FACTS FOR THE PEOPLE. 
 
 
 ANOTHER LETTER PROM FRANCIS D. BLAIR. 
 
 
 Fremoat aad BL,*ao:2 Masi TitHapfe 
 
 -“■*-- V 
 
 The following fact* will be found ip‘A,: eg 
 t»nd useful to spankera *,ad ,oihaiA during t. t 
 
 pn sent* canvas©. 
 
 '4'jke,&il abaorlpug Iz '■ > C•/ ' - 
 
 next election is, ohallal v....j :• a.J, . 
 
 institution and be extended i. j a iL tat) torrid 
 sies of tee tfnien, or shall it bO}Con£i3i.-i to ix 
 preeoat limits t On this subject too la publican 
 party and its leaders in Illinois occupy precis sly 
 the same position that the framers of the Consti¬ 
 tution, the founders of the Republic and the 
 leaders of the Whig and Democratic parties, 
 with the single exception of John C. Calhoun, 
 occupied up to the time of the repeal of the Mis¬ 
 souri Compromise in 1854. Hence both Whigs 
 and Democrats should stand together and de¬ 
 fend this principle. It is founded in the eternal 
 principles of right and justice. Jefferson enun¬ 
 ciated it in the Declaration of Independence, “All 
 men are created equal”—it lies at the base of 
 ©nr political and social institutions—it is the 
 foundation of our national prosperity and is as 
 ©Id as the government. Here is the proof: 
 
 WHIG AND DEMOCRATIC DOCTRINE ONCE. 
 
 The following is one of the famous Fairfax 
 County Resolves, adopted at a public meeting 
 held in Fairfax County, in Virginia, the 16 th 
 day of July, 1774, over which General Washing¬ 
 ton presided, reported by the committee of which 
 he was chairman, and, by direction of the meet¬ 
 ing, reported by him to the State Convention 
 heid the following August: ,• 
 
 “Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meet¬ 
 ing, that during our present difficulties and dis¬ 
 tress, no slaves ought to be imported into any 
 of the British colonies on this continent; and 
 we take this opportunity of declaring our most 
 earnest wishes to see an entire stop forever put 
 to such a wicked, cruel, and unnatural trade.” 
 
 f : LETTER TO ROBERT MORRIS. 
 
 “I hope it will not bo conceived from these 
 observations, that is my wish to hold the unhap¬ 
 py people, who are the subject of this letter 
 (negroes) in slavery. I can oniy say that there is 
 not a man living who wishes more sincerely 
 than I do to see a plan adopted for the abolition 
 of it; but there is only one proper and effective 
 mode by which it can be accomplished, and that 
 is by legislative authority j .a.q.4 |his, so far as 
 my suffrage will go, shall never be wanting ."— 
 Spark’s 'Writings of Washington. Vol. 9, p. 158. 
 
 S 
 
 LETTER TO JOHN IT. MSRCBtt. 
 
 “I hover me?:?,--uni at a some particular eir- 
 cymsta^co. should compel me to it, to posrfiB 
 *■”' J'er f’-'va v % it being among my 
 
 first fs zhts U> . - >u’ •■>..•!•> *• vAoi by whkMt 
 
 y ‘ (r-t« csi i y tm# he a'Mishci by law.” 
 
 . --Suns voi.,p. 159. , - 
 
 ■ - a . - A j t in 1786 ; the 
 sc,x" ./ .:■■■ O .'»»' of 1787 wa . enacted, 
 f-sd Ite y. a? full rr ,-.g Cj’an, Washington wes 
 elected Pim.lout of the Unitjd States unr.ivi- 
 mbusly. 
 
 “ I agree with yea cordially in your views re¬ 
 garding negro slavery. I have long considered 
 it a most sorious evil, both socially and politi¬ 
 cally, and I should rejoice in any feasible scheme 
 to rid our States of such a burden. The Con¬ 
 gress of 1787 adopted an ordinance which pro- 
 nibits the extension of involuntary servitude in 
 our Northwestern Territories forever. I consi¬ 
 der it a wise measure. I hope we shall have a 
 confederacy of free States.”— Washington to Leo- 
 fayette , 1797. 
 
 “I do not wi3h to see it recognized by the 
 Constitution of the United States of America, 
 that there can be property in men.—Madison in 
 the U. S. Constitutional Convention. 
 
 “That after the year 1800 of the Christian era 
 there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary 
 servitude in any of the said States, otherwise 
 than iu the punishment of crimes, whereof the 
 party shall have been convicted to. have been 
 personally guilty.— Jefferson’s Ordinance , 1784. 
 
 “We will go to the verge of the Constitution 
 in order to rid our country of this curse.”— Ben. 
 Franklin’s Memorial to Congress. 
 
 “ If I could only be instrumental in ridding of 
 the foul blot of slavery that revered State that 
 gave me birth, or that no less beloved State 
 which I now represent upon this floor, I would 
 not exchange the honor for that of the most suc¬ 
 cessful conqueror that ever lived. 
 
 “ I never can, and never will, and no earthly 
 power will over make me vote to spread slavery 
 where it does not exist.”— Henry Clay , 1848. 
 
 “ I frankly avow my unwillingness to do any¬ 
 thing that shall extend the slavery of the Afri¬ 
 can race orer this continent or add other slave¬ 
 holding States to the? Union.— Daniel Webster , 
 1837. 
 
 “I °hould be false to all the opinions and 
 principles of my life if I did not promptly return 
 an emphatic no ! when called upon to accord my 
 sanction to a jorm of governmant which perpet¬ 
 uates slavery.— Caleb Cashing , 1836. 
 
 “ Resolved , If the friends of liberty should 
 wait for leave of tyrants to abolish tyranny, the 
 day of free government would never dawn upon 
 ‘the oppressed millions of our race.— Franklin 
 Fierce, 1848. 
 
these principles, the Mis¬ 
 souri Compromise was passed in 1880, by which 
 Slavery was prohibited north of 88 deg., 80 min.; 
 and Missouri was admitted as a slave State. The 
 Sonth were nearly unanimous for the measure, 
 and a portion of the North objected to it for the 
 Mason that it permitted slavery to go south of 
 that line. They insisted it should be prohibited 
 meryv>hore.\ 
 
 Hear what Mr. Douglas himself says of that 
 Compromise in his celebrated Springfield speech 
 In 1849 : 
 
 It (the Compromise) had become canonized in 
 the hearts of the American people as a sacred 
 thing, which no ruthless hand would ever be 
 reckless enough to disturb.” 
 
 In the session of Congress in 1853-4, Mr. 
 Douglas made a report on a bill which proposed 
 to repeal the Missouri act of 1820, in which he 
 declared ia explicit terms that the repeal of the 
 Missouri Compromise would be a violation o 
 the settling measures of 1850, and would open 
 tip again the great agitation which had been so 
 happily settled by that measure. Here is a pas¬ 
 sage of this report. - He says: 
 
 “Tour committee do not feel themselves call¬ 
 ed upon to enter into the discussion of these 
 controverted quotations. They involve the same 
 grave issues which produced the agitation, the 
 sectional strife and fearful struggle of 1850. A 
 Congress deemed it wise and prudent to refrain 
 from deciding the matters in controversy then, 
 either by affirming or repealing the Mexican 
 laws, or by an act declaratory of the true intent 
 of the Constitution, and to the extent of the pro¬ 
 tection afforded by it to slave property in the 
 Territories; so your committee are not prepared 
 now to recommend a departure from the course 
 pursued on that memorable occasion, either by 
 affirming or repealing the 8th section of the Mis¬ 
 souri act, or by any act declaratory of the mean¬ 
 ing of the Constitution in respect to the legal 
 points in dispute.” 
 
 That is the report of Mr. Douglas, made in 
 January, 1854; and not made by by Mr. Doug¬ 
 las, of Illinois, alone; but made by him as chair¬ 
 man of a committee of Southern orig : n and 
 Southern principles, to which had been referred 
 the questions of the Territories of the United 
 States in the Senate of the United States. It was 
 received without a murmur by the entire South¬ 
 ern portion of the Senate of the United States. 
 
 And yet this compromise, so “sacred,” so 
 “•anoniz din the hearts of the American peo¬ 
 ple as a sacred thing,” Mr. Douglas and Mr. 
 Pierce with “ruthless hand” did “disturb”and 
 repeal. The object of that repeal was to open 
 the way for slavery to go into Kansas. 
 
 Then and Now. 
 
 Mr. Buchanan in his letter to Robert G. Scott, 
 just before the meeting of the Baltimore Con- 
 uentionof 1852, wrote as follows of what were 
 •ailed the compromise measures: 
 
 “ In what estimation would the civilized 
 world hold the conduct of one of the parties to a 
 solemn treaty of peace between independent na- 
 feoas* who, whilst himself ia the beneAt of all 
 
 the enjoyments stipulated in his flavor, and m 
 which he knows he can never be disturbed, 
 should he then turn round, and, merely because 
 he possesses the power, deprive the other party 
 of the only equivalent he had reoeived under thin 
 very treaty ? 
 
 “ But I forbear to pursue this subject. In my 
 opinion, the harmony of the States and thepros- 
 perity—it may be the preservation—of the Union 
 depend upon the maintenance and faithful exe¬ 
 cution of all the compromise measures. It is notv 
 too laU in the day to go behind the reoord and 
 discuss tneir original merited 
 
 A “change” has comejover Mr.’Buchanan,as 
 there did over Gen Cass in 1848 ; and we may 
 add that a corresponding change has come over 
 the people. 
 
 POSITION or THH DOUGLAS-BUCHANAN PARTY. 
 
 That it is pledged to extend slavery is proved 
 by its orators and recognized organs. 
 
 Speaking of the Cincinnati Platform the N. 
 Y. Day Book, a recognized Buchanan journal, 
 reciving its support from the Custom Houses 
 says: 
 
 “Shall the Democratie party fear this issuer 
 to oppose the extension of slavery ? No, indeed, 
 a thousand times, a million times, No; THERB 
 IS NOT A SINGLE DEMOCRAT IN THE 
 WHOLE NORTH OPPOSED TO THE EX¬ 
 TENSION OF SOUTHERN SOCIETY, OR 
 SO-CALLED EXTENSION OF “SLAVERY,* 
 and they only wait to have the truth spoken out 
 and things called by their right names to sweep 
 the abolition imposture from the Republic, and 
 to bury its besotted fools in the profoundest 
 depths—the lowest possible depths in the public 
 contempt.” 
 
 But the Day Boole goes even further than this. 
 Not content with extending negro slavery, it 
 advocates the enslavemeut of poor white people. 
 Alluding to the condition of the latter class, tt 
 utters the following language: 
 
 “ Sell the parents of these children into SLA¬ 
 VERY. Let our Legislature pass a law that 
 whosoever will take these parents and take car# 
 of them and their OFFSPRING, in sickness and 
 in health— clothe them, feed them, and home 
 them— shall be legally entitled to their services ; 
 and let the same legislature decree that whoso¬ 
 ever receives these parents and their CHIL¬ 
 DREN, and obtains their services, shall take 
 care of them AS LONG AS THEY LIVE.” 
 
 The National Democratic Committee at Wash¬ 
 ington has ordered thousands of copies of this 
 scandalous journal for general distribution 
 weekly throughout the country. They were 
 scattered broadcast through Iowa previous t« 
 the election in that State, and they are now be¬ 
 ing extensively circulated in Illinois. 
 
 Thus speaks the Richmond Enquirer : 
 
 “ It is in vaiB, it is folly longer to disguise Shs 
 issue, it is Slavery or no 'Slavery. 1 * 
 
 The Charleston Evening Eesee says : 
 
 “ The issue is Slavery or no Slavery, it is in 
 less to disguise it.” 
 
 The New York Day Book declares it t© be the 
 issue and says: 
 
 “ Wee to those of the Democratic party wire 
 flinch taa tLc 
 
 
 In accordance with 
 
% -7 / 
 
 3 
 
 The Wasbington Umon, declare# it to be the 
 ibaue ef the day. 
 
 , Thus speaks ft Southern politician : 
 
 M We Southerners intend to make slavery na¬ 
 tional Dot sectional even at the cost of making 
 & new southern nation, an independent slave 
 nation of our own. All compromise must be 
 abolished and slavery made national.” 
 
 READ Tam. 
 
 The Richmond Enquirer, the leading Douglas 
 and Buchanan organ at the South, holds the 
 following language: 
 
 “Repeatedly have we asked the North, ‘Has 
 not the experiment of universal liberty failed.? 
 Are not the evils of free society insufferable ? and 
 do not most thinking men among us propose to 
 subvert it?’ Still no answer. The gloomy si¬ 
 lence is another conclusive proof, added to 
 many other conclusive evidences we have fur¬ 
 nished, thaty>«e society in the long run is an im¬ 
 practicable form of society; it is everywhere 
 starving, demoralized* insurrectionary. We 
 repeat, then, that policy and humanity alike 
 forbid the extension c,f the evils of free society to 
 new people and coding generations. Two op¬ 
 posite and conflic ting forms of society cannot, 
 among civilized r^n, co-exist and endure. The 
 one must give w -ay and cense to exist—the other 
 become universal, if free society be unnatural, 
 immojal, unchristian, it must fall and give way 
 to a slave soc Uty—a system as old as the world, 
 universal as.. man ” 
 
 The Mu .geogee (Ala .) Herald, another Buchan¬ 
 an orgar sa ys : 
 
 “ Fr f & society! we sicken of the name. What 
 is it b 4 t the conglomeration of greasy mechanics, 
 filth T y operatives, small fisted farmers, and moon 
 street theorists? All the Northern and especi¬ 
 ally the New England States, are devoid of so- 
 *'jety fitted for well bred gentleme n. The pre¬ 
 vailing class one meets is that of mechanics 
 ■Struggling to be genteel, and small farmers who 
 do their own drudgery ; and yet who are hardly 
 fit for associating with a Southern gentleman’s 
 body servant. That is your tree Bociety which 
 the Northern hordes are endeavoring to extend 
 into Kansas.” 
 
 NO MORE XREB STATES. 
 
 The Richmond Enquirer is also loudly pro¬ 
 claiming that there shall be no more free States. 
 Here is the programme as laid down in a re¬ 
 cent number of that paper: 
 
 “ With Kansas to back them in the Senate, 
 the South can compel the fulfillment of the stip¬ 
 ulations of the Texas treaty, by RESISTING 
 THE ADMISSION OF OTHER FREE 
 STATES.” 
 
 MR. BUCHANAN SOUND OX THE SLAVERY ISSUE— 
 THE SECTIONAL CANDIDATE OX THE SOUTH. 
 
