UNIFORM WITH THIS YOLUME. People’s Edition, Price 1/- Net. Post free i/4. In cloth binding, 428 pages, good paper, clear type, crown 8 vo., size (7\ X 5), KNOTS UNTIED: Beim? Plain Statements on Disputed i Religion. RIGHT REV. THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY 3. RYLE, D.D. wwmm- ENTS. The Church. The Priest* Confession. Worship. The Sabbath. Pharisees and Sadducees. Divers and Strange Doctrines. The Fallibility of Ministers. Apostolic Fears. Idolatry. teen papers on subjects which are Churchmen in the present day, nt’s glance at the table of contents ny point of theological controversy t discussed, iyith more or less fulness )lume will be found distinctly and hat, without hesitation, at the outset, ed about the matters discussed are those of an Evangelical Churchman. They are the only opinions which I can find in Holy Scripture, in the Thirty-nine Articles, in the Prayer- Book fairly interpreted, in the works of the Reformers, or the Writings of the pre-Caroline divines.’ — Extract from Preface. CI1A J. 2? H Return this book on or before the Latest Date stamped below. A charge is made on all overdue books. TT , T T U. of I. Library FEB 2 6 198? OCT 2 2 SCRIPTURE & THE ERA YER-BOOK IN HARMONY, . A GUIDE TO THE STUDY OF THE BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER. mith a Sftetcb of its Compilation. BY THE REV. A. R. FAUSSET, D.D., Lately Scholar, Gold Medallist, and Senior Classical Moderator, of Trinity College, Dublin ; Rector of St. Cuthbert' s, and Canon of York. THIRD AND REVISED EDITION. 3ton£>on : CHAS. J. THYNNE, WYCLIFFE HOUSE, 6, GREAT QUEEN STREET LINCOLN’S INN FIELDS, W.C. 1903-1904 “Our general aim in this undertaking was, not to gratify this or that party in any of their unreasonable demands ; but to do that, which to our best understandings might most tend to the preservation of Peace and Unity in the Church ; the procuring of Reverence, and exciting of Piety and Devotion in the public Worship of God ; and the cutting off occasion from them that seek occasion of cavil against the Liturgy.” — The Preface to the Book of Common Prayer. The Right Rev. HANDLEY CARR GLYN MOULE, D.D. LORD BISHOP OF DURHAM WHOM TO KNOW IS TO ESTEEM AND LOVE, Zbis morfc in its ‘Revised form IS BY HIS PERMISSION RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED BY HIS OBLIGED SERVANT, THE AUTHOR. GUIDE TO THE STUDY OF THE BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER. Chapter first — — mm ■ ■ ■ “ Woe be to the priest, y-born, That will not cleanly weed his corn, And preach his charge among : Woe be to that shepherd, I say, That will not watch his foes alway, As to his office both belong : Woe be to him, that doeth not keep From Romish wolves his sheep, With staff and weapon strong.” The Welsh Bard, Taliessyn, in the seventh century, quoted by Ussher. Our first subject will to briefly treat of the Compilation and Compilers of the Book of Common Prayer. It is a striking remark of a foreigner, Bunsen, “ The fact of that book being a national institution is more important than all its defects, or even 2 Guide to the Study of excellencies of detail. It was a great and blessed thought, this placing in the hands of a Christian nation a book impressing religious Gospel truths, not by abstract theological formulas, but by an act of wor- ship, and in language intelligible to the congregation. It must not be forgotten that The English Church and House-Book became, and has remained, at once the most widely circulated, and most practically blessed book of devotion in the Christian world, and the only National one : so much so, that large parts of it are used even by dissenters.” Such being the case, it was to be expected that the history of the national Prayer-book should be closely in- terwoven with the history of the Church, and even of the Nation. The Prayer-book accordingly bears in its history traces of that protracted conflict through which our civil and religious liberties have been carried safe to their permanent establish- ment, as gold refined by the fiery ordeal through which it hife passed. Its language, like that of our authorized English Bible, may truly be called “the well of English, undefiled ; ” and of its style, as well as subject-matter, it may, without irreverence, be said to be “the brook that flows fast by The Book of Common Prayer 3 the Word of God.” Its Rubrics (original- ly in red letters) are “written in the blood of martyrs.” Many of its compilers were burnt to death ; and thus became “ torches of truth,” shedding light on the power of its principles to sustain the soul, even in the bitter pains of the dying hour. Never shall be forgotten those glorious words of Latimer to Ridley, at the stake : “ Be of good comfort, Brother Ridley, and play the man ; we shall this day light such a candle, by God’s grace, in England, as, I trust, never shall be put out.” Our Prayer- book is a standing monument that these words were not spoken in vain. Let us then remember, the English Church, as an independent national Church, does not date merely from the era of the Reformation, but from at least twelve centuries earlier. By British prisoners of war, — who, having learnt Christ in cap- tivity, brought the Gospel back with them to their countrymen, — or else by some Christian soldiers in the Roman army in Britain, Christianity was introduced ; and Lucius (according to Bede) was the first British prince who embraced it. St. Paul (2 Tim. iv. 21) mentions a Claudia with 4 Guide to the Study of Pudens. Martial states (IV. 13, xi. 54) that a British lady of this name, and sur- named Rufina, married Pudens, a Roman knight. In 1772 a marble was dug up at Chichester which mentions Cogidunus, a British king, surnamed Claudius from the emperor. It mentions Pudens also. Co- gidunus’ daughter, Claudia, was probably sent to Rome for education. There, under Pomponia, wife of Plautius, conqueror of Britain, she may have learned Christianity ; Tacitus (Annals III. 32) says Pomponia followed “ forefgn superstitions” (a.d. 57), possibly Christianity. Rufina was the sur- name of the Pomponian clan (see Rom. xv, 30). A British Church was subsequently founded, altogether independent of Romish authority, and comparatively pure from image worship, and the other modern Romish corruptions. British Bishops, viz., those of York, London, and Caerleon, were present as early as 314 a.d. at the Council of Arles in Gaul. In most of its customs (for instance, its time of observing Easter), like the ancient Church of Ireland, it betrays its connexion with the Eastern churches founded by St. John, rather than with the Western or Latin churches Germanus, Bishop of Auxerre, and Lupus, The Book of Common Prayer 5 in a.d. 429, are said to have introduced the Gallican Liturgy, which, in its characteristic variety, differed materially from that in use at Rome, characterised by uniformity. This British Church was, alas ! driven out of most parts of England by the Anglo-Saxon invaders, who were pagans, and who scorned to receive Christianity at the hands of the Britons, whom they had conquered and expelled. Meantime, there had existed, from the second or third century, a pure and independent Church of the Scots (as the Irish were then called) in Ireland. Christianity had been still further extended in that country by the preaching of Succathus, or St. Patrick, as he is commonly called (a.d. 432-465), a Christian missionary from N. Britain. About a.d. 560-590, Columba, passing as a missionary from the Irish Church, founded the Church of the Scots in the Island of Iona, so famous for its order of Culdees (Cultores Dei ?) whose peculiar office was to commit to memory, and teach the exact words of Scripture. These churches knew nothing of transubstantia- tion, communion in one kind, prayers to or for the dead, invocation of saints, or Rome’s supremacy. When, then, the 6 Guide to the Study of heathen Anglo-Saxons had driven British Christianity out of England, missionaries from Ireland and Iona (according to Bede) effected the partial conversion of the Saxons, in which the British Church had failed. Finanus and Diuna were the lead- ing missionaries to Mercia, or the western counties ; Aidan to Northumberland ; Cedd to Essex, Middlesex, and Hertford. Gregory the Great, of Rome, also had sent Augustine the monk (who is not to be confounded with St. Augustine of Hippo), a.d. 596, to attempt the conversion of the Anglo-Saxons to Romish Christianity, not so corrupt then as now. That attempt succeeded in part, mostly in the south. But Augustine, not content with this, resolved to bring the independent British Church, with Dionoth, their president, into subjection to Rome. Having failed to effect this by persuasion, Edelfrid, an Anglo-Saxon king, was the heathen tool, in the hands of Christian Rome, for establishing her supremacy over all Eng- land, by his massacre of twelve hundred British Christians in cold blood at Bangor. Subsequently, most parts of Saxon England relapsed into heathenism, but were re-converted by the Church of the The Book of Common Prayer 7 Scots. Kent alone was left to Rome. But Rome at last, by wile, brought over all England to subjection. The Confer- ence of Whitby, in Yorkshire, about the middle of the seventh century, conducted by Colman (an Irish Northumbrian bishop) on the side of the Scots and British Churches, and by the crafty Wilfrid on the side of Rome, under King Oswy, and the introduction of the Romish canons, by Theodore, Archbishop of Canterbury, gave the finishing blow to the independence of the British Church. This Church had partially revived, by the exertions of missionaries from the independent and pure Scots’ Church of Iona. Iona itself also at last succumbed to Rome. Henceforth, England ceased to have an independent national Church ; henceforth, she was con- tent to receive her liturgy from, not only the sacramentary of Gregory, which con- tained much of real devotion, but from the Latin idolatrous mass-book, imposed universally by the imperious Gregory the Seventh, (Hildebrand) in lieu of the British and Scots’ purer worship in their own vernacular language, which men could understand. Still gleams of light occasionally broke S Guide to the Study of through the darkness which had set in. Several books of the Bible were translated into the Anglo-Saxon tongue. It is the glory of King Alfred, still greater than his having been the founder of Oxford Uni- versity, that he laboured in translating, with his own hand, portions of God’s blessed Word, especially the Psalms. It was about the same time (a.d. 850) that the famous scholar, John Scot Erigena, of Ireland, opposed the novel doctrine of transubstantiation, and vindicated the claims of reason against the pretensions of unreasonable authority. His wit is illus- trated in the following anecdote : — One day, while seated at table opposite Charles the Bald, the latter in jest asked him, “What is the distance between a Scot and a sot?” “The width of this table,” was his ready answer. Though a bold thinker, yet on his knees he showed that it was not the Religion of Christ he refused to bow to, but that of the Pope. “O Lord Jesus,” he would cry, “ I ask no other happiness of Thee but to understand, unmixed with deceitful theories, the Word that Thou hast inspired by Thy Holy Spirit. Show Thy- self to those who ask for Thee alone.” William the Conqueror was the first The Book of Common Prayer g King of England who gave Rome a fore- taste of that spirit of resistance to her supremacy which again was evinced under Edward the Third, and more decidedly showed itself in Wyclif, and at last bore its fully matured fruits at the Reformation. It is an utter mistake to fancy that all was unity in this country whilst Rome was ostensibly supreme. But the struggle for liberty from Rome was at first more political than religious ; as, for instance, between Henry the second and Thomas a Becket, of Canterbury ; and between the barons and John. This latter King had become the vassal of Pope Innocent — instead of turning Mahommedan, and be- coming vassal of Mahomet-el-Nasir, as he had originally intended — for he cared little which he did, if only he could keep his throne safe from Philip Augustus. The re- sult, we all know, was that great victory of English liberty, the Magna Char la, wrung from John at Runnymede. The next great blow at the Papacy was the statute of Mortmain , in Edward the First’s reign, forbidding bequests extorted by superstitious fear, from dying men, for the good of the Romish Church. The statute of prcemunire , in Edward the io Guide to the Study of Third’s reign, followed up this blow by- forbidding, under heavy penalties, any Papal bull to be introduced into England. “ If the statute of mortmain ,” says Fuller, “put the Pope into a sweat, this of prcemunire gave him a fit of fever.” Oh ! that our present governors would show something of the same spirit of resistance to Papal bulls ! However, this political Protestantism of earlier centuries was but the preparation, and would have done but little for the nation without the religious Protestantism of the sixteenth century. But even the religious Reformation, did not begin with Henry the Eighth. That was merely the crisis of various movements of centuries, for a return to primitive Christian truth : and the employment of such an unworthy instrument as Henry the Eighth to bring about that crisis is one of those mysteries of God’s providence of which we now can give no other account than that we see in a thousand instances, God over-ruling evil for good ; just as He used a Nebuchadnezzar and a Sennacherib to fulfil His own purpose. But Wyclif, two centuries before, is to be regarded as “ the rising-sun of the Reformation,” not The Book of Common Prayer 1 1 only in England but in all Christendom ; and, as D’Aubigne happily says, “If Luther and Calvin are the fathers of the Reformation, Wyclif is its grandfather.” It was in his time, under Edward the Third, Parliament passed the resolution: “ The Pope is but a man and subject to sin, but Christ is the Lord of lords, and this kingdom is held solely and directly of Christ alone.” It was probably the Waldensian doctrines which, passing through Bohemia, reached England, that raised up a Wyclif there ; even as we paid back the debt by giving Bohemia a Huss and a Jerome of Prague. Indeed, we can trace a line of protesters against the gradually advancing corruptions of the truth, beginning with Vigilantius (see Dr. Gilly’s work on him), the opponent of Jerome in the fourth century, and stigmatizer of relic-worship , prayers for and to the dead , asceticism , and clerical celibacy — then seeds of his doctrine scattered in the region of the Pyrenees and Cottian Alps, South Gaul, and Lombardy, where he laboured or visited (proved by Jerome’s statement) — next the precious deposit held by Claude, Bishop of Turin (between 12 Guide to the Study of a. d. 817 and 840) — from him, through many intermediate heroes of the Cross, handed to Waldo in South France, in the twelfth century — and from him to Wyclif. This is an “ apostolical succession ” of the holders forth of the primitive truth ; in them the Lord fulfilled His promise to the true Catholic Church — “ Lo, I am with you alway , to the end of the world.” The pure and independent churches of ancient Britain, Ireland, and Iona, are the early links in the chain which binds our modern Reformation, with Wyclif as its precursor, to apostolic times. The time was propitious to his holy enterprise. The Papacy scandalized the world by the spectacle of two opposing Popes, each claiming infalli- bility ; and perhaps it was to this he owed it that he was permitted to die in peace in his own bed in the parish of Lutterworth. His first serious impressions were owing to a plague, which then devastated Asia and Europe. Alarmed at the thought of eternity, he besought God to guide him. God led him to the Holy Scripture, there to find peace through the Saviour. Having found salvation himself, he sent Gospel preachers, known by the name of “ poor priests,” among the people. In vain the The Book of Common Prayer 13 friars opposed them ; the Gospel spread far and wide. Wyclif, however, fell sick, and the friars, gathering round his bed, said, “You have death on your lips, there- fore retract.” He raised himself with difficulty, and fixing his eyes on them, said, “ I shall not die, but live, to declare again the evil deeds of the friars.” On his recovery he completed the crown- ing work of his life and laid the founda- tion-stone of the Reformation — the first translation of the whole Bible into English, in 1380. Heretofore the laity knew just as much of Scripture as the miracle-plays taught them, i.e. } burlesque pieces, setting forth some Bible or legend-saint story, and acted as a play in a church as a theatre! a worse use than even this was made of some churches ; St. Paul’s, for instance, in London, had one of its pinnacles made into a prison for the Lollards, as Wyclif’s followers were called in contempt, from either lolium , the Latin for tares, z.e.