains at other seasons. 10 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE The average hourly wind velocity (table 3) is 6.4 miles. From June to De¬ cember the wind velocity is below and from January to May is above the aver¬ age for the year. The highest velocities occur in February, March, and April, and the lowest in June, July, and August. The mean annual barometric pressure (table 3) is 30.05 inches. Though the extremes are not great the highest monthly pressures occur in the colder months and the lowest in the warmer months of the year. Table 3. —Average hourly wind velocity (51 years) in miles, and the mean sea-level barometric pressure (48 years) in inches. (U. S. Weather Bureau.) Month. Wind velocity. Barometric pressure. Month. Wind velocity. Barometric pressure. Jan. 6.5 30.13 July . 5.9 29.98 Feb. 7.1 30.10 Aug. 5.4 30.01 Mar. 7.5 30.04 Sept. 5.6 30.08 Apr. 7.4 30.00 Oct. 6.0 30.11 May . 6.6 29.98 Nov. 6.2 30.10 June . 6.2 29.99 Dec. 6.3 30.12 These composite pictures of the general meteorological phenomena give, after all, an incomplete idea of the actual conditions, particularly in summer. The hills which surround the city on parts of three sides and the nearby large bodies of water to the south temper the winter in the city. The hills and valleys of the city itself are in general favorable for the circulation of air in the summer. In the main, the weather of spring, autumn, most of the winter, and part of the summer is ideal. Periods of two to three days to a week or two in summer characterized by an excess of heat associated with a high degree of humidity are not of infrequent occurrence. In these periods official afternoon temperatures of over 90° are commonly recorded, and in most of the built-up and in all of the low-lying parts of the city, particularly in the business and manufacturing sections, the temperature registers much higher levels. On these * occasions, when, in the absence of breeze, the pavements and brick houses re¬ tain at night the heat absorbed during the day, in many parts of the city the atmosphere is stifling. Under these conditions, while relatively few deaths are ascribed definitely to heat-stroke, the death-rate from various causes, particu¬ larly among infants and the aged, rises significantly. Mortality from causes peculiar to early infancy and from gastro-intestinal affections of individuals under 2 years of age commonly reach the highest level in these periods. On the other hand, the heat of summer is usually mitigated by clouds, refreshing breezes, by day and night, and frequent thunder-showers. In the higher portions of the city, and particularly in the openly built sections in the hilly districts, excessively oppressive heat throughout the 24 hours is rare. The comparatively mild and short winter season exercises an important effect upon employment in all out-of-door work and especially in construction activities. There are relatively few days when workers are debarred from plying their trades, and on this account seasonal lay offs are of less importance than in less genial climates. Chapter II. Physicians and medical education; Hospitals and dispensaries; Chari¬ ties; Dwellings; Schools. PHYSICIANS. Medicine and medical men have played an unusually prominent part in the life and development of Baltimore. Two of the five commissioners appointed to lay out the town were physicians, Drs. George Buchanan and George Walker. Three years later, the latter assisted in the founding of Jones Town, across Jones Falls, afterwards united with Baltimore Town. The four physicians in practice in 1756 included Drs. Henry Stevenson and Charles Wiessenthal, the first distinguished later as one of the foremost inoculators in America against smallpox, and the latter, universally revered as the Sydenham of Baltimore Town. From figures given by Quinan, the number of physicians resident in early Baltimore and their proportion in the population in different years were as follows: 1776, 19, or 1:355; 1782, 23, or 1:347; 1790, 30, or 1:450; 1799, 34, or 1: 617; 1810, 46, or 1: 1,012. In connection with the rapid growth of the town and State in wealth and population during the last decade of the eighteenth century, there was an extensive invasion of medical quacks. In order to control these, a movement begun by Dr. Charles Wiessenthal of Baltimore and Dr. John Hall of Frederick resulted in the establishment in Baltimore of a medical society in 1785, and, in 1799, the Medical and Chirurgical Faculty of Maryland was granted the right by charter from the legislature to license candidates for medical prac¬ tice after “ a full examination before the board of examiners,” or “ in lieu thereof presenting a satisfactory diploma.” The 101 incorporators, from all parts of the State, represented the best elements of the State and town and in¬ cluded men trained in the medical schools of Leyden, Paris, London, Oxford, Edinburgh, Glasgow, Aberdeen, and Dublin; but as late as 1807, of the 241 members of the faculty, only 17 per cent had medical degrees. Among the Baltimore physicians at the opening of the nineteenth century were men with names then and ever since of the highest standing in the city and State. The Medical and Chirurgical Faculty, in order of its foundation the seventh State medical society, has been closely identified throughout its history with medical education and public-health measures. The faculty indorsed vaccination against smallpox in 1802, appointed com¬ mittees of investigation and advice to the health department during the early yellow-fever epidemics, especially that of 1819, advised the mayor and the city council in regard to the health ordinances in 1820 and in other years, urged the appointment of public vaccinators in 1821 and the establishment of a State vaccine agency in 1864, and has taken an active part in securing acts of the legislature in regard to public health. The faculty did not long retain com¬ plete control over medical practice, for, under pressure of medical charlatanism 2 11 12 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., 1ST BALTIMORE in the rapidly growing community, the powers of licensure after examination were withdrawn by the legislature, not to be regranted until 1892. Thus, for many years its power in this direction was limited to the influence of the high standard of medical ethics which it set up and consistently maintained. Bal¬ timore has had its quota of societies and clubs devoted to the encouragement of general medicine, surgery, obstetrics and gynecology, pathology, and various other departments of medicine, many of them associated directly or indirectly with the Medical and Chirurgical Faculty. However, as it will appear later, the leading Baltimore physicians have ever been disposed to do their own think¬ ing and to be guided by their own observations. In the later years of the eighteenth and in the earlier years of the nineteenth centuries they were in¬ clined to repudiate the domination of contemporary British in medicine as in politics. Rush, the outstanding figure of American medicine in his day, seems to have carried but little weight with them. In later years Philadelphia, New York, and Boston were heard with respect. By the rising French school of the first half of the nineteenth century, and in particular by Laennec, Andral, Louis, Bretonneau, Rielliez, Barthez, Trousseau, and Charcot, they were slowly but markedly influenced. Not until after the intensive development of patho¬ logical anatomy and of bacteriology in Germany were Baltimore physicians much affected by the medical teachings of that country. MEDICAL EDUCATION. The first medical teaching of a formal kind in Baltimore was given during the winter of 1789-90 by Dr. George Buchanan in diseases of women and chil¬ dren and by Dr. Andrew Wiessenthal in anatomy, physiology, pathology, and operative surgery. The next year chemistry and materia medica were added to the curriculum of Dr. Wiessenthal’s school. A program was issued, during the ensuing winter, of a medical faculty, consisting of Dr. Andrew Wiessenthal, anatomy; Dr. George Brown, practice of medicine; Dr. Lyde Goodwin, sur¬ gery; Dr. S. Y. Coale, chemistry and materia medica; and Dr. George Buch¬ anan, obstetrics. Drs. John B. Davidge, James Cocke, and John Shaw soon afterwards offered courses of lectures. An important part of the original plan of the organizers of the Medical and Chirurgical Faculty was a school of medicine under the supervision of the or¬ ganized profession, and in his address in 1801, the president of the faculty urged the adoption of a plan to organize such a school in Baltimore. In 1803, Dr. John B. Davidge, with Dr. George Brown and others, was appointed to con¬ sider a plan for the proposed medical school, but it was not until December 18, 1807, that the College of Medicine of Maryland, the fourth in the United States, was incorporated, with six professors. The cornerstone of the new college building, a handsome and, for those days, commodious structure, was laid in 1811, and in 1812 the college became the medical department of the University of Maryland. Among the early professors, John B. Davidge and Nathaniel Potter stand out as erudite and forceful men, who by their teachings and writ¬ ings profoundly influenced the attitude of their contemporaries on questions of public health. The school, under the control of regents, was conducted with dignity and due sense of responsibility to the profession and to the community. An important reason for the great reputation it finally won was the fact that PHYSICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL DATA CONCERNING BALTIMORE 13 the authorities did not hesitate to go out of town for teachers. In 1820, Gran¬ ville Sharp Patterson and, in 1827, Nathan R. Smith were called to fill the chair of surgery. Elisha Bartlett was called to succeed Potter as professor of medicine in 1844, and he, in his turn, was succeeded by William Power, who, though a native of Baltimore, had spent three years with Louis in Paris. Until about 1890 this school stood among the strongest medical schools of the country in strength of the faculty and methods of teaching, and it fell to a secondary place only when it failed to establish strongly manned and well-equipped lab¬ oratories of anatomy, physiology, and pathology. Besides the Baltimore In¬ firmary, it had abundant clinical material at other hospitals. In 1827, though there was no need for it, an ambitious group of medical men, led by Horatio G. Jameson, a man of force and talent, established The Washington Medical College, as the medical department of Washington Col¬ lege, Pennsylvania. This school, leading a precarious existence for many years, was succeeded by a proprietary school, The College of Physicians and Sur¬ geons, at which some able men gave lectures and developed ward and laboratory teaching to a somewhat higher degree than at the University of Maryland. It used the clinical material of Mercy and other hospitals. Later (1882), a second proprietary school, The Baltimore Medical College, was founded by another group of ambitious men, for whom no positions offered in the other two schools. With more modern buildings and stressing laboratory teaching, perhaps more than its rivals, this school drew a large number of students. Lacking endowments, without reputation in medical research, unable to exert those other qualities that draw gold to the support of medical education, and their receipts cut by the decline in the number of students—due to the higher entrance, teaching, and licensure requirements demanded by the State examining boards, all three of these schools, about 1910, were not only unable to advance, but found their existence precarious. First the Baltimore Medical College and then the College of Physicians and Surgeons fused with the older school. For some years a woman’s medical college, established in 1882, led an uncer¬ tain life and perished because means were not obtainable to continue a credit¬ able existence. Between 1870 and 1885 there arose several obscure medical schools with pre¬ tentious names, all of them with the most primitive excuses for laboratory and hospital facilities. All of these schools, except the University of Maryland, were founded by physicians ambitious for fees, but above all for the professorial title and con¬ sulting practice, and throughout their existence they were proprietary. The university, a legitimate child of the State, was established by the medical pro¬ fession to fill a real need in medical education and was placed under the gov¬ ernment of a board of regents, chosen, at least at first, from and by the Medical and Chirurgical Faculty. For the first 70 years of its existence, in its stand¬ ards of ethics, teaching, and examination, it reflected truthfully the ideals of the best and brightest of the profession of the State. Since 1895 in teaching it has not, in a relative sense, maintained this position. The two other leading schools and the Woman’s Medical College had on their faculties during their whole existence many men of the highest standing in the community and of 14 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE considerable professional attainment, and especially during the past 20 years, often at least, the equals in ability of the holders of their respective chairs in the University of Maryland. While, as a general rule, all these schools drew the bulk of their students from other States, and most of the better class of Maryland students attended the university, a not inconsiderable number of non-resident graduates of all of them settled in Baltimore, and many Balti¬ more students of deficient education graduated from the lowest type of pro¬ prietary schools—the diploma mills of the worst type. As a consequence of the relatively low standards of the four schools of the better type and of the de¬ based standards of those of the poorest type, between 1875 and 1905, the medi¬ cal profession was recruited by large numbers of relatively defective, ranging from bright men of college education and trained in the fundamental sciences but handicapped by poor facilities and opportunities offered by the better schools, through the gamut to the mentally slow and dull, whose opportunities in both preliminary and medical education were scandalously deficient. Medi¬ cal practitioners of the same grades, botli residents and non-residents, who had attended schools of all orders elsewhere, some of them graduates of foreign universities, completed the list. As a result of all these factors, there was added to the Baltimore profession, during the period of greatest activity of the pro¬ prietary schools, a considerable group of physicians deficient not only in the knowledge of physiology and pathology and the natural history of disease, but in modern methods of diagnosis and particularly in the principles underlying protective vaccination and serum therapy, defects which have left them a prey to the guile of pseudo-scientific manufacturers of drugs and biological products. One of the most striking evils of medical education in Baltimore during this period was a lack of practical teaching in obstetrics and in infant and child feeding. Throughout its whole history from 1780 to at least 1890, except during a few years when the Medical and Chirurgical Faculty had control of medical licensure, the city had its share of advertising quacks and other medical char¬ latans. That all these untoward factors have made distinct contributions to the general death-rate and to the rates for certain diseases is beyond ques¬ tion. Nevertheless, it is probable that during this period until 1895 the general level of medical practice in Baltimore was at least as high as that of the At¬ lantic seaboard cities and much higher than that of cities to the west and south. This state of affairs was due partly to a few forceful teachers in each genera¬ tion, to the natural ability of those who came to the top, and to the fact that on account of defects in their home teaching, many sought postgraduate in¬ struction abroad. After the founding of the Medical and Chirurgical Faculty and of the Uni¬ versity of Maryland under its auspices, the most profoundly important bene¬ ficial influence upon medicine in Baltimore is that of the Johns Hopkins Uni¬ versity, opened in 1876, the hospital in 1889, and the medical school in 1893. The influence of scientific investigation and laboratory teaching in physics under Rowland, chemistry under Remsen, zoology under Brooks, and physiology and histology under Martin was well established by 1880. As these men entered freely into the public and social life of the community, the influence of their ideas and methods and wide knowledge rapidly spread in intellectual circles, PHYSICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL DATA CONCERNING BALTIMORE 15 of which the leading physicians formed an important part. Young men going into medicine took their courses and young medical graduates sought and ob¬ tained admission into their classes, particularly in chemistry and physiology and histology. Here Abbott, Councilman, and Booker, as postgraduate stu¬ dents, got their first training in microscopy; here also Sternberg did his early work in bacteriology. Thus, the time and the settings were ready for the advent in 1884 of Welch, whose first courses were given in the biological laboratory. The brighter of the younger and many even of the established physicians during the next 10 or 15 years enrolled themselves in the courses in bacteriology and pathological anatomy offered by Welch and his associates in his pathological laboratory. Fortunately, Welch's courses were also opened to those undergraduates of the Johns Hopkins University who expected to study medicine. By these means, interest in the fundamental sciences in Baltimore was revived and rekindled. Young men entering medicine had opportunity to pursue them, and gradu¬ ates in medicine as well were enabled to make up their deficiencies in physiology, microscopic anatomy, micro-parasitology, pathological anatomy, and general pathology. From these springs, medicine in Baltimore drank a revivifying draught. By 1890, Welch's students comprised directly or indirectly the whole medical profession of Baltimore, for there were few so ignorant or so fossilized that they could not absorb something of knowledge so simply diffused and im¬ parted by this clear-headed, impelling master, whose kindly manner reassured the meek and abashed the arrogant. Whether it was the student who in the laboratory was encouraged to utilize the ample material, or the experimenter, to teach himself, or the physician in professional or social gatherings and in visits of consultation at his home, all took away a new conception of medicine and the inspiration to follow it. The most valuable service rendered at this time was to the brighter young medical graduates, who threw aside the medical text-books of the day and read in their stead the masters in medicine and the better articles of the current literature, and, freed from the dogmas and gener¬ alities of the schools and imbued with the spirit of observation, experiment, and critical analysis, thought for themselves. The next important step was the opening of the Johns Hopkins Hospital in 1889, when the local medical profession received a salutary shock when made to realize that no one of them had so cultivated the medical sciences as to reach eminence of the kind and degree that would warrant the trustees to select him as head of a department of medicine, surgery, or obstetrics and gynecology. As a result, quite apart from their abilities, the newcomers had a crowd of pupils and voluntary assistants, eager to follow new leaders. The latter were for¬ tunately chosen, and their influence upon medical and surgical research and practice, both within and without Baltimore, is too well known to need elab¬ oration here. Since the tracing of the effects of the Johns Hopkins institutions upon the local medical profession is a part of this review, it may not be out of place to point out a phase that has not received the appreciation that its im¬ portance warrants. Perhaps the impression of the most fundamental impor¬ tance made upon the band of Welch's pupils who followed the clinical branches in the hospital—and they were chiefly the ones who were best equipped to receive the new gospel—was gained in the surgical service of Halsted. There 16 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE under this master in surgery, they observed the methods of the laboratory constantly appealed to and applied in a manner wholly new and in a truly philosophical spirit. There they saw the aseptic technique carefully built up, the healing of wounds studied, and new operations developed, all under exactly controlled experiments. Osier’s influence was both deep and broad. Excelling in knowledge of the natural history of disease and of the fundamental relation between pathology and diagnosis, qualities that the local contemporary leaders in the profession prided themselves upon, he was in addition familiar with the chemical, micro¬ scopical, and bacteriological methods of diagnosis in which they were deficient. With these qualifications and his great gifts of mind and character, Osier at once assumed leadership and set new standards of diagnosis and of hospital and dispensary organization. His critical attitude toward the value of many drugs in the treatment of disease was largely responsible for winning the battle for expectant treatment and a fuller realization of the importance of vis medi- catrix naturae. Kelly’s advent fell at a propitious time for obstetrics and gynecology, in which both teaching and consulting practice were very largely in the hands of relatively old men, who, however great had been their services in the past, unlike the general surgeons, were incapable of taking full advantage of anti¬ septic methods to extend the boundaries of their fields. Apt in acquiring the new technique and possessed of unusual natural and acquired surgical gifts and a peculiar combination of boldness and versatility of resource, he soon made radical advances in gynecology and set new standards of obstetrics in Baltimore. The School of Nursing in the Johns Hopkins Hospital exerted almost im¬ mediately a beneficial effect upon nursing in the Baltimore hospitals and dispensaries. The immediate effects upon the local medical schools of the Johns Hopkins Medical School upon its opening in 1893 were exerted directly in improving methods and facilities for teaching and indirectly in taking away most of the local medical students with college training. From this time on, it was clear that the graduates of the new school with its higher standards, exact scientific methods, and more ample facilities must turn out a new type of physician who would in time be the leader and dominate medical thought and action, and this prophecy was fulfilled in a remarkably short time. The transition was the easier because of the gradual leavening process that had been in progress since 1880. This process was evolutionary rather than revolutionary, and, owing to the good spirit of the leaders and mass of the profession, as well as of the teachers in the new and in the old schools, the metamorphosis was accom¬ plished, on the whole, with remarkable smoothness and lack of bitterness. As a result, the profession held together without serious splits, and in the Medical and Chirurgical Faculty and other societies working in harmony, it was able to exert a salutary influence in improving medical practice and in securing remedial legislation and improvement in administrative measures in matters concerning the public health. The final result has been that in public con¬ fidence and influence, the medical profession of Baltimore, which always stood high, has outstripped all others. The names of those who stand out after the lapse of time as real leaders and contributors to medicine in Baltimore are: Henry Stevenson, the inoculator; PHYSICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL DATA CONCERNING BALTIMORE 17 Charles Wiessenthal, the educated physician, patriot, and medical reformer; James Smith, the vaccinator; Andrew Wiessenthal and George Buchanan, the early medical teachers; John B. Davidge, author and student and the father of the University of Maryland; David Meredith Reese, the student and his¬ torian of yellow fever; Ashton Alexander and Thomas E. Bond, advisers in public-health administration; Horatio C. Jameson, surgeon and student of public health; Pierre Chatard, the great obstetrician; George Frick, the eye surgeon; Nathaniel Potter, the medical philosopher and experimenter; Na¬ than R. Smith, Gibson, and Halsted, the surgeons; and Elisha Bartlett, William Power, Thomas H. Buckler, Charles Frick, William T. Howard, Sr., William Osier, and William D. Booker, students of the natural history of disease. HOSPITALS AND DISPENSARIES. Institutions of this type exert both direct and indirect effects upon the mor¬ bidity and mortality of a community. The beneficial influences of hospitals upon morbidity in furnishing asylum for the isolation of persons with com¬ municable diseases occurring in the general population may be largely counter¬ balanced in improperly constructed and managed institutions by the spread of communicable diseases so introduced among their own populations. There is ample evidence that typhus, typhoid, and puerperal fevers, erysipelas, scarlet fever, measles, diphtheria, dysentery, and small-pox have often been so spread in the public and private hospitals in Baltimore. That hospitals have, at least within the last 100 years, tended to lower mortality may be conceded. On the other hand, hospitals, especially those widely known, with men on their staffs of considerable reputation in this or that branch, notably in surgery and its subdivisions, attract large numbers of non-resident sick—many poor operative risks and some hopelessly ill, an uncertain proportion of whom inevitably die in the city. Thus, hospitals of this class, which have been and are relatively numerous in Baltimore, by adding to the number of deaths of non-residents, have certainly been responsible for an increase in the gross number of deaths chargeable against the city. Dispensaries, besides serving as centers for the dis¬ pensation of treatment to the poor, have long been recognized as valuable aids to public-health administration, because in them often the earliest cases of certain communicable diseases in the community are discovered. PUBLIC HOSPITALS. The public hospitals of Baltimore have by their location exerted an appar¬ ently favorable, though really fictitious, influence on the death-rate, both gen¬ eral and specific, of Baltimore, since the deaths occurring in all of them at one time or another have been credited to the places in which the institutions were situated, rather than to the place from which the sick were sent. This was particularly true of the infirmary or hospital wards in connection with the almshouse, and the hospitals in connection with the quarantine station, all of which at one time or another have been situated beyond the limits of the city, and to all of which city patients with acute diseases have been sent. In the earlier period of the city’s history, it is unlikely that the bodies of individ¬ uals dying at the almshouse, even of non-communicable diseases, were brought 18 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE to the city and buried in Potter’s Field or other cemeteries. Since the tables of mortality were compiled from the reports of the sextons of cemeteries, until death certificates were required in 1875, and since, even after this time in some years, the large number of deaths at Bayview Asylum and Sydenham Hospital were excluded from the list of city deaths, and since it has been constant prac¬ tice to exclude from this list all deaths at the Quarantine Hospital, these omis¬ sions are of considerable importance. The almshouse infirmaries served a double function in affording hospital care to some of the indigent sick in the general population, as well as to the sick among their own residents. Since the latter are recruited in general from those of middle or advanced age in the general popu¬ lation with a relatively short life expectancy, when the deaths among them are omitted from the city bills of mortality, it amounted to withdrawing from the city each year a certain number of poor risks and to subtracting the deaths among them from the total deaths. The first public hospital was opened in 1776 or 1777 as an infirmary in con¬ nection with the large almshouse of Baltimore City and County, situated just without the town, near the present Richmond Market. There is no record of the number of beds, but the wards of the infirmary were certainly open to the sick poor without as well as within the almshouse. The almshouse and its infirmary were transferred to new quarters without the city limits at Calverton in 1823. The infirmary continued to serve as a hospital for the city poor, and it received cases of acute and chronic diseases. There was also an obstetrical ward and a ward for foundlings. The city authorities often used it as a pest- house. Severe outbreaks of cholera occurred there in 1832 and in 1849. A vivid picture of the risks run by those sentenced to this hospital is given in the following quotations from T. H. Buckler’s (11) description published in 1851 : “ A single case of erysipelas brought to the house would often in a very short time, spread the infection to all the other wards, rendering it dangerous to perform the most simple operation, even that of bleeding. The slightest wound was sure to be followed by erysipelas, phlebitis, and in some instances, gangrene, and all this was attributed to hospital atmosphere. Was it the air of the wards alone, or other causes, which produced these results? The establishment affording no facilities for isolation, it was not unusual to see in the same ward, at the same time, cases of typhoid fever, erysipelas, dysentery, and typhus or ship fever. And it repeatedly happened that patients admitted with pneu¬ monia, pleurisy, or some other acute affection were seized, before their convalescence was perfectly established with some one of these morbid poisons, which, in the weak state of their systems, too often proved fatal. It is at best but poor humanity to send a man to a charity hospital, to get rid of one affection, and at the same time, place him under circumstances where he is very likely to contract a much more dangerous malady.In 1844, and again in 1845, when the house was under the care of Pro¬ fessor Power, of the University of Maryland, the poison of puerperal fever was so in¬ tense that death was sure to ensue in the case of every lying-in woman, the attack com¬ mencing usually in from 4 to 12 hours after parturition. In each of these years, some 8 or 10 cases consecutively proving fatal, this ward was abandoned, the women expecting confinement were sent to the Washington College Hospital, and no other cases of the kind were admitted for a period of 6 months. Every summer the children suffered from cholera infantum, and where they escaped this disease, they were almost sure to perish in the winter with pneumonia. In the whole history of the establishment there is no single example of a foundling that has lived to the age of 3 years.” A shift was made to a new and commodious plant at Bayview in 1866, the mixed almshouse and hospital features being preserved. During the last 20 PHYSICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL DATA CONCERNING BALTIMORE 19 years extensive additions and improvements have been made, including a sepa¬ rate general hospital for general diseases of about 150 beds for the city poor. There was established also a separate tuberculosis hospital for advanced cases. For many years there has been a pavilion to accommodate the insane among city residents, for whom the State insane asylums did not afford room. In 1797, the legislature authorized the erection in or near Baltimore of a hospital for indigent sick and lunatics. This hospital, variously known as the Public, City, or Maryland Hospital, was located without the city limits of that time, on an elevated site, now occupied by the Johns Hopkins Hospital. It was opened in 1800, when about one-thirckcompleted, with 130 beds. It was leased in 1808 to I)rs. Colin McKenzie and James Smith for a period of 15 years, and in 1814 the lease was extended on condition that the lessees would complete the central building, a lunatic asylum, and an additional hospital wing. It was to this hospital that yellow fever patients were sent in during the epidemics between 1800 and 1819. In 1814, 234 sick and wounded soldiers were re¬ ceived, after the battle around Baltimore. The courts began to commit the insane to special wards of this hospital in 1807. Clinical lectures were given in the hospital in 1818 by Professor Nathaniel Potter, and in 1822 by Drs. Colin McKenzie and George Frick. By the annexation of 1816, this hospital came within the limits of the city. Between 1826 and 1834, additional buildings were completed, the administra¬ tion of the hospital passed to the State, and admissions were limited to the in¬ sane. It appears that for some years before the latter date this hospital had admitted sick sailors and immigrants with certain communicable diseases. This institution was finally abandoned as an insane asylum after the completion of the new State Hospital for the Insane at Spring Grove in 1854, and the prop¬ erty was soon afterwards purchased by Mr. Johns Hopkins, and later became the site of the hospital founded by him. The account of the quarantine hospitals will be given in connection with the quarantine station. During the cholera epidemic of 1832, the health department conducted three improvised hospitals, and about 1835 it opened a small-pox hospital, which, in 1837, was leased to the Washington Medical University, with the provision that when necessary a certain number of small-pox patients would be received at a stipulated per diem charge, an arrangement held to until the opening of the marine hospital of the quarantine station in 1847. For a number of years the city has paid a small per diem charge to a num¬ ber of private hospitals for the care of indigent sick, for whom no room was available in the almshouse infirmary. In 1909, Sydenham Hospital, with accommodations for 40 cases of diph¬ theria, scarlet fever, measles, and chicken-pox, was opened. In 1914 it was expanded to accommodate 60 patients. PUBLIC DISPENSARIES. The city has supported several general dispensaries for the treatment of the poor. The most important of these and the dates of their foundation are: The Baltimore General, 1808; the Eastern, 1818; the Western, 1847; and the Southern, 1847. 20 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE PRIVATE HOSPITALS. The hospitals placed under this heading were built and conducted not by the city authorities, but by chartered corporations, and their chief and in some instances sole source of support has been derived from gifts and endowments and fees of patients. Many have succeeded in securing appropriations from the State. Most of them have received small per diem payments for indigent pa¬ tients, for whom room was not available in the city-owned hospitals, and at times, for some hospitals especially, this has been an important item until re¬ cently. Nearly all of these hospitals throughout their history have posed as charitable institutions, created and maintained primarily for the care of the poor, but in most instances even cursory investigation shows that this is not true. These institutions readily fall into distinct categories : (1) There are those institutions started in connection with medical schools, the primary aim in the foundation and conduct of which was clinical material for teaching students, a theater for the professors, and hospital accommodations, particularly private rooms, for the patients of the latter. From the start they were important to the medical-professor business. The first hospital of this class, the Baltimore Infirmary, was founded in connection with the University of Maryland Medical School and opened in 1823 with 4 public or free wards. There was a considerable enlargement in 1850 with private rooms. Later ex¬ pansions have greatly increased the total accommodations for both free and pay patients. This general hospital has maintained an obstetrical service for many years, housed in a separate building since about 1885, and at one time had a ward for acute contagious diseases, where patients from steamship com¬ panies were received on contract. The second was that of Washington Medical College, established in 1838 and closed with the failure of the school in 1851. The small so-called City Hospital was developed by the College of Physicians and Surgeons after 1878, and about 1890 it was taken in charge by a Catholic sisterhood, which has been largely responsible for securing funds and for elevating it into a large general hospital. However, the private rooms for pay¬ ing patients of this hospital form a very large part. This hospital, with its large dispensary service, was the main source of clinical material for the college whose professors formed the medical and surgical staff. The Maternity, a small lying- in hospital, the first separate hospital of its kind in Maryland, established in 1878, was conducted under the control of the same faculty. The Maryland Gen¬ eral Hospital, a small hospital with a few private rooms and public wards, maintaining a precarious existence, was annexed by the Baltimore Medical College in 1881, and during the meteoric career of this college expanded rapidly, and with the expiration of the latter in 1914, the hospital absorbed the col¬ lege buildings. Here a maternity ward and a large dispensary service were maintained so long as clinical material for teaching was needed. The religious sect chiefly appealed to for support is the Methodist. The Woman’s Medical College also conducted a small hospital. A hospital of considerable size was supported for many years in connection with the Homeopathic Medical College. (2) Hospitals built and maintained by private associations, usually more or less identified with religious sects, many of them receiving larger or smaller ap¬ propriations from the State either for buildings or maintenance or both, form a second class. The earliest of these was the Union Protestant Infirmary, a small PHYSICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL DATA CONCERNING BALTIMORE 21 hospital opened in 1854, with private rooms and open wards, for charity and part-pay patients. Since 1895 it has undergone considerable expansion and has become very largely a surgical hospital. The old college and hospital of the defunct Washington Medical University were organized into a church home and infirmary in 1854, under the auspices of the Protestant-Episcopal Church, and in recent years, with considerable additions, it has become an important hospital, with the traditional private rooms for pay patients, chiefly surgical. St. Joseph's Hospital, founded in 1864, and St. Agnes Hospital, the latter until recently without the city limits and organized in 1878, both supported and managed by sisterhoods of the Catholic Church, have grown from small be¬ ginnings into large and relatively well-equipped hospitals receiving both free and pay patients. St. Joseph's Hospital conducts a large free dispensary. The Franklin Square Hospital and the South Baltimore Hospital are small general hospitals with open wards and private rooms. There are several special hos¬ pitals for eye and ear diseases, the oldest and most prominent being the Presby¬ terian Eye and Ear Hospital, founded in 1871, with 20 free beds and private rooms. As its name suggests, its special support comes from the Presby¬ terian Church, the religious sect of its talented first surgeon-in-chief. The Woman's Hospital, founded in 1882, with an appropriation from the State, for the treatment of the special diseases “ of the poor women of Maryland," modeled on the famous hospital of the same name in New York, with a staff of two chief and four assistant gynecologists, and governed by a board of trustees and a board of lady managers, opened with only free beds. A few years later, against the protests of one of the chief gynecologists, rooms for private pay patients wnre added. Since 1908, this hospital has expanded into a large hos¬ pital composed almost altogether of private rooms for pay patients, receiving cases of all affections among women usually admitted to a general hospital; and with its heterogeneous staff, it has lost completely its original features of a free hospital for the treatment of women of Maryland, suffering with diseases peculiar to their sex. Though the plant has been greatly enlarged, scarcely any more patients of the character for which it was founded are now accommodated than were a few years after it was opened. (3) There are also hospitals built and maintained by endowments from pri¬ vate individuals, founded and conducted to relieve the indigent sick and those who can afford to pay, with charges to the latter, either in public or private wards, graduated according to their means. The Robert Garrett Hospital for Children was founded in 1888. This hospital, with modern equipment and a large free dispensary service, accommodates 30 children with medical and sur¬ gical diseases. The large and constantly expanding Johns Hopkins Hospital, a model of its kind, with accommodations for both pay and free patients, and well-organized general and special dispensary services, was opened in 1889. CHARITIES. Baltimoreans have always been notable for charity, and here, as elsewhere, organized charity began with personal relationships, religious organizations, and race groups, and developed later into special and general relief systems. The public treasury was successfully appealed to first for special needs and later 22 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE for systematic help. It is beyond the scope of this work to give more than the barest outline of charities and charitable institutions as they have had a direct bearing upon public health and mortality. While in the long run it may be true that in old settled countries, where the laws of the relation of population, including health and mortality, are so closely bound up with subsistence derivable from home lands or purchasable abroad with money gained in trade, manufacture, and other services, the pres¬ ervation of the lives of the very poor by private and public charity is useless and even immoral; still, in a new country and particularly in a town and city so situated as Baltimore, where, in general, the restrictions on population growth by propagation have been relatively slight, it is probably correct to as¬ sume that, on the whole, benevolence administered to the needy and unfor¬ tunate, either in large groups under special conditions or to smaller groups and to individuals routinely, by tiding them over difficulties in times of special stress, has so far tended to increase of population and to lighten or at least to deflect the force of mortalitv. t/ The English system of tax levies by law officers for the support of the poor was applied in early Baltimore, as well as in the rest of the colony. In 1773, to do away with the abuses of the system, a loan of £4,000 was made by the State to Baltimore Town and County for the building of an almshouse, to be ad¬ ministered by a corporate body, the Trustees of the Poor, and in connection with it, there was a workhouse for the reception and lodging of vagrants or other offenders committed. This almshouse, erected first on a large lot of land near the present Richmond Market, moved in 1822 to Calverton, and in 1866 to Bayview, has remained a permanent feature of Baltimore municipal charity, and during its existence has carried a large proportion of the poor and destitute, for whom it has always maintained an infirmary, into which have also been received indigent sick directly from the general population. For many years, the Trustees of the Poor supported a few pensioners without the alms¬ house. Since early days there have existed a large number of homes for old people and orphan asylums for children of each sex, often with associated schools. They are usually identified with some religious sect or racial organization, and several have accumulated handsome endowments. About 1800, societies, based on racial ties, were first organized to help, advise, and protect individuals of certain races and their descendants. The most im¬ portant were the German (1784), the Hibernian and the St. George (1803), St. Andrews (1806), and the Hebrew Benevolent Society (1834). Out of all these, various benevolent activities have grown. The great increase of immigrants during the fourth and fifth decades of the nineteenth century included many who were destitute, and by 1849, poverty and even pauperism having become a very serious question, the Association for the Improvement of the Poor was organized on a broad and representative basis. This was succeeded by the Charity Organization Society in 1881 and the Federated Charities in 1908. In the meantime, during the Civil War, the calls upon privately supported charities had become so overwhelming that a num¬ ber of these agencies found it necessary to obtain aid from the city government. In 1870, 7 institutions received $22,000 city aid, and by 1896, 51 were dividing $277,275. PHYSICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL DATA CONCERNING BALTIMORE 23 The St. Vincent de Paul Society, growing out of parisli conferences in 1865, incorporated in 1869, and since widely extended, is the representative Catholic society for general relief. It is closely affiliated with the large number of or¬ phanages, homes, schools, and other benevolent institutions maintained by members of the Catholic church. Two of these, in which large numbers of children have been received, are the St. Vincent’s Orphan Asylum and St. Elizabeth’s Home for Colored Children, the latter established in 1879. The most conspicuous endowments for public aid have been the Henry Wat¬ son Children’s Aid Society, $100,000 (1880), and the Thomas Wilson Sana torium for Sick Children, $500,000 (1880). In close connection with the latter, operates the Babies’ Milk Fund (1904), with its large number of welfare sta¬ tions and nurses for babies. These two institutions have doubtless exercised a large influence in late years in decreasing the mortality among the young. During the last 20 years, charity and benevolent societies have multiplied, expanded, and coordinated, and have covered the field of nursing, tuberculosis, playgrounds, athletics, and the like. Many local and city-wide associations for general betterment of living conditions have been formed. Among the most ac¬ tive of the latter is the Woman’s Civic League, which has exerted an important influence on measures to promote the public health, especially in connection with improving the milk-supply. The union of 14 of the more important benevo¬ lent organizations in the Alliance of Charitable Agencies in 1914 has re¬ sulted in expansion and better coordination of city-wide benevolence. The Hebrew Benevolent Association, upon which unusual demands had been made on account of the large influx of oppressed Jews, particularly from Bussian Poland, during the past 30 years, had already consolidated and expanded their work in a manner somewhat similar. Fraternal societies of various types have always been numerous and strong in Baltimore. Speaking broadly, the private and semi-public benevolent associations and their correlated institutions have become grouped about three great religious divisions, Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish, among which, however, the rivalry is friendly and to a remarkable degree cooperative and free from prejudice. The problems of the Catholics have been especially complicated, because of the dif¬ ferences of race-stock and language, which tend to cause and to perpetuate social isolation of large groups, such as, Poles, Italians, Bohemians, Lithuanians, and some others, who are still largely in the first and second generations, and among whom benevolent associations must naturally incline toward race-stock group¬ ings. These problems obtain to but a small degree among Protestants. The great nationality or race-stock benevolent societies, such as the Hiber¬ nian, the German, the St. Andrew, and St. George Societies, agents of such great importance in earlier days when organized to relieve the imperative neces¬ sities of recent immigrants, have, with the decrease in the latter and the general improvement in conditions, naturally diminished in importance as relief organizations. There are no conspicuously large benevolent associations conducted and sup¬ ported by negroes alone, though they have their share of fraternal orders and benevolent activities, especially in connection with their churches. Accident, sick, and burial insurance in both local and foreign companies is very prevalent among the whole population of Baltimore. 24 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE In review it may be said that, at different times, especially during and after wars and very large immigrations, there has been acute suffering from poverty which has been met in part by general philanthropy, by special organizations, and by contributions from the public treasury in a degree sufficient in the main to prevent starvation and any large actual loss by death; that benevolent associations, special and general, have protected the unfortunate, usually with¬ out nursing and increasing pauperism; and that during its whole history pro¬ vision for the relief of want has been made from the public treasury, and the tendency during the last 50 years has been to call on the latter in increasing proportions and to consolidate and to coordinate the various private and semi¬ public benevolent agencies. SCHOOLS. The public school system was established in 1826, but before and since this date there have been a number of private schools. On account of the large pro¬ portion of Eoman Catholics in the population, the parochial schools, attended by a considerable moiety of children of Catholic families, are of more than usual importance. So far as the buildings for this purpose are concerned, there is no reason to suppose that those of the parochial schools differ much from those supported by the public treasury. The public schools are divided into kindergarten, grammar, high, and technical schools. They are conducted under a board of school commissioners. There are separate schools for whites and negroes. In 1850, according to Wynne (12), there were 25 schools, 11 male and 14 fe¬ male, with 2 female and 1 male high schools. In 1848, the number of pupils (all white) was 6,693, or about 260 pupils to a school. Wynne described the schools of this day as filthy dirty, crowded, and ill-ventilated. At that date the Brothers of the Christian Schools, the Brotherhood of St. Patrick, and Mc- Kim’s Free School (endowed) accommodated some 2,000 additional pupils. During the days of the clipper ship, the school authorities conducted a nautical school, with a ship, for the training of boys for the sea. During the next 60 years there was some improvement in the physical condi¬ tions of the school-buildings. In his report for 1908 to the Commissioner of Health, Dr. H. Warren Buckler, as medical inspector in charge of a group of 20 schools, which he regarded as typical, classed them as follows in regard to design, structure, cleanliness, and ventilation: First class in every respect, 2; average, justifying neither criticism nor praise, 10; modem well-designed build¬ ings, but unclean and offensive on account of the personal habits and lack of cleanliness of the pupils, 4; totally unfit for educational purposes, 4. In schools of the latter class the school-rooms were too dark for the pupils to see the black¬ board, the desks were misfits (all of the same size and non-adjustable), the buildings were dirty and without proper toilets. The overcrowding was con¬ spicuous; in a room picked at random, with a floor space of 18.5 by 12.5 feet and 2 windows, there were 40 pupils. One of these schools, used for negroes, beggared description. The new schools Buckler described as models for their purpose. Thus, according to his report, it would seem that of the public-school buildings 20 per cent were entirely unfit, 50 per cent were passable, and 30 per cent were to be condemned. It is probable that these were typical samples PHYSICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL DATA CONCERNING BALTIMORE 25 of the whole number of public schools of the city. Few are situated on or near small parks. A few of the schools have large yards, but for the most part the playground space is seriously restricted. Largely through the initiation of Dr. Buckler, within the last few years “ open-air ” schools for delicate children have been established in connection with several schools. From the reports of the different medical inspectors, the same conditions as to structure and overcrowding obtain in the parochial schools. There are a large number of private schools, both elementary and preparatory for college, for both boys and girls. The general hygienic conditions of these are good, and some are models. They are attended by a larger proportion of children than is usual in an American city. DWELLINGS. The earlier dwellings of Baltimore Town were of wood; the first brick house was built in 1740. It was not until after the rapid growth of the town after 1780, in an area surrounded by natural obstructions to expansion and under conditions demanding warehouses and residences near the water-front, that the construction of brick dwellings in closely built blocks became the custom. Wood was abandoned as a building material because of danger from fire, and brick was adopted on account of the great abundance of excellent clay near at hand. Stone, plentiful in nearby quarries, was often used in foundations and for public buildings, but was never a serious competitor of brick in dwellings and warehouses. * jj W] The early streets being comparatively wide, the rectangular squares into which the town was laid off afforded ample space for the erection of houses of two or three stories in height in compact blocks with sufficient provision for light and air, front and back. The squares are usually cut by one or several, usually two, alleys varying from 3 to 10 or even more feet in width, which give con¬ venient access to the rears of the houses fronting the streets on the four sides of the squares. The end houses of a block, with the street or alley alongside, may have light on three sides. Since the squares measure about 300 feet on each of their four sides, and the houses commonly abut the paving line, there is ample room for a comparatively deep yard behind each house. The lots carry ownership to the center of the alley alongside or in the rear, the alleys being pri¬ vate property dedicated to the convenient use of the occupants of abutting houses. The streets vary from 30 to 80 or more feet in width from house to house. Since the stage and wagon roads from north, south, east, and west, led to the water-front and were necessarily broad to accommodate the heavy traffic wagons plying in and out of town, with the growth of the town along them, they served as wide avenues radiatiug from the lower city like the ribs of a fan, sufficiently distant from each other, however, not to interfere seriously with the regular arrangement of streets running north and south and east and west. The dwellings of the typical city square of the better sort abut the foot-pave¬ ment and are placed often in unbroken rows, for the whole length of opposite sides of a street. In this case the block is bisected by a single 10 to 20 foot alley, directly in the rear of each row of houses. The four houses at the corners 26 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE of the square have light and air on three sides and all the rest on two sides. The whole center of the square is open, except for the board fences which separate the yards in the rear of each house. In other cases, blocks of houses, some with less deep yards, will face three or even four sides of a square, which in this case will be traversed completely or incompletely by a second or even a third alley at right angles to the first. In this case, several more houses, placed necessarily alongside of alleys, will have three free sides. Each yard opens upon its border¬ ing alley by a gate. Only occasionally in the closely built up sections of the city are any of the houses completely detached, but not infrequently in the richer districts there will be one or more side-yards where owners have double lots, or front yards when the houses are set back from the street. Since a lot may be at least 150 feet deep, even large, deep houses may be separated by at least 100 feet from rear to rear in a block with a single bisecting alley. In houses so situated, the amount of light and air available for each house depends entirely upon its design and the width of the lot. From these optimum conditions, there is every variation to closely built squares with nearly every available foot occupied by buildings, the mass of which are used for human habitation. In the first place, in the best squares there are often stables and coach-houses, or in recent times garages, at the rear of some of the lots. The latter, in older parts of the city, often were also the seat of large or small houses or “ quarters ” for domestic servants—negro slaves in former generations. In the poor districts of the city, especially in the south and southeastern sections near Jones Falls and the harbor and the basin, but abundantly found as foci in nearly all parts, there are numerous squares almost solidly built. In general, this has occurred in one or both of two ways: (1) By building a single or double row of houses along the intersecting alley or alleys or houses about closed courts within the square; (2) by additions on the rear of the original houses. Many such built-up alleys, 8 or 10 feet wide, extending through a number of squares and later accepted by the city, have been dignified by the name of streets. These alley and court dwellings have existed in the oldest sections of the city from at least the latter part of the eighteenth century, and these types of intra block building have so extended that in the lower southern, southwestern, and in much of the western districts they are characteristic features. It is not unlikely that they are inhabited by as much as one-eighth of the total population. The crowding of squares by the addi¬ tions to the rear of dwellings facing streets is of more recent origin, but in many parts of the city, particularly in the southeastern segment, extending on both sides of Jones Falls down to and including Fell’s Point, this condition has existed for many years. As a result of this type of building activity in many squares, at least four-fifths of the surface is covered with rambling and interlocking buildings, attached to the rear of old residences; all, except when the front lower rooms of the latter are transformed into shops, are used as dwellings. In the older sections of the city near the water, especially at Fell’s Point, there remain dwellings typical of the early city. These range from single¬ room houses and two-room 1 or 2 story houses to mansions of 10 or more rooms. The single room, two, three, and four-room houses were built on broad as well as on narrow streets and on alleys and courts. The early small houses had com- PHYSICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL DATA CONCERNING BALTIMORE 27 paratively small windows, but they were well built, and as houses or dwellings, apart from lack of light and air when closely grouped in alleys and courts, were fit. It was the six or nine room house, with three rooms to the floor, that was so often especially ill-suited in design for health. In many of these houses the entry is direct into the front room, which opens into a center or hall room without windows. The back room is either dining-room, with a single window and a narrow kitchen behind, or combination dining-room and kitchen. From the center room run the stairs, and on the two upper floors there is often a central room without windows, but in some houses of this class there is ventila¬ tion of these rooms by windows on shafts or by skylights. It is possible that these dark rooms were not used for sleeping-rooms, but as hallways and as closets, by the first occupants. Certain it is, however, that when these houses passed into the hands of poorer people, especially recent immigrants, the dark rooms came to be used as living and sleeping quarters. It was against this type of house especially that the ordinance of 1886 was intended to apply. It is likely that, by this time, houses of this type had long since ceased to be built. The common device used in lighting the middle room of a house three or more rooms deep is to have a space for a rear window in the middle room, by nar¬ rowing the back of the building, the rooms in the latter in turn being lighted by side, or, in the case of the last room, by end windows. The lower hall, now al¬ most invariably the entrance, receives light from a window light in the front door, and the upper halls from a broad transom in the roof. In this way, among others, fairly w T ell lighted and ventilated houses are constructed in close blocks. In many houses there is no or only one room over the back building, on floors above the first. The larger houses of the richer classes, varying greatly in de¬ sign, are characterized by comparatively large rooms with very high ceilings, but in many one or more of the rooms on each floor are lacking in light. In them, however, attic rooms, often used as bedrooms for servants, were often dark or lighted only by skylights. In many of the smaller houses built after the ordinances of 1886 and 1908, rooms on the second and third floors, used as sleeping-rooms, are lighted only by immovable skylights and are thus defective in ventilation. The houses for the most part have cellars for storage and for heating-plants under the main structure. In many parts of the city, especially upon made ground and in the lower sections and elsewhere, on account of the numerous springs, much difficulty has been experienced in keeping cellars dry. On this account the early ordinances prescribed methods of construction intended to prevent access of water to cellars, and automatic drainers have been used to dispose of water entering cellars by seepage. From early times, in both small and large houses, in higher parts of the city and especially on hillsides, half cellars or basements with half or less than half their height below the surface of the ground and lighted by windows, have been used not only for basement kitchens and laundries, but for dining-rooms and, among the poorer people, as sleeping-quarters. In the older, larger houses, occupied by people who can afford domestics, the basement kitchen is the rule. These are usually well lighted for their purpose by ample windows. The typical block dwelling of the last 75 or 50 years is from 14 to 18 feet front by 30 to 35 feet in depth, and of 2 to 4 stories. The cellar or basement, 3 28 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE lighted by windows in front and behind, and in end houses on one side, has a furnace-room with storage space for fuel, a kitchen at the rear, and sometimes a laundry. On the first floor is the narrow entrance hall, approached from the street by stone steps and lighted by a large window-light in the front door. Opening on the hall is the comfortable front parlor, with its one large or two smaller windows looking on the street. Behind this is the dining-room, entered from the hall or parlor or from both. This room is poorly lighted by side win¬ dows, if the kitchen, as is sometimes the case, is on the first floor, or by one or more rear windows, if a first-floor kitchen behind the dining-room is narrower than the latter. If the kitchen is in the basement, the dining-room will, in the absence of a back building, be well lighted. A center room, poorly lighted from the dining-room, or from a narrow area window, is not uncommon. The stairs lead from the entrance hall to the second floor, with its front bedroom oc¬ cupying the whole width of the house, or with a space the width of the first- floor hall forming a bath and toilet room. More often the bath-room is in the center of the house, off the stair landing, if there is an area light, or in the rear over the kitchen. The rooms over the dining-room and kitchen, if there be one, have ample windows. The third story resembles the second. The kitchen wing may have on the second floor a bath-room and one or more bedrooms with adequate light. There have always been, beyond closely built up sections, larger and smaller detached houses, with ample windows, and often surrounded by large grounds and even parks. Many fine suburban homes have had to give place in the course of time to the growing city. In the last 20 or 30 years, there have grown up in the northern and western suburbs, especially, large settlements of detached houses with large grounds and ample shade trees, resembling the New England town or the western cities, but on the whole, the extension of the city into the suburbs has been characterized by the building of rows of block houses. HEATING. All single dwelling structures built, until very recent years, had in nearly every room a fire-place, in which was burned either wood or coal, or to which a stove w r as attached. During the last half of the nineteenth century, latrobe stoves (burning hard coal, one set in the parlor and one in the dining-room, and fitted with flues to convey heated air to the rooms above) were very gen¬ erally used. First in large and later in small houses, these gave place to the cellar furnace, heating first by hot air and later by the usual steam or hot- water radiators. Wood or coal fires are still much used in living or sitting rooms by those who can afford them. TENEMENTS. The comparatively few large tenements of the traditional type are poor in design and structure, and the same is to be said of those made by remodeling and adding back buildings to large and often handsome old dwellings, from which the owners or occupiers of former days have moved. Tenements of both these classes abound in dark hallways, narrow passages, and dark, ill-ventilated rooms, and the buildings often occupy nearly the whole of the lots. In some PHYSICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL DATA CONCERNING BALTIMORE 29 districts whole blocks of houses have been remodeled into crowded tenements. Tenements of this type are most common in the old part of the city in the district south of Saratoga Street, along Jones Falls (both sides), and ex¬ tending well into Fell’s Point; on Lexington and neighboring streets for some distance west of Lexington Market; and in sections bounded by McCulloh Street on the east and Orchard Street on the south, and extending north and west, particularly along Druid Hill and Pennsylvania avenues. Tenements and similar several family dwellings of these classes are occupied for the most part by people of the recent migrations, especially Polish Jews, Hungarians, Russians, and some Poles, and others, who, on account of their comparative lack of means, have had on their arrival to take such quarters as were available. As they prosper, they either take better quarters, or move into single-family dwellings. The large tenement buildings so common in New York and in many foreign cities are totally lacking in Baltimore. Lodging-houses .—The practice, particularly among families with compara¬ tively large houses, wdio for one reason or another desire to add to their income, to let one or more rooms to lodgers, with or without meals, has been common in all sections of the city, and there are also large numbers of typical boarding¬ houses. In many such cases this practice leads to the use by the family or by the lodger of crowded quarters, often in dark rooms. In recent years many im¬ migrants have crowMed whole families into one or two rooms rented from fam¬ ilies of their own nationalities. This custom is said to be particularly common among Poles, Polish Jews, Russians, Lithuanians, and Hungarians. A lodging house of another type is the 5 or 10 cent house, accommodating men on the floor, bunks, or beds, and commonly styled “ flop-houses.” These are fairly numerous near the water-front, and are patronized by seamen, oyster- men, ne’er-do-w T ells, and occasionally by tramps. Their population has been relatively small. APARTMENTS. In recent years, many large and small apartments ha.ve been constructed, and numerous old houses have been transformed into apartments. All of these, as in other cities, vary widely in the space, light, and ventilation they afford, and many sections of the building code of 1908 w T ere aimed at the control of these and of the lodging and boarding houses. LAW ENFORCEMENT IN REGARD TO LIGHT AND AIR IN DWELLINGS, AND TO PREVENT OVERCROWDING. The laws on these matters, which date only from 1886, have at no time been systematically enforced. The building inspector’s office has passed on plans permitting dark rooms and improperly lighted and ventilated rooms in block houses and in apartments, in direct contravention of the ordinance of 1908. The activities of the Health Department from 1916 to 1919, at least, in regard to boarding and lodging houses and apartments, have been confined to en¬ deavors to enforce the requirements in regard to cleanliness, toilets, and the like. There are not now, and there never have been, any accurate data concerning the proportional distribution of the population among good and poor dwellings. 30 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE In periods of very rapid growth in population, housing conditions probably always have been inadequate, with resulting overcrowding. This has been the fault of the immigrants, for no reasonable person could expect the residents to anticipate population movements and provide beforehand for uninvited guests. The immigrant comes at his own risk of finding a home and the means to support it, and he recognizes these limitations. Residents build houses to meet demands of those with money to fill their wants, and doubtless often before, as from 1910 to 1915, there were in Baltimore many unoccupied dwellings. Certainly during that period there was no excuse for overcrowding, though this existed in many parts of the city. How much of this was due to choice and how much to inability to pay moderate rents it is impossible to estimate accurately. It may be assumed with safety that, throughout its history as a city, the great mass of the white population has been reasonably well housed, and that since an early date most of those of Anglo-Saxon descent have lived in well- built one family dwellings, much superior in room, air-space, and light, at any given period, to those obtaining in most European and other American cities. Representatives of other white races have established themselves on the whole on the same footing, after immigration, as they have found means. The Germans, German Jews, Irish, Bohemians, and the Italians have achieved this station in the order of their coming; other races are in process. The description of Wynne (12), written in 1850, except for the last sen¬ tence, applies substantially today: “ The houses occupied by the laboring classes have usually a 16-foot front, a depth of 30 or more feet, are two to three stories high, and are unvariably of brick. Behind the main building, there is usually a back building of the same height, and a yard with a privy and a hydrant. (Both these now displaced in favor of interior toilets and water- supply.) These houses are for the most part occupied by single families, but are some¬ times underlet to poor persons. The system of a number of families occupying the same house does not prevail to the same extent as in some other places and is confined to the very poor. Whole streets, however, in the western part of the town are occupied by a wretched population, crowded together in a most unseemly and unhealthy manner.” In so far as the last sentence applies to whites, it is probable that it fitted the great number of Irish and German immigrants forced to leave their native lands during the previous few years and who had been here too short a time to establish themselves. The same fate of necessity overtook the crowds of Polish Jews who arrived in the last two decades of the nineteenth century. This must always have affected those immigrants whose coming was influenced more strongly by repellant than by appellant forces, but in each case they have no doubt found the housing conditions much better than those they left. It has been with the negro, however, that poor housing conditions have been especially associated, and in many ways with truth. It is difficult to decide which on the whole was the better (or the worst) housed in Baltimore, the free or the slave negro. For a certain period the death-rate was greatest among the latter. There was every incentive for the masters of slaves to house them as well as practicable, and many of the free negroes, both before and after 1865, were skilled artisans and earned good wages. For the latter, the chief reason for alley residence was not financial but social. Indeed, there are many rows of alley houses fully equal and often superior to many “ street houses,” and when PHYSICAL. AND SOCIOLOGICAL DATA CONCERNING BALTIMORE 31 the family is not too large afford healthy dwellings. Again, within the last 20 years, many negroes have lived in well-built, large houses, on wide streets, fully the equal of those of many of their white neighbors, and in every way superior to the crowded dwellings of many of the more recent white immigrants. In every way the negro’s status is racial; whatever his means, he was often limited to alley dwellings, because on account of opposition of the whites he could not gain entrance to a street block. In most neighborhoods, when one or two negro families succeed in getting a house in such a block, the whites will move out, and the whole block will in a short time be inhabited by negroes. Thus they have gained block after block in many streets. It is certain that the negro, on the whole, during the last 10 or 20 years, has been better housed than many whites of several races of recent arrival. Ownership of the home has been a marked characteristic of Baltimoreans. This has been facilitated by the ground-rent system, by which occupation of land is obtained without immediate capital outlay, the cheapness of building, and the large number of savings banks and building and loan associations, ready to lend money on liberal terms for home-building and home-owning. Whereas in some quarters of the city many houses, even blocks of houses, are owned and let by large estates; in general, building has been carried on by contractors with a view to immediate sale to occupiers. In consequence, a very large part, probably the majority of the houses stand in the names of the occupiers. This custom ex¬ tends to the so-called common laborer. As would be expected, under these con¬ ditions, in normal times rents are comparatively low. Though overcrowding undoubtedly occurs in certain sections and among certain race stocks, in general it can not be said to obtain for any large section of the population, for according to the United States census of 1910, there were 101,905 dwellings to 118,851 families and a population of 558,485. PART II.—HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE HEALTH DEPARTMENT AND OF HEALTH LAWS AND REGULATIONS IN BALTI¬ MORE AND THE STATE OF MARYLAND. Chapter III. —Ideas underlying the Public Health Laws of Baltimore. Tlie early health laws of Baltimore were concerned entirely with prevention of the entrance and spread of certain acute febrile diseases. In seeking to in¬ terpret the ideas underlying these laws and their administration, it is necessary to review briefly the knowledge and beliefs which obtained at that time in Europe and in North America concerning the natural history, and especially the modes of dissemination, of the prevalent communicable diseases of the time. In Baltimore and in Maryland, as along the rest of the Atlantic seaboard, in 1797, the diseases of this class most usual, most dreaded, and most written about were malarial and yellow fevers, diarrhoea, dysentery, and small-pox. Of the malarial fevers, the intermittent and remittent, or bilious remittent, were common and very fatal. At least two epidemics of yellow fever had been recently experienced. Small-pox was a constant menace. Typhus fever, measles, scarlet fever, and influenza are known to have visited the town as occasional epidemics, but had not yet become endemic. Whooping- cough and membranous croup were certainly endemic, but faucial diphtheria was rare. Of the diarrhoeal affections, dysentery, cholera morbus, and cholera infantum were prevalent and very fatal. Charles Caldwell, of Philadelphia, writing in 1802, stated that the latter affection was far more common and more fatal in American than in European cities and suggested that it be called Americana pestilentia infantum. Pulmonary tuberculosis was common, as per¬ haps also was pneumonia. Gonorrhoea and syphilis were well known. Typhoid fever had not yet been differentiated as a distinct disease. Bubonic plague, in typical form at least, had never reached America, and fear of this disease was traditional only. Relapsing fever and the English sweating sickness had never been recognized in Baltimore. There were three deadly and much feared “ pes¬ tilential ” diseases, small-pox, yellow fever, and typhus fever, against the en¬ trance of which quarantine and other protective measures were likely to be invoked. Many of the physicians of Baltimore ToAvn were men of talent, learning, and keen powers of observation and reasoning, and a goodly proportion of them had been trained in England. They were well acquainted with the great British writers on medicine and some were acquainted with the writings of Hippocrates, Galen, and other ancients and with the continental writers of the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries. In regard to the natural history of 33 34 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE the diseases at present under consideration, the most important writers who influenced them were Thomas Sydenham, Richard Mead, John Huxliam, John Pringle, David Monro, John Lind, John Howard, and Gilbert Blane. From Sydenham's (13) writings had come down not only his clear-cut descriptions of certain acute infectious diseases, particularly small-pox, measles, scarlet fever, and malaria, but his ideas, partly borrowed from Hippocrates and other ancients and partly his own, in regard to the influence of season, temperature, rainfall, telluric, and other natural conditions on epidemics of disease. The teachings of Sydenham which particularly influenced public- health ideas and practice in Baltimore were those that held first, that the kinds of acute diseases prevalent in any given year were dependent upon the con¬ stitutions of the atmosphere and that the different constitutions of the atmos¬ phere and, consequently, the diseases governed by them, tended to run in cycles, and second, that certain diseases were associated with particular periods of the year. Richard Mead's (14) A Discourse on the Plague, dated November 25, 1720, and written in reply to an inquiry on the part of the British Government as to the proper measures to prevent the entrance into and the spread through the country of plague, had a most profound influence upon the English-speaking world. The dreaded plague was at that time raging in Marseilles and, to the consternation of many continental and British physicians and publicists, it was held by the authorities and certain leading physicians of that city to be non-contagious. It was feared that the practical effect of this heterodoxy would be relaxation or even abandonment of the usual methods and activities against the disease, resulting in its general spread over Europe. Mead's recom¬ mendations, which were enacted into law on December 8, 1720, superseded the former laws on thfs subject dating from the time of James I. As is clearly shown from his discussion of the subject and from his later writings, Mead's “ recommendations," as they are commonly called, were based upon an inti¬ mate knowledge gained by travel in his youth of the quarantine system of the Mediterranean seaports, and particularly that of Venice, where the system was established in 1484. Of more importance than the maritime quarantine fea¬ tures, however, were the measures recommended for the local control of the plague should it gain a foothold in the country. When digested, these resolve themselves into 13 principles of action, which cover, in all essential particulars, present-day procedure and practice employed in attempting to control the con- tactive diseases. Pringle (15) treated particularly of the acute diseases that attacked the British army and the conditions under which they arose in the campaigns in Flanders and in Germany in the years 1743 to 1748, inclusive. He laid great stress upon the influence of wetness and dryness and of heat and cold upon the prevalence and severity of the diseases which he classed epidemic. Pleurisy, pneumonia, and rheumatism were common in the spring, and malarial fevers in the spring, summer, and autumn. Dysentery, often accompanied by liver abscess, was prevalent, especially in fixed camps, in the hot, close summer weather. He regarded this disease as contagious and ranked it as among the malignant and pestilential diseases. It is evident from his descriptions of the anatomical lesions that he was dealing with both the croupous (bacillary) and DEVELOPMENT OF HEALTH DEPARTMENT AND HEALTH LAWS, ETC. 35 the severely ulcerative (amoebic) varieties. He held that “ hospital fever,” which was very prevalent in the crowded hospitals, was identical with jail distemper (typhus), but, from his descriptions of cases, it would appear that under this name were classed many cases of pyaemia and septicaemia in connection with wound infection and dysentery. From the frequent occurrence of swelling of the parotid glands as a complication of malignant hospital fever, it seems likely that typhoid fever was also prevalent. Of particular importance in con¬ nection with the development of methods designed to control diseases by ren¬ dering their causes inactive through the action of chemical agents were Pringle’s exact experiments on the effects of various substances, such as alkalies, gums (as myrrh and camphor), Jesuit’s bark and acids, both mineral and vegetable, in preventing and arresting fermentation and putrefaction. David Monro (16), writing of the diseases met with by the British forces in the campaigns in Germany in 1761 to 1763, dealt with the same affections de¬ scribed by Pringle. His observations, however, on the general hygiene of camps, ships, and hospitals were of great importance and must have exerted a very decided influence. He laid especial stress upon bad water as a cause of disease in soldiers. Next to the unwholesome vapors arising from marshes and corrupt standing water, he held excreta to be the chief causes of diseases in camps. He recommended that in camps every precaution should be taken to remove filth and to provide proper latrines, and regarded the frequent chang¬ ing of camping grounds as most important. He gave definite and specific rules for the organization and management of military hospitals, particularly in re¬ gard to the care and cleanliness of the patients and of the bedding and floors. He condemned overcrowding and urged that provision be made for purification of the air of wards by ventilation and otherwise, that those ill with contagious diseases be put in separate wards, and that proper laundries be provided where bedding and clothes could be thoroughly washed and aired. John Lind (17, 18), the well-known authority on the diseases of sailors and on the hygiene of ships and hospitals, and for many years physician to the Haslar Naval Hospital, in a series of papers published between 1757 and 1776, added greatly to the knowledge of the natural history of scurvy, jail or ship fever, malarial and yellow fevers, and dysentery and the methods of their pre¬ vention. In regard to ship or typhus fever, he pointed out that one ship’s crew was frequently infected from another by the transfer of infected men, particu¬ larly of newly impressed men from Ireland and Scotland, and by visits of sea¬ men from ship to ship. He recommended that these practices be interdicted and that all impressed men be held under observation for a time and be given baths and clean clothes before being assigned to ships. He laid great stress upon proper cleanliness and ventilation of ships and upon better hospital quar¬ ters on shipboard. Lind established the fact that ship fever can spread from the sick to the well over no great distance and that those living in houses near infected persons are in no danger, provided communication be cut off. He observed that in the open air the cause of the disease did not spread over 50 feet, and that the heat of an oven, such as will destroy animal life, effectually destroys “this infection.” He found that the burning of brimstone over char¬ coal, used as a method of disinfecting ships “ does not destroy some species of vermin, particularly lice.” Lind showed that dysentery often attacked those 36 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE who used privies that were used by dysentery patients, that this disease often spread rapidly through a hospital ward after the admission of a dysentery patient, and that the virus seemed to be spread particularly by the clothing, bedding, and utensils of dysentery patients. The intermittent and remittent malarial fevers he held to be the common autumnal fevers of all hot countries, but perhaps different from yellow fever. To Lind belongs the credit of bringing to general attention the value of a course of Jesuit’s bark (cinchona) in preventing malarial fevers, a fact which he stated had been demonstrated early in the century by Kramer, physician to the Imperial army in the campaigns in Hungary (1717-1718) along the marshy Danube, then one of the sickliest countries of Europe, and later by the English in their “ factories ” on the Guinea Coast. Lind quoted three phy¬ sicians well acquainted with yellow fever in the island of Jamaica, as holding that yellow fever was not contagious, “ contrary to the opinion of the Ameri¬ can colonists who constantly apprehend its importation from the West Indies in ships and in goods.” Gilbert Blane’s studies of the diseases of sailors and of warm climates exerted an influence only second to Lind. The work of John Howard (19, 20), the philanthropist, emphasized the fact that jails in Great Britain and Ireland were the particular homes and breeding- places of fevers, especially of typhus, and indicated the importance of clean¬ liness and care in their control. He also brought to the general knowledge of the English-speaking peoples the elaborate quarantine provisions of the Medi¬ terranean ports, with their systems of hospitals and lazarettos. To Howard’s influence has been attributed some of the most stringent features of the Brit¬ ish quarantine system when it was remodeled just about the time that the early health laws of Baltimore were in the framing. In regard to water-supplies and sewerage disposal, apparently the only standards were taste and a not very highly developed sense of common decency. It will be recalled that after the fall of Home, in the fifth century, the Euro¬ pean world well-nigh if not entirely lost appreciation of the importance of pure water and of the sanitary disposal of human waste. It is well established that these sanitary practices, dating from at least the time of Ninevah, were car¬ ried to the Greek cities by the Phoenicians and later were highly developed by the Romans, who introduced them to France, Germany, and England. At the opening of the nineteenth century, drinking-water was obtained from pol¬ luted springs, wells, lakes, and rivers, and the efficient use of sanitary sewers, on any large scale at least, had fallen into desuetude. The development of public-health administration in Baltimore has been so intimately bound up with the evolution of the conceptions conveyed by the terms of contagion and infection that at this point it is necessary to trace these briefly. CONTAGION AND INFECTION. Diseases in general and, later, epidemic diseases in particular, were first as- scribed to the will of deities, the actual instruments of whose design or wrath were thought to be evil spirits or specially created poisons. The latter were to be avoided by segregation, by flight, and by charms, and the former were to be placated by penitential sacrifice and worship. It is common knowledge that, in certain countries of Europe where science has not been cultivated and DEVELOPMENT OF HEALTH DEPARTMENT AND HEALTH LAWS, ETC. 37 religious superstition and intolerance have been to but a slight degree over¬ thrown, those ideas are still widely prevalent. In illustration of the tenacity with which these ideas may cling, even in a country notable alike for the strength of religious superstition and ecclesiastical tyranny and for great con¬ tributions to science, it may be permissible to recall that, when cholera threa¬ tened Scotland in 1853, the Presbytery of Edinburgh addressed the Britisli Government, suggesting the appointment of a period of fasting and repen¬ tance with the object of appeasing Divine Providence and so turning away a pestilence with which a sinful people was threatened. The idea of the invasion of the body by harmful agents from the outside is of very remote origin. In very ancient times, the peoples of the Mediterranean basin, from whom western civilization derives its origin, recognized that of the great mass of diseases there were some, especially those affections that spread as plagues and pestilences and those that were particularly identified with certain places, which had in common a constant symptom—fever. It was thus, no doubt, that all diseases fell naturally into one of two groups, the febrile and the non-febrile. With expanding knowledge, these groups, and the febrile group more especially, were submitted to critical study that led to the recogni¬ tion of classes distinguished by other qualities. Until very recent years, with few exceptions, the great mass of the diseases which man has sought to avoid and to control belonged to the group of which fever is a prominent symptom. Hence it occurred that, from their beginning, health departments were concerned chiefly with acute febrile diseases, and especially with those that came from without, such as plagues and pestilences, and the spread of which experience showed was directly associated with communications. The febrile diseases indigenous to places and so long regarded as necessary evils received less at¬ tention and were apt to be treated with a contempt bred of familiarity or accepted with a feeling of helplessness. At the period of the framing of the first health laws of Baltimore, a sharp distinction was very generally recognized between those acute febrile diseases either observed to be or believed to be conveyed by direct or indirect contact from the sick to the well and those for which this method of transmission was not in evidence or was at least denied. These conceptions had been grad¬ ually developed over a long period of history. The causative agents of the contactive or contagious ( con-tango, touch) diseases were thought to be emana¬ tions carried in some instances by the breath and in others by the secretions or the excretions of the bodies of the sick. These disease-producing ma¬ terials might be the products of secretions or of poisonous substances de¬ rived from the breaking-down (putrefaction) of some elements within the bodies of the sick. These substances were generally held to be specific for each contagious disease; that is, the disease-producing cause emanating from an individual with a particular contagious disease was capable of producing that disease only (the emanations of a small-pox patient could produce small-pox only and not measles or scarlet fever or some other disease). The causative agents for the second class of febrile diseases were thought to have their origin in the decay, fermentation, or putrefaction of dead organic matter, some¬ times vegetable, sometimes animal. It was held that in fevers proceeding from putrefaction of organic matter outside of the body, none of the secretions or 38 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE excretions of the sick were capable of producing the same disease in others. The atmosphere was held to be the sole carrier of harmful agents of this class, and, as it was vitiated or infected (inficio- taint, corrupt, or spoil) with or by them, the term infectious diseases was applied to febrile diseases whose causes were believed to be so conveyed. From time immemorial it had been popularly accepted that the malarial (mala aria —bad air) fevers were caused by effluvia arising from the decaying vegetable material of marshes and other stagnant water or of the soil, com¬ monly called marsh effluvia or miasmata (Greek, /u'as/xa—defilement). The distinction between miasmatic and other epidemics was especially emphasized by Lancisi (21) in his De Noxiis Palidum Effluviis in 1717. This doctrine was widely accepted and fixed at the beginning of the nineteenth century, and, as is well known, remained in force until recent years. This sharply cut distinction between the terms contagious and infectious was not universal, for Lind appears to use these terms as having the same meaning, and Robert Hooper (22), writing in 1803 concerning certain diseases epidemic in London during that year, asserted it as his opinion, “ that they are not in¬ fectious; that is, they are not communicated from one person to another.” At the same time, he attributed these diseases principally to causes existing in the atmosphere, “ which having induced certain diseases in the human body, are thereby destroyed, without producing any state of the body capable of en¬ gendering particles which again can create disease; so that their action is lost, after having produced their first effects.” It will be noted that his conception of causation here agrees with that prevalent at the time for infectious diseases, but that he uses the word infectious to convey the idea with which contagious was commonly identified. According to common usage, Hooper would have stated that the diseases under discussion were infectious and not contagious. Indeed, Hooper, and Lind, too, in a measure, seem to have anticipated for the word infectious a meaning which much later was very generally attributed to it, namely, the capacity on the part of a disease to pass from one person to another by any means whatever. Nathaniel Potter (23), in his address before the Medical and Chirurgical Faculty of Maryland in 1817, very clearly brought out these differences be¬ tween contagious and infectious diseases. He pointed out that the ancient physicians, when they spoke of contagion in connection with fevers, recognized no distinction between persons and places, that the ancients in general used the ephithet contagion in connection with almost every fever which could be contracted by being in the place where it prevailed, and that this term was never applied in a personal sense to any general diseases except plague and the eruptive fevers until it was suggested for other fevers by Hieronimus Fra- castorius in 1547. 