 The Charleston Mercury, a leading Southern 
 Bnchanan journal, says: 
 
 “We have, in former articles, reviewed Mr. 
 Buchanan’s career upon the tariff and internal 
 improvements; and we now come to his course 
 in reference to slavery. Upoa this point we 
 shall deal fully—and we invite the attention of 
 our readers to the proofs, that Mr. Buchanan is, 
 in ail respects, on this question, enthUod ts the 
 support of the people of the South. How any one 
 acquainted with our political history for the 
 past twenty years, and the course of public men 
 during that period, mw now arraign, Mr. Bu¬ 
 chanan as unsound upon the question of slat era 
 
 we are wholly a4 a Use to oonooive. JgnosvCM 
 
 or misconception is the only solution. 
 
 “ But to the question—* Is Mr. Bu ihauaa 
 sound on slavery ?’ This is the question, above 
 all others, to be answered satisfactorily. It 
 would be enough to show that from the first 
 day Mr. Buchanan came into Congress ho the 
 present time, he had never given a vote, or 
 tend a word, hostile to the institution of 
 0? which could possibly give enof^ragemeut to 
 abolitionism. Ewe cutttr^ ^ m 9 r 4 xf utn 
 
 a mere negative friendship to ttu South. We ao- 
 
 sert that he ha <r%ev*r fasted to advocate her right* 
 whenever they have been assailed.” 
 
 The Richmond Enquirer makes the following 
 truthful synopsis of Mr. Buohauan’s qualifier 
 tions as the candidate of the South: 
 
 “1. In 1880 Mr. Buchanan supported a hill to 
 prohibit the circulation of abolition papers 
 through the mail. 
 
 “ 2. In the same year he proposed and voted 
 for the admission of Arkansas. 
 
 “8. In 1836-7, he denounced and voted to re¬ 
 ject petitions for the abolition of slavery in the 
 District of Columbia. 
 
 “4. In 1887, he voted for Mr. Calhoun’s fa¬ 
 mous resolution, defining the rights of the States 
 and the limits of federal authority, and affirm¬ 
 ing it to be the duty of the government to pro¬ 
 tect and uphold the institution of the South. 
 
 “ 5. In 1888, ’39 and ’40 he invariably voted 
 with Southern Senators against the considera¬ 
 tion of anti-slavery petitions. 
 
 “ 6. In 1844-5, he advocated and voted for the 
 annexation of Texas. 
 
 “7. In 1847, he sustained the Clayton Com¬ 
 promise. 
 
 “ In 1850, he proposed and urged the the ex¬ 
 tension of the Missouri Compromise to the Pa¬ 
 cific Ocean. 
 
 “ 9. But he promptly acquiesced in the Com¬ 
 promise of ’50, and employed all his influence in 
 favor of the faithful execution of the Fugitive 
 Slave law. 
 
 “ 10. In 1854, he remonstrated against an 
 enactment of the Pennsylvania Legislature for 
 obstructing the arrest and return of fugitive 
 slaves. 
 
 “ 11. In 1854, he negotiated for the acquisition 
 of Cuba. 
 
 “12. In 1856, approves the repeal of the Mis¬ 
 souri restriction, and supports the principle of 
 the Kansas-Nebraska act. 
 
 “ 13. He never gave a vote against th® inter¬ 
 ests of slavery, and never uttered a word which, 
 could pain the most sensitive Southern heart.” 
 
 WHO ARE THE DISUNIONISTg. 
 
 The following extracts are selected from an- 
 thentic records of opinion expressed by men, 
 all of whom are now prominent supporters of 
 Buchanan or Fillmore: 
 
 By Senator Yulee, of Florida— 
 
 “ For my p*rt I am ready to proceed to #»» 
 treme measures, even to the dissolution of tb« 
 Union.” 
 
 By Senator Brown, of Missicsippi— 
 
 “If the Wilmot Proviso is adopted, it will 
 raise a storm that will sweep away this Union, 
 and I pray God devoutly it will do so.” 
 
 By Mr. Morse, of Louisiana— 
 
 “The south«rn man who will staad «p and 
 say that he is for th# OnioD, ‘now and for#v#r,* 
 is mor# dangerous to th# p«opl« h# represents 
 than tkos# Kb# ar# in #p®n hostility. If Bafc- 
 
 r oraii be trammeled with a preamble declaring 
 

 4 
 
 the Territory now free, I am willing to dis¬ 
 solve the Union/’ 
 
 By Mr. Stanton, of Tennessee— 
 
 “When the Wilmot Proviso is adopted, I 
 and the South are ready to walk out of the Un¬ 
 ion.” 
 
 By Senator Bntlsr, of South Carolina— 
 
 "I do sot make the salvation of tho Union the 
 paramount question.” 
 
 By SofiatorJltasoB, of Virginia.— 
 
 “It is timeiao yoke was thrown off and the 
 question settled/’ 
 
 By Mr. Golaock, of Georgia-- 
 
 “IfUse Wilnaot Previ a eh'ir'' pan?.in ary 
 foru. 7 will invxodace a, bill fen* tfacd... ion oi 
 
 tbo 
 
 In a recent letter deolining an invitation to 
 attend a barbacue at Baton Rouge, 8enator Sli¬ 
 dell of liouisiana says: 
 
 “ I do not hesitate to declare that the Union, 
 oannot and ought not to be preserved.” 
 
 KANSAS. 
 
 We have not room to enter fully into this sub¬ 
 ject. A bogus legislature wag elected by armed 
 Missouri ruffians, who took possession of the 
 polls and drove away the Free State settlers at 
 the peril of their lives. They enacted laws 
 wL’ohGen. Cars has pronounced “a disgrace to 
 hurrianity and to the fge in which we live/’ 
 1* ere is a specimen c-. i. e laws, denying the 
 liberty of speech and of the press: "■ 
 
 Br If ■'?■■■ i'" T. ■ *• 
 
 p,v * . -j i. ?; a ■ «,. fo: ) ■ V «,. vj „, ” 
 
 By £t% IsteWittic, QfMfgi*' ’rip'-.t — 
 
 “The paople of the 8oath knc;r th iir : 
 
 ' and wilt maintain the n at fell Lizard:;, qvcl. 
 should disunion result. * * * Tab South 
 mnot. doiend their rights at the expense ol 
 
 blood.” 
 
 The following resolutio r was adopted at a 
 Congressional caueus of southern democrats, 
 held in;Washington in Jacuary;tl849 : 
 
 “Resolved, That the dissolution of the Union 
 is preferable to the submission of the South to 
 the Wilmot Proviso.” 
 
 The following toasts were drank at a Demo¬ 
 cratic 4th of July celebration, at Atchison City, 
 Kansas: 
 
 “ Disunion.— By secession cr otherwise—a 
 beacon of hope to an oppressed people, and the 
 surest remedy for southern wrongs. [Enthusi¬ 
 astic cheers.]” 
 
 “ The city of Atchison—May she, before the 
 close of the year ’57, be the capital of a South¬ 
 ern Republic. [Cheers.]” 
 
 The Hon. Preston S. Brooks, in a speech made 
 in Columbia, S. C., on the 29th of August last, 
 as reported in the Carolina, Times, says: 
 
 “Oa the second Monday in November next the 
 great question would be decided. For his part, 
 if Fremont, the traitor to his section, should be 
 successful, it wa3 his deliberate opinion that on 
 the fourth of March next the people of the South 
 should rise in their might, march to Washing¬ 
 ton, and seize the archives and the Treasury of 
 the Government. We should anticipate them, 
 and force them to attack us.” 
 
 Hear the Charleston Mercury, good authority 
 with all Buchanan men, upon this subject: 
 
 “Upon the policy of dissolving the Union, or 
 separating the South from her Northern enemies, 
 and establishing a Southern Confederacy, par 
 ties, presses, politicians and people at the South 
 are a unit. There is not a single public man in 
 her limits, not one of her pr esent Representatives 
 cr Senators in Congress, who is not pledged to 
 the lips in favor of disunion. Indeed, we well 
 remember that one of our most promiuent lead¬ 
 ers of the co-operation party, when taunted with 
 submission, rebuked ihe thought by saying, 
 
 ‘ that in opposing Secession he only took a step 
 backwards to strike a blow more deadly against 
 the Union.” 
 
 “If ray r-sv^u, by rp^akinr or by writ- 
 c;-: : v- i ; . persons have not 
 
 r gfi ■ to fc ? »••••* ia th' . Territory, print, 
 
 > ■ 'o •wr“% cl 3*!*te,.cr caaus to be iniro- 
 
 i i i ) W/ 'tt-fl, printed, pub- 
 
 iCt on "ml •*'>i iff big Territory, any book, 
 paper, p*- •>' ®t>f.or circular contain¬ 
 
 ing any dajiiif o': ti>erig ,, of; persons to held 
 laves iu this Territory, '-such person shall be 
 rieemed guilty of felony cjid punished by impri¬ 
 sonment at hard labor for a Venn of net less than 
 two years.” 
 
 Another article for similar offences, enacts 
 that a ball and chain shall be fastened around 
 the ancles of offenders and they shall be made 
 to work on the public highways. The Free 
 State Hotel was burned by an armed mob; print¬ 
 ing presses have been thrown into the Missouri 
 and Kansas Rivers; murders and arsons, and 
 every species of crime have been committed in 
 that devoted Territory, and yet all these outra¬ 
 ges have been virtually indorsed by the admin¬ 
 istration at Washington. 
 
 Only a few weeks ago a large force from Mis¬ 
 souri invaded Kansas. The purpose of this in¬ 
 vasion is very decidedly expressed in the fol¬ 
 lowing extract from a s letter published in the 
 Richmond (Ya.) Whig, dated Kansas City, Au¬ 
 gust 19: 
 
 “ We will go in this time with a force suffi¬ 
 cient to clean out Kansas, you may rely on that; 
 and this attack will make Kansas a slave State 
 beyond all doubt. Let me assure you that Mis¬ 
 sourians will never go into Kansas again with¬ 
 out driving out the last scoundrel. Before eight 
 days have elapsed, Missouri will send in five 
 thousand ‘border ruffiians,’ and they will never 
 leave as long as there is an abolitionist in that 
 beautiful Territory. They have been there 
 twice, and the third time will tell the tale. 
 Nothing is surer now than that Kansas will be 
 a slave State.” 
 
 Freemen in Kansas have nothing to expect 
 from Mr. Buchanan. Under the administration 
 of Mr. Pierce they have suffered the most terri¬ 
 ble wrongs recorded in our history. The Cin¬ 
 cinnati Convention thu3 indorses hi3 adminis¬ 
 tration : . 
 
 Resolved, That the administration of Frank¬ 
 lin Pierce has been true to Democratic princi¬ 
 ples, and therefore true to the gre*. interests of 
 the country: in the face of the viola \% opposi¬ 
 tion, he has maintained the laws at home, and 
 
therefore we proclaim IffigT* OUR UNQUALI¬ 
 FIED APPROBATION OF HIS MEASURES 
 AND POLICY. 
 
 Here the administration of Mr. Pierce, with 
 all the fearful wrongs he has caused to poor 
 bleeding Kansas, is fully indorsed. The report 
 of the Congressional Committee'on Kansas Af¬ 
 fairs establishes all these charges. 
 
 THE REFOBUO TO BE SOLD OUT TO OBBAT BRIT¬ 
 AIN. 
 
 Hear the Richmond Enquirer on this subject: 
 
 “We are heartily sick and disgusted with the 
 canting and mercenary hypocrites pf Yankeedom. 
 This Kansas war will'enable’us to get rid of them, 
 or turn the tables upon them, and render them 
 a source of progt instead of expense. It will 
 enable us to regain our own—pilfered from us by 
 many a sharp transaction. It will enable us to 
 build up our country by the recapture of the 
 millions of which we have been plundered. It 
 will enable us to get rid of the Yankee Presi¬ 
 dents, and to preserve Anglo-Saxon freedom by 
 reviving the old connection with the mother 
 country. (Who would not rather be ruled over 
 by a tady like Queen Yictoria, than aay nasal- 
 twanged gentleman the Yankee land can pro¬ 
 duce?) It will enable us, with the United 
 States South., on one side, in the close alliance 
 with England and Canada on the other, very 
 speedily to bring those long-nrayared sharper* 
 to their sense.*', by confining them to the starv¬ 
 ing soil on which they were bora, and te the 
 thin air around them.’* 
 
 FREMONT AND BUCHANAN—TUB CONTRAST. 
 
 Free labor—the natural capital which consti¬ 
 tutes the real wealth of this great country, and 
 creates that intelligent power in the masses 
 alone to be relied on as the bulwark of free in¬ 
 stitutions.— John G. Fremont's Letter of Accept¬ 
 ance. 
 
 Reduce ©ur nominal to the real standard of 
 prices throughout the world, and you cover our 
 country with blessings and benefits.— See Bu¬ 
 chanan's Speech on Low Wages, Files' Register, 
 vol. 7, p. 420. 
 
 At the time this sentiment was uttered “ the 
 real standard of prices throughout the world” 
 for labor per day was about tea cents. Hence 
 the name of “ Ten Csnt Jimmy !” Don’t he de¬ 
 serve it ? 
 
 UR. BUCHANAN A FILLIBUSTER. 
 
 Here is the Ostend Manifesto, with the sig¬ 
 natures of American Ministers—Soule, Minister 
 to Spain, Mason, to France, and Buchanan, to 
 England—and kid before the Spanish Govern¬ 
 ment at Madrid. 
 
 This honorable and conservative trio , after argu- 
 iag the case to show that the Spanish Govern¬ 
 ment ought to sell Cuba to the United States, 
 proceed in this wise: 
 
 “ After we shall have offered Spain a price for 
 Cuba far beyond its present value, and this shall 
 have been refused, it will |hen be time to con¬ 
 sider the question—doe3 Cuba, in the possession 
 of Spain, seriously endanger our internal peace 
 and the existence of our cherished Union? 
 Should this question be answered in the affirm¬ 
 ative, then by every law, human and divine, we 
 shall be justified in wresting it from Spain if wt 
 possess the power.” 
 
 The Filliuster8 know their man. La Verdad, 
 the Spanish newspaper published by the Cuban 
 Filibusters jn New York, goes in strong for Bu¬ 
 chanan, as just the man who will earry ®ut ite 
 views, i. e., pick a quarrel with Spain for the pur¬ 
 pose of getting Cuba and its slaves. It says: 
 
 “We sincerely desire that he (Buchanan) and 
 no other may be chosen to guide the high desti¬ 
 nies of this great nation. If, as may happen, 
 the affairs of Mexico and Spain become compli¬ 
 cated, no President can serve us (i. e. t the Fili¬ 
 busters) so well as the champion of the Dtfrnoo- 
 racy, whose opinions respecting Cuba are known 
 to our readers. Consequently w« are for Bu¬ 
 chanan.” 
 