> heretics ; or else lollen, to sing, i.e., Psalm- singers. Still the price of Wyclif s Bible was too high to be within reach of the multitude — four marks and forty pence — equivalent to more than forty pounds of our money. 14 Guide to the Study of Nevertheless an appetite was excited for Scriptural knowledge ; and those who could not procure the volume would give a load of hay for a few favourite chapters, and read them eagerly in private, at the peril of their lives ; and when not using it, they would hide the forbidden treasure under the floors of their houses. As a proof of the excellence of this version, it may be mentioned that it is scarcely now obsolete ; so much has Wyclif done to fix the English tongue by linking it to the immortal hopes of the people. His temper was, however, impetuous and might have led him, had he lived under Henry the Eighth, to have de- molished, indeed, the Church of Rome, but to have left little for the solid, re- organisation of the Church of England. And we may admire the wisdom of our gracious God that raised up a Wyclif to pioneer the way, amidst the gross corrup- tions of the reign -of Edward the Thircj* and a Cranmer to reconstruct our spiritual* temple with sanctified learning and calm wisdom out of the really sound materials of the crumbling fabric, tottering to its fall in the reign of Henry the Eighth. The art of printing, introduced into Eng- The Book of Common Prayer 15 land first by Caxton, served in this age the same purpose, for the revival of the Gospel, as the miraculous gift of tongues served in the first age of Christianity, for its promulgation. Tyndal followed in Wyclif’s steps, as a translator of the New Testament; but, thanks to printing, at a price fortyfold less. It is told of him, that a Romish priest, in disputing with him, said, “It were better to be without God’s law than without the Pope’s.” Tyndal answered, “If God spare my life, I will take care that a plough-boy shall know more of the Scriptures than you do.” He kept his word, when he printed at the printing press of Schoeffer, at Worms, two editions of the New Testament in English, a.d. 1525, and soon after circulated them in England. After many copies of the first edition had been distributed, Tonstal, Bishop of London, bought up the rest, and committed them to the flames at St. Paul’s Cros^SL' He thus became Tyndal’s best customer. This reminds one of some Irish rebels, in 1798, who, with characteristic blundering, burnt all the Bank of England pound notes they could get hold of to annoy the bank ! Tyndal, by the help of Tonstal’s 1 6 Guide to the Study of money, soon brought out a second edition, much improved. Nor was the persecutors’ fire, which was the Lord’s appointed chariot to bring Tyndal home to Himself (a.d. 1536), able ever after to quench that love of Holy Scripture which has always been England’s palladium of strength, more than her fleets and armies, or even her admirable laws. Tyndal died with this prayer on his lips — “ Lord, open the eyes of the King of England.” And now we are come to the reign of Henry the Eighth. So far, we have seen the religious elements of the Reformation already widely spread. Political events were now to be used by a superintending Providence to bring about the desired crisis. Who could have conjectured that the very king who was originally intended to be Archbishop of Canterbury, had his elder brother lived, and who began his reign as a zealous Papist, proud of his powers of theological controversy, which he employed so keenly in a publication he wrote against Luther — whom he called “the Cerberus from hell,” — as to receive from the Pope the memorable title, Defender of the Faith — who, I say, could have foreseen that this very man was to The Book of Common Prayer 1 7 deal one of the deadliest blows the Papacy ever received? It is told of the king’s fool that, entering the room just as Henry had received the Pope’s bull, he asked the cause of his joy. “The Pope has named me Defender of the Faith." “Ho, ho ! good Harry,” replied the knavish fool, “let you and me defend one another ; let the faith alone to defend itself.” The cause of the rupture between Henry and the Pope afterwards, we all know, was Henry’s affected scruples about, and real wish to get rid of, his marriage with Katherine, his brother’s widow. This, in the Providence of God, led also to his promotion of Cranmer, the leading father of the English Reformation, and of its em- bodiment in the Prayer-book. It was in the year 1529 the king, in travelling, chanced to pass a night at Waltham Cross. Some of his retinue, Fox and Gardiner, at the supper-table of Mr. Cressy, of Wal- tham, got into conversation about the great question of the day, the royal divorce, with a Fellow of Jesus’ College, Cambridge, whom the plague had driven from the University.^ That fellow was Cranmer. He remarked, “There is a shorter way to giving peace to the king’s conscience than 1 8 Guide to the Study of by the decisions of the Church. The true question is, What saith the Word of God ? If it pronounces the marriage bad, the Pope cannot make It good.” This remark, when reported to the king, delighted him. “This man,” he exclaimed, in not very courtly phrase, “ has got the right sow by the ear!” Henceforth Cranmer became one of his most honoured advisers. Such seemingly chance circumstances did God employ to call ,out of obscurity the fittest man for directing the course of events for His glory, and the building up of the Church at so perilous a crisis ; requiring such a combination of Christian faithful- ness, learning, and discretion. Surely in all this we may see the finger of God, without whose knowledge not even a sparrow falls to the ground, and who, in His all-wise government of all things, does not recognise the existence of that which we call chance. Of his patience, learning, and, above all, Scripture- knowledge, which last gained for him the name of the Scripturist , our Liturgy is a lasting monument. At the death of Warham, he was promoted to the archiepiscopal see of Canterbury. Here, we confess with sorrow, he was betrayed in- The Book of Common Prayer 19 to casuistry, which, however much such deviations from honesty may be sanctioned by Jesuits, will not stand the test of God’s Word of truth. He had not as yet divested himself of the equivocating teachings of his Romish creed. Pie took the usual oath of fidelity to the Pope under a previous public protest that he did not admit the Pope’s authority except in so far as it agreed with the Word of God ; and on the 30th of March, 1533, he was consecrated. His influence with the king soon bore good fruit to the cause of the Reformation, w T hich, beginning with the transferring of the Pope’s supremacy, under Thomas Crom- well’s auspices, to the king, was, step by step, under Cranmer, to be perfected at last by the bringing forth of a national liturgy, purified of the superstitious in- crustations of ages ; and, above all, by the restoration of the Bible to its rightful supremacy in all points of faith and practice. In 1536 the king put forth ten “ Articles TO ESTABLISH CHRISTIAN QUIETNESS,” based largely on the confession of Augsburg, which, though retaining much error, yet grounded justification on Christ’s merits only, and set forth the Scriptures, and the 20 Guide to the Study of three Creeds alone, as comprehending the faith of a Christian. The year following witnessed the whole Bible translated into English by Tyndal, edited by Coverdale, and published in England under the assumed title of Matthews’ Bible. This title {perhaps from T. Matthews, prebendary of St. Paul’s) was given rather than Tyndal’s name, lest the fact of his having been burnt as a heretic should prejudice men’s minds against it. John Rogers, afterwards the first martyr under Mary, probably revised it. It is told of Cranmer that he was more delighted at having gained the king’s permission that^a copy of this Bible should be set up in every church “than had there been given him a thousand pounds.” Neighbours eagerly joined to- gether to buy a copy among them ; and at the lower end of most churches every Sunday might some good reader be seen reading aloud to numbers eagerly pressing round to hear. This Bible, when revised by Coverdale, and prefaced by Cranmer, was called Cranmer’s Bible ; and from it our Prayer-book version of the Psalms is taken. In the same year appeared another book, The Book of Common Prayer 21 “The Institution of a Christian Man,” or the Bishops’ Book, which went still further on the path of Reformation. Of the bishops engaged in this, I cannot pass by the famous Latimer without a notice. “ Originally,” he says of himself, “ I was as obstinate a Papist as any in England : ” so much so that he was elected cross- bearer in the Romish processions at the University ; and, upon the occasion of receiving his degree of Bachelor of Divinity, he chose as the subject of his Latin oration an attack on Melancthon and his doctrines. But the God who changed a persecuting Saul into the martyr Paul, was about to mould this Romish bigot into a vessel sanctified for His service. Among the hearers of his oration there was a student named Bilney, an earnest believer in Scripture truth. He perceived Latimer’s sincere zeal, though without knowledge ; so he went boldly to him, and begged to be allowed to make his private confession to him. He was allowed to do so. He stated how distracted with fears and doubts he had been so long as he tried to be saved by the penances imposed by the church, and what peace he had found by simply believing in “the Lamb of God 22 Guide to the Study of that takes away the sins of the world.” This confession was, by God’s grace, blessed to Latimer’s conversion. From that time forward he zealously embraced the doctrines of the Reformation ; and never was there a preacher who declared the whole truth with more boldness and simplicity. The very quaintness, which might offend our over-delicate ears, served only to rivet attention in those days, and drive home the point of his discourse to the hearers’ hearts. Written essay- sermons, which were called “ bosom sermons,” such as are some of the tame, pointless, frigidly-proper sermons of our day, would have hardly been tolerated then. Marsden well says, “The dread of enthusiasm ” has too often been “ the paralysis of the pulpit.” Latimer exalted Scripture especially, — “ Let us beware of the by-paths of tradition, and follow the straight road of the Word. It does not concern us what the Fathers have done, but what they should have done.” “ One man with Scripture is to be esteemed more than a thousand without it. The Fathers have both weeds and herbs ; the Papists commonly gather the weeds, and leave the herbs.” In illustration of his forcible, The Book of Common Prayer 23 though rude style, I may quote such instances as the following : — “ Do you know the most diligent bishop in all England? I will tell you. It is the devil. He is never out of his diocese. He is ever at home. Ye shall never find him idle, I warrant you. Where the devil is resident, there away with books and up with candles ; away with Bibles, and up with beads ; away with the light of the Gospel, and up with the light of candles at noonday ; down with Christs cross, and up with purgatory pick-purse. Oh ! that our prelates would be as diligent to sow the corn of good doctrine as Satan is to sow cockle and darnel ! ” Again in another sermon he says, “Alas! the devil, by the help of that Italian bishop, his chaplain, has laboured by all means to frustrate the death of Christ and the merits of his passion ! ” On another occasion, when preaching before Henry the Eighth, he showed his holy fearlessness, beginning his sermon thus : — “ Latimer, Latimer, thou art going to speak before the high and mighty King Henry the Eighth, who is able, if he think fit, to take thy life away. Be careful what thou sayest. But, Latimer, Latimer, remember also thou art about to 24 Guide to the Study of speak before the King of kings and Lord of lords ! Take heed that thou dost not displease Him ! ” Whatever we may think of Latimer’s style, there can be little doubt that such preaching must have had a powerful effect on the multitude in winning them to the Reformed doctrine. So far we have seen the Reformation advancing; but in 1539 the capricious Henry VIII. took a retrograde step. This was the passing of The Act of the Six Articles, upholding transubstantiation, communion in one kind, priestly celibacy, private masses for souls in purgatory, and auricular confession. These Articles had the severest penalties attached to them, burning as a heretic for any breach of the first, and hanging as a felon for the rest. Latimer, Bishop of Worcester, resigned his bishopric on the day they were enacted, and after having come from the House of Lords, threw off his robes, declaring