1 1 In this connection it is interesting that both Potter and Maclean attributed to Fracas- torius the hypothesis of febrile contagion and the fears which it engendered—all those commercial impositions under the several forms of quarantine, pest-houses, lazarettos, and even banishment—which were in their opinion a disgrace to civilized man. In essence, the tale runs that in connection with the conflicting interests at the Council of Trent in 1547, when, because of the dissensions among the members, Fracastorius, in order to advance the interests of his patron and friend, the Pope, declared that a fever which had appeared at Trent was eminently contagious and had a particular attraction for those of noble blood. It was claimed that these assertions of Fracastorius in regard to these two particular attributes of this fever overwhelmed with fear the Spanish bishops and the Emperor’s DEVELOPMENT OF HEALTH DEPARTMENT AND HEALTH LAWS, ETC. 39 Fracastorius (24) indeed held that all contagions were divided primarily into three classes: (1) Those carried by contact alone, (2) those carried by con¬ tact and by fomes (as examples are cited scabies, phthisis, alopesia, and leprosy), and (3) those which, like phthisis and small-pox, are spread not only by con¬ tact and by fomes, but at a distance. Gradually, the febrile diseases were assigned to one or the other of these two classes, and at the end of the eighteenth century the following diseases were regarded as contagious: venereal diseases, leprosy, the plague or the classical pest, elephantiasis, ophthalmia, small-pox, scarlet fever, measles, whooping-cough, hydrophobia, and mumps. Typhus fever, the dysenteries, ma¬ lignant sore throat, and pulmonary tuberculosis were included in this class by some and excluded by others. To the diseases of the second class, or the in¬ fectious diseases, were assigned first and foremost the malarial fevers attrib¬ uted to the miasmata arising particularly from decayed vegetable matter, and, according to many, dysenteries and typhus fever. It is of interest that Potter (23), in 1817, excluded ophthalmia, plague, malignant or ulcerated sore throat (diphtheria), and typhus fever from the contagious diseases. Anthrax and glanders were apparently regarded as of little importance in man, and cholera asiatica had not invaded western Europe. When it did, it was regarded as non-contagious by the health officials of Baltimore. It is to be observed that the causes of disease included in the first class were derived from persons, and therefore capable of being spread only through them and their immediate or intimate contactive environment, such as the air im¬ mediately about them, their clothes, bedding, utensils, and the like. As a re¬ sult of the efforts to control the spread of such diseases, great importance came to be attached to the care of articles in intimate association with the sick and to the purification by dilution or by chemical agents of the air immediately sur¬ rounding those sick with or dead of these affections. It would appear that the term fomes or fomites (fuel or tinder) first applied to the harmful agents themselves and only gradually came to signify materials possessing qualities favorable to receiving and holding the causative agents of diseases of this class. Attempts at control of the spread of diseases of this class were therefore logically directed to the management of persons and their immediate envi¬ ronment. The causes of diseases of the second class, originating, as it was believed, outside of living animal bodies from the breaking down of organic material, with the consequent escape of the poisonous agents into the atmos¬ phere, by which their transmission to the living body was accomplished, were to be combated by interfering with development of their causes and by flight, or by purification of the air, either by ventilation or by chemical agents. Pre¬ vention of these diseases was, therefore, to be accomplished mainly by the control of environments favorable to the origin of their causative agents. This could be effected best by measures of general sanitation. They were to be avoided by position, cleaning, draining, and filling. In seeking to prevent a given febrile disease, the first point was to place it in its proper category. Hence, the volum- delegates and thus contributed to the success of the Pope’s party in their efforts to remove the council to the Pope’s own city of Bologna. The special point of interest is that to these assertions of Fracastorius, made entirely for political reasons and it is claimed without basis in actual fact, were attributed such far-reaching consequences and practices in hygiene. 40 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE inous discussions of the older authors as to whether a given disease was con¬ tagious or infectious were not simply academic, but involved decisions of a very practical nature. It had become very widely accepted that the poisons of the contagious diseases were formed in and by the blood-vessels, and that their chief portal of entry to the body was through the skin, where they were absorbed by the nerves. The poisons of the infectious diseases were supposed to enter through the lungs. Various explanations were offered for the observed fact that the poisons of some of the latter class of febrile diseases were most active at night. The fact that they were par excellence air-borne satisfactorily explained the influence of winds upon their spread. While in Baltimore at least, during this period, the miasmatic or infectious diseases were generally believed to be due to the direct action upon the system of poisonous substances of a chemical nature, arising from putrefaction of dead organic matter, there were those who held that the deleterious action of an atmosphere impregnated with harmful substances of this origin was indirect; that is, that, on account of the presence of these substances in the air, the body was unable to obtain from it materials necessary for life with health. To quote Beese (25) : “ When by being exposed to a noxious atmosphere, or the effluvia arising from putre¬ faction, whereby the pabulum of life, the air, is rendered impure, or so mingled with gases, that the system does not receive the necessary nutriment from its inhalation, disease is produced; we say the disease is excited by infection. These diseases may be contracted any number of times by the same individual.” According to this doctrine, infected or spoiled air was incapable of furnish¬ ing the physiological requirements of the body which the latter is accustomed to receive during respiration; in a peculiar sense, therefore, the air was “ spoiled ” for its proper usage by the body, and the maladies resulting were deficiency diseases. This conception of an indirect mode of action of the mias¬ matic poisons in causing the infectious diseases conformed, as well as did the idea of their direct poisoning action, with the theory of the efficacy in disease prevention of the purifying of an “ infected ” atmosphere by dilution (ventila¬ tion) or by chemicals. It also explained equally well the observed fact that patients ill with such diseases often improved rapidly or quickly recovered when removed to a “ purer 99 atmosphere. An important distinction between the contagious and the infectious (mias¬ matic) diseases was based upon the observation that one attack of one of the former commonly conferred a permanent immunity against that particular member of the group, whereas an attack of a member of the latter group did not. However, it was acknowledged very generally that prolonged residence in localities where they were prevalent was commonly associated with a toler¬ ance to the causal agents of the infectious or miasmatic diseases. A sharp dis¬ tinction was recognized between this tolerance and the actual immunity attained against one of the typically contagious diseases. It was not until long after this time that it became established that for a goodly proportion of the diseases included among the contaetive diseases, the victim of one attack does not acquire a lasting immunity, as, for instance, in the venereal diseases. The doctrine held best, of course, for certain acute exan- DEVELOPMENT OF HEALTH DEPARTMENT AND HEALTH LAWS, ETC. 41 thematous or eruptive diseases, such as small-pox, varicella, scarlet fever, and measles. A very good idea of the degree to which distinctions between contagion and infection had been reached in the United States by 1818 was given in the publication of the learned Dr. Shecut (26), of Charleston, South Carolina. Shecut held that there were two kinds of contagion; first, that which is pro¬ duced by the healthy action of the vessels, as of the rattlesnake, viper, and spider; and secondly, that which is produced or formed by the secreting arteries under pathological conditions, as in lues, variola, and vaccinia. The contagions, he held, were only generated in living animal bodies and were set free in sweat, saliva, blood, pus, or breath of the diseased. When these con¬ tagious products of the diseased body were absorbed in bedding or articles of apparel, they became fomites which were just as capable of reproducing the same specific disease as the secretory or excretory product from which the fomes originated. A fomes, then, was a contagion carried not directly from person to person, but indirectly from the sick to the well through the medium of an absorbent material. Infections were all generated by the decomposition of putrid vegetable or animal substances or both combined, and, hence, they were the result of the processes of putrefaction of dead bodies only. The contagions were communi¬ cable only by contact or touch, with the absorption of the virus. The refinement to which the distinction between contagions and infections and the classification of these two definite types of disease had been carried at this time are well shown in ShecuUs syllabus on page 42 of the distinguishing characteristics of contagions and infections and of the elaborate classification of these diseases into classes, orders, genera, and species. The theory of the chemical nature of the causal agents of the contagious and infectious diseases continued to be generally accepted until well after the beginning of the last quarter of the nineteenth century. It received the support of the great chemist, Liebig, who, likening these disease processes in the animal body to the fermentations, argued that they were caused by fer¬ ments. It was on this account that the term zymotic came to be applied to these diseases. It should not be forgotten, however, that the idea of a contagious principle of a living nature, the contagium vivum or contagium animatum, is a very old one. The idea that certain diseases may be caused by minute living organisms was entertained by Fracastorius (24). In the last quarter of the seventeenth century, it received support from the discovery of micro-organisms by Kircher (27) (1671) and by Leeuwenhoek (27) (1675). Kircher ascribed to minute form-like forms a casual role in bubonic plague. Lange and Haupt¬ mann (27) soon after found similar bodies in the foul lochial discharges of women with epidemic puerperal sepsis, and they held that other diseases, such as measles, small-pox, typhus, and pleurisy, were caused by living contagions. Microscopic parasites were held to be the cause of syphilis by Andry (27) (1701) and of malaria by Lancisi (21) (1717). Plenciz (27) (1762) strongly supported the theory that the epidemic diseases in general were caused by micro-organisms. Later, fungi and kindred organisms were found in the intes¬ tines of individuals with cholera and typhoid fever, in the lesions of puerperal SYLLxlBUS. Distinguishing characters of contagions and of infections. Contagions are to be distinguished from in¬ fections. 1. In being the product of living ani¬ mal bodies. 2. By being a secreted fluid, or other matter, capable of reproducing the same specific disease. 3. In being communicable only by con¬ tact, or by the close approach of persons, and by the absorption of the matter, or fomites of con¬ tagion. 4. And that under all circumstances of the weather, whether a pure or impure atmosphere, wet or dry, hot or cold, etc. Infections are to be distinguished from contagions. 1. In being the product of dead organ¬ ized bodies animal or vegetable, or of both combined. 2. By being aerial fluids or gases evolved or disengaged from the foregoing, during their decompo¬ sition. 3. And are in general only communi¬ cable through the medium of an impure atmosphere; i. e., the at¬ mosphere which supports them. 4. Or, they are the product of an in¬ flammatory constitution of the at¬ mosphere, and hence universal. Genera, or classification of contagions and infections. Contagions. Class I. Fixed or indolent contagions. Order I. Tubercula: Genus Elephantiasis. Species 1. Framboesia. Species 2. Coco-bay. Order II. Squamae: Genus 1. Lepra. Genus 2. Psora, etc. Order III. Vitia: Genus Syphilis: Species 1. Chancre. Species 2. Sibbens? Species 3. Laanda? Order IV. Spasmi: Genus Hydrophobia. Species a. Rabies. Order V. Phlegmasiae: Genus 1. Urethritis. Genus 2. Cynanche. Species Cynanche maligna. Genus 3. Pertussis. Genus 4. Phthisis. Species Pulmonalis. Order VI. Vesiculae: Genus Vaccinia. Class II. Volatile active contagions. Order 1. Pustulae: Genus Variola. Order II. Vesiculae: Genus Varicella. Order III. Exanthemata: Genus 1. Pestis. Species Orientalis. Genus 2. Rubeola. Infections. Class I. Simple atmospherical infection , or that which is the effect of an atmosphere charged with simple septic miasma ( vege¬ table effluvia). Order I. Intermittentes: Genus 1. Quotidiana. Genus 2. Tertiana. Genus 3. Quartana. Order II. Remittentes: Genus Remittens. Variety Remittens biliosa. Order III. Continuae: Genus 1. Synocha. Variety a. Synochula. Variety b. Synochoides. Genus 2. Typhus vel. Synochus. Species Typhus mitior. Class II. Compound infection, or that ivhich is the effect of the septic miasma, combined rvith azotic. Continuation of Order III, Class I: Genus Typhus. Species Typhus endemica, vel Iete- rodes, vel Pestis, Occidentalis. Class III. Original and primary infection, or that which is produced by azotic mi¬ asma (animal effluvia). Continuation of Order III, Class I: Genus 1. Typhus. Species Gravior vel maligna. Variety a. Gaol. Variety b. Ship. Variety c. Camp or lake fever. Genus 2. Dysenteria. Class IV. General or universal infection, or that produced by inflammatory consti¬ tution of the atmosphere without regard to either of the miasmata. Order Phlegmasia: Genus 1. Catarrhus. Species Catarrhus epidemica. Genus 2. Typhoid pneumonia. 42 DEVELOPMENT OF HEALTH DEPARTMENT AND HEALTH LAWS, ETC. 43 peritonitis, in favus and aphthous ulcers, and in the disease of the silkworm known as muskadine (Bossi, 1837, and Boehm, 1838). Henle (28, 29) (1840 and 1853) and John K. Mitchell (30) (1849) ably supported the doctrine of the micro-parasitic origin of the acute febrile diseases. Mitchell attributed the “ malarious and epidemic fevers ” to fungi, rather than to animal parasites, largely because of the wider known distribution of the former. He held that the purely chemical theory, and particularly the ferment theory of Liebig, were totally inadequate to explain the established facts of the natural history of these diseases, especially the immunity that follows recovery from the typically contact diseases. The startling facts brought out between 1850 and 1880 in the controversy over the causation of fermentation and putrefaction added strength to the germ theory of diseases of this class. In the meantime, the finding by pathological anatomists of bacteria in the blood and in the local lesions in anthrax (Pollen - der, 1855; Devaine, 1863), and in wound infections (Rindfleisch, 1866; von Recklinghausen, 1871; and by such surgeons as Cheyne, Lister, and Billroth), put the germ theory on a more substantial basis. The work of Pasteur, Koch, and their pupils, in isolating and cultivating bacteria from the lesions of a num¬ ber of diseases and in reproducing identical affections in lower animals by inoculation with pure cultures; the discovery of the Spirocheta obermeieri (spirillum of relapsing fever) in 1873, of the Plasmodium malarice by Laveran in 1880, and other protozoan parasites in the blood, and in various lesions in diseases of the lower animals; and, finally, the studies in general and in specific immunity, established the doctrine on a firm basis by 1890. However, even under an overwhelming mass of evidence, the old ideas died hard. In rapid succession, bacteria were identified as the cause of not only wound infection in all its forms, including puerperal infection, but of tuberculosis, gonorrhoea, typhoid fever, cholera, diphtheria, pneumonia, bubonic plague, and other important diseases in man and the lower animals. Yeasts and higher fungi were found in relation to the lesions in a variety of affections. The demonstration of spirochaetse as the causal agents of syphilis, yaws, and infec¬ tious jaundice and the discovery that sub-microscopic viruses are concerned w r ith the causation of certain other communicable diseases are triumphs of recent years. With these findings and the experiments made possible thereby came not only deeper knowledge of natural and acquired immunity against various febrile diseases, and the use of new and more exact methods of diag¬ nosis, but various antitoxic and antimicrobic sera and bacterial vaccines for the prevention and treatment of disease. Long before the germ theory had been rehabilitated by the discoveries of the last 30 years of the nineteenth century, it had been established that cholera (1849) and typhoid fever (1859) are com¬ monly spread by polluted drinking-water; the role of milk as a vehicle for the causative agents of scarlet fever, diphtheria, typhoid fever, and cholera had been discovered before 1885. Satisfactory explanations of many of the mysteries of the epidemiology of certain diseases were afforded by the demonstration of the important part played by intermediate hosts, mostly insects, in the spread of certain definite microparasites in man and the lower animals—the cattle tick for that of Texas cattle fever by Theobold Smith and Kilbourne in 1893; the mosquito for that 4 44 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE of the haematozoa of birds by Ross in 1898 and of malaria soon afterwards; the tsetse fly for that of nagana in horses by Bruce in 1894; the mosquito for that of yellow fever by Reed, Carrall, Argamonte, and Lazear in 1900; and the rat flea for that of bubonic plague by the Indian Plague Commission in 1907, and the louse for that of typhus fever by Nicolle in 1909. It has further been shown since 1900 that relapsing fever is spread by ticks, bedbugs, lice, fleas, and biting flies, and that Rocky Mountain spotted fever is spread by ticks. The road to these revolutionary discoveries was made easier by the extraor¬ dinary advances in the study of pathological anatomy and experimental pathology during the nineteenth century, which not only established such im¬ portant diseases as typhoid fever, tuberculosis, syphilis, leprosy, pneumonia, dysentery, puerperal fever, wound infection, and other inflammatory affections upon firm anatomical and physiological bases, and pointed to their parasitic origin, but showed the relation of the parasites to the lesions. It is a matter of importance in this connection that for the majority of the acute febrile diseases, and among them some of the most dangerous, ranked as contagious by both old and recent authorities—i. e., small-pox, vaccinia, measles, scarlet fever, 1 hydrophobia, influenza, and typhus fever—attempts to discover, in the specific lesions or elsewhere in the body, micro-parasites under conditions satisfying the demands of logic that they act causal roles have completely failed. The positive evidence that these affections are caused by micro-parasites is no stronger now than in the eighteenth century, but the argu¬ ment in favor of such etiology has been greatly strengthened by analogy; that is, in their natural history they present features so similar and in some re¬ spects so closely identical with those that characterize diseases for which proofs satisfactory to the strictest logical requirements for such causation have been established. For the same reason, also, the argument by exclusion has gained some additional weight. The discovery that typhus fever is spread by the body-louse not only removed this disease from the class of the typically contagious diseases, but by analogy placed it more definitely in the category with other diseases proved to be caused by micro-parasites transferred from one individual to another by biting insects, for the bites of only those lice that have infested individuals with typhus fever can spread the essential cause of this disease. In the lesions of poliomye¬ litis, classed among the contagious diseases and known only slightly to former generations, but revived in widespread epidemics in recent years, Flexner and his coworkers have discovered minute bodies which seem to be the etiological factors. In yellow fever, classed among the affections reckoned as effluvial in origin, Noguchi has demonstrated a spirochete, which further observations may prove to be the causal agent. In their advocacy of the old thesis of contagia viva in the causation of the febrile diseases, Henle and Mitchell argued both by analogy and by exclusion, attempting by the former to establish points of similarity between these diseases and certain affections of plants and lower animals in which micro-organisms had been found under conditions suggesting or even proving a causal relation, and seeking by the latter to show that of the various explanations proposed, 1 Since this was written the recent highly suggestive work of Dick and Dick and others on the causation and the serum reactions of scarlet-fever has been published. DEVELOPMENT OF HEALTH DEPARTMENT AND HEALTH LAWS, ETC. 45 this was the only one consistent with the ascertained facts of the natural his¬ tory of these diseases. At this time the latter mode of argument was the stronger because it was supported by the heavier weight of facts. With the demonstration in rapid succession that a number of diseases, including examples of those classed as contagious and those classed as miasmatic or diluvial, are due to micro-parasites, the analogical argument in favor of like causation of the remainder was correspondingly strengthened. Facts supporting both these lines of argument have become so overwhelming in recent years that there is no escape from accepting the generalization that all the febrile diseases trans¬ missible in continuous series from one individual to another must be caused by the action of living parasites. In later chapters a complete list of these diseases, in so far as they have presented themselves in Baltimore, will be given, and the evidence upon which certain of them are held to be transmitted wholely or partly by contact will be submitted to analysis. Gradually the term contagion lost and the term infection gained in impor¬ tance. The former, losing its etiological significance, came to mean only a par¬ ticular mode of conveyance, namely, by intimate contact. The group of con¬ tagious diseases became limited to a particular division of infectious diseases. The terms infectious and infection gained new and broader meanings. Infec¬ tious diseases came to include, for clinicians, the whole group of diseases charac¬ terized by fever, increased rapidity of the pulse and respiration, intoxication, with or without local inflammatory lesions; for pathological anatomists the series of degenerations and acute congestions of various organs of the body, notably the heart, liver, kidneys, and spleen, and local inflammatory lesions occurring in febrile affections ; for bacteriologists and hygienists, all the diseases proven or thought to be caused by micro-parasites. For the clinical physician a disease is infectious if it is capable of being transmitted from one individual to another by any means whatsoever; it is contagious if it can be, or usually is, carried by contact with the sick or their immediate environment. The “ droplet infection ” of Fliigge, by which is meant the transmission from one person to another of micro-organisms attached to fine drops of moisture (saliva,, mucus, pus) propelled from the mouth and nose in the acts of talking, coughing, and sneezing, belongs under the latter heading. The organisms are thus thrown so short a distance that, in effect, this method of transference may be regarded as so slightly removed from kissing or other forms of actual touch, as to fall well within the concep¬ tion of “contact.” For the clinician, the pathologist, and the bacteriologist, a person or an animal is “ infected ” after receiving a particular variety of germ in numbers sufficient to cause disease. But, for the bacteriologist “ in¬ fected ” retains its original meaning of “ spoiled,” “ tainted,” “ corrupted,” in the special sense that a germ capable of multiplication comes in contact with a substance of any kind, as nutrient media, an instrument or utensil. It has much the same significance to the surgeon. Probably the first clear-cut definition of the term infectious disease in the modern sense was given by Professor William H. Welch in his lectures at the Johns Hopkins Hospital in the spring of 1890: “ An infectious disease is any disease caused by the entrance into and multiplication within the body of 46 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION', ETC., IN BALTIMORE pathogenic micro-organisms.” This definition, as Professor Welch pointed out at the time, excludes a large group of affections caused by the invasion of the body by macroscopic parasites of which the worms are examples. For such diseases, there is a tendency to use the term infestion. Thus in modern usage, infection has to do with causation alone and omits all consideration of modes of communication, while contagion deals only with a particular mode of transmission, i. e., by contact, and has nothing to do with ultimate causation. Some of the infectious diseases are typically contagious, but many are not. With the adoption of a new meaning for infectious, its synonym, miasmatic, fell into disuse. Fomites, from being the fuel itself carried by the absorbent material, came to signify the material which conveys the fuel, a complete reversal of meaning. To avoid the great confusion of meanings attending the use of the terms contagious and infectious as applied to the febrile diseases, especially among the older generation of physicians who could not readily follow the rapid de¬ velopment of the new science of micro-parasitology in which they had had no training (and this group included many health officers), the terms communi¬ cable and transmissible came into use about the beginning of the twentieth cen¬ tury to include the group of affections caused by invasions of the body by vegetable or animal parasites. The idea that emanations from sewers were efficient causes of diseases natu¬ rally followed from the conception that certain epidemic diseases were due to the effluvia arising from the putrefaction of dead organic material. There¬ fore, the emanations from either open sewers or the traps of closed sewers, or from privies and cesspools were regarded as particularly dangerous. With the development of toilets, wash-basins, and bath-tubs in houses connected with sewers, it was not unnatural that cases of febrile illness developing in these houses were attributed to sewer-gas emanating from the sewers through untrapped or improperly trapped connections. The acute febrile diseases thought to be thus caused were at first either those generally acknowledged to be infectious or miasmatic, such as the malarial-fever group, or those included in this class by some and among the contagious diseases by others, such as dysentery, typhoid fever, typhus fever, and diphtheria. To the latter group the term miasmatic-contagious was often applied. As a result of this conception plumbing construction and plumbing inspection arose to such great impor¬ tance in health-department administration. From the foregoing it is clear why, in the first health ordinances, clear-cut distinctions were made between the function of controlling disease through the management of persons and their immediate environment and through the general environment. To the board of health were assigned questions involv¬ ing personal hygiene and to the city commissioners the control of general sanitation. Chapter IV. —Evolution of Public Health Laws. I. Baltimore Town. II. Baltimore City: The two fundamental ordinances of 1797 —Ordinance No. 11 and subsequent amendments and additions dealing with the organi¬ zation of the health department and the duties and powers of health officials, the reporting and isolation of cases of communicable diseases within the city, quarantine of the port; Hospitals controlled by the city, and the registration of births and deaths, and of physicians, midwives, and under¬ takers; Ordinance No. 15 and subsequent amendments and additions dealing with nuisances, namely, general sanitation on public domains—Street clean¬ ing, garbage, night-soil collection and disposal, food control—Sanitation on private domains—Privies, cesspools, night soil, standing water and decaying materials, cellars, manufactories injurious to health, garbage, habitations, plumbing, foods. III. State of Maryland: Contagious and infectious diseases; Vaccina¬ tion; Medical practice; Registration and licensing of midwives; Pharma¬ cists; Nurses, plumbers, undertakers, and barbers; Registration of births and deaths; Lunacy commission; Child and other labor laws; General nuisances; Foods; Building inspection. I. BALTIMORE TOWN. The records of public-health activities in Baltimore before the elevation of Baltimore Town into Baltimore City on January 1, 1797, are scanty. During the era of Baltimore Town, the powers of local self-government granted by the legislature were comparatively restricted. There is no record of the existence of anything approaching a separate organized body with duties and powers in connection with public health in the early days of Baltimore Town. Some sort of control over nuisances of the commoner sort was exercised by the town commissioners and by certain special commissioners, as the commissioners for paving streets, for instance. In 1745, an act of the commissioners proscribed the running at large of geese and swine in the town. According to Quinan, the town commissioners passed the following resolution in 1750: “ Whereas, several persons permit stinking fish and dead creatures or carrion to lie on their lots, or in the street near their doors, which are a very offensive nuisance and contrary to Acts of Assembly, the Commissioners, therefore, order the clerk to put up advertisements to inform such persons that they are to remove the same. “ Resolved, That Dr. Wm. Lyon be a committee of one to enforce the same.” In 1793, when yellow fever was prevalent in Philadelphia, Governor Lee appointed Dr. John Ross and Dr. John Worthington as quarantine physicians, the former to regulate quarantine by sea and the latter by land. In 1794, Gov¬ ernor Lee appointed Dr. Thomas Drysdale as an additional quarantine phy¬ sician for Baltimore. On July 8 of that year, Drs. Ross, Worthington, and Drys¬ dale, by orders of the governor, stopped all vessels at the quarantine station established below Whetstone Point. These acts of the governor were carried out under Acts of the Assembly in 1766, 1769, 1777, and 1784, empowering the governor to establish quarantine under threatened invasion of pestilen¬ tial diseases. 47 48 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE According to Quinan (9) and Griffith (3), a committee on health, con¬ sisting of seven members was appointed, probably by the town commissioners, in 1794. Quinan speaks of this health organization in 1794 as the board of health and records that on April 24, 1795, a new board of health was elected, which adopted rules and regulations of quarantine on May 7 and urged the citizens to aid in enforcing them. On May 7, 1795, the legislature passed an act empowering the appointment of a health officer for the port of Baltimore, and on July 29, the board of health imposed a quarantine on all vessels from South America or the West Indies and, on August 16, ordered that no hides be landed from vessels within the town limits. It would appear that the State quarantine officers acted harmoniously in concert with the newly appointed board of health of Baltimore Town, for Quinan records that on August 15, 1794, Dr. Boss publicly defended the board of health which had been charged with negligence in allowing the admission of cases of yellow fever. All these activities and measures grew, largely at least, out of the serious yellow-fever epidemics of the time. The details of the quarantine system have not been preserved, but it is probable that they were almost identical with those provisions in the first public-health ordinance of Baltimore City, passed on April 7, 1797. It is probable that the board of health of 1795 continued to function until it was relieved by the new public-health organization provided for in Ordinance 11, 1797. When Baltimore Town became Baltimore City, on December 31, 1796, its public health organization, therefore, consisted of a board of health of seven members, empowered to pass and enforce quarantine regulations, a health officer of the port, and a small hospital at Hawkins’ Point for the reception of cases of “ pestilential diseases.” Such powers over nuisances and general sani¬ tation as existed had been exercised by the town commissioners. II. BALTIMORE CITY. Soon after the organization of the new city government of Baltimore in 1797, two health ordinances were passed, one dealing particularly with the control of diseases through persons and their effects, the other with the control of nuisances and other matters of general sanitation. Upon these two basic ordi¬ nances has been modeled practically all of the subsequent local health legisla¬ tion, much of which has been enacted in the form of supplements. The gen¬ eral principles of these ordinances will be discussed separately. It is to be noted that they are of a broad and general, rather than of a narrow and specific, character. The opening declaration of general principles of Ordinance 11, 1797, is important and shows that the intent of the authorities was to prevent the ori¬ gin, introduction, and spread of “ pestilential and other infectious diseases.” The placing of the powers and duties of the health department under nine commissioners of health was probably done with the intention of having all sections of the city fully and forcibly represented. The hospital at Hawkins’ Point had been established some years before as a yellow-fever hospital in connection with the quarantine instituted for that purpose. In the second section of the ordinance are enumerated the various kinds of nuisances which DEVELOPMENT OF HEALTH DEPARTMENT AND HEALTH LAWS, ETC. 49 it was thought important to attempt to control, and under this heading fell all of the items included under the head of general sanitation of that date. It must be regarded as a declaration of the general principles of sanitation. It did not, however, make it the duty of the board of health to prevent or correct such nuisances, this duty being left to the city commissioners as provided in Ordinance 15. Sections 3 to 9, inclusive, and section 11 deal entirely with the quarantine of persons and goods entering by land or sea. The intent of these provisions was to prevent the introduction of any “ contagious or pestilential disease ” from over seas. For this purpose, there was provided a paid quaran¬ tine health officer to visit vessels before their near approach to the harbor. Power was granted to remove those ill with contagious diseases to the hospital at quarantine, and communication between quarantined vessels and the city was forbidden. There were, however, no provisions specified for cleaning vessels or disinfecting cargoes at the quarantine station. The landing of damaged hides, damaged coffee, and other damaged goods within 3 miles of the city was interdicted. It will be noted that the quarantine applied to all vessels from over seas and to such vessels as came from suspected places in this country, and that the quarantine period was for only 7 months of the year. Vessels were not to be indiscriminately detained for the usual 40 days, but only long enough to satisfy the quarantine physicians that they were not dangerous. In comparison with the elaborate, strict, and inelastic quarantines of the Mediterranean ports, of England, and of certain American ports, nota¬ bly New York and Philadelphia, these regulations were mild. In common with the practice at these ports, however, the belief was recognized that dam¬ aged goods bore direct relation to the spread of the diseases the introduction of which it was sought to prevent. It would appear that the entry of ordinary goods not subject to putrefaction was not considered dangerous. There is reason to think that the quarantine was chiefly against yellow fever and small¬ pox and perhaps typhus fever and that the plague, so feared by Europeans and which had never invaded the United States up to this time, was not considered likely to be introduced into Baltimore. This ordinance gives no indication that the city government at that time had any idea of attempting to combat by restrictive measures the spread of any other disease established within the city than the malarial fevers. Ordinance 15, 1797, which deals practically with those nuisances mentioned in section 2 of Ordinance 11, is to be regarded as complementary to that or¬ dinance, but the powers granted under it were to be exercised by the city commissioners and not by the board of health. This ordinance provided for the cleaning of sidewalks by abutting property owners, and interdicted the placing of household or manufactory refuse upon the public streets and the creation of offensive nuisances of various kinds. It directly aimed at the prevention of the stagnation of water and the decomposition of vegetable and animal matter upon either private lots or public highways, and, finally, it provided for the removal of household refuse and for the cleaning of the streets at the expense of the city. These two basic health ordinances of the City of Baltimore have undergone many modifications and amplifications in various details in the 123 years since they were written. Considerable changes took place between 1797 and 1824, a period marked by experimentation and shifting of opinion. The 50 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE changes in the health ordinances were probably greatly influenced by the de¬ velopment of vaccination against small-pox and by the conclusion reached after much experience and debate that yellow fever is not contagious and not necessarily imported, but of local origin. To avoid confusion and useless repetition, the changes in and additions to these basic ordinances will be presented as concisely as possible under the various subjects which they con¬ cern and in the order of their appearance in the field of the health depart¬ ment’s activities. Ordinance 11, Approved April 7, 1797. An ordinance to preserve the health of the city, and to prevent the intro¬ duction of pestilential and other infectious diseases into the same. “ Whereas it is found necessary in all large cities, particularly those bordering on the seas, to establish such laws and regulations as may tend to preserve the health of the inhabitants. And whereas it is of the utmost importance to the commerce of this State, that the health, welfare and prosperity of this city be preserved, and that the origin, introduction and spreading of pestilential and other infectious diseases, be prevented. “ Therefore be it enacted and ordained by the mayor and city council of Baltimore, that nine persons be appointed commissioners of health, to aid and assist the health officer for the time being, in carrying the provisions of this ordinance into effect, and that the said commissioners shall have the direction and government of the hospital established on Hawkins’ Point; shall be authorized, and they are hereby authorized and empowered to establish such rules and regulations for the government of the said hospital, as to them may appear proper and necessary; to contract with a suitable person to superintend the same, and for as many assistant physicians and nurses as circum¬ stances may at any time render necessary; to provide medicine and all other articles which may be necessary for the comfort and accommodation of the sick; to provide for a ready communication between the hospital and Fort Whetstone Point or the city, and to do all other matters and things, which by this or any other ordinance they are or may be required to do. “ Be it enacted and ordained, that all ponds of stagnant water, all cellars and founda¬ tions of houses, whose bottoms contain stagnant and putrid water, all dead putrefied animals lying about the docks, streets, lanes, alleys, vacant lots or yards, all privies that have no wells sunk under them, all grave yards, tallow chandleries, tanneries, sugar boilers, skin dressers, dyers, glue boilers, and slaughter houses not properly regulated; all docks whose bottoms are alternately wet and dry by the ebbing and flowing of the tide, all accumulation of filth in the streets, lanes, alleys and gutters thereof, all accu¬ mulations of vegetable and animal substances, undergoing a putrefactive fermentation, are hereby declared common nuisances, productive of offensive vapors and noxious exhalations, the causes of diseases, and ought to be restrained, regulated and removed. “ Be it enacted and ordained, in order the more effectually to prevent the introduc¬ tion of pestilential and other infectious diseases into the city, that at any time when the mayor of the city shall receive satisfactory information of the existence of any pestilential or other fatal disease, in any place on the continent, with which the citizens of Baltimore may have communication or connection, the mayor may and is hereby authorized to issue a proclamation, forbidding the entrance of all persons coming from such infected places into the city or within three miles thereof, and the citizens from having any communication with them, for at least fifteen days; provided he, she, or they cannot produce an approved certificate of their absence from such place for at least fifteen days previous thereto; and every person wittingly and knowingly offending against the directions of the said proclamation shall forfeit and pay one hundred dollars for every such offence, one-half to the informer and the other half for the use of the city. “ Be it enacted and ordained, that the health officer for the time being shall, and he is hereby, directed to visit all vessels coming from beyond the seas, and all other vessels coming from suspected places, in the months of April, May, June, July, August, Septem¬ ber, October, and November, and where it shall appear necessary, detain the same at or DEVELOPMENT OF HEALTH DEPARTMENT AND HEALTH LAWS, ETC. 51 below the fort till he hath made two or more visits on board; and if it shall appear to such health officer that a further detention be necessary, he shall oblige the same to perform a quarantine not exceeding twenty days, and in all such cases the health of¬ ficer shall give a certificate to the captain or master of the vessel, signed with his name, expressing the number of days the said vessel is to ride quarantine, and at or before the end of each quarantine the health officer is hereby enjoined to make a second visit to the said vessel; and should it appear to him that a further quarantine is neces¬ sary, he is hereby authorized to enjoin the same for any number of days not exceeding ten. “ Be it enacted and ordained, that if the master or other person having charge of any vessel bound to the port of Baltimore, having on board any person or persons dis¬ ordered with any contagious disease, or coming from any sickly port or place without a clean bill of health, shall bring his vessel or suffer or permit the same to be brought nearer to the port of Baltimore than Hawkins’ Point, or shall land or bring on shore, or cause or suffer to be landed or brought on shore, any such infected persons, or any part or parcel of their goods or effects, or any other goods, until he has obtained a license or permit so to do from the health officer or his assistant, such master or any other person having charge of such vessel shall forfeit and pay for every such offence the sum of one thousand dollars, for the use of the city. “ Be it enacted and ordained, that if any master or other person having command of any vessel at the time of inquiry by the aforesaid health officer or his assistant shall have on board any person infected as aforesaid, and shall knowingly conceal the same, or shall not make a just and true discovery to the said health officer or his assistant of the sickly and disordered state of all and every person on board, from the time the said vessel departed from the port or place from whence she last sailed to the time of said inquiry, and of all other particulars necessary for the said health officer or his assistant to know, respecting the premises, such master, or other person having com¬ mand of such vessel, shall forfeit and pay for every such offence the sum of three hundred dollars, for the use of the city. “ Be it enacted and ordained, that during the detention of any vessel at or below the fort, by the health officer, or during the time of her being ordered to perform quar¬ antine by him, it shall not be lawful for any person on board such vessel to come on shore and have communication with any person, or for any person to go on board such vessel without the permission of the health officer in writing; every person offending against the provisions of this clause shall forfeit and pay the sum of twenty dollars, to be applied for the use of the city. “ And be it enacted and ordained, that if any pilot shall conduct any vessel above Hawkins’ Point, having on board above thirty persons, being passengers or servants (and it is hereby, declared to be the duty of each pilot to make due inquiry thereof) such pilot shall forfeit and pay one hundred dollars for the use of the city, and if any pilot shall have knowledge that there is on board any vessel that he undertakes to pilot, any persons distempered with the plague, or any malignant contagious disease, and it is hereby declared to be his duty to make due inquiry thereof, and shall pilot such vessel above Hawkins’ Point, he shall forfeit one hundred dollars for the use of the city; and such pilot shall be disqualified to act as pilot for one year; and if any pilot shall have knowledge that there is on board any vessel that he undertakes to pilot, any person distempered as aforesaid, and it is declared to be his duty to make due inquiry thereof, and shall conceal the same from the aforesaid health officer or his assistant, such pilot shall forfeit one hundred dollars, for the use of the city, and such pilot shall be disqualified to act as pilot for one year. /( And be it enacted and ordained, that the commissioners of health shall watch over the health of the city; and aid and assist the health officer in the discharge of his duty, and carry into effect the provisions of this ordinance, and shall meet at the court house or some other place in the said city, on the first Monday in the months of May, June, July, August, September, October and November, or as often as occasion may require for the purposes aforesaid, collect and receive every possible information of the healthiness of the same; and the health officer is hereby required then and there to meet them, with such evidences of facts relative to his appointment as may have come to his knowledge; and the said commissioners of health shall give all necessary assis- 52 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE tance to the health officer in the execution of his duty, cause all persons actually laboring under infectious diseases (and not otherwise provided for) to be removed to the hos¬ pital on Hawkins’ Point, or elsewhere, distant from the city at least three miles, and provide for the infected such meats, drinks, bedding, and clothing as may be absolutely necessary or ordered by the health officer, and with the advice of the health officer, or other practicing physician or physicians, whom they may consult, may take such fur¬ ther measures in discharging the trust confided to them, as may appear reasonable and proper. “ Be it enacted and ordained, that the health officer or the commissioners of health shall be, and they are hereby, authorized to prevent the landing of any damaged hides, damaged coffee, or other damaged goods from on board any vessel whatever, on any wharf in the city, or within three miles thereof, which in their judgment would en¬ danger the health of the inhabitants. And every person wittingly and knowingly landing any of the same articles, contrary to the provision aforesaid, shall forfeit and pay for every such offence one hundred dollars, half to the informer and the other half for the use of the city. “ Be it enacted and ordained, that the commissioners of health may appoint a clerk, and allow him a reasonable compensation for his services, who shall keep fair minutes of their proceedings, and all necessary expenses incurred by them in the discharge of the duties herein required, which shall be defrayed by the corporation.” ORGANIZATION OF THE HEALTH DEPARTMENT. COMMISSIONERS OF HEALTH AND PRINCIPAL ASSISTANTS. The ordinance of March 20, 1801, reduced the number of commissioners of health from 9 to 5, 2 of whom had to come from that part of the city lying east of Jones Falls. The city was divided into five districts, one of which was allotted to each commissioner for supervision. The commissioners were re¬ quired to meet as a board of health at least once a week in the months of April, May, June, July, August, September, and October for the purpose of communicating and receiving all possible information relative to the health of the city and to advise and consult with each other respecting its preserva¬ tion. The number of commissioners of health was reduced to 4 by the ordinance of March 22, 1803, and their authority over nuisances on private domains, in¬ cluding docks, was considerably increased. According to the ordinance of March 17, 1808, the position of health (quar¬ antine) officer was abolished, and the number of commissioners of health was reduced to 2. The powers and duties of the city commissioners and the commissioners of health were united b}^ the ordinance of March 22, 1809, and the new com¬ missioners were given the power to execute all the previously passed ordinances regulating the duties and powers of the two commissions. By this act, the con¬ trol of nuisances and matters of general sanitation were placed under the health department. In the ordinance of March 25, 1814, it was provided that the number of com¬ missioners be increased from 2 to 3. By resolution of the city council passed December 4, 1817, the commissioners of health, with other departments of the city government, were required to make annual reports to the council “ of the state of the several subjects com¬ mitted to their charge and to suggest such alterations and amendments, if any, as may be found by experience necessary in the ordinances connected with their different departments.” DEVELOPMENT OF HEALTH DEPARTMENT AND HEALTH LAWS, ETC. 53 The ordinance of February 29, 1820, provided for a consulting physician, who with the three commissioners constituted a Board of Health, which was to meet biweekly from March 1 to November 1 and bimonthly from November 1 to March 1. The city was divided into three sanitary districts, each under the supervision of a commissioner, who was required to inspect at least once every two weeks from March 1 to November 1 all the streets, alleys, lanes, wharves, warehouses, cellars, yards, lumber yards, lots, docks, and all other places he might think necessary in his district. Each commissioner was required to re¬ port to the board of health on the general state of his district once in every two weeks and to enforce all the laws and ordinances in relation to health, including the abatement of nuisances and the duties in relation to the health department usually performed by the city commissioners, and all others that might be required of him by the board of health or the ma} r or. The duties of the consulting physician were to give the mayor and other city authorities such professional advice and information as they required, with a view to the preservation of the public health, to inquire into the health of the city, and when he should hear of the existence of any malignant, pestilential, or contagious disease to investigate such report and ascertain as correctly as possible the causes which produced said disease, to report this information to the board, and to suggest measures to arrest its progress, reporting to the mayor, the board of health, or the commissioners of the districts, as the case required, every circumstance likely to endanger the health of the city. The salary of the commissioners was $600 each, and that of the consulting physician was $400. The ordinance of March 1844 abolished the positions of the commissioners of health and of the consulting physician and assigned the duties of the former to the city commissioners and of the latter to the health or quarantine officer. By the ordinance of May 2, 1845, the health department was again reorgan¬ ized, this time with one commissioner of health and a city physician, who with the health officer or quarantine physician constituted a board of health to meet biweekly throughout the year with the city physician as presiding of¬ ficer. The commissioner of health was to attend to all the duties of the health office and was to be present at the office of the board from 9 a. m. to 1 p. m. every day, Sundays excepted. He was to keep a faithful record of all matters relating to the health of the city, to receive all reports from the police of¬ ficers and others so far as they referred to the duties of the health depart¬ ment, to enforce all ordinances for the preservation of health, and to decide all appeals from the reports of the police officers by a personal examination of the premises in all cases of dispute. It was the duty of the city physician to make a circuit of observation once every week to every part of the city and its environs, in which location or any collateral circumstance might be a cause of disease, and in all cases where he discovered the existence of any morbific agent, the presence of which might prove dangerous to the health of the city, he was to cause any ordinance in existence for its correction to be enforced. If no competent ordinance existed, he was to make a full report to the mayor, accompanied with his opinion concerning the particular action to be taken. It was also his duty to make diligent inquiry into all cases of malignant, infec¬ tious, or contagious diseases which might occur and to cause immediate mea¬ sures to be taken to arrest their progress and generally to notice all things 54 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE that related to the preservation of the health of the city. It was the duty of the health officer, in addition to such duties as were required of him by exist¬ ing ordinances, to attend such meetings of the board of health as he might be requested to attend either by the mayor or by the president of the board, to inform the board of anything demanding the attention of the department, and to advise with the city physician on all subjects particularly “ appertaining to the sanitary of the maritime.” The police officers were required to execute all orders of the board of health or any member thereof, so far as they referred to the preservation of the health of the city. They were to make daily in¬ spections in their wards and report every morning to the commissioner of health and to enforce all ordinances for the preservation of health within the city. The salary of the commissioner of health was $800 and that of the city physician $400 per annum. The ordinance of September 4, 1846, retransferred to the board of health all of the duties of the city commissioners. The ordinance of February 28, 1861, combined the office of city physician and commissioner of health and provided for an assistant commissioner of health, who, with the commissioner of health, would constitute the board of health. The duties of the commissioner of health were unchanged. Those of the assistant commissioner were to keep a faithful record of all reports and other matters of the department, and, in case of sickness or absence of the com¬ missioner or when directed by the mayor, to perform the duties assigned to the commissioner. The duties of the marine hospital or quarantine physician were unchanged. By the ordinance of May 23, 1882, the health commissioner was authorized to order all post-mortem examinations and to contract with two surgeons to do this work. Later, provision was made for a post-mortem physician and one assistant. The mayor was made member ex-officio of the board of health, the remain¬ ing members being unchanged, according to the ordinance of April 14, 1888. The board of health was required to meet daily throughout the year. The commissioner of health was also made register of vital statistics. The ordinance of May 7, 1894, empowered the commissioner of health to appoint a chemist and three food inspectors. By an ordinance of 1896, the commissioner of health was authorized to appoint a bacteriologist and to establish separate chemical and bacteriological laboratories in the health department. According to a section of the revised charter of Baltimore City of 1900, the health department was made a subdivision of the department of public safety, consisting of the board of fire commissioners, the commissioner of health, the inspector of buildings, the commissioner of street cleaning, and the president of the board of police commissioners, ex-officio. The board of public safety was for consultation and advice and had no power to direct or control the duties or the work of any subdepartment. Section 71 of this char¬ ter made the commissioner of health the second sub-department of public safety. The board of health was done away with, and the commissioner of health was given complete charge of the health department, with all of the duties and powers formerly exercised by the board. The commissioner of DEVELOPMENT OF HEALTH DEPARTMENT AND HEALTH LAWS, ETC. 55 health must be a physician of five years* experience and in active practice at the time of his appointment. He may appoint two assistant commissioners of health, a medical examiner, and an assistant medical examiner, and a reason¬ able number of clerks and subordinates, and fix their compensation. Since 1900, it has been the practice to establish new positions in the health department through the annual ordinances of estimates, instead of by spe¬ cial ordinances. VACCINE PHYSICIANS AND HEALTH WARDENS. By resolution of the city council, December 17, 1821, Drs. Birkhead, Coulter, Allender, Jennings, and Baker were requested to act as a commission to select and appoint a physician for each of the six districts of the city, “ whose duty it shall be to obtain a full and exact account of all persons whatever in said dis¬ tricts respectively, who have not been vaccinated or had the small-pox, to vac¬ cinate gratis all persons not competent in their opinion to pay for it, and to use their utmost efforts to induce all others to be immediately vaccinated aa a measure loudly called for by the advice of the faculty and by public neces¬ sity.** The vaccine physicians were required “ to keep an exact register of all their vaccinations and the other material occurrences relative thereto, and to report the same as approved by the aforesaid board or commission to the mayor and city council, and to obey all instructions which said board may think proper to give them, or either of them, with a view to effect the full and complete vac¬ cination of every individual within their respective districts.** These district physicians received a salary of not over $200 each and in proportion to the nature, extent, and efficiency of their sendees. These provisions were made at the suggestion of the Medical and Chirurgical Faculty at the time of a severe small-pox epidemic and were temporary. In 1824, the office of vaccine physician was made permanent, and in this year the commissioners of health were empowered to divide the city into four districts and to appoint for each district a vaccine physician at the salary of $100, “ for the purpose of extending the benefits of vaccination to the indi¬ gent of our city.** By the ordinance of March 11, 1853, the vaccine physicians became health wardens, and in addition to their former duties they were given the general supervision of the health of their wards. They were to look for and report all nuisances dangerous to health, and “ whenever any disease of a contagious char¬ acter shall manifest itself in their respective districts, they shall, under the direction of the board of health, use such means as the nature of the case may demand to arrest its progress.** The ordinance of June 9, 1864, provided for a vaccine physician for each two contiguous wards, who should vaccinate in his wards all such persons pointed out to him by any member of the board of health as susceptible to small-pox contagion and whose duty would be to visit each dwelling-house in his wards and to vaccinate every person presented to him for that purpose. He was also required to keep an office hour to vaccinate all persons calling upon him for such service. By an ordinance passed October 24, 1882, the commissioner of health was given power to enforce at his discretion the vaccination of all persons not previously vaccinated, residing within the city, and the vaccination of any per¬ son in any infected district. Parents and guardians were required to cause 56 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE their children to be vaccinated before attaining 1 year of age and revaccinated after 5 years from the last vaccination whenever the commissioner of health should order it. It became the duty of the vaccine physicians or health wardens to effect or oversee the carrying out of these provisions. Section 71 of the revised charter of Baltimore City of 1900 provided that the commissioner of health shall appoint a vaccine physician for every ward of the City of Baltimore, who shall be a resident of the ward for which he may be appointed, for the purpose of vaccinating all such persons in his ward as may be designated by the commissioner or the assistant commissioner of health as susceptible to small-pox contagion. All of these vaccine physicians shall act as health wardens for their respective wards, generally supervise the health of their wards, and report to the commissioner of health any nuisance which in their opinion is or may become a source of disease, using under the direction of the commissioner of health such means as the nature of the case may demand to arrest its progress. Inspectors .—By an ordinance of 1797, an inspector was appointed for the examination of salted provisions imported into and exported from the City of Baltimore. The ordinance of October 22, 1883, provided for the appointment of an inspector of plumbing for sanitary purposes to work under the super¬ vision of the board of health. The inspector was to be a practical plumber, skill¬ ful and well trained in matters pertaining to the sanitary regulations concern¬ ing plumbing work. All plumbing work was to be subject to the supervision of the inspector of plumbing and performed in no other way than in strict con¬ formity to such orders and directions as might be prescribed by the inspector of plumbing with the approval of the board of health. Four additional sanitary inspectors were provided for the twenty-first and twenty-second wards by the ordinance of June 19, 1888. Three inspectors of food were to be appointed, according to the ordinance of May 16, 1894, for the purpose of obtaining samples of milk and all other food products, the qualities of which were to be determined by chemical or microscopical examination. Under Section 68 of the revised city charter of 1900, the commissioner of health was given the power to appoint a reasonable number of sanitary inspec¬ tors for the city, not exceeding 15; all inspectors and analysts of bakeries, bake- shops, candy factories, confectioneries, or other places for the manufacture of similar food products, for the purpose of ascertaining their sanitary condi¬ tions and cleanliness and the purit}^, healthfulness, and wholesomeness of the ingredients used in manufacture, and all inspectors and analysts for the proper inspection of milk, or any and all other food products offered for sale in the City of Baltimore. THE REPORTING AND ISOLATION OF CONTAGIOUS AND INFECTIOUS DISEASES WITHIN THE CITY. The ordinance of 1797 made no allusion to the reporting of cases of diseases within the city. By the ordinance of March 20, 1801, practising physicians were “ invited ” to inform the commissioners of health of the state of health of the city and to advise them in all matters relating to the prevention of conta¬ gious diseases. The commissioners of health were given full power to remove DEVELOPMENT OF HEALTH DEPARTMENT AND HEALTH LAWS, ETC. 57 any person afflicted with a contagious disease dangerous to the community to a hospital or other place and to prevent any kind of communication with the affected house or family except by physicians, nurses, or persons necessary to carry medicines and provisions. It was made the duty of the commissioners, when a contagious disease was discovered in the city, to advertise the fact and to caution citizens against communication with the infected neighborhood. When such disease threatened to become general, they could advise the inhabi¬ tants (of an infected district) to remove to quarters provided for their recep¬ tion—the poor to be supported at public expense. The ordinance of February 10, 1820, provided that “ it shall be the duty of all and each of the practising physicians in the city of Baltimore, whenever any case of malignant, pestilential, or contagious fever shall happen within the circle of their practice, forthwith to report the same to the mayor or the board of health.” The penalty for non-compliance was $100. This section was, however, omitted in a revision of this ordinance 19 days later, on February 29, 1820. One of the sections of this ordinance required that every keeper of a tavern or boarding or lodging-house should report cases of illness, occurring between the first of March and the first of November, in seafaring men or other sojourners, and masters of vessels lying in the harbor were forbidden to remove any sick person therefrom without permission. In 1821, the board of health was required by ordinance to cause all districts in which yellow fever was confirmed and beyond control to be fenced in and guarded by sentinels. By the ordinance of April 25, 1834, physicians were requested to report to the board of health within 24 hours all cases of small-pox and varioloid coming to their knowledge, and the commissioners of health were required, whenever they met with a case of small-pox which had not been so reported, to publish in the newspapers the name of the physician who had failed or refused to report it, but in 1838, the threat was omitted. In the code of 1869, even the request to report cases of small-pox was eliminated. Compulsory reporting of “ contagious and infectious ” diseases on a limited scale by practising physicians went into effect after the passage of the ordinance of October 24, 1882, which required that “ every physician shall report to the commissioner of health, in writing, upon blanks to be furnished by said commissioner, every person having small-pox, cholera, yellow fever, malig¬ nant diphtheria, or scarlet fever, and varioloid, and his or her place of dwelling, and name, if known; such report to be made within 24 hours after the first visit, if such report were not previously made by some other physician.” By this ordinance, physicians were required also to report to the commissioner of health the deaths of any patients who had died of contagious or infectious diseases, within 24 hours thereafter, with a statement of the specific name and type of disease. The keepers of all hotels and boarding-houses, the agents and owners of all tenement houses or private residences or dwellings, and the commis¬ sioners, managers, principals, or other proper person or head officer of every pub¬ lic or private institution in the city were required to report in writing, within 24 hours, to the commissioner of health, the names and ages of each and every one of the inmates of all such houses suffering from any of the above-mentioned diseases. The same rules applied to the masters and agents of vessels not within 58 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE quarantine, or within quarantine limits but being within one-fourth of a mile of any dock, wharf, or building of the city. Persons were forbidden to bring to any dock, wharf, or building, or within 1,000 feet thereof, or to have on storage in the city any skins, fish, rags, bones, hides, or similar articles or materials brought from any infected place, except with the written permission of the commissioner of health. The sale of articles of any kind that had been exposed to any contagious disease before they had been adequately cleansed or disinfected and without a written permit from the commissioner of health was forbidden. Without permission from the commissioner of health, no person sick with any contagious disease could be carried from one building to another or from any vessel to the shore. The needless exposure of any individual to those sick with any contagious disease was forbidden. Bodies of all persons dead of any contagious disease were to be buried within 24 hours after death unless this time was extended by the commissioner of health, and no such bodies could be exposed to the peril or prejudice of the life or health of any person. The commissioner of health was instructed to give public notice of infected places by displaying a yellow flag on the premises where infectious diseases existed, and he was given the power to remove any baggage, clothing, bedding, or goods of any character suspected of being infected with any contagious or infectious disease. In every case where there had been small-pox, diphtheria, scarlet fever, or other contagious diseases, and the sick person had either died or been removed from the premises where the disease existed and the occupants had vacated the property without causing a thorough and complete fumigation and disinfection of said property, the owners were required to do this before any person or persons could visit the property with the purpose of becoming tenants or owners. The use of hackney coaches, buggies, cabs, and gigs for public hire for the removal of persons suffering from small-pox, scarlet fever, diphtheria, or other contagious diseases to or from any point in the City of Baltimore, or of any body dead of such diseases, was forbidden under penalty of having it or them taken by the commissioner of health, disinfected, fumigated, and quarantined for 30 days, unless it or they were used for that purpose only. The list of diseases reportable by physicians was expanded by the ordinance of May 20, 1890, to include membranous croup, measles, mumps, and whooping- cough. It is strange that both typhus and typhoid fevers were omitted from these lists. The former was surely known at that time to be a “ contagious and infectious ” disease, and had been so held by the health department since its establishment, as is seen from the reports of the department. On May 29, 1895, typhoid fever was by ordinance added to the list of reporta¬ ble diseases. The importance of reporting cases of pulmonary tuberculosis was recognized by the ordinance of May 12, 1896. The commissioner of health was directed to register the name and address, sex, and age of every person suffering from pulmonary tuberculosis, so far as such information could be obtained, and all physicians were requested to forward such information on cards ordi¬ narily employed for the report of cases of contagious diseases, this information to be solely for the use of the commissioner of health. In no case was the com¬ missioner of health to assume any sanitary surveillance of such patients unless the patients resided in tenement houses, boarding-houses, or hotels, or unless the attending physician requested that an inspection of the premises be made. DEVELOPMENT OF HEALTH DEPARTMENT AND HEALTH LAWS, ETC. 59 In no case, unless the patient resided in a tenement house, boarding-house, or hotel, could any inspection be made if the physician requested that no visits be made by inspectors and was willing himself to deliver the circulars of infor¬ mation designed to prevent the communication of the disease to others. This lame ordinance was passed after vigorous effort on the part of the officials of the health department and a few prominent physicians and laymen and against considerable opposition. It gave the health department but little power of control over the individuals affected with this disease and bore all the ear¬ marks of having been written by those opposed to such control. An ordinance directed against indiscriminate expectoration was passed on February 21, 1905. It contained the following provisions: It shall not be lawful for any person to expectorate or spit in or upon any paved sidewalk or brick path of any public street, avenue, or public square in the city of Balti¬ more, or in or upon any park or any building under the control of the mayor and city council of Baltimore City, or upon the floor, platform, or steps of any street-railway car, or other vehicle carrying passengers for hire, or upon the floor of any depot or station, or upon the station platform or stairs of any ele¬ vated railroad or other common carrier, or upon the floor or steps of any theater, store, factory, or any building which is used in common by the public, or upon the floor of any hall or office, in any hotel or lodging-house which is used in common by the guests thereof. Corporations or persons owning or man¬ aging any of the above-mentioned public vehicles or buildings, etc., are required to keep posted permanently and conspicuously in such places notices prohibit¬ ing spitting on floors, etc. Sufficient and proper receptacles for expectoration must be provided which shall be cleansed and disinfected once in every 24 hours. All other diseases now reportable have been made so either by act of the State Legislature, or by resolution of the State board of health, which acts or reso¬ lutions apply to the whole State. In 1920, the list of diseases notifiable in Maryland included: Anthrax (malignant pustule). Bubonic plague. Cerebro-spinal meningitis (epidemic). Chancroid. Chicken-pox. Cholera (Asiatic). Dengue (breakbone fever). Diphtheria (membranous croup). Dysentery (acute). Erysipelas. German measles. Glanders (farcy). Gonorrhoea. Influenza (grippe). Leprosy. Malaria. Measles. Mumps. Ophthalmia neonatorum. Pellagra. Pneumonia (lobar). Pneumonia (broncho). Poliomyelitis (infantile paralysis). Rabies (hydrophobia). Relapsing fever. Scarlet fever (scarlatina, scarlet rash). Septic sore throat. Small-pox (variola, varioloid). Syphilis. Trachoma. Tuberculosis (report on special card). Typhoid fever. Typhus fever. Venereal diseases. Whooping-cough. Yellow fever. QUARANTINE OF THE PORT. A resolution of the mayor and city council of Baltimore, approved March 19, 1801, instructed the mayor to apply to the United States Government for purchasing suitable warehouses with the requisite wharves and inclosures at 5 60 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE some convenient place near the port of Baltimore where goods and merchandise could be unladen in accordance with the city ordinances. An ordinance of the same date amplified the quarantine provisions of the original ordinance, the most important section stating: “ And be it enacted and ordained, that all vessels coming from either of the Indies, the coasts of Africa and South America, or any port or place in the Mediterranean, or the seas or waters connected with the same to the eastward of the Straits of Gibraltar, including all and every other port or place on the western side of Spain as far as Cape St. Vincent, from the first of May to the first of November, shall perform a quaran¬ tine of 3 days, during which time the health officer shall be compelled to pay them a visit daily, wind and weather permitting, and if at the last visit a further detention be necessary, he shall oblige the same to continue their quarantine, not exceeding 10 days; and in all such cases the health officer shall give a certificate to the master or captain of the vessel, signed with his name, expressing the number of days the said vessel is to ride quarantine; and the health officer is hereby enjoined to pay another visit to the said vessel before the expiration of her quarantine, and if necessary to continue the same any number of days not exceeding 5 days for each quarantine.” Vessels arriving from the West India Islands, or other parts, in the months from June to October, inclusive, and loaded with coffee liable to damage or pu¬ trefaction, were not allowed to come into port, but their cargoes were landed and aired or discharged into other vessels while remaining in the river, or in the “ bite ” within or near Love’s Point, except when special permission was granted by the mayor with the approbation of the commissioners of health. All the ves¬ sels arriving from the ports or places enumerated in that section of this ordi¬ nance previously referred to were to discharge their cargoes and ballast at the quarantine-ground in houses for this purpose, under the inspection of a health officer and representatives of the custom house, before they could be brought to the city. The ship and the wearing apparel of every person on board were to be well cleansed and ventilated before persons could obtain a permit from the health officer to come to the city. Persons sick or in a disordered state on vessels were to be sent to the hospital, or such lazaretto as would be provided for them, and the board of health was empowered to obtain the necessary provisions and other articles for the accommodation of the sick. No disordered person so detained could leave the lazaretto or hospital without the permission of the attending physician in writing. Vessels required to perform quarantine were permitted to send their letter-bags to the post-office by the health officer in such manner as the board of health directed. The quarantine officer and his assistant were required by the ordinance of March 18,1807, to be at Fort McHenry every day between 8 a. m. and 6 p. m., if not otherwise engaged in the discharge of their duties. The quarantine officer was required to enter into a book kept for the purpose all marine intelligence obtained from the masters of vessels arriving at the quarantine-ground. This book was to be kept open in his office for the examination of every person. The health officer was required to visit all vessels immediately upon their arrival, wind and weather permitting, coming from beyond the seas or from places where contagious disease was suspected to exist, from the last of April to the first of November of each year. The ordinance of March 17, 1808, repealed such part of the recently passed health ordinance as required the quarantine of vessels and appointment of a health officer (quarantine physician). DEVELOPMENT OF HEALTH DEPARTMENT AND HEALTH LAWS, ETC. 61 According to the ordinance of May 5, 1809, permission was hereafter to be obtained from the mayor to bring into port vessels loaded with articles liable to damage. The new health ordinance of February 29, 1820, which was passed after the great yellow-fever epidemic and was drawn up under the influence of the sug¬ gestions of the committee of the Medical and Chirurgical Faculty, contained no reference to quarantine. The ordinance of March 14, 1821, provided that all vessels with passengers from sea voyages should be subject to the orders of the Board of Health which could authorize the landing of persons in perfect health. According to the ordinance of March 27, 1821, no ballasts could be landed from ships between May and October, until permission was obtained from the Board of Health. Quarantine was reestablished by the ordinance of March 11, 1823, which pro¬ vided that all vessels arriving from foreign ports or places and all coasting- vessels should come to the quarantine-grounds until boarded by the health of¬ ficer, who was required to retain such vessels until he was satisfied that no vegetable substances in a putrid state or other damaged articles were on board. If the conditions of the vessels or cargoes were, in his opinion, such as to en¬ danger the health of the city, he was required to order such airings and cleans¬ ings at the lazaretto as he might deem necessary. All vessels found in a safe and clean condition and all coasting-vessels from the eastward of Cape Charles and the vessels from the southward laden with naval stores and lumber only were permitted at the discretion of the health officer to pass up into any part of the basin without restriction, but not within 200 yards of any wharf on the north side of the basin. Here such vessels came under the jurisdiction of the commissioner of health, without whose permission, given after an examination of their cargoes, they could not unload. The commissioner might cause such vessels to be cleaned before coming to any of the wharves or docks of the city. Commissioners of health were not allowed to permit the unloading of any cargo arriving from the West Indies, Hew Orleans, Florida, South Carolina, Georgia, the Gulf of Mexico, or South America, at any wharf on the north side of the basin or harbor, or on the south side to the eastward of Harbougbis Wharf. These quarantine measures were applicable from the first of May to the first of November. One section of this ordinance provided that every public or private armed vessel sailing under commission and every vessel having more than 15 passengers, arriving from sea, were to land their ballasts, empty their water- casks, and cleanse them while at the quarantine or at the lazaretto, so that timber boards could be taken up and the timbers well cleansed and approved by the aforesaid officer before such vessel would be permitted to come to any wharf or dock within the limits of the city. Vessels whose ballasts consisted of salt were exempted from these provisions. By an ordinance of March 24, 1826, all the better features of the old quaran¬ tine laws were reenacted and the whole matter of quarantine was put in charge of the health officer (quarantine physician), under the commissioners of health, who were to decide whether and to what degree quarantine was to be imposed on coastwise vessels and vessels from foreign ports. All such vessels were re¬ quired to anchor at or near Love Point for inspection by the health officer, who. 62 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE after examination of their crews and of the condition of the cargoes and ves¬ sels, passed them if he considered them safe. Otherwise, the vessels went to the lazaretto for cleaning, where the cargoes and passengers were discharged. Here, any sick were to be separated from the well. Private armed vessels or vessels having more than 15 passengers were required to submit to the conditions of the previous ordinance applying to them. The lazaretto was lost by fire in 1836. According to the ordinance of May 27, 1847, the health officer was to inspect all passengers and passenger ships from foreign countries, and whenever, in his opinion, the health of the city might be endangered either from the absolute presence of disease or from an unclean condition of the ship or pas¬ sengers, he was empowered to require such ship to come to anchor at the quar¬ antine-ground and undergo the usual procedures. It would appear from this ordinance that the quarantine at this time extended only to passenger vessels. The ordinance of June 18, 1847, made it unlawful to carry from any ship through any street, lane, or alley of the city any person or persons infected with any infectious disease. Ho material change occurred in the ordinances relating to quarantine until June 20, 1874, when it was provided in the revised ordinances that vessels arriving from points north of Cape Henry, free from epidemical or contagious diseases, and with cargoes from said ports, should not be subject to the usual quarantine regulations, unless in the judgment of the board of health compliance with these stipulations would be necessary to protect the health of the city. From this date until the quarantine regulations and practices of the country were made uniform and under the general direction and with the cooperation of the United States Marine Hospital Service and its successor, the United States Public Health Service, no material changes were made. REGISTRATION OF BIRTHS AND DEATHS; DEATH CERTIFICATES; PER¬ MITS FOR BURIAL AND TRANSPORTATION OF DEAD BODIES; REGISTRATION OF PHYSICIANS, MIDWIVES AND UNDERTAKERS. By ordinance passed October 6, 1874, and effective January 1, 1875, it was required that deaths occurring within the city should be reported to the com¬ missioner of health within 48 hours by the physician in attendance, or in suit¬ able cases by coroners, and that persons practicing midwifery should similarly report each month all births attended by them. In the case of births unattended by a physician or midwife, the duty of reporting, except in the case of births and deaths of illegitimate children, devolved on the father or mother of the child. On death certificates it was required to record the full name of the de¬ ceased (and if a minor the name of his father and mother), his color, sex, age, occupation, social state, birthplace, date and cause of death, the ward, street, and number of the residence, and the dates of burial, certification, and registration. These certificates conveyed directly to the health department the information concerning deaths which had hitherto been furnished it through the sextons of cemeteries. This new law also placed interments and disinter¬ ments directly under the control of the commissioner of health. Birth certificates were required to give the full name and the sex and color of the child, the full names of the father and mother, the day, month, and DEVELOPMENT OF HEALTH DEPARTMENT AND HEALTH LAWS, ETC. 63 year of birth, the street and number of house where born, the name and resi¬ dence of the physician, midwife, or other person signing the certificate, and the date of certification and registration. To further the carrying out of these provisions, physicians, midwives, un¬ dertakers, and sextons of cemeteries were obliged to register their names and residences at the health office. Uniform certificate blanks for deaths and births were supplied by the commissioner of health. They were modified but little un¬ til the introduction of the standard certificates of the Bureau of the Census. The original law was amplified, but in relatively minor ways, by amendment in 1884, 1898, and 1904. Ordinance 15 , Approved April 11 , 1797 . An ordinance to prevent and remove nuisances in the city of Baltimore, and within the precincts thereof, and to provide an uniform mode for clean¬ ing the streets, lanes, and alleys within the said city. “ Be it enacted and ordained by the Mayor and City Council of Baltimore, That the inhabitants and occupiers of houses and lots, and sextons, porters or other keepers of churches, meeting-houses or other public buildings, or burying grounds, fronting the paved streets, lanes or alleys within the said city, shall rake and sweep into the cart¬ way, the dirt, soil, or filth to be found on the brick pavements, foot-ways and gutters before their respective houses, lots, dwellings or public buildings, or cause the same to be done once in every week, that is to say on every Friday, by ten o’clock in the fore¬ noon (when the snow or ice on the same does not prevent) that it may be removed as is hereinafter provided, under the penalty of any sum not exceeding one dollar for every neglect or refusal, for the use of the city. “ And be it enacted and ordained, That no person or persons whomsoever shall cast or lay, or cause to be cast or laid, any oyster shells, shavings, ashes, dirt or stable manure on any of the streets, lanes or alleys of the said city (unless the same be placed or laid in front of his, her or their lot, and removed within two hours) under the penalty of two dollars for every such offence, for the use of the city. “ And be it enacted and ordained, That no person shall cast, place or throw down any rubbish, dirt or materials for building in any public street, lane or alley of the said city, save only in such parts and places as shall be appointed and agreed on by the persons duly authorized therefor under the penalty of one dollar, for the use of the city, for every two hours after notice to remove the same. Provided, that nothing in this or¬ dinance shall be construed to extend to any person or persons employed in building or repairing any house, houses or tenements, so far as shall relate to materials necessarily used in making such building or repairs; but the said person or persons engaged as aforesaid, may use and occupy one-third part in width of any street, lane or alley, clear of the foot-way in front of any lot on which such building is erecting, or repair making, until the same shall be covered in, and twenty days thereafter, and no longer, nor to any person or persons engaged in plastering his, her or their house or houses, but such person or persons shall have a right to use and occupy with plastering, mortar or other materials necessary therefor, one third of any street, lane or alley in front of his, her or their lot or lots, sixty days, and no longer, without the permission of the City Com¬ missioners, under the penalty of one dollar for every two hours, for the use of the city; nor shall the provisions of this ordinance extend to any person or persons dropping fire wood or stone coal at his, her or their door, provided the foot-way be not incom¬ moded therewith, or by the sawing or cutting of said wood; and the said fire wood or stone coal be removed within two days after the same shall be dropped as aforesaid, under the penalty of one dollar for every day thereafter, for the use of the city. “ And be it enacted and ordained, That if any person or persons whomsoever, shall set or place any goods, wares or merchandise, by way of exposing them to sale, on or over the brick or stone pavement, in any public street, lane, or alley in this city, to project more than twelve inches from the wall of his, her or their house or store, every such person shall pay a fine of one dollar, for the use of the city: Provided, that this 64 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE clause shall not extend to, or interfere with any regulation in the ordinance concern¬ ing the markets, nor extend to goods sold at public auction. “ And be it enacted and ordained, that any person who shall place or pile any empty boxes, barrels, hogsheads or other conveniency, capable of containing goods or mer¬ chandise, or that may have contained goods or merchandise, in any part of the streets, lanes or alleys of this city (except as is before excepted) and shall not remove them from the same within four hours after they shall have so been placed or piled there, every such person shall pay a fine of one dollar for every four hours the same shall thereafter be suffered so to remain, for the use of the city. “ And be it enacted and ordained, That if any tanner, currier, distiller, brewer, soap boiler, tallow chandler, hatter, dyer, glue boiler, or any other person within the said city, shall discharge any foul or nauseous liquor, or offal, from any still-house, workshop, or yard, so that such liquor or offal shall pass into or along any of the streets, lanes or alleys of the said city; or if any soap boiler or tallow chandler shall keep, collect or use, or cause to be kept, collected or used in any part of the said city, any stale, putrid or stinking fat, grease or other offensive matter; or if any butcher shall keep at or near his slaughter house, any garbage or filth whatsoever, so as to annoy any neighbor, or any person whomsoever, he, she or they shall forfeit and pay, for every such offence, the sum of five dollars, and shall also forfeit and pay the like sum for every day the same shall be suffered so to remain, for the use of the city. “ And be it enacted and ordained, That if any person or persons having a hog or hogs within their enclosures in sties, shall keep the same in such manner that the stench and filth thereof shall become offensive to, and annoy any neighbor or person whom¬ soever, the person or persons so keeping his or their hog or hogs as aforesaid, shall forfeit and pay for every such offence, one dollar, and shall also forfeit and pay the like sum for every day the same shall be suffered so to continue, for the use of the city. “ And be it enacted and ordained, That no person or persons whomsoever, shall cast, carry, draw out or suffer to lay any dead horse or other dead carcase, or any excrement or filth from vaults, privies or necessary houses in any part of the said city, precincts or harbor of Baltimore; any person or persons offending herein, shall forfeit and pay five dollars for every such offence, together with the expense of removing the same, for the use of the city. “ And be it enacted and ordained, That the city commissioners shall on the Friday or Saturday of every week, have the dirt and filth found on any of the paved streets, lanes or alleys of the said city, removed therefrom, and deposited in such place or places as may for that purpose be by them provided; which dirt or filth shall after¬ wards be disposed of in such manner and upon such terms as the said Commissioners shall from time to time direct and appoint: Provided, nevertheless, that the said com¬ missioners may permit any person or persons to collect and carry away the said dirt and filth, or may contract with any person or persons for the removal of the same, or any part thereof, so that the same be removed on the Friday or Saturday of each week as aforesaid, under the penalty of one dollar, for the use of the city, for each and every square of the said city not cleaned as aforesaid. “ And be it enacted and ordained, That every person or persons possessing a lot or lots, w r hich from their low and sunken situations are liable to retain tide or rain water, or on which cellars or foundations for buildings may be dug, and no tenement erected over the same, shall, during the months of June, July, August, September, and October, preserve and keep the said lots, cellars and foundations dry and free from stagnant or putrid waters and other filth; any person or persons offending herein, shall forfeit and pay five dollars, for the use of the city, for every week he, she or they shall suffer such stagnant or putrid water or other filth to remain thereon. And if the said owner or owners shall, notwithstanding the above provision, neglect to remove such stagnant or putrid water or other filth, the city commissioners may employ such person or persons as they may think proper, and upon such terms as to them may seem reasonable and just, to remove from the said lot or lots, cellars or foundations, the said filth or stag¬ nant or putrid water, which said expense shall be considered as a further fine for not complying with the provisions of this clause, and shall be collected accordingly. “ And be it enacted and ordained. That every person or persons possessing a tenement or tenements, warehouse or warehouses on any part or parts of the made ground of DEVELOPMENT OF HEALTH DEPARTMENT AND HEALTH LAWS, ETC. G5 said city, under which a cellar is or may be dug, or vacant space left, shall, during the months of June, July, August, September, and October, keep the same dry and clear of stagnant water, mud or filth, and shall at least once in every week, empty and clear out any stagnant water, mud, or filth from the said cellar or empty space left as aforesaid; any person or persons offending herein, shall forfeit and pay for every of¬ fence five dollars, for the use of the city. “ And be it enacted and ordained, That the owner or owners of any cart, wagon, or other carriage, that shall or may be employed in removing or carrying off any of the paved streets, lanes, or alleys of the city, any sand, loam, gravel, earth, dirt, manure, stone, bricks, or coal, shall have and keep the same in such tight and secure condition so that such sand, loam, gravel, earth, dirt, manure, stone, bricks or coal, be not scat¬ tered or suffered to fall on any of the streets, lanes or alleys aforesaid, under the penalty of seventy-five cents, for the use of the city. “ And be it enacted and ordained, that if any person or persons shall willfuly and needlessly fire, shoot, or discharge any gun, pistol, or other fire-arms, or make any bon¬ fire, or burn any combustible matter in any of the streets, lanes or alleys of the said City, every such person for every such offense shall forfeit and pay one dollar for the use of the City. “ And whereas, great injury may arise to the citizens of Baltimore from the going at large of hogs, goats, and geese therein: “ Be it enacted and ordained, That the city commissioners shall employ one or more persons to seize and take all hogs, goats, and geese found at large within the said City, and the same to sell and dispose of at public sale, for the use of the City. “ And be it enacted and ordained, That this ordinance shall commence and be in force from and after the first of May ensuing, and continue until the first day of January next, and until the end of the next session of the corporation that shall happen there¬ after.” The foregoing ordinance was modified and expanded from time to time by later ordinances. The character of the modifications and the dates they were made can be most clearly presented under separate activities, all of which, however, fall under two general headings, sanitation on public and on private domains. SANITATION ON PUBLIC DOMAINS. Street cleaning .