 Hear also another witness: 
 
 Hon. Lawrenco M. Keitt of South Carolina is 
 a good Democrat and a good friead ®f Mr. Bu¬ 
 chanan, is he not? Ha is a fair representative 
 of his party, is he not ? Well, let us see what 
 he has to say on the subject of fillibusterism, as 
 the legitimate corollary of the Os tend Manifesto. 
 While recruiting hia exhausted energies at the 
 White Sulphur Springs, expended in defending 
 his colleague Bully Brooks, he received an in¬ 
 vitation to give an exposition of democratic 
 principles at Lynchburg, Va., and thereon the 
 evening of the 10th inst. he made an elaborate 
 speech, in which the following passage" cecums- 
 
 “ I go with the Democratic party for the pres¬ 
 ent, because it is the best party. [Cheers ] If 
 that party deviates from the right line of policy, 
 I will oppose it. [Cheers.] I say never will I 
 act with any party that does not stand upon the 
 Constitution—I mean for the rights of the South. 
 [Loud Cheers.] I go with it now because it is a 
 gallant party—because it is a progressive party 
 —because it is a conservative party. [Cheers.] 
 We have before us a great country. We have 
 two races, the Latin and the Anglo-Saxon, and 
 with sucli elements composing the population of 
 our country our destiny must be a noble and ex¬ 
 alted one. They love progress, and the first 
 step in that direction is the acquisition of 
 Cuba. [Loud and ennthusiastic cheers.] 
 Standing on your Southern shores, the 
 sentinel on our watchtowers, it must bo 
 ours, or the South is exposed to invasion. Yes, 
 it, must be ours, and I have no objection to the 
 fiilibusters taking it. [Loud cheers.] Take it, 
 and we will pay for it afterwards. [Tremendous 
 cheers ] Take it—I care set in what manner— 
 and then we will roll into is a Gulf Stream of 
 Southern population that will make it truly ths 
 gem of tho Antilles. Extensively guarded, by 
 nature protected, roll into it your Southern 
 population, and the navie3 of all the earth m&y 
 thunder around its shores and they will thunder 
 in V3in. [Loud cheer *.] Ye?, controlling tfca 
 commerce of the West for three thousand miles, 
 and controlling also the commerce of the East, 
 through the greater enterprise and commercial 
 spirit of our population, Cuba would be what 
 Palmyra was in ancient times, if it once throws 
 off the despotism of Spanish rule. [Loud 
 cheers ] The Democratic party can and will take 
 it. [Cheers.] The destiny of that party is in¬ 
 deed a noble destiny.” 
 
 IMPORTANT POLITICAL STATISTICS. 
 
 Of the 6,622,418 white inhabitants of the South 
 only 847,525 are owners of slaves, jet this fac¬ 
 tion controls every branch of the Federal Gov- 
 
6 
 
 entwmi, and wields tt« inflate* for the iu- 
 
 orenue and perpetnation of slavery. Annexed is 
 
 * olawifi cation ef the slaveholders in 1850: 
 
 Betters*'.. 1 slave 06.820 
 
 ** M . 1 and under 5 1 6 963 
 
 84 
 
 84 
 
 
 88 
 
 “ SO 
 
 54 765 
 
 84 
 
 84 
 
 
 44 
 
 “ 50 
 
 29,731 
 
 • 
 
 84 
 
 
 44 
 
 “ 100 
 
 6 196 
 
 84 
 
 84 
 
 
 46 
 
 “ 200 
 
 1,479 
 
 88 
 
 84 
 
 
 44 
 
 “ 2 9 
 
 187 
 
 84 
 
 84 
 
 
 44 
 
 “ 500 
 
 56 
 
 •• 
 
 84 
 
 
 1 4 
 
 “ 1008 
 
 9 
 
 M 
 
 84 
 
 
 64 
 
 over 
 
 2 
 
 Total nmmkw of tlaveholdera.347 526 
 
 Tae Oongreasioaal representation of the Free 
 and Slave States ia aa follows: 
 
 a. s. San ;t*. 
 
 Sixteen Free States with 
 a white popu'ation of 18, 
 938,679 hare 32 Senators. 
 
 Fifteen Slave Slates, with 
 a population of 6,186,477 
 have 80 Senators. 
 
 So that 413,7,4 Free men 
 of the North enj oy but the 
 famepolitic&l privileges in 
 the United States Senate 
 that are given to 206,215 
 Slave Propagandists. 
 
 Bowsa OF RJB*. 
 
 The Free State* have a 
 total of 144 members. 
 
 The Slave States have a 
 total *f 90 members. 
 
 One Free State Represen¬ 
 tative represents 91,936 
 White men and women. 
 
 One Slave State Rp«re- 
 seafcative represents 58,726 
 white mea and women. 
 
 Slave Representation 
 
 C es to Slaverv an advan- 
 e over Freedom of 21 
 vote* in the House of Rep- 
 reseatatives. 
 
 The Fast Office statistic* for a single year ar 
 int«reeMng, exhibiting as they do the advantages 
 derived in this department of governmental econ¬ 
 omy by the South at the expense of the North. 
 We annex a brief statement: 
 
 Chief I tern 3 of Aooount. Free States. Slave States 
 Aaeant reo’d for Postage. 84.891. 860.88 $1 486.984 88 
 
 Pa* ter traa-tp’a of Mads, 2.861,^7.19 2 087.266 06 
 
 82,019,253.64 8609,281.99 
 
 The ab*ve shows that there is received yearly 
 lx the free States, two millions of dollars ($2,- 
 000,889) m+re thesi is expended, while in the 
 slave States the empendiUt res exceed the receipts 
 •rer six hundred thousand dollars, ($600,000.) 
 With all its boasted wealth and chivalry, the 
 Seuth doe* not pay its own postage. And the 
 Majority, by which she usually carries her ob¬ 
 noxious measures, is composed of the twbnty- 
 •** members she has in the House to represent 
 her negroes. This was specially so in the ease 
 «f the Kansas-Nebraska bill. 
 
 SLAVERY Ilf TUB STATES. 
 
 The Republican party does not propose to in¬ 
 terfere in any way with slavery where it now ex¬ 
 ist*. It recognizes to the fullest exteut the ex- 
 dlmsive right of the slaveholding States to regu¬ 
 late the iBstitutiou within their respective lim¬ 
 its. It dees net propose, in fact, to abolish or 
 in any way interfere with slavery any where ; 
 lmt it simply opposes its extension into territo¬ 
 ries heretofore solemnly dedicated to freedom by 
 the joint astiea of the slaveholding and free 
 JBtatee. Examine the Republican platform below 
 and see if this is not so. Away then with the 
 infamous charge of Abolitionism and the un¬ 
 scrupulous demagogues who make it. 
 
 MR. BUCMANAN’g OPINION OP COL. FREMONT. 
 
 A reseat steamer from England brought an 
 important document, in whioh two of the candi¬ 
 dates new before the people for the Presidency 
 
 prominently figure. It is a certified eopy of the 
 evidence for the defenoe in the ease of Gibbs vs, 
 Frement, being the eopy of depositions taken 
 before the Commissioners under the authority 
 of the Court of Common Pleas, London, in 18iS. 
 It will be remembered that Col. Fremont was 
 arrested in London on account of debts contract¬ 
 ed in California. The defence was, that these 
 debts were contracted.on account of the United 
 States Government. Col. Fremont drew bills of 
 exchange to the amount of nineteen thousand 
 five hundred dollars upon the Secretary of State 
 of the United States, the liabilities having been 
 incurred on Government account while Col, Fre¬ 
 mont was Governor of California. The bills fell 
 into the hands of persons in London, and being 
 protested for non-acceptance, the holders sought 
 to hold Col. Fremont personally responsible. 
 The evidence of James Buchanan, of Pennsyl¬ 
 vania—upon whom, as Secretary of State, the 
 bills were drawn—being considered material to 
 the issue, the Court appointed Henry L. Gilpin, 
 Hugh Campbell and Peter McCall, of PhiladeL 
 phia, Commissioners to take depositions ef wit¬ 
 nesses for Col. Fremont in Pennsylvania. They 
 were to be sworn and then adm inister oaths to 
 interpreters, clerks, Ac.—the testimony so taken 
 to be sent to Sir James Parks, Chief Juatfee of 
 the Common Pleas. 
 
 We have this testimony now before us in full, 
 but, from its length, must content ourselves 
 with giving its more material portions. 
 
 First, as to the credit which properly belong* 
 to Col. Fremont as the “ Conqueror of Califor¬ 
 nia.” On this point Mr. Buchanan testified un¬ 
 der oath at follows: 
 
 “ Col, Fremont, the defendant, was ia Califor¬ 
 nia at the commencement of hostilities between 
 the United States and the Republic of Mexico; 
 he there raised and commanded a battalion of 
 California Volunteers, consisting of about four 
 hundred men ; his services were very valuable: 
 he bore a conspicuous part in the conquest oi 
 California, and, in my opinion, is better entitled 
 to be called the ‘ Conqueror of California’ than 
 any other man.” 
 
 Then, as to the alleged speculations ef CoL 
 Fremont, here is what Mr. Buchanan deposes 
 to: 
 
 “I do know that such supplies were necessa¬ 
 ry for the forces under the oommand of the de¬ 
 fendant, and that no appropriation had been 
 made by Congress to pay for the supplies. Con¬ 
 gress could not have anticipated that Col. Fre¬ 
 mont would raise a California battallion by his 
 own personal exertions and without previous 
 instructions.” 
 
 So great indeed was Mr. Buchanan’s confi¬ 
 dence in Col. Fremont, that he declares, still 
 under oath: 
 
 “ I should have accepted and paid these bills, 
 from my general knowledge of the transactions 
 in California, had Congress appropriated any 
 money and placed it at my disposal, which 
 could be applied to their payment, though it 
 would have been more correct to have drawn 
 these bills on the Secretary of War.” 
 
FA LOT XB83UM. 
 
 Mr. Douglas in his recent Springfield speech 
 says: 
 
 ** The [the Republican] party has ** constitu¬ 
 tional pnficipk to stand upon. It does not pre¬ 
 tend to have any. It stands only on the ground 
 •f individual opinion and Northern prejudice 
 against constitutional rights which the wisest 
 patriots of the earlier days of our history secur¬ 
 ed to the South. And in obedience to these pre¬ 
 judices they demand, upon pain of the dissolu¬ 
 tion of the Union, and the establishment of a 
 Northern Republic—1. The repeal of the Fugi¬ 
 tive Slave Law; 2. The abolition of slavery in 
 the District of Columbia; 3. The abolition of 
 the slave trade in the States; 4. No more slave 
 States; 5. No territory to be acquired unless to 
 be free forever. They have no other principles; 
 their presses, their preachers, their public speak¬ 
 ers tell of no other. How can a party thus con¬ 
 stituted hope to preserve and perpetuate the 
 Union! These demands strike at the existence 
 of the Constitution—of the Union itself—the 
 very instrument without which the States fall 
 assunder and the Union is destroyed." 
 
 Every one of these five specifications is un¬ 
 true. In proof of this read the 
 
 WATIONAL REPUBLICAN PLATFORM 
 
 Adopted at Philadelphia June 18th, 1856. 
 
 Wkmeas, This Convention of delegates, assembled 
 
 S i pursuance of a call addressed to the people of the 
 mtad States without regard to past political differ 
 anc»s or divisions, who are opposed to the repeal of the 
 Missouri Compromise, to the policy of the present Ad¬ 
 ministration, to the extension of slavery in Kansas, 
 and in favor of the admission of Kansas as a free tot&te: 
 Ipr restoring the action of the Federal Government 
 io the principles of Washington and Jefferson, and for 
 {he purpose of presenting candidates for the offices of 
 Preside at and Tice President— 
 
 ^Resolved, That maintenance of the principles pro¬ 
 mulgated in the Declaration of Indepandecoe and em¬ 
 bodied in the £ederal Constitution is essential to the 
 
 f reservation of our Rspublic&n institutions; that the 
 ederal Constitution, the rights of the States, and that 
 le Union of the States shall be preserved. 
 
 Resolved, That with our republican fathers we held it 
 to be a self-evident truth, tha‘ all men are endowed 
 With the inalienable sight of liberty and the pursuit of 
 happiness; that the primary objeo . and ulterior design 
 •f our Federal Government was to secure suoh rights to 
 all persona within its exclusive jurisdiction; that as our 
 ^publican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in 
 
 * nr national territory, ordained that no person should 
 e deprived of life, liberty or property without due 
 process of law, it beoomee our duty to maintain this 
 provision of the Constitution against all attempts to 
 violate it for the purpose of establishing slavery in the 
 United States by positive legislation,jand prohibiting its 
 extension therein; tha; we deny the authority ef Con¬ 
 gress. of a territorial legislature, or of any individual 
 Or association, togive legal assistance to slavery in any 
 territory of the United States, while the present consti¬ 
 tution shall be maintained, 
 
 ■ Resolved, That the Constitution confers on Congress 
 lovereign power ever the territories of the U. 8., for 
 #ieir government and the exercise of their power: it is 
 both the right and duty of Congress to prohibit in the 
 territories polygamy and slavery. 
 
 Resolved, That while the Constitution of the United 
 
 S tates was ordained and established in order to estab- 
 sh a more perfect union, secure justice, insare domes 
 tic tranquilitv, provide for the common defence and se¬ 
 cure the blessings of liberty and contains ample pro 
 Visions for the protection of life, liberty, and property 
 •f every citisen, the dearest Constitutional rights of 
 the people of Kansas have been fraudulently and vio 
 lently taken from them, their Territory has been inva¬ 
 ded by an armed force spurious and pretended judi¬ 
 cial and executive officials have been set over them, by 
 whose usurped authority, sustained by the military 
 
 J owerof government, tyrannical and unconstitutiona 
 iws have been enacted acd enforced; the rsghts of 
 the people to keep and bear arms have been grossly in¬ 
 fringed ; test oatbs of an extraordinary and entangling 
 nature have been imposed as a condition of exercising 
 the right of suffrage, and holding offices; the right 
 of an aocused person to a speedy and public 
 trial by an impartial jury, has been denied; 
 the right of the people to be secure in their 
 bouses, papers and effects against unreasonable search¬ 
 es and secures has been violated; they have been de¬ 
 prived of life, liberty and property without due process 
 
 of law; the freedom of speech and the press has bees 
 abridged, the right to ehoose their representatives has 
 been made of do effect; murders, robberies and arson 
 have been iastigated and enoouraged, and the offenders 
 have been allowed to go unpunished : yet all these 
 things have been done with the knowledge and sanc¬ 
 tion and procurement of the present administration— 
 and that for this high crime against the Constitution,the 
 Union and humanity, we arraign the administration, 
 the President, his advisers, agents, supporters, apolo¬ 
 gists and accessories, either before or a ter the facts, 
 before the country and before the world, and that it is 
 our fixed purpose to bring the actual perpetrators of 
 the atrocious outrages, and their accomplices, to a sure 
 aDd condign punishment hereafter. 
 