he felt lighter than he had been for a consider- able time. Nothing but the special favour of Henry saved Cranmer from the penalty of these Articles. In 1543 another book, “The Necessary Erudition of a Christian Man,” commonly called The King’s Book, came out, in The Book of Common Prayer 25 which, in proof that laymen must not read but hear from priests the word of life, there was actually quoted the Saviour’s precept, “ Blessed are they that hear the word of God and keep it.” But at least this proved that the king, who on the same day dragged to death three Papists for denying his sup- remacy, and three Protestant clergymen (of whom Barnes was one) for denying transubstantiation, was not the parent of the English Reformation ; nay, the blood of the Protestant martyrs, Bilney, Bayfield, and many others, proves him to have been, as D’Aubigne says, not its father , but its executioner . This blood was not, however, shed in vain. It was the seed which bare blessed fruit at the accession of Edward the Sixth, a.d. 1547, the Josiah of his country. It is told of this excellent prince that, at his coronation, when the three swords for the three kingdoms were brought to be carried before him, he observed that there was one yet wanting, and called for the Bible, saying, “That is the Sword of the Spirit, and ought to govern us in the use of these, for the people’s safety. Without that Sword we are nothing — we can do nothing. From that we are what we are this day. From 26 Guide to the Study of that alone we obtain all power, virtue, grace, salvation, and whatever we have of Divine strength.” In his short reign our church was re-organized, with but little difference, as we have it in our own days. Of him Hooker well said. “ He died young, but lived long, if life be action.” In Sept., 1548, a Committee was ap- pointed to draw up the Liturgy. That Committee, though not exclusively Pro- testant, included some of the ablest and most pious men of the day, of whom Cranmer and Ridley sealed the truth afterwards with their blood, and others became Confessors to the faith. The book of Archbishop Herman, Elector of Cologne, entitled, “ A Simple and Pious Consultation,” twice published in English, in 1547 and 1548, was much employed by the Commissioners. The main body of their work (the Communion office first, and the daily Services after) was derived from the ancient services (the breviaries and missals expurgated) of their own and other churches ; but they owed much to the reformed Lutheran Liturgy of Nurem- berg. Their aim was not to form , but to reform ; not to innovate , but to renovate. The result of their learned labours was The Book of Common Prayer 27 The First Book of Edward the Sixth, which after three days’ public debate by the bishops in the presence of both houses of Parliament, was confirmed by the King and Parliament, and put forth in a.d. i 549, March 7th. Some remnants of error and ambiguities of language were to be found in this book, as was to be expected in those emerging from Romish darkness into gradually in- creasing light ; for instance, the Invocation of the Holy Ghost on the elements in the Communion, the use of Vestments, the Eastward position, auricular confession, wafer bread, and prayers for the dead. Therefore Cranmer and his brother bishops, with the aid of two resident foreigners, Martin Bucer and Peter Martyr (availing themselves slightly of the liturgies of Pullain and John a Lasco), revised the Prayer-book in 1552 ; and the book thus revised, known as The Second Book of Edward the Sixth, was confirmed in Parliament, and is much the same as that now in use. Laud indeed afterwards tried to introduce into Scotland a liturgy, and the Scotch Episcopalians have a communion office (used only as an alter- native) resembling that of the first rather 28 Guide to the Study of than the second Prayer-book. Of the latter, Peter Martyr truly said, “No man could mislike that godly book that had any godliness in him, joined with knowledge.” Not only were forms provided for public devotion, but our Reformers composed forms for the closet and household, in “The Primer of Private Prayer,” still extant, in “order that,” in Jeremy Taylor’s beautiful words, “the religious principle, like Elisha stretched upon the dead child, might give life and animation to every part of the body politic.” Moreover, Cranmer put forth (1547) the first Book of Homilies (by Cranmer him- self and his chaplain, T. Becon, Latimer, and others), in this reign to supply the lamentable defect of preaching powers in the clergy of that day. The composition of our truly Catholic Thirty-nine Articles will be hereafter considered. Melancthon had pressed on Cranmer the project of a general creed, to be drawn up by a congress of learned men of all nations, which should bind together the Protestant community through- out the world. Cranmer entertained the project heartily (see his letter to Calvin). Calvin (Op. ix. p. 268) declared to him he The Book of Common Prayer 29 would not hesitate to traverse “ten seas” to promote such a design. But owing to the mutual divisions of Protestants, pro- bably promoted by the intrigues of the Council of Trent, this desirable attempt failed ; and Cranmer confined himself to drawing up, with Ridley and Martyr, comprehensive Articles for the Church of England only. Their model, except as regards the Sacraments, was the Confes- sion of Augsburg, a strictly Lutheran confession, drawn up by Melancthon, who, it was hoped, at that very time (a.d. 1551- 1553), would have accepted the chair of divinity at Cambridge, made vacant by Bucer’s death. It is an additional proof that our Articles were not designed as exclusively Calvin istic that the forty-two Articles of Cranmer, when reduced to thirty-nine by Archbishop Parker, in 1562, were revised with the Lutheran Confession of Wirtemburg. Thus it is plain they were meant as a common ground for all orthodox Protestants to meet on. It is this very catholicity, whereby they strive to include all true Christians of various shades of opinion in minor points , on the one basis of all Protestant essential Scrip- ture-truth, that has provoked the dislike 30 Guide to the Study of to them on the part of extreme, though sincere, partizans on both sides. It was therefore the Westminster divines (p. 45) reviewed them (1642), with the express design of making them more determinate in favour of Calvinism. The very title originally prefixed expresses this, wherein their object is stated to be “for the avoid- ing of controversy , and the establishment of godly concord in matters of religion.” As Blunt well states it — “Our reformers did not desire to confine religious opinion so closely as thereby to prejudice religious sincerity ; nor did they expect that the pyramid of a national church would stand firm when set upon an apex instead of a base ; ” for “they knew the ground on which they invited a nation to take its stand must be broad to admit of it.” Instead of calling them, with Milton, “ halting prelates,” we have reason to bless God who guided them amidst such stormy conflicts to the found- ing for us of a church distinguished pre- eminently, if ever church has been, for the sober-minded and unobtrusive, though most earnest, practical piety it inculcates. Let not, however, the Spiritual Catholicity of our National Church be confounded with the latitudinarian breadth, by which a party, The Book of Common Prayer 31 neither High Church nor Evangelical, would dilute all the distinctive dogmatical truths of Holy writ. We dare not extend our limits, by a spurious charity, so as to be broader than God’s Word has defined them. Such breadth, we confess, is not to our taste. “There is the breadth of a noble river, with its lofty and well-defined banks : and the breadth of a marsh, which is one sheet of mud and water. We are satisfied to be flowing between the banks of the one, though at the cost of not attain- ing the expanse of the other.” Edward’s blessed reign was to be a short one ; and its close was such as it had been throughout. Almost his last prayer was — that which ought to be our prayer too — “ O my Lord God, defend this realm from Papistry, and maintain Thy true religion.” At Mary’s accession all was changed. The church was now to be baptised in blood, previous to its permanent establishment. And never did any age of the church pro- duce a more heroic band of martyrs. In the three years, from 1555 to 1558, no less than two hundred and eighty perished in the flames, beginning with John Rogers, and including such honoured names as Hooper, Ridley, Latimer, Rowland Taylor (the 32 Guide to the Study of ancestor of the illustrious Jeremy Taylor,) and, above all, Cranmer. It is a curious fact observed that of the martyrs none met their death so courageously as married men, and the parents of many children. Who is there who has not engraved on his memory the noble words of the Apostle of England, as Latimer was called, when summoned by Mary, “ I go as willingly to render a reckoning of my doctrine as ever I went to any place in the world ? ” or Ridley’s address to him at the stake, “ Be of good cheer, brother, for God will either assuage the fury of the flames, or else strengthen us to abide it ? ” Alas ! poor Cranmer, we all know, was betrayed by the weakness of a character naturally yield- ing, and the hellish cunning of Popish enemies, to recant. Having failed to shake his faith by threats and a dungeon, they succeeded in seducing him by loading him with indulgences and treacherous promises, in the house of the Dean of Christ’s Church, whilst all the time they had resolved on his destruction. When they had effected his apostasy, they sent him to the flames. “ To conceal his fault,” says Fuller, “had been partiality; to ex- cuse it, flattery ; to defend it, impiety ; to The Book of Common Prayer 33 insult over him, cruelty ; to pity him, charity ; to be wary of ourselves in any like occasion, Christian discretion.” He made what amends he could. At the funeral sermon, preached by Dr. Cole, when the Romanists looked for a confession confirming his recantation, he, with deep self-loathings, abjured his apostasy. At the stake he cried, “This unworthy right hand ! ” thrusting it into the fire to be burned first, as with it he had signed the unworthy recantation ; and he died courage- ously confessing the faith of Christ crucified. Such was the short but fiery ordeal through which the church passed, in order that it might come forth as gold purified and refined. Had Cranmer, and the others who signed the will of Edward the Sixth, unjustly transferring the crown from Mary, the rightful successor, to Lady Jane Grey, succeeded, the Protestant cause, which they meant to serve by injustice, would probably have prospered less than it did, when watered with the blood of martyrs. Mary also, sincere in her bigotry, by her disinterested restoration of the abbey-lands as well as the first-fruits and tenths to the church, and by her putting a stop to the greedy confiscations of church property by 3 34 Guide to the Study of secular hands, served a useful end in Gods Providence. The restored property was afterwards appropriated by Elizabeth, and remained in the hands of the crown, until Queen Anne generously gave it back as a fund for augmenting small livings, known as the “Queen Anne’s bounty.” Thus God overruled evil for good in the end. From the day of Elizabeth’s accession England was lost for ever, as we hope, to Rome. In her procession through the City of London nothing more endeared her to the multitude than her warm acceptance of an English Bible, richly gilt, which was let down from a pageant by a child represent- ing Truth. She kissed it fervently, giving the city greater thanks for that excellent gift than for all the rest. Still Elizabeth moved with great caution as the exigency required. Thus, when the court buffoon besought her to “release the four prisoners who had been long bound, so that the people could not see them, Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John,” she re- plied, “she must first try to know the minds of the prisoners themselves , who perhaps desired no such liberty.” Her principle, according to Walsingham, was “ to deal tenderly with consciences, but not The Book of Common Prayer 35 to suffer causes of consciences to grow to be matters of faction.” And something of the spirit of faction had unfortunately- sprung up among the English Reformers, whilst dwelling as exiles at Frankfort, during the Marian persecution. The Je- suits did not fail to use this for their own purposes. As an instance, it is told of one Faithful Cummins, a Dominican friar, that he assumed the disguise of a nonconform- ing Protestant, and drew much people after him, by readiness in long extempore prayer and by inveighing against Pope Pius the Fifth. Being suspected by the Privy Council, he effected his escape to Rome ; and there told the Pope : “ That his Holi- ness litde knew what service he had done by speaking so much against him.” When the Pope asked how, he said, “ By preach- ing against forms of prayer, and calling the English Prayer-book English mass, he had made the Church of England as odious to the multitude, as the mass was to the Church of England ; and that this would be a stumbling-block to that church while it was a church.” Whereupon the Pope rewarded him with two thousand ducats. This, with other similar cases of Jesuit in- trigue, as Giles, Mason, Blagrave, Heath, 36 Guide to the Study of etc., though they do not justify, yet give us an idea of the cause of the queen’s ex- treme and impolitic severity against Non- conformists. Still, it must in justice be admitted that, extreme as the Puritan prin- ciple was, it served the important function of purging out thoroughly the remains of Popery, still partially lurking in the Church and nation. It was with this feeling Arch- bishop Grindal ventured to reprove the queen for intolerance in suppressing “prophesying” or preachings, and was suspended in consequence. We may well regret the intolerance of that Act of Uni- formity w’hich consigned Coverdale, the translator of the Bible, and Fox, the author of “ Book of Martyrs,” to an old age of poverty and obscurity. A fresh Review of the Prayer-book was entrusted to eight commissioners, ap- pointed by herself, of whom Parker, Cox, and Grindal were leading persons. Slight alterations were made in the Lessons ; and in the Litany this sentence was omitted as too harsh for the language of prayer, though true : “ From the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome, and all his detestable enormities, good Lord deliver us.” In the Communion, the present form of words in The Book of Common Prayer 37 delivering the elements resulted from join- ing together the clause of delivery used in Edward’s first Prayer-book with the clause substituted for it in his second. Elizabeth’s tendency as to the sacramental “presence,” images in churches, clerical