—In 1798, occupiers or owners of houses and lots on paved streets, lanes and alleys were required to clean the gutters in front of them once daily, Sundays excepted, before 10 a. m. The same year the city began to sell street refuse, a practice which was continued for many years. The office of superintendent of street cleaning was created at this time, and in one form or another this office has been continued. Street cleaning, previously under the city commissioners, was transferred to the board of health from 1845 until 1881, when a separate department was established under an independent com¬ missioner. Except for a few years after 1849, when the cleaning of streets was let out to contractors, this work was done by employees of the city. COLLECTION AND DISPOSAL OF GARBAGE. In 1821 the superintendent of streets was required to collect garbage on Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Saturdays from May 1 to November 1, and in 1850 watertight and covered carts were provided for garbage and ash removal, and the removal of offal and garbage from the markets was undertaken. In 1S77 it was provided by law that all garbage and other like refuse, which heretofore had been deposited on dumps within or near the city limits, should be trans- 66 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE ported by rail or water at least 6 miles from the city limits. From 1904 until 1919 garbage so removed was rendered under contract at a point on the bay well beyond the city. NIGHT-SOIL DISPOSAL. In 1880, the administrative authorities were granted power to enter into contract to have the night-soil, which heretofore had been deposited on dumps with the garbage, transported by barges to proper places beyond the city. As the laws relating to paving, sewers, and water supplies have to do much more with the inauguration than with the regulation of these services, they are omitted here. SANITATION ON PRIVATE DOMAINS. The health officer or the commissioners of health were empowered by the ordinance of February 28, 1798, to order any damaged hides, coffee, or other damaged goods found within the city to be removed therefrom to a distance not exceeding 3 miles. The ordinance of March 20, 1801, gave authority to the commissioner of health to enter all lots, grounds, and buildings on which nuisances of any description might exist, and refusal or neglect to abate nui¬ sances on the order of a commissioner of health was made punishable by a fine of $20. This power was amplified by the ordinance of March 22, 1803, to in¬ clude cellars and docks. According to the ordinance of February 10, 1820, each commissioner of health was required to inspect, at least once every two weeks between the first day of March and the first day of November, all cellars, yards, lumber-yards, lots, and docks (in addition to streets, lanes, and alleys) within his district and to remove or cause to be removed all nuisances. PRIVIES, CESSPOOLS, AND NIGHT-SOIL. The ordinance of February 28, 1798, empowered the commissioners of health to appoint, license, or remove all night-soil men. By the ordinance of March 18, 1811, it was made unlawful to erect a privy or other building over a wharf or stone wall on Jones Falls, within the limits of the city, which would discharge into the falls except by means of a sewer emptying below the high-water mark. According to the ordinance of March 18, 1817, no well or hole could be sunk for the purpose of erecting a privy over it or of depositing any odure or other filth therein or of depositing any odure in or upon the surface of the earth (except in privies already erected) in that part of the city bounded on the north by Franklin Street, on the west by North Charles Street, on the south by New Church Street, and on the east by North Calvert Street. The ordinance of March 9, 1820, required that all dead animals, including fish, and all excrement or filth from vaults and privies, should be so covered with earth on removal as to prevent any noxious effluvia arising from them. It was also unlawful to discharge into any street, lane, or alley of the city any foul or nauseous liquors, or any other offensive matter. It was provided in the ordinance of March 27, 1820, that the vault or well of every privy which should be erected within certain limits (apparently about a block) on each side of the Eastern Spring and the Western Spring should be DEVELOPMENT OF HEALTH DEPARTMENT AND HEALTH LAWS, ETC. 67 built and floored with sound and well-burned brick, at least 1 foot thick at the bottom and not less than 9 inches thick for the walls, and set in with a cement impervious to water. These vaults were not to exceed 6 feet in depth and were to be well puddled with clay rammed compactly at the bottom and on all sides of every such privy at least 1 foot thick. It was further provided that every privy heretofore or hereafter to be erected, all being within the aforesaid limits, be cleaned out at least once every year, and oftener if required, by the com¬ missioners of health. If the commissioners of health found any privy heretofore erected within the limits described likely to injure or corrupt the waters of the springs, they were to order the owner to clean it out and rebuild it. Through the ordinance passed in November 1821, it was ordered that all privies kept for private use on docks, wharves, or made ground be made water¬ tight and sprinkled weekly with lime from the first of May until the first of November. This ordinance further provided that a public privy be constructed on each of the public wharves where it was deemed expedient and in the vicinity of the several market-houses, and that all other privies hereafter to be con¬ structed within the limits of direct taxation were to be made water-tight. No person was permitted to drain a privy to cover its contents, but the contents were to be cleaned out and removed without the limits of the city. It became the duty of the board of health by the passage of the ordinance of October 26, 1872, to cause inspections of privies to be made between the first and tenth of June by the police, who were required to report those in a state of nuisance which were found full or likely to become full before the first of October. It was further provided that the emptying and removal of the con¬ tents of privies should be done between the first of October and the first of June. The ordinance of November 1, 1873, empowered the board of health to permit any person to clean sinks and privy vaults during the day time, provided the receptacle was air-tight and the work could be done without annoyance to citizens. The board of health was empowered by the ordinance of June 17, 1886, to clean, privies and to abate other nuisances at the expense of the owners, agents, or occupiers, when they had neglected or refused to do so. There was to be no cleaning of privies between the first of June and the first of October unless it was deemed necessary for the health and comfort of the neighborhood. On October 23, 1891, it was ordained that every well used as a cesspool should be covered with stone not less than 4 inches thick or with iron not less than 1 inch thick, should be at least 6 feet deep, and walled up with brick and stone, and should be well and satisfactorily built. When a well was to be used as a privy, the floor was to be covered its full length and width with the material and thickness as above stated. In all cases such wells and privies were to be water-tight. The ordinance of February 26, 1906, made it unlawful hereafter to construct any privy well to be used in connection with more than one house. MEASURES AGAINST STANDING WATER AND DECAYING VEGETABLE MATERIAL ON LOW GROUNDS, WHARVES, AND DOCKS. It was made unlawful by the ordinance approved March 6, 1820, to fill in the wharves and low grounds, in any part of the city, with any kind of wood, 68 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE shavings, or vegetable matter. It was further provided that no spars, arks, logs, or timber, with any bark or sap on them, other than square timber, should re¬ main in the water of the harbor or in any situation within 200 yards of any dwelling or wharf where a common tide could reach them, without the written permission of the board of health. This provision extended from the first of June until the first of November. The throwing of any kind of animal, fruit, or vegetable matter into the basin or dock or into Jones Falls was for¬ bidden during the same period of time. The ordinance of March 27, 1821, required that owners of all lumber, ship, cooper, and wood yards and saw mills on low or made ground should, at the discretion of the board of health, cover the ground with a sufficiency of fresh earth and lime and from time to time burn their vegetable offals. It was re¬ quired that all wood-yards for the deposit or sale of firewood be raised above standing water and the wood piled in such a way as to permit the free circula¬ tion of air. The board of health was authorized to compel the owner or owners of any vacant lots to keep them clear of nuisances and to grade them so as to prevent any water from remaining upon them. By this same ordinance the board of health was required to order the cleansing of the heads of docks, sewers, and tunnels, and the deposits of sewers. All wharves where wood was landed were to be scraped as often as the board of health might require in order to prevent the offals of the wood from falling into the docks or basin. This offal, with the deposits from the sewers and the heads of docks, was to be disposed of as manure. This ordinance prohibited the floating of square timber in the water of the harbor. It was required by the ordinance of November 1821, that not less than 3 feet of water be obtained at the lowest common tide at the docks and wharves of the city between the first of June and the first of October. The board of health was authorized to prohibit all offal and deposits of privies, factories, distilleries, butchers’ and other shops, the jail, penitentiary, and other foul premises from being dumped into any of the streams of water or public sewers within the city or in Jones Falls, and all private sewers, carrying other than clean water, from entering these falls. The public sewers were to be cleaned weekly from the first of April until the first of October. The ordinance of March 8, 1822, repealed that part of the last ordinance which required that the board of health be authorized to prohibit all offal from being deposited in the waters of Jones Falls. The commissioners of health were empowered by an ordinance approved March 11, 1823, to drain instead of fill up low grounds, when in their opinion draining would answer the intended purpose and where the ground to be drained was not bounded by any street, lane, or alley. On June 22, 1915, the following ordinance for the prevention of the breeding of mosquitoes was approved: “ 1. It shall be unlawful to have, cause, maintain, or permit within the municipality of Baltimore, any collection of standing or flowing water in which mosquitoes breed, or are likely to breed, unless such collection of water is treated so as to effectually prevent such breeding. “ 2. The collections of water referred to in section 1 of this ordinance shall be held to be those contained in ditches, gutters, rain gutters or roof gutters, ponds, pools, ex¬ cavations, holes, depressions, open cesspools, privy vaults, fountains, cisterns, tanks, DEVELOPMENT OF HEALTH DEPARTMENT AND HEALTH LAWS, ETC. 69 shallow wells, barrels, troughs (except horse troughs in frequent use), urns, cans, boxes, bottles, tubs, buckets, or other similar containers. “ 3. The methods of treatment of the collections of water specified in section 2 so as to prevent breeding of mosquitoes shall be any one or more of the following: “ (a) Screening with wire netting of at least 16 meshes to the inch each way, or any other material which will prevent the ingress or egress of mosquitoes. “ (6) Complete emptying every 7 days, or at shorter periods, of unscreened containers. “ (c) Using a larvicide approved and applied under the direction of Dr. Henry R. Carter, assistant surgeon general of the United States Public Health Service, or any one deputized by him for that purpose. “ ( d ) Covering completely once every 7 days the surface of the water with kerosene, petroleum, or paraffine oil in sufficient quantities to remain covered at least 12 hours each time. “ ( e ) Cleaning and keeping sufficiently free of vegetable growth and other obstruc¬ tions, and stocking with mosquito-destroying fish; absence of half-grown or large mos¬ quito larva to be evidence of compliance with this measure. “ (/) Filling or draining to the satisfaction of the commissioner of street cleaning ol Baltimore City, or any one deputized by him for that purpose. “ ( g ) The removal of tin cans, tin boxes, broken or empty bottles, and similar articles likely to hold water, at least once every 7 days. If not removed they must be so com¬ pletely destroyed as not to be able to hold water. “ 4. Any person who shall violate any provision of this ordinance shall on each conviction be subject to a penalty of not less than one nor more than ten dollars, to be collected as other penalties imposed by ordinance, and the payment of any costs incurred under paragraph 5 hereof.” CELLARS. The board of health was required by the ordinance of March 27, 1821, to see that all cellars on low or made ground were filled up or otherwise im¬ proved at the expense of their owners. In November 1821, an ordinance was passed requiring that all cellars and other confined surfaces on low or made ground “ and where yellow fever is liable to prevail ” be filled so as to preserve them as dry as possible; that they be kept clean and well aired and sprinkled from time to time with fresh earth and lime; and that all cellars on made ground be ventilated by properly con¬ structed flues and by leaving a space not filled in, or by raising the floor, or both, so as to admit cleaning them. It was provided by the ordinance of March 11, 1823, that all cellars and vacancies under stores or warehouses on made ground should, when it was deemed necessary by the board of health, be filled by sound materials and paved with hard bricks or stone; that the lots thereunto appertaining should be filled up above the level of the street; and that all frame buildings below the level of the brick pavement or the street should be raised up and under¬ pinned with brick or stone. MANUFACTORIES INJURIOUS AND DANGEROUS TO HEALTH. Since section 6 of Ordinance 15, 1797, certain provisions in regard to these manufactories have been carried for many years in the codes. Some of these provisions date from early times. In general they apply to the manufacture of substances at or during the preparation of which offensive odors are given off, such as the preparation of roofing materials, the manufacture of varnish, the grinding of bones, the distillation of turpentine, the manufacture of soap and 70 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE candles, and the manufacture of various acids, bleaching substances, pigments of lead, in the process of which it is necessary to bum horns, blood, bones, etc. All these activities were allowed, but under restrictions, usually not within a certain number of feet of dwellings and by permission. Under ordinance of April 7, 187.1, it was provided that no slaughter or hide house should afterwards be erected within the city limits. According to the ordinance of May 25, 1893, no persons were henceforth to be allowed to erect or establish within the city limits any poudrette works, glue factories, or establishments for the purpose of rendering grease, dead ani¬ mals, or animal offal, or stock yards for receiving, feeding, and offering for sale live stock. GARBAGE. By the ordinance of November 1821, it was required that household filth of all premises be put out in the streets, lanes, or alleys adjoining, every Tues¬ day, Thursday, and Saturday of each week, from the first of May to the first of November, before 8 o’clock in the morning, in order that it might be removed by the superintendents of the streets. Housekeepers were required by the ordinance of April 2, 1853, to place all offal, coal ashes, or dirt which might engender disease, in a box or other vessel convenient of access to the garbage collectors. The ordinance of June 17, 1886, required householders to provide suitable containers for garbage and offal, and they were forbidden to throw such materials into any street, market, or other public place. Occupants of dwelling-houses, proprietors of boarding-houses, commission houses, hotels, restaurants, and other places where garbage accumulates, and owners, agents, and occupants of apartment or tenement houses were required by the ordinance of May 20, 1919, to provide a sufficient number of receptacles to contain all garbage which accumulated on the premises during the usual in¬ terval between the collections of garbage. These receptacles were to be of metal, water-tight, and provided with a tight-fitting metal cover, with a handle; they were to contain not less than 3 nor more than 10 gallons and be so constructed that the garbage could be easily removed; they were to be easily accessible to the garbage collector; and they were to be kept covered continuously except when being filled or emptied. It was declared unlawful to include with the garbage any ashes, rubbish, or trash. It was further ordained that no dead animal, offal, garbage, or putrescible matter of any sort was to be placed or thrown on any public highway or in any public sewer, and that nothing likely to produce nauseating, vile, or offensive smoke or vapors was to be burned. HABITATIONS. The ordinance of June 5, 1871, provided for an inspector of buildings. He was to supervise the construction and repair of city buildings, look after the condition of such private buildings as might be dangerous to persons and property, and control the installation and building of boilers and steam-engines and the placing of sheds, bay windows, telegraph poles, signs, awnings, and frame buildings. The ordinance of June 4, 1886, regulated dwellings, tenements, and lodging- houses as follows: Every house or building used, occupied, leased, or rented DEVELOPMENT OF HEALTH DEPARTMENT AND HEALTH LAWS, ETC. 71 as a dwelling, tenement, or lodging-house was to have in every sleeping-room which did not communicate directly with the external air a ventilating or tran¬ som window with an opening or area of 3 square feet above the door leading into the adjoining room, provided the adjoining room communicated with the ex¬ ternal air, and also a ventilating or transom window of the same opening or area communicating with the entry or hall of the house. Where this was im¬ practicable, due to the situation of the room, the latter ventilating or transom window was to communicate with an adjoining room which communicated with the entry or hall. Every such house or building was to have in the roof at the top of the hall an adequate and proper ventilator, of a form approved by the inspector of buildings and the board of health. The roof of every such house was to be kept in good repair so that it would not leak, and all rain-water was to be so drained therefrom as to prevent its dripping on the ground or causing dampness in the walls, yards, or areas. These houses were to be provided with good and sufficient privies or water- closets, not less than 1 to every 20 occupants, which could be used in common by occupants of any two or more houses, provided the access was convenient and direct and the number of occupants in the houses did not exceed the above pro¬ portion. No privy well was to be allowed in or under or connected with any such house except when unavoidable, in which case it was to be constructed in such a situation and manner as the board of health might direct. In all cases it was to be water-tight and so constructed that no offensive smell or gases could escape. The yard or area was to be so graded that all water from the roof or otherwise could flow freely from all parts of it into the street gutter. The sleeping or resident portion of any building was to be at least 3 feet of its height and space above the level of the sidewalk or curbstone of any ad¬ jacent street. The floors were not to be damp by water from the ground, nor were the rooms to be impregnated or penetrated by any offensive gas, smell, or exhalation prejudicial to health. Overcrowding was forbidden, but no figures were given. Every dwelling, tenement, and lodging house was to be kept clean and free from any accumulation of filth, garbage, and other matter in or on them or in the yards, courts, areas, passages, or alleys connected with or belonging to them. The owner or lessee of any dwelling, tenement, or lodging house was required to cleanse thoroughly all the rooms, passages, stairs, floors, windows, doors, walks, ceilings, and privies to the satisfaction of the board of health, as often as it was deemed necessary, and was to whitewash the walls and ceilings thereof at least once a year. Secure foundations and construction of buildings were provided for in the ordinance of October 23, 1891, which dealt at length with the thickness of walls and the strength of structure for buildings of various heights and the details of structure in regard to fire prevention. In 1908, all the previous building laws were repealed and for them was substituted a comprehensive building code, which goes into great detail con¬ cerning structure, space, and position of private and public buildings. This code prescribes that no tenement or apartment houses may be built on any lot facing a street less than 40 feet wide; that there must be a space of from 10 to 25 feet, according to the number of stories, between such houses and other buildings within a block; that they are not to cover more than 80 72 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE per cent of a lot bounded by two intersecting streets and must have in the rear, when erected on an interior lot, a yard extending the entire width of the lot; that the height must not exceed the width of the widest street upon which they stand by more than one-half; and that the basement story must not be less than 8 feet in the clear and all other stories not less than 9 feet in the clear. In tenement and apartment houses, every court, entirely inclosed by build¬ ings, onto which windows open from living rooms, is to have minimum dimen¬ sions both in area and width, varying from 100 square feet in area and 6 feet in width in two-story buildings to 1,600 square feet in area and 24 feet in width in ten-story buildings. Suitable provisions are made for passages, stair¬ ways, and ventilating shafts for toilets, kitchens, pantries, cellars, basements, and the like; for the size of apartments and rooms; and for access to stair¬ ways and fire escapes. Every one-family apartment is to contain not less than two rooms, one of which is not to be less than 120 square feet in floor area, and neither of which is to be less than 70 square feet in area. There shall not be less than 400 cubic feet of air-space for every person over 12 years of age and 200 cubic feet of air-space for every child under 12 years of age occupying a room. Every apartment must have a sink with running water and a separate water-closet in a separate apartment within each apartment. On every floor of a tenement or apartment house providing apartments for families, there must not be less than one water-closet for each family. Hallways must be ventilated by skylights in the top story of apartments and by windows. All living rooms, including all rooms except bath-rooms, water-closets, and pantries, are to be lighted and ventilated by windows opening directly into the street, alley, court, or yard. The total area of such windows must equal one-tenth of the floor area of the room, and every room must have at least one window not less than 12 square feet in area, with its top not less than 7 feet 6 inches above the floor. All bath-rooms, water-closets, and pantries must be lighted and ven¬ tilated by windows not less than 3 square feet in area and opening directly onto a street, alley, open court, or shaft. These windows are to be so constructed that the top halves of the windows may be entirely opened for the passage of out¬ side air. No paper shall be put on the walls of a room until all former wall paper has been removed and the walls and ceilings thoroughly cleaned. Cellar walls and ceilings must be thoroughly whitewashed or painted a light color at least once a year. Every apartment is to have at least one chimney-flue for stove connections. The alterations, repairs, and changing of other buildings into tene¬ ment or apartment houses may only be made under the supervision of the inspector of buildings. Tenement and apartment houses erected prior to the date of this code were ordered to be changed partially or totally to conform with all the provisions concerning tenement or apartment houses. Provisions in regard to lodging-houses and hotels apply to those erected after the date of the code. These provisions follow very closely those which govern tenement and apartment houses, but they are somewhat more exacting. Every sleeping-room in a hotel or lodging-house must have not less than 700 cubic feet of air-space for every person, every bedroom is to be lighted and ventilated by a window or windows, opening directly upon a street, alley, court, or yard, and at least one window in every such room is to be not less than 12 square feet in area. Every lodging-house which accommodates more than 20 persons DEVELOPMENT OF HEALTH DEPARTMENT AND HEALTH LAWS, ETC. 73 must have one isolation room on the top floor with not less than 1,000 cubic feet of air-space and with a separate sealed olf water-closet. Ventilation is to be by means of a skylight, and the walls, roof, and ceiling are to be water-proof. The bath-rooms must have windows of an area not less than one-eighth of the floor area in the isolation room and not less than 3 square feet in the water- closet. These windows must open on a street, alley, or yard. All buildings must have suitable window areas, and they shall be so placed upon their respective sites and their window construction shall be so arranged that the proper amount of light and ventilation may be secured in all parts and subdivisions of such buildings and for all the purposes of their occupation, all as may be determined by the inspector of buildings. In two-story houses, the interior room or rooms on the second floor not open to the air and light by direct access to areas or courts are to be provided with skylights, each of an area not less than 5 per cent of the floor area of the room in which the skylight is located and arranged to provide proper ventilation as well as light. The inspector of buildings must receive applications, examine plans, and grant permits for the erection, construction, alteration, repair, and removal of buildings. He must inspect or cause to be inspected all works of construction, all walls, dangerous buildings, and all buildings, public and private, and all por¬ tions and parts thereof. He must determine the application and interpreta¬ tion of the code and pass upon every question relating to the method of con¬ struction or materials used in the erection, repair, or alteration of buildings. For these purposes he may make rules and regulations. PLUMBING. The ordinance of October 22, 1883, granted the power to the commissioner of health with the mayor to appoint annually an inspector of plumbing for sanitary purposes, who shall be under the direction and supervision of the board of health. The inspector must be a practical plumber and not interested either directly or indirectly during the holding of his office in the business of plumbing or furnishing plumbing materials. This ordinance provided that no pipe then used or thereafter to be used to drain any matter, liquid or solid, from any building used for habitation or occupancy by man, into any well or sink used for the reception of any substance except pure water, or into any public sewer, or into any stream, or into any harbor, should be put up, constructed, altered, or repaired without first obtaining a permit therefor from the board of health. Construction so authorized could not be undertaken at a date earlier than that named in the application for such permit, and all such plumbing work, as above referred to, was to be done subject to the supervision of the inspector of plumbing and in strict conformity to such orders and directions as might be prescribed by the inspector with the approval of the board of health. Whenever such work was completed in a manner satisfactory to the inspector, he was required to give to the owner or owners of the premises a certificate of inspection and approval. In 1898, the commissioner of health published a pamphlet of rules and regu¬ lations comprising 44 sections, dealing with plumbing and plumbing inspec¬ tion and based upon the above law. While these regulations for the most part 74 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE have to do with the administrative details in the carrying out of the ordinances, they are important from the standpoint of construction in that they give definite instructions regarding the size and laying of pipes, the character of joints, and the like. They make obligatory the use of traps and fresh-air inlets and prescribe their situation. All these provisions conform in general with the accepted usages of that date. They forbade the construction of water- closets in sleeping-rooms, or in any apartment or vault not in direct communi¬ cation with the outside air by means of a window or air-shaft having an area of at least 4 square feet for the admission of fresh air and light. For water- closets situated outside of buildings, the use of straight non-absorbent hoppers without flush-tanks was permitted. The connection of waste pipes from bath¬ tubs, wash-stands, and sinks with the trap of a water-closet was forbidden. Except as mentioned, all water-closets were required to have separate flush tanks holding at least 4 gallons of water. The use of long, straight hoppers, or offset hoppers, or pan and plunge closets, was forbidden in any building. Water- closets and urinals could not be connected directly with or flushed from water- supply pipes, but they must be flushed from separate systems on every floor, the water of which is used for no other purpose. Safes and refrigerators are to be drained by special pipes not connected with the house drain or main sewer. Wooden laundry wash trays, or kitchen or other sinks were prohibited inside buildings. In the building code of 1908, there is a section on plumbing comprising 23 pages. In this code, all plumbing and drainage are placed under the supervision of the commissioner of health, but he is required to furnish the inspector of buildings with a copy of every permit allowing any plumbing work, whether of new installation, alteration, or repair. The inspector of buildings and the commissioner of health must formulate rules and regulations consistent with the ordinances for the execution of plumbing work. This section of the build¬ ing code includes substantially the points covered by the regulations of the commissioner of health of 1898, but it amplifies them and provides more specifically for the details of construction. In succeeding ordinances, the powers granted to the commissioners of health in regard to nuisances had expanded so as to cover all forms of nuisances arising from defective surface and roof drainage, the collection of standing water in utensils within and without dwellings and other buildings, and the collection of rubbish, the presence of weeds, grass, cans, bottles, and the like. Orders to abate nuisances have been issued directly by commissioners, inspectors, health wardens, and police officers. Such orders have gone primarily to oc¬ cupiers of dwellings or buildings, and if not obeyed, to the owners or to their agents. FOODS. The ordinances of March 30, 1797, and July 17, 1797, provided that all salt beef, pork, and fish brought into the city be made merchantable, sound, and fit for use, and authorized inspection of these articles. The clerks of the markets were empowered by the ordinance of March 25, 1805, to prevent the sale of all blown, stuffed, unsound, or unwholesome pro¬ visions and to regulate the weighing of them by standard scales. DEVELOPMENT OF HEALTH DEPARTMENT AND HEALTH LAWS, ETC. 75 On May 30, 1855, an ordinance was passed, forbidding, under a penalty of $20 fine, the “adulteration of milk offered for sale or sold in Baltimore by mixing with it water, chaulk, or any drug or other article whatsoever.” In 1879, another ordinance was passed, making it unlawful to mix water, any drug, or other article with milk offered for sale, but, as was the case with the ordinance of 1855, no adequate provision was made by the city government for its enforcement. Bv the ordinance of May 16, 1894, amplified by the ordinance of March 19, 1904, it was made unlawful to sell, expose for sale, or to have upon his or her premises, store, stall, stand, vehicle, or elsewhere, from or in which milk or any other food products are sold or delivered, any impure, adulterated, sophisticated, or unwholesome milk or other food products, or any tainted, unsound, rotten, or partly decomposed fish, fruit, vegetables, meat, or any food product that is kept fresh by salicylic or boracic acid or other preservative. It was the duty of the commissioner of health to have inspected milk, meat, fish, and vegetables wherever such articles are sold, kept, or offered for sale in the city and to obtain samples of milk and all other food products whose qualities are to be determined by chemical and microscopical examination and to make the necessary rules and regulations governing these products. Provision was made in the ordinance of 1894 for the appointment of the chemist and three inspectors. According to the milk standards set by this ordinance, there could be sold in Baltimore only pure, unadulterated, unsophisticated milk, the natural product of healthy cows, not deprived of any part of its cream, and to which no additional liquid or solid or preservative had been added, and which at 60° F. would have a specific gravity of not less than 1.029, not less than 12 per cent of total solids, and not less than 3 per cent of butter fat. All milk sold, received, kept, offered for sale, or delivered in the City of Baltimore, could not in any particular be under the standard described, without being considered impure, adulterated, sophisticated, or unwholesome. Nothing in this ordinance was to be construed to prevent the sale of skim milk or buttermilk, provided they be sold as such and in every instance the purchasers be notified of their true character. The ordinance of April 21, 1896, regulated the ventilation, flooring, and cleanliness of cow stables. The floors were to be of cement or other non¬ absorbent materials, with grades and channels to carry off drainage connected with the public sewer, if one abutted the premises. The stables for cows for dairy purposes were to have sufficient troughs and boxes for feeding and a covered water-tight receptacle outside of the building for the reception of dung or other refuse. No privy, cesspool, urinal, inhabited rooms, or workshops were to be located within any building or shed used for stabling cows for dairy pur¬ poses or for the storage of milk or cream; nor was any fowl, hog, horse, sheep, or goat to be kept in any rooms used for such purposes. The stalls for such cows were to be not less than 4 feet in width. The premises on which cows were to be kept for dairy purposes were to be kept thoroughly clean and in good repair, and well painted and whitewashed at all times. Every cow was to be cleaned and properly fed and watered each day. This ordinance made compul¬ sory the prompt reporting to the health department not only of the occurrence of contagious and infectious diseases among cows, but of cases of Asiatic cholera, croup and diphtheria, measles, scarlatina, small-pox, and typhus and typhoid 6 76 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE fevers upon the premises with milch cows, or where milk is handled or offered for sale. Milk from premises where there were cases of any of these or other infectious diseases could not be sold nor given away until the commissioner of health deemed it safe. Persons connected with dairying and milk handling were forbidden to enter such premises. The tuberculin test for milch cattle within the city was required. The sanitary conditions under which milch cattle could be kept were made more stringent by the ordinance of May 13, 1902, which required non-absorbent floors in stables, with proper drainage and more air-space and range for cows. By the changes in the code of 1906, the city government was given extensive powers to control food products. In 1908, a sweeping ordinance was passed, giving the health department greater control over the milk-supply, requiring permits for handling milk, making provision for dairy-farm inspection, excluding for sale the milk of slop-fed cows, the cleansing of utensils, the regulation of conditions under which milk could be sold, and raising the standard for total solids to 12.5 per cent of butter fat to 3.5 per cent. The ordinance of June 1, 1917, amended the former milk ordinances so as to give the commissioner of health complete control over the milk and the milk-supply from the farm to the table. To this end it reaffirmed the provision for dairy inspection, permits for shipping milk to the city, and permits for the sale of milk within the citv. It also established bacterial standards for raw milk and rules and regulations for the pasteurization, cooling, labeling, and bottling of milk sold within the city and for the cleansing and sterilization of milk cans, bottles, pasteurizing apparatus, and all other utensils connected with the milk industry. All the raw milk sold must come from non-tuberculous cows and must not have a bacterial count of over 50,000 per cubic centimeters. Selected pasteurized milk and selected pasteurized cream must come from tuberculin- tested cows and contain not over 200,000 bacteria per cubic centimeters before pasteurization and not more than 30,000 bacteria per cubic centimeters after pasteurization prior to delivery. Standard milk pasteurized must contain not more than 100,000 bacteria per cubic centimeters after pasteurization and prior to delivery and not more than 1,500,000 per cubic centimeters before pasteuriza¬ tion. “ Pasteurized milk shall be milk which has been uniformly heated to a temperature between 140° F. and 150° F. and maintained at that temperature for not less than 30 minutes and cooled immediately to a temperature of 45° or less.” Milk and cream falling below the requirements for standard milk pas¬ teurized or standard cream pasteurized are called “ below-standard milk ” and may be sold only under the authority of the commissioner of health and for only such purposes and in accordance with such restrictions and regulations as may be prescribed by him. III. STATE OF MAKYLAND. After the passage of the quarantine laws previously alluded to, nearly 100 years elapsed before the passage by the State Legislature of any State laws, with the exception of those establishing the State vaccine institute or agency in 1864, that influenced either directly or indirectly the public-health administra¬ tion of Baltimore. The law establishing the State Board of Health was passed in 1874. DEVELOPMENT OF HEALTH DEPARTMENT AND HEALTH LAWS, ETC. 77 CONTAGIOUS AND INFECTIOUS DISEASES. In 1882, the same year in which the city ordinance required the reporting to the commissioner of health by physicians and others of cases of certain com¬ municable diseases, the State Legislature passed a law empowering the health authorities of any city or town or the justice of peace of any county of Mary¬ land, on the certificate of a qualified medical practitioner, to order “ the cleans¬ ing and disinfecting of any house or part thereof, and any articles therein likely to retain infection,” when in their opinion these acts would tend to check or prevent infectious diseases, and where the owner or occupier of such a house was unable to carry out these requirements, the local authorities were empowered to carry out such procedures at the public expense. The law further provided that: “ Any person who, while suffering from any dangerous infectious disorder, wilfulty ex¬ poses himself or herself, without any proper precautions against spreading said dis¬ order in any street, public place, shop, inn, or public conveyance, without previously notifying the owner, conductor, or driver that he is so suffering, or being in charge of any person so suffering, so exposes such sufferer, or gives, lends, sells, transmits, or exposes, without previous disinfection, any bedding, clothing, rags, or other things which had been exposed to infection from any such disorder, shall be liable to a penalty not exceeding $500, or imprisonment not exceeding twelve months, or both, in the discre¬ tion of the circuit court for the county or criminal court of Baltimore. Any person who carelessly carries children or others infected with infectious diseases or who knowingly introduces infected persons into other person’s premises, or permits children under his or her care to attend any school, theater, church or other public place where they will be brought in contact with others, shall be liable to a penalty not exceeding $100 for each and every offence.” Owners or drivers of public conveyances were required- to disinfect sucli con¬ veyances as approved by the local health authority, after conveying in them anyone suffering from any dangerous or infectious disorder or the corpse of anyone who has died from any such disorder. It was forbidden to let for hire any house, room, or part of a house in which any person had suffered from a dangerous or infectious disorder without having it and all articles therein liable to retain infection disinfected to the satisfaction of a qualified medical prac¬ titioner. Any health officer or justice of the peace was given the power to cause to be removed or buried at public cost the body of anyone who had died of infectious diseases which was retained in a room in which persons were living or sleeping, or any dead body which was in such a state as to endanger the health of the inmates of a house or room. Notification of cases of infectious diseases was not required by State law until 1898. By act in 1904, the State Board of Health was required to keep a register of all persons in the State known to be affected with tuberculosis. The superinten¬ dent or other person in charge of any hospital, dispensary, school, reformatory, or other institution which derived the whole or any part of its support from the public funds of the State of Maryland, or of any city, town, or county of the State, having in charge or under care or custody any person or persons suffering with pulmonary or laryngeal tuberculosis, w r as to report that fact to the State Board of Health within 48 hours after the recognition of such disease. Any physician who knew that any person under his professional care was afflicted with pulmonary or laryngeal tuberculosis was required to transmit to the State 78 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE Board of Health within 7 days a report of the case on blanks provided by the State Board of Health. The same law provided that apartments occupied by any consumptive were to be disinfected by the board of health of the city, town, or county when they had been vacated by the death or removal of the consumptive occupant. Persons were forbidden to permit anyone, for hire or otherwise, to occupy such apartments before such disinfection. By the same act, persons af¬ fected by any disease, the infective agent of which is contained in the sputum, saliva, or other bodily secretion or excretion, who might dispose of the sputum, saliva, or other bodily secretion or excretion in a manner that might cause offence or danger to any person or persons occupying the same room or apart¬ ment, house, or part of a house, were to be deemed guilty of a nuisance upon complaint. It was to he the duty of the commissioner of health or of any local health officer receiving such complaint, if the complaint be substantiated, to serve notice upon the person so complained of and to require him to dispose of his sputum, saliva, and other bodily secretion or excretion in such manner as to remove all reasonable cause of offence or danger. It was made the duty of the physician attending any case of pulmonary or laryngeal tuberculosis to provide for the safety of all individuals occupying the same house or apart¬ ment, and if no physician he in attendance upon such a patient, this duty should devolve upon the local health authority. The local health authority was required to furnish to physicians reporting any case of pulmonary or laryngeal tuberculosis a printed report, prepared and authorized by the State Board of Health, setting forth the precautions necessary or desirable to be taken on the premises of the said tuberculosis case. If the attending physician were unable or unwilling to take the procedures and precautions specified, these duties then were to devolve upon the local health authority. Physicians who carried out the procedures recommended were to receive on the order of the local board of health a fee of $1.50, to be paid by the State Board of Health. To such physi¬ cians an order on the State Board of Health for materials (disinfectants, spu¬ tum-cups, etc.) were to be issued for the prevention of the spread of the disease. By an act of 1894, it was provided that “ if at any time within two weeks after the birth of any infant, one or both of its eyes, or the eyelids, be reddened, inflamed, swollen, or discharging pus, the midwife, nurse, or person other than a legally qualified physician, in charge of such infant, shall refrain from the application of any remedy for the same, and shall immediately report such con¬ dition to the health commissioner or to some legally qualified physician in the city, county, or town wherein the infant is cared for.” In 1911, the legislature authorized the State Board of Health to provide the “ Pasteur antirabic treatment 99 for the prevention of hydrophobia, free of charge to those unable to pay for it. VACCINATION. In 1864, it was required of every practicing physician in the State that he vaccinate all children in the circuit of his practice who might be presented to him for vaccination within one year after birth, if such children be in proper condition for such service, and all other persons, not previously effectually vaccinated, who might request such service from him. There was a penalty of $5 for non-observance of this duty. Physicians were also forbidden under DEVELOPMENT OF HEALTH DEPARTMENT AND HEALTH LAWS, ETC. 79 penalty of not less than $100 nor more than $500 to use any virus defective in its nature by having passed through a scrofulous system, or by having been taken from one laboring under any disease of the skin, chronic sore, or other febrile or other disease, or any crust which, during the progress of the vaccine disease, was punctured or had sustained other injury. Every patient or guardian was required to have his or her child vaccinated within 12 months after its birth, if it was in proper condition, or as soon thereafter as practicable, and any other person under his or her control or care was to be vaccinated prior to November 1 of each year. School-teachers were forbidden to receive into schools, as scholars, persons without the certificate of some regular practising physician that such applicants for admission into the schools have been duly vaccinated. By the legislative act of 1867, the State vaccine agent was required to take all steps necessary to reproduce from the cow true vaccine virus for the use of physicians residing and practising medicine and surgery in the State. He v r as forbidden to furnish such virus more than four removes from the cow if practicable and none that had not been produced under his own supervision and direction, pro¬ vided that he might use and furnish virus furnished him by any physician intrusted by him to procure it, such virus not to be taken from the arm of a child less than three months old. MEDICAL PRACTICE. The first State act concerning medical practice, which was passed in 1888 and amended in 1892, placed the examinations and medical qualifications in the hands of two separate examining boards; one represented the Medical and Chirurgical Faculty and the other the Maryland State Homeopathic Society. REGISTRATION AND LICENSES. By act of the legislature of 1910, all midwives in practice previous to July 1, 1910, were required to register with the local register of vital statistics, and no one was allowed to practice as midwife after this date without license granted after examination by the State Board of Health. By 1910, the legislature had passed laws regulating the admission into the occupations of pharmacy, nursing, undertaking, plumbing, and barbering. REGISTRATION OF BIRTHS AND DEATHS. The first State law requiring the registration of births and deaths was passed in 1898. By this law the Secretary of the State Board of Health was made the registrar of vital statistics and became responsible for the methods and forms of registration and for the tabulation and preservation of the facts. Local health officers of counties, towns, and cities were made local registrars, and physicians became subregistrars and were directed to make returns to the local resristrars of births and deaths on suitable forms furnished by the secretary of the State Board of Health. Death certificates of individuals dying without the attendance of physicians were required to be made out by undertakers, coroners, or others having knowledge of them. Midwives were allowed to make returns of births if no physicians were in attendance. Notifications to the local registrar of births and deaths were required of parents, of householders, and of 80 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE the superintendents of workhouses, houses of correction, prisons, hospitals, reformatories, almshouses, and other institutions, and by masters or other commanding officers of ships or other vessels. Whereas, under this system, the originals of birth and death certificates were required to be sent to the secretary of the State Board of Health as registrar of the State, this had never been made to apply to the City of Baltimore. With the revision of the registration laws of 1900, it was provided that in the case of births and deaths occurring within the City of Baltimore, the State registrar would not require the return to him of the original certificates of births and deaths, but only such transcripts, tables, figures, and compilations as might seem to him advisable or necessary. Under this provision, the State registrar was to be furnished by the commissioner of health either with duplicates or with punched cards. The enactment of 1904 required that still-born children be registered under both births and deaths, and a certificate of both birth and death was to be filed with the local registrar in the usual form and manner; the certificate of birth to contain in the place for the name of the child the word “ still-birth” and the death certificate to enter the cause of death as “ still-born.” A burial or removal permit of the usual form was required. Under this law, midwives were not to be allowed to sign certificates of death for still-born children. . The State Lunacy Commission, with broad powers, was established by an act of 1886. CHILD LABOR LAWS. By an act of legislature of 1888, amended in 1892, the employment of children under 16 years-of age in any manufacturing or mercantile business for more than 10 hours a day was forbidden. The law of 1896 forbade the employ¬ ment of children under 12 years of age in any mill or factory within the State, but this act did not apply to 16 counties of the State, including Baltimore County. According to the act of 1912, as amended in 1914, 1916, 1918, and 1920, children under 14 years of age were not permitted to work in any industry and could not work for hire in any business or service whatsoever during school hours. Boys under 12 and girls under 16 were not allowed to sell newspapers. Children under 16 years of age were entirely excluded from factories in which machines were operated; chemical, paint, and dye works; heavy work in the building trades; manufactories involving the escape of poisonous gases; tobacco factories; work in tunnels and mines; and theatrical and concert-hall appear¬ ances. No child under 18 years of age was permitted to work in or about blast furnaces, docks, and wharves, or with electric wiring. They were forbidden to run elevators, to work with dynamos, to oil machinery in motion, or to take part in the operation of polishing or buffing wheels. They could not be employed as railroad hands, trainmen, telegraphers, pilots, firemen, or engineers, or in connection with explosives, in the manufacture of phosphorus matches, or in the manufacture or distribution of alcoholic liquors. No minor could be employed in connection with a barroom. GENERAL LABOR LAWS. Between 1904 and 1914, the legislature enacted health laws, governing labor in factories, workshops, and dwellings, and designed to insure adequate sani- DEVELOPMENT OF HEALTH DEPARTMENT AND HEALTH LAWS, ETC. 81 tary surroundings, to guarding against individuals with communicable diseases, and to protect child labor. By an act in 1896, the proprietors or owners of retail, jobbing, or wholesale stores, or any other place where female help was engaged for the purpose of serving the public in the capacity of clerks or sales ladies were to provide a chair or stool for each one of such female help or clerk. The legislative enactment of 1884 provided that all factories, manufacturing establishments, or workshops within the State were to be kept in a cleanly con¬ dition and free from effluvia arising from any drain, privy, or other nuisance, forbade overcrowding injurious to health of persons employed therein, and required sufficient light and ventilation to render harmless, so far as prac¬ ticable, all the gases, vapors, dust, or other impurities generated in the course of the manufacturing processes or handicraft carried on therein which might be injurious to health. By an act of 1894, the manufacture or sale of clothing and other articles in places or under circumstances endangering the public health was forbidden: “ Any room or apartment which shall not contain at least 400 cubic feet of clear floor space for each person habitually laboring in or occupying the same, or wherein the thermometer shall habitually stand, during the hours of labor, at or above 80° F., be¬ fore the first day of May or after the first day of October of any year, or wherein any person suffering from a contagious, infectious, or otherwise dangerous disease or malady shall sleep, labor, remain, or wherein, if of less superficial area than 500 square feet, any artificial light shall be habitually used between the hours of 8 a. m. and 4 p. m., or from which the debris of manufacture and all other dirt or rubbish shall not be re¬ moved at least once in every twenty-four hours, or which shall be pronounced ill- ventilated or otherwise unhealthy by any officer or board having legal authority so to do, shall be deemed a place involving danger to the public health.” By an act of 1896, it was unlawful— “ for any person, agent, owner, or proprietor of a sweatshop or factory where four or more persons are employed, to use coal oil, gasoline or other explosive or in¬ flammable compound for the purpose of lighting or*heating in any form; any person, agent, owner or proprietor violating the provisions of this section shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and on conviction thereof, to be fined by the court before whom such conviction is had, for every violation, the sum of one hundred dollars and costs, and stand committed until such fine and costs be paid. “ The owner or owners of any such house or building used as a sweatshop or factory where four or more persons are employed as garment workers, on other than the first floor of such house or building, shall provide fire escapes for the same; and if any owner or owners of any house or building so used fail to make or provide a fire escape within six months after the passage of this act, upon conviction thereof shall pay a fine of two hundred dollars, to be recovered as other fines in this State, or im¬ prisonment in the city jail for sixty days, or both fine and imprisonment, in the discre¬ tion of the court” An act of legislature in 1910 required the proprietors and managers of shirt factories in the State of Maryland to sprinkle the floors every morning with water. NUISANCES. An act of 1886 gave the State Board of Health control over nuisances affect¬ ing the water-supply of any city, town, or village. A similar act in 1888 made it unlawful to pollute the ponds or streams used for obtaining ice, and forbade the dumping from ships, scows, steamboats, and other vessels of any ballast, 82 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE ashes, filth, earth, soil, oysters, or oyster shells in the Chesapeake Bay above Sandy Point or in the waters of Herring Bay or in any river, creek, or harbor Vithin the State below high-water mark. FOOD. The legislature in 1890 passed a broad act directed against the coloring, staining, adulteration, or other sophistication of any article of food or drink, mislabeling, and misbranding, and charged the State Board of Health with enforcing the same, and at the same time gave it power over the inspection and examination of all animal and vegetable food-stuffs, including milk. INSPECTION. The Live Stock Sanitary Board, established by an act of the legislature in 1888, was given oversight of contagious and infectious diseases in animals and control over dairymen and others supplying milk to cities, and established sanitary rules in regard to stables for cattle and buildings in which milk is kept or sold. These powers and duties were extended by the act of 1916, by which the whole matter was placed under the State Board of Agriculture, with greatly increased powers and duties in regard to the inspection of dairies and dairy cattle, milk, creameries, cattle, and meat. By an act of the legislature in 1880, amended in 1888, inspection was pro¬ vided for the safety of buildings used for amusement, worship, and lodging in the cities of the State. PART III.—PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE. Chapter V. —Public Health Measures WITHOUT THE ClTY. Development of quarantine laws and practices; The lazaretto and quar¬ antine hospitals of the Port of Baltimore: Effectiveness of maritime quarantine. THE DEVELOPMENT OF QUARANTINE LAWS AND PRACTICES. In Baltimore the fight concerning the quarantine restrictions to be imposed on the port centered about the question of yellow fever. Concerning small-pox and probably typhus fever there was no controversy. Was yellow fever con¬ tagious or non-contagious; was it imported or of local origin? Upon the decision of these questions depended the quarantine policies and the mercan¬ tile interests of the young city. The fight over these questions lasted until 1825. The Philadelphia, New York, and Boston ports held to the official British doctrine that the disease was contagious and was imported. These cities, Philadelphia in particular, developed stringent quarantine laws against this disease. In Charleston, the southern port of greatest importance, it would seem that the contrary view was held, for the celebrated Dr. Ramsey (31), of Charleston, in a letter to Dr. Miller, of New York, under date of November 18, 1800, stated that— “ Disputes about the origin of yellow fever, which have agitated the Northern States, have never existed in Charleston; there is but one opinion among the physicians and inhabitants, and that is that the disease was neither imported nor contagious. It was the unanimous sentiment of the medical society, who, in pursuance of it, gave their opinion to the Government last summer, that the rigid enforcement of the quarantine laws was by no means necessary on account of the yellow fever.My private opinion is that the yellow fever is a local disease, originating in the air of Charleston.” At the time of the outbreak of the great yellow-fever epidemic in Philadelphia in 1793, it was not questioned by any authority, north of Charleston, South Carolina, at least, that the disease was imported and not of local origin. Deveze (32), the resident physician of the yellow fever hospital of Philadelphia, published a paper in December of that year in which he laid down the doctrine that yellow fever is not contagious, but this apparently attracted no attention. Deveze came to Philadelphia from the West Indies, shortly before or during the time of the yellow-fever epidemic, and as we have already learned through Lind, some physicians at least in the West Indies denied that this disease is carried by contact. Dr. Benjamin Rush, with the rest of the leading physicians of Philadelphia, then believed the disease to be imported and spread by personal contact. As we have already seen, the governor of Maryland instituted as vigor¬ ous a quarantine as he could against Philadelphia at that time, and this quaran- 83 84 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE tine was maintained not only by the governor but by the local authorities of Baltimore each succeeding year until 1797. Dr. John B. Davidge, of Baltimore, is commonly given the credit for the first printed enunciation in the United States that yellow fever is not contagious. This statement was first printed in the Federal Gazette of Baltimore on November 30, 1797, nearly eight months after the passage of the first health ordinance of the City of Baltimore. In 1798, Dr. Davidge (33), published A Treatise on the Autumnal Endemical Epi- demick of Tropical Climates, Vulgarly Called the Yellow Fever, in which he defined the disease as follows: “ The yellow fever, synonymous with la maladie de Siam, or la fevre matelotte of the French and vomito prieto of the Spaniards, is the majority or acme, as the intermit¬ tent is the embryo, of the remittent bilious fever; it is to the common bilious what the confluent is to the common mild smallpox; they are in kind the same; a specific difference only exists between them. It is conceived in the same matrix and quickened by the same sun, it is indigenous to America and to all other warm climates, it is the very out¬ let to Americans and Britons, from life to the grave.” Davidge suggested that as the malarial fevers, including yellow fever, are admittedly caused by marsh effluvia, and as the latter appear to be decompo¬ sition products of both vegetables or of water, and, in the decomposition of either, hydrogen is produced in considerable quantities, and as this is what occurs in the conditions under which marsh effluvia are generated, the hydro¬ gen set free in this decomposition is the “ peccant agent.” At that time and for years previous, intermittent, remittent, and bilious fevers and dysentery com¬ monly prevailed in the summer and autumn at Fell’s Point and to a certain extent along the low grounds contiguous to Jones Falls and the basin. Fell’s Point, however, was always the place of the greatest intensity of these fevers, and it was at Fell’s Point that yellow fever always started. Alluding to the yellow- fever epidemic in Baltimore in 1797, Dr. Davidge, who was a member of the committee on health sent to Fell’s Point to investigate the disease, stated that the common bilious fever prevailed there as usual from June and that a little later “ the disease raised from the grade of bilious to yellow fever and mounted its chariot of death and drove furiously through the streets.” He held, therefore, that the malarial fevers, particularly bilious remittent fever, and yellow-fever were one and the same disease, due to the same cause, the effluvia of the decayed vegetable material, and of local origin. He did not deny that either of these diseases could be imported, but he did assert that yellow fever, when it occurred in Baltimore, was not imported. He held that just as the bilious fevers were caused by decayed vegetable material and were not contagious, and as contagious diseases were due solely to human effluvia, so diseases caused by effluvia of decayed vegetable material are endemic and are the antitheses of the contagious diseases. During the yellow-fever epidemic in Bhode Island in 1797, Dr. William Senter (34), the leading physician of Newport, and a member of a committee of physicians appointed to advise the authorities concerning the nature and prevention of this disease, contended that yellow fever was not contagious and was of local origin and not imported. His views were, however, strenuously opposed by his colleagues. Nathaniel Potter, in the preface of his Memoir on Contagion (23), published in 1817, while giving full credit to Davidge for being first to announce in print PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 85 that yellow fever was indigenous and was not contagious, stated that he, himself, reached these conclusions in the summer of 1793, while practicing in Caroline County, Maryland, and quoted from a letter which he wrote to Dr. Benjamin Rush, of Philadelphia, his preceptor, saying— “ that those various forms of bilious fever unquestionably owe their existence to the putrefaction of matters on the surface of the earth after an uncommonly wet spring followed by the driest and hottest summer that can be remembered by the oldest inhabitants. With all possible deference to your superior judgment, I can not prevail upon myself to believe that any fever arising from vegetable decomposition is conta¬ gious. The origin I have assigned to the epidemic of your city is the only one that is physically possible, and, therefore, you place your adversaries on equal ground with you by acknowledging the fever contagious. Deny the existence of contagion as un- philosophical, and you cut them off from every source. If we admit one of the fevers from marsh effluvia to be contagious we are bound (a priori) to admit them all to be so, intermittent and dysenteric.” Potter further stated that when Dr. Rush was writing in April 1794, on the epidemic of the preceding year, he proposed to Potter to introduce into his work that part of the above letter which described the symptoms and treatment of the epidemic in Caroline County. To this Potter consented, provided Rush would also print the sentiments expressed, so far as they regarded contagion. Rush declined to do this, says Potter, on account of his former belief “ that all diseases arising from marsh miasmata were contagious in a degree proportionate to their malignity and that the opposite doctrine was untenable.” Believing that he was the only person in America who denied the contagion of yellow fever and deeply impressed that this opinion could be sustained by the facts, in the summer of 1795 Potter selected this topic for his inaugural thesis at the next commencement. He was dissuaded from this, however, by Dr. Wistar, who entreated him on the score of policy and expediency to select some other subject. In regard to the history of yellow fever in this country and the question as to its contagious character, one of the most important contributions was that of Stubbins Ffirth (35). He held that the experiences of Hew York, Baltimore, and Philadelphia in the recent yellow-fever epidemics had shown that yellow or malignant fever is not taken from the sick by physicians, nurses, and other attendants. He mentioned instances in which persons, including himself, had slept in the beds of yellow-fever patients without contracting the disease. In his experiments on cats and dogs he was unable to reproduce the disease by feeding black vomit to them. Black vomit introduced into the wounds on the backs of dogs produced no ill effects, and in experiments on himself, including the inoculation of black vomit into his eye, into wounds on his arm, drinking it repeatedly in two successive epidemics, inoculation of himself on or under the skin with the blood serum, the saliva, the perspiration, and the urine of yellow-fever patients in the height of the disease, and finally drinking con¬ siderable quantities of the blood serum of yellow-fever patients, the disease was not produced. As all of these experiments, both on animals and on himself, were negative, he concluded that yellow fever is not a contagious disease. Davidge’s publication of 1798 had no immediate effect on modifying the quarantine regulations of the first health ordinance. Indeed, in 1801 and in 1807, they were made more specific and comprehensive by amendments. In 1808, however, the quarantine laws were entirely repealed. 86 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE Meanwhile, Potter’s notable address on contagion had been published in 1817, and the severe yellow-fever epidemic of 1819 had been experienced and fully written up by Dr. David M. Reese (25), and others (36). In his address of 1817, from which quotations have already been made, Potter reviewed in elaborate manner the history of the ideas concerning contagion and infection, the develop¬ ment of quarantine systems in general, the quarantine regulations of New York and Philadelphia in particular, and the British quarantine system. He con¬ cluded not only that yellow fever was not contagious and was of local origin, but he held up the whole quarantine system as practiced in his day to the severest ridicule. In regard to plague, Potter held that the idea that this disease is carried by simple contact is refuted by experience and by the natural history of the disease. He held that at any rate, so far as quarantine is concerned, it was of little or no importance in America,, for in the form described by foreign writers it had never been seen on our continent, although our commercial intercourse had extended to all the countries which had generated it. He affirmed that the quarantine laws of no nation had ever arrested the progress of any disease except small-pox, and even despotic military discipline had failed to check the progress of the plague. On the question of quarantine against yellow fever, Potter found himself in agreement with President Jefferson, concerning whose position he said: “ From the commencement of the late pestilential plague in the United States, Mr. Jefferson manifested a lively interest and instituted analytical investigation of the origin of yellow fever. After an elaborate research, he declared the disease not conta¬ gious and therefore not imported. In his communication to Congress in 1804, on the state of the Union, he marks an era in the history of our country as the first public functionary in the world, who dared to think for himself on this momentous subject.” Potter deeply resented the inclusion by the British government of yellow fever among the contagious diseases to be quarantined on the advice of medical men unacquainted with the disease. His position in regard to yellow fever was further supported not only by his own observations and the experiments of Ffirth, but by his confirming in experiments on himself the negative results obtained by Ffirth. The extensive investigations in regard to the etiology of yellow fever carried out in Baltimore during the epidemic of 1819, as reported by Reese and as recorded in the collection of Extracts from a Series of Letters and other Documents, Relating to the Late Epidemic or Yellow Fever (36), confirmed the opinion so forcibly expressed by Davidge and by Potter that yellow fever in Baltimore was of local origin and not a contagious disease. It is to be emphasized that the views in regard to the nature of the cause of yellow fever were based not upon the opinions of any one man, but upon the observations of a number of keen observers and close reasoners among the medical profession of Baltimore. There had been ample opportunities for these observations, for yell®w fever was present in the city in distinctly recognized epidemics in 1794, 1797, 1798, 1799, 1800, 1802, 1819, and 1821. It was also probably present in some at least of the intervening years and almost certainly in 1807. During this time there is but one recorded observation of the intro¬ duction of a case of yellow fever from the outside. This case was recorded by Davidge (33), as occurring in August 1797, in a lady who had recently come from Philadelphia, “ who brought with her the seeds of the disease,” and who PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 87 was severely attacked with the disease while walking on Charles Street. She had the genuine black vomit for two nights and a day. No person in her family or in her neighborhood developed the disease. It was acknowledged by Reese that in 1819 a few cases occurred on ships anchored off Fell’s Point, but it was claimed that those people had been ashore, and it was denied that they had the disease when the ships arrived. Yellow fever almost invariably began at Fell’s Point, usually at or near the particular locality of Smith’s Dock. The docks or slips between the wharves at Fell’s Point were described as being filthy, containing a large amount of decaying vegetable material which only moved out under the influence of strong northwest winds. Just east of Fell’s Point there were large ponds filled with stagnant water, and this part of the city is described as being ill paved, with numerous collections of stagnant water, and abounding in every other variety of nuisance. It was claimed by Potter (23), that no case of yellow fever ever originated in West Baltimore above Hanover Street, beyond the sphere of exhalation from the docks, wharves, and low grounds. The winds exerted a definite influence upon the progress of the spread of the disease, it being recorded by Davidge and Potter that in the epidemic of 1797, following a strong east wind (northeast according to Davidge and southwest according to Potter), the disease spread rapidly among the inhabitants of the upper part of Frederick, Gay, South, and Calvert Streets and even to the vicinity of Federal Hill on the other side of the basin. Potter noted in 1800 that the increment of cases could be calculated with tolerable accuracy by observing the variations of the winds. Reese, in his history of the epidemic of 1819 which began at Smith’s Dock, Fell’s Point, attributed the spread of the disease from its first circumscribed limits to the strong easterly wind which lasted for several days. Shortly after a day of fasting and prayer, instituted by the mayor on peti¬ tion of the clergy, the wind veered suddenly from the southeast to the northwest, “ and blew with such force from that quarter that the basin was thoroughly washed out, a general cleansing of the filthy situation of the docks was the result, and the evidences, which had been previously offered that the disease was progressing towards the healthier districts of the city, ceased to be ex¬ hibited.” In this connection, it should be stated that Reese records that in this year, yellow fever appeared at the same date at both the lazaretto and at Fell’s Point. The lazaretto was some 2 miles to the east and south of Smith’s Dock at Fell’s Point, and between them were the large filthy ponds previously alluded to. At or near the same time that the disease appeared at the lazaretto and at Fell’s Point, it prevailed also at Fort McHenry, immediately opposite the lazaretto. In the light of our present knowledge, it is almost certain that the disease was commonly introduced by shipping either at the lazaretto, where ships first entered and were detained, or at Fell’s Point, where they unloaded after passing the quarantine. A southeasterly wind tended to blow mosquitoes from the lazaretto and its neighborhood to Fell’s Point and from the Fell’s Point district to the lower portion of the city about the basin. A more easterly wind passed over the lazaretto to Fort McHenry at the end of Whetstone Point. A northwest wind would blow mosquitoes away from the city towards Fell’s Point and from Fell’s Point towards the lazaretto and over Whetstone Point to the Patapsco River. 88 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE It was recorded by a number of observers, but with particular emphasis by Potter and Reese, that the only individuals residing in the higher parts of the city who developed yellow fever in these various epidemics were those who visited infected districts, usually Fell’s Point, at night. Davidge, however, records that a considerable number of persons from the higher parts of town who went to Fell’s Point to witness the launching of a frigate contracted yellow fever during the epidemic of 1797. It was emphasized in all records that no one developed yellow fever after contact with cases outside of the yellow-fever afflicted districts of the city. Davidge distinctly stated that from none of those persons living up town who contracted the disease at the launching of the frigate did the disease spread. Potter stated that in not a single instance was the disease communicated to their associates by those persons who, living in the higher parts of the city, contracted the disease after visits to the lower portions of the city. During these epidemics, but particularly in that of 1819, great numbers of people from the infected districts were removed to the higher portions of the city or to the surrounding country. Dr. Allender and Dr. Clendinen (36), are recorded as saying that “ those who were seized with the disease and removed did not propagate it, nor was anyone infected from the atmosphere by those who imbibed the poison at its sourse.” In 1819, great numbers of yellow-fever patients were removed from Fell’s Point to the hospital situated in the high portion of the city on Broadway and Monument Street, and it was affirmed by Reese that not a single case of the disease occurred among physicians, nurses, or visitors to the hospital. Reese was a strong adherent to the doctrine of the indigenous origin of yellow fever and was thoroughly convinced that the disease was not contagious. He was, therefore, an emphatic opponent of the usual quarantine system and condemned the British physicians who advised their Government that yellow fever was highly contagious, although a case of the disease had never occurred on the island. While recognizing that the local quarantine laws were so amelio¬ rated that Baltimore did not suffer half the inconvenience and delays of other places, still he regarded the Baltimore practices as grossly absurd. He pro¬ posed the following principles of quarantine: “ If a vessel arrive from a foreign port, where it is known that at the time of her departure the disease raged with unimpeded violence, let this vessel be examined by the health officer; the sick, if any, removed; and if necessary the vessel be cleansed and then suffered to proceed to her destination. This could all be done in forty-eight hours. If, on the contrary, the vessel should be found to contain any vegetables in a state of putrefaction, or if persons had been diseased and died on the passage after the vessel was out at sea, then some detention should take place; but the healthy individuals on board ought to be permitted to proceed to their place of destination. This kind of quarantine would be consistent with the facts, and would prevent the importation of any contagious disease more effectually than the one at present in vogue.” For another reason he protested against quarantine regulations. He held that the practice of detaining vessels at a lazaretto 12 to 40 days, in the heat of summer, without any cleansing or ventilation, was calculated to effect what it was intended to prevent. If such vessels thus proscribed contained coffee and other substances liable to undergo putrefaction, they would at least be injured by the detention, and if they were damaged at all, the lack of ventilation would increase the damage. PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 89 “ Such vessels are then permitted to proceed to the center of our cities, the hatches are removed, and the gas evolved from their holds is so fetid and poisonous that whole cities are infected by the noxious vapor generated during the detention of the vessel; and if she had been suffered to come up to unload at once upon her arrival, no mischief would have resulted, but much evil would have been avoided.” He deprecated copying European authorities either in politics or science. In connection with the idea of the indigenous origin of yellow fever, Potter stated that when, in consequence of the embargo on foreign commerce in 1807, no foreign sail appeared in the Baltimore Harbor, yellow fever broke out at Fell’s Point. These ideas were supported by the opinion of the organized profession in a. letter (36) signed by Dr. Ashton Alexander and Dr. John B. Caldwell, secre¬ tary of the District Medical Society, written in reply to a letter of David Burke, chairman of the committee of the city council in charge of the health ordinances, who had propounded seven questions concerning the causes of yellow fever and its relation to local conditions. In the letter referred to, Dr. Alex¬ ander and Dr. Caldwell, after describing the general sanitary conditions of Fell’s Point, stated definitely that, in the opinion of the society, the yellow fever of 1819 was to be ascribed to the decomposition of vegetable matters about the wharves, in the streets, the ponds, and cellars. They explicitly stated that the society did not consider the putrefaction of animal matters competent to the production of yellow fever, and that “ the doctrines of contagion and importation received no countenance from this society.” They expressed belief that the cause of the disease may be imported, if by this is understood a cargo of vegetable substances in a putrescent state. They had observed no differences in the habits and modes of living of the people in the infected district from those of the people of the same rank living in parts of the city where the disease did not prevail. In regard to the organization of the board of health, they gave it as the opinion of the society that it should have at least one medical member with whom to hold counsel and to whom they might refer on points touching the health of the city. They recommended that the quarantine regulations should be strictly enforced in all cases where the cargoes were damaged or the vessel in a foul state, until a change of conditions would safely permit her entrance into the port, but this recommendation was not intended to deprive the passengers or crew of the privilege of free communication with the city. These recommendations ended in a complete recasting of the health depart¬ ment, and the new health ordinance of February 29, 1820, framed after the last great yellow-fever epidemic, under the influence of the Medical Faculty and under the mayoralty of Dr. Edward Johnson, a leading physician, contained no quarantine provisions. In the light of the foregoing, it is well rapidly to review the correlation between these ideas and the quarantine regulations and practices of Baltimore. From the above facts, quoted from contemporary literature, and from a con¬ sideration of the health ordinances, it is clear that the early quarantine regula¬ tions and practices were determined by the ideas held concerning the etiology and mode of transmission of yellow fever. The ordinances of 1797 provided a 10-day quarantine on ships and their personnel, arriving from beyond the seas and “ all other suspected places,” only during the months between April 1 and October 1 (the yellow-fever season), and gave the health authorities power to 90 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE interdict the landing of damaged coffee, hides, or other damaged material— substances from which it was believed the cause of yellow fever might arise. Four years later, in 1801, the quarantine restrictions were limited to vessels from both the Indies, Africa, South America, the Mediterranean, and connected waters east of Gibraltar, and the ports of the western coast of Spain, as far as Cape St. Vincent, but only between May 1 and November 1. The primary quarantine period was 3 days, with extension by an additional 10 days, at the discretion of the quarantine officer. Vessels from such ports were, however, required to discharge cargoes and ballast at the quarantine station, and ventilation of the ship and wearing apparel of persons on board was enforced. Vessels loaded with coffee (from West Indian or other ports), arriving between June 1 and October 1, could discharge cargoes into lighters instead of at the quarantine station. Under both ordinances, the sick on vessels were sent to the hospital at Hawkins’ Point. The restriction of the quarantine season to the four or five hot months, the short duration of detention, and the mildness of the regulations in regard to ships, goods, clothing, and persons, and the total abandonment of all quarantine regulations between 1808 and 1821 prove that the quarantine system was directed against yellow fever especially, rather than against plague, small-pox, typhus fever, or other diseases. It is to be noted that when the health ordinances were entirely recast in 1820, when by common consent yellow fever was regarded as of local origin and not contagious, all provisions for quarantine of the port were omitted. The very liberal quarantine laws revived in 1821 and expanded in 1823, while still stressing the impor¬ tance of materials, provided for the examination of persons and prepared the way for the more stringent investigation of persons, both crew and passengers, made mandatory in the revised health ordinance of 1826. The latter and various successive ordinances left general details of the quarantine system to the quarantine officer and the board of health. By 1826, the tide of immigra¬ tion to Baltimore from Europe, which had set in after the close of the Napoleonic wars, had reached a high point, and it was to protect the city against small-pox and typhus fever likely to be brought in by these immigrants that the quarantine system was revived in its new form. So far as yellow fever is concerned, the Baltimore authorities prided themselves that they never instituted quarantine against any port on account of that disease, and they sharply criticized Alexandria, Virginia, for imposing quarantine restrictions upon Baltimore for that reason. During the severe epidemics of this disease at Norfolk, Portsmouth, and Gosport, Virginia, in 1855, Baltimore kept up active trade with her stricken sisters, and welcomed their refugees in large numbers. So convinced were the Baltimore authorities of the unwisdom of a stringent quarantine system that, in 1830, Dr. Horatio G. Jameson, the con¬ sulting physician of the health department, went to an international meeting of hygienists in Hamburg with the purpose of inducing continental authorities to modify their quarantine regulations to conform with those of Baltimore. In 1832, when an invasion of cholera was imminent, Dr. Jameson held that this disease is not contagious and that restrictive measures should not be attempted. Though the mayor agreed with him, on account of opposition on the part of the council and the public, they were unable to act consistently with this doctrine. PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 91 On account of the lack of the reports of the health officer or quarantine physician before 1827, it is not possible to review with any accuracy adminis¬ trative practices of this official under the quarantine laws before this date. It is probably correct to assume that he carried out the spirit, if not the letter of the ordinances which obtained. It will be recalled that by the ordinances of 1823 and of 1826, the quarantine was reestablished with the retention of the better features of the old laws, and that by the late ordinances the health officer, under the commission of health, was to determine whether and to what degree quarantine should be imposed on coastwise and foreign vessels. All vessels were required to anchor at the quarantine-ground for examination of the passengers, crew, and cargo. The health officer passed them at his discretion. Vessels that he held for quarantine were sent to the lazaretto for cleaning and for the discharge of cargoes and passengers. Private vessels and vessels with more than 15 passengers, arriving from sea were required to land their ballast and empty and cleanse their water casks at the lazaretto wharf. Their timbers were inspected by the health officer before the vessels were per¬ mitted to come to any wharf within the limits of the city. As a matter of practice, as shown by the annual reports of the quarantine officer since 1827, it had been the custom to retain at quarantine cases of yellow fever, cholera, small-pox, typhus fever, and occasionally scarlet fever, measles, and malarial fever from incoming ships, and in case of small-pox on board to vaccinate everyone, both crew and passengers, and to pass the ship after dis¬ infection. The methods of disinfection included removal of the whole cargo and airing it at the Lazaretto, cleaning and washing the ship, and the use of various disinfectants. As an indication of the amount of work entailed during the quarantine period of 1827, there were 546 ships, of which 177 were from foreign ports and carried 1,429, out of a total of 1,688 passengers. In 1829, 4,600 passengers were inspected by the health officer. From 1827 to 1834 it was recorded that the health officer examined 44,821 passengers, of whom 40,973 were foreigners. The clothing of those sick with small-pox, or typhus or yellow fever, was usually sunk or burned, but, for a while at least, it was passed after being well aired. The health officer made frequent comments upon the condition of immigrant passengers. In 1829, he states that the passage money of many of the immi¬ grants was provided by the parish from which they came. He often remarked upon the destitute and filthy condition of the immigrants and upon their cor¬ poreal and mental disabilities, which caused the assignment of many of them to the Baltimore almshouse. In 1837 he estimated “ that 75 per cent of the immigrants included the halt, lame, blind, mendicants, and persons unac¬ quainted with any kind of business except laboring.” Many of the immigrants at this time were Irish and German. Ships from infected ports were passed if the personnel was healthy, the ships clean, and the cargoes without damaged goods. “ Damaged goods ” were those that showed evidences of spoiling and putrefaction, chiefly coffee and hides, and they were aired at the lazaretto before being brought to the city. Until the goods were submitted to this process for an uncertain period they were not allowed to be brought to the city. The health officers were greatly 4 92 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE exercised over the foul condition of the holds of vessels and apparently had more trouble with coastwise than with foreign vessels on this account. In 1829, Dr. Samuel B. Martin, the health officer, reported much benefit in cleaning the holds of vessels from the use of “ chlorine in combination with lime.” This is the only mention made of the use of a particular disinfectant, but it is probable that lime was most commonly used for this purpose. These practices were enforced with little modification until 1847. The reports of the health officers during this period indicate that careful examina¬ tions