 Resolved. That Kansas shall be admitted as a State 
 of the Union with her present free constitution, as at 
 once the most effectual way of securing to her citisens 
 the enjoyment of the rights and privileges to whioh they 
 are ent tied, and of ending the civil strife now raging La 
 her territory. 
 
 Resolved, That the highwayman’s plea that might 
 maxes right, embodied in the Ostend Circular, was in 
 every respect unworthy of American diplomacy, and 
 w uld bring shame and dishonor upon any govoi nment 
 or people that gave it their sanction. 
 
 Resolved, That a railroad to the Pacific Ocean by 
 the more centr&i and practicable route is imperatively 
 demanded by the interests of the whole country, ana 
 that the Federal Government ought to a r nder immedi¬ 
 ate and efficient aid in its construction, and as an aux¬ 
 ilary iherete the immediate construction of an emi¬ 
 grant route on the line of the railroad. 
 
 Resolved, That appropriations by Coegress for the 
 improvement of rivers and harbors of a national char¬ 
 acter, required for the accomodation and security of 
 our existing commerce, are authored by the Consti¬ 
 tution, and justified by the obligation ef Government to 
 protect the lives and property of its citie ns. 
 
 Resolved, That we invite the affiiiati n and co-opera¬ 
 tion of the men of all parties, however different from us 
 in other respeots, in support of the principles herein 
 declared; and believing that .the spirit of our institu¬ 
 tions as well as the Constitution of our country, guar¬ 
 antees liberty of conscience and equality of rights 
 among the citisens, we oppose all legislation impairing 
 their security. 
 
 Such, fellow-citisens, is the Republican plat¬ 
 form, on which stands the pathhnder of empire, 
 who planted the glorious atars and stripes on 
 the highest peak of the Rocky Mountains. On 
 the fourth of March next the people mean to 
 place him in the Presidential chair, the highest 
 and most responsible position that can be occu¬ 
 pied by man. He is most worthy of that posi* 
 tion. 
 
 ANOTHER LETTER FROM FRANCIS P.BLAIR 
 
 Cordial Union between Northern Democrats 
 and Southern Nollifiers and Seeesaionigts. 
 
 From the N. T. Evening Post, 
 
 TO MY NEIGHBORS: 
 
 We have been highly honored of late by the 
 dignitaries of Washington City—the office¬ 
 holders and their satellites. Political meetings 
 to instruct or gather the sense of our county, 
 have been heretofore held in its central villages 
 —in Rockville, Brookville, Poolesville, Colas- 
 ville, and other points most convenient for such 
 purposes. Are we not, then, under lasting obli¬ 
 gations to the chief magistrate of the city of 
 Washington (the Mayor), to the city Postmas¬ 
 ter, to the editor of the most special organ of 
 the President’s man-of-all-work in the Cabinet, 
 to an ex-member of Congress from the North, 
 who, having lost his position with his constitu¬ 
 ents in the cause of the administration, is wil¬ 
 ling to serve it in any capacity that promises 
 future promotion—are we not deeply indebted 
 to such functionaries and their followers, for 
 having deigned to call the county to its line at 
 Silver Spring, and there treat it with so many 
 good things provided for it in the city—not 
 merely good things appealing to the appetites, 
 but good sayings uttered, and signs exhibited, 
 directing us in our duties? Not being one of 
 
8 
 
 the invited, I can only return my thanks for the 
 insignia with which they were so good as to 
 adorn the confines of my farm, placing it in the 
 eye of my dwelling, and for the personal honor 
 done me in holding my course as a private citi¬ 
 zen of such import as to merit animadversion. 
 For one portion of the lofty decoration which 
 floats over the scene of my humble employ¬ 
 ment, I am really grateful. It is the Flag cf 
 the Union, brought, I am told, from the Navy. 
 Yard of the metropolis. It may have displayed j 
 its constellation of stars at the mast-head of 
 some noble seventy-four, and shed its glory over 
 the great deep, where the proudest triumphs of 
 our flag have been achieved. It now spreads 
 its folds to the inland breeze from a hickory a 
 hundred feet high! If its flag-staff had been 
 elevated upon the summit of this noble tree ae 
 it grew and flourished with all its leafy honors, 
 on its free mount that overlooks the headlong 
 fall of the Anacostia, it would have been a fit 
 emblem to awaken recollections of the illustri¬ 
 ous chief with whose glory its name is associ¬ 
 ated. But it was cut down at the instance of 
 the city officials—its branches lopped and 
 dragged from its wild and airy height along the 
 dusky thoroughfares—hoisted by ropes on the 
 highway—and crowned with the skull and 
 horns of an old Buck ! There the imagination 
 associates it with the idea of a death’s head and 
 gibbet. 
 
 OLD BUCK GIBBETED. 
 
 What an emblem to be exalted above the flag 
 of the country and on the hickory tree which 
 has given its name to one of its greatest heroes ! 
 Of all animals the deer is the most timid, and 
 although the head of the buck is, at one season 
 of the year, armed with a multitude of points 
 as sharp as spear3, it never confronts an enemy 
 tha^ it can escape with flying feet. The grand 
 antlers are the mere emblem of warlike prow¬ 
 ess, and evidence only of that species of gallan¬ 
 try that distinguishes the stag, and gives to a 
 class of gentry of cur species the name cf bucks, 
 young or old. 
 
 The old buck is a sort of old bachelor, like his 
 fellow of the woods, addicted to no mate, and 
 •whflse insignia of horns have, time out of mind, 
 been held to characterize his pursuits. Is this 
 an ensign to be exalted above that of the coun¬ 
 try and chosen to exemplify the virtues of one 
 who aspires to the Chief Magistracy ? If the 
 crowning virtue be attributed to the coronet 
 whicii distinguishes the old buck’s head, and 
 which how takes the place qf the liberty cap on 
 Democratic banners, it should be remembered 
 that it is a virtue that comes and goes with the 
 seasons. An old buck’s honors begin to bud 
 and grow in the balmy spring time—they are 
 in the velvet in June, and throughout the sum¬ 
 mer. This smooth covering is slipped off in 
 October. Iu November their vitality is blighted, 
 and in March the crown of weather-beaten ant¬ 
 lers drop from the old buck’s brow, and he hides, 
 droops in solitude, abandoned by all his fellows 
 The hunters of the Alleganies (and of our fron¬ 
 tiers will apply this piece of natural history, and 
 interpret its augury. 
 
 A storm brewing at the south against the 
 
 TRAITOBS. 
 
 The occasion of raising this trophy to Mr. 
 Buchanan was taken to denounce me to mj 
 neighbors as ‘‘an arch traitor /” and “ a flash of 
 lightning was invoked to bring down the justice of 
 Heaven on my head!" These men, who uphold 
 the legislation which has lighted the torch of 
 civil war in our land, and made violence and 
 bloodshod the order of the day, seem to think 
 
 they have only to point their finger at a victim 
 iff this quarter to make him a sacrifice. They 
 know little of the deep-seated feeling which 
 broods in silence in the South, and which will* 
 ere long, overwhelm them with reprobation. 
 Freedom of opinion, freedom of speech, lreedom 
 in every good sense which endeared it to tho 
 hearts of Americans when struggling for it 
 against a foreign foe, is still held precious among 
 the masses in the South as well as at the North; 
 and the arrogant calumniators who came from 
 the city to assail me for the views I have deemed 
 it my duty to promulgate, found it so. The 
 orator who undertook to point the indignation 
 of the community in which I live against me, 
 for the honest, disinterested opinions I have 
 avowed, found his attempt promptly repelled by 
 a neighbor, who flung back his accusation by ft 
 direct contradiction; and I am grateful to learn 
 that the speech of my defender (who opposes 
 the party to which I belong,) had the approval 
 of the throng to whose prejudices the attack was 
 meant as an appeal. 
 
 I owe it to my countrymen who so generously 
 resented misrepresentations against an absent 
 man, and which, under the sectional aspeet now 
 given to the political controversy, could hardly 
 fail to provoke hostility against me, to lay 
 before them my thoughts on public affairs, that 
 they may calmly decide how much I am their 
 enemy. 
 
 THE SCHEME OF THE NULLIFIIR8. 
 
 I do not believe that the motives which led 
 Messrs. Atchison, Butler, Mason and Hunter 
 (the rump of the body of Nullifies left by Mr. 
 Calhoun in the Senate of the United States, and 
 who still labor to effect his plan,) are well un¬ 
 derstood. The deeply plotted, thoroughly or¬ 
 ganized scheme to repeal the Missouri Compro¬ 
 mise, which they were enabled to earry by 
 promises, securing the help of Presidential as¬ 
 pirants in the North was not fully comprehend 
 by them, or their party of doughfaces seduced 
 by the patronage the balance ot power vote of 
 the South was to give them. It was not merely 
 to acquire an additional slave State that the con¬ 
 tract was violated which gave Missouri to the 
 slaveholders aud reserved Kansas for free labor. 
 The great project of the Nullifiers, of which the 
 repeal was the first step, as now revealed, evi¬ 
 dently reaches to extend the slave line with the 
 parallel bounding Kansas on the north to the 
 Pacific, and to include all south of that line be¬ 
 longing to this continent, including Cuba, in ft 
 a slave empire. 
 
 The Cincinnati resolutions expressly assert a 
 right to “ ascendancy to “preponderance" t» 
 “''control" and not only over the land but the 
 seas cf this region. The resolutions which were 
 J prompted and sustained by the vote of the whole 
 South and to which its acknowledged candidate 
 pledged himself as swallowing up his individu¬ 
 ality aud rendering him a mer % machine for their 
 effectuation, did not mean that this vast con¬ 
 quest, from which slavery is now banished, 
 should be banished to our Union as the nursery 
 of free States. A portion of the slaveholding 
 class, now predominant over the party which 
 issued this manifesto, hold that the existence of 
 free States surrounding their peculiar institu¬ 
 tions in a common confederacy, must be fatal to 
 it. They hold that the contract of such kin¬ 
 dred States as part of the same system, must 
 gradually operate upon the interests, opinions, 
 and finally upon the passions, of the whole class 
 without slave States, so as to make legislation 
 necessary to relieve it from the oppression, the 
 inevitable result of the superincumbent weight 
 of the slave power, in the hands of masters who 
 
 I 
 
engross the soil and the entire political sover¬ 
 eignty, and who must in time become more ab¬ 
 solute than any other prerogatived class on 
 earth, because it is wholly independent of the 
 white race 10 cultivate the soil which they en¬ 
 gross. The forecast of this intellectual and ed 
 ucated class who wield all the State government 
 in the South and who are animated by one com¬ 
 manding interest, producing thorough concert, 
 sees, in course of time, that there must be an 
 alienation between the natrons of slave labor, 
 who derive support and power from it, and that 
 portion of the white race among them who are 
 Btraggliag for subsistence, and who find a com¬ 
 petition ia slave labor which deprives them of 
 employment oa the estates of slaveholders and 
 of ownership in the soil on which they might 
 labor for themselves. The prerogative class in 
 the South are resolved to cut the connection be¬ 
 tween the free laborer ef the North and the free 
 laborer in the slave States. It is looked to as 
 an alliance which may at some time come to the 
 rescue and save the white working man from 
 the absolute dominion of the masters of the 
 slaves and the soil. 
 
 J. H. Taylor, of Charleston, South Carolina, 
 pursues this topic of the destitution ©f the mass 
 of whites ia that State, tad points to the dan¬ 
 gers to be apprehended from it. We take this 
 passage from it in DeBow’s Review, the editor 
 of which is distinguished for his full information 
 •f the state of the South : 
 
 “So long as these peer feut !a.-**stri«u* pjpvh? could 
 scene mode t f iivin.-v except by a degrading operation 
 ef work with the negro anon the plantation, they were 
 •on teat to endure life in its mod discou aging forms, 
 satisfied they were above the slave, though faring often 
 worse than he. But ta* progress ex the world is 'oa 
 Ward,’ aatl though in some tections it is slow, still it 
 Is * omeardl and the great mass ef our poor white 
 population begin to understand that they have rights, 
 and that they, toe, are entitled to some of the sym¬ 
 pathy which falls upon the suffering. They are fast 
 learning that there is an almost infinite wo rid of in 
 dustry opening before them, b»'which they can ele¬ 
 vate themselves and their femiiee from wretchednes' 
 and ignorane*. to competence and Intc-H'genoe. It is 
 Ihis great upheaving of our masses that we have to 
 fear, so -far as our institutions are concerned 
 
 WHITE HEX TO B* REDUCED TO SLAVERY. 
 
 These paragraphs nre only scraps from 
 volumes of evidence borne by the ablest men of 
 the South, which prove that slave labor under 
 the direction of the rich, educated and power¬ 
 ful class, has reduced the laboring white popu¬ 
 lation to straits that make it “ an evil of great 
 magnitude,'’ only to be cured by “a change of 
 public sentiment .” Now I turn to that “ change 
 of public sentiment” as exhibited in the leading 
 organs of the South—the Richmond Enquirer 
 and Richmond Examiner —to show what remedy 
 they propose for the oppression which weighs 
 down the whUe laborer, who, withe ut land of 
 his own, is obliged to enter into competition 
 with slave-labor, directed by an educated mas¬ 
 ter with slaves and capital and unlimited power 
 to command. The following passages are from 
 late editorials in the presses which speak for 
 th8 nulliflers of Virginia. They appeared dur¬ 
 ing the last session of Congress, to instruct it 
 in the new theory. This is from the Richmond 
 Enquirer: 
 
 “ Until recently, the defence of slavery has labored 
 under great difficulties, bee ruse its apologists, for chey 
 were merely apologists, took half-way ground They 
 confined the de ence o> slav-ry to mere negro slavery , 
 thereby giving up the slavery principle, admitting 
 other forms of slavery to be wrong and yielding up 
 the authority of the B.ble, and of the history, prac¬ 
 tices. and experienceo r mankind. Human experience 
 showing the universal success of slave society, and 
 the universal fa’lure of free society, was unava'lmg t<~ 
 them, because they were precluded from employing it, 
 by admitting slavery in the abstract to be wrong Th 
 defence of mere negro slavery involved them in still 
 
 greater difficulty. The laws of all the Southern States 
 justified the holding white men in slavery, provided 
 that through the mother they were descended, how¬ 
 ever remotely, from a negro slave. The b.ightmulat- 
 toes according to their theory, were wrongfully held 
 in slavery. . , 
 
 “ The line of defence, however, is changed now, and 
 the North is completed cornered, %Dd dumb as an 
 oyster. The South now maintains that slavery is 
 right, natural, and necessary. It sfc ws that all 
 'll vine and almost all human authority justifies it. 
 The South further charges, that the little experiment 
 of free society in Western Europe has been, from the 
 beginning, a crue. failure, and that symptoms cf fail¬ 
 ure are abundant in our North. While it is far more 
 obvious that negroes be slaves than whites-for they 
 are only fit to labor, not to direct—yet the principle 
 slavery is in itself right, and does not depend oa. 
 difference of complexion D fference of race, of lin¬ 
 eage, of language, o': habit# and customs all tend to 
 render the institution more natural and durable ; a*~d 
 although slaves have been generally white, sti'l thu 
 masters and slaves have generally been of cifferent 
 national descent. Moses and Aristotle, the earliest 
 historians, are both authorities in favor of the differ¬ 
 ence in race, but not of coler.” 
 
