OPINIONS OF EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 FRENCH WRITERS REGARDING WAR AND 
 KINDRED SUBJECTS 
 
 BY 
 
 NATHAN SCHREIBER 
 A. B. University of Illinois, 1920 
 
 THESIS 
 
 Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the 
 
 Degree of 
 
 MASTER OF ARTS 
 IN ROMANCE LANGUAGES 
 
 IN 
 
 THE GRADUATE SCHOOL 
 OF THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 1921 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2016 
 
 https://archive.org/details/opinionsofeighteOOschr 
 
SFP 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 t\ 
 
 l 
 
 THE GRADUATE SCHOOL 
 
 may "^5, 1921, 
 
 .191 
 
 I HEREBY RECOMMEND THAT THE THESIS PREPARED UNDER MY 
 
 N at dan Schreioer 
 
 SUPERVISION BY.. 
 
 ENTITLED OPIA I OMS o£ BIG- HTBENTH CENT UK}: FRENCH WRITERS 
 
 BE ACCEPTED AS FULFILLING THIS PART OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR 
 THE DEGREE OF MASTER of ARTS 
 
 
 In Charge of Thesis 
 
 Head of Departnfent 
 
 Recommendation concurred in* 
 
 Committee 
 
 on 
 
 Final Examination* 
 
 Required for doctor 6 degree but not for master’s 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 v> v\ 
 
 
 n ./ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
TABLE Of CONTENTS 
 
 I 
 
 Introduction 
 
 page 
 
 I 
 
 II 
 
 General opinions on war 
 
 2-8 
 
 
 War defined 
 war described 
 Portrayal of its evils 
 
 111 Causes and agencies of war Q-22 
 
 Denouncing militarism 
 Mercenaries 
 Soldier 
 
 S tanding-axmies 
 Pro-war factions 
 Natural causes of war 
 Providential causes of war 
 Inhaimoni ous form of government 
 Despotic rulers 
 Ambitious ministers 
 Religi on 
 
 Voltaire, arch-enemy of orthodox 
 Chris tianity-a cause of much bloodshed* 
 
 Secret diplomacy 
 Violation of international law 
 Ammunition manufacturers in war intrigues 
 Commercial wars 
 
 IV Just and unjust wars 22-26 
 
 Just- when liberty is at stake 
 Defensive war j s just 
 Causes of just war 
 Unjust war defined 
 Offensive war 
 
 V Code of warfare 26-32 
 
 International law 
 Prisoners 
 Atrocities 
 
 Property -personal and pUDlic 
 Acts of reprisal 
 
 Conquest and enslaving conquered 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 on 
 
 
 
 
 
 i - 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
VI 
 
 32-37 
 
 Humanizing warfare 
 Disarmament 
 
 Preventing war y 
 
 “Projet de Paix Perpetuelle de l’Aooe 
 de £aint-Pierre M 
 
 Contemporary criticism of his 
 proposed world league 
 
 VII Conclusion 
 
 37 
 
 VIII Bibliography 
 
 38 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
OPINIONS of EIGHTEENTH CENTURY ERENCH WRITERS 
 REGARDING WAR and KINDRED SUBJECTS 
 
 At tne present time there is pouring fortn. an incessant 
 stream of literature "bearing on every phase of war, peace and the 
 League of Nations* Tne reading public has been flooded with the 
 multifarious opinions of every writer interested in the trend of 
 political affairs. 
 
 In most of this voluminous literature, no mention is 
 made of political writers of the past, nor is there apparent any 
 effort to reap the benefits of their views on these identical 
 matters* The thorny problems that have arisen from the late war 
 are not unparalleled* They have all come, more or less, as the 
 aftermath of every war. Struggle has ever been the essence of ex- 
 istence, and, among men, war has been it3 most horrible manifes- 
 tation. Every writer of the past interested in the progress of 
 civilization has attached the problems arising from human con- 
 fli ct. 
 
 Baffled oy such proolems , the present age may find a 
 veritable heritage in the literature of eighteen century Erance. 
 That period of French history was agitated by many social and 
 political questions. Among these are many that are very modern, 
 even in their treatment, as i3 clearly proved by the innumerable 
 discourses on war, peace, treaties , the rights of peace and war, 
 the relation of war to the form of government, international law, 
 and a league of nations. 
 
 Believing that the treatment of these perplexing ques- 
 tions by the Erench would prove of particular and immediate 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
2 . 
 
 teres t, I have attempted, after a careful choice, to utilize in 
 this essay their most representative ideas. This interest might 
 ha^e "been enhanced, perhaps, toy explicit eomparieons with present j 
 ideas, tout in view of the wide compass of the subject, these com- 
 parisons must be left, for the most part, to the careful reader. 
 
 Humanitarian in spirit, the writers of ei ghteentficentury 
 Prance untiringly batter away on the evils of war. With a tena- 
 cious and hateful censure, they depict its frightful disasters, 
 the ruins that lie in its wake, they show how it plunges- families 
 into desolation and paralyses national life. The progress of the 
 ages goes for naught; it hurls man back into a state of barba- 
 rism. 
 
 ’"All animals are perpetually at war'*', says Voirtaire in 
 his article "‘Guerre", "ka n , endowed with reason, ought to have 
 the intelligence not. to become con temptibie by imidtetting the ani- 
 mals, whose natural weapons to kill their kind and instinctive 
 thirst for blood are not his by nature. In spite of this fact, 
 murderous war i3 such a frightful heritage- of man that, with the 
 exception of two or three, there are no nations, ancient and 
 
 modern, whose histories do not represent them armed one against 
 I 
 
 the other"-. 
 
 Parallel thoughts: are expressed by Diderot in his arti- 
 cle on "Paix" in trie Di cti onnai re Dncyclopedi que. 
 
 (I) Voltaire, Oeuvres Completes de , par Condorcet. 
 
 5k vols. Paris. Gamier Prferes , Librai res— ^di tears? 
 
 (2L) Diderot, Oeuvres Completes de , par J. Assezat & 
 
 Maurice Tourneux. kQ vols. Paris. Garnieri Prere3. I875-18??. 
 
 vol. 16, pp e Id?-Id9; voi. d, pp. 4sd-490. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 ’ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
 
^rom the expressions descriptive of war could oe com- 
 piled a thesaurus of spithete. 
 
 "War is a criminal abomination, which consists in com- 
 mitting the' greatest number of crimes possible 1 in a line oi oat- 
 tlef. .It is liKe Mount Vesuvius; its? eruptions swallow up cities, 
 then its combustions cease It is a frightful malady seizing tne 
 nations, which nature curee in the long run.* .War is a raging 
 torrent of flame and sulphur* • .Sister of death, unmerciful war, 
 that depopulates the earth and covers- it with blood and tears* • • 
 
 War is a scourge from heaven, frightful but ne:cessary* It rends 
 us into a thousand pieces”* ”Tna art 01 strangling one’s neighbor, 
 an art fullnof horror” 1 , is what Voltaire says of military tactics* 
 In ’\ba Henri ade% Mayenne , encouraging his troops, urges them **au 
 crime”* .. “’War always drags in its waise pest and famine ”• ^How 
 modem that sounds* 1 ) With his singular hatred of religion as it 
 prevailed during his day, Voltaire calls religious intolerance 
 the first human plague, and war the second* *. “Diseases and maladies 
 nave filled thei earth with sufficient misery and have 1 shortened 
 the span of human life without man inventing the infernal art of 
 war.* .The Ramans judged it their interest to wage constant war. 
 where are they to-day?. .wars are spasms of barbarism". 
 
 Stripped of all the associ ationof romance, of the at-- ; 
 mosphere of honor, which have proved so intoxicating and irre- 
 sistible in the past, war i3 depicted in its horrible nakedness. 
 
 "Enf in , tandis que les deux rois faisaient chanter des 
 Te Deum , chacun dans son camp, il ( Candida J prit le parti dialler 
 raisonner ailleurs des effete et des causes* II passa par-dessus 
 
 (I) Voltaire, Oeuvres Completes. vox. 
 
 pp. 368-37?; vol* b, pp.4-^4, 4§9; vol. 10, pp. I87-I94-; 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 . , . . r . i ..." 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
~ T1 
 
 dee tas de mor.ta e“t de mourartB , et gagna d ’ab ordi un village 
 voisdn seewre que les Bulgares avaient bruie, selon le3 lens du 
 droit public; il etait en cendres. I cl des vied Hards criBles de 
 coups regardaient raourir leurs femmes egorgees qui tenaient 
 leurs enfants a leurs mamelles sanglantes; la des fiiles, even- 
 
 / v. y 
 
 trees apres avoir assouvi les besoins naturels de quelque heros , 
 rendaient leurs derniers soupirs; d’autres, a demi bruiees , cri- 
 aient qu’on ac'nevat de leur dormer la mort« Des cervelles e / taient 
 repandue3 sur la terre a cote de ora3 et de jarnbes coupes . " 
 
 'file glorifying enthusiam, so extant an the laterature 
 of the middle ages dealing wi th war, is to be found nowhere in 
 that 01 tne eighteenth century, Lajce voltaire, Le Chevalier 
 de Jancourt portrays its evils with a powerful realism, without 
 halo or rainbow colors, 
 
 "La guerre etouffe la voix de la nature, de la justice, 
 
 de la religion et de 1 ’human! te. Bile n’enfante que de3 origan- 
 
 dages et de3 crimes; avec elle marchent l*eff£oi, la famine et 
 
 la desolation; elle dechire l’ame des meres, des epouses et des 
 
 enfants; elle ravage- les campagne3 , depeuple les provinces, et 
 
 reduit les villes en poudre. Elle £puise les etats florissants 
 
 au milieu des plu3 grands succes; eile expose les vainque^s aux 
 
 tragi ques rever3 de la fortune; elle deprave les moff^rs de toutes 
 
 les nations, et faat encore pius de miserables qu’elle n’en em- 
 <L 
 
 porte. " 
 
 voitaire, Ouevres Completes. IiaidcVoi. 21, pp.I4a-j.42 
 Candade, Chap. 3 . bima xar pi cture vol.IO, pp.Io7-1^4. 
 