of crew and passengers were carried out routinely, particularly for small¬ pox, typhus fever, and yellow fever, as well as for cholera during epidemics of that disease. One of the practices early established was that of vaccinating both passengers and crew when a ship was held for either small-pox or typhus fever. No indication is given as to how long ships with infected passengers were held or for how long a period well persons on infected ships were quarantined. The sick were removed at once to whatever hospital accommodations were available. It does not appear from the records when removal and airing of cargoes and the cleansing of vessels were stopped. The abandonment of these practices apparently coincided with the adoption of uniform quarantine plans for all ports, under the general direction and with the co-operation of the United States Marine Hospital Service and its successor, the United States Health Service after 1880. Throughout the history of the quarantine service, both before and after its modifications to conform in a general way with the restrictions and methods advocated by the Federal Government through the Marine Hospital and Public Health Services, it has been the practice of the health department to hold at the quarantine station discovered cases of small-pox, typhus fever, yellow fever, cholera, and severe cases of malaria. THE LAZARETTO AND HOSPITAL FACILITIES IN CON¬ NECTION WITH THE QUARANTINE PORT. Baltimore City inherited from Baltimore Town a small quarantine hospital, the construction of which had been authorized by the legislature at the time of the yellow-fever epidemic in 1794. It was situated at Hawkins 5 Point, on the southern shore of the Patapsco, due west across the river from Sparrow’s Point and Fort Carroll, about 4.5 miles due south from Fort McHenry, and about 3.5 miles southwest from the Lazaretto Light. It was probably reached only by boat. There is no record of the number of patients with yellow fever or other diseases that were accommodated there. It was completely under the jurisdiction of the Baltimore Health Department and was probably in use until 1830. In that year arrangements were made with the Director of the United States Marine Hospital Service in Baltimore to have the most com¬ fortable part of the lazaretto fitted up with plain accommodations for the reception of cases of contagious diseases arriving on ships. The lazaretto for the reception, airing, and cleansing of goods taken from ships was owned by the United States Government and was established shortly after 1801 at Lazaretto Point, about 2 miles southeast of Fell’s Point, just across the river from Fort McHenry, and at the junction of the southern and eastern boundary lines PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 93 of the city as they existed from 1816 to 1919. It is probable that the health officer boarded ships from the lazaretto until 180?, when his office was estab¬ lished at Fort McHenry. The lazaretto was a large quadrangular building, but there are no plans extant, giving the size and plan of the lazaretto buildings and wharves. The first lazaretto was destroyed by fire in 1836. The Marine Hospital Service apparently had no hospital for sailors sick with ordinary diseases until recent years. For many years, at least, they were evidently sent to different hospitals in the city. About 1845 there was constructed by the city a new quarantine station of considerable size, called the Marine Hospital. It was situated at what is now known as Fairfield, on the southern shore of the Patapsco River, about 1.25 miles directly south of Fort McHenry. This hospital, while designed primarily to accommodate sick immigrants, was provided with additional accommodations to be used as a pest-house chiefly for cases of small-pox and typhus fever from the city. It is evident that the accommodations at the pest-house were at times insufficient to accommodate all the cases of typhus fever taken from vessels at quarantine, for Thomas H. Buckler records that in 1847 some of the first cases of typhus fever brought by the ship Rio Grande were sent to the medical wards of the Baltimore City and County almshouse and that with the repeated arrival of immigrant ships with cases of the disease, these wards were filled with typhus cases in the course of a few weeks. The name, Marine Hospital, was a misnomer, for it was not a hospital for mariners, but for immigrants, as well as a pest hospital for the city. It is probable that, at times at least, sailors with communicable diseases were received there. For some years this hospital was under the charge of a resident physician, but later the health officer or quaran¬ tine officer was given charge of it. It appears that during the Civil War the United States Government erected a flimsy barrack hospital on these grounds, and after the war this structure was taken over by the city as a pest hospital. In 1881, the quarantine station was moved to Leading Point, about 8 miles below Fort McHenry. Here two wooden structures were erected, one for sailors and passengers with contagious diseases and the other, a large, barrack-like structure, as a pest-house for the city. In connection with the hospital there is a large steam disinfecting plant. Both the old Marine Hospital and the quarantine station at Leading Point were best reached from the city by water. The road to the former was always excreable and that to the latter, until recently, was rough. THE EFFECTIVENESS OF MARITIME QUARANTINE. As will appear very clearly in the separate studies of the course of various epidemic diseases, the quarantine station of the Port of Baltimore did not, until very recent years, at least, offer a very efficient barrier to the ingress of certain diseases, epidemic waves of which have repeatedly broken over the city. In nearly every year between 1794 and 1807, the period of most stringent quarantine laws, there were larger or smaller epidemics of yellow fever. In the latter year, owing to an embargo on shipping, no foreign vessels entered the port. In 1793 there was a large immigration from San Domingo, but no 94 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE cases of yellow fever were recognized in the city. These immigrants arrived at the time when the local quarantine was under the State officials. Within the next 20 years, partly on account of this immigration, there was a great increase in trade with the West Indies, and particularly with San Domingo. Although between 1807 and 1821 there were no quarantine laws in force, yellow fever was recorded in Baltimore only in 1819 and 1821. From 1812 to the spring of 1815, shipping was to some degree interferred with on account of the war. The reports of the quarantine officer are available from 1827. These contain no records of the detention of cases of yellow fever until 1848, when there was 1 case. Between 1848 and 1900, a period of 52 years, there were removed from vessels a total of 83 cases of yellow fever, 28 of which were detained in the 5- year period 1855-1859. The largest number of cases detained in a single year was 12, in 1855; 10 cases were detained in 1870; 6 cases in 1857 and 1884; 5 cases in 1859, 1873, and 1877; 4 cases in 1856, 1874, and 1894; 3 cases in 1891; and 2 cases in 1849, 1853, 1872, 1875, 1879, and 1897. In nine other years there were single cases. In 1853, when 2 cases were detained at quaran¬ tine, there were 18 fatal cases in the city, and in 1859, when 5 cases were taken from vessels, 5 cases occurred within the city. It is of special interest that in 1855, with 12 cases at quarantine, there were 13 deaths from the disease in the city, occurring among refugees from the cities at the mouth of the Chesa¬ peake Bay, but from none of these cases did secondary cases arise. Cases of the disease were detained each year at quarantine from 1872 to 1881, inclusive. It is not known, of course, how many cases occurred within the city among individuals passed at quarantine. After 1831 there was a drop in the West Indian trade, but a gradual increase in shipping from South American ports. Though it is certain that typhus, jail, or ship fever was early included among the “ pestilential diseases ” by the local health department, the records of the quarantine officer made no mention of detained cases of this disease before 1845. The tables of interments, however, show that deaths from typhus fever occurred in the city every year from as early as 1813 at least until 1861, and that this disease was the cause of a considerable number of deaths in 1814-1815, 1818- 1820, 1823-1824, and 1847-1850. (See Table 17.) Since cases of typhus fever and small-pox, originating within the city, had been sent to the marine or quarantine hospital by 1845, it is impossible to determine what proportion of the cases recorded at the station were taken from ships. However, during the time of the great Irish immigration beginning in 1847, a considerable number of cases were recorded at the quarantine hospital: 101 in 1847, 14 in 1848, 140 in 1849, 6 (all said to have come from the city) in 1850, 10 in 1851, 54 in 1852, 30 in 1853, 23 in 1854, and 6 in 1855. Only 3 cases of typhus fever were recorded between 1857 and 1869: 2 in 1857 and 1 in 1866. In 1870 there were 282 cases, and in 1871, 17, probably most of them from the city. Since this date there have been a few cases recorded in occasional years. In only a few years between 1850 and 1919 were there no cases of small-pox recorded at the quarantine station or its hospital. However, as from the earliest times cases of this disease were sent from the city to whatever hospital existed in connection with the station, it is not possible to estimate what proportion of the recorded cases represent cases removed from vessels. In the older reports, PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 95 from 1827 to 1847, specific mention is made of removal of cases from vessels, as, for instance, 2 cases in 1827, 1828, and 1831, respectively, “ several cases ” in other years, 16 cases in 1836, and 30 cases in 1837. Often the name and nationality of the vessel, usually German from Bremen, is given. After 1845, when a ward of 20 beds was provided for small-pox patients at the Marine Hospital, considerable numbers of cases are known to have been sent from the city, and in some years the number of such cases is given. These years mark the known epidemic years of small-pox in the city. In some of these years the cases numbered hundreds. Cases of cholera are recorded as having been removed from vessels only twice, once each in 1850 and 1866. Cases of cholera were looked for by the quarantine officer in 1832, the great cholera year, but none were discovered on ships entering the port. After 1847, malaria, typhoid fever, and occasionally scarlet fever and measles are mentioned. Though not stated in the reports, it is a well-attested fact that the authorities permitted large steamship companies to enter into contracts with general hospitals in the city to receive cases of scarlet fever, measles, and diphtheria from their vessels, and that there was a competition between at least three such hospitals for these contracts. The city's hospital facilities at quar¬ antine were, and are yet, hopelessly inadequate to accommodate more than a few such cases. Indeed, until very recently, no attempt was ever made to pre¬ vent the importation of cases of these diseases directly into the city. Before 1850 they were not regarded as “ pestilential diseases.” As late as 1893 it was not unusual for one of these general hospitals to receive as many as a hundred cases of measles from a single North German Lloyd immigrant steamer. In regard to typhus and typhoid fevers, small-pox, measles, scarlatina, diph¬ theria, influenza, and probably cholera, the dispassionate student is forced to the conclusion that the quarantine system, as applied at the port of Baltimore and at other Atlantic seaports, until recently was futile. In 1851, Thomas H. Buckler (11) pointed out that in 1847 typhus fever was diffused throughout the city by Irish immigrants who were passed by the quarantine authorities, and he severely criticized the quarantine facilities and methods of the port as inadequate. Many, if not most, of the severe European epidemics of these diseases have been reflected in Baltimore. No quarantine system has kept them out of some port, and, having visited the country, they have spread to Baltimore through her otherwise open portals if not through the only partly closed door of the quarantine station. That at times a few cases of one or another of these diseases have been kept from entering by this portal may be assumed. It is very probable that since 1845 the maritime quarantine has served a good purpose in preventing the ingress of cases of the severer types of malarial fever from Central and South America. This is counterbalanced, however, by the fact, attested by the quarantine physicians, that many patients with small-pox and typhus fever sent from the city to the old Marine Hospital died of malarial fevers contracted there. A fair evaluation, at this late date, of the efficacy of the quarantine in pre¬ venting epidemics of yellow fever in Baltimore is almost impossible. The facts must be faced that during the early years of most active quarantine the disease was prevalent in epidemic form nearly every year; that when the quarantine 96 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE was done away with, it occurred but twice in 16 years; that after the quaran¬ tine was reestablished in 1821, though cases of the disease are known to have existed in the city on several occasions, it has never spread generally; and that moreover, in some years when no cases were detained at quarantine, the disease broke out in the city, as, for instance, in 1854, when over 40 cases occurred at Fell’s Point. Stegomyia mosquitoes, which must have been present in the lower parts of the city as late as 1821, could hardly have been done away with by the unconscious and incomplete anti-mosquito work of that date. The most reasonable explanation is that quite fortuitously those yellow-fever patients who did get into the city, in 1855 for instance, did not go to the lower portions of the city at Fell’s Point and the basin near Jones Falls. It is more than likely that, until late years, chance, rather than art, has controlled this situation. In regard to bubonic plague, little need be said, for history shows that this disease has never been, at least not until recently, a menace at Atlantic ports, any more than at British ports during the same period. Until the last part of the nineteenth century the disease had not migrated to Europe or to America for centuries, and since that time it would appear that when it approached a port it has often entered despite quarantine. Even when it has gained admis¬ sion and has spread widely among rodents, as in San Francisco and New Orleans, the disease has never attacked man in grave epidemic form. It seems that the immunity of western Europe and of America to deadly epidemic plague since the seventeenth century is to be explained by the natural history of the disease rather than by man’s precautionary efforts. No one who is familiar with what is known of the natural history of this disease can entertain the idea that the quarantine system of Baltimore, at least before 1900, could have possibly afforded any protection against its invasion. Chapter VI.—Public Health Administration within the City. I. Introduction: Developments and accomplishments of public health practice in the nineteenth century, based upon ideas and methods long existent and determined very largely by the more general diffusion of knowledge and wealth among peoples of intellectual and personal freedom; Influence of modern micro-parasitology; Reasons for vigorous attacks on nuisances rather than on contactive diseases. II. Measures of nuisance prevention and abatement directed against nuisance-borne diseases: Definition of nuisance; Prevention and abate¬ ment of nuisances on public property—Dredging and filling; Grading and paving; Street cleaning and garbage removal; Sewerage; Water; Food; Prevention and abatement of nuisances on private property—Standing water; Organic matter; Manufactories; Habitations. III. Measures of restriction directed against contagious diseases: Isolation, inoculation and disinfection. (Tables 4 to 6.) INTRODUCTION. It is customary to date the beginning of modern public-health administra¬ tion and practice in municipalities from about the middle of the nineteenth century and to attribute the general sanitary reforms which were actively undertaken at this time in certain European and American cities to newly acquired knowledge. And especially is it the habit to ascribe to advancing knowledge in micro-parasitology the more vigorous efforts to control disease by measures of general sanitation and of personal control which have been made during the past 40 or 50 years. It is, however, a great mistake to suppose that these activities had their origin directly in any very essentially new knowl¬ edge discovered by the generation by which they were undertaken. The final establishment upon a firm basis of the ancient germ theory of the causation of the febrile diseases did not in principle add nearly so much to the methods available for preventing the spread of these diseases through communities or from place to place as those ignorant of history have assumed to be the case. While the newly acquired knowledge changed reasons assigned for the employ¬ ment of certain measures, it did not modify methods of practice in any very fundamental manner. Tactics rather than strategy were modified, but neither was greatly enriched, so far as the typically contactive diseases are concerned, to a degree that can be called revolutionary. It is so widely believed and taught that the decrease in incidence and in mortality of so many of the acute and chronic febrile diseases in western civilization has been due solely to the appli¬ cation of new methods of sanitation and of personal control based upon the wonderful advances in our knowledge of micro-parasitology within the past 50 years, that it is well at this point to submit this claim to critical analysis. In the first place, the beneficial influence of an abundance of pure water for drinking and bathing, of surface and sanitary sewerage, of sanitary latrines for the disposal of human dejecta, and of well-paved and well-cleaned streets upon the public health and comfort was well-known to the ancients. The 97 98 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE Romans, especially, brought these measures to a high degree of perfection, and their practices in these respects became well known to students, at least, with the revival of the study of classical literature during and after the Renaissance. The Romans set up a health department, effectual so far as matters of general sanitation are concerned, under the administrative charge of the agdiles, with district physicians who attended the poor and were on the outlook for epidemic diseases. A similar system was revived in certain Italian cities, notably Venice, in the fifteenth century. According to Manzoni (37), before the plague epidemic of 1630 Milan had a permanently organized board of health, with physicians among its members and with lazarettos for the isolation of the sick. It will be recalled that the quarantine system of the Mediterranean ports was elaborately organized in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. On Mead’s advice this system was copied in England for emergencies in 1720. Mead’s (14) “ recommendations ” for the control of the spread of the plague in England embodied all the essential principles of restriction of contactive diseases by measures directed to the control of persons and their immediate contactive environments in use at the present day. The fundamental importance of Mead’s recommendations is evident from the following synopsis: 1. Local health councils with physicians and magistrates among the members should be established and exercise full authority. 2. Physicians should be employed to search out cases and a reward offered to the person reporting the first case in a community. 3. When cases of the disease are found in households or elsewhere, the sick should be separated from the sound, by removing the former, preferably at night, to clean and airy habitations 3 or 4 miles out of town (hospitalization), and given every care and attention. 4. The sound in such households should be well washed and shaved and given fresh clothes before removal to lazarettos for observation. The clothes previously worn should be burned or buried. 5. All the goods within houses from which the sick are taken should be buried. The houses should be either demolished, or else thoroughly cleaned and replastered, and fumigated with vinegar or sulphur. 6. The bodies of the dead should be buried deeply. 7. Those attendant upon the sick, while near the latter, should not draw in their breath nor swallow their saliva, but should frequently wash the mouth and nose with a solution of vinegar. 8. Healthy inhabitants who could afford it should be allowed to leave the town, after undergoing a period of detention in isolated detention camps for 20 days. 9. Assemblages of people should not be allowed, and beggars and idlers should be confined. 10. Proper authorities should see that the houses of the poor are kept clean and sweet. Whenever an overcrowded condition is discovered, some of the dwellers should be removed to other quarters. 11. Streets should be washed clean and kept free of carrion and other nuisances. Laystalls should not be too near the city. 12. Lines should be cast about infected towns, and guards should prevent persons from passing to other places until they have performed a quarantine of 20 days under suitable precautions. All travelers should have certificates. No material considered retentive of infection should be passed through the lines. 13. All the expenses incurred should be borne by the public. PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 99 These measures against plague, advised by Mead, and evidently largely bor¬ rowed from Italy, have been given the credit of checking the spread of the dis¬ ease. They were applicable, and doubtless were applied, to other epidmic dis¬ eases, and provision for such application, in part at least, to Baltimore was made in the earliest health ordinances. In regard to the typically contagious diseases, these regulations were equally applicable, whether it be held that these affec¬ tions are caused by emanations of unorganized form from the bodies of the sick, or by contagia viva, or micro-parasites. Whichever the true explanation of their causation, separation of the sick from the well, avoidance of contact with the sick and the articles of their contactive environment, the destruction of these articles by fire or their purification by chemicals, ventilation, and sunlight, have been and yet remain standard procedures. The necessity of early notification of the occurrence of cases of disease in order that standard pre¬ cautionary measures could be taken and of holding suspects during the period of incubation was as evident in Mead’s day as in this. Vaccination against small-pox has been available as a public-health measure since 1798 and has been practiced in Baltimore since 1800, but, as elsewhere, in a fashion quite inadequate. But the value of variola inoculata as a preventive measure against variola vera or small-pox was announced in England by Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, in 1716, and in 1744 the western world was informed through Mead’s publication of an English translation of Rhazes’s classical work on small-pox that the Chinese and other eastern peoples had for centuries employed successfully variola inoculata as a substitution disease against small-pox. Indeed, the great virtue of Jenner’s discovery lay in the fact that vaccinia is a milder affection than variola inoculata and that its use avoids keeping the small-pox virus alive in a community. Almost from time immemorial, pulmonary tuberculosis, like leprosy, has been held to be spread by intimate personal contact; yet the latter, during many centuries, has been combated by segregation (and apparently with great success in Europe), while restrictive measures against the former have come into vogue only in recent years, and then on a very restricted scale. When the difference in man’s conduct toward these two affections is considered, it seems likely that his actions must have been governed more by vanity and horror than by reason. It is doubtful if leprosy was ever, within historic times, endowed with a force of morbidity and mortality of the same high degree as was pulmonary tuber¬ culosis. The disease of lesser frequency is characterized, however, by visible lesions leading to hideous deformities and superficial decay and attended by feelings of despair, while with its more common and usually more rapidly fatal sister the lesions are hidden, hope commonly persists to the end, and the victim inspires sympathy rather than disgust. It is interesting to speculate on what would have happened had the ancients applied segregation to the pulmonary tuberculous with the same determination with which they exercised it on the leprous. It would appear that until the middle of the nineteenth century western Europe and North America were stirred to activities of disease control only by deadly epidemics, mainly those of diseases marked by horrible external char¬ acters. Small-pox, disgusting to sight and smell and marked by facial defor¬ mities and blemishes in the recovered, plague with its discoloration of the skin 100 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE and its suppurating buboes, and the contagious ophthalmia of the East, dis¬ figuring man’s best feature and commonly leaving a legacy of blindness, all illustrate this point. Typhus fever, influenza, scarlet fever, measles, diph¬ theria, whooping-cough, syphilis and gonorrhoea, and the less dangerous mumps and varicella—diseases then and now commonly reckoned as contactively spread—excited only occasionally administrative reactions of a protective nature. Syphilis has excited popular dread only when its victims showed super¬ ficial lesions with destruction of tissue and disgusting appearances and odors. The same may be said of superficial tuberculosis or scrofula. Gonorrhoea is yet regarded popularly as too mild a disease to call for the use of the obvious measures to avoid it. In Baltimore the early sanitary measures undertaken against diseases sup¬ posedly caused by effluvia from the decaying of dead organic matter were inspired as much by the fear of the dreaded yellow fever as by fear of the cus¬ tomary, annual visitation of malarial diseases, to which a great proportion of the deaths were attributed every year. Against endemic affections of steady march and less spectacular lethal capaci¬ ties, man commonly exhibited stolid indifference, fostered by familiarity, superstition, and a feeling of helplessness. The discovery since 1898 that malaria and yellow fever are carried by mos¬ quitoes acting as intermediary hosts, and that typhus fever is spread from sick to well by body-lice, was not essential for a considerable control over, if not for the eradication of, these diseases, and, indeed, they all had shown marked regression and had practically disappeared in many countries before this time. In fact, it is not going to far to state that malaria and yellow fever had been eliminated or in great degree curbed in many places, including Baltimore, long before it was demonstrated that they are caused by micro-parasites and under natural conditions, at least, transmitted only through the mediation of certain species of mosquitoes. Measures directed against standing water, such as draining and filling low grounds, making cellars dry, sealing cesspools, planting trees, and the like, are, of course, of equal value in preventing mos¬ quito breeding and the formation or the escape into the air of effluvia from decaying organic matter. The avoidance of low grounds and of exposure to the open air at night, precautions taken for empirical reasons, are efficacious for escaping malaria and yellow fever, when prevalent, whether adopted under the influence of the marsh miasma or the mosquito theory. The mosquito net and the window screen were in general use long before the relation of these insects to the spread of these fevers was discovered. Finally, the value of routine doses of cinchona bark, or of its active principle, quinine, in warding off malarial infection in malarious districts has long been recognized. This practice was successfully employed in the eighteenth century in armies, in the British navy, in the British settlements on the Guinea coast, and elsewhere. During the nineteenth century, preventive doses of cinchona bark or of quinine in whisky or brandy (as first used in the Imperial army on the Danube in 1717-1718) became a commonly practiced measure of personal hygiene in Baltimore. According to Dr. W. T. Councilman, this prophylactic remedy was furnished by the Baltimore health department as late as 1880 to the officials and help at the quarantine station, which was situated in a severely malarious PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 101 district. It was taken twice daily by the whole force, and hy one employee in amounts sufficient to cause permanent deafness. Until very recent years it was the fixed habit of physicians in Baltimore to pour quinine into patients suffering with various diseases whenever a “ malarial complication ” was suspected. As dysentery was believed to he an “ expression of malarial intoxi¬ cation ” (and doubtless the two diseases often coexisted in the same individ¬ ual), quinine, or “the bark/’ was commonly administered for this disease as a matter of routine. It is a curious fact that until very recently health depart¬ ments failed to advocate the use of prophylactic doses of quinine for the control of malaria, and not until much later did they distribute quinine free of cost. The latter measure of health protection was not adopted until long after the free distribution of diphtheria and tetanus antitoxins and other curative and prophylactic sera and of vaccine and various bacterial vaccines. In Balti¬ more the records show that far more deaths were credited to malaria than to small-pox, and for many years malaria certainly killed more than did diphtheria. For illustrations of the effectiveness of sanitary measures and cinchoniza- tion of populations upon the course of malaria, long before the discovery of the malarial parasites and the influence of the mosquito in their spread from man to man, it is only necessary to follow the epidemiology of this disease in England, in western Europe, and in the northern States of America. Malarial fevers, in severe and fatal form at least, had disappeared from large sections of England, France, and Italy, and even the Low Countries, long before the discovery of the causal agents and their spread by intermediate hosts, under treatment, both curative and preventive, by “ the bark ” and through measures directed against standing water and putrefaction of vege¬ table material on the marsh-effluvia theory. The non-contagious character of malaria was well established centuries ago and of yellow fever early in the nineteenth century. The experiments of Ffirth and of Potter showed as conclu¬ sively as did those of the Reed Commission nearly 100 years later that yellow fever can not be spread by fomites, and furthermore proved that in the height of the disease successful transmission from one human being to another by direct inoculation of the black vomit and of whole blood into the stomach is not practicable. Typhus or goal fever was shown in Mead’s time to be successfully combated by measures directed toward personal cleanliness, such as shaving, hair-cutting, bathing the body, and the destroying or disinfecting by heat or chemicals of clothing, bedding, and the like. This fact was amply verified later by Pringle, Monro, Lind, John Howard, and others. The relation of overcrowding, famine, and wars to the spread of typhus fever was as well or even better appreciated then than at present. Indeed, typhus fever in epidemic form had died out in western civilization long years before the relation of the body-louse to the transmission of the disease was discovered. Thus, by the middle of the nine- tenth century, typhus had, without any special sanitary measures directed against it by public-health authorities, become a disease of comparative rarity except in Ireland, Poland, Russia, and the poorer parts of Germany, Italy, and southeastern Europe, in which localities the mass of the people was poverty- stricken and lived continuously in those conditions of filth that favor vermi¬ nous infestation. 102 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE In English, and even in Scotch cities, without organized health departments, typhus fever became relatively uncommon and was confined to the very poor and to Irish immigrants, by whom it was being constantly imported. After 1840, the epidemics of this disease in Baltimore, as will be shown later, were imported from one or the other of its homes in Europe and spread only among those uncleanly through poverty and ignorance. It will be recalled that long before the modern revival in sanitation, the great advances in knowledge of micro-parasitology, and the general acceptance of the germ theory of the causation of the communicable diseases, the idea (with which from their practices it is legitimate to infer that the ancients were familiar) that causation of the acute intestinal diseases is intimately associated with pollution of drinking water with human excreta had been revived or rediscovered. It has been shown in a previous chapter that David Monro recognized this association in 1763. Parkes (38) lias pointed out that diarrhoeal diseases were attributed to impure drinking-water at Gottingen in 1760, at Saarlouis by Walz in 1822, at Mayence by Muller in 1843, and at Vienna by Richter in 1848. By Austin Flint (39) at North Boston, N. Y., in 1843, and in England by Carpenter (38) in 1852, Rauth (38) in 1856, and very conclusively by Budd in 1859, the important relation between the spread of typhoid fever and polluted drinking-water was shown. The possibility of the transmission of cholera by drinking-water was pointed out by Jameson (38) in India in 1820, and by Muller (38) in Hanover in 1848. This means of transmission of cholera was clearly established by the work of Snow (40) in 1849, and especially by the experiences in connection with the celebrated Broad Street pump in London in 1854. The masterly paper of Snow in 1849 on the pathology and mode of spread of cholera appeared some years after the great sanitary reforms in London and certain other British cities in regard to purer water-supplies and more effective methods of sewage disposal had been undertaken on the old miasma theory. Snow argued that, since the primary and essential lesions of cholera are in the intestines and the materies morbi must be present and capable of multiplying in the exudation from the mucous membrane of these organs, the disease must be disseminated from sick to well through the intestinal discharges. From a large number of experiences drawn from London and elsewhere he arrived at two important generalizations; first, that numerous opportunities existed for the spread of cholera in households by transferring cholera dejecta to the mouths of attendants and others from stools and soiled bedding directly by the hands or indirectly through foods; and, second, that drinking-waters were impregnated with the unknown causal agent of cholera by contamination from drains, cesspools, and streams polluted with the intestinal discharges of cholera patients. He, therefore, advised that attendants upon cholera patients should wash their hands before eating, that soiled bed-linen should be boiled, and that fruit hawked about the streets (for the contamination of which there were many opportunities) should be avoided. Against infection by drinking-water Snow was no less definite: “ And, lastly, whilst cholera remains in the country, people should avoid using water which receives the contents of drains or sewers, or the refuse of persons navigating the water. Since anything touched by the hands may enter the mouth, it would be desirable to avoid even washing with such water; and, at all events, when no other water can be obtained, so much of it as is used for drinking and culinary purposes should be filtered and well boiled.” PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 103 As late as 1873 Budd (41) felt it necessary to submit data to prove that “ typhoid fever is a contagious fever propagated by a specific poison/’ that the intestinal lesions are the characteristic feature of the disease, and that “ what is cast off from the intestine is incomparably more virulent than anything else.” While strongly imbued with the idea that the disease could be spread through the air, he held the same views regarding the importance of the stools, bedding, and polluted water in the spread of typhoid that Snow had enunciated in regard to cholera. Budd laid great stress upon the importance of the disinfection of stools of typhoid patients, and he even considered it highly probable that the disease is spread by means of milk and butter. The demonstrations of Snow and Budd of the important relation between polluted water and the spread of cholera and typhoid exercised without doubt a considerable influence in accelerating the movements already on foot to secure purer drinking-w r ater and safely to dispose of human dejecta, but their discovery of the role played by direct infection by the hands and of indirect infection through foods con¬ taminated with the stools of those ill with these diseases did not bear fruit for many years. It must be recalled that the importance of infected milk in the transmission of typhoid, scarlet fever, and diphtheria was proven in the ninth decade of the last century as the result of epidemiological studies made without the assistance of the methods of micro-parasitology. Snow and Budd made the additional very important discovery, namely, that unsanitary conditions, such as overflowing and unprotected privies and cesspools and water polluted with night-soil and other putrescible matters, do not of themselves give rise to cholera and typhoid fever, but act as vehicles of transmission of their causal agents after these diseases have been introduced into communities. So deeply rooted in men’s minds was the miasma theory in relation to the causation of the acute intestinal disease that it continued to flourish under the guise of the sewer-gas theory, overthrown in the later years of the nineteenth century by exact studies in micro-biology. At the beginning of the nineteenth century some cities in Europe and in America returned to the ancient practices of obtaining general water-supplies from a distance, often from unpolluted water-sheds, and of constructing better and more adequate sewers. In these undertakings the inhabitants were influenced in part by the wisdom of the ancients and in part by the miasma theory of the origin of certain diseases. London and certain German cities which were not convenient to unpolluted lakes and streams had adopted by 1850 filtration systems of one kind or another. In many cases filtration resulted in clarification without purification. From this time on and until the development of water bacteriology, a reasonable degree of control of puri¬ fication was maintained at some places by the use of the methods of chemical analysis. The establishment of thoroughly efficient systems of water and sewage puri¬ fication by the filtration method would be difficult, though not impossible without the discoveries of micro-parasitology. This does not, however, vitiate the argument, for in the case of both water and sewage this method is only one of several. Many cities, especially those situated on or near sea-coasts or on large rivers, obtain pure water and dispose of sewage satisfactorily without employing the filtration method for either. A knowledge of micro-parasitology 104 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE was certainly not necessary to guide Liverpool, Glasgow, and other cities to obtain pure water from distant lakes, Munich from nearby mountains, New York and Boston and great numbers of other cities from protected water-sheds, Chicago to divert sewage outfalls from water intakes, and to disclose the influence of large storage reservoirs upon water purification. The same may be said of water purification by chlorine and other chemicals. Sewage puri¬ fication by filtration is and probably will continue to be the exception and not the rule. After all, it is by the incidence and mortality of the intestinal dis¬ eases, rather than by the tests and standards of micro-parasitology, that these questions are judged. It is not sought here to disparage these methods, the great importance of which will receive proper consideration in future chapters, but to point out that without them man possessed methods to obtain pure water-supplies and to construct safe methods of sewage disposal. Much more important agents to these ends than micro-parasitology were the invention and perfection of the steam-engine and the electric dynamo, without which many modem cities could hardly have been developed in their present form. That the dangers of polluted water were realized in early Baltimore is attested by the facts that the commissioners appointed in 1803 to report on a general water supply were instructed to select a stream “ for a copious and permanent supply of wholesome water,” and as early as 1817 ordinances were passed designed to protect springs and wells from nearby privies and cesspools. Except where religious doctrines and racial prejudices have acted as con¬ trolling factors, as among the Jews, peoples of western civilization did not, until recent years, beyond avoiding food evidently tainted by putrefaction, concern themselves with the relation of foods to the spread of diseases. It is probable that the revival of the old germ theory of disease, or rather the demon¬ stration that certain dangerous affections transmissible from food animals to man are caused by living parasites, is to a considerable degree responsible for the inauguration of the modern system of food inspection designed to protect man against anthrax, glanders, tuberculosis, actinomycosis, and trichinosis. As a matter of fact, however, the identity of most of these diseases in man and in the food animals was established at least as much by pathological anatomy as by micro-parasitology, and the relation of milk to the spread of such diseases as typhoid fever, scarlet fever, and diphtheria was established before the influence of micro-parasitology was brought to bear upon public-health admin¬ istration. It is clear, then, that, long before the days of modern micro-parasitology, there existed abundant knowledge and experience upon which to base large schemes of sanitation and of personal restriction for the control of morbidity and mortality of certain diseases. Some other reasons than ignorance and lack of ideas and methods must be found to explain dilatoriness of action. Some of these reasons are not difficult to find. Europe, after the fall of Rome, through the Bark Ages, the Middle Ages, and well into the present era, was essentially barbarous. Wars, famine, poverty, and pestilence were the natural order. The great mass of the people were little better than slaves, their bodies to secular and their minds to ecclesiastical princes—two masters often joined in the same person. Hence, man’s intellect was dwarfed by superstition, religious intolerance, and ignorance. Since the chief outlet for talent was centered in the church, secular callings for the few PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 105 who were able to rise and to make a choice were at a discount. In cities, streets were narrow, winding, and filthy, and the dwellings were not only ill-adapted for such use, but were often insufficient in number. As late as 1830, 18,000 people in Hamburg lived in cellars, or tunnels, to which daylight never penetrated, and the walls and floors of which were wet and befouled with garbage and human excreta. To go back no further than to the fifteenth cen¬ tury, the Hundred Years War had desolated large areas of Europe. As a result of the Thirty Years War, the population of Germany is said to have fallen from 20,000,000 to 4,000,000. The wars of Frederick the Great left Prussia and Silesia and Saxony impoverished and the populations greatly reduced. The condition of much of France for over 100 years before the Revolution of 1789 was one of impoverishment. Italy and the Low Countries had been repeatedly ravished. Spain, the home of intolerance and of popular ignorance and poverty, was in decline. In Russia and southeastern Europe, tyranny, poverty, and ignorance were even more marked. Such was the continent that faced the wars of the French Revolution and of the Napoleonic era. In no country of Europe, not even in England, had the sanitary improve¬ ments and measures of the Romans survived. The minds that planned and the hands that built the great cathedrals at Paris, at Rheims, at Cologne, and else¬ where on the continent, and the Abbey of Westminster and the great English cathedrals, did not reproduce or even keep in repair the sanitary sewers and the pure-water systems of the Roman civilization. Even with the wealth of the church and the cheapness of labor, the time occupied in the erection of the cathe¬ drals was measured by centuries rather than by years. With a few striking excep¬ tions, the relatively small wealth existant was concentrated in the hands of the few—the nobles and the ruling princes—and in the church, and the great mass of the people were in poverty. The middle class, represented largely by organ¬ ized artisans, merchants, and bankers, was relatively small and the markets were restricted. The revival and growth of sanitary reforms and systems of public health administration were impossible until the human intellect was unshackled from the chains of antiquity and religious superstition, and the dense ignorance and poverty imposed by secular and ecclesiastical tyranny were in some con¬ siderable degree overcome. These chains were first cast off in Italy, France, and England as the result of the growth and development of the spirit of scep¬ ticism and of inquiry in the fifteenth, sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries which brought about religious and political freedom, enormous expansion of knowledge, and the production and accumulation of wealth. The wonderful outburst in certain Italian cities of intellectual freedom, associated also with the gaining of great wealth from art, manufacture, banking, shipping, and other great commercial undertakings, was followed by a revival of interest in public health and the reestablishment of health departments and the development of civic improvements of a sanitary nature. Under constant threat of plague from the Turkish dominions, the maritime cities of Italy developed the modern quarantine system. But, with the loss of trade and the consequent decline of wealth and intellectual culture, and of their diffusion in the population following the development of the ports of northern Europe, and the loss by conquest of the relatively incomplete degree of popular political free¬ dom, public health administration and general sanitary improvements not 106 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE only ceased to advance, but lapsed into conditions as primitive as those of Spain, France, and central and northern Europe, and lay dormant until the general sanitary revival of the last quarter of the nineteenth century. Just as in England after a long struggle, the human intellect first gained a goodly measure of freedom, so England was the first country to produce in numbers distinguished investigators in all branches of knowledge and to attain popular government and considerable wealth, with the general diffusion of both knowledge and wealth among the people. There is ample reason, there¬ fore, why that country should have early taken the first place in Europe in public-health investigation and administration. It was not until the nine¬ teenth century, however, that, even there, conditions were favorable for any considerable progress. Nor is it surprising that people of the same blood, with more personal freedom and a wider diffusion of knowledge among the general population, though with less wealth and a smaller productivity in fields of scientific inquiry, should, in the early history of their municipalities (as in Baltimore), while following very closely the traditions and methods of the mother country, have anticipated the English in municipal health legisla¬ tion and in the establishment of boards of health with medical officers. It is not strange that, so long as few striking contributions were made to general and to medical knowledge and until wealth was accumulated and became more generally diffused, American municipal public-health administration should have, in many respects, lagged behind that of England. A notable point of difference was dependent upon the fact that the early advances made in England were in large degree due to the researches and methods inaugurated and supported by the General Government, while in America the influence of the central and State Governments was, until recent years, practically nihil. The backwardness of public-health administration and general sanitation in French municipalities, until comparatively recently, was doubtless due in great part to the struggles to obtain political freedom and to obtain wealth. Napoleon I, however despotic in some respects, in the main adhered to the basic principles of the saner Bevolutionists and preserved to the French people the freedom they had gained. He not only fostered science and education, but besides other great improvements, drained large areas of France and in Paris constructed a new water-supply system and numerous sewers. German munici¬ palities were notoriously lacking in these respects until the increase in pros¬ perity and in popular education and the acquirement and exercise of a greater degree of local self-government some years after the Franco-Prussian War of 1870. Even in that country sanitary progress began in the free cities of Hamburg and Frankfort. Under autocratic governments, the ruling classes are indifferent to distress, disease, and death among the poorer and more ignorant classes, and these people are comparatively helpless, partly on account of superstition and partly on account of their ignorance concerning measures that would improve their condition and their lack of power to extort them. Their ignorance has no doubt been influenced in some degree by the very diseases under which they labored. Autocratic governments do not inaugurate measures for the pro¬ tection of the general population against disease until a stage of enlightened self-interest is attained, or until the demands for reforms become so loud and threatening that some concession is made. When these conditions obtain, PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 107 popular government is in sight. Great and rapid advances in public-health administration and practice have come in modern times from peoples with wealth and with popular governments. Under autocratic governments, knowl¬ edge and wealth and a free spirit of inquiry have rarely, if ever, been diffused among the general population. In free governments, as in American cities, with all classes, and average citizens in particular, jealous of private rights of both property and person, citizens are loath to pass laws of a restrictive nature and are intolerant of restrictive measures imposed upon them by elective or appointive officials. Indeed, they reserve the right to have all laws and regulations submitted through their courts to tests not only of constitutionality, but of reasonableness. It is not until the average citizen has acquired a degree of information through which he becomes convinced that such measures are not only reasonable, but that they will tend to act to the advantage rather than to the disadvantage of himself and his dependents, that he will consent to impose the restrictions involved. Even those measures, the wisdom of which he is convinced, are often postponed, or, if undertaken, are, on account of the cost, prosecuted in a half¬ way manner. After the citizens have consented to a course, their instruments, to whom are committed the framing of necessary laws and regulations and their administration, and the planning and construction of necessary works and buildings, may, and only too often do, lack in the knowledge, judgment, and efficiency necessary for success. There is a wide gap between recorded knowledge, both general and particular, in connection with any subject and the proportion of knowledge on that subject possessed by those to whom fall the opportunity and responsibility to apply it to popular use. It is evident, therefore, that to attain a high degree of efficiency in the con¬ trol of disease, a people must have obtained a considerable amount of knowl¬ edge, freedom, and wealth and to be able to obtain health officials with com¬ prehensive and accurate information concerning both the natural history of diseases and the fundamental and applied sciences. These several conditions, necessarily precedent to successful efforts to control the incidence of disease, have never fallen together in Baltimore (nor in any other municipality for that matter), as will be abundantly shown in succeeding chapters. It will suffice to point out here that the failures are to be laid to both public and officials. For over 100 years the needs in connection with general measures outstripped in growth both the intelligence and the wealth of the population, and, until the present time, the general officials often, and the chief health officials nearly always, were so fettered by ignorance and so swathed in the bands of tradition that at critical times the former were incapable of demanding and the latter were incapable of creating a fully rounded health department. The peoples whom the end of the eighteenth and the first half of the nine¬ teenth centuries found with liberal institutions, after heavy struggles, were busy consolidating and extending their gains. The mere possession of methods was not sufficient in itself among peoples not ready to use them routinely and logically. It is a striking fact that man, although he had formulated long years before the beginning of the nineteenth century practically the same methods of control that he now uses against most, at least, of the typically con- tactive diseases, has been much more willing to attack the nuisance or effluvial 8 108 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE diseases. His actions in this respect were probably determined by several considerations. In the first place, the necessary measures were directed to things rather than to persons, and therefore violated to a lesser degree his inherent sense of personal liberty and interfered less with his capacity to earn a living. Secondly, after he had acquired knowledge and wealth, and both these attributes had become diffused with a degree of equality hitherto un¬ known, he developed a sense of decency, a feeling of self-respect and personal pride, a sense of the fitness of things, which resulted in a marked change in manners and customs, both public and private. As a result, conditions of living and surroundings that had previously offended the few were by the end of the eighteenth century distasteful to the many. It is not at all strange that the English, to whom wealth with the power to use it came first, should have been the first as a nation to emerge from the relative barbarity of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and to acquire and then to gratify a taste for decency in municipal, household, and personal surroundings, nor is it remarkable that this attitude should be reflected to their descendants in North America. In the third place, efforts to influence the environment promised a richer return than those expended against persons, for they had some striking results to their credit, while on the other hand experience had shown that, so far as attempted, measures to restrict diseases spread especially by personal contact had very generally failed signally. In the light of these reflections it will not seem remarkable that in Baltimore, as will appear in later chapters, during most of the nineteenth century, the efforts of the health and other civic authorities were directed within the city chiefly against diseases classed as miasmatic, efiluvial, or infectious, and that, with the exception of small-pox, the contactive diseases received but scant attention. The sequel has shown that, imperfect and inadequate as were their applications of the measures used, and far short as they fell of what they might have accomplished, the early Baltimoreans took the better of the two bets. The primary and fundamental steps in the logical application of Mead’s recommendations in controlling a given disease are the early recognition and the reporting of all cases to the authorities, and yet it was not until 1889 in London and 1882 in Baltimore that laws were passed requiring routinely the prompt reporting of certain acute febrile diseases. Though in England and Scotland notification of febrile diseases was enforced in a few urban districts as early as 1876, it was not widely adopted before 1882. Prior to the act of 1889, making notification compulsory for all London but optional else¬ where, 17 of the 28 greater towns of England had adopted it and 11 had not. The latter act specified as reportable diseases, cholera, small-pox, scarlatina, typhus, enteric, relapsing, and puerperal fevers, diphtheria, and erysipelas. In Baltimore, the very incomplete list embraced only small-pox, scarlet fever, cholera, yellow fever, malignant diphtheria, and varioloid, all but one of which were then locally regarded as typically contactive in mode of spread, the essential cause of none having been discovered up to that time, and that of only two (cholera in 1883 and diphtheria in 1884) having been conclusively identified up to the present. The other diseases since added to the list by city ordinance are membranous croup, measles, mumps, and whooping-cough in 1890, and typhoid fever in 1895. PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 109 It is clear that the earliest of these laws were passed before the discoveries of modern micro-parasitology had begun to exert any direct and controlling influence upon public-health administration. In Baltimore the law of 1882 was passed during the height of one of the most severe epidemics of small-pox the city had experienced. From the evidence at hand it is clear that this was inspired by an attempt to make small-pox a reportable disease permanently, and advantage was taken of the opportunity to include the other diseases, some of which had been widely epidemic and very fatal a few years before. Besides those considerations of a general nature, there were others of a more specific character that obviously impeded the development of municipal sanitation and public-health administration in the latter part of the eighteenth and throughout the nineteenth centuries. The most important of these was the very rapid and unprecedented growth of urban populations, due not to excess of births over deaths, but to immigration, either, as was particularly true of Great Britain, a migration from country and village to cities, or, as in North America, an immigration from abroad as well as from the above- mentioned sources. These new elements were disturbing factors in many w 7 ays. Influenced by a lively sense of self-interest and lacking, at least in the be¬ ginning, a personal sense of civic loyalty and responsibility engendered by continuous residence and by generations of family associations and traditions, their presence and activities upset the homogeneity of the population in cus¬ toms of social and business life, in kinds and directions of trade and manu¬ facture, in education, in politics, and often in religion. Especially disturbing in these ways were, of necessity, emigrants from foreign countries, on account of the wide divergences of customs and prejudices, and above all on account of differences in speech. A large proportion of all immigrants to cities, whether from the same or foreign countries, were deficient in education and training and were poor in purse. Some at once, and many more with even slight adversi¬ ties in business and trade, became burdens upon the cities. Their mere pres¬ ence diverted work from old to new channels, and particularly in times of business boom, stimulated building, increased the cost of living, and in other ways upset the balance of life. They caused overcrowding in dwellings, added to the cost of the removal of waste, and their presence resulted in the con¬ struction of dwellings at a rate that far outstripped the growth of paving, sewers, and water supplies. Thus, there have so often resulted cities more or less solidly built up in the central area, with durable and well-constructed pavements, surface water and sanitary sewers, and a generous water-supply, bordered by a second area, with poorly paved or unpaved streets, with sewers and water-pipes but incompletely extended, and with conditions of general sani¬ tation varying in its different parts from a semi-urban to a village state. Beyond this there is a larger or smaller zone, with scattered villages or in a partly cultivated rural state, where the general sanitation is of the crudest type. Parts or all of this zone are finally annexed. It not infrequently happens, therefore, that in a North American city under the influence of rapid growth in population, more than half the territory and a third or more of the population are without the area having complete sanitary arrangements in regard to paving, sewerage, water, and garbage removal. Even when the money can be raised to furnish sanitary necessities, the work occupies years, and before it is 110 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE completed another annexation takes place. It is only within a comparatively short time that parts of the second and third zones have been paved, sewered, and watered by the owners as development takes place. Migrants, particularly from other countries or distant parts of the same country, have often brought in and kept alive diseases that were dying out, or have imported a disease in more virulent type. Well-known examples are the importation of typhus into Scotch and English cities by Irish immigrants, and the importation of typhus, small-pox, measles, scarlatina, and other diseases into Baltimore by Irish and German immigrants. Thus it is that, with few exceptions, very rapid growth in population and territory must react unfavorably upon both general sanitation and personal hygiene in a city. In Baltimore the action of all these factors has been particu¬ larly striking. The great influence of the application of statistical methods to the study of the natural history of disease and the problems of public-health adminis¬ tration has also been either overlooked or not duly appreciated. Used first in these connections in the construction of life tables as a basis of insurance, these methods were then applied by publicists and statesmen in determining the laws which govern the growth of population and wealth; by pathological anato¬ mists in the study of the comparative frequency of diseases and of particular lesions; by clinicians, especially the French, in the determination of case fatality rates in different diseases, particularly where certain methods or plans of treatment were concerned; and later by medical men, general statisticians, and public-health administrators in the comparison of salubrity of climate and general environment upon, first, general morbidity and mortality, and, second, particular diseases. Shortly after the middle of the nineteenth century, under the influence of William Farr and his pupils in England, and of Lemuel Shattuck of Boston and of Joynes and Frick of Baltimore in the United States, statistical methods had become a determining force in the study of the natural history of individual diseases and in the whole field of public-health inquiry and administration. The appreciation of statistical methods was not only responsible for discoveries of fundamental importance in these fields, but for the important means of diffusion among people of the knowledge acquired. Thus it was, largely at least, a coincidence that the discoveries of modern micro-parasitology and the additional practical methods of disease control derived from them fell at a time when a large and the most intelligent part of mankind was ready to consider and to apply them. With certain notable exceptions these discoveries were not made by public-health officials, who have on the whole, but very clumsily, slowly, and reluctantly, applied them. How¬ ever, instances are not lacking, in the history of Baltimore in particular, of examples of health officials pleading in vain for means and power to under¬ take measures certain to exert a favorable influence on the public health. The coincidence of the recognition on the part of the general public of the importance of public-health measures of a wider scope, and the availability of funds to carry them out, with the great discoveries in micro-parasitology, medicine, surgery, and above all in pathological anatomy, during the last third of the nineteenth century, was responsible for the generally prevalent idea that all the knowledge and power of man over the control of diseases are dependent upon them and certain improvements and refinements of methods PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 111 arising out of them. Curiously enough, at the same time, some of the labors of previous years began to bear fruit, and, as will be shown later, certain wide¬ spread and conspicuous diseases (measles, scarlatina, typhus fever, and small¬ pox) happened to run into periods of decline, wliich, for some of them at least, is a phase of their natural history, a fact well established since the days of Sydenham. Among the many important influences ascribed to modern medical and zoological knowledge has been its effect upon the distribution of the febrile diseases among the old classifications, for due to it the number of affections classed under the nuisance diseases has increased at the expense of the list of those classed as spread by immediate contact. This has largely been brought about by the discovery that the causal agents of certain affections, such as typhus and relapsing fevers, sleeping sickness, and the plague are spread by insects acting either as intermediate hosts or as mechanical carriers, the presence of which beings in man’s environment is governed by conditions associated with nuisances due to lack of cleanliness. Another advance due to this knowledge was the determination that, as a rule, under natural conditions the causal agents of the nuisance diseases enter the system through the skin or by the mucosa of the gastro-intestinal tract, instead of by the lungs only, as was supposed, and by the evidence furnished in favor of the view that the typical contagious diseases of a general systemic type, the eruptive diseases particularly, such as small-pox and scarlet fever, as a class invade the body by the respiratory tract, instead of through the skin, as was often formerly held. To be classed among the greatest contributions made by pathological anatomy and by micro-parasitology to the knowledge of the natural history of the febrile diseases applicable to public-health administration are the deter¬ mination of the portals of entry and exit of their causal agents to and from the body and their modes and channels of travel within the body; the charac¬ ters and varieties of lesions produced, particularly those determining a fatal issue; the forces and factors concerned in recovery and particularly in immu¬ nity ; the identity of various diseases common to both man and lower animals; the separation on an etiological basis of the different affections characterized by the same or similar clinical symptoms or anatomical changes; and, finally, a series of methods for both diagnosis and preventive inoculation based upon pathological anatomy, direct microscopy, cultivation, animal experiment, and immunity reactions. The application of the methods of chemistry, bacteriology, and zoology to sanitary engineering, and especially to standards of purity of water and of milk and other foods, are of the greatest importance. This knowledge in these various fields but slowly penetrated the minds of public-health administrators, and these methods came into use in health depart¬ ments sparingly between 1890 and 1900, more generally in the next decennium, and can hardly be considered to have exercised a controlling influence on public-health administration in Baltimore or in the average municipality before 1910. Indeed, it would be difficult to select another branch of municipal government on which scientific discoveries of corresponding importance could have exerted in so leisurely a manner an influence proportionate to their value It has been shown that long before the discoveries of modern micro-para¬ sitology man possessed means and methods capable of being used to effect 112 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE considerable control over the febrile diseases; that the placing of the old germ theory of the causation of these diseases upon a firm scientific basis was not the essential or determining cause of the modern advances in public- health activities, and that this practice, as regards the contagious diseases, begun in the fourteenth century in Italy, was transplanted to England in the early eighteenth century, and that in England and elsewhere, particularly in the United States, during the latter part of the eighteenth and the whole of the nineteenth centuries, municipalities attacked the effluvial or nuisance diseases with considerable success, and that the contactive diseases in general have, on the whole, been attacked with a much smaller degree of success than the nuisance diseases. A consideration of general history and of the knowledge of the natural history of the febrile diseases indicates conclusively that until modern man had regained his intellectual freedom, out of which sprang religious and political freedom and wealth, advances in public-health adminis¬ tration were, and in the nature of things could be, but slight, and significant progress in the control of these diseases became possible only when in the latter half of the nineteenth century knowledge and wealth were not only attained but diffused. Hence the following generalizations are warranted: 1. The change in man’s attitude toward the control of those diseases was the direct result of the revolution in the religious, political, educational, and social status of the common man, proceeding from intellectual freedom, and the effects achieved were due more to the release from inhibitions against the use of existing ideas and methods than to the sudden acquirement of new ones, and, being greatest among peoples who had attained this freedom in the highest degree, were, in any particular place, other things being equal, in direct proportion to the degree of freedom obtaining. 2 . There is a direct relation between the diffusion of knowledge and wealth among peoples and their public-health activities, and the discoveries resulting in new ideas and methods applicable to disease control and proceeding from intellectual activities along general and special lines in consequence of intellec¬ tual freedom have been submitted to practical application earliest and in the highest degree among peoples with the widest distribution of knowledge and wealth. 3. It is because the methods of control applicable to them are more imper¬ sonal (involve to a much less extent intimate supervision and restriction of the person and of personal activities) and because they can be so markedly influenced by measures so largely covered by the expenditure of money upon environment, that the diseases formerly attributed to effluvia, or the nuisance diseases, including those now known to be spread by intermediate hosts, have been and are yet more energetically attacked and more successfully combated than the diseases classed as contagious. Such control as has been attempted over diseases believed to be spread by contact has been determined more by horror inspired by the physical deformities or the mode of death characteristic of a disease than by its fatality. The attempts to control the former class of diseases by prevention and abatement of nuisances were logical and in the right direction, and the failure to secure better results was due in greater degree to lack of effective action on conclusions reached than to defects in the premises set up on assumptions and the deductions drawn therefrom. The one-sidedness in the activities of public-health administration in concen- PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 113 trating attention so closely during the nineteenth century upon the nuisance diseases is responsible for the present widespread and deeply rooted belief, on the part of both the public and their administrative officials, that all febrile diseases can be effectively controlled by modifications of environment. 4. As the methods of substitution inoculation against small-pox were known and practiced long before, and as the prevention of wound infection, includ¬ ing puerperal fever, depends so much more upon measures directed to things and to the control of the acts of personal attendants than upon control of persons affected, it may be accepted as an established fact that, with the exception of a few acute diseases for which they have furnished methods of early diagnosis and of preventive inoculation, such as diphtheria, meningitis, and hydrophobia, modern medical discoveries, including those of micro-parasitology, have exercised as yet no fundamentally important influence upon the control of the diseases classed as contagious, for any recently favorable fluctuations in their incidence and mortality can be adequately explained by other factors. o. As modernly acquired knowledge has, for the control of the mass of diseases classed as contagious, added as yet comparatively little in principle to Mead’s recommendations, it is evident that in respect to them the only change introduced in public health practice in recent times is the attempt to apply these measures in a more thorough and systematic manner. Though it has been possible under very favorable circumstances to check small out¬ breaks by their use, or here and there, under ordinary conditions, to restrict the numbers attacked, rarely, if ever, with the exceptions above noted, have any of the diseases classed as typically contagious been curbed when in epi¬ demic cvcle. i/ It is to be clearly understood that, in connection with the foregoing state¬ ments, there is no intent to disparage in any way the remarkable and pro¬ foundly important discoveries in modern medicine and in the fundamental sciences, particularly in mathematics, physics, chemistry, zoology, and botany, on which it depends, and in the applied sciences of engineering, statistics, genetics, and so forth, on which our knowledge of the natural history of diseases is so largely based and to which public-health administration owes so much, and in all of which discoveries have been gained for knowledge by a comparatively small band of self-sacrificing, devoted, and often brilliant workers, laboring only too often under unbelievable handicaps. No one who has grown up under the influence of this rapid unfolding of scientific knowledge, the most precious possession of man, especially in the biological sciences, during the last 40 years, or who has taken even a small part in its development, can fail to appreciate its importance and significance both generally and in the fields of the natural history of disease and of the development and administration of public-health measures. To point out that it was not, as was erroneously supposed in many quarters, the acquisition of a particular branch of this knowledge, but the possession and diffusion of knowledge previously gained, to which recent interest and progress in public-health activities are to be attributed is not to deny its great value. The sloth with which modern medical knowledge, and especially micro-para¬ sitology, has been utilized is the result of the lack of proper appreciation by peoples and their representatives, and in no way reflects upon its intrinsic value. 114 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE Without the firm standing-ground of the exact scientific knowledge gained in this period, it would not be possible to recognize that previous generations possessed powerful weapons for the control of certain diseases or to appreciate how signally they fell short of their full use, nor, on the other hand, could a just estimate be had of how much was accomplished by the application of methods, sound in many respects, but based upon theories exploded by this knowledge. The diseases classed by the health authorities and by the physicians generally, in Baltimore, from the earliest times until the last decade of the nineteenth century as infectious, miasmatic, or effluvial, and therefore as nuisance diseases, were malarial and yellow fevers, membranous croup and malignant sore throat (diphtheria), and the diarrhoeal diseases, including dysentery, cholera asiatica, cholera morbus, cholera infantum, simple diarrhoea, and typhoid fever. Among the typically contagious diseases were included small-pox and varioloid, vaccinia, scarlatina, measles, whooping-cough, mumps, erysipelas, typhus fever, influenza, pulmonary tuberculosis, leprosy, hydrophobia, men¬ ingitis, poliomyelitis, and the venereal diseases. Tetanus, though not made reportable, was included by inference during the time of its greatest recorded prevalence among the diseases influenced by accident. Diphtheria, by consensus of opinion, was transferred from the nuisance to the contagious diseases during the ninth decade of the nineteenth century. It was not until well after 1890 that such diseases of rare occurrence as anthrax, glanders, actinomycosis, and trichinosis were recognized in the department. The idea that some of these diseases may be spread in any one of several ways, obvious as it seems, did not occur to the authorities until comparatively recent times, and then only very gradually. So firmly is the division of the febrile diseases fixed and interwoven into these two distinct classes in the conceptions and methods of the health and other departments of the Baltimore City government, that any complete study of the methods and results of its public-health administration must be based primarily upon them. Therefore, the study of the administrative efforts of the Baltimore City government to control febrile diseases within the city must embrace: (1) measures of nuisance prevention and abatement directed against nuisance-borne diseases, and (2) measures of restriction and inoculation directed against contagious diseases. MEASURES OF NUISANCE PREVENTION AND ABATEMENT DIRECTED AGAINST NUISANCE-BORNE DISEASES. The term nuisance, as here used, includes all those conditions hurtful or injurious to health, which originate or propagate in man’s environment. Nuisances in this sense are of two broad classes: Those inherent in the physical characteristics of a place and those brought about by man’s own acts or negli¬ gence. Examples of the first class, which may be properly styled nuisances of location, include marshes, ponds, streams, and ravines. Nuisances of the second class fall into five categories: Those due to artificial changes in the con¬ tour of the surface of the ground, which interfere with the natural flow of water PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 115 and favor the accumulation of dirt (brought about generally by excavations, changes in grades, dams, and irregularities of street surfaces, and so forth) ; those arising from imperfect methods of disposal of organic waste materials (such as the excreta, in the broadest sense, of man and domestic animals, gar¬ bage, offal, street sweepings, and lack of cleanliness of persons and of clothes, by which food, drink, and air are contaminated, or in which lower organisms capable of acting as carriers of pathogenic micro-organisms are bred and supported); those concerned directly with foods (decayed foods, foods from diseased animals or plants, and foods inadequate in themselves); those asso¬ ciated with buildings in which man works or lives; and, finally, those connected with the things with which man works. Nuisances of either class may be present upon either public or private domains. In Baltimore the topography of the location not only gave rise to numerous nuisances of the first class, but rendered the prevention and abate¬ ment of nuisances of the second class both difficult and expensive. Had the town been located on the high ground and grown toward the water, or had the whole area been graded in the beginning for the laying out of a large city, its nuisance problems would have been comparatively simple and its whole sanitary history would have been different. As it is, the town was planted on low grounds, it was bordered on three sides by marshes, through which flowed streams subject to overflow, and on the fourth side it was overlooked by hills separated by ravines. Since the low ground was settled first, only part of the material obtained in grading the hills was utilizable for filling the low-lying section, through or over which the surface water had to flow. The work of grading both sections and of filling and raising the lower portion of the city along the water-front and the four streams was expensive and difficult. In the nature of the case, the problems could be worked out only slowly. It is clear that the main questions presented embraced an abundant and safe water-supply; the collection and diversion of the flow of all household waste, including excreta, to the southeast; grading, filling, and paving; the construction of conduits to lead surface-water to the water-front and to prevent standing water; the removal and disposal of garbage, ashes, and other waste; and the develop¬ ment and practice of decent household and municipal housekeeping. The remainder is simple. None of these matters has ever been brought to com¬ pletion, and the whole history of nuisance control represents a series of discon¬ nected, bungling efforts to attain an impossible goal. In actual practice these efforts were directed simultaneously against both classes of nuisances, and the only clear-cut division of nuisances, from the standpoint of administration, is into nuisances on public and nuisances on private domains. Even here there is some overlapping. As closely as circumstances will allow, nuisances, however arising, will be considered under these two headings. I. PREVENTION AND ABATEMENT OF NUISANCES ON PUBLIC PROPERTY. DREDGING AND FILLING. The dredging of the basin and the mouths of the main streams, especially Jones Falls and Harford Run, has been executed in general by the city commissioners, the port wardens, or the harbor board. To these authorities also 116 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE has fallen, in the main, the duty of filling the marshes, particularly those bor¬ dering on these two streams, and for this the dredged material has largely been used. Similarly, authorities other than the Health Department have had charge of sewer building, and the walling in and the covering of the four streams. The health authorities, so long as they were responsible for the disposal of ashes and rubbish, used these for filling in low grounds on public as well as on private domains. GRADING AND PAVING. On account of the topography of Baltimore, the amount of grading necessary in the laying out of streets and the filling of low grounds was considerable. In the early days of the city’s growth, the filling in of the marshy land along the water-front, especially bordering the course of the four streams, Harford Run, Jones Falls, and Schroeder’s and Chatsworth’s Runs, comprised the chief grading activities. Much of the material for this purpose was dredged from the basin and the mouths of the streams. Later, with the growth of the city to the north beyond Saratoga Street, and west and east, a series of high and irregular hills were cut through and smoothed off, and the valleys between them raised. This required an enormous amount of labor. The margin of the built-up section has always presented a number of ravines to be filled. For this purpose soil obtained from leveling and from the excavations for buildings and, of late years, coal ashes and cinders, have been used. In this way the use of ravines and other low places, with which the border of the city has always abounded, as public dumps, has done away with many nuisances and has been of material assistance in grading. As early as 1782 the grading and paving of the streets and sidewalks was undertaken in a systematic manner under the direction and control of a special commission established for the purpose by the legislature. At this time, Market or Baltimore Street, the main thoroughfare, was in a deplorable con¬ dition and in wet weather was almost impassable. The street pavements, at first confined to the business sections, were of rough cobblestones, set in sand on top of the clay soil. By an ordinance in 1819, all future paving was to be done with river or pebble stone (called cobblestone) from 7 to 3 inches in diameter and at least 5 inches in length, set upright in a bed of sharp sand at least 1 foot in depth. Until 1910, except where Belgian blocks (granite blocks) and occasionally asphalt were substituted in a few business streets and prominent thoroughfares, the typical cobblestone-paved street was elevated in the center and sloped to the sides, which were bordered by gutters laid with smaller and flatter cobblestones. Set in sand over a clay base and with poorly matched stones, these pavements under heavy traffic developed larger and smaller holes in which water and organic materials collected. The private alleys (varying in width from 3 to 18 or 20 feet) which intersect every block were gradually paved with cobblestones in most of the closely built sections of the city. These pavements were concave with a central gutter for the con¬ duct of storm-water and the household wash-water, which poured into it through rough and for the most part open drains which traversed the neighbor¬ ing backyards. As these pavements were often poorly laid and ill adapted to sup¬ port the heavy garbage and ash carts that passed through the alleys, they soon became full of holes, in which collected stagnant water, garbage, and stable PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 117 manure. In many parts of the city the alleys were catch-basins of filth, for into them were deposited garbage and ashes for collection and all sorts of household rubbish. The condition of the unpaved alleys was worse. The alleys, except when they have occasionally been taken over by the city, are private, belonging to the owners of the adjacent properties along the rear or side of which they run, and, therefore, their paving is at the expense of the owners. The report of the city engineer in 1911 gave the street mileage of the different kinds of pavements as follows: Cobblestone, 354.82; Belgian block, 43.49; sheet asphalt, 19.23; vitrified brick, 19.15; wooden block, 1.63; ordi¬ nary macadam, 56.01: bituminous macadam, 2.73; bitulithic, 10.10; cement surface, 2.01; unpaved 57.73. Thus of the total mileage 62.5 per cent was cobblestone, and of the total mileage of what may properly be called street pavement (excluding the ordinary macadam and the unpaved streets), 78 per cent was cobblestone. During the early days of the city’s history, the sidewalks were largely of brick, retained at the gutter side by a curbing of granite. Of late years, cement has been generally used, and much of the former brick paving has been replaced with this material. Since 1912, under the stimulus of Mayor James H. Preston and following the construction of the new sewerage system, many miles of streets have been regraded and paved with smooth pavements, edged by well designed and con¬ structed gutters with smooth surfaces. In 1916 and 1917, all of the nearly 3,000 roughly paved private alleys were condemned as nuisances by the health department and ordered regraded and paved with smooth pavements by the highways engineer at the expense of the owners. When this work was suspended during 1918 on account of the war, this undertaking had been completed in about half of these alleys. STREET CLEANING AND GARBAGE REMOVAL. Since the passage of Ordinance 15 in 1797, it has been the duty of the owners or occupiers of houses and lots within the city to keep the sidewalks clean and the gutters clear, and it has been the function of the city government to clean the streets or public highways and to remove the sweepings. The latter duty was exercised under the direction of the city commissioners until 1826, when it was transferred to the commissioners of health. In 1882 it was taken over by a newly created department of the city government, the department of street cleaning. It is not certain when the removal of garbage and ashes was first undertaken by the city. It is probable, however, that until 1821 each householder made his own arrangements for this purpose, and it is likely that it was fed to pigs within the city. In 1821 the city undertook the removal of garbage and ashes, and the superintendents of street cleaning, offices established in 1798 under the city commissioners, were required by ordinance to collect garbage on three days of each week between May 1 and November 1, and from this time the removal and disposal of garbage and ashes have been conducted under which¬ ever department of the city government was responsible for street cleaning. In 1826, the commissioners of health let out the cleaning of the streets and the removal of garbage by contract. The total sum appropriated to the health 118 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE department for these purposes in 1827 was $3,500. Since 1828, the manure obtained from the streets has been sold, and the income from this source in considerable part paid for the work. Thus, in 1820, of $5,500 available for those services, $1,500 was derived from the sale of manure. It is related by Wynne that in 1849 the city, for purposes of street cleaning, was divided into five districts, the cleaning of each of which was let to separate contractors. Each contractor received in payment the street refuse, which was sold as manure, and about $1,000 in money. The streets received attention in proportion to their tendency to collect filth, but never more than twice a week, and more usually once in two weeks. The numerous narrow alleys and courts, inhabited by the poor and the deposi¬ tories of garbage and worse, received little attention and were generally in a filthy condition. The most effective scavengering in these districts was per¬ formed by swine, which roamed through them at pleasure. The most effective street cleaning was performed by the copious showers, which were most fre¬ quent in summer. In 1853, the contract system of the cleaning of streets and the removal of garbage and ashes was abandoned, and these services were taken over by the commissioner of health, Mr. Charles A. Leas, who, judged by his detailed reports and his recommendations, was an engineer of ability. His report of 1853 is the first from which it is possible to form any accurate idea of the amount of work done and of how it was accomplished. In the last nine months of this year there were removed 43,576 cartloads of street sweepings at a net cost, after the sale of the manure, of 14.5 cents a load, and 21,642 loads of garbage at a cost of 43.5 cents a load. The total actual cost to the city, exclusive of sweeping the streets, of the removal of 65,218 loads was $16,586.19. There were 26 carts to remove garbage from 30,000 houses; i. e., each cart had to collect from 1,154 houses, daily in summer and biweekly in winter. Mr. Leas proposed a permanent garbage-disposal place on a farm owned by the city, which would be served by boats and where the garbage would be fed to pigs. This piggery, he thought, would in a few years yield a return sufficient to pay all the expenses of garbage removal. Unfortunately his plan was not adopted. A decided step forward was taken in 1876, when householders were required by ordinance to keep garbage and ashes separate, in order that the latter might be used to fill in low places within the city. The garbage and other offal were hauled to convenient lots near the outskirts of the city and placed on large dumps until 1877, when a new policy was adopted of delivering it to contractors, who removed it by rail or by barge to points not less than 6 miles from the city limits. This change of method of removal was forced on the city by threats of suits on the part of the inhabitants of Baltimore County. In 1880, 26,252 loads of garbage were delivered at the contractors’ dumps at Canton and Spring Gardens, and for transporting this the contractors were paid 51.5 cents a load. Between 1904 and 1919, the garbage so conveyed was “ reduced ” by con¬ tractors, and in the latter year arrangements were made with a contractor to feed the garbage to pigs at a farm fitted for this purpose on the water-front well below the city. Thus after 66 years, Commissioner Leas’s plan of garbage disposal, somewhat modified, was adopted. PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 119 In 1917, the number of cubic yards of garbage hauled by the city was 113,162; of ashes and refuse, 425,307; of street dirt, 225,224; of sewer and inlet dirt, 13,760; and of snow and ice, 136,542; a total of 913,995. Dead animals removed numbered 20,178. The work in connection with the control of mosquitoes is set forth in table 4. Table 4. House inspections . 114,414 Breeding-places found and de¬ stroyed . 3,984 Circulars distributed . 115,717 Notices sent out. 5,259 House inspectors, daily average... 26 Men employed, weekly average... 285 Pools drained. 143 Old ditches cleaned, graded, filled, or oiled, feet.1,144,595 New ditches constructed, feet.... 16,133 Toilets reported overflowing or in need of attention. 2,220 Complaint cards turned in bj' em¬ ployees . 324 Premises and other unsanitary con¬ ditions reported to city depart¬ ments . 3,439 Improper garbage cans reported to police department . 