celibacy, and church ornaments, was less Protestant than that of Edward the Sixth. Yet Edward’s Second Prayer-book, with but a few trivial alterations, was re-enacted, as may be seen in the Act 1 Eliz. c. 2, prefixed to all cor- rectly printed Prayer-books. It is a curious fact that the Romanist laity, for the first ten years of this reign, attended our church services as thus reformed, and even the table of the Lord ; and would probably have continued to do so, but for the inter- ference of the Papal authority. Having mentioned Parker, I may ob- serve that it was of his consecration as Archbishop of Canterbury that the Papists invented the story that the elect bishops met at the Nag’s Plead Tavern, and were in great disorder, because Kitchin refused to consecrate them ; and that Scory made all kneel down, and laid the Bible on their head, saying, “Take thou authority to preach the Word of God sincerely;” and that this was all the ordination they ever 3 8 Guide to the Study of had; and that Neal, Bonners chaplain, saw them through the key-hole. This story was first invented in King James’s time, about forty years after. But the Earl of Nottingham, who had seen Parker’s conse- cration, 17th December, 1559, declared that it was performed in Lambeth Chapel, by the four bishops, Barlow, Coverdale, Scory, and Hodgkins, according to the due order of the Common Prayer-book, the only irregularity being that the Ordinal had not then been legally re-established. And con- temporary documents confirm this state- ment. The confirmation of this election was eight days previous, at the Church of Mary-le-bow, Cheapside. It is possible that the story arose from the various officers engaged at the confirmation having afterwards dined at the Nag’s Head, close by ; but as this is conjecture, it is as pos- sible and probable that the whole was a fabrication from first to last. One of the many marks of the apostasy is the “speak- ing lies in hypocrisy.” The second Book of Homilies, written mainly by Jewel, was published in 1563. In the Royal preface to this book a liberty to change a chapter of the Old Testament for a more edifying one in the New was The Book of Common Prayer 39 given to the minister. A New Calendar of Lessons came out in 1561. Our present Lectionary is an improvement on this. The Bible, known as “The Bishops’ Bible,” was brought out subsequently by Parker, in concert with other learned bishops, to each of whom a particular portion of the work was allotted. Several revised editions followed the first, from the same hand. It was in the same reign, under a succeeding Primate, Whitgift, that the three Articles in the Thirty-sixth Canon, containing the form of assent to the Prayer-book (now altered), were ordered to be subscribed by all ministers, in order to check the Puritans, and establish uniformity in Divine service. The Act of 28 and 29 Victoria has sub- stituted “the Declaration of assent.” The motto Whitgift chose well expresses his firmness in the midst of opposition, and his conviction of ultimate triumph for the order of the Church — “Vincit qui patitur.” Would that he and the church authorities had endeavoured, like Grindal, his meek but fearless predecessor, to conquer the Puritans by love and patience , rather than by weapons of persecution, which that for- midable engine of spiritual tyranny, the Ecclesiastical High Commission Court, 40 Guide to the Study of first established in this reign, put into their hands. But in those days toleration as to religious differences was not only not practised on either side, but not even ap- proved of They had at last a bitter experience of the truth : “ All they that take the sword shall perish with the sword.” Whitgift died in the time of James the First, deeply regretted by the king. “ The ruling passion was strong in death ” in his case. His last words, with uplifted eyes and hands, were, “ Pro ecclesia Dei ! Pro ecclesia Dei ! ” In James the First’s reign the petition known as The Millenary Petition, pro- fessing to be signed by a thousand of his Majesty’s subjects and ministers (though, in fact, by only eight hundred), was pre- sented. Besides the usual objections to the Prayer-book, it complained of the length of the services, and that the canoni- cal Scriptures ought alone to be read in the church. This was the occasion of the Hampton Court Conference (opened on 14th of January, 1603), in which Whitgift, Archbishop of Canterbury, with many others, was advocate for the Church ; whilst on the Puritan side, Dr. John Reynolds, of Corpus Christi, Oxford, was The Book of Common Prayer 4! leader. However, from the first, the king and the Episcopalians seem to have re- solved to yield nothing — perhaps rightly so ; but it is a pity there was not more of a conciliatory spirit exhibited. The king, after having heard both sides, said, that “ the bearing with some blemishes in a Church was better than innovation ; ” and as to the objection made by some to “ rags of Popery” (the white surplice worn), “that no society of Christians ought to separate farther from the Church of Rome than she had departed from herself and her own primitive condition.” “ Doctor,” said he to Reynolds, with a smile, “ they used to wear shoes and stockings in times of Popery ; have you therefore a mind to go barefoot ? ” He, as well as Whitgift and the Episcopalians, stated also that the ab- solution for the sick, so often objected to, refers to church censures in the case of any scandal committed and repented of by the sick man ; so that, “where there precedes not excommunication or penance, there needs no absolution.” Besides other things, he showed the groundlessness of the objection to the phrase in the Marriage Service, “With my body I thee worships since it meant simply, as Scripture saith, 42 Guide to the Study of “ giving honour unto the wife.” “As for you, Dr. Reynolds,” added the king, “many men speak of Robin Hood who never shot in his bow. If you had a good wife yourself, you would think all worship and honour you could do her well be- stowed.” Another of the jests of his Majesty, not altogether very dignified or feeling, was when Knewstubs urged that the use of the cross in baptism gave offence to weak consciences ; he replied by ask- ing, “How long would they be weak? Whether forty-five years was not long enough for them to grow strong? Some of them were strong enough , if not head- strong \ as they thought themselves able to teach him and all the bishops in the land.” He ended by saying, “If you will not conform, I will harry [i.e. y as with a pack of harriers] you out of the land, or else do worse.” Three changes only were made. They inserted forms of thanksgiving, prayers for special occasions, and the explanation of the sacraments in the Catechism : and the rubric was altered as to the minister of baptism. The Judicial Committee of Privy Council, in Escott v. Martin , ruled that in our Church lay- The Book of Common Prayer 43 baptism, though not encouraged, is not disallowed (see page 178). Of the three leading personages of this Conference it was pithily said, “The king was above himself, Bancroft, Bishop of London even with himself, whilst Reynolds fell beneath himself.” It is a story told (if true) of this Dr. John Reynolds that originally he had been a zealous Papist, whilst his brother William was as zealous a Protestant. The two brothers held a discussion, and each maintained his own side so ably as to con- vert the other ; so that John, who had been a Papist, became a Protestant ; and William, the Protestant, became a Papist. This gave occasion to the following distich : — “ Quod genus hoc pugnae est ? Ubi victus gaudet uterque, Et simul alteruter se superasse dolet.” “ What kind of war is this ? When conquered, both are glad, And either to have conquered other, sad.” After the Hampton Court Conference, John conformed to the Church ceremonies, and died a rejoicing Christian and sincere mem- ber of the Church of England. The most important result of this Con- ference Was, THE NEW TRANSLATION OF THE bible, suggested by Dr. Reynolds, and 44 Guide to the Study of entrusted to fifty-four of the most learned in the kingdom, of whom he was one. They were divided into six divisions, a separate portion of scripture being allotted to each. Every member of each division was to take the chapters assigned for the whole company ; then all the divisions met, and decided, after examining the work of each, which parts should stand. The work of each division was next submitted to all the other divisions. Lastly, three or four most eminent divines in each university, though not translators, consulted with the heads of houses for reviewing the whole. The work began in 1607, and was completed in three years (1611). No work has more tended to fix the purity and strength of the English language. Surely individual men of the present day should hesitate about their competency to improve on a transla- tion executed with such extraordinary care, as a whole, though particular phrases and sentences might here and there be altered with advantage. “ The Revised Version ” of 1881, as an English translation , is never likely to supersede “the Authorized Ver- sion,” of 16 1 1. As a commentary it is of much value, but certainly not infallible, — for instance, 2 Tim. iii. 16, where the posi- The Book of Common Prayer 45 tion of the two adjectives closely joined by the “and” (/cal), forbids taking the one as an epithet and the other as a predicate “every Scripture inspired by God (as if there were any ‘ Scripture ’ not inspired), is also profitable ! ” Perhaps I may here mention that Calvinistic doctrines, which some deny to be compatible with our Church’s teaching, were so decidedly held in Oxford University in this reign that a preacher, in 1623, was compelled to recant expres- sions he had used to the contrary, and to maintain that the decree of predesti- nation is unconditional, and that grace sufficient for salvation is not given to all. “Whatever doubts,” says Hallam, “there may be of the Calvinism of Cranmer and Ridley, there can surely be no doubt as to the chiefs of the Anglican Church under Elizabeth and James the First.” Indeed, Whitgift put forth the famous Lambeth Articles, nine in number, to teach ultra-Calvinism, as though the doctrine of our Church. The queen, fortunately, used her prerogative in suspending them, not as incompatible with our Prayer-book, but as discussing subjects dangerous to dogmatize on. 46 Guide to the Shidy of How strange, as Marsden well remarks, that, in a few years, the ultra-Calvinism of Whitgift, the persecutor of the Puritans, should have become the heri- tage of the ultra- Puritans, — of Dr. Rey- nolds, who wished at the Hampton Court Conference to have introduced the Lam- beth Articles into our formularies, — and of the Westminster Assembly subse- quently, which actually revised our Prayer-book to make it more decidedly Calvinistic. In the interval between Whitgift’s death and the appointment of his successor, the Canons, under which the clergy (not the laity) are now governed, so far as they agree with the laws of the land, were passed by both houses of Convocation (but not by Parliament). They are a hundred and forty-one in number, and were collected by Bancroft, Bishop of London, who pre- sided, out of the Articles, injunctions, and synodical acts passed in the reigns of Edward the Sixth and Elizabeth. The clergy are not, however, as some have fancied, sworn to obey them ; though beneficed clergy, it is true, at institution, swear canonical obedience to the bishop. The Book of Common Prayer 47 In the reign of Charles the First, and the year 1637, that notorious abettor of the cruel tyrannies of the Star Chamber and High Commission Court, Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury, made his unfortunate attempt to introduce into Scotland our Liturgy, with certain altera- tions, bringing it into closer agreement with the first and less reformed Prayer- book of Edward the Sixth. These alterations, excepting the substitution of the word Presbyter for Priest, were not much calculated to conciliate men hating Popery. On the 23rd of July, 1637, this Liturgy was first read in St. Giles’s Church, Edinburgh, by the Dean of Edinburgh, amidst such a hideous noise that not a word could be heard. The Bishop of Edinburgh stepped into the pulpit, and tried to appease the tumult ; but scarcely had he begun when a woman named Janet Geddes, threw her folding stool (still to be seen at Edinburgh) at the bishop, who narrowly escaped the blow. All became a scene of confusion. In other churches similar scenes were enacted. The result of this ill-timed attempt led ultimately to the demolition of Episcopacy in Scotland, — to the solemn 48 Guide to the Study of League and Covenant (so soon about to be broken, not only by Cromwell, but even by Charles the Second, who took it to win favour), — and to the invasion of England by a Scotch army ; and ulti- mately, Laud and Charles I. were brought to the block, and the Constitution in Church and State was overthrown. How- ever much there may be to condemn in the king and archbishop in their pros- perity, there can be but one opinion as to the flagrant injustice of their execution, and as to their Christian heroism in ad- versity. The sacramentarian system, and the exaggeration of the authority of “ the church” (meaning the clergy) were not fully developed in our church until the time of Laud, to whom the Pope showed his gratitude by the offer of a cardinal’s hat. Before that time, the Puritans (a party in the Church, not separatists from it, like modern dissenters, who do not trace their origin to the Puritan non- comformists), whilst disputing with their opponents on ceremonies and church polity, were acknowledged to be in per- fect consent with them on every doctrinal point , the sacraments included. Indeed, The Book of Common Prayer 49 the Shorter Catechism of the Westminster Assembly exactly agrees with our own in its view of both sacraments. “Then first,” says Hallam, “ our clergy, like Hector in the spoils of Patroclus, had assumed the celestial armour of authority, but found that, however it might intimi- date the multitude, it fitted them too ill to repel the spear that had been wrought in the same furnace.” Romanism can use this argument with far more weight against others, if it be a sound one. And as to dissenters, experience shows us in Lauds case how it aggravates, instead of healing, dislike to our Church and its Liturgy. The attack on the Prayer-book com- menced in April, 1642, by the appointment of the Westminster Assembly of Divines by Parliament to reform the government and Liturgy of the Church. There were but few appointed favourable to the Church : of these Ussher was the most distinguished Episcopalian. The learned Lightfoot was the most eminent of the Presbyterians. Their first act was to unite with Parliament in taking the SOLEMN LEAGUE AND, COVENANT for the preservation of the