 ( 2 ) Esprit de 1 ’Encyclopedic , article ’‘Guerre" by 
 he Chevalier de Jancourt. voi. b, pp. 194 - 2 . 04 . 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Constantly at woric on hi3 stupendous "Histoire wa.tu- 
 
 #» 
 
 re lie , Buff on , influenced by contemporary thought and events, 
 finds time to reflect on war. 
 
 ■•'L’nomme, qui ne peut que par le nomfcre, qua n f est fort 
 que par sa reunion, qui n’est heureux que par la paix, a la fureur 
 de s ’armer pour son malheur, et de combattre pour sa ruine. 
 
 •'Excite par 1' insatiable avidite, aveugle par l f ambi- 
 tion encore plus insatiable, il renonce aux sentiments d’humani- 
 te , tourne toutes ses forces contre lui-meme, cherche a 3 *entre- 
 detrulre, se detruit en effet; et , apres des jours de sang et de 
 carnage, lorsque la fumee de la gioire s *e3t dissipee, il voit 
 d’un oeil triete la terre devastee, les arts ensevelis, les na- 
 tions dispersees, les peuples affaifclis, son propre bonheur ru- 
 ine, et puissance reelle an^antie". 
 
 Prom the battle-field 01 pontenoy, d'Argenson writes 
 tnis livid description. 
 
 •"Apres cela , pour vous dire le mal comme le bien, j *ai 
 remarque une nabitude trap t8t acquise de voir tranqui llement 
 sur le champ de bataille des morts nus , des ennemis agoni sants, 
 des plaies fumantes. Pour moi , j ’avouerai que le coeur me manqua 
 et que j ’eus oesoin d'un flacon. J»ooservai bien nos jeunes he- j 
 ros ; je les trouvai3 trop indifferents sur cet article; je craig-s 
 nis , pour la suite d’une longue vie, que le gout ne vj^nt augmen- 
 ter pour cette inhumaine curee. Le triomphe est la plus belle 
 chose du monde; les vive le roi les chapeaux en l’air au bout 
 des ba‘i onne ttes , les compliments du maitre a ses guerriers , la 
 
 (I) Quoted from Le Progres Civiqueo Paris, Oct. 1 
 
 Jl 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
visjte des retranchements , des villages et des redoutes si in- 
 
 tactes , la joie, la gloire, la tendresse 0 . .Mai s le plancner de 
 tout cela est du sang humain , des lambeaux de chair humain. » 
 
 To this letter Voltaire maxes the following reply, may 
 
 20 , 1745 . 
 
 **Vous m’avez ecrit, monsieur, une lettre telle que ma- 
 
 dame de Sevigne l’eut falte, si eile s’etait trouvee au milieu 
 
 I 
 
 d’une batailie." 
 
 Antipatny of war finds expression in tne por trayal 
 of Its evils., which fin the pages of almost every writer of 
 this age. 
 
 “Murders, rendered not only legitimate out glorious 
 
 through war, drench the earth with blood.. The universal law is 
 
 2 
 
 ’Woe to the conquered'. ’ The century is one of crime. " 
 
 Itt line with Voltaire are the vigorous expressions 
 of Diderot and Rousseau. 
 
 "Axi the vices of all times and of all places taxen 
 together' will never equal the evils produced by one single cam- 
 
 3 
 
 paign.. War corrupts human reason, laws and customs. Instead of 
 law license reigns.. .The liberty and property of citizens are 
 rendered uncertain. ..Commerce and public resources are interrup- 
 ted, or entirely ruined... The soi l^aoanaoned , oecomes useless... 
 
 The most brilliant victories can never maxe atonement for the 
 
 4 
 
 loss of multitudes sacriiiced by war". 
 
 Even its victories bring no fruit. A conqueror loses 
 
 il) harm, M. Jules , Histoire de3 Idees Morales et pol- 
 itiques en France au dix-nui tieme siecle. uermer hailliere, Li- 
 oral re-Edi tefrr. Paris. Io6^>. p. 103. 
 
 j£)Voitaire. Ibid. voi.b.p.^O; vol.i6 n «?T2- vm vi 
 p. 53 h;vol. 19, p. 310.3*2; vol/ 6, p. *51. • P. 314 , vol.30. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
 \ > 
 
 •> 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
or ten when he believes he 13 gaining. Always weaker at the con- 
 clusion of war, his only consolation is in seeing the conquered 
 state weaKer than his , out this advantage is less real than ap- 
 parent; while he may have acquired superiority over his adversary, 
 at the same time neutral powers have gained an advantage over 
 
 him. These states, without increase or decrease of power, are 
 
 4 
 
 fortified and strengtnened through his weaKness , 
 
 voitaire and his contemporaries vehemently denounce tne 
 perpetuating causes and agencies of war, particularly military 
 governments and mercenaries. The soldier is regarded as a banait, 
 selling his services for a stipend; the military government as 
 incompatible wi tn liberty and peace. Their attacjc on the merce- 
 nary, now happily almost extinct, Drought him crashing from the 
 pedestal upon which previous writers had worshipped him in prose 
 and verse . 
 
 ■ 1 / 
 
 To Voltaire, mercenairi es are nothing else but murder- 
 ers, "whom the spirit of debauchery, of licentiousness, and of 
 rapine have caused to leave their homes; they frequently change 
 masters and expose themselves to an infamous torture for a slight 
 recompense; the day of battle arrives, and often the soldier who 
 
 I by 
 
 (3) Diderot, Oeuvres Completes, loid.vol. 16, pp 0 107- 
 
 { 4) Rousseau, J. J, Oeuvres Completes de , Librairie 
 Hechette et Cie. Paris. Ibbb-Iy05* i 3 vois. vol. 5 , p. 310. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 I . . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 - 
 
 
 
had lately stood under the ensigns of his country sheds remorse- 
 lessly the blood of his fellow citizens; he awaits with eagerness 
 the mcment when he will be able, in the field of carnage, to 
 snatch some booty irom the dying. Such too often is the soldier; 
 such is this blind and ferocious mob who are used to change the 
 destiny of empires, and to raise monuments of glory. ..In the in- 
 toxication of their brutal frenzies they are the dregs of the 
 I 
 
 nati ons " • 
 
 These mercenaries sell their blood to princes whom they 
 do not Know, oy whom they are treated iiKe hounds led against the 
 wild boar and finally left to die in a dog-xennei . . . “For the in- 
 iquitous plans of political tyrants they fight furiously as hired 
 
 assassins, having no interest in the quarrel, nor Knowing its 
 I 
 
 cause ". 
 
 viewing with indescribable disgust the military dis- 
 honors of the reign of Louis baron d’Holbach describes the 
 soldier as an automaton, a murderous menace to freedom. 
 
 •’jNourri dans les principes d’une obeissance servile, 
 
 / / \ r 
 
 accoutume par etat a une discipline rigoureuse qui lui deiend de 
 raisonner sur le 9 ordres qu’il repoit, ie soldat e 3 t communement 
 un esclave et devient par la-meme I'ennemi de la liberte de ses 
 concitoyens; des que ses chefs commanaent , ii meconnait tous les 
 rapports qui le lient aux autres hommes; il plongera, si l’on 
 veut , l’epee dans le sein du citoyen, de son frere, de son ami; 
 il 3 erai t puni par la mort ou ifinfamie, s’il balancait a suivre 
 
 (I) Voltaire, Oeuvres Completes. Ibid, vol/ 19 , pp 
 4 49-26^; 310-3**; vole 17 , p. 371 ; vol. b, pp.434, 489. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
9 
 
 des ordree qu’il ne lui est jamais permis dtexaminer. JUn un mot, 
 
 1’homme de guerre, de meme que le devot fanatique ne se croit pas 
 
 fait pour penser; il devient cruel, inhumain, sans pitie; il corn- 
 
 met le crime sans remords , quand ses chefs lui disent qu’il faut 
 
 I 
 
 commettre le crime". 
 