 THE BEAUTIES AND BLESSINGS OF SLAVERY. 
 
 A book has been published entitled “ Free So¬ 
 ciety a Failure,” written by George Fitzhugh, 
 which the Enquirer- and Examiner commend as 
 supportfng “ the changes ef sentiment,” which 
 they urge on in Virginia. This book gives em¬ 
 phasis to the new dociriaes in these sentences : 
 
 “ Make the laboring man the slave o r one man. in¬ 
 stead of ‘he slave of society, and he would be far better 
 »ff.” *\Two hundred years of ’iberty have made whits 
 laborers a pauper band itti. Free Society has failed, 
 and that wh*ch is not free must b« substituted ” 
 
 “ Say the abolitionists, M-n ought not to have prop¬ 
 erty in man ’ What t dreary, cold bleak, inhospitable 
 wo»dd this mould br. with such doctrine carried inf* 
 practice!” * * * “ ffi&vavy his been too universal 
 nc~ 10 bo nrcer ary to nature, aatl n® man atruggi* s ia 
 vain against nature,” ***** Free society in a fail¬ 
 ure. We slaveholders say, you ram t recur to domestic 
 slavery, the eldest, the best, and most common form of 
 
 80C ; &li«m.” 
 
 " Fre« society is a monstrous abortion, avd s’avery 
 the healthy.beautiful,and satu-al being which they are 
 trying unconsciously to ado»t.” ‘* Tbo slaves are gov¬ 
 erned far better than Vue free laborers at the North are 
 governed. Our regimes are rot only better off as ba 
 physical comfort than free laborers, but their moral 
 condition is better.” 
 
 “ We do not adopt the theory that Hun was the an¬ 
 cestor ol the negro race The J-wlsh slaves were not 
 negroes ; and to confine the ju=t fieat’cu of slavery to 
 that race, would be to weaken i^s scriptural authority, 
 and to lose the whole weight of proiane suthority-^fer 
 we read of ro negro slavery in ancient times ” * * 
 
 “ Slavery, black or white, is right and necessary ” 
 
 “ Nature Las m de the weak nmind or body.slaves.” 
 * * * •* The wise and vi. tuous, the brave, the strong 
 in mind and body, are born to command.” 
 
 “ Men are not boro entitled to eq al rights. It would 
 be far nearer the tru h tr say that‘some were bora 
 with saddles on their backs, and other 3 booted and 
 spurred to ride them—a r .d the ri lirg does them goo V 
 1 They need thereiBs, the bit, and ih-;spur.’ * Life and 
 Liberty are not inalienable.’ The Lecbr t.ion of Inde¬ 
 pendence is exuberantly false, and aborescently falla¬ 
 cious.” 
 
 The Richmond Examiner supports the same 
 views in this paragraph : 
 
 “ At first view it seems strange that abolition never 
 rose till after the lhetitunon of negro slavery. Pro- 
 tection to th© weak, and subsistence ior the ignorant, 
 mprovident and v cious, are tbe two great and most 
 obvious considerations that rend r do fstio savery 
 nece sary. Neither private nor public ch arity i3 al¬ 
 ways at band to relieve the wratn the sufferings, the 
 sickness, and the many other mi fortunes to which 
 large masses of mankind, w tho it property or propeity- 
 holding ’onnections, a r e subject. 
 
 “Our object in these preliminary remarks, is to show 
 how unwise it is fir he cou'h attempt *0 justify negro 
 slavery as an exceptional institution. It is the only 
 form ef slavery which has excited che prejudices of 
 mankind, and given rise t« abolit'on; tbe only kind of 
 slavery which has not been until recen.Jy universal. 
 The experience, the practices end the hi tcry of man¬ 
 kind amply vindicate sl&verv in the abstract as a natu¬ 
 ral, univers il and conservative institution. In justify¬ 
 ing slav ry in the general or abstract we have to con¬ 
 tend with the prejudices growing out af the African 
 <dave trade, out of h A cruel treatment of slaves where 
 ever that tr ade exists and tbe still greater prejudices of 
 ace and color. Still, it is shown by history, bo’h sacred 
 and profane, that domestic slavery is a natural, nor¬ 
 mal, and. ti'l lately, universal institution. A compari¬ 
 son of the evils of f ee and * lave society, from the cen¬ 
 suses of different countries, from the history of the 
 
10 
 
 Bttgtish Poor Laws, from the famine*, revolutions infi¬ 
 delities. superstitions, agrarianism* and anarchies, 
 that have of late years afflicted Western Europe, and 
 ft’om the oommunistio and socialistic movements of 
 the day, proves those eooieties only to be permanent 
 and enduring whioh have re?ted upon the patriarchal 
 Institution of domestic slavery as a basis. When it is 
 thus shown that some kind of slavery is nscess&ry, all 
 must be willing to admit that, as slaves there must be, 
 negroes are best fitted for that condition.” 
 
 ISEADQUARTKR3 Or THU OLIGARCHY—SCHEMES FOB 
 A DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. 
 
 Charleston, South Carolina, is the headquar¬ 
 ters of the oligarchy which originated the de¬ 
 sign of dissolving the Union, to bring under its 
 ■ubjection the laborer of the white race as well 
 as of the black race. The power seated in 
 Charleston is as absolute in South Carolina as 
 that of Paris in France, and it aims to extend 
 over the whole South, of which it aspires to be¬ 
 come the metropolis, the same commanding in¬ 
 fluence. From this point every movement for 
 the severence of the Union has received its im¬ 
 pulse ; and now, while in States around her this 
 schemes is disguised, the first symtom of which 
 was the breach of the Missouri Compromise, it 
 is boldly avowed in Charleston that the separa¬ 
 tion of the States is the great object, whatever may 
 be the fate of the struggle for Kansas. In a late 
 article, the New York Herald, replied to the 
 threats of dissolution of jthe Union fulminated 
 from the Charleston press, and said they were 
 empty threats like those made in 1850, when 
 California was admitted as a free State—that 
 South Carolina, which then gave up the design 
 ©n the pretence of waiting the co-operation of 
 the other slave States, would succumb to the 
 Union party and retract again on the same pre¬ 
 text. To this the leading organ of authority in 
 the State of South Carolina, the Charleston 
 Mercury , responds. 
 
 “ The Hwald does not know—what Is, nevertheless, 
 the fact—ihat, in that controversy, both parties advo¬ 
 cated disunion. They differed only as to the mode—one 
 being f*e disunion by state action, the other by coop 
 ©ration a* It wvg termed or the joint action of several 
 States. But upon the policy of dissolving the Union. 
 <sf sen ariing the South from her Northern enemies and 
 establishing a Southern confederacy , parties presses, 
 politician* and people were a a umt. There is not 
 m single public man in her limits } not one of her pre¬ 
 sent representative* or Senators xn Congress, who is 
 not pledged to the tips in favor of disunion. Indeed, 
 we well remember tnat one of the most prominent lead¬ 
 ers of the «o-operation party, when taunted with sub 
 mission, rebukes the thought bvsaving, 'in opposing 
 secession he only took a step backward to strike a 
 blow mors deadly against the Union.' We saw him 
 take' the step backward,’ but have waited in vain for 
 the ‘biow,’ So much for the facts upon which the Her- 
 mid base* its calculation as to slaveowners and non- 
 slaveowers. the poor and the rich in booth Carolina, in 
 Aver of the Union ” 
 
 Thia is a declaration of the settled purpose of 
 the 8tate of South Carolina to dissolve the Un¬ 
 ion, dating with 1850 and only postponed for 
 the oo-operation of adjoining States. It is not 
 made dependent on the result of the contest in 
 Kansas. The separation of “ the South from her 
 northern enemies' * is denounced simply because 
 the people of the North are held to be enemies. 
 
 The retrocession from secession in 1850, 
 %sas “ a step backward'jto strike,a blow'more deadly 
 against the Union.” It will be a more deadly 
 blow, if the territories of the Union from the 
 northern line of Kansas to the Gulf and Pacific, 
 are first conquered and devoted to slavery. I 
 do not believe that the purpose taken by the nul¬ 
 lifying party in South Carolina, which speaks 
 through the Mercury , is harbored by a majoritj 
 of the slaveholders of the South, much less by 
 a majority of the people, but that it is the long 
 meditated scheme of the ambitious malcontents 
 of South Carolina, who look with the eye of Cor¬ 
 tez to the conquest of Mexico and Cuba, and the 
 appropriation of their riches and the subjection 
 
 of their people: the declarations quoted leave 
 no doubt. 
 
 WHAT THE SLAVEHOLDERS AND THEIR ALLEtt 
 STRIKE FOR. 
 
 The issue now pending will deeide whether 
 the class bent on this career of conquest, shall 
 have a starting point in the free territories of 
 the Northwest, which will preclude all interfer¬ 
 ence with the policy on tne part of the free 
 States. The belt which Kansas will give the 
 slave class across the continent, embracing the 
 whole genial region, is all they could ask from 
 the North. This gained, the partition line di¬ 
 viding the Union would soon be announced, to 
 get rid of northern intervention, and then the 
 southern conquerors would turn their arms to¬ 
 wards Mexico. 
 
 THE “ POOR WHITES” IN THE SLAVE STATES—Blk 
 GINNING TO UNDERSTAND THEIR RIGHTS. 
 
 I hold that the strongest bar against disunion 
 is the preservation of the territories from slave 
 settlement. To explain this, some reference to 
 the condition of those States where the multi¬ 
 plication of slaves has made their owners mas¬ 
 ters of the government and the soil, is neoessa- 
 ry. Governor Hammond, a leading nullifier of 
 South Carolina, and one of the greatest support¬ 
 ers of the slave interest, cannot be suspected of 
 exaggerating the mischief it works on the non¬ 
 slave-holding whites. Here is his testimony ag 
 to their condition, in an addres before the South 
 Carolina Institute, in 1850: 
 
 “ They obtain a precarious subsistence by occasional 
 jobs, by hunting by fishing, by plundering fields or 
 folds, and too often by what is in its offects far worse- 
 trading with slaves, and seducing them to plunder for 
 their benefit.” 
 
 Mr. Tarver, another southern writer ©f dis¬ 
 tinction, sustains this statement in a paper on 
 the subject of domestic manufactures in the 
 South: 
 
 “ The free population of the 8outh may be divided 
 into two classes, the slave-holder and the non-slave¬ 
 holder. I am not aware that the relative numbers of 
 the«e two classes have ever b ^en ascertained in any of 
 the States, but I am satisfied that thei non-slave-holders 
 far outnumber the slave-holders—perhaps by three t© 
 one. In the more southern portion of this region, the 
 non-slave-holders possess, generally, but very small 
 means, and the land which they possess is almost uni¬ 
 versally poor, and so sterile that a sc&Hty subsistence 
 is all that can be derived from its cultivation : and the 
 more fertile soil, being in the possession of the slave¬ 
 holder, must ever remain out of the power of those who 
 have none.” 
 
 In treating of the same project (manufactur¬ 
 ing establishments) as a means of redeeming 
 the white population of the South holding no 
 slaves, and thrown out of employment by being 
 driven from the culture of the soil by them, the 
 Hon. J. H. Lumpkin, of Georgia, says: 
 
 “Itis objected that these manufacturing eitablish- 
 ments will become the hot beds of crime. * * * * 
 
 But I am by no means ready to concede that our poor, 
 degraded, half-fed, half-clothed, and ignorant popula¬ 
 tion—without Sabbath schools er any other kind of in¬ 
 sertion, mental or moral, or without any just aopreci- 
 ationof character—will be injured by giving them em¬ 
 ployment, wnich will bring them under the oversight 
 of employers, who will inspire them with selfrespeot 
 by taking an interest in their welfare.” 
 
 Mr. Wm Gregg in a paper before the South Carolina 
 Institute, handling the same subject, remarks, that 
 ‘ any man who is an observer of things could hardly 
 pass through our counlry withou* being struck with the 
 fact that all the capital, enterprise and intelligence te 
 employed in directing slave labor; and the conse- 
 quenc is, that a large portion of our poor white peoplo 
 are wholly neglected, and are suffered to while away 
 an existence in a state but one step in advance of the 
 Iodian of the forest. It is an evil of vast magnitude, 
 and nothing but a change in public sentiment will ef¬ 
 fect its cure. 
 
 TYRANNY OVER WHITE SLAVES AT THE SOUTH. 
 
 In these principal journals of ihe Old Domin¬ 
 ion and of South Carolina, we have the solution 
 of the difficulty growing out of the monopoly cf 
 
the mH by slave laber, and the severeigrity orer 
 the Stale Governments, which, as an incident, 
 It conferred on the masters. The «tter desiitu- 
 ^en and entire dependence of the white work¬ 
 ing classes on the slaveholding class, and the 
 absolctc independence of the latter on the 
 lormer, produces a state of superiority on one 
 side, and inferiority on the other, that does 
 not exist anywhere among the despotisms of 
 Europe. There the nobleman has no power to 
 Jhrc* any man (the serfs of Russia excepted) 
 to work for him. He mast offer a reward 
 of some sort to the laborer to obtain his ser¬ 
 vice. If one employer will not give adequate 
 wages, the laborer may appy to another, and 
 there is therefore some dependence of the great 
 property holders on the good will and prefer 
 ence for them on the part of the working class. 
 But in the South, the exeat slaveholder looks to 
 his slaves as an all-sufficient body of machinery, 
 wnioh enables him to dispense with the labor of 
 the free labor class; and he may use them and 
 •apply them, or refuse them and starve them at 
 pleasure. I invited allusion to this southern 
 testimony as to the state of things where the 
 slave power flourished most, during the late ses¬ 
 sion of Congress. The facts were not denied 
 by a single member from the South, nor was the 
 argument controverted. It was not denied that 
 the accumulation of wealth is slaves, which ne¬ 
 cessarily engrossed the soil for their owners, 
 must put the white race of laborers wholly at 
 their mercy. 
 