reformed religion of 4 50 Guide to the Study of the Church of Scotland, and the reform of religion in England and Ireland — in fact, to reduce the Church of England and Ire- land to conformity with the Church of Scotland ; their next, to prepare an ultra- Calvinistic Confession of Faith , which is still the standard authority of the Church of Scotland, and a Directory for the Public Worship of God throughout the Three Kingdoms, setting aside the Prayer- book. The Episcopalian clergy, to the number of sixteen hundred at the lowest, and seven thousand at the highest com- putation, refusing to sign the Covenant, were ejected from their livings. Among these victims of bigotry were Walton, Chillingworth, and the ever-memorable John Hales. Prideaux, Bishop of Wor- cester, died in great want, leaving his children, as he said, “ no legacy but pious poverty, God’s blessing, and a father’s prayers.” Fuller, the Church historian, and Pearson, the expositor of the Creed, were also ejected. Amongst charges brought against Wren, Bishop of Ely, was this absurd one, “that, having been gored by a cow, and desiring to be prayed for in the church, he commanded the prayers to be read, used at the churching of women, The Book of Common Prayer 51 for his deliverance from the cow.” Many, in spite of insults from the rude soldiery, persisted in using the proscribed Liturgy. Dr. Hacket was the last of these. One Sunday, when he was reading the Common Prayer in church, a soldier of the Earl of Essex clapped a pistol to his breast, and commanded him to read no further. The doctor, undaunted, replied, “/will do what becomes a divine , and you may do what becomes a soldier .” It is told of the Westminster scholars also that they offered up public prayers for King Charles the First within an hour or two before he was beheaded : upon which South, who was one of them, remarks, “They were not only called, but really were kings scholars.” Some of the clergy committed to memory the prayers of our Liturgy, and offered them up without book. The emi- nent Bishop Bull, then minister of St. George’s, was sent to baptize the child of a dissenter. He went through the whole office of baptism, which he had committed to memory, with such life and spirit, that all present were extremely affected. After he was done, the father of the child, who was utterly ignorant of our Prayer-book 52 Guide to the Study of returned him many thanks, and observed how much more edifying were the prayers of those who prayed by the Spirit, than those who depended on forms. Upon this, Mr. Bull showed him every prayer he had used in our Prayer-book, which had so good an effect that ever after the father and his family attended our church services. Evelyn mentions that Cromwell by pro- clamation forbade any of the Church of Eng- land ministers to preach or administer sacra- ments on pain of imprisonment or exile, after December 25th, 1655; and on that day (Christmas) he went to hear Dr. Wild ‘‘preaching the funeral sermon of preach- ing;” and “so pathetic was his discourse it drew many tears from the auditory.’ Henceforth, blasphemous and unlettered mechanics, of various sects, filled the pulpits. Rude soldiers would suddenly surprise members of the Church of Eng- land at Communion, and hold their muskets at them when going up to receive the Sacrament, and drag them before the marshal, or to prison, saying that the Common Prayer was only the mass in English. The use of the Prayer-book was forbidden, even to the laity and in the domestic circle, by a heavy fine. The The Book of Common Prayer 53 Protector charged the judges of assize to suppress ale-houses and the Book of Com- mon Prayer ! Similar scenes were enacted in American New England ; and two brothers, named Brown, of the Church of England — the first champions of religious freedom in America — were expelled from Massachusetts. Many were the prayers then offered in secret, like that in Evelyn’s diary, “The Lord Jesus' pity our dis- tressed Church, and bring back the cap- tivity of Zion ! ” These prayers were at length heard, and the monarchy and church re-established, after Charles the Second’s Restoration, in May, 1660. In the March following a Commission, consisting of twelve bishops and twelve Presbyterian divines, was appointed to review the book of Common Prayer. Coadjutors, too, were appointed on each side, including on the Episcopalian side, Pearson, the famed author of the Exposi- tion of the Creed ; and on the Presbyterian side the learned Lightfoot, and the pious Baxter. The last had been offered by the king the Bishopric of Hereford, but de- clined it. He offended the Episcopalians by proposing to substitute a “ Reformed Liturgy,” composed by himself in one 54 Guide to the Study of fortnight (!) for the beautiful Liturgy of saints and martyrs of all ages : a proposal wanting in modesty, as in judiciousness. One is reminded of the village carpenters bill to the churchwardens: “To altering the Creed, mending the Commandments, and making a new Lord’s Prayer, i os. 6 d.” It was at this Conference that doctrinal objections to the Prayer-book were for the first time alleged. The commissioners met in the Savoy. The chief changes made by Convocation in the Prayer-book were : the insertion in the Litany of a clause against rebellion and schism ; the addition of the Collects for Ember Weeks, for the third Sunday before Advent, for the High Court of Parliament, for All Sorts and Conditions of Men ; and the General Thanksgiving, — the last composed by Bishop Reynolds ; also Forms of Prayer to be used at Sea, for 30th of January, and for 29th of May. This was the last revision of the Prayer-book ; and though these changes are unobjectionable in the abstract, the spirit dictating some of them was not con- ciliatory to political and religious dis- sentients, as, for instance, the clause in the Litany against rebellion and schism. We The Book of Common Prayer 55 cannot but regret what followed, namely, the passing of the Act of Uniformity, in 1662, so much at variance with the king’s own declaration at Breda in favour of tender consciences. It was notoriously so worded as to offend the consciences of Puritans. Thus, whereas the latter ob- jected to saints’ days, the Anglican party added a few more. A clause was inserted in the prayer for the church militant, giving thanks for departed saints, a desirable insertion to realize the Communion of Saints, and carefully avoiding any mention of them by name. And when reasons were given against the Apocryphal lessons, the bishops inserted the legend of Bel and the Dragon, in contempt of such scruples. Even thus, when some one re- marked to Bishop Sheldon, afterwards archbishop, that he thought the Puritans would conform, Sheldon replied, “ I am afraid they will ! ” His fears were ground- less. The intention of the Act was fully realized. On the 24th August, St. Bartho- lomew’s Day, long known as the Black Sunday, two thousand clergymen, and among them Baxter, resigned, rather than accept its terms. The authors had the satisfaction of having thrust out the 56 Guide to the Study of Puritans, and got in Bel and the Dragon. But as Baxter observes, “The more the bishops thought to cure schism by punish- ment, the more they increased the opinion that they were persecuting enemies of godliness, and become the captains of the profane.” Still we must remember what we owe to the Acts of Uniformity. They are our sole safeguard against schismatical, heretical, or unscriptural services. Blessed be God, our lot has fallen on happier times. A revival of real religion has taken place in our beloved Church, and with it a liberality of feeling, combined with a hearty desire for unity among all who love the Lord Jesus in sincerity. There is little pretext for separation from her in the present day. The Romanising party among us shows, it is not of us, by its hatred of the Scriptural xxxix Articles, which it calls, “the 40 stripes save one.” Surely even the cursory view I have taken of her Services, Articles, and history, leaves no reasonable doubt as to the fact of her teaching the whole truth as it is in Christ Jesus. Then, as to the liberty she affords tender consciences in her Communion, I can only repeat what a pious Christian who had left The Book of Common Prayer 57 the Church and returned said : “I once took the leap, but was heartily glad to come back. There is no liberty in sects com- pared with that of the Church of England.” As to separation, it seldom ends there ; it is generally division on division until there is “old and new connection,” disrup- tions breaking forth from more ancient schisms, so that, as has well been said, “ Division is their sin, and division is their punishment.” What a handle do our Protestant divi- sions give to Papists and infidels to say to us when we attempt their conversion, “ First agree among yourselves, and then we will hear you.” Even supposing there were error in some of our ceremonies, seceders should remember the truth ex- pressed by good Bishop Hall, “ Better to bear a ceremony than to rend a church.” As to the use of forms, Rev. C. Simeon’s remark is worthy of attention : “If a sensible person were to write down all the prayers that are uttered under the name of extempore prayers in different chapels for one Sunday, he would fall down on his knees and thank God for the Liturgy of the Church of England.” As to the national establishment of 58 Guide to the Study of religion, the words of Dr. Owen, a Non- conformist, to the Government ought to be remembered : “ If it comes to this, that you say you have nothing to do with religion as rulers of the nation , God will quickly manifest that He hath nothing to do with you as rulers of the nation .” At the present day there is less reason than ever for being separated from our Church. The Lord is now honouring her Christian labours at home and abroad. Oh ! let us all, ministers and people, pray and strive, under the shadow of her olive tree, for an increased outpouring of His Spirit on ourselves and on her efforts ! Whilst we are zealous for the whole truth, and jealous of any corruption of the simplicity that is in Christ Jesus, let us shrink from the spirit of party, for party’s sake, and seek that the mind which was in Him may also be in us. Time is rapidly hastening forward to eternity ; and a great work is to be done by each of us now, or else never. Let us join together as one man in furthering that everlasting work, whilst there is yet time. “ Oh ! what are thethings we fight for,” exclaimed Leighton, “ compared with the great things of God ?” Let us not allow the devil to turn us aside The Book of Common Prayer 59 from the main essentials — the glory of the Redeemer, and the salvation of never-dying souls — to the by-paths of contentiousness and groundless scrupulosity. May the rule of Philip Henry be ours, and then infidelity and Popery will fall to the dust before the Church of Christ in its unity in the truth Henceforth I resolve, by God’s grace, to spend my chief zeal on those great essentials on which all true Christians are agreed, and as to other things, to walk according to the light God has given me, and to give credit to others for doing the same.” May we be ever faithful children of the Church of England whilst she is faithful to the written Word of God ; and be prepared and ripened in this nursery on earth, to be transplanted to the heavenly paradise of our God, where the Church triumphant, in faultless unity, shall sing the Redeemer’s praises for ever ! 6o Guide to the Study of Chapter Second. “ Keep thy foot when thou goest to the house of God. . . . Be not rash with thy mouth, and let not thine heart be hasty to utter anything before God : for God is in heaven, and thou upon earth.” — Eccles.v. i, 2. The subject for our consideration is The Book of Common Prayer and its com- pilers — no common book and no common men. Never was there a day in which a clear understanding of the spirit and letter of our beautiful Prayer-book, and the history of its compilation, was more necessary. On one hand, amongst our- selves there has arisen a powerful party, which would have us believe that the Scriptural Prayer-book, handed down by our pious reformers, many of whom sealed their love of the truth and hatred of popery with their life-blood, actually teaches those very Romish doctrines against which it was designed as a protest : and once more we are threatened with, if not unvarnished popery, at least the semi-popery of a The Book of Common Prayer 61 sacerdotal caste of sacrificing priests, a ceremonial ritualism as burdensome as “ the beggarly elements” of the Jewish law of bondage ; and, instead of “ the law of the spirit of life in Christ Jesus,” and the precious doctrine of justification by faith only, we are offered an opus operatnm and priest-exalting system of justification by sacraments. On the other hand, we have from without, foes, not only Rome, but, alas ! also many who ought to be brethren in spirit if not in externals, assailing our Prayer-book, and saying of our venerated Church, “ Down with her! down with her, even to the ground!” To meet these assailants each of us ought to be able to give a definite answer to the question, Why am I a member of the Church of England ? With this view, I desire that this treatise may lead us all to a fuller examination of the excellencies of our Prayer-book by the light of the inspired Word. The result I feel confident will be, we shall agree with Dean Comber in think- ing that our Liturgy is so plain that the most ignorant may pray with understand- ing, so full that nothing is omitted which is fit to be asked in public, and so particu- lar that it compriseth most things which 62 Guide to the Study of we would ask in private, and yet so short as not to tire any that has true devotion. Most of its language is taken out of Holy Scripture ; like the moon, that shines with the borrowed light of the sun, the Book of Common Prayer reflects the glory of the inspired Word, not presuming to claim juxtaposition as its fellow, but content to be its humble handmaid. Therefore, the true churchman can say, Not only do I thank God I am a Bible-Christian ; but also, in a subordinate degree, I thank God I am a member of the Church of England. Having considered already The History of the Construction of the Prayer- book, as it now stands, I now propose to consider in order : I. The Ordinary Church Services ; II. The Special Services and Offices ; III. The Thirty-nine x^ricles, and discipline of the Church. The spirit of our Liturgy and prayers is, “ I will pray with the spirit and with the understanding also.” The spirit of our rites, discipline, and formularies is, “ Let all things be done to edification.” The spirit of our Articles is, “ to the law and to the testimony : if they speak not according The Book of Common Prayer 63 to this word, it is because there is no light in them.” Lastly, the spirit that animated the fathers of our English