 D’Hoioach , 3peatcing of the supreme position 01 army 
 
 officials in the publi c affairs of a military regime, adds that 
 
 the slavery of soldier appears honorable to the soldier himself. 
 
 Moreover, the peaceiul citizen, intimidated before him, comes to 
 
 regard the profession of war as the most respectable. "C 'est ainsi 
 
 qu'a 1* example de3 sauvages , la force parait encore la plus digpie 
 
 I 
 
 d’e3time et de consideration". 
 
 In the chapter entitled "L’Araee et la nation" of his 
 "Hi at oi re Phi losophique et Poietique des deux Indes", Raynal 
 points out that troops are the means with which despotic rulers 
 intrench their power. 
 
 "Les troupes nombreuses, les places fortes, les maga- 
 31 ns et les arsenaux peuvent empecher les invasions: mais en pre- 
 servant un peuple des irruptions d’un conquerant , ils ne le 
 sauvent pas des attentats d'un despote . . .Tant ae soldats ne font 
 que tenir a la chalne des esclaves tout faits. L’homme le plus 
 faible est alors le plus fort. Comme il peut tout, il veut tout. 
 Parries seuies? armes , il brave 1’opinion et forces les volontes. 
 Avec d6 3 soldats, il leve des impots; avec des impots, il leve 
 des 30ldats o II croit ex^ere.er et manifester sa puissance, en 
 detruiaant ce qu’il a cree;: mais il travaiile dans le neant et 
 
 ✓ 
 
 (I) bayet , Aloe rt ^ & Albert , Prancois, he a Ecrivains 
 geli tiqu es du xvjj 3 siecle . Paris. 1904. pp. ^I6-^Id. D» noibacn, 
 Le Gouvernement Militaire. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
iO 
 
 / 1 
 pour le neant", 
 
 resides creating universal oppression and causing im- 
 mense expenditures and increased taxes, large standing -arm! es are 
 a menace to society in another manner. During peace the soldier 
 is idle, for the most part. This idleness saps his initiative, 
 and when his service is over, he is nothing hut trash, no longer 
 useful to society • Consequently, it is urged that soldiers be 
 
 put to building road3 , draining 3wamps , digging canals, or improv 
 2 
 
 ing Harbors. 
 
 After compulsory military service was inaugurated in 
 Europe, -in Erance in 17^6- national armies grew hy leaps and 
 bounds. Each monarch of Europe vied with the other in increasing 
 tne size of His army, -an emulation which has continued to modem 
 times in an efiort to maintain the equilibrium of Europe. 
 
 Against this contagious national malady of inordinate- 
 ly augmenting troops, Montesquiea cries out: "Chaque monarque 
 tient sur pied touted les armees qu f il parrait avoir si ses 
 
 A 
 
 peuples etaient en danger d’etre extermines; et on nomme paix cet 
 
 , 3 
 
 etat d ’effort de tous contre tous.’" 
 
 Though expressing hate and lear of military despotism, 
 yet some of the "phi los ophes " of tne eighteenth century realized 
 tnat a country must not be without defenders. "a country’s true 
 defenders are its citizens"', writes Rousseau, "and a well-exer- 
 cised militia, that comprises all citizens, can alone fulfill 
 
 (1) Bayet & Albert. Ibid. Raynai , "E’Aimee et la nation 1 , 
 
 PP* 39^-3 
 
 ( 2 ) Rousseau, Oeuvres Completes, loid. voi. 5» P. 316. 
 Also same as reference (I). 
 
 (3) Montesquieu, Oeuvres Completes de , par Ed. Laoou- 
 
 laye. Oarnier Freres. Paris. IfcS7b-Ie79. 7 vols. " 1 'Esprit des 
 lois ". Rook 13 , Chap. 17 . I 
 
 - _J 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 f 
 
 -» - - ... 
 
 
I 
 
 Its needs? 
 
 At the same time, it was well recognized that a large 
 permanent force would give rise to occasions when it could oe 
 used. "In a military government, peace is for many people a vi- 
 olent and incommodious state*. .The tumultuous voice of the pro- 
 war factions stifle the cry of the nation, the sole interest /of 
 which lies in tranquillity. These partisans of war are never 
 lacKing pretexts to excite disorder and to have their selfish de- 
 sires given a hearing* ’It is by means of war*, they say, ’that 
 nations are strengthened; a nation is enfeebled, degrades itself 
 by peace’? .0 Peace has a precarious existence under militarism. 
 
 Some writers looKed upon war as a natural -factor in the 
 all-pervading law of struggle that miles the vegetable and animal 
 Kingdoms. In this struggle among peoples , victory is to the 
 strongest, to the most intelligent, to the best armed. Conse- 
 quently it contributes to the progress ana physical development 
 of races, producing a profitable selection of the species. "War 
 is a school of courage and of virtue; it excites the Keenest 
 forces of the nations, it produces Drilliant actions which honor 
 the people capaDle of producing them".lThese writers overlooK the 
 true fact, that war swallows up the cream of manhood and leaves 
 physically defective to propagate their Kind,) 
 
 The migratory spirit, in distributing mamcind over the 
 
 (I) Rousseau, "Considerations sur le gouvemement de 
 ?ologne".In Bayet & Albert. Ibid, pp, <190-^93. 
 
 (ii) Diderot. Ibid. voi. 16, pp. 107 - 109 . Rousseau. load: 
 vol. 5 , p. 3I0. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
face of tne earth, brings clash and conflict into the human fam- 
 ily. "Un Peupie a l»envie de changer de demeure et de quitter une 
 
 terre ingrate pour s , etaolir*a force ouverte aans un pays plus 
 I 
 
 fertile". 
 
 iJot only was war the function of a natural law , but 
 also, according to some , writers, an instrument of Providence, 
 which, liice ail physical misfortunes, was necessary for the ex- 
 piation of the crimes of men. this fantastical view i 3 mockea 
 by the host of ei ghteentKcentury writers, the foremost and greater 
 
 dyu 
 
 nvtmber of whtoSa were either bitterly opposed to all aspects of 
 
 religion, or, at most, inteimi ttently ; f eeoly favorable toward it 
 
 To them war 13 not a law of Providence; its source is 
 
 in the depraved nature of man. It is no more divine than are 
 
 earthquakes, floods, disasters, epidemics. 
 
 "On disait au grand Gu 3 tave que , par ses glorieux suc- 
 
 ces , il paraissait que la Providence l’avait fait naitre pour le 
 
 salut des hommes; que son courage etait un don de la Toute-Puis- 
 
 sance , et un eff'et visiole de sa bonte.Dites plutot de sa colere, 
 
 reparti t le conquerant; si la guerre que je fais e 3 t un remede , 
 
 2 
 
 il est plus insupportable que vos maux". 
 
 Nor is war natural to political states, as Hoobes , the 
 
 tjie. 
 
 philosopher, had asserted; no more so than is disease to A human 
 oody. "Aussi que les corps physiques, les corps politiques 3 ont 
 sujets a des revolutions cruelles et dangereuses; quoique ces in- 
 
 ( 1 ) ^Rousseau. loid. vol. 0 , pp. I94-«i04. Also esprit 
 
 de L ’Encyclopedie. Ioid. voi. 8 , p. 197* Manuel j\ant , the great 
 German philosopher, says that war i3 prompted by the instinct of 
 conservation and acqui rement . bee Ue koiinari , m. G. h»Aobe ne 
 baint- Pierre. Paris. Idb7. p. 42a. — 
 
 ( 2 ) .Diderot. Ioid. vol. 16, pp . Id?-I 09 . 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 
t / J ‘ 
 
 iirmites soient des suites necessaires de la faiolesse humaine, 
 
 elles ne peuvent etre appelees un etat naturel". Tne political 
 
 body is healthy only wnen it is enjoying the tranquillity of 
 I 
 
 peace. 
 
 More directly responsible for war than any natural or 
 providential cause 9 are men invested with power, with governmen- 
 tal or spiritual guidance. Selfish icings craving glory, ministers 
 
 moved by clandestine ambitions, theologians^ teaching blind dogma 
 $ 
 
 and superstitions that engender deathly hatred among peoples, have 
 Deen the greatest malefactors as primary causes of war. 
 
 'War is a quarrel oetween sovereigns that is settled 
 Dy means of anas". 
 
 Ironically referring to the war of ^lssia with Turkey, 
 
 Voltaire enlightens the honorable visitor from bin us with the 
 
 following facts aoout mankind: 
 
 "ll y a cent mille fou 3 de notre espece , couverts de 
 
 cnapeaux , qui tuent cent mille autres animaux couverts d’un tur- 
 
 / 
 
 ban, ou qui sont massacres par eux , et que , presque par toute la 
 terre , c’est ainsi qu’on en use de temps immemorial". Le Sirien 
 fremit, et demanda quel pouvait etre le sujet de ces horribles 
 querelles entre de si chetifs animaux. "II s'agit, di t le phiio- 
 sophe, de quelque tas de boue grand corame votre talon. Ce n’est 
 pas qu’aucun de ces millions d ’homines qui se font egorger pre- 
 tende un fetu sur ce tas de boue. Ii ne s'agit que de savoir s'li 
 appartiendra a un certain hamme qu’on nomme buitan , ou a un autre 
 qu’on nomme, je ne sais pourquoi , Cesar. 
 