 BOW T*B “*»OOR WHITES* ARK TO BB “PRO¬ 
 TECTED.” 
 
 TKB HA8T8K8 m EMBODIMENT 07 A LL POWBfi 
 IX THB SLAV! STATU. 
 
 Here is a new system divulged : “Every plan¬ 
 tation is a little community, with the master at 
 the head, who concentrates in himself the uni¬ 
 ted interests of capital and labor.” “ These 
 small communities aggregated make the State.” 
 Louis the XIV, King of France, said, “ I am the 
 State.” Each “ little community” composed of 
 white and black on the large pUntations 
 of the South, has “ a master at the head,” 
 and the masters of “these small communities 
 aggregated ” are the State. And to make the 
 masters of the blacks more absolutely the mas¬ 
 ters of the State, we find that the representation 
 in many of the Southern States is apportioned 
 on the black basis. The counties with a great 
 number of negroes and a few whites, have in 
 this State a majority of the Legislature, and can 
 control that portion of the State having a much 
 greater number of whites and fewer slaves. 
 Eastern Virginia, with its multitudes of slaves 
 and few whites, has a control in the Legislature 
 over the larger white population west of the 
 mountains and its fewer slaves. In South Caro¬ 
 lina the sway of the masters in the Legislature 
 over the whites is made still more absolute; 
 for, besides basing representatoin upon black 
 population, the constitution makes the owner¬ 
 ship of ten slaves a qualification for a seat in 
 the Legislature, or an equivalent in freehold es¬ 
 tate. And it takes away the choice of the Presi¬ 
 dential electors altogether from the people, and 
 gives it to this slaveholding assembly. 
 
 The facts and inference being undisputed, the 
 ^eply with the remedy for the evil they exposed 
 is given in the passages quoted from the presses 
 whioh speak for the slaveholders. What is it? 
 We are told that “ protection to the weak, and 
 subsistence for the ignorant, improvident and 
 vicicms, are the two most obvious considerations 
 that render domestic slavery necessary;” that 
 *the South maintains that slavery is right, na¬ 
 tural and neoessary;” that “ the laws of all the 
 Southern States justified the holding white men 
 in slavery;” that “the principle of slavery is 
 In itself right, and does not depend on difference 
 •f complexion ;” that “slavery, black or white, 
 is right and necessary;” that “ournegroes are 
 not only better off as to physical comfort, than 
 free laborers, but their moral condition is bet¬ 
 ter.” The salvation then for the free white la¬ 
 borer, falling into pauperism in the South, and 
 struggling in rain under the superincumbent 
 weight of the well-directed slave power, is to 
 xnaka him a slave, and give him the benefit of 
 the same masters. This is clearly the whole 
 drift af the policy, now for the first time boldly 
 enforced by argument. The blessing which this 
 new feature of the peculiar institution is to 
 bring on our government, is thus illustrated in a 
 Richmond Examiner : 
 
 This agit&tu n has produced one happy effect, t 
 least—it has compelled ug of the South to look into tb 
 ■ature and character of this great institution, and t 
 eorreot many false impressions that even we had et 
 tertained in relation to it. Many in the South once b< 
 Meved that it was a moral and politic 1 evil. That foil 
 and delusion are gone. We see it now it its true ligh 1 
 and regard it as the most safe and stable basis for fre 
 kistitutions in the world. It is impossible with us ths 
 ne conflict can take place between labor and capita 
 which makes it so difficult to establish and maintai 
 free institutions in all wealthy and highly c vilize- 
 nations where such institutions as ours do not ex'st 
 The Southern States are an aggregate, in fact, of com 
 munitles, not of individuals. Every plantation is , 
 little community, with the master at its head, who cod 
 eentrates in himself the united interest? of capital am 
 labor, of whicn he is the common representative Ihes 
 small communities aggregated make the State’in all 
 whose action, labor and capital is equally represented 
 and perfectly harmonized.” 
 
 THE TERRITORIES WERE TO BE FEES AS AN OFF¬ 
 SET TO SLAVE REPRESENTATION. 
 
 This is the system which the Riohmond press 
 now urges on, to establish a principle that will 
 justify the actual enslavement of the dependent 
 class of the free white population. This is not 
 my statement of the case. It is the reoord of 
 the principles and policy of the democratic par¬ 
 ty in the South as delineated by the leading 
 statesmen and presses directing its power. The 
 record is made by them, I merely copy it. Is it 
 the democracy of Jefferson or Jackson; or of 
 the true Republican party, built up by the fath¬ 
 ers of our government? I think not. Their 
 principle was, that the white race should, by a 
 majority of its suffrages, wield the authority of 
 the State Governments. They allowed repre¬ 
 sentation in Congress to the owners of slaves in 
 the South for three-fifths of that species of popu¬ 
 lation, iu consideration that all the territories of 
 the United States should be reserved exclusive¬ 
 ly for free labor. The Ordinance of 1787, mak¬ 
 ing this reservation , was before Congress at ths 
 same moment that the Constitution teas under do- 
 bate in the convention, and these mutual conces¬ 
 sions , resigning the territories to free labor on one 
 side , and granting an increased representation 
 to slave owners on the other , constituted one of the 
 compromises which became necessary to establish 
 the Government of the Union. 
 
 It was in pursuance of this principle of eom- 
 promise between the North and South engrafted 
 in the constitution, that gave Missouri and all 
 ihe territory south of 86° 30 v to slave settle¬ 
 ment, and all north of it to the emigration of 
 ree settlers. This was a most solemn treaty. 
 Its stipulations ought to be held more sacred than 
 any other, because it has root in the policy re¬ 
 cognized in the constitution as the basis of the 
 Union—because it was proferred by the 
 weaker power, and was ratified, not by the 
 sanction of the President and Senate alone, 
 as in the case of ordinary treaties, but by the 
 louse of Representatives, and called, in con- 
 
12 
 
 tradistinetion to other statutes, bj universal ac¬ 
 cord, “ the Missouri Compromise.” The breach 
 of this, like the breach of treaties among 
 independent States, has brought on an appeal 
 to force. Civil war between the free and slave 
 States is impending, and nothing can avert it 
 but a return to the principle of the Compromise, 
 and of good faith. It is on this ground that 
 the Republican party has taken its stand. 
 
 KEDITATED TREASON 
 
 IN CASE 
 TION. 
 
 OP FREMONT S ELEC- 
 
 The Presidential candidates of the opposing 
 parties Mr. Fillmore who heads one ticket, and 
 Mr. Breckinridge on the other, who speaks for 
 Mr. Buchanan and himself, say that the election 
 of the Republican candidate will be a signal for 
 the dissolution of the Union. The Charleston 
 Mercury proclaims that all parties in South 
 Carolina are resolved, and Mr. Brooks, already 
 notorious by his attack in the Senate on the 
 
 E erson of a member and the rights of that body, 
 as declared that Fremont’s election would be 
 followed by the seizure of the Capitol and 
 archives of the government by a military force, 
 and Mr. Wise, of Virginia, has written letters 
 and given verbal assurances to countenance the 
 design. 
 
 RESTORATION OP FREE SOIL TO FEBB LABOR. 
 
 What men will rally to this standard of dis¬ 
 union ? Will the free white men, who have no 
 slaves, enlist to break up the government and 
 to destroy an administration which comes into 
 power on a principle and under tat moat sacred: 
 pledges to restore their violated rights? The 
 Republican party directs its efforts to the re¬ 
 storation of the soil dedicated to free labor to 
 ■ that class of citizens, North and South, for 
 whom its settlement was reserved, to deliver 
 them from the encroachment and gradual mono¬ 
 poly which the owners of slaves always ac- 
 , eomplish wherever the institution is admitted. 
 
 The single handed freeman cannot hold his own 
 against one who has the advantage of a multi¬ 
 tude of hands. The result in the South settles this 
 point. And it is to this fact Col. Fremont ad¬ 
 verts in the strong pledge he gives to the free 
 I laborer, who has neither lands nor slaves, in 
 this passage pf his letter accepting the nomina¬ 
 tion to the Presidency. Speaking of the breach 
 of the Missouri Compromise, he says: 
 
 “That fatabac*. which vave birth to this purely rec- 
 ticnal strife originating in tli e scheme to take from 
 , free labor the country secure i to it by a solemn ceve- 
 nam, cannot be 100 soon disarmed ef its pernicious 
 force. The only genial region of the middle latitudes, 
 left to the emigrants of i he Northern Mates for homes 
 cannot be c nq ie.ed fiom the laborers, wao have 
 long cou«idered t as set r p%rt for them as ■ ur inheri¬ 
 tance, without provoking a de>pera*e struggle. What¬ 
 ever may be the persist nee o» the particular class which 
 seems ready to hazard everyth' r g ior the success ol the 
 
 unju’tsjhemeithaepartia iy effected. I fi miy believe ... e, hioaeinwa TTninn 
 
 that the great heart of ths nat on, whien trobs with with, the bieSoiDgS ot the union 
 
 Khe patriotism of the free men ot both sections, 
 will have power to overcome it. They will look to the 
 .rights secured to them »>y the Constit fen of the Union 
 as their best saf guard from the oppression of thecla^s 
 which— by a monopoly of the toil and of slave labor to 
 till it—might 5fe ti’ce reduce to the extremity of labor¬ 
 ing upon ths same terras with the slaves. Tbe great 
 body of ncn-aiavehold’ng free men, including thoso of 
 the Fouth, upon whose welfare s avory is an oppression, 
 will discover that he r ofhe general government 
 over the public l?n<*8 may be beneficially exerted to ad¬ 
 vance their interests ar'd secure tneir independ-Bce. 
 
 Knowing this, their s ff ages will not be wanting to 
 imaintam that authority in the Union which is absolute 
 ly essential to the ma : o finance of the'r own liberties, 
 
 | and which has more than once indicated the purpose 
 of disposing of ihe paolir lands in su h a va s as would 
 naak every se tier up n them a freeholder.” 
 
 |.SOUTHERN NON-SLAVSAOLDERS IN TUB WAT OF 
 THE TRAITORS. 
 
 On the election of Fremont, Governor Wise 
 proposes to call on the people of Virginia, and 
 
 Mr. Brooks on those of other States topnt down 
 the government of the Union by force. Will 
 the great body of the South, who have neither 
 slaves nor land, enliBt to put down a President 
 who will exert all his constitutional power to 
 give them homesteads in the new territories re¬ 
 served for their settlements by the compromise 
 —by treaty stipulations? A homestead bill, giv¬ 
 ing, without price, to every actual etetler on 
 the public domain a homestead of one hundred 
 and sixty acres of land, on condition of occu¬ 
 pancy and cultivating for a pwiod of five years, 
 is the measure looked to by Colonel Fremont to 
 provide for those whom the nullifiers would make 
 slaves. The measure has been passed in the 
 House of Representatives and defeated in tho 
 Senate, and was renewed again by a leading Re¬ 
 publican members from Pennsylvania at the last 
 session. If Fremont is elected, it will, I have no 
 doubt, be carried into a laio. Will the laboring 
 class in our country, having no lands, join with 
 Messrs. Wise and Brooks in putting down the 
 government that tenders happy homes in the pub¬ 
 lic domain ? 
 
 Are the whites in the South so io love wi& 
 an institution which impoverishes them and 
 leaves them not an inch of soil they can coll 
 their own, that they would make war upon & 
 President and a government which invited them 
 to a rich region set apart for them and their pos¬ 
 terity that they may escape from the oppressive 
 power which leaves them nothing but lifa? If 
 they should enlist under Vessrg. Wise and 
 Brooks to destroy the Union and establish slav¬ 
 ery i* the territories, what would they gain by 
 it ? Would the slave owners divide their slaves 
 and their lands with them, after they had shed 
 their blood to extend slave gwav over the free 
 territories. Or‘it is certain, in the slaveholders 
 were so benevolently inclined, that they would 
 be able to retain the slaves throughout the civil 
 war or acquire the lands for which they fought? 
 Who can doubt but that the mass of free men 
 of the South would prefer acquiring happy 
 homes in the rich West without fighting for 
 them, and holding them under the shield of tbe 
 Union, than enter upon the hopeless task of 
 conquering them for the slaveholders, by a war 
 on the government of the Union, supported bv 
 twenty-six millions of freemen in the North, by 
 their wealth and by all the wealth of the world, 
 which the credit of the national government 
 could command. 
 
 I ask what the people of Maryland would re¬ 
 ply to a call on them to destroy the government, 
 and put Messrs. Wise and Brooks in possession 
 of its remains? Would the non-slaveholders 
 and their posterity give ud for themselves and 
 their posterity their share in the rich public do¬ 
 main, which they may have without price and 
 
 accompanying 
 and securing it to them for the glory of fighting 
 battles for nullifying gentry? Will the slave¬ 
 holders of Maryland be found willing to make 
 their State a battle-field—break up the seat of 
 government at Washington—the commerce of 
 Baltimore, and bring down the frontier of a for¬ 
 eign government to the State boundary, that the 
 slaves may have only an ideal line to dass to be 
 secure in their liberty ? Neither the slave-own¬ 
 ers nor non-Rlaveholders of Maryland will join 
 the ranks of those who would make a spoil of 
 their blood and treasure, to satiate the partisan 
 thirst for vengeance, felt by such men as Wise 
 and Brooks—or their eagerness for notoriety, 
 power or plunder. 
 
 Whoever peruses, with a careful eye, the pas¬ 
 sage quoted from Fremont’s address to his coun¬ 
 trymen, will see where the interests of peace lie, 
 
IS 
 
 and the guaranty for its security. The great 
 body of our people, who own no slaves, will see 
 in its promises happy homes, without war, and 
 res from the intrusion of an institution which 
 undermines them. They will choose whether 
 they and tbeir posterity will enjoy the territo¬ 
 ries of th8 Union, or surreaderjthem to slavery. 
 
 TUB “ EQUALITY OP THE STATES.” 
 
 It is pretended that the alternative thus held 
 out, and on which the votes of the majority of 
 free white men are to decide, is a violation or the 
 equality of States; and on this ground the dis- 
 se'atioa of the Uaiou is tbrcatoh-.-d. It is pro 
 testaed that if *lavet*y is nqt i; fco th' 
 
 territories, it is a tirrong r' ?•. • • r.' 
 