6,337 Gallons of larvacide solution used. 5,855 Gallons of oil solution used. 7,176 Gallons of kreso used. 50 The total expenditure of the department for 1917 was $876,093.02, including $25,897.73 spent on the work of mosquito control. From the sale of refuse, $12,729.10 were realized. SEWERAGE. Sewerage will be considered under three headings: First, storm-water; second, household water, that is, toilet, wash, and kitchen waste; third, human and animal excreta, slaughter-house waste and other wastes exclusive of garbage. Until 1915, storm-water and household water were disposed of in the same way, that is, by natural flow into the water-courses traversing the city and ultimately into the harbor, basin, and the middle branch of the Patapsco River. As the city grew and made a large area, which, on account of the houses and street pavements, was impervious to water, the storm-water thus to be disposed of very greatly increased in volume. As a result, the low-lying sections of the city, particularly the narrow valleys, were often flooded, and with the subsidence of the water they were left covered with a large amount of silt and street and household washings, including manure, grease, and garbage. The large rain¬ fall served to keep the higher and hilly sections fairly clean and took much of their dirt to the low-lying portions. For the same reasons, the water-courses, often in a state of flood, would overflow their banks and further add to the filth in the lower, flat portions of the city. The land-locked basin, the harbor, and Spring Gardens, to a lesser extent, thus in the course of time became loaded with organic waste, the putrefaction of which in warm weather gave rise to very offensive odors which were a constant source of annoyance. The same streams, first at their mouths and later throughout their courses within the city, became foul, ill-smelling sewers, giving off offensive gases in hot weather. Of these, the foulest were Jones Falls and Harford Run. The storm¬ water gutters in the streets and alleys, being rough and irregular and often improperly graded in many places, formed pools of water containing organic material. These were particularly offensive in the narrow courts and alleys of the poorer sections, from which drained every conceivable kind of organic waste and other filth. In 1850 there were about 2 miles of storm-water sewers in the whole city. 120 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE The first serious consideration of the sewerage question on the part of the city government was in 1859, when a sewerage commission of three, under the chair¬ manship of Henry Tyson, was appointed. In its report made in 1862, the com¬ mission recommended the establishment of eight sewerage districts in which sewers were to be built to carry off storm-w T ater and household waste-water, exclusive of human excreta, more readily along the natural drainage lines. The commission pointed out that in building the sewers then existing in Baltimore, no particular form or system of size had been adopted and that in but few instances could they be exactly located. They often ran a winding course, the bottoms were nearly always flat; some were floored with plank which had decayed and left the original earth bottom protected from washings only by the accumulation of stone and other heavy substances which had washed into them. Some sewers were roughly paved with stone; in all of them the free flow of water was greatly impeded; and during dry weather the surface- water and house drainage, spread irregularly over the surface, w T ere either absorbed by the earth or evaporated, leaving heavy animal and vegetable sub¬ stances to decay in the sewers, resulting in offensive effluvia arising from the open and untrapped inlets. In some of the sewers, side walls only had been built to confine the water course, and they were planked over at the street crossings; otherwise, the floors of the houses built over them formed their sole covering. The commission recommended the building of a series of sewers with well constructed and trapped inlets to carry off the house drainage and surface- water from the eight districts above mentioned, and planned to lead the tributary sewers or laterals either into the main water-courses which were to be covered over eventually or through covered sewers directly into the harbor and basin. As this drainage was to go into the harbor and basin, they thought it unwise to include human waste. This they planned to dispose of into the ground in cesspools as before. These recommendations were carried out in part somewhat slowly, and largely under the pressure of the health department for the abatement of nuisances. Harford Run was not covered over until 1885, and Jones Falls was covered over through a part of its course in 1912. Mr. C. H. Latrobe, C. E., who had been appointed by the city council to report on the best plan for sewerage disposal, rendered an interesting report in August 1881. Recognizing that the subsoil had reached the limit of its capacity to care for human excreta by the cesspool and privy systems, he recom¬ mended a dual sewerage system; one for surface-water and rainfall, to dis¬ charge as before into the middle branch of the Patapsco, the basin, and the harbor, and the other for household waste and human excreta, to discharge partly into the middle branch of the Patapsco and partly into the lower harbor below Canton. His recommendations for sanitary sewers were entirely passed over and the construction of storm-water sewers was continued along the lines of the plans of the Tyson commission, somewhat modified by the recommendations of Mr. Latrobe. By 1890, owing to the great increase in the number of cesspools, many of which had been connected to the old and to new storm-water sewers and drained directly into the basin, harbor, and the middle branch of the Patapsco, and to the fact that many of these sewers were improperly trapped, conditions had become much worse. The uncovered Jones Falls was to a great degree a com¬ bined storm-water and sanitary sewer, carrying so much filth that it was con- PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 121 stantly necessary to dredge its lower portion for the removal of sediments of organic matter. For 40 years or more the sulphuretted hydrogen gas evolved from the sewers and the basin, with favorable wind conditions, reached all parts of the city. Large quantities of sediment of sewer origin were each year dredged from the basin and especially from between the docks and at the sewer outfalls. A second sewerage commission, under the chairmanship of Mr. Mendes Cohen, was appointed in 1893 and engaged Messrs. Rudolph Hering and Samuel M. Gray as consulting engineers and Mr. Kenneth Allen as assistant engineer. After an exhaustive study, the commission, in its report of Septem¬ ber 1897, recommended a dual sewerage system, the storm-water to be dis¬ charged as recommended before, and the domestic waste, including human excreta, to be disposed of by dilution into the deep waters of the Chesapeake Bay, well below the city. Of the two alternative methods proposed by the engineers, i. e., chemical precipitation before such discharge and the use of filtration beds on land in Anne Arundel County, they objected to the former as unnecessary and to the latter on account of its great expense. The city government, fearing injury to the fishing industry, particularly on account of the danger of infecting oysters with typhoid bacilli, directed further investigation and a report on the best alternative plan. The commission then suggested that the plan of land filtration be tried, but be restricted at first to the sewerage from the low-level area, thus serving about one-third of the popula¬ tion. The whole matter was then dropped, because the people refused to approve a bond issue to pay the cost of the work. In 1905, the third sewerage commission was appointed. Messrs Hering, Gray, and Stearns served as a board of consulting engineers, and Mr. Calvin W. Hendrick was appointed chief engineer. Mr. Hendrick and his staff designed and superintended the building of a double system of sewers—surface-water and sanitary—covering most of the built-up sections of the city. The surface-water sewers discharge the storm-water as before. The sanitary sewers carry domestic waste and human excreta to a point on Back River, to the southeast of the city, where the sewerage is purified and the effluent discharged into the Bay. The system was completed in 1915. Connections were started on a limited scale in the fall of 1911 and practically all of the connectable buildings, over 90,000 in the sewered area, had been connected by 1918. As has been previously indicated, human waste was disposed of throughout the history of Baltimore until 1915 either by privies, cesspools, or storm-water sewers. As the city grew, the use of privies decreased and the cesspool became the usual method. As a rule, every dwelling had its own cesspool, protected by a house, situated in the back yard. In some of the larger houses there were closets, situated either on back porches or within the houses, leading to cess¬ pools, located either in the yards or under the cellars. At what date water was introduced for flushing such closets in Baltimore is unknown, but in 1849, according to Wynne, this practice obtained in a considerable number of the better class dwellings. L T nder the description of the water-supply, allusion is made to the partial protection of the city springs against contamination by privies afforded by the ordinances of 1817 and 1820. To what extent the specifications laid down in the ordinance of 1820 for the construction of water-tight privies in the prox- 122 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE imity of the city springs were later generally extended is not known. While there is much evidence that many of the privy-wells or cesspools in connection with the better class of houses throughout the city were well constructed and made water-tight—at least when built—it was not until 1891 that an ordinance was passed requiring that every privy-well or cesspool should be made water-tight. The typical water-tight cesspool had walls 9 inches thick, of brick set in cement, and the outside was well puddled with clay. At one time barrels or hogsheads buried in the ground were used as cesspools. The common practice in certain parts of the city, until forbidden by law in 1906, of connecting several houses with a single cesspool was a frequent cause of overflow. Sanitary nuisances from privy-wells or cesspools arose in several ways. In the first place, many were not properly closed at the top and in consequence emitted disagreeable odors, to which diseases were attributed, and attracted and fed flies, mosquitoes, rats and other vermin. In the second place, on account of neglect or inaccessi¬ bility, many were not regularly cleaned, and their contents overflowed into cellars, yards, courts, alleys, and streets. In the third place, although in 1821 it was provided that all privies hereafter constructed on docks, wharves, or made ground, and all other privies within the limits of direct taxation (built-up sections) should be made water-tight, those that were not of water-tight con¬ struction originally and those that were water-tight but developed breaks saturated the soil and polluted the springs and wells. As the cesspools were set in a stiff clay soil, much of this material made its way to the surface and thus added to the nuisance from overflow. A large proportion of the cesspools were constantly overflowing into cellars, streets, courts, and alleys, and created a formidable nuisance. The privies and cesspools were cleaned out by night- soil men, who, since 1798, were licensed and in a manner supervised by the health department, but employed at the expense of the householder. This material was hauled away in carts, at first to dumps outside of the city, where it was sold to farmers, and later to scows at Folley’s and Winans’s wharves, whence it was carried to Bush River and other creeks tributary to the harbor and sold in its raw state to farmers or manufactured into poudrette to be sold as fertilizer. At various times, with and without the permission of the city government, cesspools were connected with the laterals of the storm-water sewers. The chief engineer of the last sewerage commission estimated in 1910 that at that time 15,000 dwellings had been discharging in this way into the basin and harbor. There are now over 90,000 houses connected, and in most of the old 24 wards the privy and the cesspool have been eliminated. Thus, the opportunities for fly-borne typhoid must have been greatly restricted. Much of the sanitary sewerage of a considerable district in the northwest and southwest sections of the city still finds its way into Gwynn ? s Falls, a stream already polluted with sewerage before it reaches city limits. As the population so served is still relatively small and the stream is large and rapid, the insanitary conditions are by no means a nuisance comparable to those which obtained in Jones Falls, or in Harford, Chatsworth, and Schroeder’s Runs in former days. Jones Falls and its tributaries as well still receive a certain but relatively small amount of sanitary drainage from outlying sections of the city. The same may be said in regard to Herring Run, as it runs through the northeastern part of the city. This stream is already polluted from sources to the north of the city. The closely built up Highlandtown, bounding the PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 123 eastern margin of the city, still retains to a large degree the old, primitive method of storm-water and sanitary sewerage disposal which obtained in the old city before the construction of the new sewerage systems. In review, the storm-water, together with household, laundry, and kitchen waste-water, and fluids from slaughter-houses, stables, and factories, was from the beginning of the town until 1912 very inadequately drained by gutters, through and over the streets, lanes, courts, and alleys, into the basin, harbor, and the middle branch of the Patapsco, either directly or by means of the four streams. After 1860 a considerable, but quite inadequate, number of storm¬ water sewers removed some of this drainage from the streets. The storm-water also carried a large amount of garbage and street dirt and manure. As the flow was much impeded by the irregular and rough character of the pavements of both streets and alleys, accumulations of water containing organic waste were numerous. Until about 1870, practically all the human waste was received in earth privies or in cesspools or privy wells. After this date a considerably increasing amount of this material was discharged either by private sewers or by connections with the storm-water sewers as they were constructed. By 1910 about 15 per cent of the whole amount was disposed of thus. In certain sections of the city to which the new sanitary sewerage system does not yet extend i. e., a portion of Locust Point, the outlying sections on the western boundary of the city, some portions of the northwestern section, and most of the Hampden-Woodberry district, old methods of disposal of human excreta are still in vogue. In those portions of the city bordering on the harbor, it is discharged directly into the basin or into the middle branch of the Patapsco; in the western and northwestern sections it is disposed of either into cesspools or into GwymPs Falls and thence into the middle branch of the Patapsco by connections with storm-water sewers; in the Hampden- Woodberry district, cesspools are still numerous, but a considerable proportion of the human waste is discharged by storm water or by private sanitary sewers—in some cases after crude forms of purification—leading into Jones Falls and thence into the basin. Similarly, on the northeastern side of the city, much of the newly developed section is without sanitary sewers and is served temporarily by connections with storm-water sewers or by private sanitary sewers—both discharging into Harford Bun or into Herring Bun, and thence into the basin and harbor. The aggregate amount of the material so discharged is not yet sufficient to give rise to disagreeable odors, and as practically all the wells and springs in the old 24 wards have been eliminated, this method of disposal has been no great menace to health. Some years must elapse before the plans of the sewerage division to reach all these areas with sanitary sewers are carried out. Throughout the history of the city until the completion of the new sewerage system, the overflowing privy and the disposal of night-soil were constant nuisances. As in the annexation of 1888, so with that of 1919, the city annexed a large territory, much of which is without sanitary sewers. From the building of the first sewers to the completion of the new sewerage system, the health department was charged with the sanitary supervision of the sewers and was responsible for cleaning and for the removal of obstructions. In recent years the care of the traps of the storm-water sewers has been a duty of the street cleaning department, and the whole care of the sanitary sewers 9 124 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE from the disposal plant to the lines of private property has rested with the sewerage division of the city engineers* department. The jurisdiction of the health department over both storm and sanitary drainage begins with the private property lines and, within these, remains absolute. WATER. Until 1808, the water-supply of Baltimore was almost entirely of intra¬ urban origin and was derived from springs and wells and perhaps, to a small extent, from the creeks and runs traversing the territory from north to south and emptying into the harbor, the basin, and the middle branch of the Patapsco River. In all parts of the city, including Old Town and FelPs Point, natural springs abounded. As the town and city grew, many of these springs became no longer available, due to the encroachment of buildings. The earliest spring now known to have been in general use was the Cool Spring, pictured in Moale’s sketch of Baltimore Town (1752), situated near the western bank of the basin. It played a large part in the life of early Baltimore, both as a place of social rendezvous and a source of water for townspeople and for ships. It was perhaps the same spring as the one later known as Clopper’s. Some of the larger springs were reserved and improved for public use, being surrounded by small parks or squares and covered with attractive “ spring-houses,” which were supported by pillars and ornamented with balustrades. The most famous of these were the Eastern, Western, Center, and the City Fountains. The Eastern Fountain was situated near the corner of East Pratt and South Eden Streets, and it was supplied with water from a local spring, probably Sterritt’s Spring, purchased by the city in 1816. The tine spring-house with Ionic columns was finished in 1819. The Western Fountain, situated at Charles and Camden Streets, was supplied by pipes leading from Clopper*s Spring, several squares distant, at the edge of the basin. The spring was purchased by the city in 1816, and the fountain or spring-house was completed some years later. Clopper, who had owned the spring, supplied vessels with water at a neighbor¬ ing dock. As late as 1832, surplus water from this spring was led by under¬ ground pipes to a wharf on Light Street. The Center Fountain, in Marsh Market, furnished an abundant supply of water piped down from a spring situated in the hill, near the present Center Street, in the park surrounding John Eager Howard’s residence, Belvedere. It was written (2) of this spring in 1832: “ It enjoys the best reputation of all the fountains. As it springs from the base of a hill in a neighborhood in which there are few dwellings, it is considered of less equivocal origin than is occasionally imputed to the other three; and inasmuch as the virtues of filtering water are not possessed by the soil of Baltimore—at least in the public estimation—the Center Fountain, which requires no purification, is the most esteemed by the water drinkers of this day.” The City Fountain, or Spring House, situated at or near the corner of the present Calvert and Saratoga streets, was erected after the purchase of the property by the city in 1808, about the time when Calvert Street was opened at this point. It derived its water from several springs, which had long been in use and which sprang from the sides of the hills that overhung the original course of Jones Falls at this point. PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 125 That the authorities were at an early date sensible of the danger of pollution of public and private springs and wells is clear from the ordinances, in regard to the location and construction of privies, passed in 1817, 1820, and 1821. As these ordinances provided that privy-wells to be constructed in the future should be water-tight and that only such old privy-wells or vaults as were on docks, wharves, or in made ground, or which, in the opinion of the health authorities, might corrupt the Eastern or Western Fountains, were to be of this type, and as they especially exempted privies situated without the limits of direct taxation—the “ precincts ”—estimated in 1816 to include 16,000 inhabitants, it is clear that they failed to safeguard adequately the waters of springs and wells within the city. The enforcement of these ordinances was doubtless responsible for diminishing, or, as on low grounds, for actually eliminating some water pollution, but in general they did not cover at least the greater part of the old privies. Before this time and later there were great numbers of private and public wells scattered throughout all parts of the city. Beginning in 1797, the city authorities would dig a well and erect a pump anywhere on petition of eight householders residing in the vicinity of the proposed pump. These wells were particularly numerous in the closely built sections of Felhs Point and in that part of the city west of Jones Falls and near the basin, in which places they were most open to pollution both from the surface and through the soil. In 1798 a superintendent was appointed for each ward to see that the wells and pumps were kept clean and in good repair. In 1803 two superintendents were appointed to supervise the sinking of wells and the erection of pumps within the city. According to Wynne, in 1849 the pump (well) water was offensive to the taste and decidedly hard, and it was seldom used by those who could obtain a supply from the water company; but, as will appear later, this supply was then available certainly for not more than a third and probably not more than a fourth of the population. In the very nature of things this intra-urban water-supply, drawn from sources necessarily contaminated with human excreta deposited in the ground in cesspools or on the ground in surface privies, both nearby, became grossly polluted at an early date in the history of the town and city. Between 1790 and 1860, with the extraordinarily rapid growth of a closely built city, con¬ ditions conspired to increase the degree of this pollution. Long after a general water-supply became available to most of the inhabitants, many held tenaciously to springs and wells for their drinking water. Within the memory of those not yet of middle age, many people, even in the wealthiest sections of the city, preferred to drink water from nearby pumps, some of which enjoyed consider¬ able local fame. As early as 1792, the legislature granted permission to a fire insurance com¬ pany to organize the Baltimore Water Company, with the privilege of supply¬ ing water to private users, but this privilege was not exercised. In February 1799, the city council authorized a commission, of which the mayor was a member, to contract for a public water-supply to be obtained from either Gwynn’s Falls, Jones Falls, or Herring Run and distributed to the different parts of the city. This came to naught, probably because authority had not been first obtained from the legislature. These powers were obtained in 1800, 126 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE and in 1803 the city government appointed a commission to examine creeks and streams within 10 miles of the city and to select one for a copious and permanent supply of “ wholesome water.” When nothing tangible had been accomplished, owing to delays on the part of the city government, a public meeting was held on April 21, 1804, at which a committee of prominent citizens, including John Eager Howard, was ap¬ pointed, under the chairmanship of General Samuel Smith, to organize a stock company for this purpose. Apparently the motive of the organizers was not profit based in any degree upon privilege, but a patriotic desire to insure an ample supply of a necessity for health and for fire protection. The Balti¬ more Water Company was formally organized on May 24, 1804, and on Febru¬ ary 14, 1806, it was granted powers to lay pipes and to convey water under and along the streets, lanes, and alleys of the city. At FelFs Point, where the ground was low and abounded in marshes, much of which had to be filled in and was therefore particularly unsuited for wells, and nearby hills, from which spring-water could be conveniently drawn, were lacking, the demand for an external water-supply was more insistent than in that part of the city lying west of Jones Falls. In a small area there was a considerable population, and here, too, owing to the fact that vessels of deep draft and long voyages docked, the demand for water for ships was great at FelFs Point. It is not surprising, then, that on March 26, 1804, the city gov¬ ernment granted to John O’Donnell, a member of the water commission of 1799, and others the rights to conduct water “ through proper pipes” from a “ spring near the Harford Road ” to supply themselves and tenants of houses fronting on Market Space and neighboring wharves and appropriated a piece of ground on the market space for a reservoir, nor that in 1808, Joseph and James Biays sought and obtained the rights to convey water by pipes under the streets, lanes, and alleys of FelFs Point. How far these projects were carried is not certain, but it is probable that they were merged into those of the Baltimore Company. After much discussion, Jones Falls, the most convenient stream, was chosen as the source of supply for the Baltimore Water Company. A reservoir was constructed on the high ground at the intersection of the present Cathedral and Franklin Streets, a point well outside of and overlooking the young city. Pumps driven by a water wheel and located near the present site of the Calvert Street Station on Jones Falls, due east of the reservoir, forced water into the reservoir from the common mill-race of KellaPs Dam, which supplied power for the Salisbury Mill, situated near the old Belvedere Bridge. This mill-dam, located just east of the site of the present Guilford Avenue Bridge, was well above all city habitations, including those in Old Town, which marked the highest limit of the built up section at that time. Soon after this time the company erected a second pumping-station (later with steam pumps in reserve) near the Belvedere Bridge, and, in 1838, constructed an additional reservoir, with a capacity of 3,000,000 gallons, near the intersection of the present Chase and Charles Streets. A third reservoir, the old Mount Vernon Reservoir, with a capacity of 15,000,000 gallons, was built in 1846 near the present site of the Pennsylvania Railroad Station on North Charles Street and was supplied with water by natural flow from the dam of the Lanvale Cotton Mill, situated some little distance above on Jones Falls. PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 127 All the original water-mains and service-pipes were made of wood. The former were of hemlock logs about 8 feet long, with bores of from to 4 inches in diameter. One end of each log being trimmed to the shape of a spigot and the other end being bored to a bell-shape, the joints were made by driving the spigoted end of one log into the bell-shaped end of its mate and securing them by a wrought-iron band. The main valves were of cast iron with tapering spigot ends which were driven into the wooden mains. The valves were opened by lifting the valve-plugs with hooks. The service-pipes were of cedar logs about 6 feet long and 6 inches in diameter, with bores of 1 inch. They were connected to the mains by means of tapering ferrules of brass. These log mains and service pipes have been dug up in nearly all the old streets near the water-front in the Fell’s Point section, as well as in the district represented by the original Baltimore Town, to the west of Jones Falls. It is not improbable that the water, in passing through those wooden pipes, w^as frequently contaminated by the seepage through cracks and joints from the polluted soil in which the pipes were laid. In the report of the sewerage commission for 1910 there is a photograph of some wooden water pipes “ about one hundred years old, found in the sewer trench in Exeter Street, between Lexington Street and Necessity Alley.” These logs, evidently belonging to a very large main, were apparently not connected as in the above description, which is taken from Mr. Quick, for there is no evidence of bell-shaped and spigot-shaped ends. Judging from the photograph, they were probably joined by metal sleeves, either fitted into the bore or sunk into the peripheral part of the logs. In the nearest log in the photograph there is a large longitudinal crack, extending from the lumen to the surface. It seems probable that, with the varying pressure in such pipes, there was not only considerable leakage, but, on occasions and under favorable conditions, seepage of polluted ground- water into the water system. It is stated by Wynne, writing in 1849, that after 1820 all the new mains were of iron and the new service pipes were of lead. The water-mains at this time varied from 3 to 18 inches in diameter. The new water-supply became available for household, fire, and general purposes in 1808, when the population of the city was about 40,000; but, since it was generally extended only into such sections as would pay interest on the expenditure, the water was used by a relatively small part of the population for potable purposes. As late as 1849, according to Wynne, the mains were laid in only about one-half the populated portion of the city, and about 5,000 houses were supplied with hydrants with unlimited use of water. Since the population was about 160,000 at this time and most of the houses were small— the greater number being two stories high and many only one—it is evident that even at this late date certainly not over one-third and probably not over one-fourth of the inhabitants were furnished with this water-supply. There were, however, some free hydrants paid for by the city for the use of the poor. The charges for the use of water by private families were $10 per annum for houses over 17 feet front, $8 per annum for houses under 17 feet front, and $3 per annum extra for each bath and water closet. The daily consumption of water (including 150 fire-plugs) w^as from 500,000 to 1,000,000 gallons in summer and much less in winter. In the early days this water was subject to some contamination from the privies of Towson, of the few settlements about the mills on Jones Falls and 128 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE its tributaries, and of the farms on the water-shed. To what degree the country-side had become infected from the city is unknown, but it is probable that the infection was not great before 1850. In 1851, according to T. H. Buckler, from 2,000 to 3,000 people lived on this water-shed within 4 miles of the city. The water was muddy, because the adjacent land was under cul¬ tivation, and offensive, because of the large quantities of organic matter in the shape of barnyard manure and poudrette put on the soil. It would appear that the city government was not satisfied with the water- supply, for Mr. John Randall, jr., made an official report to the city authorities in 1836, in which, after a survey of all the eligible streams in the neighborhood of the city, he recommended the Great Gunpowder Falls as the best source. He estimated that this would furnish 65,000,000 gallons of water every 24 hours in the dry season. He proposed that a dam be built at Tyson’s Mills on the Gunpowder River and another on Western Run, with a connecting aqueduct constructed across the valley of Beaver Dam, passing to the limestone ridge between Cockeysville and a point near Timonium and separating the Gunpowder and the Jones Falls water-sheds. From this point the water was to be carried by an aqueduct passing through this ridge and thence along the valley of Jones Falls Creek to a large reservoir near the city, with an elevation of 300 feet above mean tide. The matter did not go further at this time. In 1849, Wynne described the Jones Falls water-supply as pure, sweet, and soft, while T. H. Buckler, writing in 1874 (42), pictured it as muddy and offensive to both taste and smell at times in the summer. Buckler, about this time, urged the substitution of the Gunpowder for the Jones Falls water- supply. In 1854 the city acquired the property of the Baltimore Water Company. The supply of water derived from the then existing dams on Jones Falls being inadequate, the question of a choice of a new water-supply came to the fore again. After a sharp discussion of the relative merits of Jones Falls and the Gunpowder River as sources of a new water-supply, the contest was decided in favor of tlie former. By means of a dam at Relay Station on the Northern Central Railroad, an impounding reservoir was made called Lake Roland, with an elevation of 220 feet above mean tide and an available capacity of 400,- 000,000 gallons. From this, by means of a tunnel 4 miles long, water was led to two new reservoirs, one at Hampden, with a storage capacity of 50,000,000 gallons, and a second, the present Mount Royal, with a storage capacity of 30,000,000 gallons. The system was put into use in 1862. The consumption of water was not over 8,000,000 gallons a day, and the daily available supply was estimated at not under 20,000,000 gallons. In 1870 the present Druid Hill Lake, in Druid Hill Park, with a storage capacity of 429,000,000 gallons, was completed. The west high-service reser¬ voir in Druid Hill Park, with an elevation of 320 feet above mean tide, was finished 4 years later. In the 8 years between the acquirement of the water-works by the city in 1854 and the coming into use of the new water- supply in 1862, the contamination of the water shed must have become much more serious. During the Civil War Baltimore was not only a great center for the collection and distribution of Federal troops, but for large and numerous military hospitals. Through the city passed great numbers of soldiers going to and coming from the armies of the Potomac, West Virginia, Kentucky, and PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 129 Tennessee, and to the city were sent not only the wounded, but the sick of armies notoriously heavily infected with typhoid fever, diarrhoea, dysentery, and malaria. It is probable that these soldiers spread these diseases by all pos¬ sible means in the city and in the suburbs. It became evident in 1872, a year of exceeding drought and consequent water famine, that the water-supply would have to be reinforced. As a temporary expedient, a dam was constructed at Merideth’s Ford on the Gunpowder Eiver, and 5,000,000 gallons of water were pumped daily through a main over the dividing ridge between the Gunpowder and Jones Falls water-sheds into the channel of Eoland Eun, a tributary of Jones Falls above Lake Eoland. In 1875 the city undertook the following extensive water-works: An im¬ pounding reservoir on the Gunpowder Eiver at Loch Eaven, with a dam 300 feet long and 30 feet high and a storage capacity of 510,000,000 gallons; a gate-house; a supply tunnel 7 miles long, leading to a receiving reservoir (Lake Montebello), with a storage capacity of 500,000,000 gallons; and a conduit a mile long to a gate-house at Clifton, with a 40-inch main to deliver water to the general mains. The new Gunpowder water-supply came into use September 26, 1881. An additional storage-lake at Clifton Park, with a capacity of 265,000,000 gallons, was put into use in 1888. Between 1881 and 1915, under ordinary conditions, seven-eighths of the general water-supply was derived from the Gunpowder Eiver and one-eighth, from the old Lake Eoland-Jones Falls system. However, until 1885, a small area in the southwestern part of the city was supplied by the Baltimore County Electric and Water Company. In the 20-year period between 1862 and 1881, during which the city had enormously augmented and extended the service of the extra-urban water- supply, an ever-increasing proportion of the population must have voluntarily abandoned the internal sources derived from springs and wells. It was not until 1876 that any serious effort was made by the health authorities to have the use of well and spring waters abandoned. In that year, after a very fatal outbreak at Fell’s Point of so-called typho-malarial fever (which was, however, yellow fever), Health Commissioner Stewart employed Professor William P. Tonry to make chemical analyses of the water of certain wells in this locality. All of the wells were condemned on account of the high content of chlorine and organic matter. On the basis of this report and the fact that the subsoil of Baltimore, for at least 10 of the total of 17 square miles, was contaminated from privies and cesspools, the commissioner of health concluded that all the wells and springs within the city must of necessity be polluted or subject to pollution. He therefore urged that they be closed and city water substituted. Professor Tonry examined 84 samples of water from wells and springs in the city in 1879. He condemned 74 of these as contaminated. Many were in close proximity to privies or to cesspools. Waters from 11 wells contained a larger percentage of free ammonia than a mixture of distilled water and urine, one-tenth part of which was urine. The next year, the commissioner of health recommended the closing of all wells and springs within the city limits. In 1885, Dr. Steuart, in his report as commissioner of health, gave a table showing the location of the wells within the city, so far as reported to the department. It was known that there were 219 abandoned wells, and that 49 130 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE dug and 13 artesian wells were still employed. He estimated that at least 100 dug wells were in use. The majority of the 49 reported were in the most crowded sections of the city. In this year, Professor Tonry condemned 12 springs as contaminated. The first investigations into the general water-supply were made during this year. Of four samples of the Gunpowder supply, from the gate-house at Loch Eaven and tributary streams, three were classed as bad. One sample of this supply, taken at Lake Montebello, was suspicious. All four samples of the Lake Roland supply, taken from a city tap, were classed as good, but samples from Druid Hill Lake and Lake Roland were marked sus¬ picious. Later in the year (July) Professor Tonry found that samples of tap- water from both supplies were suspicious. With the annexation of 1888, a large territory, in some parts of which the most primitive sanitary conditions obtained, was taken into the city. In much of this territory the water-supply was drawn entirely from wells and springs, which, according to the report of the commissioner of health, were “ without exception polluted to the foulest degree. ... In one instance, in the village of Woodberry, there were 15 cases of typhoid fever surrounding the locality of one pump, from which these people all derived water.” The water department rushed the laying of water-mains as rapidly as possible in the more densely populated portion of this area, but for many years, especially in Hampden and Woodberry, inhabited largely by mill workers, wells persisted as the only or at least the main source of water-supply. In fact, only in very recent years, as water mains have been gradually extended, has it been practicable to close most of the wells in this annex. In the sparcely settled areas at the borders of a city there must always be some wells allowed. In Baltimore, as elsewhere, authorities have had difficulty in forcing some people to abandon wells and springs to which they were accustomed for a central water-supply, recently made available, until it could be conclusively proven that the wells were polluted. As late as 1910, 71 samples were examined within the year, 64.7 per cent of which were found to be polluted. Though it had long been generally known that both water-sheds were grossly polluted from human and animal sources, it was not until 1892 that its danger to public health was recognized and official steps were taken to remedy this condition. In conse¬ quence of complaints of possible pollution of the Lake Roland water-shed from villages and farm-houses, some inspections were made by the health de¬ partment this year, and many glaring nuisances were abated. Routine sanitary inspection under a medical officer of the Lake Roland and Gunpowder water¬ sheds was instituted in 1896, and in this and succeeding years many sources of serious pollution were discovered and some of the worst were abated with the assistance of the State Board of Health. Many of the worst sources of pollu¬ tion, which can be eliminated only by building sewerage systems with disposal plants for certain villages, still persist. With the establishment of chemical and bacteriological laboratories in the health department in 1896 begins the first systematic study of the general water-supply. As these studies vary in scope and completeness from year to year, it is not possible to present the results satisfactorily in tabular form. While the tap-water was studied each year, the water from the tributary streams, the impounding lakes, and storage reservoirs was not examined so routinely. PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 131 For convenience in presenting the results of these examinations, the term of years between 1896 and 1919 will be divided into three periods: 1896 to 1910, 1911 to 1915, and 1916 to 1919. During the first period, it may be said in general that the chemical and bac¬ teriological examinations of water from Jones Falls and the Gunpowder Fiver and certain of their larger tributaries showed a high and constantly increasing degree of pollution, as indicated by the presence of organic matter and high chlorine content, high colony counts, and the frequent presence of B. coli and certain other bacteria commonly present in the intestines; that this pollution was evident in the storage reservoirs to a lesser degree; and that water drawn from taps within the city, though often giving evidences of pollution, showed a decided improvement over the reservoir water. It stands out clearly, then, that the gross contamination of the water-supply at its sources was modified to a considerable degree by storage in the city’s reservoirs. The reports of Dr. William Royal Stokes, city bacteriologist, show that between 1896 and 1910 there was a steady increase in pollution of the tap-water, as judged by B. coli content, from 4.5 per cent of the samples examined in 1896 to 57.3 per cent in 1910. Out of 854 samples examined in the 15 years, 73.3 per cent were positive for colon bacilli. Unfortunately, however, the size of the samples tested was not uniform and varied from 1 to 10 c. c. at different times. The average bacterial count per cubic centimeter of the 1,165 samples of tap-water examined from 1896 to 1910, inclusive, was 703.7. On one occasion, Dr. Stokes isolated B. typhosus from Towson Run. These findings of Dr. Stokes were confirmed by Dr. William W. Ford (43). Dr. Ford’s studies extended over the 5 years, 1906 to 1910, inclusive, and dealt with the Gunpowder supply exclusively. In regard to the water drawn from the laboratory tap, the colony count per cubic centimeter was usually between 500 and 600, sometimes as low as 300, and occasionally after heavy rains as high as 1,500 or even 2,000. Fermentation tubes almost constantly gave posi¬ tive presumptive tests when inoculated with 1 c. c., often with 0.1 c. c., and occasionally with 0.01 c. c. samples. On further study, the fermentation was shown to be due to five main types of bacteria (B. coli, B. proteus vulgaris, B. cloacae, B. para-typhosus, B . fceculis alkaligenes) , of which B. coli was the most constant. Dr. Ford found that the number of bacteria per cubic centi¬ meter in the Gunpowder River and some of its most important tributaries varied from 2,000 to 2,500 and that B. coli was present in dilutions of 0.01 or even 0.001 c. c. He traced the sources of contamination in Beaver Dam and Oregon and Western Runs, all of which were grossly polluted. The second period, January 23, 1911, to September 15, 1915, is characterized by partial purification of the general water-supply by the addition of calcium hypochlorite constantly and alum sulphate at times. The practice was insti¬ tuted upon the advice of Dr. William Royal Stokes, and carried out by the engineers of the water board. The chemicals were added to the water from suitably designed mixing tanks with mechanical control at the gateways of the impounding reservoirs at Lake Roland and Loch Raven. The parts of available chlorine per million varied at different times from 0.6 to 2.25. The remarkably good effects of this treatment are illustrated by the marked fall in the colony counts and in the percentage of B. coli determinations and in the decrease in the mortality and morbidity rates for typhoid fever. 132 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE The third period (after September 15, 1915) begins with the completion of the new dam and impounding reservoir at Loch Raven on the Gunpowder River and the extensive filtration plant near Lake Montebello, begun in 1911 under the advice of eminent engineers. Since this date the Lake Roland water- supply from Jones Falls has been abandoned, except for emergencies. It was used after heavy chlorinization for a few weeks in the winters of 1916 and 1917 while some necessary repairs were made to a tunnel. For at least two years after the new water-supply came into use, examinations of tap-water, made in the bacteriological laboratory of the health department, showed B. coli fre¬ quently in 10-c. c. samples and not infrequently in 1-c. c. and 0.1-c. c. samples. In some months over 25 per cent of the 10-c. c. samples of the tap-water were positive for B. coli. The findings were often at variance with the results obtained in the bacteriological laboratory of the filtration plant. During the last two years (1918 and 1919), the percentage of positive B. coli determina¬ tions in both laboratories was relatively low. The colony counts have been correspondingly low. Intestinal organisms other than B. coli , with the excep¬ tion of some spore-forming organisms, have similarly become rare. If low colony counts and low percentage of B. coli mean pure water, this water-supply as treated at present is reasonably safe. When the Baltimore Water Company first took its water supply from Jones Falls, this water-shed was in large degree wooded, relatively thinly settled, and not extensively cultivated. Writing in 1851, Thomas H. Buckler (11) stated that “ the ordinary current of Jones Falls is much smaller now than it was when the water company was first established.” This he attributed to the fact that the country, on both sides of the stream, had, in the process of time, become more open and cultivated. Owing to the substitution of cul¬ tivated fields for forests, a smaller proportion of its water was filtered through the soil and a larger proportion was surface-water from cultivated fields and therefore charged with organic matter and soil washings. In 1874 (43), he described the formerly limpid current of Jones Falls, furnished from water¬ sheds, as rendered impure by manure and poudrette. According to Buckler, the Gunpowder River was at that time fed by springs on a shed which was for the most part forest, or fields and meadows cultivated with burnt lime, to decompose organic matter, and not with manure and poudrette. Until 1892 no one seems to have taken into account the serious pollution of these water¬ sheds by human excreta from the privies in the numerous villages and isolated private houses. Many of these village privies are still directly over or on the tributary streams of both water-sheds. In fact, at the present time, many of the smaller and all of the larger tributary streams serve as sewers of direct discharge from villages, smaller settlements, and isolated houses and institu¬ tions. Human waste from many dwellings reaches the streams indirectly by pipes or by surface washings during and after rains. There are great numbers of horse and cow stables and pig sties on their banks, and many stable-yards and paddocks straddle the smaller streams. An incredible amount of valuable organic matter is annually washed into these streams. On the Gunpowder water-shed, the chief source of pollution with organic waste and intestinal bac¬ teria is the stable rather than the privy, but the contamination from the latter is still great, in spite of what has been accomplished of late years by the initia¬ tive of private individuals, the water board, and the State Board of Health. PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 133 Unless some unforseeable revolution occurs in the methods of disposal of human waste, it is hopeless to expect that in any reasonable time the water from either of these sheds will be safe for drinking purposes without careful treatment. On account of the enormous amount of silt from surface washings brought down from the cultivated fields by the heavy rains, the turbidity of the water is often very great, and this renders clarification and purification both difficult and expensive at times. In recapitulation it may be said that until 1808 the water-supply was drawn exclusively from intra-urban sources, many of which had been for years seri¬ ously polluted with human and animal dejecta, with animal and vegetable waste, slaughter-house waste, and garbage, and that from 1808 this supply, growing more and more seriously polluted year by year, was very gradually but never wholly displaced by an extra-urban supply from different sources always subject to a pollution, the grade of which varied at different periods in its history. As late as 1850 at least two-thirds of the population must have obtained its water-supply from the heavily polluted internal sources. It was not until 1862 that the external water-supply became available for over half of the citizens, and probably by this date, and certainly soon after it (due to conditions during the Civil War), this supply had become heavily polluted. These conditions were modified considerably after 1872, when Gunpowder water was to some degree mixed with that of the Jones Falls water-supply, and particularly after 1881, when at least seven-eighths of the water derived from external sources came from the Gunpowder River. The intra-urban supply was further cut down by the action of the health authorities after 1876, but the annexation of 1888 must have equalized any gain from this. So far as the records show, the purity of the extra-urban water-supply was not suspected by the city authorities until 1892. From this time on, evidence of serious contamination was clear enough to the health authorities, who, relatively speaking, viewed the situation from a coigne of vantage; but the evidence as expressed in terms of typhoid-fever incidence and death-rates was not sufficiently strong to convince the mass of the inhabitants and the rest of the city government until 1910. Had the typhoid rates been marked higher, purification of the water-supply would have been undertaken earlier. Why were not these rates higher? In the first place, the water-sheds were large, the cases of typhoid fever on them w^ere probably never excessive, and the large impounding and storage reservoirs must have been very considerable factors of safety. As will be seen later, there were other factors in the spread of typhoid infection, which, taken together, were probably fully as important as water. It is of interest that, so far as can be judged by the published records of the Health Department, typhoid fever, until the last few j^ears, is the only disease attributed to water. FOODS. Since the ordinances of 1797 and 1805, the city has exercised some sort of supervision and control over foods, but, so far as can be ascertained from the records, it was not until after the ordinance of 1894 that this activity rose beyond desultory attempts on the part of the market clerks, the police, and the health authorities to condemn and prevent the sale of obviously decayed meats, fish, vegetables, milk, and milk products. The purpose behind the laws of 134 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE 179? was to guard against the importation of putrescent organic material, wliicli was considered dangerous in itself, and to prevent the shipping from the port of damaged foods which might injure the trade reputation of the city, rather than to protect the inhabitants from foods dangerous to health. Similarly, the market law of 1805 and the milk law of 1855 were probably designed to protect the purses of the poor against unscrupulous dealers, rather than the public health by preventing the sale of foods apt to cause disease. While in the reports of the health department mention is frequently found to the nuisances in and about slaughter-houses, there are no references until after 1890 to the possibility of danger to the public health from the meat of diseased animals. The State Live Stock Sanitary Board, created by act of legislature in 1888, was intended primarily to protect the live-stock interests of the State through the prevention and control of diseases destructive to animals, such as hog cholera, tuberculosis, pleuro-pneumonia of cattle, trichinosis, anthrax, glanders, hydro¬ phobia, and the like, and in the administration of this law and its amendments the activities of this board appear to have exerted until 1916 at most only an indirect and secondary influence in the protection of the Baltimore population against such of these diseases as are common to both man and the domestic animals. The city ordinances of 1894 and 1904 in regard to foods were directed par¬ ticularly to the protection of milk, but in connection with milk, they made it mandatory for the commissioner of health to inspect meat, fish, and vegetables, to collect samples of milk and all other food products for analysis by chemical and microscopic methods, and to make regulations governing them. But with a single chemist and three inspectors appointed in 1894, anything approaching adequate supervision was impossible. Two inspectors were assigned to milk inspection and one to meat. It was not until 1912, when the laboratory and inspection forces were considerably expanded, that other activities were under¬ taken. During its early history and until the development of the western packing industry, practically all the fresh and cured meats used in Baltimore were from animals raised in Maryland or in the neighboring States, and most of it was slaughtered in or near the city. At the present time this is true for a large but diminishing proportion of the beef, mutton, veal, and pork. There was no ante- mortem inspection of this moiety until after 1888, and during much of the time since this date any such inspection has been incomplete, to say the least. Since the inauguration of a meat-inspection system about 1900 by the United States Government under the interstate commerce act, meat sold in Baltimore from animals slaughtered in other States and in Baltimore by slaughterers engaged in interstate commerce has, of course, been submitted to careful inspection. The remaining large, but not exactly known, proportion of the meats sold in Baltimore was submitted to no post-mortem inspection until 1912. As this in¬ spection system is conducted by a single individual, a former butcher, and as the slaughtering is carried on simultaneously at a large number of widely separated establishments, it is evident that this inspection, as judged by accepted stand¬ ards, is hopelessly inadequate, both in regard to oversight and expert diagnosis. The single inspector can not begin to cover the field. According to standards generally accepted, this system is reprehensibly inadequate, and, if known, would be condemned severely by a large element of the public. However, after PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 135 an investigation of the matter in 1915, the writer concluded not to advise the city government to divert money from directions where the needs were so evi¬ dently much more marked—reform in the milk-supply, for instance—to estab¬ lish the traditional meat-inspection system. The evidence that lack of such a system in Baltimore, under present conditions, does not appreciably jeopardize the public health is very convincing. The ante-mortem inspection of live animals is conducted by the State authorities, the proportion of beef and hogs slaughtered outside of the United States Government inspection, both locally and elsewhere, is relatively small and yearly decreasing in proportion, and, in this latitude, the common diseases of calves and sheep communicable to man are comparatively rare. Of greater importance, inquiry disclosed that all the cuts and organs of these animals, as used by the Baltimore population, are cooked before eating, and, further, that with the exception of a relatively small amount of “ country sausage ” meat, all the sausage sold is boiled by the pro¬ ducer before it is offered for sale. From the administrative side, due to the great number of small slaughter-houses, such a system would be enormously expen¬ sive for personnel or for a central abattoir into which all the slaughterers could he forced. More convincing than these conditions, however, was the failure to find in the health department records for '20 years previous, deaths attributed to actinomycosis, glanders, anthrax, or trichinosis, diseases which, with the excep¬ tion of tuberculosis, are the surest indices of danger from unguarded butchers’ meat. Under the law of 1916, the board of agriculture has broad powers to undertake meat inspection, but it has not yet entered this field. There are no accurate figures on the proportion of the meats consumed in Baltimore that have been submitted to United States Government inspection. There never has been any systematic ante-mortem and post-mortem examina¬ tion of poultry conducted by Baltimore health authorities. Much of the poultry sold is slaughtered outside of the city. Since 1910, health department inspectors have exercised a supervision over poultry sold by wholesale and retail dealers, chiefly, as with other meats, not to search out and to prevent the sale of dis¬ eased animals, but of decayed meat. Occasionally an inspector brings to the laboratory a fowl with a tuberculous liver. In 1910, health department inspectors succeeded to the supervision for¬ merly exercised by the market clerks, the police, and others over the sale of spoiled fish, crabs, oysters, and other shellfish. Since the State Board of Health and the oyster commission began in 1915 to supervise the oyster industry in the Chesapeake Bay and its tributaries and practically broke up the custom of “ fattening 99 oysters at sewer outfalls and in streams known to be heavily contaminated, the danger of transmission of typhoid fever and other water¬ borne intestinal affections by this means has greatly diminished. The great oyster-beds have probably never been exposed to serious contamination, and the majority of the typhoid-fever deaths since 1880 and of the cases since 1900 (the date from which case reporting has been sufficiently accurate for com¬ parison) have fallen in the hot months (July, August, September, and Oc¬ tober), when oysters either are not eaten at all or only sparingly raw. Until recent years, practically all vegetables and much of the fruit eaten raw have come from neighboring counties, and much of both from areas manured with night-soil from Baltimore, used either raw or as poudrette. To what degree the bacteria causing intestinal infection originally deposited in 136 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE this night-soil were killed, overgrown, and smothered by the putrefactive bac¬ teria, or destroyed by drying in the process of manufacturing poudrette, or killed by the rays of the sun and by drying on the surface of the soil is unknown, but it is improbable that many survived to return to the city to spread disease in connection with vegetables and fruits eaten raw. It is not unlikely, however, that the dysentery amoeba, a protozoan organism, part of whose life-history is characterized by the formation of cysts, may survive con¬ ditions fatal to its bacterial neighbors, and that amoebic dysentery, when this disease was an important factor in Baltimore, may have been thus spread. Perhaps a more important source of infection for the intestinal diseases was the water of polluted wells, springs, and streams with which fruits and vege¬ tables were washed in the country; and the micro-organisms in the city night- soil capable of causing intestinal disease, probably not infrequently, when by chance the conditions of dilution and aeration were favorable to their viability, infected the sources of the farmers 5 w r ater-supply. It is quite possible, too, that such vegetables as watercress, plucked at the margin of branches and creeks polluted with privy drainage and subject to overflow, have not infre¬ quently served as vehicles for the conveyance of the intestinal diseases, par¬ ticularly typhoid fever. The milk-supply of Baltimore in the early days was derived from cows kept in stables and on lots in the city and from dairies on farms in the immediate suburbs. With the growth of the city and the development of railroads, the area from which the extra-urban supply was derived gradually expanded until it embraced the counties to the north, west, and east, up to the area beyond the Pennsylvania border. The dairies of the southern and southwestern territory of Maryland are tributary to Washington, and but little milk comes to Balti¬ more from the tidewater counties, whose direct connection is by water only. The milk ordinances of 1855 and 1879, intended to prevent fraud by adultera¬ tion, accomplished nothing. No machinery and personnel for their enforce¬ ment were provided. The earliest note on the Baltimore milk-supply is that of Commissioner Benson, who recorded in 1872 that there were in the city 1,603 cows in 485 stables, with an average of 344 square feet to each stable or 104 square feet to each cow, which he regarded as very satisfactory and as evidence that Baltimore milk must be of the first quality. The first real investigation of the Baltimore milk-supply was that of Professor William B. Tonry, made at the instance of the commissioner of health in 1873, in conducting which he used the approved methods of that day to determine the reaction, the specific gravity, and the percentages of cream by volume, the total solids, water, butter fat, milk sugar, casein, and salts, and the presence of blood and pus. As a result of the examination of 13 samples of milk purchased in the city, he concluded that the best milk was that obtained from “ dry-fed 55 cows in good city stables; next stood farm milk brought by railroad, and last was rated milk from badly stabled, sickly, slop-fed cows within the city. The best city milk contained not over 3.3 per cent butter fat; the country milk, on the other hand, contained over 4 per cent butter fat and 13-J per cent total solids. The milk of the slop-fed cows was invariably acid, and it contained a high percentage of water and a very low butter-fat content. Professor Tonry, as city chemist, reported in 1894 that of the estimated 6,658, 100 gallons sold in Baltimore in that year, 827,450 gallons came from cows within the city limits. PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 137 Milk inspection was conducted at six railroad stations, in delivery wagons which supplied households, and also in stores. Milk below the standard set by the ordinance (specific gravity, 1.029; total solids, 12 per cent; butter fat, 3 per cent) was spilled on the street. Of 288 samples of milk of which complete chemical examinations were made, 145 were watered, 69 skimmed, 23 were both watered and skimmed, 29 were colored artificially, and 5 had cream and 3 had preservatives added. Of 68 samples submitted to microscopic examination, only 4 were found clean. The picture of Baltimore milk of that date is made more complete by the following items culled from the report of Professor Tonry for the next year. He relates that a city dairyman, after giving a sponge bath to his child ill with typhoid fever, went directly to his milking and then placed five uncovered milk cans of fresh milk within 15 feet of the sick child. In the cellar of a city milk and poultry dealer, chickens were found perched on the rims of open cans filled with milk. Among the foreign matter found in milk as received at the railroad stations, blood, live frogs, dead mice, leaves, and decomposing vegetables are mentioned. Of the 1,368 cows in the city, 776 were in the old, closely built sections, most of them in ill-ventilated, filthy stables, in many of which were the family privies or water closets, and most of those ani¬ mals were fed brewers’ grains, garbage, slops, and decomposing tomato rinds. Over 1,000,000 gallons of milk sold this year 'were estimated to come from such cows. Dr. Tonry strongly advised condemning the whole lot. Nearly all the milk was sold from churns in delivery wagons on the street or at small groceries, where it was dipped from the cans as needed. Two inspectors examined 23,763 lots of milk, covering 132,646 gallons out of the estimated 7,500,000 gallons sold. An epidemic of 12 cases of typhoid fever was traced to milk. The response to these revelations was prompt, and in 1896 was passed the first ordinance giving the health department control of milk dealers, cows, and cow stables within the city. Of especial importance were its provisions requir¬ ing prompt reporting of the occurrence of “ contagious and infectious diseases ” among milch cattle and in the households of dairymen and milk dealers and giving the health department powers to control the use and sale of milk from premises harboring such diseases. The improvement in the milk-supply was immediate, for the report of the chemist for this year showed a marked fall in the percentage of milk condemned for watering and skimming, and for dirt. Of 40 samples of country milk, the average fat-content was 4.13 per cent (high¬ est 4.9 per cent and lowest 3.12 per cent) and the average total solids, 14.23 per cent (highest 16.33 per cent and lowest 12.23 per cent). The use of arti¬ ficial coloring and of preservatives, and the presence of blood and pus were of comparatively rare occurrence. The interference with the watering of milk with polluted water must have exerted a marked influence upon the dissemination of the micro-organisms of acute intestinal diseases by this food. The higher standards of sanitation for cow-stables set by the ordinance of 1902, requiring non-absorbent floors, with proper provisions for drainage, and more air-space and range for cows, and the appointment of an inspector of cow-stables, com¬ bined to make it relatively unprofitable to keep cows in closely built-up sections of the city. In consequence, the worst of the city cow-stables were eliminated. From the standpoint of adulteration, the milk-supply showed considerable improvement by 1906, for, according to the report of the chemist, of the 2,209,- 375 gallons, or about 14 per cent of the milk consumed, tested by the inspectors, 138 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE only 2,241 gallons were spilled, being either watered, churned, bloody, or in filthy condition. The butter-fat percentage of the 1,610 samples submitted to analysis exceeded the legal requirement by at least from 0.5 to 1 per cent. The reports of the bacteriological laboratory for this and succeeding years indicated the needs for supervision and regulation of a more drastic type and in new directions. Bacteriological examinations of 685 samples of milk, taken in every month in 1906, showed in 403 colony counts of over 500,000 per cubic centimeter; of these, 89 showed between 10,000,000 and 50,000,000, and 10 showed over 50,000,000. B. coli were demonstrated in dilutions of 0.001 c. c. in 30 per cent of the samples containing under 500,000 bacteria per cubic centimeter and in 66 per cent of those containing between 500,000 and 1,000,- 000. The average bacterial counts per cubic centimeter of milk for the years 1906 to 1908 are given in table 5. Table 5. —Bacterial content of milk. Month. Average bacteria. 1906. 1907. 1908. January . 1,000,000 6,200,000 1,000,000 February . 2,070,000 3,600,000 2,200,000 March . 1,900,000 1,100,000 5,100,000 April . 930,000 2,800,000 1,100,000 May . 5,000,000 3,400,000 6,000,000 J une . 4,000,000 4,000,000 5,000,000 July . 10,000,000 5,000,000 6,000,000 August . 23,000,000 5,500,000 7,400,000 September . 15,000,000 14,500,000 3,200,000 October . 10,000,000 7,000,000 2,100,000 November . 4,100,000 4,800,000 1,500,000 December . 1,800,000 3,800,000 700,000 Average . 5,100,000 5,800,000 3,400,000 In 1908, Dr. Stokes demonstrated by cover-slip counts, microscopic examina¬ tions, cultures, and animal inoculations that a considerable proportion of 739 samples of milk so examined showed pus cells and streptococci virulent for rabbits. Of the 88 out of 179 guinea-pigs that survived one month after an injection of the sediment of samples of market milk, 4.5 per cent showed typical tubercles. The investigations of the health department, together with the agitation for purer milk carried on by the United States Department of Agriculture and various State and city health departments, particularly by the Woman’s Civic League and the Babies’ Milk Fund, led to the comprehensive milk ordinance of 1908, under which the health department established more thorough super¬ vision of the market milk by means of a permit system—a system of extra- urban dairy-farm and intra-urban dairy inspection, and higher standards of both quality and cleanliness. By 1913, a system of dairy-farm inspection, scoring, and instruction extended to over 1,500 dairy farms, and by cooperation with the State Board of Health, the department was able to shut off the milk from farms with cases of communicable diseases. The maximum bacterial count PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 139 for market milk was set at 500,000 per cubic centimeter. The conditions under which milk was produced on many farms was deplorable, but in a few years great improvement took place. Within the city milch cows were excluded from the closely built-up sections and milk dealers were supervised and required to meet a minimum standard of cleanliness and care in handling milk. From the reports it is clear that the conditions under which milk was handled and sold at this time contravened every canon of sanitary law and of common decency. Only a small proportion of the over 8,000,000 gallons daily sold was bottled. The provisions for washing bottles and other utensils were meager. The great bulk of the milk was sold from “ churns ” or metal cans with spigots, and many of these cans were rarely washed. The number of small dairies and grocery stores selling milk in small quantities and dipped from cans numbered hun¬ dreds. There were no facilities, or very meager and dirty ones, for refrigeration. The bacterial counts of milk not only at the dairies, but at the stations, remained high, and much of the milk received in the warm months registered high tem¬ peratures. Between 1912 and 1915 a large number of milk dealers adopted pas¬ teurization and bottling of milk, and by the latter year about 60 per cent of all the milk sold was pasteurized—much of it very incompletely. As a result of a series of administrative maneuvers and educational campaigns, for which the officials concerned are heartily to be commended, and the cooperation of some of the more conscientious dealers, the milk-supply and its control had greatly improved by 1916. The goal of the health department at that time was to have all the milk produced from healthy cows, handled under sanitary conditions, by healthy workers, from farm to the consumer, properly pasteurized within the city, and delivered in sterile containers. Owing to the very general terms of im¬ portant parts of the ordinance of 1908, much of the administrative effort of the officials was of necessity executed under regulations issued by the commissioner of health, some of the most salutary items of which were attacked as unreason¬ able by recalcitrant dealers and in consequence were held up indefinitely in court. This knot was cut in 1917 by the passage of an ordinance, which, by covering specifically questions immediately in view, was elastic enough to grant power for the use of such alternate procedures as in the future might seem wise. Under these additional powers, the health officials have been able to control producers indirectly and dealers within the city directly, so as not only to im¬ prove greatly the sanitary conditions under which milk is produced and sold, but to establish grading of milk. The result is that many poorly equipped plants and numerous dealers ignorant of milk handling have been eliminated. Table 6 shows the fall in the bacterial count of pasteurized milk since the law went into effect in November 1917. The improvement is greater than appears, however, for in the years immedi¬ ately preceding, 40 per cent or over of the milk used was raw, and much of that was served by the most illy equipped dealers. Besides the numerous epidemics of typhoid fever traced to milk, there was a severe epidemic of septic sore throat spread by the milk of one dairy in 1912. It may now be said that the public milk-supply of Baltimore has been safe and generally within the legal standard since 1919. In the Baltimore market, milk products are relatively unimportant, with the exception of butter, cheese, and ice cream; concerning the two former, because 10 140 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE of the widely diverse sources of origin and great quantity and technical diffi¬ culties in the way, no attempt at supervision for pathogenic micro-organisms has been attempted. The investigations of the health department have shown that, until the last few years, much, if not most, of the so-called ice-cream was made of impure, dirty milk in cellars and stores, under conditions of filth almost unbelievable. Under the inspection system developed in 1912, both the sanitary conditions under which this article is manufactured and the standard of purity of its ingredients have been greatly improved. Since 1917, the use of only pasteurized milk and cream in ice-cream has been permitted. The one saving feature, from the sanitary viewpoint, was the fact that in making the ordinary ice-cream, the mixture was usually cooked. Since 1900, the inspection of bakeries and confectioneries has been carried on under the health department, and since 1912, the making and sale of bread and candies has been closely supervised. Table 6. —Levy average of numbers of bacteria per cubic centimeter in samples of pasteurized milk (about 300 monthly) collected from wagons on the street. Month. Levy average of numbers of bacteria per cubic centimeter. 1918. 1919. 1920. J anuary . 282,000 56,000 13,000 February . 475,000 41,000 8,300 March . 450,000 54.000 15,000 April . 650,000 52,000 11,000 May . 1.500,000 96,000 22,000 June . 1,200,000 130,000 21,000 July . 1,500,000 120,000 34,000 August . 1,700,000 110,000 42,000 September . 840,000 120,000 33,000 October . 350,000 74,000 22,000 November . 115,000 14,000 12,000 December . 71,000 27,000 12,000 Besides those foods above mentioned, analyses have been made for several years in the chemical laboratory of canned vegetables, meats, and other foods for impurities and the illegal use of preservatives, but in 1916 work of this character was discontinued as a routine practice, to avoid duplicating similar work conducted by the State Board of Health. II. PREVENTION AND ABATEMENT OF NUISANCES ON PRIVATE PROPERTY. Since March 20, 1801, when the commissioners of health were granted power to enter all lots, grounds, and buildings on which nuisances of any description might exist, down to the present day, the prevention and abatement of nuisances on private property have been among the chief activities of the department, and in the exercise of no other function have the health officials been brought into such intimate relations with the people. For many years this function and the activities in connection with small-pox (vaccination and isolation) formed almost the sole basis of such contact. In general, the necessity of the public oversight of nuisances on private property has varied directly with the condition PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 141 of public sanitation. The bulk of the nuisances has concerned water and organic waste. Only since 1886 has cognizance been taken of nuisances caused by the conditions and structure of buildings as buildings. Having accepted early and retained late the doctrine that certain diseases, conveniently called nuisance diseases, are caused by the putrefaction of dead organic material and having observed that moisture favors this process, in the opinion of both the people and the authorities, it became a principal and constant duty of the Health Department to the full bent of its power, means, and personnel, to keep these two things apart. To this end the department has always had, in addition to its own resources, the right by law to call upon the police department, the legal forces, and the magistracy of the city. The early ordinances concerning coffee and hides; bark and the like on the wharves, docks, and in the basin; sawdust and lumber in woodyards; offal of slaughter-houses, carrion, and gar¬ bage on public and private domains; and water in cellars and yards, were all directed at the prevention and control of malarial, yellow, and typhus fevers, dysentery, and cholera. Later, diphtheria, typhoid fever, and other acute in¬ testinal diseases were included among the diseases to be similarly fought. Throughout the whole history of the health department, a large portion of its activities has centered around nuisances of these types, and in the annual reports of the department much space is occupied with their discussion. STANDING WATER. In regard to lessening the amount of standing water on private property, much was accomplished. By construction, filling, and drainage, results of a more or less permanent character could be obtained, but, because of the topog¬ raphy of the land and the rapid growth of the city, progress was slow and design was always ahead of accomplishment. The securing of dry cellars was a matter of considerable difficulty in many parts of the town, due to the abun¬ dance of springs and to the fact that so much of the city was built upon low- lying “made ground.” In many parts of the city at the present time it is necessary to drain cellars with the help of various kinds of automatic pumps or cellar drainers worked by water power. A very considerable proportion of the nuisances reported to the health department for correction, at the present day, is due to water in cellars, defective draining of yards and alleys, broken or otherwise defective rain-spouts, and leaks in roofs, all of which are correctable on orders issued by the health department, calling for new construction or for repair of the old. Shortly after the discovery of the relation of mosquitoes to the spread of malaria and yellow fever and at a time when these pests were common in many sections of the city, the question of the appropriation of money for the control of this nuisance was agitated in the city council. It was not until 1907 that provision was made for the annual expenditure of $10,000 for this purpose under the commissioner of health. In 1915, upon the advice of Surgeon- General W. C. Gorgas, of the United States Army, the ordinance of that year was passed, and an anti-mosquito campaign along lines familiar to sanitarians was inaugurated under the administration of the department of street cleaning. This activity has been continued with marked success, but it is only fair to point out that it was not undertaken until long after malaria had practically dis¬ appeared from the city. 142 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE ORGANIC MATERIAL. In the early days of the city’s history, coffee and hides were the chief imports of foreign origin likely to undergo putrefaction. Since these came from hot climates in wooden ships apt to leak and to have foul bilges, conditions favorable to their decay often existed, and law and custom demanded their active super¬ vision and their prompt removal from the city to special locations for airing and drying. Great quantities of fish, shellfish, vegetable produce, and firewood were unloaded on the wharves of the basin from small vessels plying in the Chesapeake, and the considerable offal from these sources created nuisances to be supervised by the health department. The sawdust and other timber waste of the extensive ship-building and cooperage plants, all situated in the low-lying parts of the city, near or on the marshes bordering Harford Run, Jones Falls, or the basin, furnished putres- cible material in quantities calling for control by burning the waste material and by liming the grounds. So far did fear of the dangers from the decay of wood go that it was required that all lumber and firewood be so stacked that air would have access to each piece. The health department, with the assistance of the police, has throughout the history of the city undertaken to enforce ordinances and regulations concerning the keeping of yards, areas, private alleys, and courts clear of dirt, rubbish, and garbage, but it was not until 1916 that the use of covered metal garbage- cans was enforced throughout the city. The prompt removal from private domains of carrion, i. e., dead animals other than those slaughtered for food, governed by stringent ordinances since 1797, was exacted of the owner until in recent years. Though, since 1797, the running at large in the streets of geese, swine, and goats has been forbidden by law, these and horses, milch cattle, chickens, and pigeons have been allowed on private property and have been a constant source of nuisances. There was no ordinance controlling stables for cows until 1896, and it was only in 1902 that the law was sufficiently comprehensive to lessen nuisances from this source to any considerable degree. The numerous horse-stables, usually situated on alleys, courts, and small lots, and without manure-pits ade¬ quate in either size or structure, were fruitful sources of nuisances until 1913, when suitable regulations were issued by the commissioner of health and have since been enforced by the police and the health officials. These regulations, requiring cleanliness of stables, the placing of manure in well-covered, water¬ tight pits, treatment with borax when necessary, and the emptying of the pits and the removal of their contents every seven days between April and November, were designed primarily to control the fly nuisance. The enforcement of these regulations, together with reforms in the care and removal of garbage and in the cleaning and draining of streets and alleys, has resulted in a very marked decrease in the number of flies, which in earlier days swarmed in certain dis¬ tricts in incredible numbers. The greatest source of nuisance upon private property during the history of the health department has been household drainage containing organic matter— that is, household waste-water and human waste—which was never well con¬ trolled until the completion of the dual sewage system, by the so-called sani- PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 143 tary section of which disposal of these materials is now satisfactory. Until this time, the household wash-water, consisting of kitchen slops aud kitchen, laundry, bath, and basin wash-water, passed by open brick drains or by closed drain pipes, either of wood, iron, lead, or terra cotta, to the street gutters. In many cases, where these drains led from the front of the house, the connections were direct, or at least over a slight gutter-like depression in the front pavement, leading from the house pipe to the gutter. From the majority of the houses the house drains discharged into the alley in the rear, or alongside, and the waste- water followed a long and tortuous course over the rough alleys to the street gutters. This system, at best, was a fruitful source of nuisance because of the stoppage of drains and pipes and the accumulation of material in gutters blocked with paper and other rubbish; at its worst, due to defectively paved or unpaved and poorly graded gutters and alleys, larger and smaller pools of putrescible fluid collected. Always unsightly and often disgusting, this material caused nuisances of two types: in cold weather it froze, resulting in broken pipes and drains and sheets of ice in yards, alleys, gutters, and street beds, and in warm weather it gave rise to nauseous odors, drew and fed flies, and served as breeding-places for mosquitoes. Of all the functions and activities of the Baltimore Health Department, none has played continuously a more important part than that of controlling nui¬ sances connected with human wastes. Owing to the absence of a general system of sewerage, this material was, of necessity, until within the last few years, de¬ posited on the householder’s lot, either on the surface, in the crude privy, or into the ground in the privy-well. The development of the laws relating to this subject has been traced in the section on sewerage. It is certain that the privy-well, privy-vault, or cesspool was in existence and widely used by 1797, but the date is not known when it began to replace the surface privy. It is probable that until the population of Baltimore grew rapidly during the Bevolutionary War and houses were constructed in closely built-up blocks instead of being separate, as is the custom of villages, the surface privy was common. Under those changed conditions people w 7 ould have sought a less disagreeable method for the disposal of human excrement, and the adoption of the cesspool, where the nature of the ground would permit it, was natural. The great trouble with the cesspool system, even when the pools or vaults were w r ater-tight, was that, as with the privy, the night-soil had to be removed. Constant care and oversight were necessary to have them emptied before they became full. With the introduction of the w T ater-closet the filling and over¬ flowing of the cesspool were more rapid and frequent. Situated either in the yards or under the cellars of buildings used for dwellings or business, the over¬ flowing cesspool was the most serious of all private nuisances. Since 1801 the health authorities have had the right to supervise privies and cesspools, but regular inspections were not required until 1872, when annual inspection was required between June 1 and 10. Those which w r ere full or likely to be full before October 1 were declared in a state of nuisance and ordered to be cleaned. In 1886, the health commissioner w r as given the pow r er to have privies cleaned and other nuisances abated at the expense of the owners, agents, or occupiers, when they had neglected to do so, and the cleaning of privies was prohibited between June and October, except in case of necessity. 