 Chap . 7 
 
 (I) Diderot c Ibid. voi„ 16 , pp. I67-I69. 
 
 { ^ ) ^3pri t de 1 ’En cyclop eal e. idio. voi. o, 194. 
 i$i Voltaire. lDid, vol. dl , p. 119, "Micromegas" 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 A 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 r 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 '.l 
 
 
 
 
 
 
r“~ 
 
 14 
 
 Diderot declares that a King’ s desire for glory brings 
 ruin and misfortune to his people. 
 
 "Les passions aveugles des princes les portent a etera^- 
 ^re les Domes de leurs etats. Peu occupes du bien de leurs su- 
 jets, ils ne cherchent qu*a grossir le nomore des hommes qu’ils 
 rendent malheureux. Ces passions, allumees ou entretenues par des 
 ministres amoitieux, ou par des guerriers dont la profession est 
 incompatiole avec le repos, ont eu dans tous les ^ges les effets 
 les plus mnestes pour l’humanite. L'histoire ne nous fournit que 
 4es examples de paix vi olees , de guerres injustes et cruelles , 
 de champs devastes , de villes reduites en cendres. Lnepuisement 
 seul semoie forcer les princes a la paixj ils s ‘ape^oivent tou- 
 jours trop tard que le sang du citoyen s r est mele a celui de 
 1 ’ennemi ; ce carnage inutile n ’a servi qu ‘a cimenter l’ediiice 
 cnamerique de la gloire au conquerant et de ses^uerriers turbu- 
 
 ients; le "bonheur de ses peupies est la premiere vi ctime qua est 
 
 , ' , 1 
 
 ammolee a son caprice, ou aux vues interessees de ses courtisans; 1 
 
 In his characteristic vein, Voltaire satirises princes 
 who lay imaginary claims to territory and people, “it is aosurd 
 and barbarous that nations should perish because two princes are 
 in dispute over an heritage- that an entire people should be sac- 
 
 eL 
 
 riiiced to their interests- there is the horror. Let the people 
 of the nation decide which ruler thejj want .. .Sell i sh interest is 
 
 (I) Diderot. Ibid. vol. 16, p. loci. 
 
 (<i) voitaire estimates a loss of 400,000 men in the 
 wars waged to determine the succession to the Spanish monarchy, 
 
 J 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
tue unique god of Kings. .. vi ctory and glory are oougnt with the 
 
 fortune and blood of their people, who are left in the horror of 
 
 I 
 
 poverty, exhaustion and suffering". 
 
 An aosolute mpnarch regards his troops as follows: 
 
 "Le despote regarde ses soldats comme appartenant p±us 
 part j culi Bremen t a lui ; il les juge comme seuls propres a second- 
 er ses vues , comme felts pour le servir aveuglement dans toJes 
 
 ses entrep rises, soit contre ses propres sujets , soit contre les 
 
 4 
 
 sujets des princes ses rivaux". 
 
 I ousseau enumerates tne motives that constrain princes 
 to taxe up arms o 
 
 "Ces motifs sont, ou de faire des conquetes , ou de se 
 deiendre d’un conquerant , ou d’alfaiolir un trop puissant voisin, 
 ou de se soutenir ses droits attaquee , ou de vider un difx^rand 
 qu’on a pu terminer a 1 'ami able, ou emin de rempiir les engage- 
 ments d’un traite. Ii n'y a ni cause nj pretexte de guerre qu’on 
 
 3 
 
 ne puisse ranger sous quelqu’un de ces six chefs". 
 
 Whatever tnese motives may be, they are never given to 
 tne public, a3 remarks another writer. 
 
 "Les souverains ont grand soin de repandre des mani- 
 festes pour jus tiller la guerre qu’ils en treprennen t , tandie 
 
 qu’ils cacnent s oi gneusement au public, ou qu'ils se cacnent 
 
 4 
 
 a eux-memes les vrais motiys qui les determinent ". 
 
 Kings consider war as a meana of enhancing their lame 
 
 (I) Voltaire. Ioia 0 vol. Iy, p. 371 . vol. Io, p. 444; 
 vol. c , p. 4cy. 
 
 (4) Bayet & Aloert. Ioid. p. 4 I 7 . 
 
 ( 3 } Rousseau. Ibid. vol. 3 , p. 
 
 (4) Esprit de 1 ’Encyclopedic. Ibid. voi. d, p c Iy6. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 , 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 « 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 # 
 
 
1.6 
 
 and glory, in their own country and aoroad. 
 
 "Toute 1 * occupation des roas, ou de ceux qu f als 
 
 cdargent de leurs fonctions, se rapporte a deux seuls objets; 
 
 etendre leur domination au dehors, et la rendre plus absolue au 
 I 
 
 dedans "• 
 
 fchich rulers who put selfish pride and glory above all 
 
 other considerations ought to he deprived of power. To them 
 
 "l’appareil des annes est un jeu d^nfants, et les roas ne 
 
 doivent point avoir de poupees. Je ne ais rien non pius de la 
 
 gloire des conquerants parce que s'il y avaat quelques monstres 
 
 qui 8 f affligeassent uniquement pour n’avoar personne a massacrer, 
 
 il ne faudrait point leur parler raison, mais leur 3 ter les 
 
 \ d 
 
 moyens d’exercer leur rage meurtriere". 
 
 All the *phi los ophes of the eighteenth century, whose 
 expressions of hate and fear of military despotism oecome more 
 bitter as the century advances, denounce Kangs, princes and 
 ministers .as promoting war. "War comes to us from the imaginatior 
 of three or four hundred persons spread over the suriace of the 
 globeunder tne name of ministers or princes: and it is perhaps 
 for this reason that in several dedications they are called the 
 
 3 
 
 laving images oi the divinity". 
 
 according to Rousseau , the supreme monarch finds in 
 war a means of intrenching his iron -clad despotism. 
 
 "Ll est facile de comp rend re que d’un cote la guerre 
 et les conquStes , et , de l*autre les progres du despotisme, s 'en- 
 tr’aident mutueliement; qu ’ on prend a discretion, dans un peuple 
 
 d.^sclaves, de I'argent e t des homines pour en suojuger d’autres; 
 
 (1) " Montesquieu. Esprit des loas. chaps. 2 & 3. 
 
 (2) Rousseau. Ibid, voi. 5 , p. 321. 
 
 (3) Voltaire. load. voi. 6, p c 434; vol. 10, p. 190; 
 voi. 19, p. 310. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
que reciproquement la guerre foumlt un ptetexte aux exactions 
 pecuniaires, et un autre non moins specieux d ’avoir toujours de 
 
 / Crx 
 grandes armees pour tenir le peupie en respect. Eniin.voit assez 
 
 / N 
 
 que les princes conquerans font pour le moins autant la guerre a 
 
 leurs sujets qu ’a leurs ennemis, et que la condition des vain- 
 
 I 
 
 queurs n’est pas meilleure que celle des vaincus". 
 
 !hat the monarchy in trance .;as gradually crumoling 
 can readily be inferred from what tne Aooe de Saint-Pierre fcoj.d- 
 ly wrote aoout LouisXIV. He pictured that famed monarch as 
 haughty, a prince with unoounded ambition seeding vain glory and 
 power without regard for the public welfare. For an "aoDe", he 
 couched his sentiments in decidedly 3trong language. 
 
 ”Et a dire vrai , -c’etait la principals passion de 
 Louis XIV' que d’etaler sa grande puissance, et par consequent 
 de se f ai re craindre , sans laire reflexion que qui se fait 
 craindre 3e fait ha'i r « II se gouvernait cependant comme s’il eut 
 
 / X t 
 
 adopte a l’egard de ses voisins et de ses sujets la maxime d’un 
 
 c.- 
 
 c^lebre tyran : Qu ’ i Is me ha'issent, pourvu qu’als me craignent". 
 
 Armored militarism and despotic rulers were despa caole 
 an tfte opinions expressed oy writers oi the eighteenth century. 
 Religion, a motivating cause of? many wars, was considered scarce- 
 ly more iavorabiy. 
 
 Writing to M. de Heaumont, Rousseau remarxs, “Tous 
 
 3 
 
 les chretiens ont eu des guerres de religion"# 
 
 Tne Church is still powerful and attacK/& upon it must 
 be wary*Leftly placed in the article "Falx" of the famous "Dic- 
 — - ■ - - ■ ■ - - , 
 
 (I) Rousseau. Ibid. vol. 3, p. 333, 
 U) Molinari. loid. pp. 337-351. 
 
 ( 3 ) Same as (I), vol. 3, p.89. 
 
 A\ 
 

 
 
 ' 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
16 
 
 tionnaire Encyclopedi que " is a splenetic treatment of religion as 
 a cause of war# 
 
 "Ce ne sont point les grandes verites qui ont inond^ 
 
 la terre de sang, Les hammes ne se sont gulre entretues que pour 
 
 des choses qu’ils n ’entendaient poin t. . .L* interet a engendre les 
 
 pretres , les pretres ont engendre les prejuges , les pre^uges ont 
 
 engendr^ les guerres, et les guerres dureront tant qu’il y aura 
 I 
 
 des pretres". 
 