Reformation, — authorities often more to be trusted than some of the so-called fathers of the ancient Church, — was a sincere desire that the Church of England’s teaching should be neither high nor low but broad , — broad without being lax, — broad and all-em- bracing as the Gospel — that is, truly evangelical, yet not latitudinarian. All that is precious in the teaching, usages, and worship of the primitive Church is retained. All that is repugnant to Holy writ is rejected. The Church they have preserved for us is the most Catholic — i.e. the most Scripturally comprehensive in the world ; as the Romanist, which arrogates to herself peculiarly the name “Catholic,” is the least Catholic among so-called Christian Churches. First, then, in discussing our Church Services, let me briefly state the reasons why forms of prayer are generally to be preferred to extempore praying in public worship. The term Common Prayer is as old as Justin Martyr, a.d. 148 ; and does not mean ordinary prayer, but joint prayer, 64 Guide to the Study of prayer in which all can join in praying to our common God and Saviour. Now, whilst I admit the advantages of extem- pore prayer for special exigencies, I think that joint prayer is less realised in praying extempore in public worship. The con- gregation may follow after the minister’s words, but they are apt to be left lagging behind ; they cannot well pray with him ; for they can hardly know what he is next about to say, so that they are rather hearing than offering joint prayer with him. Now the promise of the Lord Jesus is, “if two of you shall agree on earth, as touching anything that they shall ask, it shall be done for them of my Father in heaven.” But how can there be an agreement as touching anything they shall ask between the minister and the people when the latter cannot know what the minister is about to pray for ? Or, if, from the minister habitu- ally repeating much the same words or ideas on all occasions, the people can form a good guess of what is coming next, then his prayer practically ceases to be extem- pore ; and the choice is between his form and the form in which many of the holiest men of all ages have addressed our God. Not many would hesitate to which to give The Book of Common Prayer 65 the preference. To quote the “ Cautions for the Times ” edited by Archbishop Whately : — “ Let the whole of what is said even by one of the most unexcep- tionable [extempore ministers] be taken down exactly in writing, and printed and published as a Form of Common Prayer, and it would perhaps be found open to more censures than all our Church Services put together.” Simeon says, “If all men could pray at all times, as some men can sometimes , then, indeed, we might prefer extempore to precomposed prayers,” — though not even then, if there is to be common or joint prayer, for the reasons already given. Moreover, the minister is likely, in ex- tempore prayer, to forget that it is to God, and not to the congregation, he is address- ing himself : he is but too apt to embody exhortations under the form of prayer, — thus making what ought to be prayer, an oblique sermon. And if in sermons it be a temptation to the minister to seek the admiration of his hearers, still worse is it in his prayer to be tempted to a display of his gift of praying, and, whilst using language of humility before God, to have his mind engaged in seeking for the 5 66 Guide to the Study of happiest mode of expression. Alas ! that we should have to add — such is our frailty — sectarian bitterness will display itself even in prayer in public when unwritten, and the oblique sermon gives place to a lower degradation of this holy service, even to the oblique invective . To some of our readers the story mentioned by Sir Walter Scott will suggest itself. On the approach of Prince Charles to Edinburgh, in the rebellion of 1745, a Presbyterian minister, named McVicar, who bore no goodwill to the House of Stuart, on the following Sunday, in his public prayer in the West Kirk, used words to this effect : “ O Lord, there is a young man come here seeking an earthly crown, do Thou be pleased speedily to grant him a heavenly crown ! ” Few in our days are so fanatical as to utter such a prayer ; but sober forms guard against the possibility of such dangers. Perhaps the strongest objection to public extempore prayer, and argument for Scrip- tural forms is, that in the former there is an absence of guarantee for orthodoxy, which the latter so effectually provides. It is a melancholy fact that Calvins Scrip- tural doctrine, in course of time, not only in Geneva, but even in many Presbyterian The Book of Common Prayer 67 congregations of England, Ireland, and America, gradually gave place to open Socinianism. This is the true justification of the Black Gown in the Pulpit. It relieves the Church from being responsible if false doctrines be preached from the pulpit. The minister himself is alone responsible and the Bishop who authorises him to preach. But in our Church, utter wandering from the faith is an impossibility, so long as her Scriptural liturgy remains as it is. Let a Romanising minister on the one hand, or a Rationalist on the other, in defiance of his own solemn obligations, keep back any leading truth, or broach open heresy, the prayers of the Church, which he must use, are always a standing witness for the truth, so that the evil of the pulpit’s teaching is corrected by the orthodoxy of the reading-desk. The ideal of common or joint prayers is realized in our system of responses, which is a happy contrivance for making the whole people feel they have their share in the public service. They keep up the attention, and prevent weariness, if only the people will heartily join in them. The short alternate ejaculation are as quick darts 68 Guide to the Study of shot tip to heaven, as Augustine says (Ep. cxxx. io, “Raptim quodammodoy^^:^/^^. ,, Our word ejaculation is derived from this metaphor) ; they give life and spirit to the worship. Thus the Church of England minister conducts the prayer with the people, instead of praying for them. Instead of being only heard by them, he and they join in common worship. This EXCLUSION OF THE PEOPLE FROM THEIR SHARE IN THE PUBLIC WORSHIP goes to a more dangerous extreme in the Church of Rome. In her services there are, strictly speaking, no common prayers. The priests say and do all : the people meanwhile gaze about, whisper to one another, and look on private manuals of devotion, which may or may not have any connection with the vicarious prayers and masses v/hich, as their virtual Mediator, he offers before God in their stead. From the earliest days forms of joint prayer have been in use. Most of King David’s Psalms were expressly composed for public worship, as the titles indicate. If it be objected that this is a form of praise , which all, even those who reject forms of prayer admit, we may answer with Rev. J. Newton — The Book oj Common Prayer 69 “ Crito freely will rehearse Forms of prayer and praise in verse : Why should Crito then suppose Forms are sinful when in prose ? Must my form be deemed a crime, Merely from the want of rhyme ? ” The synagogue worship of the Jews, which the Lord sanctioned by His presence, was conducted with similar forms. “ If then,” says the judicious Hooker, “it had been of such dangerous consequence to pray by set form, would God have omitted to warn His people of it when He foresaw His churches would use them for 1300 or 1400 years ? ” But the question of the lawfulness of forms is for ever set at rest by our Lord having given the best form ever com- posed, as a model to us, the Lord’s Prayer. Nay, farther: The Lord Jesus not only sanctions hereby their use, but seems to imply that forms are specially suited for joint prayer ; whilst such words as the sense of each one’s individual wants suggests are adapted for closet prayer. For, observe, St. Matthew, vi. 6, the Lord first uses the Singular number when He gives directions for private prayer, “ Thou , when thou prayest, enter into thy 7o Guide to the Study of closet, and, when thou hast shut thy door, pray to thy Father, which is in secret.” Then, when He passes from private to public or joint prayer, he adopts the Plural number, and gives a form , which he did not in the former, “ But when ye pray, use not vain repetitions. After this manner pray ye, Oun Father which art in heaven.” This fact applies the superiority of forms, according to our Lord’s view of the exig- encies of joint worship. Accordingly wehaveachainof testimonies that liturgies were the usage of the churches from the earliest ages. Liturgy is a word of Greek derivation, meaning a public or people s service ; for instance, Charity (Phil. ii. 30). It was not, as Romanists appropriate it, applied to the Communion office only ; but besides this, including all parts of the public worship (Bingham ; Acts xiii. 2). Only when mystical was prefixed to Liturgies did it mean the Eucharistic office. Owing to persecution, the Liturgies of the early churches were preserved only by memory till the end of the third century, after which they were committed to writing. The principal ancient Liturgies are : the Oriental, which though wrongly ascribed The Book of Common Prayer 71 to St. James, is yet older than the Council of Chalcedon, in 451 a.d., and resembling in order and substance what prevailed in the second century in Justin Martyr’s time ; the Liturgy of St. Mark ; the Roman, derived from ancient sources as far back as the second century, and completed by Gregory the Great, 590 a.d. ; the Gallican, referred to by Irenaeus,, and supposed to be parent of the Ancient British Liturgy . If these be compared together they will be seen to have a mutual affinity, though not in all respects alike. Before the Reformation different Latin Service books were used in different places throughout England ; whence we read of “the Uses of Salisbury, York, Bangor, Hereford,” and others. These were full of Romish superstitions. When, then, our Reformers had first given the people the Bible in their own tongue, their next care was to give one uniform Liturgy, purged of all superstition, since, as they say in the Preface Concerning the Service, “ There was never anything by the wit of man so well devised, or so sure established, which in continuance of time hath not been cor- rupted.” The Book they produced was not composed for the occasion by them- 72 Guide to the Study of selves — for ours is a religion reformed, , after having been for centuries deformed , and not then first formed — but most carefully selected from ancieiit Liturgies handed down from the early ages of the church. Not that they sought antiquity for anti- quity’s sake, as though whatever is old must therefore be good, — a fond fancy, which deludes many of our modern divines. But, whilst they avoided this extreme, they did not rush into the opposite, that what- ever is old is therefore bad. They thought respect, not worship, was due to the piety of the ancient church : they found some things good, some evil, and some indiffer- ent, and therefore they retained all that could serve for the edification of the church, and which, being otherwise unobjection- able, it was undesirable to have rooted out, after it had taken firm hold of men’s minds by the associations of long usage. If we are told that all this is a remnant of popery we reply with Hooker, “ We are not of them that think it always imperfect re- formation that doth but shear and not flay.” “We were not,” says Jeremy Taylor, “ like children, when they are affrighted with fire in their clothes : we shook off the coal indeed, but not the garments ; lest we The Book of Common Prayer 73 should have exposed our church to that nakedness which the excellent men of our sister churches complain to be among them- selves.” As for Popery, our prayers, ex- cepting those composed by our Reformers out of Scripture, are of a date long before Popery, which is mediaeval, not primeval. The creeds of the ancient church prove this, they being the Deppsitum or Trust of the church, i.e., the casket in which the precious pearl of an orthodox faith has been conveyed unimpaired through the lapse of ages to ourselves. They are pure from the leaven of Rome’s heresies, which sub- sequently crept in ; and they are “ the form of sound words ” which we are taught to “hold fast ” (2 Tim. i. 13). It is a most delightful thought that, in our public service, we join in prayers once used by those martyrs and holy men of various ages of the church who have now passed to their rest. They have left behind the goodly heritage of those beautiful prayers with which they, in their .day of trial, stirred up their faith and love towards our common Saviour. Must not this thought make us realize the Communion of Saints ; as well as also the thought that we are using the same words as all our 74 Guide to the Study of brethren of the Church of England through- out the world ? Moreover, if detained at home by sickness, we can offer the same prayers, and join in spirit with the hun- dreds of thousands who worship in the sanctuary. If it be objected that a form of prayer necessarily produces formality, we can only say, the formalism is the fault not of the prayer, but of the worshipper ; and is as sure to accompany the extempore prayer, wherever the heart is unrenewed. Whether it be dew or rain will make little difference where it falls on a soil stony and barren. Robert Hall admitted that formalism is by no means the necessary consequence of forms. “We cannot doubt,” he says, “ that multitudes have used forms of devo- tion with great and eminent advantage.” The grace of prayer is quite independent of the gift of prayer. The grace of prayer, which is what God values, does not depend on fluency of words, but devotion of heart ; it accompanies every sincere worshipper, whether he do or do not use forms. Familiarity with the words will not prove a hindrance, but the greatest help to our devotion. For as having to take no h ought of the words, which are provided The Book of Common Prayer 75 ready for us, we can give our souls wholly to the thought of our several wants sug- gested by the familiar forms of the Liturgy. As to the objection that we use “ vain repetitions,” we answer, it is founded on a misunderstanding of Christ’s words, / 3 aTTo\oyr/GrriTe — “ Do not use the unmean- ing verbosity of fools.” He did not object to repetitions in general, but to unmeaning repetitions, such as the heathen priests of Baal used. It is quite sufficient for us to remind the objectors that our Lord Him- self in Gethsemane “prayed three times, using the same words ; ” it was repetition, but not vain repetition. Just so, long be- fore Him, many of the Psalms intended for public worship, by repetitions call back the mind to the main subject. For instance, Psalm cvii. repeats four times the same words, “ O that men would therefore praise the Lord for His goodness, and for His wonderful