 : f *:m takic 
 citizjps 
 is nt< 
 
 n 
 
 Well 
 
 ih 
 
 thoi! 
 the 
 ue. 
 
 •th. 
 
 c 
 
 : : \ *1 
 
 ,r 
 
 If 
 
 a r 
 
 h : i c: 
 
 EO:).‘ 
 
 the South, who m proe'h i- 
 p^sperty with tbs®, w v c 
 B ft a are cot j»o preclude*. 
 
 Th j citizens of -the Snot*?, «- 
 
 rr n r i r 'V© r - ***> T~f' e ’' . ’ V’ ' 
 
 ^ ^ l;* i’ * 'Jf ** 
 
 tar . th. 7 : peculiar 1 
 
 wui ■ ea®von« this j>r. 
 to m* t* it available. 
 
 York syatt \>Qrir, n '. every r’*'- ' 
 its!, eontsistisg cf ntpcVs c 
 ii. ; i a hank, and ir-rue n 7 ; 
 et> ct seven per Cert.; tiv' l.: cl z,.< of New 
 York can carry his bit.-ik, v/. . d the privilegosto 
 use it, m given .by the State laws, into Krjtts. 
 A citizen of Virginia may carry all the peo¬ 
 ple over whom ho has control into Kansas, 
 but he cannot use there the power over them, 
 he holds oaij in the virtue of the Yirginia law. 
 Slavery is a local institution. It is more than 
 a domestic institution—it is a voting institution, 
 and a monopolizing institution, absorbing sove¬ 
 reignty over both the State Government and the 
 soil. It can exist no where without law. There 
 is no law for it in the territories, and no State 
 ean send its laws with it to establish it as such. 
 Atchison, the instrument of the nullifiers, was 
 taught this by his employers. They knew that 
 they could neither hold the Indians in Kansas, 
 nor the poor whites, it they mastered them 
 there, nor the poor negroes whom they had nur¬ 
 tured in slavery as slaves, in the Territory 
 There was no law for it. They would have been 
 liberated at once on an appeal to the Supreme 
 Court. The slave owners therefore would not 
 take this property into a territory, where the 
 institution of slavery was not established by 
 law, and where a majority of the settlers, the 
 legal voters, were against it. The nuilitiers did 
 not then take it into a territory, but employed 
 the power of the institution i* an adjoining 
 State to embody a military force to invade the 
 Territory, to drive the bona fide voters from the 
 polls, and establish a legislature representing a 
 people not in the Territory ; to make laws creat¬ 
 ing the institution of slavery, which is to absorb 
 the sovereignty of the country for the few as¬ 
 serting the character of masters. This usurpa¬ 
 tion was set up by Atchison, by fraud and force. 
 And it has provided that no one can have the 
 rights of a citizen in Kansas, especially the right 
 ©f suffrage, who does not swear to support the 
 laws of slavery proclaimed by this usurpation. 
 President Pierce has recognised this horrible 
 outrage upon all law, a3 the established author 
 ity in Kansas. If sustained, it will establish 
 ■ slavery there by the right of conquest. Bu¬ 
 chanan stands pledged to sustain it, as thePresv 
 dent has dene ; and the is ue now before the 
 oountry is. shall Buchanan be elected to confirm 
 the conquest, which the President, who design¬ 
 ated him as Liis successor, gives the sword of the 
 Union to enforce? Can aoy man believe that 
 peace will be restored, by putting in power a 
 man who sanctions such violence? 
 
 Another pretence for dissolution of the Union 
 urged by Mr. Brooks and his compatriots, is the 
 assumption that the Republican party is an 
 abolition party. This is an audacious libel. The 
 Republican party put out its manifesto at its in¬ 
 auguration at Pittsburg. It abjures the idea of 
 intermeddling with slavery where it exists, or 
 interfering with it in any State which may here¬ 
 after establish it. It insists only on the right of 
 Congress to legislate on the subject in the terri¬ 
 tories—a right exerted under tbe confederacy, 
 recognised and established by the constitution, 
 and effectuated by acts of Congress, from th® 
 foundation of the government to the present 
 hour, ia theformatiew of every Territory into 
 an ombroyo Skvte The partisans in the Senate 
 of that m ickery of all law, squatter sovereignty, 
 
 session, in 
 atrocity of 
 isws making it felony to 
 
 CEAB3TJ C? ABOLITIONISM REFUTED. 
 
 I w?.b sit f •' V~. s, member of the 
 
 daiitted the psi< rpie at the last 
 beiy pi dud attempt to mitigate tbe 
 
 «?< 
 
 .U^'SWOi 
 
 th: 
 
 tnittee which embodied 
 
 & member 
 ia form the prkei- 
 
 lan on which th» itepublioa.ia of the Union ia- 
 : i!od their erga. It ws« designed to 
 o age so “•he jteaU? x .of nuUificrs, wielding the 
 Exeoutive power i: overdraw the mete solemn 
 compacts mr.ci: beVAeea .ha States—to destroy 
 the principles of the Constitution, and to found 
 a oligarchy based on slavery in their stead. I 
 can safely affirm that there was not one in that 
 Convention who looked to its action as a means 
 of abolishing slavery in the slave States. On 
 tbe contrary, they looked to its action, in re¬ 
 storing the pacification which bound the States 
 together, as a security to the institution in the 
 States where it exists. Every man must now 
 see that pacification and the preservation of the 
 Union is its only security. It is:weli known that 
 civil war, in a nation where slavery exists, liber¬ 
 ates the slaves. The civil war of Marius and Scy- 
 ila liberated the slaves in Italy. The civil war in 
 Mexico and of the South American republics, 
 abolished it within them. The States invaded 
 by Bolivar offered freedom to all the slaves who 
 would join the ranks to oppose him. Bolivar 
 on his part proclaimed universal emancipation 
 to recruit his ranks. History records the re¬ 
 sult. 
 
 As a member of the Republican Convention, 
 I can say with confidence that, to the prevalent 
 sense of that body, nothing could be more re¬ 
 volting than the general manumission of the 
 slaves in the Seuth, and putting them on a level 
 with the white race. 
 
 The liberation of the blacks, under existing 
 circumstances, is known to be impossible—that 
 it would be ruinous to their owners—a great 
 evil to all others of the white race, and fatal to 
 the negroes, who would perish under the inteli- 
 gence and energy of a superior race, as the Nar- 
 ragansetts, Pequods and Mohicans perished un¬ 
 der it in another quarter. Humanity for the 
 incapable race forbids the experiment, and jus¬ 
 tice to both clssses of the superior one requires 
 that they should be saved from the hazards of 
 the struggles it would provoke. 
 
 How the question of slavery is, in the tract of 
 time, to be disposed of, depends on the will of 
 the government of the States having it in charge. 
 Natures’s code, written in the heart, will, with 
 the progress of Christianity and civilization, 
 work out a happy result. It may gradually go 
 out southward, and an improved race of blacks 
 appear as a colony of our country within the 
 tropics of South America. Amalgamation or 
 equality with our race ia the same government 
 ia impossible. 
 
14 
 
 PRACTICAL SYMPATHY JO* POOR WHIT* M*H. 
 
 Mj neighbors know that my declarations 
 against sweeping abolition are sincere. They 
 know that I own slaves, some inherited anc 
 some that have begged their way into my house 
 from the slave-pen; and while that my course 
 in submitting to this encumbrance is character 
 iaed by humanity, they have proof in my con¬ 
 duct, that so far from using it to degrade my 
 own flesh, and blood in the persons of those who 
 toil with their hands for a living, and to bring 
 them to the condition to which the Democracy 
 speaking through the Richmond press, would 
 assign them, that my best effoits have been to 
 counteract this tendency of the system. My 
 strongest sympathies are for the laboring white 
 man. Under this feeling, and believing it the 
 best mode of gradually superceding slavery in 
 the cultivation of the soil, I have employed free 
 labor for the most part in my farming and with 
 the happiest consequences. 
 
 Of the neighbors whom I employed to assist 
 me in opening and in the cultivation and im¬ 
 provement of my farm, too, who hold no land, 
 now possess little farms and comfortable home¬ 
 steads of their own in fee simple. If instead of 
 free labor, I had purchased and employed ne¬ 
 groes in my cultivation, I might have added 
 from the profits, all these homesteads to my own 
 domain and exhibited a wide-spread scene of 
 wasting African agriculture. Now the whole 
 neighborhood is dotted with neat and thriving 
 farms and cottages, and the land which sold for 
 ten, fifteen and twenty dollars an acre when I 
 began to open my farm thirteen years ago, now 
 sells for from sixty to one hundred and some 
 times more. I do not mention this to assert my 
 claims on my neighbors. They have done more 
 for me than I for them. I state facts to recom¬ 
 mend a system. The general benefit every one 
 admits. One of the orators who came from the 
 city to denounce me under the crown of Old 
 Buck’s horns, set up to overlook my precincts, 
 complimented him on the great improvement of 
 the scene around him, but said, fixing his eye on 
 my home, that his heart sunk within him when 
 he reflected that it belonged to “ an arch traitor, 
 and then it was that he summoned the lightning 
 to blast me. 
 
 SMALL FARMS ABSORBED BY GREAT PLANTATIONS. 
 
 The system of small tenements and free labor 
 can alone confer beauty and strength on an ina 
 po verished region. Even the rich soii of Ken¬ 
 tucky, the beautiful luxuriance of which it is ul 
 most impossible to destroy, cannot prevent the 
 comparative weakness that awaits a State which 
 turns away free labor, and sends it to build up 
 rival free States in the West. Example will il¬ 
 lustrate. I have three relatives in Kentucky, 
 honest, benevolent, most estimable men, who, 
 when I left the State, were farmers on a limited 
 scale. Within twenty years one has bought up 
 ten of the farms around him, another twelve, 
 another fifteen, in the heart of Woodford and 
 Fayette. Handsome edifices, once the homes of 
 families numbering a multitude, scattered over 
 the country, are now occupied as granaires, a 
 small one here and there inhabited by an over 
 seer. The population is gone, the 3chool-houses 
 are deserted, the churches have no coogrega 
 tions, and yet the country is beautiful, clothed 
 with grass, covered with herds of the finest cat¬ 
 tle, mules, and horses in the world. The corn 
 fields for the support of this quadruped popula¬ 
 tion in winter are worked by slaves. The rain 
 and sunshine that makes the grass grow, pro¬ 
 vides for them in summer as it does in the pam¬ 
 pas of the South America that create the living 
 •wealth of those solitudes. The white population 
 
 banished by this species ef engrossing enHcra- 
 tion hayea right to the territories reserved bgr 
 the compact for free labor. And are not the 
 people farther south, who have no hold on the 
 soil there also to be secure of a home somewhere? 
 On a multitude of the great plantations ia the 
 South free labor is entirely dispensed with. They 
 have not only their blacksmith, but their black 
 carpenter, wheelwright, plasterer and painter * 
 and where are all the white mechanics to go £ 
 and where are the white laborers who are al¬ 
 ready driven to the hilts to live by hunting fish¬ 
 ing and robbing—as Gov, Hammond, of South 
 Carolina, tells us—where are they to go if sla¬ 
 very in the new territories is to pursue them 
 with the same fate? I hope my neighbors witt 
 pardon me when I proclaim it, that my feelings 
 and judgment alike actuate me to fight the bat¬ 
 tle for the rights of the white cultivator of the 
 soil and the white mechanic, against all who 
 would pursue him into the new territories with 
 the institution which drives them out from those 
 “little communities,” at the head of which, 
 reigns a master, who, with his fellows, the or¬ 
 gans of democracy in the South tell us constitute 
 the state. Your fellow-citizen, F. P. Blais. 
 Silver Springs , September 17. 
 
 - — ♦ — - 
 
 LETTER FROM JUDGE EPHRAIM MARSH. 
 
 Gentlemen: Having been constrained by the 
 course of public events, occurring since the 
 meeting of the American National ConventioM 
 ay which Hon. Millard Fillmore was nominated 
 for President of the United States, over which 
 convention I had the honor to preside, to re¬ 
 nounce that nomination, you, as my colleagues 
 in that convention, are entitled to my reasons 
 for so doing, and I proceed, briefly but frankly, 
 to state them. 
 
 It was known to my friends at Philadelphia, 
 that the Pro-Slavery platform there adopted, and 
 which drove so many Northern delegates front 
 the convention, was repugnant to my sentiments 
 and sympathies. But confiding in the sym¬ 
 pathies of Mr. Fillmore, who, in the Legislature 
 of New York and in Congress, had ever acted 
 with the friends of freedom, I acquiesced in an 
 exceptionable platform. In view of the per¬ 
 fidious repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and 
 .he aggressions and outrages perpetrated by 
 Missourians upon Kansas, with more than the 
 approval of the General Government, I looked 
 (or some expression of the sentiments which 
 pervaded the whole North—sentiments that Mr. 
 Fillmore had ever professed—in his letter of 
 acceptance. But in this expectation I was dis¬ 
 appointed. There was a studied and significant 
 avoidance in that letter, of the question upon 
 which he knew, as we all know, the Presidential 
 election is to be decided, either in favor of or 
 against slavery-extension. Nor was I less dis¬ 
 appointed in finding the friends of Mr. Fillmore 
 in Congress voting steadily, throughout a pro¬ 
 tracted session, with the supporters of aggres¬ 
 sion and outrage in Kansas, and persisting in 
 such votes after, by the report of the Kansas 
 Congressional Committee, it had irrefragably 
 proven that the elections in Kansas had been 
 carried by armed bodies of men from Missouri; 
 that an infamous code of Territorial Laws h&4 
 been enacted in Kansas by Missourians; that 
 >ee presses in Kansas had been destroyed by 
 Missourians; that settlers in Kansas had 
 been robbed and murdered by the Missourians; 
 that organised and armed bodieB of men from 
 Missouri and ether slave States had sworn, ia 
 •secret societies, that Ktraacus shsll beeeaee e 
 slave State; and flo&fiy, that all these outrage 
 
15 
 
 were penetrated with the aid and approbation 
 of a United States Judge and Marshal, and in 
 the presence of the United States troops. But 
 these great wrongs, though arousing the just 
 indignation of freemen, hare elicited no word of 
 reproof from Mr. Fillmore. On the contrary, 
 in his speech at Albany, he astounded the coun¬ 
 try in declaring that the election of Col. Fre¬ 
 mont, by the spontaneous suffrages of a major¬ 
 ity of the Republic, would occasion a dissolu¬ 
 tion of the Union. And up to the last vote in 
 the called session of Congress, when the friends 
 of freedom endeavored, in the army appropria¬ 
 tion bill, to protect the citizens of Kansas by 
 the adoption of a conservative proviso, Hon. 
 Mr. Haven, the confidential partner of and par¬ 
 tisan of Mr. Fillmore, voted with the pro sla¬ 
 very majority. Indeed, since the commence¬ 
 ment of thejust closed session of Congress, sla¬ 
 very has not obtained an advantage that it did not 
 owe to the votes of Mr. Fillmore’s friends: nor 
 has freedom encountered a defeat that did not 
 come from the same quarter of the House of 
 Representatives. His friends, holding the bal¬ 
 ance of power, turned the scale, when it would 
 turn in favor of slavery. 
 
