U N I V E R_ S ITY OF ILLINOIS MERTEN J. MANDEVILLE COLLECTION IN PARAPSYCHOLOGY AND OCCULT SCIENCES 291.37 In6a v. 1 The person charging this material is re¬ sponsible for its return to the library from which it was withdrawn on or before the Latest Date stamped below. Theft, mutilation, and underlining of books are reasons for disciplinary action and may result in dismissal from the University. UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN 7 1981 d 1588 r JAN Q5 M 0 & 1992 AUG 2 6 1952 JAN 0 5 1898 DEC 23 1957 L161 —0-1096 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2017 with funding from University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign Alternates https://archive.org/details/ancientfaithsemb01inma_0 ANCIENT FAITHS EMBODIED IN ANCIENT NAMES: OR AN ATTEMPT TO TRACE THE RELIGIOUS BELIEF, SACRED RITES, AND HOLY EMBLEMS OF CERTAIN NATIONS BY AN INTERPKETATION OF THE NAMES GIVEN TO CHILDREN BY PRIESTLY AUTHORITY, OR ASSUMED BY PROPHETS, KINGS, AND HIERARCHS. BY THOMAS INMAN, M.D. (London), CONSULTING PHYSICIAN TO THE ROYAL INFIRMARY, LIVERPOOL ; LECTURER SUCCESSIVELY ON BOTANY, MEDICAL JURISPRUDENCE, MATERIA MEDICA WITH THERAPEUTICS, AND THE PRINCIPLES WITH THE PRACTICE OF MEDICINE. LATE PRESIDENT OF THE LIVERPOOL LITERARY AND PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY. AUTHOR OF “ TREATISE ON MYALGIA : ” ' “ FOUNDATION FOR A NEW THEORY AND PRACTICE OF MEDICINE ; ” “ON THE BEAL NATURE OF INFLAMMATION,” “ATHEROMA IN ARTERIES,” “SPONTANEOUS COMBUSTION,” “THE PRESERVATION OF HEALTH,” “ THE RESTORATION OF HEALTH,” AND “ANCIENT PAGAN AND MODERN CHRISTIAN SYMBOLISM EXPOSED AND EXPLAINED.” VOL. I. SECOND EDITION. LONDON: TRUBNER & CO., PATERNOSTER ROW. 1872. LIVERPOOL: PRINTED BY DAVID MARPLE8, LORD STREET. 2.°|C37 vt.l- TO THOSE WHO THIRST AFTER KNOWLEDGE, AND ARE NOT DETERRED FROM SEEKING IT BY THE FEAR OF IMAGINARY DANGERS, THIS VOLUME IS INSCRIBED, WITH GREAT RESPECT, THE AUTHOR. * nSv \ X - TOV CO “ Ovtol be rjuav evyevecrrepoi rS)v ev OecrcaXoviicrj, oinves ebe^avro \6yov fiera nacres TvpoOvfx'ias, to kuB ’ rjpepav avaKpivovres ras 'jas e\ ravra ovrtos .”—Acts XVII. 11. This volume is the result of an inquiry, “How it comes to pass that John and Jack are synonymous ? ” The question, once propounded, led me onwards to such other names as Elizabeth, Isabella, Anna, Annabella, William and Bill, Mary and Miriam. The investigation proved very fascinating, and in prosecuting it I found myself surrounded by a mass of facts of which I had no previous conception. These have been almost entirely ignored by English writers, and those few who have treated on them have imparted their views only to a select private circle. Those who are acquainted with the systematic way in which certain subjects are avoided in modern society can well understand, and perhaps easily forgive, the reticence referred to. But when it is known that the suppression of truth has given rise to a series of theological errors, which none could have adopted with a knowledge of the sources from which they were derived, it becomes a grave question whether the interests of literature, and even % of divinity, do not demand a removal of the veil of ignorance. Having already experienced in my own profession the advantages of attempting to sweep away the false practices arising from perverted facts and wrong views of nature, it is natural to believe that theology will be equally benefited by a rigid and impartial examination of the VI basis on which it has been founded. In medicine the old reasoning ran, “Our forefathers believed and acted thus, the colleges teach the same, we have learned the practice when young, and we stick to it when old; consequently, the practice of medicine, as at present adopted, must be true, because it has stood the test of time.” Absurd as this is in medicine, in divinity the arguments are even still more puerile, and run thus, “It is written; I am taught to believe 4 The word; ’ I do so, and therefore it is true;” or 44 It is true, and therefore I believe it.” 44 The Church is a witness for 4 The word,’ and 4 The word’ testifies to the Church, and both must be right.” But a moment’s consideration shows that the same assertions may be applied to prove the truth of the Yedas, of the Koran, and of the book of Mormon. If faith in it is to be the test of the infallibility of any religious system, we must allow that the ancient Egyptians, Assyrians, Persians, and the modern Hindoos had and have as sincere a belief as we ourselves, for nothing can be more complete than their entire trust in their spiritual guides. We, who in our missionary zeal believe that our religion is superior to any other, have no scruple in trying to shake the childlike confidence oik the Hindoo, the subtle reasoning of the Brahmin, or the fierce orthodoxy of the Mahometan, and to make them dissatisfied with their religious books. Yet we are intolerant of the faintest suggestion that our own faith is faulty. The rude knights and