works to the children of men ! ” Similar repetitions are found in Psalm cxxxvi., which also was used in public worship. So universally has the common sense of mankind felt the undesirableness of public worship being dependent on the varying 7 6 Guide to the Study of competency, or incompetency, of ministers, some sincere, and many, alas ! not so, with their variable frames of feeling, that liturgies were adopted by all the Reformed Churches. The Presbyterian Church of Scotland is the only national church in Christendom which joins with English dis- senters in rejecting them. (Indeed, of these latter, if the Wesleyans followed their founder, they w T ould use the liturgy which John Wesley abridged from our Prayer- book for that purpose). Nay, further, in this respect the present church of SCOTLAND IS AT VARIANCE WITH ITS founders. Both Luther and Calvin framed for their churches forms of public worship, and the liturgy now used at Geneva is an expansion of that which Calvin left. From 1557 to 1564 a.d. the Church of Scotland used without objection the English Book of Common Prayer. In 1564 John Knox introduced into Scotland the order of Geneva, as used by the Marian exiles in that city ; and this liturgy was re- tained in Scotland down to 1636, when Archbishop Laud’s violent attempt to enforce his new Service Book drove the Scotch into the hatred of all forms. So surely are extreme Anglicans the The Book of Common Prayer 77 promoters of that very dissent which they oppose so bitterly. If you pull the pen- dulum too far on one side it will by re- action rebound as much too far on the op- posite. The third law of mechanics holds good, “ Action and re-action are equal, and in opposite directions.” Laud’s worship of forms is no justi- fication of the Presbyterian hatred of them. There are many of whom the Church of Scotland may be proud who long for a return to the liturgy of their church’s first founders. The late Duke of Argyll attributed the decay of Presbyterianism to the superior power the Episcopalian service has in engaging the affections when con- trasted with the system of leaving the most devotional parts of the service at the mercy of the individual minister who conducts it. Dr. Cumming wrote thus: “ There is a mediocrity among clergy as among laity. For the great mass, therefore, I believe, that the resumption, if the word may be used, of that which is not rescinded, viz., the liturgy I now edit, by the Church of Scotland, would be attended with great good. It could by no possibility do mis- chief, and would, I believe, be generally acceptable.” An able writer remarks, “If 78 Guide to the Study of the clergy and people of Scotland could be satisfied (and we see no reason why they should not) that formal prayer should not transgress the limits Coleridge assigns, viz., ‘pure glass to see heaven through, not dyed in the gorgeous crimsons of the drapery of saints and saintesses,’ then we believe it might be re-introduced with an universality of consent that would silence the tongue of Jenny Geddes herself.” I will only, in conclusion, before entering on the Service itself, give the opinions of two men who will command the respect of our dissenting brethren, John Wesley and Robert Hall. The former says, “ I know of no liturgy in the world, ancient or modern, which breathes more of solid, scriptural, rational piety than the common Prayer of the Church of England.” The latter says, “ The evangelical purity of its sentiments, the chastened fervour of its devotion, and the majestic simplicity of its language, combine to place it in the very first rank of uninspired compositions.” So true is this, that an eminent noncon- formist missionary, Dr. Morrison, who had laboured long in preaching the Gospel in China, on his return bore his testimony to the English Prayer-book before a large The Book of Common Prayer 79 assembly , of his brethren in Liverpool, in some such words as these : “I was asked by the Christian converts, on the eve of my departure, to leave as a parting gift of Christian affection a form of prayer in Chinese, of my own composing. I wrote one after much meditation, and then read it over ; but, when I reflected on the momentous importance of the occasion, I was dissatisfied with it. Again I sat down and tried once more, and then a third time ; but still could not please myself. At length I took up the English Book of Common Prayer, and selecting some passages from its beautiful prayers, I put them together, and translated the whole into Chinese. Then indeed I was fully satisfied, and that prayer was blessed to the souls of many.” In treating of the Service, what I desire to establish is, that formalism, sacer- dotalism, and the doctrine of a human mediating priesthood, are alien to the whole spirit of the Prayer-book, and for the most part are irreconcilable with even the letter of it. Evangelical truth flows throughout, as through the garden of the Lord, fresh from the Scripture-fount of living waters. All the great doctrines of the Gospel are interwoven with its various 80 Guide to the Study of parts; “The greater portion,” as Jeremy Taylor says, “being taken out of Scripture, and the rest agreeing with Scripture.” Remove from the Prayer-book every passage of Scripture, and what would you leave but a few pages ? and those the heavenly compositions of saints and martyrs, all breathing the spirit where they vary from the letter of Holy Writ. Besides the Psalms, Hymns, Epistles, and Gospels, chosen so admir- ably from Scripture to suit the several sacred seasons, in the order of the first lessons almost the whole Old Testament is read through once every year ; and in the second lessons, with few exceptions, the whole New Testament is read through three times. Improvements might be made, no doubt; the Apocryphal lessons, now used on week days, might well give place to portions of the inspired Word omitted in the present order. But of the Church of England Service as a whole we may ask, what church in Christendom pays such respect in public worship to all Scripture, or brings so much of it before the people ? To say that improvements are possible, is only to say it is human : the few that are desirable The Book of Common Prayer 8f could soon be made, without re-constructing the whole. As believing evangelical prim ciples to be the only scriptural principles, I can ex animo endorse it as it stands. As a whole , Dr. South’s opinion of any attempt to re-construct it holds good — “ Let us but have our Liturgy continued to us, as it is, till the persons are born who shall be able to mend it or make a better, and we desire no greater security against either the alter- ing this, or introducing another.” Order of Church Service. It is a curious fact, that the oft-quoted passage of the younger Pliny’s letter to Trajan contains a tolerably exact descrip- tion of all the parts of a regular Church Service. He says that “ the Christians are accustomed to meet on a stated day before dawn.” This evidently alludes to the first day in the week, the Christian Sabbath ; the reason for the early hour of meeting was their fear of persecution. He adds, they were wont “carmen Christo, quasi Deo, dicere secum invicem.” Now this word carmen by no means is to be limited, as might be supposed, to the Psalms of David or Christian hymns ; the best Latin writers use it for any formula. 6 82 Gtiide to the Study of And when the words dicere to repeat (not canere to sing), and “ secum invicem,” which evidently refers to alternate re- sponses , are taken into account, I hardly know a more happy description of a Christian Litany than this of a heathen of the first century: — “The worshippers re- peat a form of prayer to Christ, as God, in alternate responses.” What a striking testimony to the early Church’s belief in the Godhead of Christ ! Then follows a passage, which with equal clearness points to their repeating next, in the order of their service, The Ten Commandments : “ They bind themselves by a sacramental oath , not to commit the crimes of theft, robbery and adultery, not to break their word, or keep back a trust.” The words “by a sacramental oath,” imply that the Ten Commandments were considered as with ourselves, as having some connexion with the Communion of the Sacramental Supper. Then comes a plain allusion to the Communion : “ After this is all over, they have the custom of withdrawing, and meeting together again to take bread.” The Communion was at that time cele- brated as a separate rite, at a different hour. Catechumens, or those under the The Book of Common Prayer 83 course of instruction for baptism, were ex- cluded, and none but the baptised were admitted. The fancy of one Catholic Apostolic Liturgy is a dream almost abandoned by the self-styled Anglo- Catholics themselves. But this general plan, stated by Pliny as existing in the first century, pervades all ancient liturgies, however varied in details , and still is pre- served in the order of our Prayer-book. Morning Prayer. The following Rubric prefaces the Service : “ Here is to be noted that such Ornaments of the church, and of the ministers thereof, at all times of their ministration, shall be retained, and be in use, as were in this church of England by the Authority of Parliament, in the second year of the Reign of King Edward the Sixth.” Mr. j. T. Tomlinson shows that the vestments and other “Ornaments” of the first Prayer-book were illegal from the date of the passing of the Act of 1559. That act, by restoring the Second Prayer- book, restored the Rubric in its forbidding the vestments. The Injunctions of the same year (1559) called for the surplice, and not for the vestments ; the visitors 84 Guide to the Study of demanded the surplice and defaced the vestments, and the Visitation Articles of the Bishops never once require the vest- ments to be worn.” Sandys interprets the words, “ Be in use” that we shall not be forced to use them, but that others in the meantime shall not greedily convey them away, but that they may remain for the Queen. No case has been produced of the Mass Vestment worn from Elizabeth’s day until the Oxford movement. The new Rubric in 1662- still provided that the Surplice and Hood as specified in 1559 shall be retained and be in use, and adds the very significant words, “ At all times of their ministrations.” Our public prayer is intended to be daily prayer : even as the first disciples “continued daily with one accord in the temple.” Wherever practicable, it is desirable, though not so as to supersede private or family prayer, nor to be carried out in slavish obedience to the letter, but in conformity with the spirit of the ordin- ance. The words read and say , in the Rubrics, imply, that in ordinary churches, intoning the whole service is not the intention of the Prayer-book : this practice was limited to cathedral and collegiate The Book of Common Prayer 85 churches. Queen Elizabeth’s fifty-third Injunction proves this. The Service opens with Scripture declar- ations of God's willingness to receive every penitent, in order to compose and prepare the mind for addressing God in prayer. Then follows the Church s exhortation to repentance. In this the ends of public worship are admirably summed up : “To acknowledge our sins before God, (in the General Confession) to render thanks for the great benefits we have received at His hands (in the Thanksgivings), to set forth his most worthy praise (in the Psalms, Hymns, and Doxologies), to hear His most holy Word (in the Lessons, Epistles, Gospels, and Sermon, if a Scriptural one), and to ask those things which are requisite and necessary, as well for the body as the soul ” (in the Litany, Collects, and Prayers) : “ To confess our sins before God we ought at all times” to do, but “ most chiefly when we assemble together.” Then the people and minister together join in obeying the call to repentance by that general confession, which is well called the Pipitome of the whole Gospel. It breathes the very spirit of such penitence, as Bishop Beveridge gives expression to, — “ I do not 86 Guide to the Study of only betray the inbred venom of my heart by my common actions, but even I poison my most religious performances also with my sin. I cannot pray but I sin : I cannot hear or preach a sermon but I sin : I can- not give an alms or receive a Sacrament but I sin : nay, I cannot so much as confess my sins, but my very confessions are still aggravations of them : my repentance needs to be repented of, my tears want washing, and the very washing of my tears needs still to be washed over again with the blood of my Redeemer.” This will be the feeling of every true believer in using this confession, “ There is no health in us,” i.e., not only no soundness , but no salvation. It is a general confession, as opposed to the auricular confession of Rome, which blasphemously gives to erring man the judicial power belonging to the Almighty Heart-Searcher alone. At the same time whilst we join aloud in the general confes- sion, which applies to all alike, let each confess secretly to the God, who knows the secrets of hearts, his own special sins. Thus he will have his share in the Gospel absolution (i.e. } loosing , Matt. xvi. 19) that follows. The Book of Common Prayer 87 Absolution. This is pronounced by the priest alone, i.e., not by the people and priest together, as in the general confession, but by the priest unaccompanied, as being the authori- tative declaration of the ministerial office : and as in the confession he joined with the people in kneeling, so in pronouncing the absolution he stands, whilst the people kneel ; because he is proclaiming authorita- tively, as a minister (which he is called just afterwards), God’s pardon to those that truly repent, himself included, if penitent. God’s pardon to the penitent believer has gone beforehand : the minister declares to all such present ( who they are he knows not) that pardon as authoritatively sealed, Wheatley, and but too many in the present day, have tried to represent it as effective, or conveying at the very instant the very forgiveness itself. If so, why then does the minister end it by saying, “ Wherefore let us beseech Him to grant us true repent- ance and His Holy Spirit?” Surely these would be needless to pray for, if the priest had absolutely then and there, by his ipse dixit, conveyed the forgiveness desired ? The form is plainly declaratory : “ Almighty 88 Guide to the Study of God, who desireth not the death of a sin- ner,” is not in the Vocative, but in the Nominative case, before “ pardoneth and absolveth,” the “He” being resumptive. It is not a prayer, but a general declaration of Gods mercy, and a particular assurance to every one that is penitent , “He par- doneth and absolveth all them that truly repent, wherefore let us (not merely you, but myself the minister also) beseech Him to grant us true repentance ” (as the only sure pledge that we are pardoned and ab- solved). If we are asked, why then, if