 Waging ceaseless warfare against orthodox Christianity, 
 its arch-enemy, voltaire, directs his guns agaist it in poetry, 
 drama, history, and story. His attacks against its doctrines and 
 prevailing superstitions are veritaole bomoardments , unparalleled 
 in literary history. To ham, the most blameworthy cause oi wars 
 has been religion. 
 
 Depicting the shame to human reason of theological 
 
 quarrels and dissensions, that lead the two factions to march 
 
 "gayly to the crime under the banner of its saint", he declares: 
 
 “Id est affreux sans doute que l’Eglise chretienne ait 
 
 toujours ete dechiree par ses querelies , et que le sang ait coule 
 
 pendant tant de siecles par des mains qui portai en t le dieux de 
 X 
 
 la paix" . 
 
 In his "Le siecle de Louis XIV", he writes that the 
 North American Indian massacres can J t approach the religious mas- 
 sacres such as the Saint -Bar thel&ny , the holy war of Ireland, the 
 holy murders of the crusade of Montf ort , and hundred similar aoom- 
 inations, which have made of Christian Europe a vast scaffold full 
 
 i 1 ) Djctionnaire Ancy cLope'digue* Article en ti tied Daix. 
 Voltaire, ibid. voi. 14 , p. 161 . 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
19 
 
 oi priests , )iangmen and condemned men. Only Christian intolerance 
 
 has caused these horrible disasters, .. The only way of rendering 
 
 peace to men is then to destroy all dogmas which divide them, 
 
 I 
 
 and to re-establish the truth which unites them", 
 
 Voltaire ridicules the practice of celebrating the an- 
 niversary of battles and paying speakers to eulogise "murderous 
 days". The speakers on these occasions are usually members of the 
 clergy, and on other days of the year, they declaim against vi- 
 ces , hut in these anniversary speeches they never upbraid the 
 scourge and crime of war, the ingredients of which are plagues 
 and vice3, pillage, rape, larceny, homicide, devastation, de- 
 s tructi on. 
 
 In a similar bitter vein, he slashes the ppiests who 
 bless the military standards before the army proceeds to the 
 field of carnage, "The army chief is a murderer invoking God sol- 
 emnly before going to exterminate his neighbor. ,.The good priests 
 ceremoni ously bless the banner of the murderer, and sing songs 
 of praise when the earth has been inundated with blood.. .The ele- 
 gant and gentle Massillon, blessing the regimental colors, prays 
 God to send the Angel of heath in front of the Austrian regiment. 
 
 The Austrian preachers were saying the same thing, and the Angel 
 
 Know 
 
 of heath did not who m to heed". 
 
 A ! 
 
 (1) Voltaire. Ibid. vol. 20 , pp.I03-I2c. Similar senti- 
 ments are expressedin vol. 14, p. Ibl; vol. I 7 , p. 14; vol. lb, 
 pp. — i vol. II, p. 14/; vol. lx., p.490 
 
 (2) Same a 3 (I). vol. 27 , p. 3?4. Also see vol. 19 , 
 pp. 3 I 0-322 
 
 In his notations to "La Tactique"* Voxtaire attempts 
 to give data about the invention of powder by an English monk. 
 
 In connection with the history of the cannon and artillery, he 
 emphasises as certain the fact that three monks and two Jesultes 
 have contributed to the destroying of men and cities by artillery 
 voi. IC i Po 109. 
 
 a-”-™ — .. ■ 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ’ 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
20 
 
 From His ferocious atta-eK3 on religion as a cause of 
 
 war, one conceives Voltaire an extremist bridled; not even by human 
 
 reason, but carried away by a torrent of prejudice. Yet this 
 
 prejudice is often expressed in fiery eloquence, so admirable, 
 
 for the most part, that it stirred the civilized world against 
 
 I 
 
 religious intolerance, as well as against war. 
 
 Though decrying orthodox Christianity, Voltaire praises 
 sincerely the Quakers , a religious sect which regards war in hor- 
 ror, and in whose places of worship bloody flags and the god of 
 battle are never received,, He presents the Quakers to the barbar- 
 ian Christians as an example of a people serenely and innocently 
 
 2 
 
 tilling the soil. 
 
 More pertinent to present political thought are eight- 
 eenth century opinions on inhanaoni ous governments as causes of 
 
 3 
 
 war. 
 
 a 
 
 "La guerre est une n^Ladie convulsive et violente du 
 corps politique”. 
 
 A 3 long as the divisions of European peoples are not 
 harmonious, the peace of Europe will oe precarious. Hence writes 
 Rousseau, seeming at times the most penetrating thanKer on pol- 
 itical problems of his age, 
 
 "Convenons done que l’e'tat relatif des puissances de 
 1 ’Europe est proprement un etat de guerre et que tous les traites 
 partiels entre quelques unes de ces puissances sont plutot des 
 
 ... (I) v °itaire. Ibid. vol. 19 , pp . 249-262. In this 
 
 connection see Carlyle’s essay on Voltaire. 
 
 2k, P. 06 ; vole D ^o \ p\ 0l ^ p - 4oo - 490: vo1 * PP” 560-375; vox. 
 
 ( 3 ) relation between war and the Kind of political 
 government is amplified in Unutstf » "League ”. &ee 
 
 (4) Diderot. Ioid. voi. 16 
 
 
 bi bli ography. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 , > I 
 
 % 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
I 
 
 cLtL 
 
 elle-meme ". 
 
 Secret diplomacy was accounted a cause of war and 
 
 2 
 
 wider publicity to diplomatic treaties was urged. 
 
 The violation of international law was an ordinary pre- 
 text for wars. 
 
 Not a direct cause of war, but staunch supporters of 
 it, are ammunition manufacturers. ( Tne assertion has been made 
 that the Krupps in Germany were involved in the intrigues that 
 created the recent world war.) “Engendering the mis 
 
 eries of the people, war enables five or six hundred to make im- 
 mense fortunes". 
 
 Commerce was considered as a cause of war. Some writers 
 
 speak of commerce as restraining conflict. (The latter attitude 
 
 receives mention in the latter part oi the thesis.) 
 
 Closely allied with causes are considerations upon 
 
 what are just and what are unjust wars. 
 
 In the article “Du Droit de la Guerre"?, Voltaire say3 
 
 4 
 
 "No war is ju3t; that idea seems contradictory and impossible". 
 
 He makes an exception, however, in the case when li oer* 
 ty is at stake. 
 
 "If heaven permits -war, it is in the cause of lioerty. 
 
 God, in giving man birth, made him free... When the liberty oi 
 
 one’s country hangs in tne balance, then the best citizen is the 
 
 best warrior, and he defends nis country although condemning 
 4 
 
 war". 
 
 (1) Bam: , Jules. Ibid. p. o6.Paren theti cally , jtmigh' 
 oe stated that in the century of Voltaire, national wars were 
 rare, but dynastic wars succeeded one another without interrup- 
 tion. Bayet & Albert. Ibid. p. 59 * 
 
 (2) kon tesqui eu. Ibid, ksprit des lois. Bk. 2o. Ch.kd 
 
 (_3) & l ' • ' 
 
 Xc^.S. 5-V5-S-H-* 
 
 4) Voltaire, ibid.voi. 41 .p. 382;vol. 27 ,p. 3?0. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 •** -*.•< 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
detruire. Les guerres ofiensives sont celies que les souverains 
 
 \ r 
 
 font pour forcer d’autres souverains a leur rendre ce qu’ils pre- 
 tendent leur etre du , ou pour ooteni r la reparation du dommage 
 qu * i Is estiment qu’on leur a cause tres injustement. ..Ii faut 
 done se contenter de dire que le souverain qui prend le premier 
 les armes , 30it qu’il le fasse justement ou injustement, commence 
 un^ guerre offensive, et que celui qui s 'y oppose, soit qu*il ait 
 
 ' , I 
 
 cu qu'il n*ait pas tort, commence une guerre defensi ve ( In the 
 late Y/orld War, ail tne participants claimed to be waging defen- 
 sive war; ooth Germany and the Allies,, ) 
 
 Voltaire maintains that there are only onensive wars, 
 
 "The defensive is no other thing than resistance to armed rob- 
 2 
 
 oers " o 
 
 Under what circumstances has a state the right to befiir 
 
 an attack ?Montesqui eu answers the question as follows: 
 
 "Entre les citoyens, le aroi t de la defense naturelle 
 
 n'emporte point avec lui la necessite de l f attaque. Au lieu d’at- 
 
 taquer, ils n’ont qu ’ a recourir aux tribunaux. Ils ne peuvent 
 
 done exercer le droit de cette defense que dans les cas momenta- 
 
 nes ou l'on serait perdu si I’on attendait le secour des iois. 
 