144 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE It was never the duty of the health department to clean privies and cesspools or to remove night-soil, though it always supervised this work, which was car¬ ried out by licensed night-soil men. Mr. C. E. Latrobe, C. E., estimated in 1881 that it cost the citizens $96,000 annually to have the contents of their cesspools removed. Throughout the history of the health department the reports of the commissioners call attention to the great number of nuisances due to overflowing privies and cesspools and to the difficulties in the disposal of night-soil. The final disposition of the night-soil was always a vexed question. Much of it was dumped with garbage on dumps, within and without the city limits, and it is probable that from an early date much of it was sold directly to nearby farmers for use in the raw state or as poudrette (dried night-soil mixed with charcoal and gypsum). The commissioner of health in 1864 strongly recom¬ mended the use of raw night-soil for manure, as in Europe and in China. It is mentioned in the report for 1870, as a great reform, that three dumps for night-soil and street sweepings had been established in open places in the suburbs, each under the charge of a keeper who took account of the number of loads received and sold. In 1880 the method was changed, and night-soil was hauled by contractors to Winans^s Wharf, near the extreme southerly point of the city, or to Folley’s Wharf, at the southeasterly limit, loaded on barges, and towed to some one of 35 localities on Bear Creek, on Middle River, or on North Point Creek, where the contents were transferred by pumps to pits or tanks, whence it was purchased and removed in tight wagons by the farmers of the several neighborhoods and directly applied to their fields. The heavier portion, which collected at the bottom of the tanks, was applied to the surface of fields owned by the contractor, where it was worked up into a compost and sold as a fertilizer. There was evidence that a great deal of this material found its way into Bear Creek. At this time there were 150 different firms or individuals licensed as night-soil men. This method of disposal was continued until 1917, when, because of the small amount of night-soil, the business ceased to be remunerative. Since this date the relatively small amount of this material to be disposed of has been dumped into the sanitary sewers at convenient points. The first closets were directly over the cesspools, either in the yard, or on back porches, or in a room connected with the latter. In the larger houses, closets of this type were on the porches of several floors. With the development of the “ water ” or “ flush ” closet, the indoor closet, usually in the bathroom, became common. The earliest type of “ water ” closet in use in Baltimore was the “ pan,” consisting of a bucket or pan,” which, when a lever was pulled, tipped over and emptied its contents into the drain pipe leading to the cesspool or sewer. It was inadequately flushed by about a gallon of water. This model was in common use in 1885 and was to be found in old houses as late as 1915. The long and the short “ hopper-closets,” improvements over the pan-closet, were next very generally used, especially in yards. The modern flushing closet came into use very slowly. A division of plumbing, with an inspector of plumbing, was established in 1883 at the earnest request of the commissioner of health, who, after investi¬ gations had been conducted for several years by his sanitary inspectors, reported that in every household in which there had been a death from typhoid and scar¬ let fevers and diphtheria there was “ defective plumbing ” or overflowing cess- PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 145 pools. At this time the closet connections with the cesspools and private sewers were either imperfectly trapped or untrapped, and their odors often permeated houses or whole neighborhoods. It was not unnatural that a people bred to the belief that such diseases as diphtheria and typhoid and typhus fevers are caused by poisons in the air resulting from putrefaction should embrace and cling to the sewer-gas theory of their causation. Judging from the reports of the health department, the sewer-gas theory, which was responsible for the establishment of plumbing inspection, dominated the department from 1875 until 1895. It doubtless served a good purpose in drawing attention to the dangers and inconveniences of the cesspool and to the necessity for tight plumbing. It had the deplorable consequence of elevating the scientifically uneducated plumber to a position of authority in hygiene. This ascendency of plumbing is not to be blamed upon the plumber, who did not invent the doctrine, which, with the mechanical inventions connected with his trade, stimulated the demand for his useful work. The “ defective plumb¬ ing,” to which so much disease was thought to be traced, was defective, as is shown by the reports of Mr. Lee, the first plumbing inspector, not only in being untrapped or improperly trapped and vented, but in structure and in location as well. The sewer-gas theory of disease, imported from England and adopted without reservations in the Baltimore health department, though like so many theories in medicine quite without basis in fact, was made to serve the very useful purpose of greatly improving plumbing. Under the regulations of the commissioner of health in 1898, based upon the plumbing ordinance of 1883 and the system of inspection carried out, the public was gradually forced to install more and better plumbing and was protected against fraud in its installa¬ tion. This system was of particular help to tenants, who, on appeal to the health department, could have long-standing nuisances abated. The additional provisions of the building code of 1908 and the power given to the department by the sewerage act to force house connections with the sanitary sewers; the manner in which these have been administered by the department, and finally, the development of the modern toilet, have resulted in a complete revolution of the privy and closet nuisances. The supervision of the house connections and construction of the plumbing systems of over 90,000 buildings between 1912 and 1918 was a considerable administrative feat. There remain, however, some 25,000 houses still dependent upon the cesspool, and in connection with a con¬ siderable number of old houses in the older, crowded parts of the city, there are yard toilets with “ hopper ” closets, many of which are imperfectly flushed and are frequently out of order. Some idea of the activities of the health department in the control of nui¬ sances on private property may be obtained from the following summary of the report for 1880: The total number of nuisances examined by sanitary inspec¬ tors was 4,292. Some of the principal items were: Alleys graded, paved, or repaired, 320; premises cleaned and disinfected, 246; cellars cleaned and con¬ nected with sewers, 803; privies reconstructed and repaired, 862; vacant lots drained or filled up, 159; drain pipes constructed and repaired, 158; yards cleaned, drained, paved, and repaired, 228; slaughter-houses and packing houses inspected, 33. In addition, notices and orders to remedy unsanitary conditions were issued as follows: Notices issued to clean privies, 17,445; to repair yards, 530; to clean and bail out cellars, 560; to grade and pave alleys, 4,863; to drain 146 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE and fill up lots, 287; to clean and repair water-closets, 520; to clean, drain, and repair premises, 380; to clean and properly construct manure pits, 140; to clean grass and weeds from lots and gutters, 560; a total of 25,285. There were 18,887 permits issued to open sinks. In contrast to the above, 73 fatal cases of infectious diseases were inquired into. In 1890 it was reported that the sanitary inspectors had examined and had abated 34,138 nuisances. There were issued 14,345 notices and 43,989 permits to clean privies, and 10,409,800 gallons of night-soil were removed from the city by contractors. The reports of succeeding years, until 1918, when house connections with the sewerage system were completed and half the alleys were properly paved, show corresponding increase in nuisance supervision and control of these types. MANUFACTORIES. It will be noted that section 6 of Ordinance 15 of 1797 and the provisions regarding manufactories inimical to public health made in succeeding ordi¬ nances were directed at the prevention of offensive odors and the accumulation of organic material on the property of manufacturers or its discharge upon streets and alleys or upon the properties of others, and they in no way prescribe safeguards for workers in connection either with the structure, lighting, and ventilation of shops and factories, or with personal contact with micro-organ¬ isms, chemical poisons, or irritating particles. Those omissions are doubtless due in large part to the fact that industries of these types have not been numer¬ ous until recently in Baltimore. All the child-labor and factory laws are general State laws passed since 1884 and are in large degree executed by State officials. The ordinance of 1871, which provided that no slaughter or hide houses should be erected within the city, has not in any marked degree decreased the number of such places within the city; for, with the annexation of 1888, a territory containing nearly all the slaughter-houses near the old city came within the corporation. Most of these were small private slaughter-houses for sheep, calves, and cattle, situated in the rear of the homes of their owners, who are for the most part cleanly and thrifty market butchers, selling meats of their own killing. The existence of most of these small slaughter-houses is unknown to the casual passer-by, and they are but rarely the subject of complaint on the part of neighbors. Frequent subject of complaint, however, are the prem¬ ises of poultry slaughterers in certain sections of the city. There are a few large slaughter-houses for hogs, established many years ago, in the closely built-up sections of the city, convenient to the railroad tracks, but these are rarely, if ever, at the present day at least, the source of nuisance. At the northwest border of the city, without the city limits before 1919, are the slaugh¬ ter-houses of the large packers and the stockyards and Union Abattoir. HABITATIONS. The laws applying to habitations passed between 1871 and 1908, in so far as they relate to structure outside of plumbing, are under the administration of the inspector of buildings, and in so far as they concern cleanliness and manner of keep, are enforced by the health officials. PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 147 With the exception of those provisions that deal with safety where dependent upon strength and mode of structure, the main object of the ordinances of 1884 and 1908 was to set a minimum standard of light and air ventilation compatible with health, to secure against dampness, and to provide adequate water and toilet facilities. The ordinance of 1884 was passed opportunely, for about that date many old houses in the lower parts of the city, being vacated by their former owners or tenants, were being transformed into boarding-houses or into two and three family dwellings. In the larger of these there was the temptation to divide the very large rooms into two or more rooms, one or two of which would be entirely devoid of daylight. This law also put an end to building houses with a window¬ less central room on each floor. In 1900 there was established in the health department a division of tene¬ ment-house inspection, to which were referred not only the general oversight and supervision of tenements, and of lodging and boarding houses, but all questions relating to nuisances therein. To this end, dwellings of these sorts were placed under a system of repeated systematic inspection designed, on the one hand, to force the landlords to make necessary repairs and renewals—white¬ washing, painting, and the like—and, on the other hand, to require the tenants to observe the rules of cleanliness. The ordinance of 1908 was intended particularly to control the modern tene¬ ment and apartment house. III. MEASURES OF RESTRICTION, INOCULATION, AND DISIN¬ FECTION DIRECTED AGAINST THE CONTAGIOUS DISEASES. Under this heading it is proposed to give a general account of the attitude of the health officials toward the control of the spread of febrile diseases, especi¬ ally those regarded as contagious, by administrative measures other than the control of nuisances and the order in which their control was attempted. Con¬ sideration of the methods used in seeking to control particular diseases and groups of diseases is reserved for later chapters. It is to be borne in mind that the official attitude in regard to a given disease varied at different times. For this there were many reasons, one of the most important of which being the changes in the knowledge or belief in regard to its causation and mode of spread. Another reason was the idea entertained of its relative importance at any particular time. A third reason was lack of organization and of means at all times to pursue ideas to their ultimate conclusions and thus to do thorough work. From the health reports and from contemporary literature, both medical and lay, and from administrative experience, the indelible impression is gotten that, throughout its history, the Baltimore health department has followed a vacillating course, dependent in great degree, at times certainly, on lack of means and public support and often on absence of intelligent direction. For these reasons its course has been one of expectant opportunism, and it has rarely met facts squarely face to face. In certain respects, its attitude has been consistent; for instance, in holding that malaria and yellow fever are not contagious, and are due to conditions asso¬ ciated with standing water and decaying vegetable material; that whooping- cough, measles, and small-pox are caused each by a specific morbific agent spread from the sick to the well by personal contact or by contact w T ith materials inti- 148 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE mately associated with the sick ; and that small-pox may be prevented by vac¬ cination. Yet the efforts put forth were never sufficiently adequate to test these doctrines. Certain diseases, such as diphtheria and typhus fever, were tossed from one category to another. Long years elapsed after it had been shown that cholera and typhoid fever are commonly spread by water and after it had been proven that these diseases and diphtheria and scarlet fever are often carried by milk, before such knowledge was reflected in the conceptions and activities of the health department. That officials may exercise properly their function of attempting to control the occurrence or spread of diseases, it is necessary in the first place that they be informed promptly of the name and address of each case. For the exertion of effective control, it has long been held that they must have ample power to isolate the sick and those in contact with them, to disinfect and destroy clothes, bedding, furniture, and even houses. In 1801, physicians were “ invited ” by ordinance to report “ contagious diseases,” and the commissioners of health were empowered to remove persons ill with such diseases to a hospital or other place and to cut off communication with the “ affected house.” When such a disease threatened to become general, they were authorized to advise the inhabi¬ tants to remove to quarters provided for the purpose. From contemporary medi¬ cal literature, it is certain that small-pox, typhus fever, and yellow fever, when in epidemic form, were reported under the terms of this invitation, and that many individuals ill with these diseases were hospitalized; that on more than one occasion, on account of yellow fever, the inhabitants of Fell’s Point and other infected districts followed the official advice to flee, and that many were supported in camps at the city’s expense. The ordinance of February 10, 1820, in which the health laws were revised in conformity with the advice of the local medical society, contained two sig¬ nificant new features—one requiring physicians to report cases of malignant, pestilential, or contagious diseases, and the other requiring keepers of taverns and lodging houses to report cases of illness occurring between March and November among seafarers or other sojourners in their houses. This ordinance was reenacted 19 days later, eliminating the section which required the report¬ ing by physicians. This step was probably taken at the behest of certain promi¬ nent physicians at Fell’s Point who had become disgruntled the previous year because, w r hile they, themselves, had loyally reported cases of yellow fever, physicians in other parts of the city, so they claimed, had neglected or refused to do so. The health authorities had to remain content with voluntary reporting. The provision requiring the reporting of cases of illness in taverns and lodging, and boarding houses has been retained in one form or another in succeeding ordinances. The law of 1821, which empowered the commissioners of health to fence off and surround by sentinels any district in which yellow fever was “ confirmed and beyond control,” w r as designed rather to keep people out of such districts than to prevent the exit of those living therein, because it had been decided in 1819 for all time in Baltimore that this disease is not contagious. It had been ob¬ served, however, that it was dangerous to allow persons to expose themselves to the air of the districts in which yellow fever cases have originated. It was the locality and not the sick that was considered dangerous. This provision was reenacted in the various revised ordinances and appears in the code of 1869. PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 149 When cholera first appeared in 1832, it was officially declared to be non- contagious, and the dispensaries and emergency hospitals that were established were designed avowedly for the early treatment of the poor and for the better care of the dangerously ill rather than for isolation. Similarly in 1866, cases of cholera were reported, and though only one case (the whole number is not recorded) was traced to contact with a previous case, care was taken to remove and to destroy everything used by those affected with the disease and to dis¬ infect and to bury the discharges of the sick, and many were removed to a hospital. There is evidence that in the early years, isolation, hospitalization, and dis¬ infection were practiced in the control of typhus fever, and after 1840, many cases were sent from the city to the pest-house at the Marine Hospital. In 1866, the commissioner of health reported that a small epidemic of typhus fever was controlled by sending the sick to the hospital. However, in 1851, T. H. Buckler sharply criticized the authorities for sending typhus fever patients to the general wards of the almshouse infirmary. Small-pox, the most dreaded of all the epidemic diseases in Baltimore, as the reports of the health department show, was always reported (though the number of cases is unfortunately not recorded for all the years) and was con¬ sistently fought by vaccination, by hospitalization of the sick and isolation of the exposed, and by fumigation or destruction of personal effects. In 1824, four emergency vaccinators were appointed, and since 1826, the position of vaccine physician has been permanent. Vaccination first instituted for the poor was enforced with vigor in times of epidemics. The section of the ordinance of 1834, in which physicians were requested to report cases of small-pox within 24 hours, under threat of having the names of those who neglected or refused to do so published, passed at the beginning of an epidemic, was modified in the revised health ordinance of 1838 with omission of the threat. Small-pox was put on a level with other diseases in the code of 1869, in which even the request to report was eliminated. There is no allusion in the health department reports to efforts at the control of diphtheria, scarlet fever, measles, whooping-cough, and typhoid fever by isolation, hospitalization, or otherwise, until late in the nineteenth century. The prevalence of scarlet fever and measles, both in fatal form, is often men¬ tioned, and as early as 1838 the consulting physician gave it as his opinion that “ scarlet fever and measles occur under no fixed laws and both seem in¬ clined to abide with us. r Diphtheria, scarlet fever, and typhoid fever, all widely prevalent in 1875 and for a number of years thereafter, were attributed to sewer gas. That diphtheria and typhoid should be considered foul-air or nuisance diseases at this time is not strange, but that scarlet fever, a typical exanthematous disease, considered for hundreds of years a specific contactive disease, should have been included in this group, is surprising. None of the diseases just mentioned were included, so far as the reports of the health department show, among the reportable diseases until 1882, when bv ordinance diphtheria and scarlet fever, together with small-pox, varioloid, cholera, and yellow fever were specifically named as diseases to be reported within 24 hours by physicians, and keepers of hotels and boarding and lodging houses, by agents and owners of tenement houses and private houses, and by the managers of institutions. The list was amplified by ordinance to include 150 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE whooping-cough, mumps, and membranous croup in 1890, but it was not until 1895 that typhoid fever was added. Typhus fever has never been made report- able in Baltimore by ordinance. Though between 1870 and 1890 the commis¬ sioners of health recorded the sending of inspectors to visit the houses of indi¬ viduals dead of diphtheria, or scarlet or typhoid fever, certain it is that so far as management of persons is concerned, nothing was attempted during these years for the control of febrile diseases except small-pox. During this period, scarlet fever, measles, diphtheria, whooping-cough, and typhoid fever were not only very prevalent but very fatal, as attested by comments of the commis¬ sioners. The department seems to have exhausted its energies over small-pox, typhus fever, and nuisances. It was not until 1890 that communicable diseases were reported in considerable numbers. In that year, 2,593 cases were men¬ tioned as visited by sanitary inspectors. The commissioner of health at this time, Dr. George F. Rohe, the first who had a first-hand acquaintance with pathological anatomy and parasitology, revived the case-reporting and advised disinfection and fumigation of rooms and houses after death or recovery from contactive diseases and recommended systematic hospitalization of cases of diphtheria and scarlet fever. Dr. Rohe, finding that a large proportion of the children in the public schools, though possessing physicians’ certificates, had never been successfully vaccinated, excluded the unvaccinated and thus laid the foundation for systematic require¬ ment of vaccination of all school children as a condition precedent to admission into school in Baltimore. In 1892, the era of active and concerted attempt to restrict contactive diseases other than small-pox and typhus fever may be said to have begun. The number of vaccine physicians, who acted also as health wardens and to whom fell the duty of establishing such isolation and quarantine in households as was at¬ tempted, was doubled, one being allocated to each of the city wards, and the number of sanitary inspectors was increased to 11. The sewer-gas doctrine was dropped, and though attention to nuisances absorbed to a very large degree the activities of the department, there are indications of a more critical considera¬ tion of the natural history of the febrile diseases, resulting in a recognition that certain of them may be spread in a variety of ways. As has been shown in an¬ other chapter, this change was to a very great degree due to new influences that had arisen in the medical profession of the city. Reports of 7,475 cases of “ infectious diseases ” were received this year, many children from “ infected houses ” were detected in schools, disinfection and fumigation of houses are said to have been carefully done, and 12,690 articles of clothing and bedding were disinfected. By 1894, the commissioner of health had demanded a bacteriological labora¬ tory for the diphtheria-culture test, provision to obtain diphtheria antitoxin for free distribution, and the establishment of a special hospital for infectious diseases. He was granted a chemist and three inspectors for the control of food, and efforts to improve and protect the milk-supply were pushed. The report of the commissioner of health for 1895 is remarkable in that it gives the number of cases of each communicable disease reported, contains an intelligent discussion of the causation of typhoid fever, with an account of a milk outbreak of this disease, and recognizes that the causative agents of certain diseases may be spread in several ways. rUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 151 The year 1896 was another turning-point in the attitude of the department toward communicable diseases. It is not going too far to state that up until this time everything, and indeed much more that the department had under¬ taken and accomplished for the control of disease (vaccination against small¬ pox excepted), could have been done just as effectively under the influence of the ideas and knowledge of a hundred years before. While its previous efforts doubtless had some considerable influence in restricting some diseases, care¬ ful examination of all the recorded facts fails to elicit convincing evidence that, so far as those diseases believed to be entirely or even mainly spread by contact are concerned, the Baltimore health department had ever applied Mead’s recommendations systematically and thoroughly to the control of even one of them, or that any one of these diseases, even small-pox, to which it was particularly attempted to apply these principles, and even with the assistance of vaccination, was controlled when in epidemic form in any appreciable degree. As is clearly shown from the statements of the commissioner in this year, no consistent attempt had been previously made to carry out isolation, hospitaliza¬ tion, and disinfection in connection with the control of these diseases under legal authority possessed, since 1801. From 1896 begins in the health department a more serious effort to apply consistently old knowledge and theories, with modifications and amplifications, under the stimulus of the rapidly accumulating knowledge of modern chemistry, pathology, and micro-parasitology. The commissioner of health pointed out that efforts to restrict infectious diseases in past years had not had the desired effect, and attributed this failure to neglect by physicians to report cases; lack of sufficient funds and appliances; the superficial and inadequate character of the methods of disinfection employed; and the absence of a properly trained corps of disinfectors, of a steam disinfecting plant, of sufficient hospital facili¬ ties, and of adequate supervision of the infected. Patients were discharged from isolation and quarantine under no fixed rules and on the certificate of the attending physician that in his opinion danger of transmitting the disease had passed. In addition to remedies for these delinquencies, he suggested a system of school inspection and the inauguration of measures to prevent pulmonary tu¬ berculosis. This year was further distinguished by the establishment of labora¬ tories of chemistry and bacteriology, at the heads of which were well-trained men. In the latter, the advantage of laboratory diagnostic methods for diph¬ theria, typhoid fever, malaria, and tuberculosis were at once offered, and investi¬ gations of water and milk were undertaken. There were developed in the department, during the next few years, the restrictive procedures including isolation and household quarantine, placarding, supervision by health wardens, discharge certificates, culture tests, formaldehyde disinfection of rooms, steam sterilization of clothes and bedding, the develop¬ ment of methods to prevent the spread of diseases through milk and other foods, and the like, which in the main accord with the standard practice in English and American municipalities. It is remarkable that the placarding of houses harboring cases of communicable diseases, with the exception of small-pox, does not seem to have been practised by the Baltimore health department, until it was introduced in 1898 for diphtheria by Commissioner C. Hampson Jones. Sydenham Hospital, accommodating 40 cases of diphtheria and scarlet fever, was opened in 1909, and its capacity was increased to 60 beds in 1915. 152 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE In 1904, a new structure was completed at the quarantine station to receive cases of small-pox and typhus fever from the city. Since 1898, creditable studies concerning the occurrence and distribution of diphtheria, scarlet fever, small-pox, typhoid fever, tuberculosis, and pneumonia have been made by Dr. C. Hampson Jones and Dr. William Eoyal Stokes. A system of medical inspection of school children was inaugurated in 1905, and in 1910 a division of tuberculosis, with nurses and dispensaries, w r as established. Since the health department by 1898 was committed to the theory that the spread of diseases regarded as distinctively communicated by contact from one person to another is controllable by isolation of the sick and disinfection or destruction of their contactive environment and deliberately set out to base administrative practice upon this theory, it becomes necessary to examine both the possibilities and the results as measured in actual control of these diseases. The century-old plan comprehends early and complete isolation of the affected and his contacts and disinfection by physical and chemical means of his con¬ tactive environment. It has been pointed out that before 1898, except in connection with small-pox and, on occasion, typhus fever, the health department pursued a policy of laissez-faire, most measures to this end being undertaken on the initiative of the family physician or the family of the affected. With the exception of small¬ pox and typhus fever (when not prevalent in excessive degree), adequate facili¬ ties for hospitalization of more than the merest fraction of the total number of cases of scarlet fever, diphtheria, whooping-cough, measles, epidemic meningi¬ tis, poliomyelitis, typhoid fever, cholera, and pulmonary tuberculosis have never been available to the health department. For these diseases, therefore, such isolation as it has been possible to attempt has been confined for practicable pur¬ poses to the households or institutions in which the patients were domiciled. Since an overwhelming majority of families live in dwellings of not over six rooms, with but one bath and toilet room, and the mother does the cooking and household work, with only the help that older children or other members of the family are able to give, complete isolation of the sick is manifestly impos¬ sible in most homes. Since nearly all of the institutions, including orphan asy¬ lums, hospitals, and the like, until the last three or four years, have lacked adequate rooms and other facilities for isolating those sick of the communicable diseases, those diseases which readily spread by contact when once present are apt to run their courses but lightly influenced by restrictive measures. Measles, whooping-cough, diphtheria, scarlet fever, mumps, and chicken-pox, the more common diseases of this category and the ones which are particularly apt to be transferred to others during the prodromal or incubative stages, have, therefore, in the great bulk of the homes and in most institutions defied the attempts of physicians and the health department to prevent their spreading to all or to most of the susceptibles within their walls. As is well known, in families with the largest houses and the most favorable conditions of structure and service, these diseases, when introduced, commonly spread to the susceptibles at will. The same is equally true of epidemic meningitis and of poliomyelitis. It is clear, therefore, that, in the nature of things, the most that can be hoped for is to restrict these particular diseases to the members of the household. For some years the health department has permitted and even encouraged the sending of PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 153 children exposed in their homes to scarlet fever, measles, and mumps to the homes of relatives or friends without children, under proper restriction. As a matter of fact, in the ordinary household or institution with children and young adults, it is with few exceptions the rule in Baltimore, as elsewhere, for measles, whooping-cough, mumps, and chicken-pox, when introduced, to attack all the susceptibles either at once or in rotation, and, in the case of diphtheria, for a large percentage of those exposed to develop the carrier state at least. With scarlet fever, under similar circumstances, it is not uncommon for several or for all of those theoretically susceptible, i. e., under 20 years of age and not protected by a previous attack, to escape, even when contact with the sick has been close. The same holds true usually for poliomyelitis and for epidemic meningitis in ordinary years, though, in regard to the latter disease, a con¬ siderable proportion of the inmates are proven by cultures to harbor the causal agent. In regard to small-pox, the danger of spread within the family or insti¬ tutional population is lessened in proportion to the number of inmates who have previously passed through attacks of small-pox or vaccination and the promptness with which vaccination and revaccination are instituted. With typhus fever, too, there existed little chance of preventing spread within a dwelling in which the disease appeared. In exceptionally large houses of the very rich, with ample service, and in two hospitals, the Johns Hopkins Hospital and the Robert Garrett Hospital, with satisfactory provisions for the purpose, early separation of those sick with these affections has undoubtedly on repeated occasions, but by no means invariably, been followed by failure to spread. Otherwise, however, for the diseases under consideration, the sole effect possible to be hoped for is the prevention of their spread to the outside population, by interfering with the outgoing and ingoing of persons and the passage out of materials. In connection with typhoid fever, until the last few years, no measures of isolation of the sick or of protection of those exposed were pre¬ scribed either in homes, hospitals, or other institutions. No isolation of cases of pulmonary or other forms of tuberculosis within homes and institutions has ever been advocated by the Baltimore Health Department, and no restriction (except to forbid the handling of food for sale) has been put upon the free movements of those with open tuberculous lesions. Disinfection of sputum has not been required. Since 1905, under the State law, fumigation with formaldehyde gas of the rooms occupied by registered cases of pulmonary tuberculosis has been carried out after death or removal for other cause. In the early days, houses harboring cases of small-pox and typhus fever were posted with warning signs, and even guards were often placed to prevent ingress and egress. These signs were first posted on premises on which were cases of diphtheria in 1898, and the use of similar signs was instituted for scarlet fever, measles, whooping-cough, chicken-pox, mumps, epidemic meningitis, and poli¬ omyelitis in later years. As late as 1915 this was done, except in cases of diph¬ theria and scarlet fever, with no regularity. Small-pox is the only disease for which the health department has consis¬ tently practiced removal to hospitals, but in times of considerable epidemics facilities were not at hand to hospitalize half the cases discovered. Cases of typhus fever, during the great prevalence of the disease in the first three quarters of the nineteenth century, were sent to the department’s hospitals in large numbers, but apparently more for the better care of the destitute sick than 154 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE as a method of disease restriction, for cases were often sent to the open wards of the almshouse infirmary. Since 1900 at least, the rare cases of typhus fever have been hospitalized primarily as a protection to the rest of the community. The relatively small number of beds in the Sydenham Hospital has been ade¬ quate to accommodate so small a proportion of the cases of diphtheria, scarlet fever, or measles, occurring within the city, that its use has practically been limited to the care of severe cases of these diseases happening under home con¬ ditions particularly unfavorable for treatment. As an isolation hospital in the true sense of the term, it can not for these diseases be said to exist. It has very occasionally been used in this sense for cases of poliomyelitis and epidemic men¬ ingitis. Compulsory hospitalization, except very occasionally, lias never been practiced in Baltimore for cases of typhoid fever. It has been shown that the system of school inspection practiced could not by any chance be credited with any material effect in the control of any com¬ municable diseases, except in so far as it assured the enforcement of vaccination and has assisted in the gradual delousing of the population. That warning signs have exercised a helpful effect in keeping the more enlightened part of the community from contact with cases of communicable diseases is certain, but it is no less certain that they have had no restraining influence upon a considerable section of the population. The same may be said concerning restrictions sought to be imposed upon the inmates of houses harbor¬ ing communicable diseases from mingling with the neighbors and the public. If the neighbors are in sympathy, they mingle freely; if they are opposed, whether on account of fear or wish to support the law and the authorities, the offenders are reported, and actions are taken by the department to enforce its regulations. It is probable that in some degree more or less serious, the regu¬ lations of the health department in regard to household quarantine are broken in at least the majority of instances. From the beginning, the discharge of patients and contacts from isolation in the case of small-pox and typhus fever has been rather rigidly supervised and controlled by the health department. For other diseases, the discharge was at the discretion of the physician in charge until 1898, when the health depart¬ ment assumed entire charge of the matter through the health wardens. Since 1898, the health warden’s certificate has been required of children and teachers returning to school after isolation for small-pox, typhus fever, diphtheria, scar¬ let fever, measles, mumps, chicken-pox, and whooping-cough. In 1917, epidemic meningitis and poliomyelitis were added to this list. The discharge of cases of diphtheria and of diphtheria carriers since 1896 and of cases of epidemic men¬ ingitis and meningo-coccus carriers since 1917 has been controlled by culture tests. In regard to all other diseases, the date of discharge of the recovered and of contacts has been governed in the case of the former by arbitrary and varying standards, and in the case of the latter by the average length of the incubation period. Since 1916, typhoid carriers have been forbidden to prepare or other¬ wise handle food for others. The Baltimore health department has never inaugurated a single administra¬ tive measure directed at the control of the venereal diseases. Under the regu¬ lations of the State Department of Health of 1894, applying to the whole State, cases of ophthalmia of the newborn, commonly gonorrhoeal in origin, have been reported, and the department has been active in enforcing prompt treatment, but entirely from the standpoint of restricting blindness. In regard to the PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 155 venereal diseases in their usual forms, from either the standpoint of prevention or cure, it has never inaugurated a single activity. An ordinance designed to prevent promiscuous sexual intercourse in boarding and lodging houses, apart¬ ments, and hotels was passed in 1918 at the insistence of the United States army officials. Since venereal diseases were made reportable by resolution of the State Board of Health the same year, the Baltimore health department has contented itself with receiving such reports as were made and with lend¬ ing its power, when called upon, to force a few recalcitrant patients to appear at the venereal-disease clinic established by the United States Government in cooperation with the State Board of Health and at the clinic of the Johns Hopkins Hospital. No effort was made to establish clinics in the department, to enforce the reporting of cases, or to establish any machinery for their over¬ sight. Since 1896, the bacteriological laboratory has examined cover-slip preparations for gono-cocci, and since 1916 it has made Wassermann reaction tests for physicians. The removal of materials from dwellings and institutions harboring cases of communicable diseases, though probably forbidden by the health depart¬ ment, was not controlled with any certainty until recent years. Since milk has been delivered in bottles, and before 1910 certainly no large proportion of household milk was so delivered, the health department has seen to it that empty milk bottles from “ infected 99 households have not been removed by milk dealers until disinfected under its supervision. Effective restriction on the sending of laundry to washwomen is not possible, but, with the extensive development of public laundries during the last 25 years, on account of the cooperation of these establishments, danger of spreading diseases by means of soiled clothes from such houses has been greatly reduced. From the foregoing facts it is evident that except for small-pox and typhus fever, so far as the use of methods under consideration are concerned, the Balti¬ more health department until 1898 or thereabout pursued a “ hands off 99 atti¬ tude in regard to the diseases commonly regarded as spread by immediate and mediate contact. It is equally clear that hospitalization of the sick and their contacts, on account of the hopeless deficiency of hospital accommodations and the character of the hospitals used, can have exerted no material influence in checking the spread of any of these diseases when in epidemic form, with the possible exception of small-pox. It must be quite patent, not only to those experienced in public-health administration and to physicians, but to those of the general public who have had experience with the course of anyone of this whole class of diseases under the conditions above described, that the spread of small-pox, typhus fever, diphtheria, scarlatina, measles, whooping-cough, mumps, chicken-pox, and the like from one individual to another is rarely influenced by such isolation of the sick and their contacts in typical homes and institutions. Even in the rare instances in which the diagnosis of the first case is made before all the susceptibles have been exposed, complete separation of the inmates is impossible on physical and personal grounds. Therefore it would appear that, under these conditions, even during the few years since about 1910, that a sustained effort has been made by the health department to enforce isola¬ tion of this type, in but a very small proportion of instances under the most favorable conditions can this procedure have restricted the number of cases among susceptibles in the populations exposed in the homes and institutions under consideration. For the same reasons, even early hospitalization of the 11 156 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE first cases can not be expected materially to cut down the number of primary exposures in these groups; in the nature of the case, it can only, so far as these persons are concerned, lessen the risk run of repeated or constant exposure. That the cutting off of communication of the infected in dwellings by quaran¬ tine procedures is an effective measure and capable, when complete, of pre¬ venting the spread of the causes of the diseases under consideration to the general community must be acknowledged upon a priori and experimental grounds. There can be little doubt but that in the case of epidemics of small¬ pox and typhus fever when dwellings harboring cases of these diseases were ade¬ quately watched by reliable guards so that ingress and egress were certainly prevented, this method has been effective. But experience has shown that with¬ out trustworthy guards, except among the most intelligent and conscientious portion of the population, on the whole in the minority, complete isolation of the sick and their contacts from the general public is not obtained. It is well known in the health department that certain elements, by no means small in numbers, in the population consistently evade, or attempt to evade, regulations in this regard. However this may be, with the exception of small-pox and typhus fever, this restrictive measure was not seriously attempted in Baltimore for any disease before 1898, when it was first applied to diphtheria, scarlatina, and chicken-pox, to be followed in later years for whooping-cough, measles, mumps, meningitis, and poliomyelitis. It can not be said that it was generally done for all of these diseases before 1916, or that it was ever perfectly enforced for every reported case of any one of them. In regard to the value of disinfection by fire, heat, and chemicals, it may be said that whatever virtue may reside in these procedures as commonly practiced has been rewarded to Baltimore, for small-pox and typhus fever from early days, for diphtheria, scarlatina, measles, and whooping-cough since about 1900, and for pulmonary tuberculosis since 1905. That formaldehyde disinfection of quarters occupied by the tuberculous, as practiced, could have had any notable influence upon checking the spread of the cause of this disease is beyond the bounds of reason. Only in the last few years has the health department advised disinfection of the discharges of typhoid-fever patients, and it has never had the forces to see that this advice has been consistently followed. The effect of vaccine inoculation upon the course of small-pox, of typhoid inoculation upon typhoid fever, of anti-rabies inoculation upon hydrophobia, and of diphtheria antitoxin upon diphtheria will be considered in detail in the separate discussion of these diseases. Suffice it to say here that before 1890 vaccination against small-pox was never pushed to the point of affording real protection to the population, that anti-typhoid inoculation has been very little practiced, and that there is evidence that the use of diphtheria antitoxin has materially lessened the fatalities from that disease. The measures inaugurated about 1912 and brought to a stage of precision by 1916 to prevent the spread of certain diseases from households harboring them by removal, until disinfected, of milk bottles and the like must have served a useful purpose, particularly in regard to diphtheria, scarlatina, and typhoid fever; but even here the protection has not been and probably can never be perfect, for the method can not be put into operation until the cases are reported, and before this is done some days (or even weeks in the case of typhoid fever) have elapsed between the development of the disease and the application of the restrictive measures. Chapter VII. —Administrative Officers and Sub¬ divisions of the Health Department. Commissioners of health; Vaccine physicians or health wardens; Divi¬ sion of statistics; Plumbing division; Laboratories; Inspection of school children; Nursing bureau; Bureau of communicable diseases; Bureau of infant welfare; Miscellaneous services. (Tables 7-8.) THE COMMISSIONERS OF HEALTH. The early commissioners of health were laymen, and their main duties were to try to keep the city clean and to enforce the nuisance ordinances. Theirs was to act and not to think, and from such records as remain it would seem that they strove earnestly and honestly to perform their tasks. On medical questions, particularly in regard to the management of epidemics, they were advised until 1821 by the health officer of the port, and from this date until 1839 by the consulting physician. Dr. Thomas E. Bond, consulting physician from 1821 to 1829, was a man of eminence in his profession, and his annual reports reflected the current thought of his time. He established public vaccination. Dr. Horatio G. Jameson, 1830 to 1835, a student and thinker, and one of the most accomplished physicians and surgeons of his day, was probably the ablest man ever at the head of the department of health of Baltimore. He urged com¬ pulsory general vaccination, to be routinely applied in infancy and repeated at puberty. In 1832 he decided that cholera is not contagious in the usually accepted sense and urged that it be fought by a general cleaning up of nuisances and the establishment of a number of free dispensaries where the poor could conveniently obtain prompt treatment while the disease was in the early stages. He bitterly opposed a rigid system of quarantine as unnecessary and hurtful to trade. Yellow fever had ceased to be a menace, diphtheria and scarlet fever had not yet assumed epidemic prevalence in virulent form, typhus fever w r as comparatively quiescent, and small-pox and malarial fever were regarded as the chief problems. The former was to be controlled by vaccination and the latter by draining and filling low places. Under his direction, and with Dr. Samuel B. Martin as health officer of the port, the Baltimore health department was, relatively speaking, at its zenith. Dr. John Hanson Briscoe and Dr. Robert A. Durkee, consulting physicians, 1836 to 1838 and 1842 to 1844, respectively, left no evidences of particular talent or activity. With the revival of the board of health with medical representatives in 1839, Dr. Thomas E. Bond became the first president and executive officer. He w r as succeeded by Dr. Charles E. Davis in 1840 and 1841. With its reestablishment in 1845, the presidency of the board was held for six years by Dr. William T. Leonard, who was succeeded by Dr. S. R. Clark, 1851 to 1852. Dr. Leonard was a man of some ability and was particularly active in pushing vaccination. 157 158 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE Dr. William H. Kemp, as commissioner of health and city physician, was the head of the department from 1853 to 1860. During the yellow-fever epi¬ demic in the cities at the mouth of the Chesapeake, he kept up open communi¬ cation and received refugees. He played an important role in the National Congress on Quarantine held in 1856. Of the next three commissioners at the head of the department, Dr. Charles H. Bradford, 1861, Dr. S. T. Knight, 1862 to 1864, and Dr. G. E. Morgan, 1865 to 1870, Knight was the only one of more than ordinary ability, and no one of them made any signal improvement in methods or measures. Dr. Milton N. Taylor, 1870 to 1871, a respectable and amiable practitioner, showed no powers as an administrator; but his reports give evidence of a broader outlook upon matters relating to environmental conditions, for he advo¬ cated the establishment of numerous small parks in congested districts as breathing-spaces for the poor and the planting of trees throughout the city to afford shade in the hot weather and as a means of reducing surface and ground water. Dr. George W. Benson was commissioner of health in 1872 and 1873 and in 1882 and 1883, when it fell to his lot to fight two of the most severe epidemics of small-pox in the history of the city. He was a vigorous and determined administrator and left the most complete and accurate records of vaccinations and of reported cases to be found in the reports. Dr. James A. Steuart, who was in charge of the department as commissioner of health from 1873 to 1889, with the exception of the two years 1882 and 1883, devoted most of his time and energies to the work. With an attractive person¬ ality, a high standing in the medical profession and in the community, and a decided taste for the work, and being well read in the literature of hygiene of his day, he possessed many of the qualifications for leadership in public- health administration. However, his deficiency in the requisite knowledge of the natural sciences and of pathological anatomy and his inability to compre¬ hend the rapidly growing literature of micro-parasitology were handicaps that prevented his rising to the full height of his opportunities. Thoroughly con¬ vinced that most of the communicable diseases are due to gaseous emanations from putrefactive processes, early in his adminstration he fell a complete convert to the sewer-gas theory of disease causation, and he busied himself chiefly with increasing the machinery of the department to deal with common nuisances, which were multiplying in geometric ratio to the growth of the pop¬ ulation. In this field, his greatest contribution was the establishment of plumb¬ ing inspection and the employment of chemists to examine market milk and well and spring waters. He had a decided interest in vital statistics, secured an ordinance requiring the certification of deaths and of births, and was very suc¬ cessful in having the latter recorded. It was during his administration that there was begun the compilation and publication in the annual reports of elab¬ orate statistical tables of deaths expressed in absolute figures. Dr. Steuart laid considerable stress upon the use of statistics in administration. Curiously enough, he made no consistent effort to secure the reporting of cases of com¬ municable diseases. Dr. Steuart was succeeded by Dr. George F. Kohe, 1890 to 1892, a man of considerable talent, force, and executive ability, combined with a good training PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 159 in medicine and a taste for hygiene, on which he wrote a small text-book. Rohe’s reports showed a decided grasp of public-health problems, and that he did not retain office was a distinct misfortune to the city and to the cause of public health in general. Had he continued in office a few more years the city would have gained at least 10 years in progress. Rohe was succeeded by Dr. James F. McShane, a man of more than average native ability, but of defective training in the natural sciences and in medicine, and but little acquainted with the literature of his subject. He had had the advantage, however, of some years’ experience as assistant commissioner under Steuart and Rohe, from whom he evidently absorbed some ideas. McShane was open to suggestions from the leaders in the medical profession, and his admin¬ istration, 1892 to 1897, was marked by the establishment of the laboratories of chemistry and bacteriology in the department and by the recognition of the importance of reporting communicable diseases. He appreciated the necessity of changing the traditional methods of the department. He made some investi¬ gations into the epidemiology of typhoid fever and recognized that it may be spread in a variety of ways. He early recognized the value of diphtheria anti¬ toxin and secured its use free of charge to those unable to pay for it. He had no ideas of his own, did not inspire confidence, and completely failed to attain a position of leadership at a time when the leadership of a commissioner of force, talent, and broad knowledge would have been of the highest value to the city. Dr. C. Hampson Jones succeeded to the commissionership in 1898 and brought to the office native talent and a real interest in public-health adminis¬ tration, but unfortunately, like Rohe, he held the office for two years only, a time too short to reorganize the methods and to change the attitude of the department very materially. Fortunately for the department, he was retained as assistant commissioner from 1900 to 1915 and was reappointed commissioner in the fall of 1919. Dr. James Bosley w r as commissioner of health from 1900 until his death in 1913. A man of considerable personal charm and a physician of good repute with a large general practice, but untrained in pathology and in micro- parasitology at a time when these branches dominated the whole field of hygiene, and unacquainted with the literature of hygiene, he was almost entirely lacking in the qualifications necessary for the proper filling of his office. He was gen¬ erally beloved in the department, in which in a short time he became little more than a figurehead. His unexpired term, from January 1913 to October 1915 was filled by Dr. Nathan N. Gorter, a surgeon of good social and professional standing, who was a conscientious official with high aspirations and ever anxious to improve the scope and efficiency of the health department. Without distinct ability as an administrator or any special knowledge of hygiene and the prob¬ lems pressing for solution, he exercised no influence of lasting importance in the department. For the 18 years 1897 to 1915, as commissioner and assistant commissioner, Dr. Jones was the real force in the department, and the changes in the attitude and the innovations in measures that marked this critical period were very clear¬ ly his contributions. In many matters he derived help from the expert knowl¬ edge of his colleague, Dr. Stokes. Dr. Jones was handicapped by lack of direct 160 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE authority in the department and had to address the city authorities through the medium of the commissioner. He had to do the work of incompetent com¬ missioners as well as his own, much of the time without adequate and trained assistance. In consequence, organization of the department was incomplete, and measures and methods formulated constantly fell short of his plans. Given a free hand, with his intimate knowledge gained by long experience and hard study of the needs of the department, Dr. Jones might have accomplished much more than the very considerable reformations he instituted. The last commissioner of health serving during the period under review was Dr. John D. Blake, whose term of office covered the four-year period ending in October 1919. Dr. Blake, who was a physician and surgeon of wide experience, accepted office at a relatively advanced age. Of a genial nature, and with a strict sense of justice and probity, Dr. Blake evinced a sincere desire to devote himself to the public service. Like so many of his predecessors, however, he was untrained in public-health administration, lacking in first-hand knowledge of micro-parasitology, and not well versed in the literature and methods of modern hygiene. Though considerable advances in the methods and scope of the work of the department were made during his administration and he was ever ready to consider suggestions, these handicaps seriously impeded the reorganizations and readjustments indicated by present-day knowledge. The main object of this review will be missed if it has not been made apparent that the chief factor determining the activities and accomplishments of the health department, or, in other words, its actual value to the city, has been the fitness of the chief medical officers. A man of high talent, sound judgment, and accurate and comprehensive knowledge to formulate appropriate policies, and force of character to impress them on the authorities, the profession, and the general public and gain the power to carry them out, is a tower of strength as the head of a health department. Such a one has been rare. Jameson was the only man long at the head of the Baltimore health department who met these qualifications in any high degree. Rohe might have reached them in con¬ siderable degree had he remained longer in office. The most amiable and earnest commissioner, lacking in knowledge and in capacity and desire to learn, may, with the best intentions, set back the clock for years. On the other hand, most of the men at the head of the health department were, on the whole, about as useful and capable as any who could have been got to serve under the conditions obtaining. A great drag on the logical development of an intelligent and adequate public-health administration in Baltimore has been the indifference, except in times of great epidemics, of the public and of the administrative and legislative authorities at certain periods of the city’s history, and this has been influenced to a certain degree by the periods of excessive immigration. The dilution of civic solidarity by the influx of people of lower standards of intelligence, education, and living conditions must always not only increase the problems but decrease the effectiveness of administration. The continuity of plans and of their development is broken by the necessity of meeting new and sudden demands, and the influence of the more progressive and intelligent leaders among the older citizenship is diffused over a larger and less ductile mass and consequently lessened. The disgraceful years of rioting, interference with PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 161 voting by bands of “ plug-uglies,” and the weak and corrupt civic administra¬ tion of the fifth and sixth decades of the last century were intimately associated with such a period of massive immigration. The military government during the Civil War, the great losses to business and commerce associated with that war and its consequences, and the long period of political corruption and of administrative inefficiency that followed, reacted on public-health administra¬ tion. The general apathy of the public to sanitary improvements is well illus¬ trated by the attitude toward establishing a system of sanitary sewers, repeat¬ edly proposed, and toward the water-supply. During these periods only men of extraordinary power could have exerted a decided influence in the health office. Another great setback in one sense, but of some general sanitary gain in another, was the great fire of 1904. The energies of mayors of a type decidedly above their immediate predecessors, which might have been devoted to sanitary reforms and the placing of stronger men in the health department, were thus diverted to other directions. While many of the mayors of Baltimore were men of distinct ability and none of them were lacking in concern for the general welfare, it is a fact of impor¬ tance that comparatively few of them evinced a continuing interest in and a critical insight into the problems of public-health administration. Of those who exhibited these qualities, Dr. Edward Johnson, 1818 to 1822, and Mr. James H. Preston, 1911 to 1919, stand out conspicuously. The former was deeply concerned in the measures for the restriction of yellow fever and malaria. Another serious drag on development of ideas and improvement in measures and methods in the health department was the distinct lowering of the standard of the medical profession of the city after 1870, traceable to the growth and influence of the proprietary medical schools that flourished between 1872 and 1910. Many of the medical graduates turned out were for their times relatively much inferior in intellect, general and professional education, and standards than the men whom they replaced. SUBORDINATES IN THE HEALTH DEPARTMENT. While in the early years subordinates in the health department may have been carefully selected for personal fitness for their work, there is nothing in the records to show that this was generally true. So far as tradition goes, with a few exceptions, appointments to all offices from commissioner down have been governed by partisan politics. Of late years reformers and aspirants for political advancement have dwelt upon this point, and it has been freely acknowledged by the professional politicians. The professional politicians, in a sense, act as employment agencies; but, unlike the usual agencies for this purpose, they assume a double responsibility, for they must to a considerable degree look out for the interests of both employer and employee. The usual business agency is interested primarily in getting a job for the employee, but the politicians have a direct interest in seeing that, to some degree at least, the employer is not illy served. The history of the health department shows that a large number of employees, appointed primarily on political grounds, have been faithful, conscientious, hard-working, and intelligent servants of the public for years, with a commendable pride in their work, at which, in times of stress, they have slaved for long hours overtime without a murmur, without 162 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE any chance of extra pay, and without public recognition. For many years, for positions requiring technical skill and training, as the heads of the laboratories of chemistry and bacteriology, for instance, the incumbents have been chosen primarily for these qualities. Many valuable assistants have been trained in these laboratories from promising material and given the chance of advance¬ ment to higher posts on pure merit. Some of them have been called away to more remunerative positions in industries and made way for others to rise in their places. The heads of the division of plumbing have always been master plumbers of honesty and capacity and have so conducted the work that dis¬ honesty soon becomes glaring and meets its just reward and shirkers are crowded out. That there were many incompetents and a considerable number of misfits there is no question, but actual practical work in the department was the only school available to subordinate employees, and only the few can grasp the details of new labors without careful oversight and instruction, and under no system of appointment will the lazy exert themselves without prodding. Where subordinates have this treatment from an immediate superior, backed by the commissioner, good service to the city has commonly resulted. The defects in the administration of the health department are not explained satisfactorily on the common assumption that they were due in the main to the inefficiency of subordinates steeped in partisan politics and forced on an un¬ willing commissioner by political bosses. To a degree not generally recognized, the commissioners have been responsible for these short comings. It is the duty of a commissioner of health to set policies and standards, to train his personnel, and to see that the work is done promptly and affectively, that misfits —unavoidable under any system of appointment—are properly placed, and that the incompetent and the shirker are weeded out. Too often has a commissioner failed in one or more of these respects and it has fallen to the lot of the assis¬ tant commissioner, without power to inaugurate or to change policies and to promote or demote subordinates, to attempt to discharge the duties of two men. THE VACCINE PHYSICIAN AND THE HEALTH-WARDEN SYSTEM. In 1821, in order “ to extend the benefits of vaccination ” to the poor and probably with the design of relieving the members of the Medical and Chirurgi- cal Faculty of a burden which they had voluntarily assumed, an appropriation of $400 was made by the city for the appointment in the health department of four public vaccinators to be called vaccine physicians. The system was organ¬ ized and the physicians were chosen by a committee of the faculty. As at first intended and practiced, there was no compulsion exercised on the public to submit to vaccination by these four physicians; their services were freely extended to those who desired them but who could not afford to pay the charges of private practitioners. The vaccinators made monthly reports to the health department of the number of vaccinations made and of their success or failure. It was not until the small-pox epidemic of 1831 that, in addition to their origi¬ nal duties and as part of the administrative program of the department against this disease, they were ordered to vaccinate, nolens volens , the contacts of cases PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 163 of 6mall-pox and were detailed to make a house-to-house canvas for hidden cases. In 1827, the number of vaccinators was raised to six and in 1831 it was doubled, one for each city ward. By ordinance of 1853, it was made the additional duty of the vaccine physi¬ cians to be on the outlook for cases of any “ pestilential ” disease and for nuisances dangerous to health in their wards, which they were to report to the health office. By the charter of 1900, a vaccine physician for each ward was prescribed, who, in addition to his other duties, was to act as health warden, and thus the vaccine physicians were raised officially to the status of wardens of health. Their duties were very much expanded in the eighth decade of the last century, when vaccination was made compulsory and an ever-increasing proportion of the people availed themselves of the privilege, now extended to every one, of free vaccination. When the street-cleaning and garbage and ash removal were taken out of the health department and its nuisance force was thereby cut down to a minimum, the health warden gradually evolved from a reporter to an abater of nuisances of various sorts. The health wardens were relieved of some of the latter duties by the inspectors of nuisances until 1895, but from this date until 1916 the chief function of the health warden was the control of ordinary nuisances, and, in many wards, the inspection of cellars, yards, toilets, privies, leaking pipes and rain gutters, and dirty and ill-paved yards, alleys, and streets obscured their medical activities. The latter were much expanded during and after the commissionership of Dr. C. Hampson Jones in 1898, when concerted efforts, very largely carried out by the health wardens, were instituted against various communicable diseases. Since 1916, the nuisance work of the health warden has been considerably abridged, partly because of the improved grading and paving of streets and alleys and the completion of the dual sewage system, and partly because of the shifting of most of it to the division of plumbing. He has in consequence been restored to his original status of medical officer of health in his ward, in charge, under the direction of an assistant commissioner of health, of public vaccination and of other activities directed to the control of diseases transmissible by per¬ sonal contact. To this end he must visit each reported case, give instructions, establish isolation in homes and institutions, take cultures, make diagnoses, issue discharge certificates, and obtain and file a history of each case. The vaccine physicians and health wardens always have been physicians in active practice, giving so much of their time to the work of the department as was demanded. Their salary has always been incommensurate to the time devoted and the character of the services rendered, and, owing to lack of proper organization of the work of the department, much of their time has been wasted unnecessarily. The health wardens and the system have been much criticized and maligned, particularly by the unthinking and the uninformed of a class that, recognizing that something was radically wrong with the department and believing that all the evils affecting mankind center in the nuisances the health wardens were sup¬ posed to abate (an impossible task under the physical conditions obtaining), laid the defects at their door. As a matter of fact, the typical vaccine physician or health warden has always been a physician of more than the average intel¬ ligence, training, diagnostic ability, and knowledge of the natural history of 164 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE disease, and certainly, in knowledge and experience in Ills work, the superior of any commissioner of health between 1900 and 1919. Many able physicians, such as G. W. Miltenberger, Frank Donaldson, Charles Frick, William F. Lock- wood, N. G. B. Iglehard, for instance, who afterwards reached distinction, did not scorn the office in their earlier years. DIVISION OF STATISTICS. Since the establishment of the health department the records of deaths, since 1875 the records of births, and since 1882 the records of reported cases, have been kept by clerks under the supervision of the chief medical officer. For many years the records of births, and deaths, and cases have been kept and tabulated in separate divisions. In both form and content the general and special tabula¬ tions published in the annual reports have been directed and supervised by the commissioners or by the assistant commissioners of health. Neither the statis¬ tical clerks nor their supervisors have had formal training in statistical methods and their competence has not extended beyond the capacity to follow with con¬ scientious fidelity the customs and rules of classification of deaths, births, and reported cases, to perform addition correctly, to set up simple tables, and to calculate crude rates. DIVISION OF PLUMBING. When supervision of plumbing was first provided for in 1883, with provision for an inspector with power to frame proper rules therefor, subject to the approval of the Board of Health, the evident intent of the law was to limit operations to new installations. But the inspector soon found many nuisances in connection with old installations, which were reached under the general powers of the board. These nuisances were associated chiefly with poor design and materials and lack of repair, giving rise to odors, leaks, and overflows, both within and without dwellings. These conditions and their causes and proper remedies were ably treated and illustrated with drawings by the inspector of plumbing, John W. Lee, in his report for 1886. Among other things he found to condemn were lack of vents for privy-wells, the filthy condition of water- closets and bath-tubs, often inclosed with foul-smelling and rotten woodwork, and the use of the old pan type of water-closet. Strongly convinced of the potency of sewer-gas as the prime cause of acute diseases, and backed by a commissioner wedded to this theory, he set to work to rectify these conditions. From the beginning, therefore, the activities of the plumbing division have been to regulate and correct existing nuisances by ordering, where deemed necessary, repairs or renewals amounting to new installations, to see to it that all new installations were in design, material, and workmanship proper for their purpose. These factors, of course, led to the establishment of standards on which permits for work were based, and of a system of inspection of work in progress to see that these standards were met. It is a matter of interest that the plumbing department has sought to protect the property-holder by insisting that plumbing work shall be done in a “ work¬ man-like ” manner, that is, according to the standards of ethics and practice recognized as proper in the trade. A second activity of importance was the PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 1G5 system of inspection of complaints, involving advice and requirements for the abatement of nuisances connected with plumbing, and covering a great variety of conditions. A third duty was the clearing of stoppages of public and private sewers, and to a certain degree the oversight of cesspools. By 1898 the duties and standards of the plumbing department had reached a point where the commissioner of health felt warranted in issuing a set of rules and regula¬ tions, which had the effect of a code of plumbing. The section on plumbing of the building code of 1908 represents an expansion of these regulations. With the partial completion of the new sewage system in 1911, the work of the division of plumbing was enormously increased, and the personnel was corre¬ spondingly expanded, to force and to oversee connections. The sewer laterals were extended to the building-line of each property, and all connections thereto were made under the supervision of the division of plumbing. This work, which required an immense amount of detailed planning and supervision and considerable executive ability, was pushed when the sewers were ready for con¬ nections and was successfully completed for the sewered districts in 1918. The annual reports and observation of their work and methods show that the successive chief inspectors of plumbing have been faithful public servants, men of integrity, judgment, and courage, who have well filled positions of responsibility. LABORATORIES. The establishment of the laboratories of chemistry and of bacteriology in the health department dates from 1896. Though started under different conditions and maintained always as separate departments, their work, while remaining separate and distinct in certain fields of activity, soon became closely interwoven. CHEMICAL LABORATORY. The laboratory of chemistry evolved by slow stages, under the needs of the commissioners of health for expert advice and assistance in attempts to improve and control the milk and water supplies. This began with the employment of Professor William P. Tonry, of the Maryland Institute, by Commissioner Steuart, to examine samples of milk in 1873 and of well and spring waters in 1876 and 1885. As a result of these examinations, Commissioner Steuart started a campaign against city wells in 1876. In 1892, Commissioner McShane employed another chemist, Professor P. D. Wilson, to conduct examinations of the waters of streams tributary to the Lake Roland water-supply. Though Professor Tonry’s valuable reports on the milk supply in 1873 showed that much of the milk was deficient in butter fats, watered, and filled with impurities, no steps were taken by the city government to furnish the commissioner of health with means and personnel to enforce the weak ordinance of 1855 and the similar ordinance of 1879, forbidding the mixing of water and any drug with milk offered for sale. Dr. Tonry was appointed chemist to the health department in 1894, under the provisions of the food ordinance of that year. He used his private laboratory until 1896, when provision for a small chemical laboratory in the health depart¬ ment was made. Dr. Tonry made a comprehensive study of the sources of the Baltimore milk-supply, the conditions under which it was produced, handled, 166 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE and sold, and started a system of inspection to prevent adulteration by addition of water, adulterants, and preservatives. An important part of his work was the organization of inspection and improvement of cow stables, and the feeding of milch cattle, which finally, by making it unprofitable, served to force most of these places to discontinue operations. Examination of well and spring waters was inaugurated, and of preserved foods, to which suspicion was directed. In 1895, the cause of the sudden illness of 17 people was proven to be due to arsenic present in a barrel of pickles sold at a grocery. The reports of Dr. George W. Lehmann, who succeeded Professor Tonry in 1896, show that creditable work was done in inspection and analysis of the milk and water supplies. In 1896, the work of food inspection was expanded by adding inspection of bakeries and confectioneries, and in 1900 this inspection was extended to markets and slaughter-houses, resulting in the condemnation of large quantities of meats and vegetables as unfit for food. By the gradual addition of inspectors and the reference to them by the com¬ missioner of health, usually on complaint of citizens, of different types of food for examination, the chemist became the head of an administrative department, guarding the purity of the food-supply. Where legal standards established by ordinance or by state legislature were lacking, they were supplied by ukase of the commissioners of health. The reports of chemical determinations and of inspections and condemnations made are full and, for the purposes of sanitary administration, very informing. In 1903, an extensive inquiry was made into the adulteration of milk sold in small stores, particularly for the use of the babies of the poor, and into the quality and composition of condensed milk used for this purpose. It was calculated, from the number of cans of the latter sold, that at least 960,000 gallons of this material in the dilutions recommended by the manufacturer were used each year in the city. Pus organisms and other bacteria being present in numbers in samples from original packages, and the chemical analysis showing evidences of adulteration, standards of purity for condensed milk were set and enforced. The activities of the department had been expended by 1910 to include inspection of dairy farms supplying milk to the city and supervision of the pasteurization of milk and cream (a considerable number of dealers having voluntarily adopted pasteurization), better control of the physical conditions under which milk was handled and sold (especially the general sanitation of small milk shops), and the inspection of meats and meat products at slaughter¬ houses. At the same time, the chemical analysis of foods and drugs for adultera¬ tion had expanded. By 1915 the chemist presided over a bureau of chemistry and food inspection, with several assistants and a large force of inspectors. There were analyzed regularly the city water, the milk, cream, ice-cream, condensed milk, canned and prepared foods, and the like. Dairy farms, dairies, milk-wagons, slaughter¬ houses, wholesale and retail markets, stores, bakeries, and confectioneries were inspected and pasteurization of milk was supervised. The scope of the meat and dairy and milk inspection and of the water control are considered in other chapters. The most useful work of this division of the health department has undoubt¬ edly been in connection with water and milk, and of all the activities in this PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 167 relation, the enforcement of the milk ordinance of 191? was perhaps its most significant accomplishment of value. Viewing this work from the standpoints of its possible, probable, and known benefit to the public health, it does not appear that much has been accomplished through the system of dairy-farm inspection. In adopting it and in relying too heavily upon it, the department followed the fashion of the time. Much more would have been accomplished with the same force in guarding the milk-supply after its receipt within the city. The progress of correcting the evils connected with the milk-supply, while slow, was in the end effective, and each advancing step accomplished something of value in the direction of safeguarding the public health. To those unfamiliar with the complex forces, both static and dynamic, within and without the city, to be overcome at each step, appreciation of the full value of these services is impossible. In its work, the division or bureau of chemistry has worked in active coopera¬ tion with the bacteriological laboratory. BACTERIOLOGICAL LABORATORY. This laboratory was established in 1896, on the recommendation of Com¬ missioner McShane, supported by a committee of the 'Medical and Chirurgical Faculty. The immediate stimulus was the recent discovery of the diphtheria antitoxin and of the culture method for the certain and rapid diagnosis of diphtheria. Dr. William Royal Stokes has served continuously as bacteriologist. This laboratory from the first offered physicians the services of bacteriological methods for the rapid diagnosis of diphtheria, pulmonary and other forms of tuberculosis, malaria, gonorrhoea, and certain other affections, and later, as methods were introduced, of typhoid fever, rabies, meningitis, poliomyelitis, pneumonia, and syphilis. This laboratory has never produced diphtheria and tetanus antitoxin and other antisera, nor vaccine virus, but has prepared anti¬ typhoid vaccine in large quantities. Dr. Stokes early turned his attention to bacteriological analyses of the water-supply and of the milk of Baltimore, and independently and in collaboration with the chemist, he has made extensive and valuable studies of these. The annual reports from this laboratory contain accounts of creditable studies and interpretations of their relation to public health in Baltimore. Among the studies of greatest value are those relating to the water-supply, particularly the introduction and control of chlorinization in 1911, and the investigations of the presence of pus and of pathogenic organ¬ isms in milk, especially in relation to inflammatory mastitis and tuberculosis of milch cattle. The large scale on which diphtheria-culture tests are used in the bureau of communicable diseases for release and detection of possible carriers in institutions, schools, and homes, was made possible through Dr. Stokes’s cooperation and largely on his suggestions. Throughout its history the bacteriological laboratory has offered diagnostic and other services far in advance of their utilization by the medical profession and the public, and judged by the character of its accomplishment, within the limitations in means and personnel allowed it by the city government, it com¬ pares favorably with that of any other city. 168 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE SCHOOL INSPECTION. School inspection started in 1905 with 2 physicians and 1 trained nurse. Beginning in 1906 with 5 physicians and 5 nurses, medical inspection of school children, at first confined to the public schools, was soon extended to the parochial and to some of the private schools, and as a routine matter it has been limited to children of kindergarten age and of the first four grades of grammar schools. The routine inspections have always been restricted to physi¬ cal defects, cleanliness, and evidences of successful vaccination. The city is divided into five districts, embracing approximately the same number and type of schools and pupils, and a physician and nurse are assigned permanently to a particular district. The physicians are allowed considerable latitude as to methods, but they use the same record forms. The usual procedure, starting in the fall, is for the nurse to go through the lower grades to inspect first for evidences of successful vaccination and for vermin. Her attention is called by the teachers to those children who obviously are defective in seeing, hearing, breathing, or who in any other way seem abnormal, and in addition the nurse looks and inquires for children with chronic coughs, anemia, and the like. All children lacking evidences of vaccination, or who have or are suspected of having defects, are brought before the school physician at his morning visit, which lasts from one to three or more hours each school day until all the exam¬ inations are completed. The examinations are confined practically to physical inspection—head, eyes, ears, nose, throat, neck, and extremities. Only exceptionally do they go further and embrace examination of the chest for diseases of the heart and lungs. Where acute febrile disease is evident or suspected, the temperature and the pulse-rate may be taken. No routine examination is made for the acute diseases of childhood. No medical treatment is prescribed or given by the physicians. Exclusion is ordered for lack of evidence of successful vaccination, for vermin, impetigo, sore throat, and the usual contactive diseases of childhood when discovered. Cards recording the cause for exclusion are sent to the parents, and the health department is notified of cases falling under the list of reportable diseases. In cases of defects or diseases of the eyes, ears, nose, tonsils, and teeth, and of evident anemia or suspected tuberculosis, and the like, the parents are advised to consult the family physician or an appropriate dispensary service. In a large proportion of cases of the latter group, nothing is done unless the children are followed up in their homes by the nurse, and the mother is besought to seek medical advice. Children with defects of eyes, ears, nose, throat, and teeth are often taken in parties by the nurse to the dispensaries for examination and treatment. In many cases of children infested by vermin, usually head and body lice and scabies, the nurse applies the appropriate reme¬ dies in the home, often, of course, finding it necessary to treat the whole family. In 1917 the number of school nurses was doubled. The physicians have returned each year reports with lists of the numbers of pupils examined and the number of defective and those instances in which each of the more usual defects were found. These data are sometimes given in some districts for each separate school. The percentage of defects found vary widely in the various schools. Taking Dr. H. Warren Buckler’s report for 1908 as an example of 20 schools, the lowest and highest percentages of defec- PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 169 tives were 22.9 and 49 respectively. Under the various headings, the highest and lowest percentages were as shown in table 7. To take another year as an example, tables are given in the report of 1911 Table 7. Defects. Highest percentage. Lowest percentage. Eye and ear. 12.3 3.0 Nose and throat. 24.7 7.0 Communicable parasitic diseases. 20.3 1.0 Filth . 8.1 0.0 Malnutrition . 9.0 0.0 Imperfect teeth . 36.9 6.5 Unvaccinated . 2.4 0.0 showing the total number of pupils examined in the public and parochial schools and the number of instances in w 7 hich various “ defects ” were recorded. Table 8. —Number and 'proportion of children with defects and diseases, compiled from the Annual Report of the Health Department of Baltimore, 1911. Affection. • White. Percentage affected. Colored. Percentage affected. Total. Percentage affected. No. of pupils. 47,401 • • • • 5,318 • • • • 52,719 • • • • Sick and disordered, all causes. 24,509 51.71 2,378 44.72 26,887 51.00 No. unvaccinated . 2,392 5.05 210 3.95 2,602 4.94 Pediculosis . 4,377 9.23 103 1.94 4,480 8.50 Adenoids . 3,435 7.25 319 6.00 3,754 7.12 Rhinitis . 980 2.07 128 2.41 1,108 2.10 Enlarged tonsils. 4,761 10.04 522 9.82 5,283 10.02 Eye strain . 1,752 3.70 210 3.95 1,962 3.72 Total eye defects. 3,045 6.42 347 6.53 3,392 6.43 Ear defects . 263 0.55 21 0.39 284 0.54 Teeth defects . 7,056 14.89 794 14.93 7,850 14.89 Adenitis (cervical lymph-glands enlarged) 797 1.68 103 1.94 900 1.71 Tuberculosis, various organs. 64 0.14 20 0.38 84 0.16 Mentally defective. 254 0.54 21 0.39 275 0.52 Debility . 617 1.30 49 0.92 666 1.26 Table 8 must be interpreted with care. It is evident that some pupils have more than one “ defect.” The high proportion of cases of pediculosis, the greater number of which occurring among whites, was due to the fact that in some of the white schools many or most of the children were so affected, while in most of the white schools none of the pupils were infested. The text of the reports shows that only in certain schools were there instances of pediculosis, and from these it was difficult to eradicate it, owing to the habits of the people. Pediculosis among the whites, except for accidental infestion arising in school 170 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE contact, was confined to certain races of more recent immigration. In a few years, through the effective work of the school nurses, the schools were practi¬ cally rid of this affection. For the other defects, these figures, except for the category of mental deficiency, probably give an accurate picture of their dis¬ tribution in the population under consideration. Some of the most common defects noted occur together frequently, such as enlarged tonsils, adenoids, rhinitis, and enlarged cervical lymph-glands. These perhaps might be grouped together without serious error as affecting between 5 and 7 per cent of the whole number of pupils. The most important categories are the large proportion of cases of eye-strain and other abnormalities of the eyes (3.72 per cent and 6.43 per cent, respectively) and of children with defective permanent teeth (14.89 per cent). Upon these, pediculosis, and vaccination, the inspectors and nurses very properly concentrate their attention, and under very considerable diffi¬ culties, at first interposed on the part of the parents, the children, and even some of the teachers, great progress has been made. This advance has been less satisfactory in connection with teeth, because of lack of a sufficient number of dental clinics in the schools. It is probable that many children whose parents were able to afford it have been induced to consult dentists in private practice, but so great was the need for treatment among children of the poorer classes that the free dental clinics in connection with the dental schools of the city are still unable to cope with the situation. A few dental clinics have been set up in some of the schools where most needed, apparatus and services being donated by dentists, and money contributed by parents’ associations and other organizations. This important field of child hygiene has, however, hardly been touched. In regard to adenoids and enlarged tonsils, the school inspectors, all of whom are experienced practitioners of medicine, have sustained a judicious attitude, advocating removal only in those cases in which it was reasonable to think that improvement would ensue. While the inspectors determined which cases should seek medical or surgical attention, the ultimate decision lay with the parents and the family or the dispensary physician. The small number of cases of evi¬ dent tuberculosis enumerated do not represent the true number of cases of clini¬ cal tuberculosis among the Baltimore school children, for the examinations given are far too incomplete to lead to the discovery of any except the most ob¬ vious cases. Nor does the group of mentally defective give a true picture of the situation. The cases enumerated probably include only the evident idiots and a certain proportion of the more backward children, for neither the inspectors nor the school-teachers applied the more refined methods of diagnosis. The small proportion of unvaccinated children (4.94 per cent) speaks well for the success of the efforts of the health department to enforce the vaccination ordi¬ nance in late years. The item “ debility ” stands for malnutrition or under¬ nourishment, and, according to the reports of the inspectors, this is very unevenly distributed among the schools and is largely confined to the children of recent immigrants of certain race-stocks. According to the reports of the inspectors and nurses, this condition among the children of the public and parochial schools is due much more to lack of proper kinds and choice of foods and to methods of their preparation than to lack of ability of the parents to purchase food. It is of interest that, under the most important categories, the PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION OF BALTIMORE 171 negroes compare not unfavorably with the whites, and on the whole show a smaller proportion of defectives. During the year under review there were brought to the attention of the inspectors and nurses only 11 cases of the ordinary communicable diseases of childhood: Mumps 8 cases, and diphtheria, measles, and chicken-pox 1 case each. This emphasizes the fact that the inspection is discontinuous, the relatively small inspection forces, owing to lack of time, ordinarily visiting a particular school but twice a year—the second inspection to examine children absent at the first. Only in exceptional instances of considerable outbreaks of diphtheria, scarlet fever, measles, mumps, or chicken-pox have the school inspectors been detailed thoroughly to investigate the children in particular schools for cases of such diseases. In other words, the school-inspection system was not designed, nor was it ever adequate, for the purpose of seeking to prevent or control out¬ breaks of “ zymotic ” disease. The school-inspection system is quite independent of the school board and no reports are made to it. The board of estimates appropriates money aunually to the commissioner of health for salaries for so many school inspectors or school nurses, and the commissioner of health, under his general powers, insti¬ tutes a system of inspection in the schools. The school board, its officers, and teachers happen to be in sympathy with the movement and actively cooperate, but whatever their attitude, they could at most interfere only with the smooth¬ ness of the work. The inspection system has been of very great value, and that it has not been of greater value is due to the fact that means have not been supplied to develop the leads it has disclosed. If its only accomplishment had been the supervision of vaccination enforcement it would have paid for itself many times. In addition, it has resulted in ridding the school children of lice and has caused great numbers of children to have their eyes, teeth, throats, and noses properly cared for. Indirectly, it has resulted in cleaner and better venti¬ lated and lighted schools, and the instruction of both teachers and children in the elements of personal hygiene. It has gathered valuable information, on which could be based a system of inspection and relief meeting the demands of the local situation. THE BUREAU OF NURSING. The use of the trained nurse in the health department developed in a hap¬ hazard manner from small beginnings. One nurse was appointed in 1905, in connection with the inspection of school-children. The number was increased to 5 in 1906, to 10 in 1917 and to 18 in 1920. A division of tuberculosis nurses was created in 1910, with 14 field nurses and a superintendent. This number was raised to 16 in 1912, to 20 in 1917 and to 26 in 1920. Nurses devoted their whole time to this work. In 1917, 3 extra nurses were detailed for special services in connection with cases of diphtheria, scarlet and typhoid fevers, and whooping-cough, and in 1919 a fourth corps of nurses was appointed to services in the bureau of mater¬ nity and infant welfare. In 1918, the disciplinary and field work of the whole nursing force was placed in charge of a superintendent of nurses, and in 1920 a separate bureau of nurses was established with a total force of 83 nurses. 12 172 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE The superintendent of nurses has always directed the nursing work in con¬ nection with tuberculosis, but the other nurses work under the direction of and render reports to the medical officials of the various services to which they are assigned. BUREAU OF COMMUNICABLE DISEASES. This bureau, established in 1917, has charge of the activities of the depart¬ ment in respect to the supervision and restriction of persons with communicable diseases, except tuberculosis. The chief of the bureau is the epidemiologist of the department, receives the reports, histories, and other records of cases and directs the work of the health wardens and corps of nurses, particularly in regard to the isolation, hospitalization and release of cases and of contacts. His services as diagnostician are available in doubtful cases. Before the estab¬ lishment of this bureau these activities were supervised by the single assistant commissioner of health as and when he could find time from other duties. BUREAU OF CHILD WELFARE. This bureau was established in 1919, and as its work is almost entirely new, it can have exercised no significant influence upon morbidity and mortality during the period covered in this work. Besides the oversight of midwives, foundling and orphan asylums, boarding homes, and other institutions caring for young children, the bureau conducts 2 obstetrical and 4 prenatal chinics and a day nursery. An important feature of the work is a complete history of each baby. MISCELLANEOUS SERVICES. For many years the city morgue, potter's field, and the city post mortem physicians have been under the health department. The department has from the beginning supervised the destruction of clothes, bedding, and other effects of individuals with small-pox. Since 1905 a separate service has been conducted for the fumigation with formaldehyde gas of houses harboring cases of pul¬ monary tuberculosis, small-pox, diphtheria, and scarlet and typhus fevers, and for sterilization by steam or the destruction by fire, when desired, of articles of clothing and bedding after recovery or death of individuals with these diseases. At various times there have been sanitary inspectors for general nuisances and for tenements and boarding-houses. PART IV.—POPULATION AND STATISTICAL DATA. Chapter VIII. 1. Population: Rate of growth; Racial composition; Distribution by numbers, sex, and race. (Tables 9 to 13, graph 1.) 2. Natality: Living births; still-births. (Tables 10 to 15, 124, 126, 132.) POPULATION. Since the questions of the growth and racial composition of the population involve factors that affected the sanitary conditions and-the variations in the resistance and susceptibility of the inhabitants to certain diseases, and, in Table 9. —Percentage of increase of total, white, and colored 'populations and proportion of white and colored populations to the total population, from 1730 to 1920, inclusive. Year. Total popula¬ tion. White population. Colored population. Census count. Percentage of increase. Census count. Percentage of increase. Percentage to total popula¬ tion. Total. Free. Slave. Census count. Percentage of increase. Percentage to total population. Census count. t Percentage of increase. Percentage to total population. Census count. Percentage of increase. Percentage to total population. 1730 43 • ••••• 1762 200 365 .ii • ••••• ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... 1775 6934 2867.00 • ••••• ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ... .... . . . ...... . . 1776 6765 13.84 1790 13503 99.90 11925 88.31 1578 11.69 323 2.39 1255 9.29 1800 26514 96.36 20900 75.26 78.83 5614 255.77 21.17 2771 757.89 10.45 2843 126.63 10.72 1810 46555 75.59 36212 73.26 77.78 10343 84.24 22.22 5671 104.66 12.18 4672 64.33 10.04 1820 62738 34.76 48055 32.70 76.60 14683 41.96 23.40 10326 82.08 16.46 4367 * 6.74 6.94 1830 80625 28.61 61714 28.42 76.55 18911 28.80 23.46 14788 43.21 18.34 4123 * 5.37 5.11 1840 102313 26.90 81147 31.49 79.31 21166 11.92 20.69 17967 21.50 17.56 3199 * 22.41 3.13 1850 169054 65.23 140666 73.25 83.21 28388 34.12 16.79 25448 41.64 15.05 2940 * 8.10 1.74 1860 212418 25.65 184520 31.18 86.87 27898 * 1.73 13.13 25682 0.92 12.09 2212 * 24.76 1.04 1870 267354 25.86 227794 23.45 85.20 39560 41.80 14.80 ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... 1880 332313 24.30 278584 22.30 83.83 53729 35.82 16.17 ...... ...... ...... 1890 434439 30.73 367143 31.79 84.51 67296 25.25 15.49 ...... ...... ...... 1900 508957 17.15 429218 16.91 84.33 79739 18.49 15.67 ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... 1910 558485 9.73 473387 10.29 84.76 85098 6.72 15.24 ...... ...... ...... ...... 