the minister be not a judge or a mediator of absolution, do we limit this absolution to the office of a priest ? we answer, because God in His Word has committed to His ministers especially, the office 'of authori- tatively declaring Gods forgiving mercy to the truly penitent. The minister is not God’s instrument of forgiving, but his authoritative mouthpiece to declare a for- giveness, on the condition of penitence, and faith in Christ, already vouchsafed by God. Here I may introduce notice of the two other forms of absolution in the Prayer- book, since this is a rite on which the Sacerdotalists have laid much stress, as The Book of Common Prayer 89 favouring their views. The second form occurs in the Communion Service. As the first was a declaration , this is a benediction or prayer for God’s blessing: “Almighty God, who hath promised forgiveness to all that turn to Him, have mercy on you.” The third form is in the Visitation of the Sick : “ By Christ’s authority committed to me, I absolve thee from all thy sins.” As the former two were public , and to the congregation in general so this is to the individual Christian in private, the minis- terial declaratory and applicatory seal of assurance that God has pardoned him in particular , if a penitent believer in Christ. The Divine authority of the ministry to de- clare God’s willingness to forgive believing penitents is put forward to the individual, not as though the minister blasphemously claimed God’s prerogative of forgiving sins, but as an assurance to the heart of the sinner that God , who alone can judge of his sincerity , has directly Himself already forgiven him, if a penitent believer in the Lord Jesus. Penitence and faith, where they exist in any one, ensure God’s forgiveness at once , without needing the interposition of any human priest. Therefore the minister, in absolving, can only be declaring that for- 90 Guide to the Study of giveness which God has already granted ; for he pronounces those alone absolved, who are believing penitents ; and these God has surely forgiven at the very moment of their turning to Him with faith in Christ. Thus the minister’s absolution can only be the authoritative seal declaring to the heart of the timid penitent the pardon granted by God at the instant of believing penit- ence. Some have supposed that this form only referred to absolution of offences against the Church, but the words “all thy sins ” exclude such a limitation. However, that it is not the Romish absolution, we are sure, from the fact that the Council of Trent anathematized our Reformers for maintaining that the priest’s absolution was not judicial , but declaratory : a doctrine which, as we know the Reformers main- tained, they would not have deliberately contradicted in their services. Indeed it was the two foreign Reformers, Bucer and Martyr, who suggested its introduction, and it was “directly levelled against Popery .” (Seeker, Serm. vol. vi.) See below Visitation of Sick. They retained the language of Scripture as to ministerial absolution, even though it might seem to favour the Romish view, leaving it to other The Book of Common Prayer 91 parts, and the general tenor of the Prayer- book, to counteract the possibility of error in this. He who objects to this, quarrels, not with the Prayer-book, but with Scrip- ture. Passages in the latter also, seeming to sanction the Sacerdotal-absolution-view, need to be explained, so as not to contra- dict the great body of the New Testament, which is decidedly opposed to Sacerdota- lism. The priest who claims power to judicially absolve, must prove his claim as Christ did, by miraculously healing : “ That ye may know that the Son of Man hath power on earth to forgive sins, He saith to the sick of the palsy, Arise, take up thy bed, and go unto thy house.” Our Re- formers did not affect, as some wish, by putting the said passages out of view, to be wiser than God ; they left both classes of Scripture statements to speak for them- selves, feeling sure that He who inspired both, meant both alike for edification. Each sect, on its little mole-hill, sees but one side of the Spiritual building ; the Church of England, standing on its com- prehensive catholicity, views the whole Scriptural truth from every side. In her services she revolves the entire Bible, turning to view every aspect, thus practi- 92 Guide to the Study of cally saying, “ All Scripture is given by inspiration of God, and is profitable.” The Lord’s Prayer and Psalms. After confession of our sins, and having heard the authoritative declaration of God’s forgiveness of penitent believers, if we be such, as it is charitably presumed we are, the prayer of adoption follows fittingly, whereby we address God, now reconciled to us through Christ, as “ Our Father, which art in heaven.” “ This is one of the chief beauties of Scripture,” says Luther “its possessive pronouns.” How delightful the appropriation ! This God is our God for ever and ever ! Then having laid hold by faith of our privilege of sonship, we natur- ally proceed to praise , asking God first to “open our lips” (for, as Bishop Sparrow says, “our mouths are silenced only by sin, and opened only by God ”), and inviting one another also to the joyful service in the Ninety-fifth, commonly called the invitatory Psalm, which seems to have been used by the Jewish Church in going up to the sanctuary, thus forming a link between our services and theirs. The ONE HUNDRED AND FIFTY PSALMS are read through every month : and well The Book of Common Prayer 93 they may ; for they breathe the very spirit of Christ, and have been not inappro- priately termed “ the Saviour’s Manual of Devotion ” whilst on earth. Luther styled the Psalter “a little Bible”; the Lord Jesus is to be found in every Psalm, in some one or other of His gracious and glorious offices. The “ Gloria Patri ” at the close of each is the seal of their trans- ference from the Jewdsh sanctuary to our more spiritual Christian services. The version used is Bishop Coverdale’s being thought better for chanting, as more musical. Perhaps it would be well, in any future revision, to adopt the Authorized Version, for the sake of uniformity and accuracy. The placing of psalms and hymns before and after the Scripture lessons is a happy contrivance, to relieve the graver parts of the service by intermingling joyful praises, and thus to prevent weariness. The colon in the middle of each verse is not for punctuation of the sense, but merely for the musical division in chanting. The principle on which Llebrew poetry is con- structed is not, like all other poetry, made to depend on the recurrence at regular intervals of the same rhythmical sounds , but “parallelism,” or the correspondence 94 Guide to the Study of of the same ideas in parallel clauses. This parallelism of ideas causes Bible poetry to Ipse less by translation into all languages than secular poetry. A good illustration is Isaiah lv. 7, — “ Seek ye the Lord while He may be found \ call ye upon Him while He is near. Let the wicked forsake his way, and the unrighteous man his thoughts , and let him return to the Lord, and He will have mercy on him, and to our God , for He will abundantly pardon : ” wherein there is a beautiful correspondence of the parallel ideas expanded in the ascending climax. (Seek, call ; while He may be found, while near; wicked, unrighteous ; way, thoughts ; Lord, our God; mercy, abundantly pardon.) The earliest instance on record is the prophecy of Enoch, Jude 14, 15; and Lamech’s vain-glorious boast of impunity in Polygamy and double murder, Genesis iv. 23, 24, made, perhaps, in mockery of the former, both being in poetic parallelism. Enoch warns that lawless and infidel age of God’s coming judgment; Lamech, sets the warning at defiance, making God’s very forbearance in the case of Cain a ground of boasting of his impunity in perpetrating twice Cain’s dreadful crime. Poetry was the earliest form of composition, as easiest The Book oj Common Prayer 95 to be borne in the memory, before writing was known, or at least whilst writing materials were as yet scanty. To revert to the Lord’s Prayer (given to us as both a form and a model of prayer), though repeated oftener now than when the three parts of our service were kept distinct ; the spiritual worshipper will re- gard its repetition, not as a burden, but as an always fresh delight. “ In the front of our prayers,” says Hooker, “ it serves as a guide, and added to the end of some prin- cipal parts, as a complement, which fully perfecteth whatsoever may be defective in the rest.” Alas ! that amongst our Romish brethren, it should be so perverted to superstition ! It is a strange instance of man’s making the best things become the worst, when corrupted (“corruptio optimi pessima ”), that the very prayer, given to guard us against all vain repetitions, is the one which most men, and perhaps our- selves, have most often abused into a vain repetition ! It shows us at least the pre- scient Wisdom, which withheld the sacred writers from doing that which would have been so natural to them otherwise, but which, we see from this instance, would have been so perverted to superstition, 96 Guide to the Study of namely, — leaving us in the inspired volume, creeds, formularies of prayer, and a definite Church polity in detail. The Doxology, “ For Thine is the king- dom,” etc., observe, is omitted where our offices are not acts of thanksgiving. The “ Amen ” throughout the Prayer- book, when in Roman letters, is to be said by the same person or persons by whom the previous words were uttered ; when in Italics, by the people only. Te Deum. The noble hymn following the First Lesson, “We praise Thee, O God,” (rather as the Latin Te Deum Laudamus , We praise Thee as God), said to have been composed by Ambrose for the baptism of Augustine (others say, by Hilary of Arles, 440), is perhaps the closest approach ever made to inspiration. It is first mentioned in the rule of Caesarius, Bishop of Arles, the fifth century, and is ordered to be sung every Sunday at Matins. The first part of the Te Deum is an act of praise ; the second a co 7 ifession of faith ; and the third a prayer, resting on both. How sublimely are the three persons of the adorable Trinity, and their The Book of Common Prayer 97 gracious offices, in succession brought before us ! The thrice holy God is invoked as the Lord of Sabaoth, i.e ., not Sabbath, as the unlearned might fancy, but Lord of the heavenly hosts. One class of these hosts, in Hebrew, Saba, the sun, moon, and stars, were the earliest objects of idolatrous worship, whence this class of idolaters are called Sabeans. Our God is Lord of them all. Then the hymn enumerates the various intelligences that evermore praise our God, heaven and earth, Cherubim and Seraphim (see 1 Cor. xi. 10), angels and men, apostles, prophets, martyrs above, and the holy Church throughout the world below. But that part is sweetest to us sinners, which appeals to the once-lowly Christ, now King of Glory, the coming Judge and present Saviour, who^ by having overcome the sharpness of death, has opened the king- dom of heaven to all believers. We recognise His power not only to save from guilt but also to keep us from the power of sin, “Vouchsafe, O Lord, to keep us this day without sin” (Jude 24). So in the Third Collect, for Grace. A believer was expressing to another his deep sadness at so often losing the joy of his Lord. “ Why 7 9 8 Guide to the Study of should you lose it?” “Because,” he re- plied, “ I always have lost it.” “Can you not trust it to Jesus, just as you first trusted in Him for the salvation of your soul?” The result was, light and joy broke into his mind, and he experienced permanently, “ Nothing is impossible with God.” Still though the believer is no longer in the flesh, but in the spirit, the flesh is yet in him ; and so John Wesley, after having so long preached the doctrine of sinless per- fection, at the close of his earthly career, was fain to cry, in this hymn’s closing- words, “ O Lord, in Thee have I trusted ; let me never be confounded.” The succeeding Canticle from the Apo- crypha (an imitation of the 148th Psalm, as what Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego might have sung in the fiery furnace), and the Te Deum , are the only two uninspired hymns in our daily service. The words in the former, “ O ye spirits and souls of the righteous,” etc., are not an in- vocation of saints, but an ascription of praise to God, just as David calls on creatures, which he kneiv could not hear him, — “fire and hail, beasts and all cattle,” to praise the Lord. The best rule in this, as in all other parts The Book of Common Prayer 99 of the service, is, for the minister not so much to read ’ as to offer up , the prayers and praises, with the spirit and with the understanding : — “ I’ll read, as though I ne’er should read again, And, as a dying man to dying men.” Creeds. The Creed rightly follows the Scripture lessons and psalms, for “ faith cometh by hearing, and hearing by the word of God.” (Romans x. 17.) Heretofore, the plural “we” was used. But faith is personal and individual So it is “/believe.” Of the three Creeds (a term derived from the first word in the Latin form, Credo , “ / believe”) observe, that they are not de- signed so much as a summary of the Chris- tian faith, but rather as a test of orthodoxy on particular points, which were perverted by false teachers in the age or country for which the Creed was drawn up. This explains why, in the Apostles’ Creed, the atonement and other doctrines are omitted. This was not because the framers did not hold them, but because they were not the matter of dispute ; not because these tenets were universally unknown , but be- cause universally acknowledged. The very ioo Guide to the Study of word symbolum , anciently applied to the Creed, implies a watchword, by which soldiers can distinguish friend from foe in battle. This fact is especially to be kept in mind in reading the clauses of the Athanasian Creed. These might seem to us to venture too deeply in detail into defining the mysteries of the Godhead. But these clauses rather deny particular heresies of that day, as to the Godhead and Manhood of Christ, Arianism, Euty- chianism, Nestorianism, and others (which are as possible to start up now as then), than affirm, save in so far as there is Scripture warrant for definite affirmations. The practical truth needful to ourselves is, in Seekers words, “As in all acts of faith we are to believe in each Person, so, in all acts of worship we are to adore each, never considering one even while addressed dis- tinctly, as separated or separable from the other two” As to our Lord Jesus, there are four necessary truths to be believed (in opposition to the corresponding four heresies). I. His Deity ; II. His Hiimanity. III. The union of both in the one God- man. IV. Their distinctness in their unity. The four words, truly (aXr/Om), perfectly (reA