 Mais entre les 30caetes , le droit de la defense naturelle e»- 
 
 traine quelques fois la necessite d'attaquer, lorsqu’un peuple 
 
 / 
 
 volt qu’une plus longue paix en mettrait un autre en etat de le 
 
 detruire, et que I’attaque est dans ce moment le seul moyen 
 
 a , 3 
 
 d’empecher la destructi on", 
 
 (1) Esprit de 1 f En cyclop edi e, load. voi.8, "Guerre 
 
 ( 2 ) voxtaare. load. voi. 2?, p. 3?0. 
 
 ( 3 ) Montesquieu. Esprit des lois. Ek. 10, Ch. II. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
^5 
 
 
 tai re. 
 
 i His latter statement is severely criticised Dy Vol- 
 
 ’’Comment 1 ’attaque en pleine pai x peut-elie 'etre le 
 seul moyen d’empecher cette destruction? II faut done que vous 
 soyez sur que ce voisin vous detruira s’il devient puissant. 
 
 Pour en etre slur, 3l iaut qu’il ait fait deja les preparatils de 
 vetre perte. -tin ce cas , e’est lui qui commence la guerre, cO 
 n’est pas vous; votre supposition est fausse et contradi ct oi re. 
 
 "S’il y eut jamais une guerre evidemment injuste, 
 e’est celle que vous proposez; e’est d’aller tuer votre procnain, 
 
 ye-ur <l ue - 
 
 A (qui ne vous attaque pas) ne soit en etat de vous attaquer: 
 
 e’est-a-dire qu’il iaut que vous hasardaez de ruiner votre pays 
 
 dans i’esperance de ruiner sans raison celui d’un autre; ceia 
 
 n’est assurement ni honnete ni utile, car on n’est jamais sur de 
 X I 
 
 succes , vous le savez bien". 
 
 De Jancourt defines unjust war. 
 
 “Toute guerre est injuste dans ses causes,! I) lorsau'on 
 l’entreprend sans aucun raison j usti f i catuyre , ni motii d’utilite 
 apparente, si tant est qu’il y ait des exemples de cette barbari^ 
 (2) lorsqu’on attaque lea autres pour son propre interet, sans 
 qu ' i Is nous aient fait de tort reel ce s on t— la de vrai s b ri • 
 
 gandages; (3) lorsqu’on a des motifs fondes sur de 3 causes jus- 
 tificatives specieuses, mais qui , bien examinees, sont reelle- 
 mant 3 llegi times ; (4) lorsqu’avec de bonnes raisons justifica- 
 tives , on entreprend la guerre par des motifs qui n’ont aucun 
 rapport avec le tort qu ’ on a repu , comme pour acquerir une vaine l 
 
 (I) Voltaire. Ibid, vol.19, p. 3^*- Dictionnaire Phi - 
 losoohique. Arti cle "Due r re". — — 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 
 , 
 
 . 
 
 ' 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 f 
 
 gloire, se rendre redout&ble , exercer ses troupes, etendre sa 
 
 I 
 
 domination, etc." 
 
 Realizang that even "the mo3t necessary war i9 always 
 
 disastrous", writers declare that only as a last resort should 
 
 war be undertaxen and only after all legitimate means have 
 2 
 
 fai led. 
 
 War has given rise to a particular code, and civilized 
 nations, considering its moral obligations binding, have more or 
 less adhered to it. This vista of warfare is seen in varied per- 
 spectives by dilferent writers. 
 
 Voltaire, in phrases that show h 3 wonderfully alert 
 mind, balks at the idea of rules and regulations in warfare. 
 
 "I^droit de la guerre, je ne sais ce que c’est. Le code 
 
 r \ 
 
 du meurtre me semble une etrange imagination. J* espere que oien- 
 tot on nous donnera la jurisprudence des voleurs de grand che- 
 min ". 
 
 The code 01 war, according to Diaerot, is in one word: 
 
 4 
 
 "Soi t le plus fort". 
 
 Chevalier de Jancourt urges tnat hostilities oe Kept 
 within bounds. 
 
 “Tout ce qu3 a une liaison moralement necessaire avec 
 le out d f une guerre juste, doit etre perrnis et rien aavantage. Bn 
 
 (1) Esprit de Ixncyclopedi e. Ibid. vol. b,p. 19b. 
 
 ( 2 ) Diderot. Ioid. vol. Ib, pp . lay - 1 09 ; He Molinari. 
 Ibid. p. 3 40 ; Ax 3 0 (I) p. 401* 
 
 (3) Voltaire. load, vol. a, p. 434. 
 
 ( 4 ) Diaerot. ibid. vox. p. 490* Also Rousseau. XDid. 
 vol. 3 , p. 3 ^ 4 . 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
2 ? | 
 
 effet, il serai t inutile d ’avoir droit de iaire une chose, si 
 
 1 1 on ne pouvait se servir des moyens necessaires pour en venir a 
 
 bout; mais il serait fou de pen3er que defendre ses droits, on 
 
 1 
 
 se crut tout loisible et tout legitime". 
 
 Had de Jancourt lived in our day, would he have ap- 
 proved the sinKing of the Lusitania with the coae of wariare he ! 
 advocated? It would seem so from the following: 
 
 “Il y a oien de choses , qui , quoique illicites d’ail- 
 leurs , deviennent permise3 et necessaires dans la guerre, parce 
 qu’elles en sont de3 suited inevitables, et qu'elles arrivent 
 centre notre intention et sans un dessein formel; on peut canon- 
 ner un vaisseau plein de corsaires, quoique dans ce vaisseau il 
 se trouve quelques hommes , queiques femmes, quelques enlants, ou 
 autres personnes innocents , qui courent risque d’etre enveloppes 
 
 dans la ruine de ceux que 1 ’ on veut et que l’on peut faire perir 
 I 
 
 avec justice". 
 
 Approving devastation, destruction and death as permit- 
 ted oy the rights of wariare, he might have also applauded the 
 German's combing of hospitals^ 
 
 "Les lois de la guerre permettent d’en dommager les 
 biens de 1 ’ennemj , et de les detruire, parce qu'ii n’est point 
 
 V . 
 
 contraire a la nature de depouiller de son bien une personne a 
 qui l’on peut oter la vie. Enfin , tous ces actes a’hostilite suo- 
 sistent sans injustice, jusqu’a ce qu’on se soit mis a 1’aori des 
 dangers dont l'ennemi nous menapait, ou qu’on ait recouvre ce 
 qu’ii nous avai t injustement enleve". 
 
 (I) Esprit de 1 ’Encyclopedic. Ilia. vox. pp.2DIi-.i04, 
 
 — — — — — — — — - - — — — ~ 1 — — MM— ~ — . — WTW -i | 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 
 , 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
* 8 ' 
 
 Une thousand infamous immorali ties , rapines and norrors 
 shamelessly suffered in war are prohibited by the laws oi civi- 
 lized warfare* 
 
 “L^es droits rte la guerre ne s*6tendent pas juequ *a 
 autoriser les outrages a l’nonneur des femmes; car une teJLle con- 
 
 \ /. > a f 
 
 duite ne contra bue point a notre defense, a notre surete, na au 
 
 maintien de nos droits; elle ne peut servir qu’a satisfaire la 
 
 I 
 
 Irutelite du soldat ef-frene", 
 
 frisoners of war and non-parti cipants in the war-strict 
 en area must not oe Killed* 
 
 ■Les lois militaires de i ’Europe n’au tori sent point a 
 oter la vie de propos deiibere aux prisonniers de guerre, ni a 
 ceux qui se rendent , morn* encore aux vieillards , aux femmes, aux 
 eniants, et en general a aucun de ceux qui ne sont ni d ’un age, 
 na d’une profession a porter des antes, et qui n’ont d’autre 
 
 part a la guerre, que de se trouver dans le pays ou dans le parti 
 
 I 
 
 ennemi " . 
 
 Upon surrender, the soldier is“hors du combat", and 
 
 . 
 
 according to Rousseau is no longer an enemy. 
 
 / * 
 
 "La i an de la guerre etant la destruction de l’Et&t 
 
 ennemi , on a droit d ’en tuer les defenseurs tant qu’als ont les 
 
 * A 
 
 armes a la main; mais si tot qu’ils les posent et se rendent, ces- 
 sant d’etre ennemas ou instruments de 1’ennemi , ils redevaennent 
 simplement hommes , et 1 ’ on n ’a plus de droit sur leur vie. Q,uel- 
 ques fojs on peut tuer l’Etat sans tuer un seul de ses memfcres ; 
 or la guerre ne donne aucun droit q ui ne soit necessaire a sa 
 
 <L 
 
 fin". 
 
 ‘ 1 r tl} U3pri t de'T’En cyclopedic. I old. vox. o, p.^00. 
 
 U) Rousseau. load. vox. 3 , p.yio. •• C on prat &ocial ". 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 a > 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Tine theory that the soldier, upon surrendering, is to 
 be treated as toeing no longer an enemy , follows from a well rec- 
 ognized political principle pertaining to war. 
 