1920 733826 31.40 625074 32.05 85.18 108752 27.80 14.82 . . . ...... * Decrease. consequence, have exercised imporant influences upon the morbidity and mor¬ tality rates, it is necessary to consider them in some detail. The essential data concerning the rate of growth and the proportion of whites and negroes to the total population are presented in table 9 compiled from the figures of Quinan, from 1730 to 1776, and from figures obtained from the reports or from the office of the Bureau of the Census, from 1790 to 1920. At the date of the first census (1790), Baltimore was among the five cities of the country with over 8,000 population, the others being Philadelphia and suburbs (42,444), New York (33,131), Boston (18,038), and Charleston (16,359). RATE OF POPULATION INCREASE. The history of the growth of population in Baltimore is epitomized in table 9. In regard to the whole population, it is evident that immigration 173 Table 10 .—The papulations specific for certain age-groups, the percentages of increase of the latter over those of the preceding decennium; and the percentages of these age distributions of the respective total populations, for the census years, 1830 to 1920 inclusive.* 174 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE •uotjBindod oq rH 05 50 rH cq N- 5Q CO n- © 05 pH H CQ i— ( rH 05 © CO_ • JO 05* © 05 rH Tfl o' rH 05 rH rH © ©' ©' © 50 CO GO rH pH © rH rH rH 05 05 rH r-t CO rH rH 00 © © •juaoaa . • >> . • a. • 05 . 05 05 • <1» be • > > • • • T3 oq DO GQ OQ QQ QQ QQ CQ QQ QQ OQ QQ ao QQ QQ QQ QQ o O • • Hi 0 (-> (h p- (-> u U u !-i u Sh p- u t- f- u (H T3 'S oj a} aJ aj ctf a} aj d c3 a ci d d a d aj eS aj 0) 0) a> V 05 05 a> a> V 05 a> 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 H H >» >> >» >» >> >» >> >> >> >> >» >» >» >> d d 03 rH fl rH rH 05 05 05 05 © © © © © © © © © © © QQ QQ o H fn -H H> H> -M >% 0 v cv, pffl w o 50 o o o © © © © © © © © © © © © o rH 05 co rH 50 © In 00 The figures for the age-groupings of the populations for the years 1830, 1840, and 1870 are those obtained by graduations by Dr. Lowell J. Reed. Table 10 .—The populations specific for certain age-groups, percentage of increase, etc. t—Continued. POPULATION AND STATISTICAL DATA 175 i o. • > — > c o « > —• C.'o * og [«j k o g - ij o w C «o—. 3 <-> 3 - 1 S.c.S'SrS ££ cd 3 . 1-4 rt •uoijBjndod 'i*;o; jo •judojaj o •aBBoaoui jo -juaojad •uoijBindoj I •uotjts[ndod 'i*;o; jo •juaoaoj •esBajoux jo ‘juaoaaj •uoijBindod ‘i*joj jo •JU30WJ o •88B8JOUI jo •juao.iaj •uoijBpido- 0) a cs OS OS CS rtf rtf cs 00 © lO lO o rtf wo rH co 00 rtf co 00 r- wo CO os 00 00 rH © © OS o CO WO rH WO co r - rtf IO OS CO CO o CO CO CO © © cs CO CO rff rtf os 00 r— 00 CO C D cs rtf CO o rH cs CO rH cs v_ CO CO rtf ~Y~ rtf J rtf CD o WO OS rtf r-H wo o wo rtf os CO WO o W0 CS wo © rtf • CS OS rH O Cl o cs o cs •Tti CO o t- r- rtf co 00 rH rH © • rH rH Cl Cl rtf cs co rH rH 00 OS © • rtf Cl OS wo o wo OS cs r- 00 os r-- CS cs cs co os cs © r-; CO CO © o rtf Cl r— o rH o OS rH rH co cd CO © 00 r-H rtf rH rH rH rH rH Cl rH cs Cl cs cs CS cs rf cs rtf Cl © rtf rtf CS A Tt» o t* rH OS o Ci OS co rtf rtf rH o rH © CS CO © os rtf rH CO Cl OS CS rH rf CO O CO o t- CO © rH rH © i-l wo t> CO o CO CO OS rff rtf CS CO CO CO cs 00 CS rH © cs CS CO 00 CS 03 CO rtf CO o CO l> WO wo o CO CO cs © rf © rH CS CS CO CO i> CO rtf CO o rtf CO OS cs rH rH Cl CO tH cs cs cs 00 co CO ~Y“ l-l Cl co GO 00 03 GT3 GO QQ 03 m m GB m 03 03 GO Gfl 03 • : d u 5 - Sh Ft s- 5-i 5-f 5* u 5i 5-i 5h u 5-i U 5h • • 03 T? ctf ci d <3 d d d a ci a a a cS e D Q) a> 0) 0) QJ s >s >> >s >> >> >» >» >> >> >> >> >5 >> > > • rH |-H ^ rtf OS cs OS os cs OS os OS OS OS OS OS OS © © o o • 5* rH rH cs cs CO CO rtf rtf wo wo CO © -ct T3 0) fe o O o o o o o o o o O o o o o O o C a t) CO ^ +-> o H-> -*n O -M o H-> o H-> O +-> o +-> o O ■4-> O -p o •p o H-> o rfH o HH o H-> O d o d o H-> ! o C-f r-f CS CO rff © © t^t^OOH * Percentage of decrease. t The population figures in brackets for 1880 and 1890 represent graduations from the 5-year age-groupings of the Bureau of the Census for those years. 176 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE played a predominant role in the rate of increase, which, until 1890, far ex¬ ceeded any rate possible by the natural means of excess of births over deaths. With an average annual rate of increase of over 16 per cent between 1730 and 1752, from the latter date until 1810, the rate of growth was that of a boom town—124 per cent annually from 1752 to 1775, and 9 per cent from 1775 to 1810. During the three decades 1810 to 1840, the average annual rate of increase was less than 3 per cent. There was a sudden jump to 6.5 per cent between 1840 and 1850, followed by a descent to an average annual rate of about 2.7 per cent for the 40 years between 1850 and 1890. During the last three decades the rate of increase was much reduced. The sharp rise in the rate of increase between 1880 and 1890 was associated with a considerable annexation in 1888, the only extension of the city’s boundaries since 1816. It is probable that but for the influx of population in 1916-1918, due to conditions arising out of the Great War and the third great annexation in 1919, the annual rate of increase between 1900 and 1920 would have followed the general average of less than 1 per cent, which obtained in the previous decade, when for the first time in the history of Baltimore the rate of growth approached the natural rate of increase, or that regulated by the increase of births over deaths. In table 10 is given the numerical distribution by certain age-groups for the total population for the census years 1830 to 1920, inclusive, together with the percentage borne by each age-group to the respective totals, the percentage of increase in each age-group from one decennium to the next, and the percent¬ age of changes in the ratios, whether decline or increase, of population dis¬ tributed by age to total population from 1850 to 1920. For the years 1850, 1860, 1900, 1910, and 1920 the figures for the various age-groupings are copied directly from the publications of the Bureau of the Census. For the other years it has been necessary to resort to graduation to obtain comparable figures for certain of the age-groupings. For 1830 and 1840 it was necessary to graduate the figures for the negro moiety of the population, and for 1880 and 1890 the census figures given for 5-year groupings were graduated to 10-year groupings. The figures for the age-groupings for 1870 were graduated throughout. These data may be regarded as reasonably correct for measurement of changes in these age-groupings and for the calculation of morbidity and mortality rates specific for age. Of particular importance are the data concerning the proportional distribution of the population below the various decades of life for the decennial or census years. Attention is directed particularly to the ratios of decrease and of increase in the different age-groups between 1850 and 1920 which are given in the last two columns of the table. These changes, while considerable when measured over this span of 70 years, were in the main gradual from one decen¬ nium to the next. Their important bearing upon the interpretation of crude mortality rates from all causes and upon morbidity and mortality rates from specific diseases and groups of diseases is obvious. Populations specific for the same age-groupings by color and sex for 1910 and 1920 are given in table 11. In table 12, graph 1, are presented the figures for the population at all ages, for total population, and for color and sex which will be used in this work for the calculation of all natality, morbidity, and mortality rates except those specific for age. These populations were estimated by Dr. John Bice Miner by POPULATION AND STATISTICAL DATA 177 fitting curves by the method of least squares to the populations of Baltimore at the several censuses. In order to allow for the discontinuity due to the annexa¬ tion of 1888, the following procedure was adopted : Before 1888 the population Table 11.— Populations specific for certain age groupings by color and sex for 1910 and 1920. Age period. 1910 1920 White. Colored. White. Colored. Total. Male. Fein. Total. Male. Fem. Total. Male. Fem. Total. Male. Fem. Under 1 year. Between 1 and 2 years 2 to 4 years. 5 to 9 years. 0 to 9 years. 10 to 19 years. 20 to 29 years. SO to 39 years. 40 to 49 years. 50 to 59 years. 60 to 69 years. 70 to 79 years. 80 years and over.... Total . 8891 8485 27980 43199 88555 88989 92404 72960 57195 39054 21917 9457 2375 4489 4384 14062 21679 44614 42838 44456 35574 27564 18883 9883 3938 858 4402 4101 13918 21520 43941 46151 47948 37386 29631 20171 12034 5519 1517 1348 1127 4155 6418 13048 13771 2060 15807 11395 6063 2888 996 296 685 557 2012 3060 6314 5850 9044 7650 6655 2960 1320 403 93 663 570 2143 3358 6734 7921 11576 8157 5740 3103 1568 693 203 12884 ■ 48097 56423 117404 107776 19068 100573 76767 54705 32543 13058 3126 6600 24145 28582 59327 52818 58780 50434 38202 26684 15306 5597 1123 6284 23952 27841 58077 54958 60288 50139 38565 28021 17237 7461 2003 1968 6409 8069 16444 15954 25829 21820 15575 7858 3465 1356 354 957 3113 3861 7931 7069 12187 11053 8285 4245 1713 605 134 1011 3294 4208 8513 8885 13642 10767 7290 3613 1752 751 220 472906 228608 244298 84884 39289 45595 625020 308271 316749 108655 53222 55438 figures were taken from a logarithmic curve which fitted that portion of the census figures most closely, whereas the figures for the period since 1888 were taken from an autocatalytic curve (44). In this way the sudden increase in the population at the annexation was satisfactorily represented. KHZ 20 30 40 60 60 70 60 90 1900 10 20 YEARS Graph 1 (from table 12). Estimated annual populations, in thousands, for males and females, white and colored, for Baltimore from 1812 to 1920, inclusive. 178 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE Table 12. —Estimated population of Baltimore City, as of July 1 of each year, from 1812 to 1920, inclusive. Year. Total. White. I Colored. Total. Male Fem. Total. Male. Fem. Total. Male. Fem. 1812 . 1 40937 20388 20549 30076 15997 14079 10861 4391 6470 1813 . 42799 21224 21575 31649 16748 14901 11150 4476 6674 1814 . 44731 22092 22639 33288 17529 15759 11443 4563 6880 1815 . 46734 22992 23742 35000 18343 16657 11734 4649 7085 1816 . 48813 23927 24886 36780 19189 17591 12033 4738 7295 1817 . 50962 24897 26065 38629 20068 18561 12333 4829 7504 1818 . 53189 25902 27287 40549 20979 19570 12640 4923 7717 1819 . 55486 26940 28546 42535 21921 20614 12951 5019 7932 1820 . 57859 28014 29845 44590 22895 21695 13269 5119 8150 1821 . 60305 29123 31182 46713 23901 22812 13592 5222 8370 1822 . 62825 30266 32559 48902 24938 23964 13923 5328 8595 1823 . 65418 31446 33972 51158 26007 25151 14260 5439 8821 1824 . 68088 32662 35426 53483 27109 26374 14605 5553 9052 1825 . 70834 33915 36919 55875 28242 27633 14959 5673 9286 1826 . 73651 35202 38449 58332 29406 28926 15319 5796 9523 1827 . 76544 36525 40019 60854 30600 30254 15690 5925 9765 1828 . 79513 37887 41626 63445 31829 31616 16068 6058 10010 1829 . 82555 39284 43271 66099 33087 33012 16456 6197 10259 1830 . 85674 40716 44958 68821 34377 34444 16853 6339 10514 1831 . 88867 42187 46680 71607 35698 35909 17260 6489 10771 1832 . 92136 43694 48442 74458 37050 37408 17678 6644 11034 1833 . 95479 45238 50241 77375 38434 38941 18104 6804 11300 1834 . 98901 46820 52081 80357 39849 40508 18544 6971 11573 1835 . 102395 48439 53956 83403 41295 42108 18992 7144 11848 1836 . 105966 50094 55872 86515 42772 43743' 19451 7322 12129 1837 . 109612 51788 57824 89691 44281 45410 19921 7507 12414 1838 . 113335 53519 59816 92932 45821 47111 20403 7698 12705 1839 . 117132 55286 61846 96237 47391 48846 20895 7895 13000 1840 . 121008 57093 63915 99608 48994 50614 21400 8099 13301 1841 . 124956 58936 66020 103041 50627 52414 21915 8309 13606 1842 . 128983 60817 68166 106539 52291 54248 22444 8526 13918 1843 . 133084 62737 70347 110102 53987 56115 22982 8750 14232 1844 . 137264 64693 72571 113729 55713 58016 23535 8980 14555 1845 . 141518 66689 74829 117420 57471 59949 24098 9218 14880 1846 . 145848 68720 77128 121174 59259 61915 24674 9461 15213 1847 . 150252 70790 79462 124991 61078 63913 25261 9712 15549 1848 . 154737 72900 81837 128874 62929 65945 25863 9971 15892 1849 . 159294 75046 84248 132820 64811 68009 26474 10235 16239 1850 . 163930 77231 86699 136829 66723 70106 27101 10508 16593 1851 . 168640 79454 89186 140902 68667 72235 27738 10787 16951 1852 . 173427 81715 91712 145037 70641 74396 28390 11074 17316 1853 . 178293 84016 94277 149239 72648 76591 29054 11368 17686 1854 . 183233 86353 96880 153502 74684 78818 29371 11669 18062 1855 . 188251 88730 99521 157829 76751 81078 30422 11979 18443 1856 . 193344 91145 102199 162219 78850 83369 31125 12295 18830 1857 . 198514 93598 104916 166672 80979 85693 31842 12619 19223 1858 . 203761 96089 107672 171188 83138 88050 32573 12951 19622 1859 . 209083 98620 110463 175768 85330 90438 33315 13290 20025 1860 . 214484 101188 113296 180411 87552 92859 34073 13636 20437 1861 . 219957 103794 116163 185115 89804 95311 34842 13990 20852 1862 . 225511 106439 119072 189884 92087 97797 35627 14352 21275 1863 . 231140 109124 122016 194716 94402 100314 36424 14722 21702 1864 . 236845 111846 124999 199611 96747 102864 37234 15099 22135 1865 . 242629 114608 128021 204570 99124 105446 38059 15484 22575 1866 . 248487 117407 131080 209589 101530 108059 38898 15877 23021 POPULATION AND STATISTICAL DATA 179 Table 12.— Estimated population of Baltimore City as of July 1 of each year, from 1812 to 1920, inclusive —Continued. Year. Total. White. Colored. Total. Male. Fem. Total. Male. Fem. Total. Male. Fem. 1867 . 254422 1 120246 134176 214672 103968 110704 39750 16278 23472 1868 . 260435 123122 137313 219820 106437 113383 40615 16685 23930 1869 . 266523 126039 140484 225029 108937 116092 41494 17102 24392 1870 . 272690 128993 143697 230301 111467 118834 42389 17526 24863 1871 . 278932 131987 146945 235636 114028 121608 43296 17959 25337 1872 . 285251 135018 150233 241034 116620 124414 44217 18398 25819 1873 . 291646 138089 153557 246493 119242 127251 45153 18847 26306 1874 . 298121 141200 156921 252016 121896 130120 46105 19304 26801 1875 . 304670 144348 160322 257603 124581 133022 47067 19767 27300 1876 . 311297 147536 163761 263251 127296 135955 48046 20240 27806 1877 . 318000 150762 167238 268962 130042 138920 49038 20720 28318 1878 . 324783 154028 170755 274737 132819 141918 50046 21209 28837 1879 . 331639 157333 174306 280573 135627 144946 51066 21706 29360 1880 . 338573 160675 177898 286472 138465 148007 52101 22210 29891 1881 . 345584 164057 181527 292434 141334 151100 53150 22723 30427 1882 . 352674 167479 185195 298459 144235 154224 54215 23244 30971 1883 . 359838 170938 188900 304545 147165 157380 55293 23773 31520 1884 . 367079 174437 192642 310693 150126 160567 56386 24311 32075 1885 . 374396 177974 196422 316904 153118 163786 57492 24856 32636 1886 . 381793 181551 200242 323178 156141 167037 58615 25410 33205 1887 . 389265 185167 204098 329515 159195 170320 59750 25972 33778 1888 . 419572 198102 221470 355859 170192 185667 63713 27910 35803 1889 . 427078 201823 225255 362225 173370 188855 64853 28453 36400 1890 . 434560 205547 229013 368560 176547 192013 66000 29000 37000 1891 . 442011 209271 232740 374858 179719 195139 67153 29552 37601 1892 . 449429 212994 236435 381116 182886 198230 68313 30108 38205 1893 . 456808 216714 240094 387329 186045 201284 69479 30669 38810 1894 . 464092 220426 243666 393492 189193 204299 70600 31233 39367 1895 . 471426 224129 247297 399602 192328 207274 71824 31801 40023 1896 . 478657 227822 250835 405654 195449 210205 73003 32373 40630 1897 . 485832 231501 254331 411646 198554 213092 74186 32947 41239 1898 . 492945 235164 257781 417573 201639 215934 75372 33525 41847 1899 . 500141 238810 261331 423580 204705 218975 76561 34105 42456 1900 . 506970 242435 264535 429218 207747 221471 77752 34688 43064 1901 . 513875 246038 267832 434930 210765 224165 78945 35273 43672 1902 . 520706 249619 271087 440566 213758 226808 80140 35861 44279 1903 . 527456 253172 274284 446121 216722 229399 81335 36450 44885 1904 . 534122 256697 277425 451593 219657 231936 82529 37040 45489 1905 . 540705 260193 280512 456981 222561 234420 83724 37632 46092 1906 . 547212 263667 283545 462284 225433 236851 84928 38234 46694 1907 . 553609 267090 286519 467497 228271 239226 86112 38819 47293 1908 . 559924 270487 289437 472620 231073 241547 87304 39414 47890 1909 . 566145 273848 292297 477653 233840 243813 88492 40008 48484 1910 . 572269 277170 295099 482591 236568 246023 89678 40602 49076 1911 . 578297 280455 297842 487436 239258 248178 90861 41197 49664 1912 . 584227 283698 300529 492187 241908 250279 92040 41790 50250 1913 . 590056 286900 303156 496841 244517 252324 93215 42383 50832 1914 . 595785 290060 305725 501400 247085 254315 94385 42975 51410 1915 . 601413 293176 308237 505863 249611 256252 95550 43565 51985 1916 . 606937 296247 310690 510228 252093 258135 96709 44154 52555 1917 . 612360 299273 313087 514497 254532 259965 97863 44741 53122 1918 . 617680 302254 315426 518671 256928 261743 99009 45326 53683 1919 . 721192 355107 366085 616912 307237 309675 104280 47870 56410 1920 . 1 733826 361611 372215 625074 308340 316734 108752 53271 55481 180 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE RACIAL COMPOSITION OF THE POPULATION—WHITE. As in the colony of Maryland, so in early Baltimore, the bulk of the white population was of English, Welsh, or Scotch descent. In the earliest records of Baltimore Town, English surnames were predominant in number, with a sprinkling of Scotch and Irish. Many of those bearing Scotch names are known to have immigrated from the north of Ireland and have often been erroneously classed as of Irish stock. According to the United States census of 1790, the 208,604 white inhabitants of Maryland, classified according to blood or nation¬ ality strain, as determined by their surnames, were: English 84 per cent, Scotch 6.5 per cent, Irish 2.4 per cent, German 5.9 per cent, French 0.7 per cent, Hebrew 0.3 per cent, Dutch 0.1 per cent, all other 0.1 per cent. While it is probable that the population of Baltimore was at that time distributed racially in very much the same proportions, it is likely that the proportions for Germans and for Dutch would be too high and those for French and Jews too low, for it can safely be assumed that most of the people with German and Dutch names in Maryland had settled in the counties bordering on the Pennsylvania line, that the considerable French colony would have attracted many of their asso¬ ciates to the town, and that nearly all of the Jews would have settled in the largest trading town of the State. As would be expected, the proportion of people of British extraction—English, Welsh, and Scotch—was largely pre¬ dominant, and that for this and for other reasons they put their stamp indelibly upon the life and characteristics of the town and city. Owing to the incompleteness and the vagaries of the reports on population issued by the Bureau of the Census, it is impossible to determine with any satis¬ factory degree of accuracy the numbers and proportions of any of the various stocks of the white race in Baltimore for the different census years since 1790. No information at all on this point appears before 1860. However, from figures giving the number of foreign-born from various countries for 1860, 1870, and 1880, and for the number of foreign-born of various countries and of native-born of such parents (the immigrant and first generation in Balti¬ more) for 1890, 1900, and 1910, it has been possible to make estimates of the actual numbers of representatives of certain prominent race stocks in the population as of 1910. Since in the first three of these decennia no mention is made of any but the first generation—the immigrant, and in the last three decennia all except the first two generations—the immigrant and the first generation born in this country—are ignored in the census reports, the resulting estimates may be regarded as only rough approximations to the truth. The results are further complicated by the fact that, for the most part, the immigrants were classified geographically, and considerable difficulty has attended the extraction of Jews from Germany and Austria from ethnological Germans, and Poles and Bohemians from Austro-Germans, who in turn must be classed with Germans. As British have been classed all immigrants from British colonies and dominions (except French Canadians), as well as those from England, Wales, and Scotland. To save space, the essential facts selected from an elaborate compilation of data have been condensed into table 13, showing the numbers and percentages contributed by each important race- stock in the population as of 1910. On the basis of these two estimates and with the aid of pertinent facts supplied by local chroniclers, the history of the growth of each of the important white race-stocks will be traced in. POPULATION - AND STATISTICAL DATA 181 The British element has received additions from three sources by migrants; directly from England, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland, especially numerous just before and after the War of the Revolution and after the Napoleonic Wars; from British colonies, particularly Canada and the West Indies; and from Maryland and other colonies and States as Americans of British descent. Of these groups, the last is the most important. Members of this group were derived especially from New England, New York, New Jersey, Delaware, Pennsylvania, Virginia, and North Carolina, and, to a less degree, in later years, from western States and States farther south. These people, represent¬ ing the best development of the British stock in this country, and imbued with the spirit of adventure, were by far the most important additions gained by migration. The influx beginning just before 1776 was particularly strong until about 1840, and, while no definite figures can be given, it seems certain that the larger proportion of these people were contributed by New England, Mary- Table 13. — Population. Stock. Population. Percentage of population of speci¬ fied race stock to total white population. British . 160000 33.70 German . 132000 27.80 Irish . 62500 13.16 Jewish . 50000 10.53 Polish . 22000 4.63 Bohemian . 10000 2.11 Italian . 10000 2.11 French . 8000 1.68 Unimportant . 20319 4.28 Total white population. 474819 100.00 land, and Virginia. After the Civil War there was a particularly heavy migra¬ tion of people from Virginia and North Carolina. Fusing readily with the local population, the migrants from all these States assumed leading roles in thought, education, commerce, finance, and the professions. It is probable that from 1815 until 1860 there was a considerable migration to Baltimore of Britons from the mother country and from the colonies. The census figures from 1860 show a comparatively small but steadily increasing immigration from these sources, the British-born numbering 2,925 in 1860, 3,141 in 1870, 3,448 in 1880, 3,637 in 1890, 4,182 in 1900, and 4,087 in 1910. This stock, always the most numerous single stock forming the bulk of the white population before 1830, probably remained in the majority until after the Civil War. In 1910, estimated at 160,000, it formed 33 per cent. In point of time, due to the migrations of Acadians in 1755 and of the French from San Domingo, people of French extraction composed the most numerous non-British element. The first French immigrants, whose exact number is unknown, were sufficiently numerous to have the name “ French Town ” given to the quarter in which they were settled, and must have formed, for a time at least, one-fourth of the 182 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE population of Baltimore Town. They were notably industrious and frugal, and many of them turned to ship-building. The second migration, comprising 3,000, and including an unknown number of negro slaves, left San Domingo in consequence of the revolution and reached Baltimore in 1793. Many of them were people of property, education, and talent, and soon took a leading part in the business, professional, social, and religious life of the community. Some of the most distinguished families of present-day Baltimore trace their ancestry to these immigrants. In 1794 probably 20 per cent of the white population was of French blood. Immigration of the French since 1793 has been small and intermittent, and it is unlikely that there were more than 8,000 people of French blood in Baltimore in 1910. The relation of the Irish to Baltimore is of peculiar interest and impor¬ tance. While many, both Protestant and Catholic, came to the Maryland colony, at one period the migration of the latter was discouraged by a discrim¬ inatory tax. Though the land upon which Baltimore Town was laid out was purchased from the prominent land-owning Catholic Carroll family, members of which were early identified with the town, it does not appear that any con¬ siderable proportion of the early inhabitants were of this origin. The Catholic Irish, who really represent the distinctively Irish race, had become sufficiently numerous by the last of the eighteenth century to play an important part in the social, commercial, and professional life of the town, and their influence has continually grown. To what extent this portion of the population was recruited from the counties of Maryland, from other colonies or States, and by direct migration from Ireland it is not possible to state with exactness. Certain it is that after the peace of 1815, there began a steady stream of migra¬ tion of Catholic Irish from Ireland to Baltimore, which, assuming large pro¬ portions in the third and fourth decades of the nineteenth century, reached its high point in the fifth decade, and, continuing at a slower rate until 1870, had practically died out in 1890. According to the census reports, there were recorded in Baltimore as born in Ireland 15,511 persons in 1860, 15,223 in 1870, 14,238 in 1880, 13,659 in 1890, 9,690 in 1900, and 6,806 in 1910. Of Irish birth and native-born of Irish parentage, there were 38,051 in 1890, 33,100 in 1900, and 27,465 in 1910. From these figures it would appear that in 1910 there were not far from 62,500 persons of Irish Catholic stock in Balti¬ more. The Protestant Irish, some bearing names suggestive of English origin but most of them evidently of Scotch extraction, have been included among the British. They have taken throughout the history of the city a leading part and have exercised an influence out of proportion to their number. The Stevenson brothers, Henry, the leading physician of his day, and John, the founder of Baltimore’s commerce, arrived in 1745. The Germans came to Baltimore early, the first arriving in 1752 from Lan¬ caster, Pennsylvania. Dr. Charles Wiessenthal, the accomplished physician and Eevolutionary patriot, came in 1755. The Germans were sufficiently nu¬ merous to establish a Lutheran Church in 1758 and in 1790 probably exceeded 800. The Germans, mostly from the Palatinate, of the early migration took a prominent part in the town and city and soon merged into the general popu¬ lation by both association and marriage. The later accessions came in greatest numbers from Prussia, Saxony, Wurttemburg, Hanover, and Austria. Bremen POPULATION AND STATISTICAL DATA 183 enjoyed a large commerce with Baltimore by 1830, and during the third, fourth, fifth, sixth, and seventh decades of the nineteenth century there was a strong tide of German immigration to Baltimore. The peak of the German migration was some 10 or 15 years later than that of the Irish. The number of German-born in Baltimore was 32,608 in 1860, 35,491 in 1870, 34,337 in 1880, 40,480 in 1890, 34,564 in 1900, and 25,104 in 1910. The German-born and native-born of German parentage numbered 111,172 in 1890 and declined to 94,002 in 1910. All these figures, however, include German Jews. If 100,000 be taken as the approximate number of German-born and native children of true Ger¬ man stock in 1890, it is probable that in 1910 the whole number of representa¬ tives of this stock in Baltimore was not far from 132,000. The early Jewish settlers in Baltimore probably came from Holland and England, for several Jewish families of distinction, belonging to the well- known group of “Spanish” Jews, prominent in the Netherlands since 1492 and later in England, settled in Baltimore at an early date. With this excep¬ tion the Jewish immigrants to Baltimore, until about 1884, came almost entirely from the German states and bear typically German names. This immi¬ gration probably began after 1830 and practically ceased with 1870. The total Jewish population of Baltimore was estimated in 1880 as about 10,000 by Dr. Aaron Eriedenwald, a distinguished physician and publicist of that race. With additions from other parts of this country and by natural increase, German Jews probably numbered 20,000 by 1910. A third immigration of Jews, result¬ ing in a population which can be measured with a considerable degree of ac¬ curacy, began about 1884 from Russian Poland, in consequence of religious and social persecution. The foreign-born Polish Jews, numbering 179 in 1880, increased to 4,118 in 1890, 10,509 in 1900, and 15,585 in 1910, and the number of native-born of such parentage (first generation) increased from 1,435 in 1890 to 11,557 in 1910. Since in the latter year the combined figure for foreign-born and the first generation of descendants was 27,142, it is likely that 30,000 is a fair estimate of the total number of Polish Jews at that date. Therefore, the whole number of persons of Jewish stock in Baltimore in 1910 may be reckoned as 50,000. A stream of emigrants from southern and southeastern Europe started about 1870. Weak at first, it had reached considerable proportions by 1910. In order of their arrival were the Bohemians, who in 1910 numbered 7,750 as foreign- born and as first-generation native-born, with a probable total of 10,000. The Italian migration, starting about 1870, first from northern but later almost entirely from southern Italy and Sicily and gradually increasing, resulted in the presence of 8,540 persons of foreign birth and natives of the first generation, with a probable total of 10,000 of this stock in 1910. In addition, small numbers of people of diverse stocks have come from Hungary, Greece, Bulgaria, Serbia, Roumania, and Turkey. From the north of Europe a migration of Poles started about 1870, reached considerable size by 1900, and by 1910 there were 11,123 foreign-born and 10,476 native-born of the first generation, with a probable total of 22,000. In the last decade of the nineteenth and the first decade of the twentieth century a small number of Lithuanians, Letts, Russians, and Finns entered. From time to time there have come, within the last 50 years, a small number of persons 184 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE from Scandinavia, Belgium, Holland, Switzerland, Spain, Portugal, and other countries of Europe and from South America. The total of these races, together with immigrants from southern Europe, other than Italians and Bohemians, represent the group of numerically unimportant stocks in the table, estimated to number 20,319 in 1910. The percentages of actual foreign-born whites to the total whites for the decennia from 1860 to 1910, inclusive, were 28.35, 24.70, 20.10, 18.60, 15.97, and 16.24, respectively. From the foregoing it is especially to be noted that the basic race stock of Baltimore, those of British ancestry descended largely from English, Welsh, and Scotch who settled in the colonies or in the States of the United States before 1820, has been the predominant stock numerically. Until 1870 it must have comprised considerably over 50 per cent of the white population. Up until 1880 the white population consisted almost exclusively of people of British, German, Irish, French, and Jewish stocks, with the first three very largely in excess, who had been in association through many years. The first- named four of these, though divided to some degree by relatively minor differ¬ ences, had long since become fused into a compact citizenship in business and social life and even in intermarriage. Since 1880, new and important racial fac¬ tors have been added by the arrival of Poles, Polish Jews, Bohemians, Italians, Lithuanians, and others, who have preserved the habits, customs, languages, and racial prejudices peculiar to themselves and which have tended to cut them off from each other and from the rest of the population. To a very large degree they live in colonies and work and worship in racial groups. POPULATION GROWTH—COLORED. Since at no time in the history of Baltimore have Indians and Mongolians been numerous, the term colored has meant persons of African negro blood, either pure or in various degrees of admixture with white blood; hence, for convenience, here as elsewhere in this work, the word negro will be used for colored. There exist no reliable figures for the negro population of Baltimore before the census of 1790. The rate of increase in the decade 1790-1800 was high, averaging over 25 per cent per annum, continuing at a relatively high level for the next decade, and descending irregularly until there was an actual loss in population in the sixth decade. There was a decided rise between 1860 and 1870, then the rate of increase fell consistently during the following four decades. Between 1910 and 1920 there was a marked increase. Notwithstand¬ ing these wide fluctuations in the rate of increase, between 1800 and 1840 the percentage of negroes to the total population varied within narrow limits, the average being about 22 per cent; after dropping during the sixth decade of the nineteenth century to 13 per cent, it gradually rose, so that from 1870 to 1920 it stood close to 15.5 per cent. Since the birth-rate of the negro in Baltimore has probably never approached his death-rate, for any length of time at least, it is evident that his growth in population has been determined almost, if not entirely, by immigration. This immigration has doubtless been governed by demands for laborers and domestic servants. Whereas the number and percent¬ age of slave negroes increased from 1790 to 1810, after the latter date there was a gradual decrease, until by 1860 they numbered less than in 1800. In POPULATION AND STATISTICAL DATA 185 1860 they formed only 1 per cent of the population and 8 per cent of the negroes. It is evident that conditions in Baltimore were not favorable to negro slavery. On the other hand, the city has had strong attractions for negro immi¬ grants who have come particularly from the States of Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia. NATALITY. LIVING BIRTHS. No record of living births was kept until 1875, when by law it became the duty of physicians and midwives to report them. Before 1912 the health department made no consistent efforts to enforce this law, and it was not until 1915 that Baltimore was included among the birth-registration cities. Data for the live births recorded annually between 1875 and 1920 and their ratios to the total population and to whites and negroes separately are given in table 14. It is evident from these figures that birth registration was very defec¬ tive until 1915. In the whole population the recorded live birth-rate exceeded the death-rate, in but 12 of the 46 years between 1875 and 1920, and in only 7 of the 40 years previous to 1914. In the 37 years between 1884 and 1920, the official birth-rate surpassed the death-rate in whites in only 19 years and in negroes in only 2 years. The death-rate exceeded the recorded birth-rate among whites in each year between 1898 and 1911, inclusive. Since 1912 the birth¬ rate has been well above the death-rate in this section of the population. Among negroes this discrepancy between birth and death rates obtained in every year for which birth records exist, except in 1919 and 1920, when the death-rates were unusually low and the birth-rates were the highest recorded. Since 1883 in only one year, 1918, can this excess of deaths over births so frequently recorded be attributed to a severe epidemic. For the six-year period 1915-1920, during which it may be held that live births were reported with approximate completeness, the average annual birth and death rates per 1,000 living popu¬ lation were for whites, 24.43 and 16.50 and for negroes 24.62 and 28.43, respectively. When 1918, the influenza year, with its exceptionally heavy mortality, is left out of consideration, the respective rates were 24.32 and 15.05, and 24.87 and 26.60. Therefore, in recent years, on an average for each 1,000 inhabitants among whites the excess in births over deaths was 9, while among negroes there was an excess of 1.7 in deaths over births, or, in other words annually, by this means, the whites increased by almost 1 per cent and the negroes decreased by 0.17 per cent. The vital index, i. e., the percentage of births to deaths, proposed by Pearl (45) as a delicate test in the study of population growth, may be used conveniently here to measure the accuracy of reporting of living births. The vital indices for the total population for whites and for negroes are presented in table 14. It will be observed that for the population as a whole the vital index exceeded 100 in only 7 years between 1875 and 1914, and in only 4 years before 1912. During the whole period from 1895 to 1912, when the recorded birth-rate was always below 20 per 1,000, in but 3 years did the vital index exceed 90. Among whites, while between 1884 and 1894 the birth-rate was always between 20 and 22 per 1,000, the vital index was, with the exception of 186 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE Table 14. — Number of recorded births, living and still, percentage of still to total births, and rates, per 100,000 living inhabitants, and vital indices for the whole population and for white and colored, from 1875 to 1920, inclusive. Year. Total. births. Still births. Per cent of still births tototal births. Living births. Total. White. Colored. No. Rate. Vital in¬ dex. No. Rate. Vital in¬ dex*. No. Rate. Vital in¬ dex. 1875 8735 560 6.4 8175 2683 112.6 1876 7838 588 7.5 7250 2329 96.7 1877 7146 538 7.5 6608 2078 83.5 1878 6715 655 9.8 6060 1866 90.0 1879 8227 620 7 5 7607 2294 99.9 1880 9462 636 6.7 8826 2607 109.7 . 1881 9158 651 7 1 8507 2462 96.5 1882 8436 677 8.0 7759 2200 86.9 . . . 1883 8605 701 8.1 7904 2197 84.3 1884 • • 8881 746 8.4 8025 2186 96.8 6889 2217 107.7 1136 2015 59.9 1885 • • 8390 650 7.7 7740 2067 94.9 6632 2093 104.9 1108 1927 60.6 1886 * # 8415 718 8.5 7694 2015 92.3 6481 2005 100.1 1213 2069 65.1 1887 • • 9726 699 7.2 9027 2319 107.8 7765 2356 121.7 1262 2112 63.4 1888 • • 9419 694 7.4 8725 2079 97.6 7500 2108 108.8 1225 1923 60.0 1889 • • 10149 784 7.7 9365 2193 107.6 8102 2237 118.8 1263 1947 67.0 1890 10198 800 7.8 9398 2163 92.2 8226 2232 102.5 1172 1776 54.0 1891 • • 10150 811 8.0 9339 2113 92.7 8238 2198 105.1 1101 1640 49.3 1892 • • 10247 813 7.9 9434 2099 89.2 8087 2122 96.7 1347 1972 60.6 1893 • • 9905 770 7.8 9135 2000 95.6 7914 2043 107.4 1221 1757 55.9 1894 • • 10104 721 7.1 9383 2022 98.9 8030 2041 110.9 1353 1916 60.3 1895 • • 8725 666 7.6 8059 1709 78.2 7667 1919 97.2 1392 1938 57.6 1896 • • 9472 678 7.2 8794 1837 88.7 7495 1848 98.5 1299 1779 56.3 1897 • • 9506 706 7.4 8800 1811 94.3 7382 1793 103.1 1418 1911 65.5 1898 • • 9541 748 7.8 8793 1784 84.7 7227 1731 91.4 1566 2078 63.2 1899 • • 8739 701 8.0 8038 1607 79.2 6796 1604 87.5 1242 1622 52.0 1900 • • 9335 682 7.3 8653 1707 80.9 7242 1687 89.5 1411 1815 54.1 1901 • • 9467 672 7.1 8795 1712> 83.9 7125 1638 90.7 1670 2115 63.7 1902 • • 9609 659 6.9 8950 1719 87.3 7193 1633 93.0 1757 2192 69.7 1903 • • 9361 741 7.9 8620 1634 85.0 7001 1569 91.4 1619 1991 65.2 1904 • • 9309 710 7.6 8599 1610 79.5 6863 1520 84.7 1736 2104 63.9 1905 • • 9765 814 8.3 8951 1655 83.7 7077 1549 89.1 1874 2238 68.0 1906 • • 9928 826 8.3 9102 1663 84.6 7300 1579 90.9 1802 2122 66.3 1907 • • 9555 794 8.3 7861 1583 78.3 7128 1525 85.1 1633 1896 58.1 1908 • • 9989 811 8.1 9178 1639 88.0 7564 1600 96.1 1614 1849 63.0 1909 • • 9613 817 8.5 8796 1554 84.8 7313 1531 93.9 1483 1676 57.4 1910 • • 10680 822 7.7 9858 1723 91.7 7941 1645 97.5 1917 2138 73.5 1911 • • 9995 712 7.1 9283 1605 89.2 7592 1558 97.8 1691 1861 63.9 1912 • • 12087 689 5.7 11398, 1951 109.2 9387 1907 119.1 2011 2185 78.5 1913 • • 13451 909 6.8 12542 2126 123.3 10309 2075 131.3 2233 2396 96.3 1914 • • 13663 1026 7.5 12637 2121 119.8 10665 2127 134.8 1972 2089 74.8 1915 • • 14765 1131 7.7 13634 2267 136.3 11460 2265 152.3 2174 2275 87.8 1916 # # 16320 1235 7.6 15085 2485 140.7 12662 2482 158.6 2423 2505 88.6 1917 • • 16217 1267 7.8 14950 2441 131.6 12582 2445 150.5 2368 2420 78.9 1918 • • 16492 1200 7.3 15292 2476 95.4 12975 2502 105.4 2317 2340 62.3 1919 • • 18958 1327 7.0 17631 2445 154.2 14908 2417 167.7 2723 2611 107.0 1920 • • 20185 1398 6.9 18787 2560 165.4 15934 2549 181.5 2853 2623 110.7 POPULATION AND STATISTICAL DATA 187 a single year, invariably above 100, from 1895 to 1912, with birth-rates con¬ sistently below 20, the vital index was under par in every year except 2. With the increase in the recorded birth-rate after 1915, the vital index for whites rose to levels characteristic for a population growing rapidly by excess of births over deaths. Between 1884 and 1911 the vital index for negroes was commonly below 60 and never exceeded 70, but in one year. It is true that for the negro, with the high death-rate that existed during all these years, a birth¬ rate of well over 30 per 1,000 population would have been necessary for a vital index of 100. It was not until the considerable fall in the death-rate, togetner with the rise in the recorded birth-rate, that the vital index for this race rose above 100. The conclusion is inevitable that until 1916 the reporting of live births was far from complete in both races, and that the losses in population presaged by the official figures were apparent and not real. It is not possible from the data at hand to estimate with any accuracy the probable birth-rates for the white and negro populations previous to 1916. It is probable, however, that since 1812, the white live birth-rate has rarely if ever fallen below 20 and has often been higher than 30 per 1,000 inhabi¬ tants. It is reasonably certain that during this period, except in connection with unusually severe epidemics, there has been for this race a comfortable annual surplus of live births over deaths, which would have insured a steady but moderate increase of population independent of immigration. It is likely that on the whole the live birth-rate has been higher in the negro than in the white race. With his much higher death-rates, however, only in exceptional years could the births have exceeded the deaths in this race. It follows, then, that by and large the white population has undergone a healthy natural increase and that the negro population has not been self-sustaining in the same sense, and its actual increase has been due entirely to immigration. Data regarding the relative frequency of legitimate and illegitimate births and their distribution by color and sex, available since 1900, are presented in table 15. Of the whole number of living births reported within these periods, 6.6 per cent were illegitimate. The proportions of illegitimacy among whites and negroes were 3.1 per cent and 23.8 per cent, respectively. The proportion of males to females was, for total births, among whites as 1.06 to 1 and among negroes, as 1.05 to 1, and for illegitimate births 1.04 to 1 among whites and 1.004 to 1 among negroes. STILL-BIRTHS. Still-births have been recorded in the statistical tables in every year since 1812, but not until 1900 were they classified according to sex and color. The recorded data concerning still-births are presented in tables 132, 14, 15, and 126. Nowhere in the records is still-birth defined. It is unlikely that whatever definition custom had established was seriously modified, except under very unusual circumstances. It is probable, therefore, that on the whole until very recent years, a still-birth represented a dead-born fetus of at least 5 full months of utero-gestation. During the last 10 years, due partly to the pressure of the administrative authorities and partly to the request of the department of anatomy of the Johns Hopkins Medical School, physicians have become accustomed to reporting some fetuses of much earlier stages of development. 13 Table 15. —Number of total, illegitimate and still-births by color and sex, from 1900 to 1920, inclusive. 188 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE * 05 05 05 rH O xt. CO r-H t"» 05 05 05 05 CO r-H in o N- 00 05 d 00 © xti rH rH 05 05 r-H r-H 05 i-H 00 o 05 CO CO CO o 05 05 CO CO CO N t~ CO 00 IN 00 00 00 N O 05 O r-H 05 05 05 CO CO 05 O r-H r-H i-H r-H r-H 05 H r-H 'UMOUJjun JOJOD puB xag c Jr £ <2 o 'o c 3 fa (N ^ N rl © CO CO H U5 O 05 05 05 O- NON 05 xtl O O Xtl X* xft OO rH o © © 05 05 CO 1— r-H 05 x* © rH N r-H © r-H © CO 05 • O © o rH r-H © CO CO © CO CO rH 05 05 © in m © 00 m in m T3 Eh rH rH r-H rH rH r-H rH rH rH r-H r-H rH rH rH r-H rH rH rH r-H rH rH IN 0) fa. 05 o 05 o 00 Xt IN © 05 © co © © © r-H 00 in co CO xtl rH IN m IN • rH 05 o xt m m in in m in xt in in © m © xt in co rH xtl 05 rH rH rH rH rH rH r-H rH rH rH r-H rH rH 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 CO xt 00 00 N Xt rH 05 CO © IN 05 00 © 05 © IN m xtl 00 I" © xtl • rH o 00 CO © X*. rH CO X* rH rH 00 t~ 00 © © r-H 05 xtl CO © 00 • Eh 05 05 rH r-H rH 05 05 05 05 05 05 r-H rH r-H H CO co CO 05 05 CO 00 0) -*-> Xtl J3 fe lO CO 05 o 05 xt © CO © xt CO © 00 © xtl X}H © N- xtl in 00 © xt CO CO o xt rH CO In © © CO in CO © l—l © 05 05 00 © © m 05 05 05 CO 05 co CO 05 CO co CO 05 05 CO xtl Xtl in in CO xti xtl CO IN • O CO 05 o in IN rH © © 00 © 05 x* 05 05 in 00 in rH © 00 05 N» o r-H © m i—i © r-H in In xt CO © t" 00 Xtl 05 CO © H> IOCONN NNN © © in CO IN 00 00 IN 00 00 In IN 00 00 00 o m E rH 00 05 in rH © 00 Tt< CO 05 © © m 05 x* 00 © © © 05 in xti © • I" xt 05 rH r-H in 05 oo rH In Xt © x* 05 rH r— N- xtl © 00 © rH x*~> H3 r-H 05 05 05 05 05 05 r-H 05 rH 05 r-H 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 CO © 05 £ o 00 o w CO X* 05 © 05 t" © © © xti m i-h CO Xtl r-H IN • rH O CO m xt in In 05 xt r-H in © rH 00 xti N- © CO rH xtl © 00 a rH rH rH rH rH rH r-H rH rH r-H r-H rH 05 rH »-H rH i-H rH r-H rH rH © co • CO in o © © rH 05 rH 00 © 00 CO 00 05 N- xt in © 05 rH r- 05 in 05 m 05 © in © © IN © m CO © xtl CO CO oo in © CO 00 © CO t- 05 © m © r-H in rH 00 05 CO m © © © © 05 © In in o GO 00 00 00 00 co © co © 00 © © rH 05 05 CO m Xtl in IN 00 © E H rH rH rH rH rH rH rH rH r-H co 05 CO lO CO xt © © m © in rH © N- IN © IN CO 00 CO 00 Xtl IN 05 rH 05 00 © CO © rH © © Xt 00 © © © © © © in xtl 05 rH IN • Eh 00 00 oo oo © © co 0- In 00 00 © r-H O r-H rH rH rH CO Xtl xtl rH r-H rH rH rH rH rH rH © W 05 o fa. O »n m x* in © in n co © 05 N- xt xt CO lO rH m in © © © © • rH o • 05 X* rH © © oo CO rH Xf CO 05 rH CO © i" 05 rH © © CO © a CO 00 00 00 © © 00 00 00 IN © 00 © rH © © 05 05 r-H CO xtl 00 rH rH rH rH r-H r-H rH rH rH © -M 05 O H 05 r-H o 00 m 00 © in rH rH © CO © Xtl 00 © N rH 05 © m 05 • r-H CO xti 00 05 xt © © co xt 05 IN © 00 00 05 05 xt © © r- 05 Eh lO xt m CO co x* in in m CO © xt © rH lO rH rH 05 05 05 CO CO CO CO CO CO co co co co CO CO X* xti in in © © © IN IN © a> © CO X* CO CO 00 © x* co CO 05 in © rH in n xt in rH CO 00 © © 05 CO in rH CO 05 © 05 co © rH rH 05 05 IN CO co xtl 00 Xtl m © • N» CO CO © in © N © 00 N- rH © © CO xt © in Xtl © © r-H © a CO CO CO CO co CO co CO CO CO Xt CO xt in in in © © © In 00 rH O rH d 0) OHNn^lOONXOOHNCOTtUrjONOOOO OOOOOOOOOOi-Hi-H^Hi—I f—I f-H l i—IHHN 05 05 05 05050505050505050505 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 05 d O POPULATION AND STATISTICAL DATA 189 As, with this exception, both before and after 1875, when death and birth certificates were first required, the only reason for reporting still-births would have been to escape charges of infanticide and to secure burial, it is reasonable to suppose that the registration of births of dead-born fetuses was limited to those near or well above viable size and age, i. e., of at least the stage of develop¬ ment compatible with extra-uterine survival of live : born fetuses. Since for every locality there is generally a very definite relation between the number of live and still births, the proportion of still-births may be expected to fluctuate with the birth-rate, i. e., the proportion of live-born chidren. This has probably varied within wide limits in Baltimore as elsewhere. Another factor of recognized importance, but one which can not be measured here with any degree of exactness, is the variation in the character of obstetrical care and of the inherent maternal qualities of the women. Finally, there must be taken into account the variations in the prevalence of certain general and local dis¬ eases which are known to be fatal to fetuses, such as small-pox, influenza, pneumonia, yellow, typhus, and typhoid fevers, syphilis, and gonorrhoea. In the absence of specific information regarding the true live birth-rate previous to 1916, the frequency of still-births can only be estimated by round¬ about methods. From table 132, it will be observed that the rates for recorded still-births as calculated on the basis of the whole population show very wide fluctuations over much of the 109-year period for which they may be followed. The highest and lowest rates recorded were 276 in 1812, and 102 in 1862. The rates declined, but in a rather irregular fashion, from 1812 to 1828, when the low level of 113 was reached. This was a period of heavy mortality from malarial, yellow, and typhus fevers and pneumonia, all of which had fallen considerably by 1828. During this period, in connection with the financial depression following the war, the total birth-rate probably declined sharply. The gradual, but somewhat irregular rise in the rates from 1829 to 1847, when the rate stood between 240 and 258 for this and the next 3 years, and the succeeding decline during the following 12 years to 102 in 1862, suggest a corresponding rise and fall in the birth-rate. The low still-birth rate during and immediately following the Civil War suggests that the total birth-rate declined materially in this period. By 1870 the still-birth rate had risen to 194. The sharp decline in 1873 and 1874 may have been associated with a fall in total birth-rate under the influence of the small-pox epidemic of this time. From 1875 to 1892 the rate for still-births was comparatively high and varied within rather narrow limits. During the period from 1895 to 1915 of very low recorded live-birth rates already alluded to, the still-birth rates were corre¬ spondingly low. While this correspondence was perhaps due to low actual birth¬ rates, it is more than likely that the meager rates were in both cases the direct result of poor registration. It is to be noted that the rates for still-births rose after 1912 and by 1915 had reached the level of 1875-1892, which was main¬ tained from 1916 to 1920. From table 14 it appears that from 1875 to 1920 the ratio of still to the total recorded births, both live and still, varied but slightly from year to year. When the still-birth rate (table 132) is compared with the death-rate for women in child-birth (table 124), both calculated on the basis per 100,000 population, it is found that, with a few notable exceptions, the two rates rose and fell together. These correspondences suggest very 190 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTKATIOX, ETC., IN BALTIMOBE strongly that during the period in which live births have been reported, on an average, whether reporting was complete or incomplete, the registration of still and live births has been maintained at about the same ratio. During the whole period since 1875 the proportion of still to total reported births has been unusually high, well over 7 per cent. The more exact registra¬ tion of the last few years gave results not far different, the average for the 6-year period 1915-1920 being 7.4 per cent. For 1919 and 1920 the ratios were 5.9 per cent for whites and 12.8 per cent for negroes. As it is improbable that these proportions have varied widely, it is safe to assume that these remarkably high ratios of still to total births have obtained constantly in Baltimore. From the data compiled in table 15, it is evident that a much larger proportion of still-born fetuses were of the male than of the female sex, the ratios being 1.55 to 1 for whites and 1.35 to 1 for negroes. Chapter IX. —Statistical Material. Character; Sources; Uses; Methods. In the annual reports of the health department, which are preserved since 1827 in continuous series, there are given the amounts of money appropriated for expenses. In the early reports, the appropriations and expenditures are given under separate headings for office administration, salaries of commis¬ sioners and clerks, for the quarantine office and station, for the control of nuisances, and for the removal of garbage and the cleaning of streets. As the department expanded after 1870, it is possible to trace and to separate with some degree of accuracy the sums spent on certain activities in connection with attempts to control some of the diseases amenable either to general or specific measures, as for instance, small-pox, tuberculosis, or the communicable diseases as a group, by fumigations, the health warden system, etc. It is possible to find the sums appropriated for the divisions of chemistry, bacteri- ology, plumbing, or nursing, for example, for terms of years. However, when it comes to the evaluation of any of these activities by themselves, or in groups, it is practically impossible to obtain information sufficiently definite to mean anything when expressed in terms of disease control. Taking garbage removal as an illustration of a public-health service: In the first place, it was sometimes done by contract, sometimes by laborers appointed by the health department, and sometimes, as after 1882, by a separate depart¬ ment of the city government; in the second place, this function has been inseparably bound up with the cleaning of streets, and from time to time with the cleaning of sewers. The problems of garbage removal, of street cleaning, and of sewer cleaning have varied widely at different periods in the history of the city; the purchasing value of money has also been subject to considerable changes. If it is sought to estimate the influence of money spent upon the control of the communicable diseases as a group, the sums of the appropriations for the laboratories, the health wardens, fumigation and disinfection, the small isola¬ tion hospital and the quarantine station, the nursing and plumbing divisions, and school inspection would not include the whole amount so spent, and com¬ parisons of the per capita cost with the death-rates from these diseases would not bear any accurate relation to each other. It is not possible to determine the sums expended on water supplies and service, nor to apportion the huge sums invested during late years in the con¬ struction and maintenance of a double system of sewers; nor can any correct estimate be made of the cost borne by householders in connecting properties with these sewers. No one who is acquainted with what is known of the history of these matters would attribute any value to such comparisons. All that can be done intelligently in this direction is to attempt in the proper places in relation to the discussion of the courses of certain groups of diseases to picture the con¬ ditions obtaining and the specific actions of the health department aimed at 191 192 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE their control at different times. What is wanted in this connection is knowl¬ edge of conditions and actions and not inaccurate guesses at the amount of money appropriated at particular times for indefinite services. It is certain that sums appropriated have ever fallen short of the desires and recommenda¬ tions of the health authorities, and that, in many instances, the city authorities exercised good judgment in this respect. STATISTICAL NOSOLOGY. The early statistical nosology was primitive and, as in the old London Bills of Mortality, the deaths were classified in alphabetical order by names of diseases or of prominent symptoms without regard to anatomical, causal, or other relationships, except in the case of fevers, under which heading were grouped together in alphabetical sequence some of the prominent affections of which fever is a conspicuous symptom. This method is well illustrated in the following copy of the list of interments for 1819: List of interments for 1819. Abscess . 1 Hives . Apoplexy . 21 Jaundice . Asthma . 5 Intemperance . Burn . 2 Insanity .. Cancer . 4 Inflammation of stomach. Casualty . 17 Inflammation of lungs. Childbed . 18 Inflammation of bowels. Cholera morbus . 125 Inflammation of brain. Cholic . 4 Lockjaw . Consumption . 272 Measles . Convulsions . 89 Mortification . Cramp in stomach. 3 Murdered . Croup . 57 Old age . Decay . 88 Palsy . Dropsay . 41 Pleurisy . Do. in the head. 27 Rheumatism . Drowned . 31 Scrofula . Dysentery . 21 Small-pox . Epilepsy . 4 Sore throat . Fever . 4 Spasm . bilious . 73 Still-born . inflammatory . 2 Sudden death . intermittent . 4 Do. by drinking cold water malignant . 350 Suicide . nervous . 2 Syphilis . remittent . 2 Teething . typhus . 84 Whooping-cough . Flux . 5 Worms . Fistula . 1 Unknown . Gravel . 3 Gout . 1 Total . Haemorrhage . 3 Under 1 year. Between 1 and 2 years Between 2 and 5 years Between 5 and 10 years Between 10 and 20 years Between 20 and 30 years Between 30 and 40 years Between 40 and 50 years 51G Between 50 and 60 years 252 Between 60 and 70 years 129 Between 70 and 80 years 147 Between 80 and 90 years 291 Between 90 and 100 years 357 Over 100 years. 191 Still-born . 117 There were 1,716 white deaths and 571 colored deaths. 3 2 46 1 1 29 1 10 2 116 26 7 77 7 41 5 2 1 11 3 105 16 8 3 3 27 78 59 91 2,287 71 39 35 27 9 1 105 POPULATION AND STATISTICAL DATA 193 The first indication of an anatomical grouping appeared when, under inflam¬ mations, those affecting different organs were grouped together in alphabetical order. This innovation was quite illogical in certain respects, for only a part of the so-called inflammatory diseases were thus treated and no distinction was drawn between acute and chronic affections. The terms inflammation of the lungs, peripneumonia, and pleurisy all may appear in the same table. Acute rheumatism, a febrile and inflammatory affection, was not included under either fevers or inflammation of joints, but appeared as a separate rubic. Abscess also appeared under a separate heading. Scarlet fever was classified with fevers, and measles, mumps, small-pox, and chicken-pox were not. Organic diseases of the heart and angina pectoris were separated by the distance of their initial letters. Cirrhosis of the liver could not be distinguished from abscess of this organ, and abscess of the liver might be hidden under abscess or under inflammation of the liver. This crude nosology admitted of no study of the relative frequency of deaths due to diseases of various organs. The number of items in the list was gradually expanded so that by 1850 they num¬ bered 95; in 1863 they had contracted to 83; there were 106 in 1873, 108 in 1880, 268 in 1890, and 323 in 1898. This expansion was brought about partly by distribution of certain affections among the various organs, as congestion, hemorrhage, abscess, tuberculosis, cancer, tumor, and stone, and by the separa¬ tion of acute and chronic diseases of certain organs, as the brain, liver, and kidneys. Nephritis first appeared in 1850 and diabetes in 1851. This crude form of classifying deaths has imposed great labor and care in the compilation of the figures for the different causes of death that it is possible to separate out and trace through the whole period. In the early reports a considerable number of deaths were unclassified, being grouped under “ causes unknown.” As late as 1837, 529 deaths were so grouped, of which 519 were “ infantile.” Fortunately, the great mass of the deaths assigned to “ causes unknown ” were in infants, probably recently born for the most part, so that the figures for such diseases as pulmonary tuberculosis, the exanthematous diseases, and other affections which caused the death of older children and adults were not seri¬ ously affected by this circumstance. With the introduction of death certificates in 1875, the number of deaths attributed to “ causes unknown ” greatly decreased. In the classification of deaths in the annual list of deaths by causes, the offi¬ cials of the Baltimore health department were completely oblivious to the prog¬ ress made elsewhere, especially in England, Switzerland, France, and Sweden, under the influence of Farr, D’Espine, Bertillon, and others, and in this country by the committee of the American Medical Association in 1847. Joynes in 1850 (46) and Charles Frick in 1855 (47), in analyzing the deaths in Balti¬ more classified them according to the latter system, which was evidently largely copied from Farr’s, but the force of inertia in the health department was not overcome until 1900. In this year there was a. complete change in the statisti¬ cal nosology, modified from the Bertillon classification, under 15 headings: (1) Epidemic diseases; (2) general diseases, containing a curious mixture; (3) diseases of the nervous system; (4) diseases of the circulatory system; (5) diseases of the respiratory system; (6) diseases of the digestive system; (7) diseases of the genito-urinary system; (8) diseases of the puerperal state; (9) diseases of the skin and cellular tissue; (10) diseases of the locomotor 194 PUBLIC PIEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE system; (11) malformations; (12) diseases of infancy; (13) affections of old age; (14) deaths due to violence; (15) causes ill defined. The rubrics were not numbered. In 1902, the first two headings were combined under general diseases. The international classification of the causes of death was adopted in 1903, with the causes of death under 189 headings. REPORTS OF DEATHS. Records of deaths have been collected and compiled by the health department since 179?. The annual reports, first issued in 1817, have contained a list of deaths by causes, but with the exception of the report for 1819 preserved in the library of the Medical and Chirurgical Faculty of Maryland, none are available before 1827. Since the latter date the files are complete, those between 1827 and 1849 having been collected and bound in a single volume in the City Library, and those for 1850 and succeeding years are in the health depart¬ ment. Owing to the fortunate circumstance that weekly and annual tables of interment from 1812 to 1832 are to be found in the files of the Baltimore American and Commercial Advertiser, it has been possible to follow the record back to 1812. Since these data correspond in number and classification with those of the annual reports for 1819 and 1827-1832, and with those published from time to time in the Weekly Register by Niles and Russ, they may be regarded as official. The records of the deaths, therefore, are available in unbroken series since 1812. Before death certificates were required by law in 1875, the tables of inter¬ ments were compiled from weekly reports made to the health department by the sextons of the cemeteries. The records of the sextons were apparently com¬ plete and faithful in regard to color, sex, and age, for even the early tables give data for these. Concerning the causes of death they are less trustworthy, and the number classed as due to “ causes unknown,” in both infants and adults, forms a large proportion in the tables for the early years. There is no record of the employment of official searchers to ascertain the causes of death. The cemeteries were either within the city limits or conveni¬ ently near. Only when a body was removed to a distance for burial is it probable that the record of the death was missed. Wynne, writing in 1849, expressed the opinion that most of the deaths were returned and that the tables were sub¬ stantially correct in regard to numbers. As previously stated, the deaths of those dying at the almshouse and at the almshouse hospital, the quarantine (in¬ cluding the so-called marine) hospital, and later the Sydenham Hospital, were not included among the city deaths. These comprised a not inconsider¬ able number. Since 1900, deaths at the almshouse or Bayview Hospital and Sydenham Hospital have been so included. The deaths among the insane and the tuberculous residents of the city dying at State and private hospitals and sanatoria without the city are not transferred, but are charged against the counties in which these institutions are located. At the sanatoria for the tuber¬ culous, the deaths of city residents have averaged about 125 annually since 1913. Until 1856, the still-born were included with the deaths, but as a separate item. From the beginning, the reports contained tables giving the number of deaths from all causes by age of decedents, as under 1 year, between 1 to 2 POPULATION AND STATISTICAL DATA 195 years, 2 to 5 years, 5 to 10 years, and thereafter decennially. The deaths are classified by race for white and colored (colored divided into free and slave), and by sex for the total. It is not possible to determine with accuracy the number of deaths by color and sex until 1857, because, before that date, m the special tables of deaths for color and sex as set up, still-births were included and males and females were not separated as to color. Therefore, until 1857, the rates for white and colored as calculated in the tables presented are of necessity based upon figures for deaths inclusive of still-births. In the early years the deaths of colored free and slaves were not classified by sex. Since 1857, deaths from all causes are classified by sex and color in correlated form. It has not been possible to obtain any of the original reports of the sextons to the health department. The form of death certificate first in use after the law of 1875 called for the name, address, age, sex, race (white or colored), birthplace, duration of illness, cause of death, and signature of the attending physician. Since deaths recorded in 1874 and 1875 show no considerable variation in number, either for all causes or for the more important causes of death, it is likely that under the previous system not many deaths within the city were unrecorded. With the passage of time, the information required on the death certificates was made more comprehensive, and in 1899 the standard death certificate was adopted. STATISTICAL STUDIES RELATING TO CAUSES OF DEATH. It is notable that though in the early reports attention is directed from time to time to an unusually large number of deaths ascribed to some particular diseases, such as cholera, yellow fever, small-pox, typhus fever, measles, scarlet fever, or to the high mortality of infants, it was not until 1875 that any real use was made of statistical methods in the Baltimore health department to determine the relative importance of different diseases as causes of death, and only in occasional years were even the crude death-rates calculated. This omission is the more curious because Wynne in 1849, Levin S. Joynes in 1850, and Charles Frick in 1855 published interesting studies of mortality in Balti¬ more, in relation to age, sex, and race, and discussed in an enlightened manner the relation of various diseases and disease groups to the annual mortality. Crude mortality-rates for deaths from all causes appear annually in the reports since 1875. In this year, Commissioner Steuart compared the rates for Baltimore with those of some 40 other cities, and in 1879 he compiled a table of the annual mortality rates for 1873 to 1879 and discussed some of the chief contributory factors. However, in these discussions, as well as those of succeed¬ ing years until 1916, with certain notable exceptions to be reviewed later, reported cases and deaths of particular diseases were recorded only in absolute figures and not in relation to numbers actually exposed. From 1883, the reports abound in statistical tables of the causes of death. The earliest gives annually from 1830 to 1883 the total deaths from all causes, total deaths under 5 years of age, and the total deaths from “ zymotic diseases,” with the percentage of deaths of children under 5 years to the total deaths. In 1884, tables were introduced giving the total number of deaths by months in each ward; the weekly deaths from pulmonary tuberculosis by color and sex from 1875; the annual mortality rates from all causes and from pulmonary 196 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE tuberculosis, according to race (white and colored) and sex from 1875 to 1884, with the mean temperature and humidity of the atmosphere; a comparative table of the deaths from all causes and for pulmonary tuberculosis among males and females, white and colored for the 10-year period; tables of the number of deaths in each ward for each week in 1884 from pneumonia, pul¬ monary tuberculosis, and from the various “ zymotic diseases.” In the next year these tables were supplemented by one giving the number of deaths from cancer from 1830 to 1884, inclusive. Additional tables were presented in 1886 and in the years immediately succeeding, giving the annual number of deaths since 1875 from typhoid fever as occurring among males, females, native and foreign white, and colored; the number of deaths from 25 “ zymotic 99 diseases in each ward by months; the total number of deaths in each ward, according to sex, nativity, and race; and the deaths by occupation of the decedents. The report for 1888 carried an interesting chart, giving annually the number of deaths from cholera infantum in children under 5 years of age from 1830 to 1888, inclusive, and a similar one for scarlet fever and for small-pox. In this year the commissioner of health, reviewing the mortality from “ zymotic 99 diseases, pointed out that the percentage of deaths from these diseases to the total mortality from all causes had fallen from the average of 28 per cent during the 48 years from 1836 to 1883 to an average of 22 per cent for the 5-year period, 1884 to 1888. For certain specific diseases, the drop in the average annual number of deaths was as follows: Scarlet fever from 227 to 57; diphtheria (14 years from 1870 to 1883) from 469 to 143; typhoid fever (24 years from 1860 to 1883) from 190 to 155. These or similar tables, in which total mortality or mortality from separate diseases or disease groups are com¬ pared, almost invariably in absolute figures of the numbers of deaths, are features of the health department reports to the present day. Since 1903, the reports have been supplemented by other raw-data tables, dealing with diphtheria, scarlet fever, measles, whooping-cough, gastro-enteritis in children, lobar- and broncho-pneumonia and bronchitis, pulmonary and other forms of tuberculosis, chronic nephritis, organic diseases of the heart, and cancer. In these tables are given the absolute number of deaths, mostly by age, sex, color, occupation, and ward, but, since for any particular disease, the data are distributed over at least three tables and arranged in each separate table in relation to only two or at most three categories, the material is relatively useless for comparative study. From some of these tables, however, it is possible to arrange new tables from which there may be calculated, for the census year 1910, rates specific in regard to age, sex, and color, for certain affections. Between 1903 and 1915, Dr. C. Hampson Jones made interesting compara¬ tive studies, using sometimes rates and sometimes absolute figures, of certain principal causes of death, notably of tuberculosis, typhoid fever, pneumonia, diarrhoea and enteritis in children, Bright’s disease, and organic heart disease, in relation to age, sex, and color. In the annual summary of vital statistics, which for many years has been given in connection with the mortality tables, only the births and total deaths are expressed in rates, the deaths from prominent communicable and other important affections being given only in absolute figures. POPULATION AND STATISTICAL DATA 197 RECORDS OF MORBIDITY. Records of morbidity are scanty and incomplete before 1898. In years of severe epidemics of yellow fever, cholera, and small-pox, some reports of the number and distribution of cases were obtained, but it is doubtful if these were ever complete. Quinan chronicled the figures for cases of small-pox during some of the early epidemics. In the reports of the consulting physician, or of the president of the board of health, in the earlier years, the absence or presence of cases of small-pox, of cholera, or of .yellow fever are often noted. Even in the extensive epidemic of small-pox in 1872-1873, though cases were searched out by the police and health wardens, and physicians reported cases voluntarily, the annual reports fail to record the number of cases. In the report for 1882 it is stated that 4,000 cases of small-pox were discovered in 1872, and that probably an equal number of cases were concealed. It can not be said that there were any morbidity statistics, even for small-pox, in the Baltimore health department until 1882. Not until after 1894 was there any serious effort made to record data for and to utilize morbidity statistics in the health department. Between 1898 and 1915, Dr. Jones used morbidity data in the study of typhoid fever, and Dr. Stokes, in his annual reports, used morbidity rates in his studies of the influence of diphtheria antitoxin and the diphtheria-culture test upon the prevalence of diphtheria, and of the relation of water and milk to typhoid fever. It can not be said, however, that before 1916 any attempt was made to apply data of morbidity routinely to problems of public-health administra¬ tion in Baltimore. The reporting of communicable diseases, with the exception of pulmonary tuberculosis, measles, mumps, and whooping-cough, has been fairly full and accurate since 1898, and the data for all of the reportable diseases has been compiled by weeks and months since this date. The annual reports of the quarantine officer, since 1832, contain tables giving the numbers of cases and deaths at the station. Many of these included, of course, individuals sent from the city ill with small-pox and typhus fever. The extensive tables of defects found in routine examinations of school children by the medical inspectors and published annually since 1907 present the data in absolute figures only. STATISTICAL METHOD. Unless indicated otherwise, all rates for natality, mortality, and morbidity presented in this work are calculated on the basis of 100,000 living population. Decimal fractions 5 and over have been absorbed by the whole number and those below 5 have been disregarded. As they are commonly without significance, with few exceptions, rates amounting to less than 1 per 100,000 have not been entered iu the statistical tables. For convenience in typography, the initial letters C, D, and R are used to signify the words case, death, and rate in the tables of morbidity and mortality. Rates for the total population and those specific for color and sex are calculated on the populations in table 12, and those specific for age, color, and sex on the populations in tables 10 and 11. Certain rates for deaths under 1 year and for maternal morbidity are based on data of table 14. Unless otherwise indicated, the rubric numbers referred to in the text are those of the international classification of the Causes of Death, revision of 1909. PART V.—THE FEBRILE DISEASES. Chapter X. —Nuisance Diseases. 1. Insect-borne diseases: Malaria; Yellow fever; Typhus fever. (Tables 16, 18, graphs 2-4.) 2. Acute inflammatory affections of the intestinal tract characterized by frequent loose stools of abnormal composition: Diarrhoea; Dysentery; Asiatic cholera; Typhoid fever. (Tables 19 to 33, graphs 5 to 10.) INSECT-BOENE DISEASES. Of the diseases spread from man to man through the media of biting or stinging insect hosts as vectors, malarial, yellow, and typhus fevers are the only ones of practical importance in Baltimore. Only one death, in 1879, has been recorded from relapsing fever, and bubonic pest, trypanosomiasis, and other diseases of this class have never been recognized in Baltimore. MALARIAL FEVERS. Malaria was common in Maryland for many years before Baltimore was founded, but very little information exists concerning the prevalence and severity of the malarial diseases in Baltimore Town before 1794, and then they are mentioned only incidentally in connection with yellow fever as perennially present, in varying intensity in the summer and fall, particularly along the water-front, and especially at FelFs Point. Davidge, Reese, Coulter, Potter, and others in their reports and other writings on yellow fever, between 1798 and 1821, constantly referred to the “ common intermittent, remittent, and bilious remittent fevers,” associated often with dysentery and present every year at FelPs Point and along Jones Falls. They attributed these fevers to noxious vapors arising from decaying vegetable material in the numerous ditches, ponds, pools, and dock-slips at FelFs Point and in the basin and in the marshes along the latter and Jones Falls and Harford Run. These annual summer and fall fevers, either intermittent or remittent in type, varied much in severity not only from year to year but in any particular season, and were described as being of a much more severe type in the late summer and early fall than in June, when they made their first appearance. Yellow discoloration of the skin and vomiting of bile (or broken-down blood mistaken for bile) were common characteristics of the remittent form so com¬ monly termed “ bilious fever.” These characteristics caused this type of malarial fever to be confused in certain years with true yellow fever, which even so good an observer as Davidge held to be only an accentuation of the familiar bilious remittent. From the descriptions of the intermittent and of the usual remittent fevers, as well as from their successful treatment with preparations of cinchona bark, it is fair to conclude that these fevers were for the most part true malaria. That bilious or bilious remittent fever was a synonym for remittent malarial fever appears certain from the writings of Davidge, Potter, Bartlett (48), and Jameson (49). The latter described an epidemic of bilious remittent fever, occurring in 1804, that was successfully curbed by treatment with “ the bark.” 199 200 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE The great expansion of ocean commerce between Baltimore and the West Indies, after the Revolutionary War, and later with the Southern States and with South America, must have insured the annual importation of cases of the severer grades of tropical and subtropical malaria, from which infection was spread by mosquitoes abounding at Fell’s Point and the lower-lying sections about the basin and the streams flowing into it. The topography of the city and the imperfect drainage, due to the poor grading, pavements, and gutters, afforded abundant opportunities for large and small mosquito-breeding pools. The standing water in many cellars furnished another set of breeding places. According to the annual health report for 1824, there was a marked decrease in autumnal sickness in the neighborhood of Eden Street and Harford Run after filling in and running a drain which did away with standing water, and it was noted that the “ French drains ” constructed in various parts of FelPs Point acted well and the inhabitants suffered much less with autumnal fever than in the preceding fall. In his work on epidemic cholera at the Baltimore almshouse in 1849, Thomas H. Buckler (11) gave a map (2) of the medical topography of Baltimore in 1851, on which the whole territory south and southeast and west of the city bordering on the Patapsco River, Curtis Bay, and the middle branch is marked “ Region of intermittent and remittent fever.” The northern limit of this area was bounded by the “ mine banks,” or iron-ore deposits; on the west side it followed the general course of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, and on the east side the Philadelphia Turnpike, just north of the Baltimore, Wilmington, and Philadelphia Railroad. At the almshouse, situated to the west of the northern border of the city, “ intermittent and remittent bilious fevers were spontaneous in their origin (among the inmates) almost every season, while the country for a mile or two around enjoyed a comparative immunity from these affections. Besides the indigenous origin of malarious fevers, a very large number of inter- mittents are brought in every season, and also remittents, in the autumn of some years, from the iron-ore mine-banks, of the Washington and Philadelphia Roads.” That the remittent fever of this period at the almshouse was continuous malarial fever is attested by the notes of William T. Howard, sr., a medical resident there in 1843, in which was recorded a clear-cut clinical history of a fatal case with a full autopsy protocol of a man from the “ mine bank.” This case was also reported by Swett (50) of Hew York. Anderson and Prick (51), resident physicians at the almshouse during the summer of 1844, autopsied 12 cases of remittent fever, which were analyzed by Alfred Stille in 1845. Ten of these 12 cases came from the mine-banks. Buckler recorded that in 1851 a grave epidemic of intermittent and remittent fevers prevailed, as a new feature of the medical history of this locality, on both sides of Jones Falls, north of Centre Street, and at the Maryland Penitentiary. The outbreak of malarial fevers in this locality was attributed by Buckler to the vast quantities of filth in the bed of the falls, the stream of which was rendered sluggish in the dry season by the diversion of so large a proportion of its water to supply the reservoir, situated above at the Belvedere Bridge. That malarial fevers were rife between 1870 and 1885 at Fell’s Point and along the uncovered portions of Harford Run, in the northwestern section of the city, is evident from the text of the reports of the commissioners of health. Dr. Alexander C. Abbott is authority for the statement that in the latter area between 1870 and 1880 FEBRILE DISEASES 201 large numbers of newly built houses were vacated by their tenants because of the great prevalence of severe malarial fever. Between 1889 and 1895, many individuals with malaria living in various parts of the city, and from the surrounding territory on or near the water, particularly at Sparrow’s Point, applied to the dispensaries of the Maryland University and Johns Hopkins Hospital. At Bayview Asylum the experience of the former almshouse was repeated between 1866 and 1900. There is no doubt that from its early history until about 1895 malarial fevers were very prevalent in and around Baltimore; within the city its chief prevalence was about the harbor, docks, basin, Jones Falls, Harford Run, and probably along the courses of Schroeder’s and Chatworth’s Runs. In these portions of the city conditions were particularly favorable for mosquito breeding, not only because of standing water in and about docks, in streams and marshes, and in the streets, gutters, alleys, and yards of low-lying valleys, but in cellars. Much malaria was doubtless imported from the Southern States and the West Table 16. Year. No. of specimens. No. of positive specimens. Year. No. of specimens. No. of positive specimens. 1903 . 272 4 1912 . 513 52 1904 . 308 2 1913 . 746 5 1905 . 406 2 1914 . 437 4 1906 . 587 11 1915 . 417 4 1907 . 526 17 1916 . 476 3 1908 . 491 6 1917 . 247 1 1909 . 371 1 1918 . 79 1 1910 . 497 1 1919 . 60 1 1911 . 507 17 1920 . 48 1 Indies and South America and from rural districts of tidewater Maryland and Virginia, particularly by summer visitors from the city. The reports of the quarantine officers show that malaria in fatal form not infrequently attacked those ill with small-pox or typhus fever sent from the city to the old Marine Hospital, particularly in the fifth and sixth decades of the nineteenth century. At this period many cases of severe malaria were taken from vessels from southern ports, including Central America. Malaria was so prevalent at the quarantine station that for many years, and until at least 1890, the officers and employees were regularly dosed with quinine in whisky. The decrease in the number of deaths from malarial diseases since 1900 has been associated with a decrease in the number of recognized cases in dis¬ pensary and hospital practice and in the experience of leading clinicians. The figures of examinations of blood for diagnosis in the bacteriological laboratory since 1903 are shown in table 16. From table 16 it is evident that until 1918 malaria was frequently suspected by physicians. The percentage of cases in which the tentative diagnosis was confirmed was relatively small. It was 2.5 per cent between 1903 and 1912, and 0.8 per cent between 1913 and 1920. In the first period there were two well-marked minor epidemics, each covering a period of two years. 202 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION", ETC., IN BALTIMORE Deaths from malarial fevers have been classified in the annual reports under six headings: (1) intermittent fever, (2) remittent fever, (3) bilious fever, (4) congestive fever, (5) malarial fever, and (6) typho-malarial fever. This classification has been influenced by variations in fashion in both medical and statistical nosology. The absolute figures and the rates (except for typho- malarial fever, omitted for reasons given later) are set forth in table 17. From a study of these, in connection with graph 2, an approximate idea of the course of malarial fevers in Baltimore is attained. It is evident that intermittent fever is the only variety that can be followed continuously throughout the series of years. With the exception of 1816, from 1815 until 1909, it appears each year as a cause of death. This form of malaria, on account of the characteristic paroxysms of chill, fever, and sweating, occurring usually at regular intervals measured in days, with its afebrile intermissions, was relatively easy of diagnosis, and, of the group of malarial diseases, the one least likely to be con¬ fused with other febrile affections, malarial and non-malarial, and for these reasons the figures and rates for this disease may be regarded as a fairly close approximation to the truth. Attention is directed to the fact that intermittent fever has been a factor of considerable weight in the death-rate, in one year (1821) having a rate of 30 and in 2 years (1871 and 1872) surpassing this figure, while in a number of years (1821, 1822, 1829, 1834, 1837, 1842, 1864, 1867, 1868, 1869, 1870, 1871, 1872, 1873, and 1874) its rate was over 10. The peaks in the curve for intermittent fever follow rather closely, but not exactly, those of the curves for bilious fever and for the total of the malarial diseases. With the exception of 1820, when there were 24 deaths recorded under this heading (with a rate of 41), remittent fever has not been credited with any large contributions to the malarial deaths in Baltimore. To bilious fever, the old synonym for continuous or remittent fevers, in contrast to intermittent malarial fevers, the great bulk of the deaths ascribed to malaria were assigned from the beginning of our records until 1875. In the latter year (the date, by the way, of the first use in Baltimore of death certifi¬ cates signed by physicians) it practically dropped out of the local statistical nosology, the deaths which previously would have been so ascribed being from this date classed under malaria and remittent fever. A few deaths, however, were thus classified as late as 1885. The number of deaths attributed to bilious fever in the earlier years, say between 1812 and 1819, inclusive, is greater than that attributed to any other single cause affecting all ages, with the exception of consumption. During these 8 years, the deaths from the former averaged about 12 per cent, and those from the latter about 17 per cent of the total deaths from all causes. It is certain that before 1851, and probably after that date, deaths from various causes other than severe continued malarial fever were classed under bilious fever. In the first place, owing to the belief so firmly held in the early part of the nineteenth century by certain Baltimore physicians that yellow fever was an accentuated form of continued malarial fever, it is extremely probable that not only in years of clearly recognized epidemics of yellow fever, but in other years, at least until 1875 some cases of true yellow fever, perhaps in atypical form, were called bilious fever. It is probable, indeed, that in severe cases, and particularly when fatal, the diagnosis between yellow and bilious remittent malarial fever was difficult, or even FEBRILE DISEASES 203 impossible. In the second place, as recorded by Davidge, dysentery, which so often occurred in the same individual concurrently with malaria and was by many believed to be a part of the malarial process, may have swollen the bilious- fever death-list. In the third place, it is likely that until 1850 and for years after, bilious fever shared with remittent fever, diarrhoea, and inflammation of the bowels as classification categories for typhoid fever. In the fourth place, it is not unlikely that during the early period some of the deaths from other severe affections characterized by high fever of a remittent type, such as acute endocarditis, pyemia, septicemia, and even typhus fever, were assigned to bilious fever. On the other hand, the leading physicians, Drs. Allenby, Coulter, and W. H. and W. A. Clendenin, in practice at Fell's Point, the chief home within the city of bilious fever, were men of ability and discernment. Deaths classed under congestive fever are considered to have been due to that acute form of virulent malaria characterized by severe chill, very high fever, delirium, coma, a prostration comparable to that of surgical shock, and by massive infection (often particularly marked in the cerebral capillaries) by malarial organisms of the aestivo-autumnal type. Synonymous with the dreaded “ congestive chills ” and the pernicious malarial fever of the Southern States and the tropics, appearing in the local statistical nosology first in 1836, it was credited with death in every year (with the exception of 1848, 1855 to 1860, 1862, and 1876) until 1884. Its most conspicuous part was played between 1870 and 1874 (with death-rates above 10 in 1871-1873) towards the end of the great wave of malaria beginning in 1862 and ending abruptly in 1875. The term malaria first appeared in the local statistical nosology in 1877, and disappeared in 1902 to reappear from 1910 to 1920. As is clear from table 17, it was used indiscriminately for the other nosology categories applying to malarial affections. Its curve follows closely that of deaths for all forms of malaria. Typho-malarial fever made its first appearance among the causes of death in the Baltimore health reports in 1876, with 32 deaths. With the exception of the following 2 years, it was credited with deaths until 1898. During this period, the number of deaths assigned to this cause varied from 12 in the latter year to 75 in 1885. It is impossible to determine what proportion of the deaths recorded under this category was due to typhoid fever alone, to malaria alone, to a combination of these two diseases, to malaria and other diseases, or to other diseases without malaria. That typhoid fever and malaria may exist in the same individual has long been clearly established, and is quite likely that, when in combination, an attack of typhoid fever, from which recovery would otherwise have occurred, might be determined to a fatal issue-by the complicating malaria. Further, it is probable that in Baltimore typhoid fever not infrequently attacked individuals who were the subjects of chronic or latent malaria, and that, in this case, just as is known to happen in the course of pneumonia., fractures, and other pathological conditions, the dormant malarial infection may show an exacerbation. With all these considerations in view, it has seemed, on the whole, wiser to omit the deaths ascribed to typho-malaria from consideration here and to include them with typhoid fever. When the curve for malaria as a whole is reviewed (graph 2), two points stand out conspicuous^, its shape and height. The curve of the annual rates for total deaths is divided into four large waves, the first and highest beginning 14 204 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTKATION, ETC., IN BALTIMOBE o © HO © HO *© si © «0 cq - 5? 5- S> *H> « .2 Total co si ^ *«S> o. O i? CP >H TO P C C 0 » -2 r£ >> a) Eh '* -1 S S5 a Fh ji -to ©J 0) V) bo aJ -M -f-» cj C *♦-. CD a; V O 9 • CJ w 5 - O) • r—i (-1 rt a o H eS . T >o -I 3-8 a> ► "m fc " S 9 *>« £ «+-i o a to 3 tH* .2 « •rH CD Pq-to C a> a V u ci 4> « Pi Pi Pi OO N ip W N CO C! OHCiuscoaoNcoiPN^-iupiooNcocccon^o N(OCOOOO>01000)COlO^(MH^HNCOMCOHCOHCONOHG(0^oO -#05I>CONOO(NN©U5Tj(©M(NMNMHN!D©COOi(M>ON®>piOOO^ NHC1MH(Nin0)C')n!0'*NH(MHHHHHH l—l r— ( 05rHO>NOIO(NCOO(»OHOQM«iO«NOOON(OCOO(N05HHOOCl^ 05COOlOOCOOH10HH05 00(N®005HO}®10!»COacOOt'NNNOffl r—If—I i—I i—UOHOI'^NHHHH pH pHr—I pH rH rH (NlOOlNHOHffiiP^COMHOffiffl^O^Cl-ifHCOOCOffiNHtJUOCo (MOOOIOOIOlNU:ON.t^t^0000t^Tt<©t^pH©t^00©pH©©©©00'^H*(lOUPUP0OUP pH pH CO pH pH pH pH coc-aupcococoupoo CO■ I » ■ < p j r——t ■ < r —h 1 1 1 FEBRILE DISEASES 205 CO CO CO IQ Vj' CO 04 04 CO 04 O4 r“4 r-H r-H iH r-H i-H r-H f-H r-H i—t p-H 04 f~H 04 04 CO 04 C4 04 r-H r-H rH r-H i-H rH r-H r-H r-H f-H r—i r-H r-H HNOOdffiOOOOncOIOHNHCONMNNt^OON^IO'^CKNMCi^OOOO'^NtDMOOCOlOlO^^H OU5tf!(NOO'*0^'OWOCOHOOOOniOIM©NC3C5COOHM NCOOOOrtKOOOOHCOOOlOTjtOCO^COCOOSOCOOCJ^'^COCiNOlOOO'^lOlONOOOOOQOOOO •“H r-H 04 •—• •—I •—I ■—I •— I r— I 04 r-H r—I ■—I I* 04 TtH O ■rtH 00 40 Ttl O o o CO 40 rH • rH • rH rH »o rH rH • t— o • rH CO 04 ■*J4 • • 04 • rH rH • rH r-H r-H ci 40 ci CO rH f-H rH rH • • • rH • rH • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • * • • • Ol r— o 4Q CO CO r- Htl 00 Cl 04 o N rH CO rH co rH co 04 04 04 rH oo Cl rH T*4 00 CO CO CO I N • CO 04 rH l-H r-H 04 CO 00 40 o 04 rH i-H rH rH rH • rH 04 rH 04 rH rH • • • • • • o rH c— i-H rH 00 o co • rH 04 rH NO^MOHNOOMHNOMONfflNfflNON«TlUOT((10NNNHTj(NC5NU5p-t«NTjUt5TK^H CO'^««n»CiCOlNP3'<#lO^IN(NINCOH(Mr-((NWM(NWCOn<^I>ffilOlOHH HHCI(NlM(N(NO(NIN rH CO Cl OO 40 rH rH 04 r- T* Cl o CO rH CO 40 00 40 04 rH 40 co © o r^- Tti rH 04 r-~ 04 CO 00 O 40 rH 04 CO N 04 Cl rH CO 40 CO 4^ Tjl »o 30 CO CO Cl N »o CO CO CO CO CO CO 40 CO Cl rH 04 o Cl CO 40 T* CO CO 40 40 t- Cl Cl 00 Cl 00 Cl 00 rH rH 04 rH rH rH rH 40 Cl r- o CD CO co Tt< rH 04 rH rH rH rH rH CO 40 o 00 Cl CO rH rH rH »o • rH rH CO 40 CO 40 CO CO CO 40 3 3 40 rH rH rH 04 04 co 04 • • • • • • • • • l-H 04 04 04 5 3 co rH o Cl r-H rH rH • • 04 • rH • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • rH rH rH • • • . • • • • • TJ4 r- rH 04 04 T* CO 40 Tti Cl # rH rH CO 40 40 CO Cl co rH o co 04 04 Tt< rH rH co rH • • • • l-H co co co 04 • • • • • • rH 00 Cl Tt< rH Cl CO rH o CO CO CO Cl 00 rH CO 40 04 00 CO CO CO o CO r-- ci 00 40 rH # rH • rH • rH 04 rH rH rH • • CO CO rfi 04 CO i* 04 04 co 40 CO 04 rH rH CO rH rH rH rH rH rH rH rH rH rH rH 04 04 04 rH • • • • • • • • CO CO O TJ4 04 40 00 00 CO 04 r— co 40 TJH rtH CO oo rH o 00 co CO tH CO I s — rH 04 04 rH 04 l-H 04 rH tH CO rH CO 04 rH 40 r-- T*l 40 CO Tji co 40 r- ci CO TJ4 co CO CO CO CO 04 CO CO co 04 co T* 4CNN CO 40 • • • r-H 04 • • t-H 04 r-H. lQt^t^C0t^-t^iQ»O(MC0'^'^l>-rt4 »—i CO • • i-H CO 04 THN.INOCIClOONOOrHTjilONQ P-H 04 04 r-H 04 04 rH rH P-H rH r-H 04 r-H C4Mh(NhNUJi- iCOOO-ClCOlOOIr-H -COCOOCOOt^OlOCOCOOIOICOOCOIQifTtlTtlCOCOTtlTjHTtlcOrHCO rH • H H H 04 04 04 CO CO 04 04 WC<5 01M04HC104OW«®l0C!