churchmen of old tried to demonstrate the truth of their doctrine by the strength of their right arms, and he who Vll was the hardest hitter was supposed to be the most favoured by the Almighty. Modern theology, on the contrary, declines the arbitrament of the sword, and calls reason to her aid in deciding controversy. There is indeed a widespread feeling that those who appeal to such carnal weapons as persecution, cursing, excom¬ munication, and the like, do so only because they have no mental armoury from which they can equip them¬ selves for a successful fight. It is human to oppose obloquy against obnoxious proofs, it requires magnanimity to acknowledge ourselves in the wrong, and to kiss the rod that chases away a cherished delusion. There are very few thoughtful men who have not been discontented with the developments of modern Christian divinity. From many professional theologians strictures appear from time to time, which show the workings going on below the surface. To these have been opposed the dead weight of persecuting orthodoxy. The world beyond them sometimes watches with interest the battles of those who profess to lead opinion, and the layman does not scruple to give his adhesion to the combatant who seems to be the strongest in argument. When the controversy raged between rival sects in medicine, the clergy assumed to be arbiters between them; and the Author acknowledges the advantages which he reaped from hearing the opinions of independent minds. En revanche, now that the Church has its disputations, medicine sometimes presumes to form an opinion of its own, and thinks it may assist the development of truth by pointing out some consi¬ derations of which the controversialists are ignorant. Vlll The intrusion of a bystander, however, into a quarrel, invariably brings upon him the hostility of all parties, and he who suggests to many opposing dogmatists that all are in the wrong, will certainly not escape more fortunately. As I have in the following pages done much violence to my own preconceived opinions, and to prejudices lodged in my mind from my earliest infancy, I am certain to give offence to others. Whenever the critic finds that those principles which are called “the holiest instincts of the mind” are thwarted, he allows the wildest license to his senseless lash, and flogs unsparingly the author who has shaken his repose. Such castigation I anticipate, as certainly as does the traveller expect an eruption of boiling water from an Icelandic geyser, whose waters he has ruffled by throwing into them a clod of earth. Yet though there may be much wild hitting, I entertain the hope of meeting with some logical argument or quiet reasoning, which may serve to point out error, and help to set that right which is really wrong. There are observant pedagogues, who know that some boys under their care will submit almost to be flayed alive, rather than acknowledge a fault when they consider themselves wrongfully punished, yet who melt at once at a loving word or kind remonstrance. Authors, being human, are not very different to boys, and are more readily subdued by philosophical argument than by vulgar abuse. In my second volume, I hope to demonstrate my due appreciation both of the one and the other. PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION. In presenting to the Public a Second Edition of “ Ancient Faiths Embodied in Ancient Names,” in a condition nearly identical with the First, the Author begs to state, that it had been his intention to revise, and in some places to re-write, those parts wherein his advanced knowledge led him to believe that the opinions propounded required modification. But he has been pre¬ vented from carrying out his plan by a tedious illness, and the necessity to take a long Continental tour to recover health. During the time when he was invalided, the demand for the First Edition increased so greatly as to exhaust the whole impresssion. Being physically incapacitated from undertaking the labour of re-writing, and being wholly debarred from the power of using any library, the Author resolved upon a simple “re-issue,” those parts only being altered where clerical errors had crept in. The supervision of the work was left wholly to the Printer, and the Author gladly takes this opportunity of bearing testimony to his zeal and carefulness. He has indeed proved himself to be a critical coadjutor, as well as a genial friend. DESCRIPTION OF THE PLATES IN BOTH VOLUMES. YOL. I. The oval on the side of Vol. I. represents Assyrian priests offering in the presence of what is supposed to be Baal—or the lepresentative of the sun—and of the grove. The first is typified by the eye, with wings and a tail, which make it symbolic of the male triad and the female unit. The eye, with the central pupil, is in itself emblematic of the same. The grove represents mystically le verger de Cypris. On the right, stands the king; on the left are two priests, the foremost clothed with a fish’s