 \ 
 
 "La guerre n’est done point une relation d ’hemme a 
 homme, mai 3 une relation 1 'ntat a itat , dans raquelie les parti- 
 culars ne 3ont ennemis qu ' accidenteliement , non point comme 
 dommes, ni m^me comme citoyens, mai s comme soldats; non point 
 
 comme membres de la patrie, mai 3 comme ses defenseurs. enfin 
 
 / * 
 
 cnaque mtat ne peut avoir pour ennemis que d ! autres mtats, et non 
 
 1 
 
 pas des nomines”. 
 
 Consequently there can ne no rigdt wdi ch permits the 
 
 Killing of prisoners,, To this subject, Monxesauieu nevot.es several 
 2 
 
 chapters, 
 
 m his -Contrat social", nousseau ai fl erenti ates pri- 
 vate from puoii c property, declaring that the former shouln oe 
 exempt 1 rorn capture,. 
 
 hn pieine guerre, un prince juste 3‘empar* oien, en 
 pays ennemi , de tout ce qui appartient a,u public; mai s il re- 
 specte la personne et le3 biens des parti cuii er3 ; il respecte les 
 
 3 
 
 droi t3 sur lesquels 30nt fondes les siens", 
 
 Characteristic of wars dave been vile deeds, cold- 
 blooded murder, considered legitimate and sanctioned oy a right 
 ot reprisal. L'Abbe ne najnt-pierre ourns wi tn indignation at 
 such cruelties, voltaire speaks of acts of reprisal as resulting 
 from a 3pirit of emulation, stimulating one to render his need 
 more f oui and vile than that of his enemy, .both writers declare 
 emphatically that the code 01 civilized warfare does not sanctio! 
 
 CX) lous sea“ Tb id. voi c p. 3^1. “ Contrat social 11 . 
 
 12 ) Montesquieu, n-sprit des lois. jj>x. ± 5 , chill 10 
 f 3 ) came as (I), p. 310 . 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
30 
 
 acts of reprisal. 
 
 Conquest , and enslaving of the conquered are treated 
 
 oy writers of the rights of nations in war. 
 
 "L ’ oo j et de la guerr$ , c’est la victoire; celui de la 
 victoire, la conquete; celui de la conquete, la conservation 0 
 
 'i’ne editor of Montesquieu’s works inserts the following 
 
 remarks : 
 
 "Montesquieu raisonne suivant les idees de 3on temps, 
 
 v 
 
 idees aus 3 i vieiiles que le monde 0 Aujourd’hui , avec le progre3 
 de travail, avec de 3 nations plus justes sur les droita des na- 
 tions et des indi vidus , on ne peut plus dire que la conquete 3 0it 
 l’oojet de la victoire pour un peupie civilise. Des conquetes , 
 fai te 3 au mepris du voeu des populations k 3ont le pur regne de 
 
 la force, c’est-a-dire un brigandage qui ne peut engenarer aucun 
 
 I 
 
 droi t 
 
 Montesquieu was well a¥/are of this truth, Altnough he 
 
 declares that under certain circumstances enslaving the conquered 
 
 peoples may oe imperative, -"un n’a droit de reduire en servitude 
 
 que lorsqu'elle est necessaire pour la conservati on de la 
 
 conquete, L’objet de la conquete e3t la conservati on ; la servitude 
 
 n’eat jamais l’oojet de la conquete; mais il peut arriver qu'eile 
 
 It 
 
 30it un moyen necessaire pour aiier a la conservati on "» In number 
 xcv 01 the "Lettre3 Persanes”,he recognizes no right of conquest, 
 "Le droit de conquete n’est point un droit, Une societe 
 ne peut etre fondee que sur la volonte de3 asaocies. Si elle e3t 
 
 / A 
 
 detruite par la conquete, le peupie redevient liore; il n »y a plus 
 
 (1) koiinario Ibid, p, 347; voitaire, load, vol, ^5 , 
 
 p, ; Montesquieu, Ioid, "Msprit des lois", jbk. iO, Chs.*', 3, XX 
 
 (2) Montesquieu. .Ditto. Bjc. i. on. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
de nouvelle societe; et si le vaiqueur en veut former, c'est une 
 
 A 
 
 tyranni e 
 
 A clearer vision ink the question of conquest and slav- 
 ery is that of Rousseau in his “Contrat social". 
 
 "A 1' egard du droit de conquete , il n'a d 'autre fonde- 
 ment que la loi de plus fort. Si la guerre ne donne point au von- 
 queur le droit de massacrer les peuples vaincus , ce droit qu’il 
 n’a pas ne peut fonder celui de les asservir. On n'a le droit de 
 tuer l’ennemi que quand on ne peut le faire esclave; le droit de 
 le faire esclave ne vient done pas du droit de le tuer; e’est 
 done un echange ini que de r 4ui laire ache ter au prix de 3 a liber- 
 te sa vie, sur laquelle on n'a aucun droit, Rn etablissant le 
 droit de vie et de mort sur le droit d'esclavage, et le droit 
 
 d’esclavage sur le droit de vie et de mort, n’est-ce pa3 clair 
 
 I 
 
 qu'on touche dans le cercle vicieux?” 
 
 Diderot says that international law ceases to be bind- 
 ind with the outoreaic of war; hence there are no laws or rights 
 of warfare. 
 
 “Le droit de la nature est restraint par le droit ci- 
 vil; le droit civil, par le droit des gens, qui ce3se au moment 
 2 
 
 de la guerre". 
 
 iuaintai ning , on the contrary, that internati onal law 
 does govern all nati ons in war, Montesquieu says: 
 
 “ C'est ce droit des gens qui fait que, panni nous 1 a 
 vi ctoi re laisse au peupie vaincu les biens, et toujours la re- 
 
 3 
 
 iigion, lorsqu’on ne s 'aveugle pas soi-meme". 
 
 
 n 
 
 n o 
 
 ch* 1 . 
 
 (I) Rousseau. Ioia. vox. 3,p c 311. 
 l^)Diderot. laid. vol. 4 , p. 490 . 
 
 (3) Montesquieu. E sprit des l ois. Bjc. 4, Ch. ± 
 
 0 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
y* ! 
 
 .hDDe de Saint-Pierre urges the humanizing of barbarous 
 
 1 , tv 
 
 usages in war. (To-day, polical writers lay much stress on the 
 need to limit the use of suomarine and aerial oombing, the pro- 
 hibition of poison gas and disease germs, and liKe abominati ons. ) 
 Voxtaire’s "Droit de la Guerre" taxes up such matters 
 as truce to bury the dead, stipulation that wariare should not be 
 waged in a certain place, articles of capitulation accorded a oe+ 
 3eiged city, atrocities on women, and treatment of wounded prison- 
 ers 
 
 By no means is war a game between gentlemen; yet there 
 have been recorded many incidents of chivalry am Kindness on the 
 field of battle, “These are the dictates which the humanity 01 
 
 5 
 
 great hearts diffuses over the ewils caused by war' 1 * 3 4 . 
 
 In striKing contrast with the views of Voltaire is a 
 
 statement of Montesquieu that Christianity has purged war of all 
 
 cruelties. He credits religion for establishing armistices in 
 
 civil wars , so that the people might do their ploughing, sowing, 
 
 4 
 
 and harvesting* 
 
 His thought is coincident with voltaire*s and with that 
 of other contemporaries when he speaxs of the influence of world 
 commerce a3 tending to cement nations in peace, (This might sound 
 liKe a paradox; they all blaspheme commercial wars,) 
 
 “L’effet nature 1 du commerce e3t de pcrter a la 
 
 (I) Molinari, Ibid, p, 347, 
 
 U) voitaire. Ibid, vol, ^7 » pp. 36^-37% 
 
 (3) Ditto, vol. 10, p. 1^4. 
 
 ( 4 ) Montesquieu. Espri t des lois. BK. <>4, Ch. 17, 
 

 
 ■ 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 r 
 
 
53 
 
 / 
 
 pajx. Deux nati one qui negocient ensemble se rendent reciproque- 
 
 ment dependantes: si l'une a interet d^cheter, l f autre a intlret 
 
 de vendre , et toutes les unions aont fondees aur des besoins mu- 
 I 
 
 tuels ". 
 
 Tne foremost problem to-day ia the setting op of a 
 league of nations, whereby many a threatened war may be nipped in 
 the bud, and possioly all war abolished,, 
 
 Humanitarian in tneir philosophy in its oroade 3 t con- 
 ception, French writers of the eighteenth century sought no less 
 ardently than we to-day the abolition of war. Knowing that large 
 armies were the taproot of wars, they preached a policy of dis- 
 azmament and reducing military iorce. Many wars had been propa- 
 gated by the prolific seeds 01 intrigue and secret alliances. To 
 stifle these causes, the writers asiced that wider publicity be 
 given to diplomatic treaties. A veritaoie apostle of lioerty 
 and equality, Rousseau deemed reioims in the then existing state 
 constitutions essential for founding a stable peace. A current 
 oi pacificism, Drought in by the tide of events 01 the seventeenth 
 century, was given great impetus oy the ADDe he baint-Pi erre f s 
 ''Projet de Paix Perpetuelle " , the iir 3 t to conceive the idea of 
 
 cL 
 
 perpetual peace. 
 