 And where, or in what respect, has Mr. Fill¬ 
 more profited, politically, by all these sacrifices 
 of principle?—all these violations of duty—all 
 these surrenders of independence—all this self- 
 abasement? What has been gained by barter¬ 
 ing Freedom for Slavery ? 
 
 His nomination, as you know, was demanded 
 by our Southern brethren, who would only con¬ 
 sent, even to his nomination, upon terms that 
 drove most of the Northern delegates out of the 
 Convention. It was painfully apparent, in the 
 deliberations of our Convention, that Ameri- 
 eanism was but a secondary object. Slavery 
 was with them the paramount consideration. 
 While, for the sake of the broad American prin¬ 
 ciples that had taken deep hold of the public 
 mind, we were prepared to ignore the slavery 
 question, they insisted upon making it, and did 
 make it, the primary article of faith in our plat¬ 
 form. 
 
 And how, after imposing terms which have 
 shorn the American party of its Northern 
 streBgth, do the South Americans act? Have 
 they kept or broken faith with us ? In North 
 Carolina, whose election is just over, the Amer¬ 
 ican party is virtually disbanded. Hon. Mr. 
 Puryear, an American member of Congress 
 from that State, concedes the State to Mr. Bu¬ 
 chanan, though, aside from slavery, there iB an 
 acknowledged majority against him. 
 
 In Kentucky, where was one year ago a tri 
 nmphant American majority,our party is beaten, 
 if not annihilated. Col. Humphrey Marshall, a 
 gallant leader, seems to have nailed his col¬ 
 ors to the mass, but that only proves that he is 
 faithful among the faithless.” 
 
 The Hon. Mr. Walker, of Alabama, a member 
 of our Convention, who was among the most 
 sealous advocates of Mr. Fillmore’s nomination, 
 has, from his seat in Congress, proclaimed his 
 abandonment of Mr. Fillmore, and hig adhesion 
 to Mr. Bushanan. Senator Jones of Ten 
 nessee, with Senators Pratt and Pearce, of Ma¬ 
 ryland, life-long opponents of the Democratic 
 
 C irty, have proclaimed themselves in favor o' 
 r. Buchanan, and now stand aloDg with Sena 
 tors Cass, Douglas, Atchison, &c., upon the Cin¬ 
 cinnati platform. Tthers has been, xtrUMn the last 
 Horse months, and since the issue which is is gist 
 freedom to, or foree slavery into Kansas, wat 
 wde up, a regular poKtisal stampede from th< 
 JBdmthern Whig and Amorists* parties otter to th< 
 support of Mr , 3ueha*tm, 
 
 Now what, let me inquire, does all this mean ? 
 Mr. Fillmore, as you well know,.was the nomi¬ 
 nee of Southern States. Those delegates were 
 not only for him, but would take none else. 
 Why, then, do they abandon him? Simply be¬ 
 cause they, having but one interest in politics, 
 and watchfully consulting the political barome¬ 
 ter, are guided by its suggestions. They calcu¬ 
 late the chances and the cost of a Presidential 
 election. The platform upon which they placed 
 Mr. Fillmore offended Northern sentiment. The 
 action in Congress and the events in Kansas have 
 awakened throughout the North and West an in¬ 
 dignation so deep and pervading as to deprive Mr. 
 Fillmore of the votes of every free State. T® 
 qualify himself for acceptance in slave Btates, 
 Mr. Fillmore had to take ground which necessa¬ 
 rily repelled the free States; and having thug 
 lost the North, the South, for that reason, aban¬ 
 dons him. In this the South acts understaad- 
 ingly, and is true to herself. Mr. Fillmore be¬ 
 came valueless to slavery the moment it was 
 certain that he could not subsidize the North. 
 And although abandoned by those who nomina¬ 
 ted him, neither Mr. Fillmore nor his friends can 
 justly charge the South with bad faith, for the 
 terms of the compact were distinctly understood. 
 They aimed, with Americanism as a cover, t® 
 extend slavery. He was to bring Northern 
 strength. Unable from the stringency of the 
 terms imposed, and the enormity of the outrages 
 perpetrated in Kansas to do that, the considera¬ 
 tion failed, and the South declares for Buchan¬ 
 an instead of Fillmore, as the most available 
 candidate. If, therefore, the South, as it has 
 done whenever a “ Northern man with South¬ 
 ern principles” ceases to be useful, lets Mr. 
 Fillmore “ slide,” he must console himself, as 
 did Cardinal Wolsey, witq the reflection that, if 
 he “ had served Freedom with half the zeal he 
 has given to slavery, he would not now be left 
 naked to his enemies.” Nor is this poetic 
 truth only, for while serving freedom no man 
 was more honored and prospered than Millard 
 Fillmore; rising, as he did, from station to sta¬ 
 tion, higher and higher and higher in the State 
 and National Governments, and erjoying, until 
 tempted by ambition to abandon his principles 
 and party, universal regard and confidence. 
 
 Shall we of the North, then, be required t® 
 adhere to a nomination which has been deliber¬ 
 ately abandoned by the South ? Shall we 
 cling to Mr. Fillmore after those most earnest 
 for his nomination are supporting Mr. Buchan¬ 
 an ? 
 
 This is the practical question. Let us, there¬ 
 fore, look it practically in the face: 
 
 Even in the present state of the canvass, alt 
 but one or two of the Southern States are not 
 only sure to vote for Mr. Buchanan, but are 
 made sure by the votes of the Southern Ameri¬ 
 cans who were pledged to Mr. Fillmore. As the 
 canvass progresses, and Northern sentiment de¬ 
 velops and concentrates in favor of Col. Fre¬ 
 mont, the remaining one or two Southern States 
 will declare unmistakably for Mr. Buchanan, 
 on whom the South will be united. 
 
 On the other hand, the Free States with the 
 exception of New Jersy and Pennsylvania, have 
 or in the progress of the canvass will, declare 
 for Fremont. 
 
 The nominees of the American party, aban- 
 loned by the South, though espousing its prin¬ 
 ciples, and repudiated by the Narth beoauss of 
 ts subserving to the South, is driven into New 
 Jersey and Pennsylvania, two States upon whiok 
 cis friend* hang a “ forlorn hope.” But 4®e« 
 Mr. Fiilmor#, or any sac# »aD, sapp»3« or pre- 
 
tend that he can carry either of these States! 
 Assuredly not. 
 
 It is certain, however, and it is conceded, that 
 a union of the Americans and Republicans, in 
 both States, would take them from Buchanan 
 and carry them where they belong, into brother 
 hood and fraternity with Freedom. 
 
 May I not, then, relying upon the patriotism 
 of my American friends, appeal to them with 
 confidence in favor of Union here in mv own 
 State, and in our sister State of Pennsylvania, 
 for the sake of that glorious Union which we all 
 love and cherish as an inheritance more precious 
 than any other gift, though incumbered, t,s ocr- 
 lions of it necessarily were, with Slavery ? Doee 
 any obs tel), me in reply that our Amei iciu priu- 
 «i forbid this union ? Of £n :-b, i • i :? c' i a 
 
 . wk lias been done, o* on :ht to l-. done, by 
 8 a i urn Amen. *ns in 0 .. M c~. ~r o t 
 
 cti: principles? HavotVi y y -i; •. , -i -'/up i.v'- 
 
 io ; * «, any i.,wa up t . • . , ,? 
 
 0: nr not their v - .. . vo - * 
 
 gi - sanhtanuy ia f-: /or o'’ at . • - ioi.? . 
 ii..'.' to unit? with ria i. c: » K.*s> 
 
 sc only is.-ice u-.v»lv. v il.\ coerce.;,) 
 
 Anxorisaaa in No ,t Jci^-sy„ r P-.’v : ylvaaia v r 
 with their, eyes open t the j.aevi?.abl& ler.uH, 
 aiding Mr. Buchanan, v.iic :s ITatione) and State 
 platforms contain op.m denunciations of the 
 American party, to carry these States. Yc-s, 
 nothing is more certain than that New Jersey 
 and Pennsylvania can elect or defeat Mr. Bu¬ 
 chanan. The responsibility either way rests 
 with Americans. We can beat or be beaten by 
 the party that is avowedly hostile to Freedom 
 and to Americanism. We cannot elect Mr. Fill- 
 more, and for one, after the course pursued in 
 Congress by hi3 immediate representatives; af¬ 
 ter his own disloyal declarations in favor of a dis 
 solution of the Union in the event of Col. Fre¬ 
 mont’s election, I am free to say I do not desire 
 his success. 
 
 I have heard but two tangible reasons urged 
 against Col. Fremont. The first is that he is a 
 sectional candidate. This is neither his fault, 
 or the fault of those who support him. The re¬ 
 peal of the Missouri Compromise was a nations, 
 question and a national wrong. 
 
 The extension of slavery beyond its constitu¬ 
 tional boundary is a national question. If, at 
 in the repeal of that compromise, national com 
 pacts were violated, may not the people seek 
 national redress? In what way, or by what 
 means, can that wrong be righted but in a con 
 stitutional manner, through the ballot boxes? 
 The freedom of Kansas and Nebraska wa 3 vio 
 lated by the action of the executive and legisla¬ 
 tive departments of the Government. May we 
 not, without incurring the reproach of sectional 
 ism, endeavor to re-establish Freedom in those 
 Territories, by reforming the executive and legis 
 lative departments? 
 
 The other objection t© Mr. Fremont addresses 
 itself particularly to Americans. It is alleged 
 that he is a Roman Catholic. The force of this 
 objection depends upon its truth or falsity. It 
 is a simp’e quesnon of fact. The charge origin¬ 
 ated in the New York Express, anil rested upon 
 the declaration of Alderman Fulmer, who says 
 that when at Brown’s Hotel, in Washington, in 
 the winter of 185B, he saw Col. Fremont wor¬ 
 shipping ia a Catholic church; that he con¬ 
 versed with the Colonel on the subject of reli¬ 
 gion ; and that he defended the extreme doc 
 trinos of the Romish Church. By reference to 
 the columns of the same Exc ess, it is shown 
 that Col. Fremont was, during the whole of tht 
 time Alderman Fulmer locates him at Washing 
 ton, on board of ocean steamers. An examin¬ 
 
 ation of the register and cash books of Brown’s 
 Hotel, show that Col. Fremont was not, daring 
 the years of 1852 and 1853, at that hotel. Here 
 is conclusive, independent evidence, that Aider- 
 man Fulmer is mistaken. This testimony is 
 confirmed by Col. Fremont’s denial ef the whole 
 story. The archives of the Episcopal church at 
 Washington show that Col. Fremont’s children 
 had Proteatentbabtiam. Mr. Livingston, who 
 was Col. Fremont’s companion across the Rocky 
 Mountains, says that be carried with them a 
 pocket Protestant Bible. He preheated his wife 
 with & Protestant prayer back before their mar¬ 
 riage. 
 
 His preeepfor /s*ys that; he received a Protas- 
 taj.t cducfE.tion. Col. Fremont says to every¬ 
 body tkr.t inquire * of hi -n, that ho is and has 
 ever lasa a Product. And jot, net only in 
 ‘ i s s-.hr. r«e of ail teed-imonv, but after every al- 
 I h*~ hsrv di ^rav: i t iht-je who fabrioa- 
 
 • •* to k . ' . * ■; (iu . 194 , and I am 
 
 . / to ti. t I'.ifl-j . .’i./f intelligent, honest 
 
 -i c . o evide.oe to 
 
 . r. ■ •- r ^ j the word in his month 
 
 J i.'-- i ,-p, - - j> taiii, Col. F. is ft Papist. 
 
 Ii Viis yon rul. rant ember, by many of 
 
 '*>■•’ frir-iad«iphi ^.le'pcr.a, that Mr. Fillmore’s 
 _ me would be us--i at da*'South merely to di¬ 
 vide the frienaa effi eQdom at the North. I did 
 not believe it then, nor do I know that such was 
 their design, but that Mr. Fillmore’s name is 
 now only used for that purpose is transparently 
 certain. Nor should this surprise us, for it is 
 just what the past has often revealed. 
 
 Mr. Yaa Buren, who for thirty years was de¬ 
 voted to the South, hesitated about the admis¬ 
 sion of Texas, and was thrown overboard. 
 
 Gen. Pierce, literally used up in promoting 
 the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and in 
 sustaining border-ruffianism, was remorselessly 
 sacrificed at Cincinnati by the South for “an 
 older, if not better” doughface, whom they hope 
 to elect. Differ as they may and do in relation 
 to all other questions, on this, every extreme of 
 shads and sentiment and op aion unite. They 
 regard the Bank—the Tariff—the Public Domain, 
 &c., &c., subordinate questions, and differ upon 
 them; but in voting upon the annexation of 
 Texas—the admission of California free—the 
 Fugitive Slave law—the repeal of the Missouri 
 Compromise, Ac., &e., they always unite; or if 
 a Southern member gives a wrong vote, like 
 Cullum of Tennessee, and Hunt of Louisiana, 
 they are shot down. Why, then, should they 
 not, as they have, make their Americanism sub¬ 
 servient to their slavery ? If, therefore, Mr. Bu¬ 
 chanan should be elected, I see no end to the 
 encroachments and usurpationa of tee Slave 
 Power—and hence I shail neither vote for him, 
 uor throw my vote away. In a contest which is 
 to determine whether Slavery or Freedom is to 
 be the governing principle of this Republic, I 
 choose to cast my vote where it will tell for Free¬ 
 dom. These considerations lead me to the sup¬ 
 port of the Republican nominees for President 
 and Vice President, not because I am less an 
 American than when our National Convention 
 assembled, hut- because those by whom Mr. Fill¬ 
 more was nominated, from Southern States, 
 have abandoned him for ,'a candidate openly 
 and avowedly arrayed against the American 
 party, thus sacrificing for slavery both their 
 candidate and their Americanism : and because, 
 furthermore, by voting for Mr. Fillmore, while 
 the contest is between Buchanan and Fremont, 
 l should indirectly aid the former, whose prin¬ 
 ciples, as an anti-American and slavery-exten- 
 sionist, are obnoxious to all my conviction# of 
 duty. EpuaA.m Marsb. 
 
 #