^04H!0NOO'!dXOr >-0 - O S- P 'c* JU' cs Oi "H S °o CD ^ £ g o r*»o a ^ • CO fc «o *2 ^ § a s » © HO 60 HO Si p HO •O r© c •S'* c* 2 • r-O •"» I _ HO O CD CD cl tH II Pi ja HJ 8 •p II Cl FEBRILE DISEASES 207 before 1812, reaching its peak in 1822 with the extraordinary rate of 589 and its low point in 1838 with a rate of 41; the second and much lower wave cul¬ minating in 1862 with its highest peak, a rate of 69, in 1842; the third, showing at its peak in 1871 a rate of 72 and ending in 1877 with a rate of 9, the lowest in the city’s history; and the fourth, beginning in 1878, rising gradually to a rate of 28 in 1881 and falling by gradual stages to a negligible value in 1915. The first two waves possess striking characteristics which are lacking in the last two, namely, multiple subsidiary peaks and depressions of great height and depth, and, during the years covered by them—1812 to 1862—bilious fever is the great contributory element, the curve for this cause being almost as high as that for the total for malarial diseases, with which it closely conforms. In Graph 2 (fiom table 17). Annual crude mortality rates from insect-borne diseases, 1812 to 1920, inclusive. the first great wave the peaks of the subsidiary waves are separated by intervals of from 1 to 4 years. Between the extraordinarily high peak of 1822 and the next one in 1826 there is an interval of 4 years, the rate for 1824, the mid-year, falling from 589 to 101. The time intervals between the subsidiary peaks and depressions of the second great wave are about the same as those of the first, but the peaks are without exception all lower than the depressions of the first great wave. In both the first and second waves a straight line would almost connect the points marking the rates for the years of depression, and the slant of the line in each instance would be acute, much more so, however, for the low points of the first than of the second wave. With the ending of the second wave, malaria, as a cause of death in Baltimore, had come to play a comparatively subsidiary role. Thus, these two waves are characterized by multiple epidemics of fatal malarial fever, in which the remittent type—now 208 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE called sestivo-autumnal—commonly classified as bilious, but sometimes as remit¬ tent (1819-1821, 1824, 1844, 1845, 1848-1850) and sometimes as congestive (1836-1847, 1850-1854), played overwhelmingly the principal role. When the rates for all forms of malaria are averaged for 5-year periods (table 18, graph 3) the course of the disease may be followed wdth greater ease. From a level of 211 for the period ending in 1815, the rate fell to 141 in 1816-1820 and rose to 264 in 1821-1825. From the highest point the rate fell continuously but by somewhat uneven gradations to 23 in 1856-1860. Eemaining stationary during the Civil War period, the rate rose during the next decade to 52 in 1871-1875. Table 18. —Average rate of death by 5- and 10-year periods from insect-borne diseases , from 1812 to 1920, inclusive. Period. Malarial fever. Yellow fever. Malarial and yellow fever. Typhus fever. Total. By 5-year periods. By 10-year periods. By 5-year periods. By 10-year periods. By 5-year periods. By 10-year periods. By 5-year periods. By 10-year periods. By 5-year periods. By 10-year periods. I 1812-15... 211 • • • • • • • • 211 • • • • 77 • • • • 288 • • • • 1816-20... 141 172 126 70 267 242 109 95 376 337 1821-25... 264 • • • • 1 • • • • 265 • • • • 116 • • • • 381 1826-30... 104 184 1 104 185 41 78 145 263 1831-35... 95 • • • • • • • • 95 • • • • 37 • • • • 132 • • • • 1836-40... 52 74 • • • • 52 74 22 29 74 103 1841-45... 47 • • • • • • • • 47 • • • • 12 • • • • 59 • • • • 1846-50... 42 44 • • • • 42 44 64 38 106 83 1851-55... 40 • * • • 6 • • • • 46 • • • • 10 • • • • 55 • • • • 1856-60... 23 32 3 23 35 2 6 26 41 1861-65... 23 • • • • • • • • 23 • • • • 1 0 0 0 0 24 • • • • 1866-70... 34 29 2 1 36 30 5 3 41 32 1871-75... 52 • • • • • • • • 52 • • • • 4 0 0 0 0 56 • • • • 1876-80... 15 34 3 1 18 35 2 3 20 38 1881-85... 26 • • • • • • • • 26 • • • • • • • • • • • • 26 • • • • 1886-90... 19 22 • • • • 19 22 • • • • 19 22 1891-95... 11 • • • • • • • • 11 • • • • • • • • 11 • • • • 1896-1900. 9 10 0 0 0 0 9 10 • • • • 9 10 1901-05... 4 • • • • 0 0 0 0 4 • • • • • • • • 4 • • • • 1906-10... 2 3 0 0 0 0 2 3 • • • • 2 3 1911-15... 1 • • • • 0 0 0 0 1 • • • • • • • • 1 • • • • 1916-20... • • • • 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 • • • • • • • • 1 The drop in the rate to 15 in 1876-1880 was succeeded by a rise to 26 in 1881-1885. From this date the rate declined uninterruptedly to the vanishing- point in 1916-1920. When the rates are averaged for 10-year periods (graph 4) the course of the curve is even smoother. Assuming that the absolute figures for deaths from malaria during these periods are approximately accurate, from the information at hand, how may these high rates and their fluctuations during these two periods be explained ? The first wave of malaria, evidently well on its ascent before the present story opens, comes under observation after a period of rapid growth due to immigration on a huge scale of people from more northern climates and less inured to malarial infection to a crowded little city situated on a stagnant basin, bisected by streams sluggish in the summer, and surrounded by marshes, FEBRILE DISEASES 209 Graph 3 (from table 18). Crude mortality rates from insect-borne diseases, averaged by 5-year periods, from 1812 to 1920. Graph 4 (from table 18). Crude mortality rates from insect-borne diseases, averaged by 10-year periods, 1812 to 1920. 210 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE about which its chief industrial life was centered. For over 20 years previous this community had carried on a thriving commerce with tropical or semi- tropical ports, and this trade was still active and remained so for many years. Thus, malaria in its severest forms must have been constantly imported to be readily spread among a population but poorly acclimated. The lower parts, at least, of the city abounded in stagnant pools and ill-drained streets, yards, and vacant lots. Two reservoirs at the upper borders of the city furnished additional breeding-places for mosquitoes. Cinchona bark, on account of the wars, was probably too scarce and too high in price to be available for a large proportion of the inhabitants. The minor epidemic peaks of the second wave were perhaps associated with the ultimate killing off and reaccumulation of susceptibles (immigration being largely responsible for the latter) and the neglect after a year or so of sanitary measures inaugurated during the epidemic peaks. The third great wave, extending over the 15 years between 1862 and 1877, differs radically from its two predecessors. Its ascent is at first gradual and broken by a minor wave without a decided peak covering the last 3 years of the Civil War and then abrupt, reaching its highest level in 1871. From this point there is a gradual drop during the 3-year period, 1872 to 1874. In 1875 there is a marked drop to 14, and the wave culminates in 1877 with the lowest rate hitherto attained. The intermittent type of malarial fever now makes a much more decided contribution to’the total rate than before, and its curve follows very closely that of the total curve. The curves of bilious fever and of con¬ gestive fever, the two elements representing continued or sestivo-autumnal " malarial fever, conform very closely with the curves of the total malarial rate and with the rate for intermittent fever. Indeed, were the rates for these two types combined, the resulting curve would closely fit both as to area and form the curve for intermittent. The decline in the rate for continued fever and the consequent comparatively low total rate during and immediately after the Civil War are probably directly associated with the cutting off of communications of Baltimore from the Southern States, the West Indies, and Central and South America during this period, and the subsequent rise in the death-rate from this type of malaria in the succeeding years up to 1871 and 1872, may well be intimately associated with the assumption of relations by land and by sea with these sources of more virulent malaria. It will be noted that during the Civil War there was a distinct, though not very great rise in the curve for intermittent fever, with a subsidence before the beginning of its great rise to rates of over 30 during 1871 and 1872. It is evident that the restrictions upon civilian intercourse during the Civil War more than counterbalanced any infection of the city by troops. The rise in the rates for malarial fevers between 1866 and 1874 was perhaps influenced to a considerable degree by the large immigration of unacclimatized people from Ireland and Germany. Among conditions of a local character favoring the fall of malarial deaths were the improvements resulting from the draining and filling at Fell’s Point and along lower Jones Falls and Harford Run, the abandonment of the Franklin Street and Belvedere Reservoirs, and the covering over of Chatsworth’s and Schroeder’s Runs. The last great wave, beginning in 1878, is characterized by a curve that rises almost abruptly to its highest point with a rate of 28 in 1881 and falls very FEBRILE DISEASES 211 gradually with a few minor rises (1893-1896 and 1897-1900), disappearing almost entirely in 1915. This curve is, therefore, relatively smooth. The rate for the newly introduced rubric malaria is the chief contributor to the total rate, and, as previously explained, this term must include deaths from both the intermittent and the continuous types of malarial fever. It will be noted that with the decline of its curve from 1897 and its disappearance from the nosology in 1902 the curve for intermittent fever rises. After 1910, no dis¬ tinction was made between continued and intermittent fevers. Bilious fever contributes a small quota to the total rate until 1885, and remittent fever is responsible for a considerable contribution thereto until 1897. To what factors is the course of the malarial curve from 1877 to be attributed? The reasons for the rise immediately after this date are as uncertain as are those for its fall immediately before. The rise and the peak of the curve coincide with the beginning and continuation of a migration from southern Europe, i. e., Bohemia and Italy, and from northern Europe, particularly of Polish Jews, the people from both sections, however, probably subject to malaria in their home countries. At this period, too, virulent malaria was frequently introduced at Sparrows Point by ore steamers from Cuba. The city was extending not only to the north, but to the northeast and northwest to higher ground. People also settled in the northeast along the uncovered portion of Harford Run and at the extreme south at Locust Point about docks. Facilities for reaching the lower tide¬ water counties of Maryland and Virginia for vacations and excursions were greatly increased on account of the development of steamboat lines. On the other hand, the clipper ship had well nigh disappeared, and the southern and tropical shipping trade was greatly curtailed. Thanks to the improvement in paving, grading, and filling, the development of more and better storm-water sewers, the improvement or abandonment of cow stables, the improvement in garbage collection and nuisance control, considerable changes for the better took place in those general conditions which favor the breeding, protection, and distribution of mosquitoes. Overflowing cesspools, somewhat better controlled than formerly, were not gotten rid of until after malaria ceased to be a cause of death in Baltimore. The recent anti-mosquito campaign of the health de¬ partment came after this date. Though the physicians of Baltimore in general, and the leading physicians in particular, were well grounded in the various aspects of malaria, and Coun¬ cilman and Abbott (52) had confirmed Lavaran’s studies on the malaria para¬ site at Bayview Hospital as early as 1885 and had taught the resident physi¬ cians of that institution the methods of blood examination as related to the diagnosis and treatment of this disease, it was not until the opening of the medical dispensary and wards of the Johns Hopkins Hospital under Osier, in 1889, that critical routine studies of the different forms of the malarial para¬ sites in relation to the various types of malarial fever were regularly practiced in this city, and a certain looseness in diagnosis, not only between the various forms of this disease, but between them and wound infections, typhoid fever, and other diseases, on the part of the general practitioner began to be rectified. By 1895, the activities of the pupils of Councilman, Abbott, Welch, and Osier, the influence of these teachers, the entry upon the held of consultation practice of Osier, Mitchell, Lockwood, C. B. Gamble jr., Thayer, Simon, and others so reacted upon the other hospitals and upon general medical practice that the 212 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION", ETC., IN BALTIMORE diagnosis of malaria became more rigid and its treatment more exact. An important role in correcting the confusion between malaria and typhoid fever and tuberculosis was played after 1900 by the bacteriological laboratory and by the critical attitude of Dr. Jones towards death certificates. The decrease in malaria and its final disappearance as a serious menace as a cause of death in Baltimore are probably due (1) to breakdown in the trade communications with localities in which malaria in severe types is endemic; (2) to the very gradual improvement in drainage, due to filling, grading, the building of storm-water sewers, and the covering of the three streams and the straightening and narrowing of the bed of the fourth, Jones Falls; (3) to the gradually increasing use of cinchona bark and its preparations, both in treat¬ ment and in prevention. It has been shown that malaria had almost entirely disappeared before the institution of the organized anti-mosquito campaign in 1910. Of the above measures, undoubtedly the most important was the freer use of quinine during the last 50 years, not only in the treatment of recognized mala¬ ria and as a preventative, but as a tonic, either alone or with other drugs in the treatment of all sorts of ailments. In the course of time, a large proportion of the population was saturated with quinine. During much of the time when malaria was at its worst, cinchona bark and its derivatives were scarce and so high priced as to be out of the reach of a large part of the population. Changes in the plan of treatment of severe malaria, according to which cinchona bark and its preparations were given earlier and in larger doses, and particularly by the hypodermic method, without waiting for results from the bleedings, emetics, purgings, and blisterings, as was formerly the custom, must have materially lowered the mortality. YELLOW FEVER. In Chapter Y, in tracing the important part yellow fever played in determin¬ ing the policies of public-health administration in Baltimore, and particularly in regard to quarantine measures, some account has been given of the distribu¬ tion of the disease in Baltimore and of the views held in regard to its origin and mode of spread, and this need not be repeated in detail here. Certain cardinal facts stand out clearly, namely, that (1) yellow fever in epidemic form in Baltimore nearly always began at Fell’s Point, the docking- place of ocean-going vessels; (2) it always remained limited to that area, except under the influence of unusually strong winds blowing over the district primarily infected towards the section secondarily affected; (3) when cases of yellow fever were removed from the primarily infected district to high ground (in the country or at the hospital at Broadway and Monument Streets), secondary cases did not occur; and (4) when residents of West Baltimore, who had contracted the disease while working in or visiting the infected area at Fell’s Point, remained in their homes and when cases of yellow fever were imported from Fell’s Point into West Baltimore (1797, 1855, 1883, and 1899), there were no recognized secondary cases. In the discussion of malaria it has been shown that conditions favorable to mosquito-breeding, while particularly favorable at Fell’s Point, must have existed throughout at least most of the city. That the Anopheles mosquito bred very widely in Baltimore is clear from the known distribution of cases of FEBRILE DISEASES 213 malaria. From the evidence at hand it would seem clearly established that the Stegomyia mosquito was at least in most years limited to FelFs Point and the Lazaretto Point and their immediate environs. Perhaps this species of mos¬ quito rarely, if ever, survived the Baltimore winter, and, having to be imported each year and arriving late in the season, it did not have opportunity for wide spreading from the region of the docks (Lazaretto and FelFs Point) at which it landed. The recorded data as to reported cases and deaths of recognized yellow fever at the quarantine stations have been presented in the chapter relating to quar¬ antine. The mortality within the city is presented in table 17 and graph 2. It is very improbable that, with the large shipping trade between Baltimore and the West Indies and Charleston and Savannah, not to mention other places where yellow fever was indigenous or often epidemic, the disease appeared here for the first time in 1794. While this year certainly marks the first great epidemic of this disease recognized as such in Baltimore, it is extremely probable that not infrequently before this date from a few to a considerable number of cases must have occurred and have been mistaken for bilious remittent malarial fever in both mild and severe forms. Indeed, Davidge, one of the first in North America to recognize that yellow fever is not contagious, held that it was only a heightened form of malarial fever, a view shared by many of his colleagues; and, as a matter of fact, in those of the early epidemics which are recorded in fullest detail, the first cases were invariably believed to be bilious remittent fever, and it was only after much investigation, discussion, and consideration that the existence of yellow fever was established and officially acknowledged. In a community in which some of the leading physicians were honestly con¬ vinced of the fundamental identity of two affections with such a large propor¬ tion of their cardinal symptoms in common, it was not to be expected that the authorities would lightly declare that cases of the annual summer visitation of continued fever belonged to the category yellow , and thus advertise the pres¬ ence of a malady to a prejudiced world, which, in its ignorance, classed it as a contagious pestilence, thereby, simply because of the use of a mere name or label, which in reality signified an error, bringing all the disadvantages and losses entailed by a quarantine upon a seaport whose prosperity depended upon a free and untrammeled commerce. This being the attitude towards yellow fever and its recognition as a separate disease after two considerable epidemics within 4 years (1794-1797), it is extremely unlikely that, in the loosely organ¬ ized administration of Baltimore Town before the scare of 1793, any great pains were exercised by either physicians or authorities to discriminate be¬ tween yellow and bilious fever at FelFs Point, where illness and death of con¬ tinued fever were common each year. The doctrine of the local origin of yellow fever and the failure to recognize that it was commonly imported on ships were not peculiar to Baltimore in the latter part of the eighteenth and the early years of the nineteenth centuries; the same errors were made in Philadelphia and in Charleston, South Caro¬ lina. Notwithstanding these opinions, the Baltimore city council quarantined against Philadelphia in 1797 and again in 1800, when yellow fever broke out there before its presence was recognized in Baltimore. Owing to lack of data in regard to the number of deaths annually ascribed to malarial fevers prior to 1812, comparative studies of the death-rates of 214 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE malarial and yellow fevers in Baltimore can not be made for any year prior to 1819, the first subsequent year with recorded deaths from yellow fever. The rather meager information in regard to 1794 is drawn from the accounts of Quinan and Cordell, both of whom wrote many years later. The governor’s quarantine officers and the local board of health were publicly criticized as early as July 8 for permitting yellow fever to gain entrance, but it was not until August 13 that Drs. Coulter, Brown, and Goodwin reported malignant bilious fever at Fell’s Point, to which location the disease was apparently con¬ fined. The board of health reported the city free of the disease on October 1 and admitted only 344 deaths from all causes in August and September. Cordell gives the number of deaths due to yellow fever alone for this year as 360. There is no record of the total number of cases. If the actual fatalities from yellow fever were 360, and if it is true that the disease was confined to Fell’s Point, where the total number of inhabitants could not have far exceeded 2,500, the attack and the death-rates were appalling, and the death-rate of 2,400, calculated on the estimated population of the whole town, high as it is, gives but a very incomplete idea of the severity of the scourge. Concerning the yellow fever epidemic of 1797, there exist two accounts which supplement each other, the report of the commissioners of health to the mayor and city council (53), published in the New Yorlc Medical Repository for November, 1797, and the essay of John B. Davidge (33), published the follow¬ ing year. The commissioners organized as a board of health on June 5 and soon after¬ wards enforced the new quarantine act on shipping from the West Indies and took precautions to examine travelers from Philadelphia, when later in the season a “ malignant fever ” appeared there. During July and August the health of the citizens of West Baltimore was unusually good; many nuisances had been removed, some low places had been filled, and the streets were cleaner than usual. In East Baltimore (Fell’s Point) a “ bilious complaint ” regarded as the common sickness of the season com¬ menced early and gradually progressed to a worse stage. On August 26, in response to letters from the board, Drs. Coulter, Allender, and Joquit, of Fell’s Point, while confessing to the presence of a severe type of continued fever, replied to the effect that they did not regard it as departing from the usual bilious remittent and intermittent, and cited their experiences as evidence that the fatality was not high. According to Dr. Coulter, on the fourth or fifth day, if timely remedies had not been applied, vomiting of black matter like coffee- grounds and sometimes mixed with dark blood occurred, attended with profuse hemorrhages from the nose, gums, and intestines, which generally carried the victim off on the sixth day. Since June he had attended upwards of 300 such cases and had lost only 8. At a meeting of the physicians of the city called on August 28, after the reading of these letters in reply to the questions of the president of the board of health, they all denied having knowledge of the exis¬ tence of any contagious or yellow fever, except Dr. Davidge’s case of a lady lately returned from Philadelphia (previously narrated elsewhere) and a sus¬ picious case attended by Dr. Smith. The next day, Drs, Goodwin, Moores, and Davidge, who investigated the cases of fever at Fell’s Point, reported that they “ discovered nothing like a malignant, contagious, or yellow fever; the FEBRILE DISEASES 215 patients whom we saw all labored under the common bilious remittent, and will generally recover, with common attention.” On September 3, five members of the board, with Dr. Moores as medical adviser, investigated conditions at Fell’s Point, and though they found that there had occurred a considerable extension of the disease, especially among the poor, they were not convinced, officially at least, that the malady was yellow fever. The next week, some days after the gathering of a crowd of people from all parts of the city to witness the launching of a frigate at Fell’s Point, there was a considerable extension of the disease in that district and the appearance of several cases in West Baltimore. On September 8, the first case of yellow fever was officially reported by Dr. Moores. According to Davidge, the most prominent advocate of the identity of bilious remittent and yellow fever, “ a little later, the disease raised from the grade of bilious to yellow fever and mounted its chariot of death and drove furiously through the streets .... and, conveyed by the northeast wind, it scattered itself all along Federal Hill and the west end of the basin; whichever direction the miasmata (arising from the stagnant water along the marshes and wharves), controlled by the winds, took, the disease tread closely upon its footsteps.” It sped to the end of Hanover Street and its vicinity and in a short time it penetrated “ to the vitals of the city and affected many who were not near the point or the wharves.” Potter gives the date of the great wind as September 17 and its direction as from the southeast, blowing the “ pestilential effluvia northwesterly and spreading the fever along Frederick, Gay, South, and Calvert Streets. Since it was found unpracticable to transport the sick to the quarantine hospital at Hawkins’ Point, a private house near Fell’s Point was converted into a hospital, capable of accommodating but a small proportion of the sick poor. At a meeting of the board of health with the physicians on September 11, the latter advised against the removal of the inhabitants of Fell’s Point to the country and the cutting off of communication between Fell’s Point and the rest of the city. In the report of the board of health, the actual number of cases and deaths of yellow fever is not given, but from the following figures for the total deaths for almost equal periods before and during the epidemic some estimate of its ravages may be obtained: Deaths from all causes, August 1 to September 11 (42 days), adults 97, children 74, total 171; September 11 to October 29 (48 days), adults 408, children 137, total 545. According to Davidge, the greatest number of deaths in the west end, or city proper, in any one day was 8, while the list of deaths at the point was for some time considerable. The epidemic began to subside about October 1 and was nearly or quite extinct by Novem¬ ber 1. Of the inhabitants of Fell’s Point, 2,679 remained throughout the epi¬ demic and 671 removed. From the meager accounts extant, it seems probable that yellow fever existed at Fell’s Point in 1798 and certainly was present in 1799, but definite records of the number of cases and deaths are lacking. According to the report of the Medical Faculty to the mayor on the origin of the pestilence in 1800, the disease was of domestic origin and not related to shipping, having started at Fell’s Point in May, and its principal source was the cove extending from the mouth of Jones Falls to the interior of Fell’s Point. Potter records that the increment of cases could be calculated with tolerable 216 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE accuracy by observing the variations of the winds. Though no record is avail¬ able of the actual number of cases and deaths, the epidemic was of considerable extent, for on August 28, the day the disease was acknowledged to be yellow fever, the board of health arranged to have the cases reported to it daily by special messengers. On September 2 a special encampment was established for the poor who wished to flee from the disease, and on the 5th, cases were reported in West Baltimore. The epidemic ceased October 22. The total deaths for the year were given as 1,197, or a rate for all causes of 45. Cases of yellow fever were recognized at FelPs Point in 1802, but according to the scanty accounts not in epidemic form. The sole authority found for the existence of yellow fever in 1807 is Potter, who records it as of special interest, to prove the local origin of the disease, since it occurred during the period of the embargo, when not a foreign ship entered the port. He quoted Drs. Allender and Clendenin, who had experienced the former epidemic at FelPs Point as attesting to the true character of the fever. Concerning the epidemic of 1819, the greatest since 1794, and the last one of serious dimension, there is considerable literature. Reese’s pamphlet (25) is especially clear and full. The first two cases occurred on July 21 and 22 in two men who frequented Smith’s Dock at the point. At this dock were two schoon¬ ers, recently from the West Indies, laden with coffee and hides. After the out¬ break of these two cases, the vessels were sent back to the quarantine grounds, but as the health officer found the crew healthy and the cargoes in good condi¬ tion, they were allowed to return to dock. Soon afterwards, 5 other cases of yel¬ low fever occurred in men working on Smith’s Dock. The outbreak was attrib¬ uted to the foul condition of Smith’s Dock and the Frederick and Gay Street Docks, to the general insanitary condition of FelPs Point, and to two stagnant ponds between the point and the lazaretto. The disease afterwards broke out at the latter place. By August 14, cases were apprehended at the lower east end of FelPs Point, at least a mile from Smith’s Dock. By August 28, about 50 cases had been reported, and the deaths were said to be about one-fifth the number attacked. Under the influence of a strong southeast wind, the disease was rapidly spreading towards Jones Falls and the city to the west of it, when, after veering, the wind blew for some days with equal force from the northwest, and the disease ceased to spread in that direction. Many persons, certainly over half of the population, fled from FelPs Point, some to the country and others to the city proper. Many cases were sent to the new Maryland Hospital on Broadway. There were 1,010 cases reported, but Reese estimated the total number of cases at 1,200. The official report placed the deaths at 350. Four deaths were credited to yellow fever in 1821, but the number of cases was not recorded. In 1853 there was a sudden outbreak of 18 cases of what was recorded as yellow fever, all fatal and occurring within a single block of dwellings at FelPs Point. The origin of the disease was not traced. “ About 50 cases,” one-half of which are said to have proved fatal, are recorded in the annual report of the board of health for 1854 as occurring at Fell’s Point, in the same locality as in the previous year. The disease was regarded as of local origin. The deaths (13), from yellow fever occurring within the city during 1855 were all among refugees admitted from Norfolk, Gosport, or Portsmouth, at the entrance of the Bay. No secondary cases developed from these. FEBRILE DISEASES 217 Early in the summer of 1859, a vessel from the West Indies was allowed to pass quarantine on account of her bill of health, and 5 laborers, who had been engaged in unloading her, developed typical yellow fever. Though they were nursed in their homes, the disease did not spread. A month after the departure of the vessel a pernicious fever, attended in some cases with black vomit, appeared on FelPs Point, and in several cases it proved fatal. In 1869 there were 27 deaths from yellow fever at FelPs Point. The 71 cases with 59 deaths (44 of the latter within the city and 15 at the quarantine hospital) in 1876 were recorded as typho-malarial fever by the commissioner of health. Dr. W. T. Councilman, in a personal communication, is the authority for the statement that Dr. E. Lloyd Howard, the quarantine physician, who attended many of them, regarded the disease as certainly yellow fever. According to the report of the commissioner of health, the cases occurred in rapid succession on Caroline Street near Thames Street, opposite to the City Dock. The illness was very acute, death often taking place within 24 hours. Of the 46 cases not removed to the quarantine hospital, only 2 recovered. The disease did not spread beyond this immediate locality. The few cases recorded in 1883 and 1899 developed in sailors taken sick on ships at the docks after passing quarantine; no secon¬ dary cases occurred. In the 49 years between 1850 and 1899, cases of yellow fever were recognized at the quarantine station on ships in 23 years and the disease appeared in the city in at least 8 of these years. In only 2 of these 8 years, 1854 and 1883, w^as the disease not recorded as present on ships inspected at quarantine. As a matter of fact, during the earlier years of this period, as well as during the 30 years between 1821 and 1850, when no cases and no deaths of yellow fever were recorded in the city, it is extremely probable that yellow fever often got into the city and either was not recognized, or, if recognized, its presence was not recorded by the officials. Considering the extensive commerce with yellow- fever infected places and the looseness of the quarantine administration of a city committed to the doctrine that yellow fever was of local origin, it would be preposterous to conclude that yellow fever completely failed to gain access to Baltimore between 1822 and 1853. During this period, “ bilious remittent ” fever was expected to recur at FelPs Point widely spread and in deadly form each summer and fall, and what was more likely and consistent than that the cases of yellow fever occurring at the same time should be reckoned as belonging to the former category. The remark¬ ably high death-rates attributed to bilious fever during this period would seem to demand this assumption for their explanation. The failure of the disease to spread among the inhabitants of the city in 1855, when there were 13 deaths among refugees from Norfolk, Portsmouth, and Gosport, is not remarkable in the light of the occurrences of other years. It is likely that these refugees belonged exclusively to the type of people who would have received shelter on the west side of the city on high ground, rather than at FelPs Point. From the resume given of the history of malaria and yellow fever in Balti¬ more, it is evident that in the late years of the eighteenth and in the earlier years of the nineteenth centuries, these two mosquito-borne diseases were very much confused. It is certain that in the epidemic of 1819 many of the earlier deaths at least were attributed to bilious fever and that for this year the official 218 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE figures for deaths from yellow fever were lower than actually experienced. It is certain that, owing either to mistakes in diagnosis or to wilful intent to hide the truth, in other years after 1819 a considerable number of deaths from yellow fever were ascribed to bilious fever. Indeed, in 1853 and 1854, while descrip¬ tions of outbreaks of yellow fever, with the number of deaths, are given in the text of the annual reports, this disease did not appear in the official mortality tables. For these two years it has been assumed that the deaths from yellow fever were credited to bilious fever, and the figures in the tables have been corrected accordingly. A similar correction has been made for 1876, when 44 deaths from what the quarantine physician who was well acquainted with the disease called yellow fever were attributed to typho-malaria by the commissioner of health. While the official figures for deaths credited to malaria and yellow fever individually can not be accepted as accurate, the sum of the deaths for the two must reflect with a fair degree of accuracy the total fatality from the mosquito-borne diseases. The averaged rates for 5-year and 10-year periods for total malaria and for yellow fever taken together are given in table 18. From 1812 to 1825, these affections were responsible for an average annual death-rate of nearly 250. By 1826-1830 the rate had fallen to 104 and by 1831-1835 to 95. High rates for bilious fever ended in 1836 (table 17) and it is probable that the period of fre¬ quent importation of severe tropical malaria and of yellow fever ended about this time. It is significant that bilious fever is described as being most preva¬ lent and fatal at Fell’s Point, the only place where yellow fever flourished. The combined rate fell continuously until 1846-1850 to 42. During the next 5 years, synchronously with three recorded slight outbreaks of yellow fever, the rate rose to 46. Falling to 23 in 1856-1860, and remaining stationary during the next 5 years in connection with known but small outbreaks of yellow fever, the rate rose between 1865 and 1875 to 52. The rise in the rate in 1881-1885, after a fall to 18 in 1875-1880, was perhaps associated to some degree with unrecognized yellow fever. It is doubtful if yellow fever was responsible for any considerable number of deaths after 1876. With the annual rates averaged for 10-year periods, except for a slight reaction for the decennium ending in 1880, the course of the curve from 1812 to 1920 is continuously downwards. TYPHUS FEVER. The local chroniclers record no serious epidemic of typhus fever during the eighteenth century, and its early history in Baltimore is shrouded in mystery. According to Jameson, it was present in 1799 and 1800. Typhus and typhus mitior are mentioned in the reports of the censors of the Medical and Chirurgi- cal Faculty as among the diseases prevalent in 1809, 1810, and 1811, but not as serious epidemics. Typhus fever is so rarely alluded to before 1852 in the annual reports of the health department that, but for its appearance in the list of interments as a considerable cause of death, its existence as a public-health problem would not be suspected. The sudden outbreak of typhus fever in 1814, with 56 deaths, as compared with none in 1812 and only 1 in 1813, may have been due to its spread from local endemic foci of mild type to the American troops defending the city, to FEBRILE DISEASES 219 importation from other American cities—New York or Philadelphia for instance—or, on the other hand, to contact on the part of civilians or troops with the British forces operating in Maryland. On account of the effective blockade of the whole Chesapeake Bay by the British fleet, the disease could hardly have been imported directly from Europe to Baltimore by vessels of commerce in this year. However this may be, as may be seen from table 17, graph 2, there began in 1814 an epidemic of great intensity, which extended over a period of 15 years, and no year was without fatalities from this cause until 1860. The course of the disease during the 15 years between 1813 and 1828, as evidenced by the death-rates, was that of a great epidemic wave of a virulent disease, in which the death-rate was for 13 consecutive years over 50 and which was broken by three very high subsidiary waves. The first of these coincides with the war with Great Britain, and the second and third with the period of great financial depression and want that occurred in Baltimore and elsewhere following the Napoleonic Wars, during which typhus fever was particularly prevalent and virulent in Europe. It is likely that the beginning of this great wave was connected with the introduction of the disease from contact with the British expeditionary forces, and that its continuation after peace in 1815 was due to constant reimportations upon the resumption of commerce and immigra¬ tion with Europe, particularly with Ireland and the ports of Liverpool, Glas¬ gow, London, and Bremen. During this period the contribution of typhus fever to the general death-rate was a heavy one. The next wave, beginning in 1829 and reaching its highest point in 1832 with a death-rate of 59, was associated with the crowds of immigrants, asserted by the quarantine officer in 1831 to be composed largely of the lame, halt, blind, and poverty-stricken, brought in by vessels in ballast from Europe, their passage often paid by the parishes from which they came. By 1840, typhus fever in Baltimore had become stabilized at a comparatively low rate and remained so until the definite epidemic of 1847-1851, which was clearly associated with the great immigration in those years from famine and typhus stricken Ireland. In 1847, 101 cases of typhus, of whom 17 died, were removed from ships at quarantine; and, as late as 1852, 48 cases were removed from a single ship, and of 144 of her passengers held at the lazaretto for observa¬ tion, 80 developed the disease. From the frequently quoted work of Buckler, it would appear that in this epidemic the chief incidence of the disease was among the recently landed immigrants and the free blacks. Among the former, some were sent directly from ships to the almshouse, and many after they had dwelt as servants in private families for one or two weeks after landing. In May and June of 1849 there was an epidemic of typhus confined almost exclu¬ sively to free negroes. “ In rows of houses occupied by Germans, Irish, and free blacks, it would invariably single out the latter, in many instances seizing an entire family.” Of 83 cases, all blacks with one exception, sent to the almshouse infirmary, ranging in age from 5 to 75 years, 39 were fatal. “ The cases were far more fatal in the beginning than at the close of the epidemic; of the first 18 cases admitted, all died, and of the last 20, all recovered. The mystery is why the blacks alone should have suffered. The cases came from Strawberry Alley on the east, Run Alley on the west, Biddle Alley on the north, and intermediate points. L Alley, near the center of the city and directly back of the public stores, was entirely depopulated.” 15 220 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE The greater incidence of the disease among the free than among the slave negroes is probably explainable in two ways—the greater number of the former in the population (over 8 times) and their greater exposure and comparative undernourishment. The slaves were better housed on their masters* premises and were well fed, while the free negroes, relatively underfed, lived largely in alleys in closer contact with the poorer immigrant whites. The greater sus¬ ceptibility to the disease of the negro than the poor white was probably due to the fact that he was new to it and that many were heavily infested with lice. Buckler pointed out that the quarantine system, as conducted, had never kept out the disease and that the policy of the city government towards the disease within the city was hopelessly ineffectual. Between 1856, when the disease had again become stabilized at a low rate, and 1869, cases were encountered at the quarantine station in only 3 years, 1857, 1858, and 1866. There were flareups of the disease in 1866-1867, 1870-1871, and in 1875, and the first two of these coincided with European wars. In 1870, 282 cases of typhus were removed from ships at quarantine, and in each of the 3 succeeding years cases were similarly detected. Between 1875 and 1892, cases were apprehended at quarantine in only 3 years, 1878, 1887, and 1892. Only 2 deaths were recorded in the city between 1884 and 1918. The salient features of the course of typhus fever are well brought out in the annual mortality rates averaged for 5- and 10-year periods (table 18, graphs 3 and 4). From the curves three epidemic waves stand out distinctly. Following the curve of the rates averaged for 5-year periods, the first wave, beginning with a rate of 77 for 1812—1815, rose to a peak with a rate of 116 in 1821-1825, and then declined continuously to the low level of 12 in 1841-1845. The second wave reached its sharp peak in 1846-1850 with a rate of 64 and fell abruptly to its low ebb in 1861-1865. The third wave, with its flattened peak, marked by rates of 5 in 1866-1870 and of 4 in 1871-1875, had subsided by 1876-1880. From 1880 there was no significant number of deaths. Typhus fever may be said to have run its course in Baltimore, certainly between 1813 and 1895, without any interference worthy of the name by the health department, either by keeping the diseases from gaining entrance through the port or by restrictive measures applied within the city. No serious efforts were made even to secure the reporting of cases, and when cases came to the knowledge of the health department, no adequate measures were taken to prevent the spread of the disease. Hospitalization was attempted in the cases of only some of those who were in such dire want and affliction that they could not be taken care of in their dwellings, and these were placed in the public wards of general hospitals without any precautions. The gradual disappearance of the disease was due entirely to causes unconnected with local public-health administration. No distinction was made between typhus or typhus gravior and typhus mitior, and typhoid fever did not enter into the local statistical nosology until 1851; therefore the question as to the confusion of typhus and typhoid fevers in the tables of causes of death naturally arises. This question will be considered in detail under the discussion of the latter disease; suffice it here to state that there must have been some confusion on this point, certainly in the earlier FEBRILE DISEASES 221 years, that the rates for typhus fever as given are on this account too high, but that, on the whole, it is probable that the errors connected with typhoid fever affected the rates for continued malarial fever to a much greater degree than those for typhus fever. If typhoid fever was very prevalent and deaths from it were classified under typhus fever to any great extent, the death-rates for the latter could hardly have been so low as they were between 1833 and 1845, before typhoid fever was recognized in the statistical nosology, or between 1851 and 1869, after this event. SUMMARY. The course of mortality for this group of diseases as a whole is best studied by comparing the rates as averaged for 5-year periods (table 18, graph 3). From an average rate of 288 for the period ending in 1815, the rates ascended to 376 in 1816-1820 and 381 in 1821-1825. For the 10 years between 1816- 1825 the annual death toll from these diseases was then not far short of 400, and during this time each member of the group reached the highest level attained during the period under review. In the 5 years ending in 1830, the picture completely changed, and, due to decreases in the rates for each separate disease, the total rate sank to 145. With the continued absence of yellow fever, at least as a recorded cause of death, and striking declines in the rates for both malaria and typhus fever, the total rate continued to fall and by 1841-1845 it had reached the comparatively low level of 59. Owing to a recrudescence of typhus fever and in the face of an actual fall in the rate for malaria, the total rate rose to 106 for the 5 years ending in 1850. During the next 5 years, in spite of a return of yellow fever, the total rate fell by 50 per cent. Between 1855 and 1865 the average rate was about 25. Associated with a rise in the rates of all three members of the group, the total rate ascended to 41 for the succeeding 5 years, and for the 5 years ending in 1875 it averaged 56. In spite of a slight turn of yellow fever, the total rate for 1876-1880 averaged only 20. Due to a rise in the rate for malaria, the total rate rose to 26 during the following five years. After 1885 the rate, with malaria now its sole contributor, fell gradually to a negligible value in 1920. Typhus fever, responsible for a large toll of deaths during the early part of the century, ran its course in epidemic waves. The first was the longest and most severe. The last two were comparatively mild, and each was less severe than its predecessor. In each epidemic the disease pursued its way uninterfered with by restrictive measures. Cases were not reported routinely, isolation and disinfection were not practiced, and hospitalization was confined to the homeless and the very poor, who were placed indiscriminately in the general wards. It may be said, then, that the course of typhus fever in Baltimore, until very recent years, represented the untrammeled reaction of the disease upon the population. Though recurring with a few scattered cases repeatedly from time to time since the last epidemic, the disease, in recognized form, has never gained a foothold, nevertheless, as has been shown by the inspection of school children as late as 1915, a considerable proportion of the population in various sections of the city was infested with head lice. In previous chapters it has been made clear enough that active administra¬ tive measures were directed against nuisances of the type which favored the recurrence and spread of malarial and yellow fevers. The correctness of their 222 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE view that these diseases were not contagious in the usual sense and their erron¬ eous belief that yellow fever was of local origin, and that both arose from miasmata generated in stagnant water, combined to lead the authorities on the right track in their efforts to combat them by sanitary measures. They pur¬ sued their policy of securing dry cellars, of filling and draining low places, of putting in drains, and of straightening and covering streams as best they might, just as determinately and as rapidly, under the influence of the old miasma theory, as they would have on the basis of correct information. So far as the city was concerned, the difficulty lay in the fact that the problems presented by rapidly expanding ocean commerce with infected localities, exuberant population growth, and the topographical conditions were too great to be rapidly overcome with the means at hand. Lack of knowledge concerning the relation of mosquitoes to the propagation of these diseases was, of course, a serious handicap that militated against their efforts in many respects. The closed or almost closed docks at Fell’s Point and the extensive marshes on each side and the pools of stagnant water on the point itself furnished ample breeding-places for myriads of mosquitoes. Lazaretto Point, just southeast of Fell’s Point, where until 1836 ships and cargoes were inspected, aired, and cleansed and passengers and crews were detained, was nearly surrounded by marshes and ponds. Thus conditions were ideal for the perennial propagation of malaria in both its milder indigenous and its severer imported forms and of yellow fever when imported from the tropics and from the southern parts of the United States. It is probable that the great drop in mortality from the mosquito-borne diseases between 1825 and 1830 was due in large measure to sanitary improvements at Fell’s Point and about Lazaretto Point, and that the further fall between 1835 and 1845 was to a considerable degree the result of the destruction by fire in 1836, of the Government lazaretto with the conse¬ quent abandonment of this place as an inspection-point for ocean shipping. With the permanent establishment of quarantine inspection and detention at Fairfield Point and later at Leading Point, as isolated, though mosquito- infested localities situated further from the city, the chances of importing pernicious malaria and yellow fever at the Fell’s Point and other city docks must have been materially diminished, though, as the records show, by no means closed. That part of the city called Old Town, along the east side of Jones Falls, and the territory of the city proper, situated along the west side of Jones Falls and the basin, were in the early days second only to Fell’s Point as centers of malaria. By the end of the first quarter of the nineteenth century consider¬ able improvements had been accomplished in these localities also as the result of straightening the course of the falls, filling in the marshes and other low grounds, and grading and paving streets and laying gutters. Activities of this character, together with improvements in the banks and channels of the lower reaches of Harford, Schroeder’s and Rutter’s Runs and of Jones Falls were prosecuted with vigor during the next 25 years. While these measures were never pushed to a. state of completeness that entirely removed the conditions essential to mosquito-breeding in the growing city, they were probably in large part responsible for the fall in mortality from the mosquito-borne dis¬ eases between 1835 and 1860. The slight reaction in the rate between 1850 FEBRILE DISEASES 223 and 1855 was associated with the repeated importation of yellow fever. The stationary state of the rate during the Civil War period, when commerce with the West Indies, Central and South America, and the Confederate States was cut off, suggests that the interference with the importation of malaria from these sources was more than offset by spread to the general population of malaria imported by Federal soldiers invalided from the armies fighting in the Southern States. The decided increase in mortality from malarial fever during the 10 years subsequent to the Civil War was probably a direct reflection of the resumption of communications with malarious countries and the returning soldiers, com¬ bined with relaxation in the progress of sanitary measures connected with drainage and the extensive ditching operations involved in the extension of water-mains at this time. That malarial fever of severe grade was common at this time in the newly built-up territory bordering the stagnant Harford Eun is a matter of record. There is convincing evidence that the rise in the rates for malaria between 1885 and 1890 was associated with infection of workers at the steel works at Sparrows Point, where the disease in severe form was con¬ stantly imported on ore-carrying vessels from Cuban ports. Between 1875 and 1890 all the large sewer streams except Jones Falls and the numerous uncovered sewers were covered over, and an increasingly large proportion of the inhabitants dwelt upon high ground. Between 1890 and 1920 the whole physical surface of most of the city was gradually changed by sanitary improve¬ ments which decreased the amount of standing water. However, in ravines, in cans and other receptacles on ash dumps, and on the irregular surfaces of ill-paved alleys, as late as 1920, there still remained opportunities for mosquito¬ breeding. The ditching involved in the construction of the new sewerage system between 1906 and 1915 gave ample opportunity for mosquito-breeding. Never¬ theless, during this whole period since 1890 the death-rates from malaria con¬ tinued to fall and before the special campaign to exterminate the mosquito was instituted in 1910 they had reached negligible proportions. These efforts continuously, though often but slowly and inffectually, put forth by the city authorities to prevent and abate nuisances of the type that favor the spread of the mosquito-borne diseases within the city were not the sole agencies at work. It has been pointed out that the opportunities for the direct importation into the city of malaria and yellow-fever cases and of mos¬ quitoes infected with their causal agents were materially lessened by the removal of the quarantine station to more distant points after 1836, though until very recent years the quarantine never offered a complete barrier. Though the decrease in the rate for yellow fever since 1876 must be credited in great degree to the sanitary improvements and to greater efficacy of quarantine measures, in large degree it must have been due to diminished prevalence of the disease at ports of trade and to the falling-off of shipping. The same con¬ siderations must apply also in large part to malaria. Especially important in connection with the fall in the rates from the latter disease has been its decrease in prevalence and severity in tidewater Maryland and Virginia, where it was in former years so frequently contracted by visitors from the city and whence it was constantly imported by visitors from the rural districts. All 224 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE the considerable evidence at hand indicates that, significant as were the bene¬ ficial results of administrative efforts of various kinds, the chief cause of the decline in the mortality from malarial fever was the saturation of the popula¬ tion with cinchona bark and its derivatives. ACUTE INFLAMMATORY AFFECTIONS OF THE INTESTINAL TRACT CHARACTERIZED BY FREQUENT LOOSE STOOLS OF ABNORMAL COMPOSITION. The term “ inflammation ” is here used in a very wide sense to embrace processes characterized by exudates composed largely of serum or plasma and poor in corpuscular elements, and associated with little or even no apparent loss of intestinal mucosa, as well as processes ranging from sero- and muco¬ purulent exudations and desquamative lesions to the more severe inflammatory lesions with abundant cellular exudations, hemorrhages, fibrous false mem¬ branes, and proliferation and necrosis of tissue. The affections now to be considered have long been recognized in both medical and statistical nosology as having one conspicuous symptom in com¬ mon—evacuations from the intestinal tract abnormal in frequency, amount, and composition. The same affection has gone under various names at different periods, as cholera morbus, cramp colic, and diarrhoea, for instance; and a single term, as dysentery, has included several affections varying both in ana¬ tomical lesions and in etiology. Affections apparently closely akin in causation and in other relationships as well have been classified separately according to the age of the victims, as cholera infantum for diarrhoea in infants and diar¬ rhoea or one of its synonyms for similar disease in those over 2 years of age. Two members of this statistical group, typhoid fever and Asiatic cholera, stand out clearly both anatomically and causally as definite specific diseases; but even these have been subject to much confusion with other numbers of the group. On the contrary, dysentery, distinguished in its common clinical form by characteristic pain in the lower bowel and by the frequent passage of stools containing mucus, pus, and recognizable blood, is not a single anatomical and etiological entity. The amoebic or so-called tropical dysentery due to Amoeba histolytica and met with at one period in Baltimore, has peculiar necrotic lesions resulting in typical ulcers in the rectum and colon; but it is by no means always acute and is not invariably accompanied with the characteristic rectal tenesmus and the purulent and bloody stools of the typical clinical dysentery. In fact, this form of dysentery often takes a chronic course, with alternate constipation and diarrhoea, and with stools resembling more closely those of an ordinary diarrhoea than those of typical dysentery. The type of clinical dysentery more common in temperate climates, and recognized since 1897 as caused by the bacillus of Shiga and its several varieties, and now known as bacillary dysentery, has no characteristic anatomical lesion of the intestine. The lesions vary in individual cases from simple congestion of the intestinal mucosa and its lymph follicles to destruction, with ulceration of both, with or without the deposit of fibrinous false-membranes. As will be pointed out in greater detail later, a not inconsiderable proportion of the deaths of infants classified under cholera infantum or summer complaint in FEBRILE DISEASES 225 Baltimore in recent years have been due to infection with B. dysenteries, with consequent confusion of statistical data. A type of dysentery well known to pathological anatomists as croupous or false-membranous dysentery and occur¬ ring often, but by no means always, a‘s a complication of other diseases, is prob¬ ably not always of specific etiology, but caused by a variety of bacteria, notably streptococcus. Similar lesions of the rectum and colon occur in mercurial poisoning. Under this section may be traced a fourth statistical rubric, which for lack of a better term will be called diarrhoea. Here are placed deaths classified under cholera morbus, cramp colic, diarrhoea, inflammation of the bowels, cholera infantum, and teething. According to the best available evidence, drawn from the traditions of local medical and statistical nosology, the last two embrace the deaths now classified under 104 of the present international classification of causes of death—diarrhoea in persons under 2 years of age. For con¬ venience this last group will be given the title in common usage in Baltimore, cholera infantum. The other four headings, at different periods in the history of the health department varying in relative importance in the statistical nosology, represent the present rubric 105, or diarrhoea in persons over 2 years of age. As cholera morbus until 1821 carried most of the deaths for both of these rubrics, the latter can not be separated with any degree of accuracy before this date. As a matter of fact, there is serious reason for doubting that classification between these two divisions of the diarrhceal affections ever approached accuracy. In this heterogenous group of affections called diarrhoea, the structural lesions of the intestines present, in general, no characteristic features, and are often insignificantly slight in proportion to the severity of the clinical symp¬ toms. Hypersection of mucus, exudation of plasma in large amounts from the vessels, changes in the bacterial flora of the intestines, with excessive fermenta¬ tion and putrefaction and consequent changes in the character, consistency, and frequency of the stools, and general prostration, often with rapid loss in weight, are the prominent characteristics. In severe cases the picture is strikingly similar to that of cholera, with which considerable confusion has existed at times. These diseases have in common a second important characteristic, viz, their causes appear to be spread, chiefly at least, in the same way by means of foods acting as vehicles of transmission. They constitute, therefore, the second divi¬ sion of the nuisance diseases. In certain foods recognized as particularly good vehicles, water, milk, etc., the causes of some of these diseases frequently find opportunities favorable not only for prolonging existence, but for multiplying rapidly. As the causal agents are given off from the body with the excreta,, it is not surprising that water, the food most readily polluted with such materials and the one universal food at all ages, should prove to be their most common means of communication from person to person; and hence arises the fact that in this group are found the best known examples of water-borne diseases. Through foods infected directly or indirectly from previous cases seem to he by far the most important vehicles of infection, an ever-increasing body of evidence supports the opinion that, in many instances at least, and for obvious reasons, the infecting agents are conveyed from person to person by direct contact. Ample evidence in favor of possibilities of this mode of trans- 226 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE mission is apparent when it is recalled that, in the natural course of events, micro-organisms present in any considerable number in the excreta must gain access by means of the garments to various parts of the body and finally to the hands, at times at least, of the most fastidiously cleanly. However, in this case, it is probable that in most instances the few organisms it is thus possible to convey from one person’s hands to another’s mouth are not sufficient for an infective dose and that successful conveyance of infection by hands usually . requires the medium of some food material in which the micro-organisms may first multiply. For obvious reasons, the transmission of the causal agents of these affections from the bowel discharges, and even in the case of some of them from the urine, to human food by insects, and notably by flies, is not unusual. Not uncommonly opportunity arises for the spread of some of them, particularly amoebic dysentery, by means of fresh vegetables and fruits eaten raw, such as cabbage, lettuce, cress, strawberries, and the like, which have been manured with night-soil. Possibly for all, and certainly for some of them, the causal agents persist in bowel and bladder discharges for varying periods after recovery. Some of those who have had typhoid fever discharge B. typhosus in their urine or feces many years after recovery. The chronic “ carrier ” exerts an important influence upon the persistence in communities of some of these diseases, notably typhoid fever and amoebic dysentery. Furthermore, for some of these, particu¬ larly cholera, typhoid and para-typhoid fevers, and dysentery, the “ carrier ” state may occasionally exist temporarily in persons who have never had clinical manifestations of infection. Too little is known of the behavior in the outside world of the causes of these diseases as a class to form an intelligent opinion concerning the sources and means of infection unassociated directly or indirectly with human beings as above outlined. At any rate, some of the most prominent, as cholera, typhoid fever, and dysentery, have disappeared for considerable periods of time when the chain of direct and indirect infection between human beings has been broken. It would appear, therefore, that the human being as a host forms a necessary link. Even a cursory study of their history in Baltimore indicates that the pre¬ valence and lethal force of the acute intestinal affections have been correlated with movements of people, the age and social composition of the population, natural conditions of and artificial interferences with the material environ¬ ment, and medical care. It is only within comparatively recent years that individual or personal efforts at their control have been put forth seriously. To trace separately and in detail for each member of the group those particular events in the social and sanitary history of the city that bear upon them all in common would involve needless repetition and hopeless confusion. Clarity will be gained by presenting the pertinent facts of the actual course of each affection, particularly in regard to its lethal force over the whole period under review, the relation of the various affections to each other and to the total death-rates for the group, and the conditions which appear to have influenced their course favorably or unfavorably. These acute intestinal affections natu¬ rally fall under four statistical headings, as follows: Diarrhoeas—cholera infantum (rubric 104) and diarrhoea (rubric 105) ; dysentery; Asiatic cholera; typhoid fever. FEBRILE DISEASES 227 DIARRHCEAS. The annual number of deaths ascribed to the heading cholera infantum (rubric 104) in the local statistical nosology can not be ascertained before 1821, because they were included with that from cholera morbus. Indeed, it would appear that it was some years later that the separation became sharply cut. While in a general sense it is clear that, after 1824 at least, cholera infan¬ tum, in the local statistical nosology, has meant the diarrhoeal affections of infants below the completion of the second year of life, it is by no means certain that it was consistently so restricted during all this long period of time. In the special tables for this heading for 1901 to 1904, inclusive, the age period, was given as “ under 5 years,” and it has been only since 1905 that the deaths have been specified as “ under 2 years of age.” The course of diarrhoea (105) (table 19, graph 5) in comparison with that of cholera infantum (104) between 1880 and 1898, when, on the whole, the former was rising or was holding a high level and the latter w T as falling, suggests that some deaths of infants certi¬ fied as due to diarrhoea were classified under this heading instead of under cholera infantum. The sharp rise in the rate for cholera infantum after 1898, associated with a correspondingly abrupt drop for diarrhoea, suggests changes in custom of classification rather than in the relative number of deaths from these two sets of causes. Between 1812 and 1898 the records show continuously a variable but consid¬ erable number of deaths attributed to teething, and during the long period of excessively high rates for cholera infantum between 1845 and 1875 the number of deaths classified under teething were specially numerous. On account of the testimony of physicians in practice, and especially of some of those long identified with the health department, that in the local nosology death from teething was synomyous with death from cholera infantum in the mind of the public and of many physicians, it has seemed necessary to include deaths under this heading in the rubric for cholera infantum. With the adoption of the international classification in 1899, teething as well as cholera infantum gave place to rubric 104. There is evidence that in some cholera years confusion between cholera asiatica and cholera infantum led to the assignment of deaths from one to the other of these two categories. Finally, there is a large possi¬ bility that, before 1899, deaths of children under 2 years of age reported as dysentery may have been classified by statistical clerks under that rubric instead of under cholera infantum, contrary to the custom obtaining since the adoption of the international classification. To few diseases of common occurrence and high fatality has intensive study over a long period of years yielded less in accurate knowledge of direct causation than the gastro-enteritis or diarrhoea of infants. In spite of the large body of valuable information gained in regard to predisposing causes as ill care, unsuit¬ able foods, heat and humidity, cold, the characteristics of the stools, pathological anatomy and general pathology, preventive measures (the use of mother’s milk, properly prepared and selected cow’s milk, and other foods), the scientific general care of infants, and even medical treatment, definite knowledge of the actual or determinative causes is lacking. Whereas it has long been known that at the same or at different dates there is great difference in the character of the stools of affected infants, particularly in regard to the presence or absence 228 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE Table 19 .—Number of deaths and rate of death, per 100,000 living inhabitants, from diarrhoea, dysentery, cholera, and typhoid fever, and the percentage of total acute inflammatory in¬ fections of the intestinal tract of total deaths, from 1812 to 1920, inclusive. D = death. R = rate. Diarrhoea. Diarrhoea, under 2 years of age. Diarrhoea, 2 years of age and over. Year. Cholera infantum. Teething. Total. Cholera morbus. Cramp colic. Diar¬ rhoea. Inflam¬ mation of bowels. Total. Total. D R D R D R D R D R D R D R D R D R 1812 • % 2 5 2 5 174 425 8 20 1 2 • • • 183 447 185 452 1813 • • 6 14 6 14 179 418 11 26 • • • 190 444 196 458 1814 • • 4 9 4 9 102 228 18 40 • • • 120 268 124 277 1815 • • 9 19 9 19 167 357 8 17 • • • 175 374 184 394 1816 • • 3 6 3 6 132 270 16 33 • • • 148 303 151 309 1817 • • 9 18 9 18 214 420 9 18 • • • 223 438 232 455 1818 • • 16 30 16 30 280 526 15 28 4 8 299 562 315 592 1819 • • 27 49 27 49 121 218 4 7 1 2 126 227 153 276 1820 • • 20 35 20 35 175 302 17 29 2 3 5 9 199 344 219 379 1821 • • 197 327 9 15 206 342 12 20 26 43 10 17 2 3 50 83 256 425 1822 • • 260 414 16 25 276 439 5 8 15 24 9 14 1 2 30 48 306 487 1823 • • 253 387 13 20 266 407 • • • • • • 9 14 • • • • • • 6 9 15 23 281 430 1824 • • 90 132 4 6 94 138 5 7 11 16 1 1 8 12 25 37 119 175 1825 • • 93 131 14 20 107 151 7 10 17 24 37 52 • • • • • • 61 86 168 237 1826 • • 119 162 8 11 127 172 11 15 17 23 • • • • • • 1 1 29 39 156 212 1827 • • 77 101 11 14 88 115 12 16 13 17 • • • • • • 6 8 31 40 119 155 1828 • • 110 138 16 20 126 158 9 11 7 9 1 1 10 13 27 34 153 192 1829 • • 140 170 1 1 141 171 7 8 15 18 • * • • • • 8 10 30 36 171 207 1830 • • 182 212 8 9 190 222 40 47 7 8 • • • • • • 10 12 57 67 247 288 1831 • • 248 279 18 20 266 299 9 10 9 10 3 3 7 8 28 32 294 331 1832 • • 332 360 16 17 348 378 2 2 22 24 1 1 17 18 42 46 390 423 1833 • • 146 153 17 18 163 171 2 2 8 8 • • • • • • 22 23 32 34 195 204 1834 • • 201 203 23 23 224 226 35 35 23 23 1 1 14 14 73 74 297 300 1835 • • 89 87 23 22 112 109 5 5 10 10 • • • • • • 15 15 30 29 142 139 1836 • • 191 180 16 15 207 195 2 2 6 6 2 2 15 14 25 24 232 219 1837 • • 131 120 28 26 159 145 • • • • • • 9 8 • • • • • • 10 9 19 17 178 162 1838 • • 199 176 21 19 220 194 2 2 4 4 • • • • • • 14 12 20 18 240 212 1839 • • 125 107 15 13 140 120 2 2 3 3 1 1 20 17 26 22 166 142 1840 • • 114 94 21 17 135 112 1 1 7 6 • • • • • • 21 17 29 24 164 136 1841 • • 194 155 28 22 222 178 • • • • • • 4 3 • • • • • • 36 29 40 32 262 210 1842 • • 198 154 29 22 227 176 9 7 4 3 2 2 46 36 61 47 288 223 1843 • • 159 119 29 22 188 141 8 6 10 8 • • • • • • 46 35 64 48 252 189 1844 • • 129 94 16 12 145 106 6 4 5 4 1 1 37 27 49 36 194 141 1845 • • 113 80 19 13 132 93 7 5 12 8 • • • • • • 34 24 53 37 185 131 1846 • • 139 95 42 29 181 124 4 3 8 5 • • • • • • 51 35 63 43 244 167 1847 • • 249 166 69 46 318 212 • • • • • • 4 3 7 5 60 40 71 47 389 259 1848 • • 244 158 92 59 336 217 • • • • • • 6 4 15 10 67 43 88 57 424 274 1849 • • 290 182 102 64 392 246 32 20 9 6 69 43 46 29 156 98 548 344 1850 • • 347 212 99 60 446 272 27 16 9 5 40 24 54 33 130 79 576 351 1851 • • 290 172 93 55 383 227 6 4 11 7 15 9 66 39 98 58 481 285 1852 • • 339 195 120 69 459 265 10 6 13 8 49 28 78 45 150 86 609 351 1853 • • 256 144 94 53 350 196 11 6 28 16 34 19 80 45 153 86 503 282 1854 • • 395 216 114 62 509 278 129 70 111 61 39 21 55 30 334 182 843 460 1855 • • 418 222 169 90 587 312 22 12 22 12 30 16 88 47 162 86 749 398 1856 • • 568 294 206 107 774 400 14 7 11 6 6 3 88 46 119 62 893 462 1857 • • 410 207 206 104 616 310 12 6 24 12 14 7 74 37 124 62 740 373 1858 • • 361 177 210 103 571 280 10 5 32 16 7 3 87 43 136 67 707 347 1859 • • 386 185 163 78 549 263 17 8 21 10 16 8 68 33 122 58 671 321 1860 • • 328 153 204 95 532 248 13 6 25 12 6 3 84 39 128 60 660 308 1861 • • 325 148 225 102 550 250 8 4 48 22 8 4 63 29 127 58 677 308 1862 • • 266 118 157 70 423 188 13 6 57 25 15 7 55 24 140 62 563 250 1863 • • 287 124 157 68 444 192 13 6 77 33 13 6 57 25 160 69 604 261 1864 • • 309 130 150 63 459 194 10 4 87 37 9 4 68 29 174 73 633 267 1865 • • 285 117 112 46 397 164 30 12 79 33 21 9 61 25 191 79 588 242 1866 • • 340 137 151 61 491 198 40 16 109 44 21 8 41 17 211 85 702 283 FEBRILE DISEASES 229 Table 19 .—Number of deaths and rate of death, per 100,000 living inhabitants, from diarrhoea, dysentery, cholera, and typhoid fever, etc. —Continued. D = death. R = rate. Diarrhoea. Diarrhoea, under 2 years of age. Diarrhoea, 2 years of age and over. Year. Cholera infantum. Teething. Total. Cholera morbus. Cramp colic. Diar¬ rhoea. Inflam¬ mation of bowels. Total. Total. D R D R D R D R D R D R D R D R D R 1867 • • 257 101 230 90 487 191 14 6 159 62 6 2 51 20 230 90 717 282 1868 • • 356 137 307 118 663 255 17 7 153 59 8 3 40 15 218 84 881 338 1869 • • 332 125 284 107 616 231 23 9 121 45 10 4 61 23 215 81 831 312 1870 • • 450 165 272 100 722 265 20 7 195 72 4 1 52 19 271 99 993 364 1871 • • 286 103 226 81 512 184 23 8 215 77 12 4 52 19 302 108 814 292 1872 • • 638 224 293 103 931 326 39 14 60 21 9 3 69 24 177 62 1108 388 1873 • • 598 205 274 94 872 299 26 9 15 5 122 42 163 56 1035 355 1874 • • 766 257 284 95 1050 352 23 8 • • • 13 4 176 59 212 71 1262 423 1875 • • 643 211 119 39 762 250 22 7 • • • 97 32 73 24 192 63 954 313 1876 • • 702 226 136 44 838 269 24 8 • • • 147 47 79 25 250 80 1088 350 1877 • • 615 193 143 45 758 238 16 5 • • • 136 43 89 28 241 76 999 314 1878 • • 343 106 79 24 422 130 14 4 • • • 164 51 35 11 213 66 635 196 1879 • • 475 143 98 30 573 172 18 5 • • • 160 48 40 12 218 66 791 239 1880 • • 503 149 104 31 607 179 25 7 • • • 120 35 63 19 208 61 815 241 1881 • • 558 161 115 33 673 195 34 10 • • • 221 64 61 18 316 91 989 286 1882 • • 399 113 87 25 486 138 23 7 • • • 166 47 62 18 251 71 737 209 1883 • • 473 131 91 25 564 157 18 5 • • • 167 46 62 17 247 69 811 225 1884 • • 496 135 104 28 600 163 16 4 9 0 0 240 65 56 15 312 85 912 248 1885 • • 498 133 99 26 597 159 28 7 0 9 0 186 50 56 15 270 72 867 232 1886 • • 485 127 98 26 583 153 13 3 0 0 0 238 62 65 17 316 83 899 235 1887 • • 567 146 111 29 678 174 29 *7 • 00 277 71 85 22 391 100 1069 275 1888 • • 651 155 105 25 756 180 30 7 • 09 330 79 79 19 439 105 1195 285 1889 • • 572 134 99 23 671 157 24 6 • 09 374 88 76 18 474 111 1145 263 1890 • • 507 117 128 29 635 146 23 5 • 00 418 96 105 24 546 126 1181 272 1891 • • 531 120 102 23 633 143 27 6 • 00 342 77 70 16 439 99 1072 243 1892 • • 661 147 126 28 787 175 29 6 • •• 445 99 104 23 578 129 1365 304 1893 • • 444 97 112 25 556 122 35 8 • 00 351 77 91 20 477 104 1033 226 1894 • • 440 95 77 17 517 111 18 4 • 00 419 90 72 16 509 110 1026 221 1895 • • 510 108 95 20 605 129 17 4 • 90 400 85 77 16 494 105 1099 233 1896 • • 412 86 68 14 480 100 22 5 • 00 373 78 92 19 487 102 967 202 1897 • • 401 83 75 15 476 98 14 3 • 00 410 84 80 16 504 104 980 202 1898 • • 386 78 65 13 451 91 12 2 • 00 490 99 18 4 520 105 971 197 1899 • • 703 141 • • • 703 141 16 3 • 00 165 38 • • • 181 36 884 177 1900 • • 848 167 • • • 848 167 6 1 • 00 105 21 • • • 111 22 959 189 1901 • • 726 141 • • • 726 141 7 1 • 00 88 17 • 00 95 18 821 160 1902 • • 695 133 • • • 695 133 16 3 • 00 82 16 • 00 98 19 793 152 1903 • • 550 104 • • • 550 104 8 2 • • • 68 13 • • • 76 14 626 119 1904 • • 671 126 • • • 671 126 6 1 • • • 72 13 • • • 78 15 749 140 1905 • • 751 139 • • • 751 139 4 1 • • • 86 16 • • • 90 17 841 156 1906 • • 623 114 • • • 623 114 4 1 • • • 86 16 • 00 90 16 713 130 1907 747 135 • • • 747 135 11 2 • • • 122 22 • 00 133 24 880 159 1908 591 106 • • • 591 106 15 3 • 00 109 19 • 00 124 22 715 128 1909 562 99 • • • 562 99 5 1 • 00 119 21 • • • 124 22 686 121 1910 • • 598 105 • • • 598 105 6 1 • • • 113 20 • • • 119 21 717 125 1911 568 98 • • • 568 98 3 1 . . . 83 14 • • • 86 15 654 113 1912 • • 501 86 • • • 501 86 3 1 . . . 88 15 • • • 91 16 592 101 1913 # # 558 95 • • • 558 95 2 . . . 83 14 • • • 85 14 643 109 1914 • * 564 95 • • • 564 95 . . . 78 13 • • • 78 13 642 108 1915 • • 480 80 • • • 480 80 91 15 • 90 91 15 571 95 1916 • • 581 96 • • • 581 96 83 14 . . . 83 14 664 109 1917 • • • 635 104 • • • 635 104 . . . 101 16 • • • 101 16 736 120 1918 • • 795 129 ' • • • 795 129 143 23 • • • 143 23 938 152 1919 • • 616 85 • • • 616 85 . . . 134 19 • • • 134 19 | 750 104 1920 •• 663 90 l ... 663 90 . . . ... 105 14 . . . ... 105 14 768 105 230 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE Table 19. —Number of deaths and rate of death, per 100,000 living inhabitants, from diarrhoea, dysentery, cholera, and typhoid fever, etc. —Continued. D = death. R = rate. Year. Dysen¬ tery. Cholera. Typhoid fever. Grand total. Per cent. of total deaths. Nervous fever. Gastric fever. Typho- malarial fever. Typhoid fever. Total. D R D R D R D R D R D R D R D R 1812 2 5 2 5 187 457 16 1813 • • • • • • • • • • • • , * * . . . ... • • • 196 458 17 1814 • • • 6 13 • • • 3 7 ... 3 7 133 297 12 1815 • • • 7 15 • • • 1 2 . . . 1 2 192 411 14 1816 • • • 12 25 • • • 5 10 5 10 168 344 13 1817 • • • 10 20 • • • 2 4 ... 2 4 244 479 18 1818 • • • 31 58 • • • 7 13 7 13 353 664 21 1819 • • • 26 47 • • • 2 4 2 4 181 326 8 1820 • • • 64 111 • • • 5 9 • • • 5 9 288 498 19 1821 • • • 41 68 • • • 5 8 ... • • . 5 8 302 501 16 1822 • • • 56 89 • • • • • • • • • ... • • • 362 576 16 1823 • • • 46 70 • • • 9 14 9 14 336 514 17 1824 • • • 13 19 • • • 2 3 • * * 2 3 134 197 10 1825 ■ • • 30 42 • • • 198 280 14 1826 • • • 47 64 • • • 203 276 11 1827 • • • 20 26 • • • 139 181 10 1828 • • • 20 25 • • • 173 218 11 1829 • • • 12 15 • • • 183 222 11 1830 • • • 21 25 • • • 268 313 14 1831 • • • 24 27 • • • 318 358 15 1832 • • • 58 63 853 926 1301 1412 38 1833 • • • 32 34 • • • 227 238 10 1834 • • • 39 39 71 72 407 412 16 1835 • • • 28 27 • • • 170 166 9 1836 • • • 25 24 • • • 257 243 9 1837 • • • 39 36 • • • 3 3 3 3 220 201 9 1838 • • • 25 22 • • • 5 4 5 4 270 238 11 1839 • • • 16 14 • • • 8 7 8 7 190 162 8 1840 • • • 27 22 • • • 10 8 10 8 201 166 10 1841 • • • 22 18 • « • 7 6 7 6 291 233 13 1842 • • • 25 19 • • • 12 9 * * * 12 9 325 252 13 1843 • • • 22 17 • • • 1 1 17 13 18 14 292 219 13 1844 • • • 13 9 • • • 2 1 22 16 24 17 231 168 9 1845 • • • 13 9 1 1 2 1 36 25 . • . 38 27 237 167 8 1846 • • • 7 5 25 17 * * * 25 17 276 189 9 1847 • • • 42 28 29 19 ... 29 19 460 306 13 1848 • • • 46 30 • • • 4 3 20 13 24 16 494 319 13 1849 • • • 148 93 • • • 4 3 21 13 25 16 721 453 17 1850 • • • 237 145 • • • 3 2 30 18 33 20 846 516 20 1851 • • • 161 95 • • • 19 11 71 42 90 53 732 434 18 1852 • • • 222 128 • • • 14 8 78 45 92 53 923 532 19 1853 • • • 242 136 • • • 18 10 101 57 119 67 864 485 18 1854 • • • 252 138 2 1 15 8 95 52 110 60 1207 659 23 1855 • • • 202 107 • • • 14 7 94 50 108 57 1059 563 21 1856 • • • 213 110 • • • 13 7 69 36 82 42 1188 614 23 1857 • • • 141 71 • • • 10 5 . . . 84 42 94 47 975 491 19 1858 • • • 137 67 • • • 7 3 100 49 107 53 951 467 18 1859 • • • 104 50 • • • 9 4 92 44 101 48 876 419 19 1860 • • • 59 28 • • • 8 4 101 47 109 51 828 386 17 1861 • • • 51 23 • • • 9 4 167 76 176 80 904 411 19 1862 m m m 43 19 11 5 202 90 213 94 819 363 16 1863 • • • 60 26 • • • 12 5 168 73 180 78 844 365 15 1864 • • • 73 31 • • • 5 2 200 84 205 87 911 385 16 1865 • • • 67 28 • • • 4 2 . . . 171 70 175 72 830 342 18 1866 . . . 67 27 62 25 5 2 ... 196 79 201 81 1032 415 18 FEBRILE DISEASES 231 Table 19 .—Number of deaths and rate of death, per 100,000 living inhabitants, from diarrhoea, dysentery, cholera, and typhoid fever, etc. —Continued. D = death. It = rate. Year. Dysen¬ tery. Cholera. Typhoid fever. Grand total. Per cent. of total deaths Nervous fever. Gastric fever. Typho- malarial fever. Typhoid fever. Total. D R D R D R D R D R D R D R D R 1867 63 ! 25 11 4 • • • 235 92 246 97 1026 403 19 1868 • • • 85 33 9 3 • • • 167 64 176 68 1142 438 18 1869 • • • 83 31 .. t 14 5 • • • 210 79 224 84 1138 427 18 1870 65 24 25 9 • • • 265 97 290 106 1348 494 19 1871 • • • 83 30 9 3 • • • 200 72 209 75 1106 397 15 1872 71 25 15 5 • • • 229 80 244 86 1423 499 16 1873 ... 76 26 15 5 • • • 230 79 245 84 1356 465 18 1874 • • • 71 24 . . . 1 16 5 • • • 226 76 242 81 1575 528 21 1875 • • • 48 16 25 8 ... 187 61 212 70 1214 398 17 1876 57 18 6 2 177 57 183 59 1328 427 18 1877 49 15 4 1 ... • • • • • • • • • • • • 212 67 212 67 1264 397 16 1878 41 13 3 1 ... 177 55 180 55 856 264 13 1879 ... 60 18 2 1 • • • • • • 6 2 17 5 167 50 190 57 1043 314 14 1880 • • • 57 17 5 1 31 9 197 58 233 69 1105 326 14 1881 • • • 56 16 5 1 50 14 197 57 252 73 1297 375 15 1882 • • • 62 18 1 • • • 44 12 165 47 210 60 1009 286 11 1883 • • • 52 14 3 1 48 13 126 35 177 49 1040 289 11 1884 ... 43 12 4 1 66 18 151 41 221 60 1176 320 14 1885 • • • 60 16 75 20 155 41 230 61 1157 309 14 1886 • • • 84 22 1 ... 58 15 150 39 209 55 1192 312 14 1887 • • • 138 35 55 14 156 40 211 54 1418 364 17 1888 • • • 167 40 41 10 161 38 202 48 1564 373 18 1889 • • • 156 37 33 8 191 45 224 52 1525 357 18 1890 • • • 212 49 54 12 247 57 301 69 1694 390 17 1891 • • • 18 4 39 9 150 34 189 43 1279 289 13 1892 • • • 109 24 33 7 193 43 226 50 1700 378 16 1893 • • • 62 14 31 7 224 49 255 56 1350 296 14 1894 • • • 72 16 35 8 222 48 257 55 1355 292 14 1895 ... 70 15 19 4 173 37 192 41 1361 289 13 1896 82 17 16 3 188 39 204 43 1253 262 13 1897 57 12 1 • • • 20 4 189 39 210 43 1247 257 13 1898 ... 82 17 12 2 189 38 201 41 1254 254 12 1899 ... 57 11 153 31 153 31 1094 219 11 1900 77 15 189 37 189 37 1225 242 11 1901 ... 49 10 141 27 141 27 1011 197 10 1902 ... 78 15 220 42 220 42 1091 210 11 1903 40 8 189 36 189 36 855 162 8 1904 ... 54 10 199 37 199 37 1002 188 9 1905 44 8 197 36 197 36 1082 200 10 1906 37 7 183 33 183 33 933 171 9 1907 48 9 230 42 230 42 1158 209 10 1908 ... 35 6 180 32 180 32 930 166 9 1909 33 6 136 24 136 24 855 151 8 1910 • • • 31 5 235 41 235 41 983 172 9 1911 • • • 25 4 154 27 154 27 833 144 8 1912 • • • 17 3 136 23 136 23 745 128 7 1913 • • • 21 4 135 23 135 23 799 135 8 1914 • • • 10 2 130 22 130 22 782 131 7 1915 12 2 128 21 128 21 711 118 7 1916 7 1 107 18 107 18 778 128 7 1917 • • • 5 1 92 15 92 15 833 136 7 1918 • • • 5 1 73 12 73 12 1016 164 6 1919 • • • 3 60 8 60 8 813 113 7 1920 • • • 22 3 35 5 35 5 825 112 7 232 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION - , ETC., IN BALTIMORE of blood and pus, it has been commonly assumed that the affection is a single and distinct entity, and the work of pathological anatomists and of bacteri¬ ologists, including that of Booker (54), in 1895, who found streptococci in the intestinal lesions of a group of cases, and of Duval and Bassett (55), in 1902, who cultivated varieties of B. dysenteric from the stools of certain Balti¬ more cases, did not seriously upset this prevailing conception. The recent demonstration by Professor John Howland (personal communi¬ cation) and his coworkers that B. dysenteric , in relation to infantile diarrhoeas in Baltimore, is confined strictly to cases with bloody stools and that this form of bowel affection occurs from time to time in epidemic outbreaks in widely separated areas in Baltimore and may spread among children with other affec- Graph 5 (from table 19). Animal crude mortality rates from diarrhoea, from 1812 to 1920, inclusive. tions in a well administered hospital when cases are admitted to the wards, is of far-reaching importance. Thus, for Baltimore, it appears to be conclusively established that this rubric, cholera infantum, consists of at least two separate elements, the dysentery and the non-dysentery. The dysentery type of infantile enteritis is often particularly fatal, but no data exist for comparing its lethal powers with the group or groups of other types and causation. That dysentery was an important cause of death among infants is shown by the high death- rate under 1 year of age from this disease in 1850. William T. Howard, sr. (86), was struck with the close relationship between cholera infantum and dysentery, and in his lectures written about 1870 stated that when the infant in a family became ill with cholera infantum, older children in the same household were often attacked by typical dysentery. FEBRILE DISEASES 233 It will be noted from table 19 that high death-rates from cholera infantum have often, but by no means invariably, synchronized in time with high rates for dysentery, and there would appear to be a rough sort of correlation in the simultaneous fall in these two rates particularly during the last few years. However, since knowledge concerning the proportional distribution of the deaths ascribed to dysentery among the several varieties of this disease as clinically and anatomically defined is entirely lacking, any attempt at close comparison between its course and that of cholera infantum is manifestly unwarranted. Whether the non-dysentery moiety of infantile enteritis is due to the same indefinite congeries of causes, to which the diarrhoeas of older children and adults is ascribed, is, of course, unknown. It must be clearly recognized that, as here used, cholera infantum is from neither the etiological nor the anatomical standpoints a specific disease entity, but that it embraces deaths which under a proper causal classification would be ascribed to dysentery, and in other ways it is not strictly comparable with diarrhoea (rubric 105), which, in theory at least, avowedly excludes all dysenteries. Assuming for the purpose of the present study that the figures recorded for deaths from cholera infantum and teething are correct, and that these headings taken together represent, from 1821 to 1898, the later rubric 104 of the international classification, the course of its force of mortality may be followed for 100 years. Such rates are far from specific as regards age of those exposed to risk and much less so than those calculated for dysentery and for diarrhoea. For according to definition, in calculating the rates for the latter rubric, the divisor includes erroneously the relatively small age-group under the second year of age and from the dividend the deaths from these affections within this age-group are excluded, while in the rates for cholera infantum the divisor includes the comparatively great moiety of population above the second year used upon a dividend represented by the number of deaths within this very restricted age group. On this basis, for direct comparison, the rates for cholera infantum would have to be multiplied something over 20 times. And again, strict comparison of the rates for this rubric for the earlier years with those of the later years is unwarranted because of changes in the age-groupings of the population. It is evident that the rate for cholera infantum would be materially affected by changes in the birth-rate, and by the rise and fall in the death rates from such affections as measles, scarlet fever, whooping-cough, and diphtheria. Even while bearing constantly in mind these various explanations and reservations made necessary by the character of the data available (from study of table 19 and graph 5), it is abundantly evident that the annual rates for cholera infantum, as calculated, are not only very high and show frequently substantial variations from year to year, but exhibit several major and minor waves often extending over periods embracing a considerable number of years. In other words, the force of mortality, always considerable, has often varied widely from year to year and from period to period in the population’s history. Beginning some time before 1821 and ending in 1823, there was a wave of appalling mortality. The rate for 1822 (439 per 100,000 total population, but something like 10,000 per 100,000, or 1 in every 10 exposed to risk, i. e., under the second year of age) was higher than any since recorded. A rate even higher probably obtained in 1818. The abrupt fall in 1824, with the slight rise during the next 2 years, was followed by the termination of this wave in 1827 with 234 PUBLIC HEALTH ADMINISTRATION, ETC., IN BALTIMORE a rate of 115. A second wave starting in 1828 reached its peak in 1832 (the year of the great cholera epidemic) with a rate of 378; after a substantial fall the next year and a minor rise in 1834 (the second cholera year), it fell to a low point (109) in 1835. This sharply cut wave, attended with correspondingly higher rates for diarrhoea, and with a rate higher than usual for dysentery in the peak year (1832), covered a period of 7 years. The next 10 years was a period of relatively low rates, with considerable annual fluctuation, and in 1845 the remarkably low rate of 93 was attained. During this 10-year period the rates for dysentery were low and on the whole declining, and those for diarrhoea, which fell during the first half, rose correspondingly in the second half. The year 1846 signaled the beginning of a third wave of mortality, which, mounting gradually and broken now and again by slight recessions, reached its peak in 1856 with a rate of .400, and descending gradually, subsided in 1865 with a rate of 164. During the first half of this 20-year wave the rates for both diarrhoea and dysentery were high, and indeed reached their highest recorded level, the latter in 1850 and the former in 1854 (a cholera year, when, however, practically all the deaths from cholera must have been credited to diarrhoea and cholera infantum). During the last half of the period the rates for dysentery subsided sharply and markedly and those for diarrhoea first fell and later rose. It will he noted that cholera infantum achieved its highest rate 2 years later than diarrhoea and 6 years later than dysentery. In a fourth great wave, extending from 1866 to 1878, the rise to the crest, reached in 1874 (with a rate of 352), was gradual and broken frequently by larger and smaller reces¬ sions, while the descent was marked by an almost continuous fall to the com¬ paratively low rate of 130 in 1878. During this whole period the rates for dysentery were low, and during the descent of the wave for cholera infantum the curves for the two rubrics followed the same general course. The rates for diarrhoea, on the other hand, continued until in 1871 the very definite ascent begun in 1861, but fell decidedly during the peak of the wave for cholera infantum, only to ascend again during the years of the latter’s decline. The low point attained at the end of the fourth wave was lower than that of the third but considerably higher than those of the first and second waves. From 1879 to 1892 the course of the curve for cholera infantum was fairly even, with rates varying between 153 and 195. The rates for diarrhoea ascended gradually to the highest point attained in years, and a sharp rise in the rates for dysentery (1886-1890) was apparently without influence upon those of cholera infantum. Between 1899 and 1907, in the face of a sharp drop in the rates for diarrhoea and the continued descent for those for dysentery, the rates for cholera infan¬ tum completely reversed their course. Then until 1915, in the face of low and fairly well stabilized rates for diarrhoea and the descent of those for dysentery to nearly the vanishing-point, the rates for cholera infantum fell, with some fluctuations, to 80, the lowest point recorded in the city’s history. A sharp rise in cholera infantum during the next 3 years to a rate of 129 and a decline in 1919 to 85 were associated with corresponding changes in the rates for diarrhoea. Finally, the slight rise in cholera infantum in 1920 synchronized with a similar change in dysentery, an association possibly significant. Turning now to the consideration of the annual rates averaged for 5- and 10-year periods, from 1821 to 1920, inclusive (table 20, graph 6), and making FEBRILE DISEASES Oor: 4J(J tJ Table 20 .—Average rate of death by 5- and 10-year 'periods from acute inflammatory in¬ fections of intestinal tract, from 1812 to 1920, inclusive. Period. Diarrhoea under2vears of age. Diarrhoea. Diarrhoea over 2 years of age. Total. Dysentery. Cholera. Typhoid fever. Total. By 5-year periods. By 10-year periods. By 5-year periods. By 10-year periods. By 5-year periods. k r “l <3 8 fc <3 * T3 C» <3 «o V. a o a <3* l-s Si * S O 60 5 ■*o ss ^ ts o H e HO * P«* rO 5 £ «s> co .§ S e * HJ -s Is o o fH HI S o o >0 ^5 <3i V. O a o HO •\ | §» ^3 g _ O © o o co HO e V- Is "ti -) a ^ ?s a C3 a rs^> a > -a O Co h3 HO e CO "a n h rt w m Cd H Pi d ai H3 II O 73 05 In o o O X3 £ a > f-H T3 U« O r—H o O xi & o H T3 V Ih o r-^ o O xi £ 41 r—H c3 e oo>ooc*'*fioot~a>Ci rH HHIOHOIH'H'H tH CO U3 •HHHWWCONCOiOiQW • rH rH ?—C rH 70 -Ci^C5CX)00(McMr^0000'^ • a^io^fNWOicoc'ja^ •OOCC^CiGOCM^OO^COGO CO • CM CM rH lO O ^ < o; eo rH CM rH • H H CM 00 CO CO CO rH H o • rH h 05 • • •OiCOtn-rHkOCOOO • CO o • • •(OCOHHNOt- • HCcO to •05t-OOt-lOCOCOiHOOCOlO CO • HHH H COCO HOOOr^CO 05 • rH (M 3 o Eh > <0 IS o M QQ CD C/5 S3 aj O O u 2 -+-> aj 3 aj h-> CD 5 a CD > • pH to CD ai O *3 •£ *d p o 04 CQ CD M t-H o o H-3 o p o T3 CQ r o3 CD rC 4-> H3 C cj CQ CD > *rH P-^ 52 rt 2 G 05 S'o C a> cl to . f-> H 'r-t W • rH co *d CD a<