 He realised, as did his contemporaries soon alter him, 
 t^attnere were problems which transcend national limits. Their 
 solution called for a pezmanent i nternati onal tribunal or court. 
 
 (I) E sprit des lois. I Did. Bk. 20 , Ch. II; voitaire. 
 Ibid. vol. 38 , p. j^oiih&ri. I Did. p« 39 
 
 [ d) Barm, Jules. Ibid. p. 8?«Al30 another modern crit- 
 ic, E. Bourgeois, "L ’Enseignement de l'histolre et le mouvement 
 pacifiste". p. bti. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
54 | 
 
 Trie adea that differences of nations can be settled oy 
 a world court of justice is expressed in the introduction of has 
 "Pro jet ", 
 
 * ✓ 
 
 “ II g’agit, en un mot, d’arracher les peuples a l»etat 
 de nature ou ils vivent encore les uns a l»egard des autres , pour 
 les faire entrer dans un etat juridique qui soit pour eux ce que 
 l'etat civil est pour le3 individu3" 0 
 
 With the eagerness of an alchemist obsessed by his 
 curiosity, the good Aboe sought, unseliishly, an ideal, a dream 
 immemorial, the preservation of world peace for all time, homage 
 is due him for his loity aim. 
 
 However, his proposed league could never have proved 
 practical, effective as a system of world government, his wa3 a 
 crude and undigested plan, a very vague and nebulous scheme. 
 
 That hi 3 discussion wa3 academic and not a matter of 
 practical politics can readily be apprehended from a reading of 
 the five articles in his plan. He gives no consideration whatso- 
 ever to the political structure of Europe, then badly constitutec 
 by the treaties of Utrecht, nor to the political constitutions oj 
 the nations that were to form the league. This oversight leaves 
 
 his league one of sovereigns against their peoples, an oligarchy 
 
 2 
 
 of the then Great Powers. 
 
 It is not surprising, therefore, that his idea of a 
 permanent international tribunal was not taicen sreiously oy the 
 
 (I) Kami, Jules, loid. p. od. 
 
 [ d) load, "Projet 1 pp, o7-I^5« Also an Moiinari, 
 22-57, Also Bayet & Albert, pp. Ib-22. 
 
 PP- 
 
 J 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
• I 
 
 eighteenth century philosophers. It did, however, arouse consider 
 
 able agitation and discussion. 
 
 Juie3 Harm asserts that Emanuel ivant discovered here, 
 
 in a arude form, a profound philosophical principle, which he tooxi 
 
 up and developed later with so much precision in hie “project of 
 
 I 
 
 Perpetual Peace”. 
 
 Though penetrated by the sentiment oi humanity, Vol- 
 taire was not idealistic a3 was the Aooe de bain t-Pi erre. He 
 calls the idea oi perpetual peace among men more chimerical than 
 the project of a universal language. He asserts that it is as dii< 
 ficult to prevent men from waging war as it is to prevent woives 
 from eating iambs. He reiterates that peace can subsist no more 
 
 among princes tnan among elephants and rhinoceroses , among wolves 
 2 
 
 and dog 3 . 
 
 He admits, however, that the e3tablishmen t oi a Europe- 
 an diet might be very useful lor judging different disputes, in 
 
 J) 
 
 returning criminals or in the laws of commerce. 
 
 The reaction oi Rousseau, vigorously expressed in his 
 ”Jugement 3ur La Paix Perpetuelle ” ,indi cates a Keen intellect, 
 penetrating human nature and political theory. 
 
 "Si jamais verite morale fut demontree, il me semble 
 que c’est l*utilite generale et particuliere de ce projet. Les a- 
 vantages qui resulterai ent de son execution, et pour chaque 
 prince, et pour chaque peuple, et, pour toute l f Europe* sont i mi- 
 menses , clair3, incontestables, . .Real! sez 3a republique europe- 
 
 (1) Rami, Jules. Ibid. p. bo. nant’s famous (.peace 
 project is treated in Jiolinari , pp. jb^- 4 2 b. 
 
 (2) Voltaire, ibid, vol, 10 , p, 190 ; "De la paix per- 
 petuelle", vol. 2b, pp. I 03 -I 2 b. 
 
 (3) Ditto, v 01. 2b, p. I27. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
enne durant un 3eul jour, e’en eat assez pour la laire aurer eter 
 nellement, tant chacun trouverait par experience a on profit par- 
 ticular dans le bien cammun. Cependant cea memes princes, qui la 
 defendraient de toutea leurs forces ai elle exiatait, s’opposer- 
 aient maintenant de meme a son execution, et 1 ’empe cherai ent de 
 s’eteindre. ^insi , l’ouvrage de l’abbe de Saint-Pierre sur la 
 paix perpetuelle paralt df’abord inutile pour la produire et su- 
 
 4 
 
 perflu pour la conserver. G’est done une vaine speculation, di ra 
 
 quelque lecteur impatiento J»on, e’est un livre solide et sense, 
 
 I 
 
 et il eat trea-important qu’il existe". 
 
 He then points out the erroneous conceptions emooaied 
 in the plan; and enumerates the enormous universal advantages 
 that would accrue from a permanent world league oi arbitration,, 
 
 In stating his objections to the treaty proposed by tne Aoue de 
 bai nt-Pierre , he, too, points out that its es taolisnment would 
 have lortified dynastic governments. 
 
 The Diggest oostacie in the way oi a world league, how- 
 ever, is human nature. 
 
 “Si malgre tout cela, ce projet demeure sans execution, 
 ce n’est done pas qu’il soit chimerique; e’est que les hommes 
 sont insen3e3 , et que e’est une sorte ae folie d’etre sage au 
 milieu des fous".^ 
 
 (1) Housseau. Ibid. vol. b. p. ^9, 
 
 (2) I bid. p. $d7e 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
37 
 
 Concluding from the criticisms here set forth, we may 
 rigntly infer that tne eighteentn century was not ripe for a 
 world, league of nations, Nor was the following century, during 
 which traditional animosities and intense nationalism oecarne 
 still more firmly rooted® These were fostered and Kept alive by 
 the numerous, and in many cases arbitrary, divisions of Europe, 
 which gave the Continent the aspect of armed camps. 
 
 With the advent of the telegraph, the cable, the rail- 
 road, the newspaper, with the expansion of industry and of world 
 commerce, human society has been moulded more and more into one 
 organism* The modem flying machine promises to oe an even great- 
 er herald of world unity® 
 
 Politically, however, these tendencies toward the unity 
 of mankind have been retarded in the nineteenth and twentieth 
 centuries, a3 was the case in the eighteenth, oy many barriers," 
 national boundaries, innate prejudices of language , and past tra- 
 ditions® That these obstructions must be swept aside, if future 
 peace i3 to be assured and lasting, was decisively proved to us 
 by the ureat War, and particularly oy the Peace Conference® in 
 this conclusion we are but following in the footsteps of the 
 eighteenth century i'rench writers® 
 
 In this essay have been given some of their opinions on 
 
 acute problems of their age® To-day, we are confronted with sim- 
 ilar difficulties in our attempt to set up a world league of 
 nations, primarily for the purpose of preventing wars® In many 
 ways we are only a few hours removed irom the eighteenth century. 
 Prom its great writers we may get the “Key of yesterday that un- 
 locks to-morrow. 
 
. 
 
 ' 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 s t 
 
 
 
 
 1 ( 
 
 
 
 
 
Bloli ography 
 
 38 
 
 Voltaire, Oeuvres Completes de, Oarnier .Freres , 
 
 Li brai res-Edi teurs ^2 vols, Paris 1877-1885 
 
 Diderot, Oeuvres Completes de a oamier Preres, 
 
 20 vols, Paris I&75-I&77 
 
 Rousseau , Oeuvres Completes de 0 Librairie H&chette 
 Et Cje, 13 vols, Paris 18 85-1905 
 
 Montesquieu, Oeuvres completes de, Gamier Freres, 
 
 7 vols, Paris 1877-1879 
 
 Esprit de 1 ’Encyclopedic, vol, 8 
 
 ^ po I il i<j u.e$ 
 
 Bayet , Aloert , & Albert, Prancois, “Les Ecrivains du 
 XVIII* si &cle ”, Paris 1904 A 
 
 Molinari , M. J. De , “L’aobe de Saint-Pierre”, 
 
 Paris 1857 
 
 .barni , &• Ju±e 3 , “Hastoire des Idees Morales et Poli- 
 tiques en Prance au dix-huitieme siecle 1 ', oermer Bailliere. 
 Paris 1873 
 
 Roustan, Marius ."Les Philosophies et la Society Pran- 
 gai se au AVIII^ si ecle ", Librairie A, Picard et Pi Is , 
 
 Paris I 9 O 6 
 
 Vattel, Ed, "Le Droit des cens", 3 vols, Paris I 865 
 
 Oliver, Thomas E award , “Le Philos ophe sans le Oavoir”^ 
 Sedaine, Dew YorK 1914