skin, the head forming the mitre, thus showing the origin of modern Christian bishops’ peculiar head-dress. Arranged about the figures are, the sun ; a bird, perhaps the sacred dove, whose note, eoa or coo, has, in the Shemitic, some resemblance to an invita¬ tion to amorous gratification ; the oval, symbol of the yoni; the basket, or bag, emblematic of the scrotum, and apparently the lotus. The trinity and unity are carried by the second priest. The other figures on the side of the book are explained elsewhere. FRONTISPIECE. This is taken from a photograph of a small bronze image in the Mayer collection of Brown’s Museum, in Liverpool. The figure stands about nine inches high, and represents Isis, Horus, and the fish. It is an apt illustration of a custom, still prevalent amongst certain Chris¬ tians, of reverencing a virgin giving suck to her child, and of the association of Isis, Venus, and Mary with the fish. PLATE I. Is supposed to represent Oannes, Dagon, or some other fish god. It is copied from Lajard, Sur le Culte de Venus, pi. xxii., 1, la, and is Xll thus described, ‘ Statuette inedite, de gres houiller ou micace, d’un brun verdatre. Elle porte par devant, sur une bande perpendiculaire, un legende en caracteres Syriaques tres anciens’ (Cabinet de M. Lambert, a Lyon). I can find no clue to the signification of the inscription. PLATE II, Figs. 1 and 4 are illustrations of the respect for the antelope amongst the Assyrians. The first is from Layard’s Nineveh; the second, showing the regard for the spotted antelope, and for “the branch,” is from Bonomi’s Nineveh and its Palaces. Fig. 2 illustrates Bacchus, with a mystic branch in one hand, and a cup in the other; his robe is covered with spots arranged in threes. The branch is emblematic of the arbor vitce, or tree of life. It will be noticed that on the fillet round the god’s head are arranged many crosses. From Hislop’s Two Babylons and Smith’s Dictionary, p. 208. Figs. 3 and 5 are intended to show the prevalence of the use of spots on priestly dresses; they are copied from Hislop’s Two Babylons , and Wilkinson, vol. vi., pi. 33, and vol. iv., pp. 341, 353. Other illus¬ trations of spotted robes, etc., will be seen in other figures. For an explanation of the signification of spots, see Vol. I., p. 360, and Vol. II., p. 769. PLATE III. Fig. 1 represents an Assyrian priest worshipping by presentation of the thumb, which had a peculiar signification. Sometimes the forefinger is pointed instead, and in both cases the male is symbolised. It is taken from a plate illustrating a paper by E. C. Ravenshaw, Esq., in Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 16, p. 114. Fig. 2 is a Buddhist emblem; the two fishes forming the circle represent the mystic yoni, the sacti of Mahadeva, while the triad above them represents the mystic trinity, the triune father, Siva, Bel, or Asher. From Journal of Royal Asiatic Society , vol. 18, p. 392, plate ii. Fig. 3 is a very remarkable production. It originally belonged to Mons. Lajard, and is described by him in his second Memoire, entitled Recherches sur le Culte, les Symboles, les Attributes, et les Monumens Figures de Venus (Paris, 1837), in pages 32, et seq., and figured in plate i., fig. 1. The real age of the gem and its origin are not known, but the subject leads that author to believe it to be of late Babylonian workmanship. The stone is a white agate shaped like a cone, and the Xlll cutting is on its lower face. The shape of this gem indicates its dedi¬ cation to Venus. The central figures represent the androgyne deity, Balaam, Astaroth, Elohim, Jupiter genetrix, or the bearded Venus Mylitta. On the left side of the cutting we -notice an erect serpent, whose rayed head makes us recognise the solar emblem, and its mun¬ dane representative, mentula arrecta; on a spot opposite to the centre of the male’s body we find a lozenge, symbolic of the yoni, whilst opposite to his- feet is the amphora, whose mystic signification may readily be recognised; it is symbolic of Ouranos, or the Sun fructifying Terra, or the earth, by pouring from himself into her. The three stars over the head of the figure, and the inverted triangle on its head, are representations of the mythological four, equivalent to the Egyptian symbol of life (figs. 21, 32). Opposite to the female are the moon, and another serpent of smaller size than that characterising the male, which may readily be recognised by physiologists as symbolic of tensio clitoridis. In a part corresponding to the diamond, on the left side, is a six-rayed wheel, emblematic, apparently, of the sun. At the female’s feet is placed a cup, which is intended to represent the passive element in creation. As such it is analogous to the crescent moon, and is associated in the Roman church with the round wafer, the symbol of the sun; the wafer and cup thus being synonymous with the sun and moon in conjunction. It will be observed that both serpents in the plate are apparently attacked by what w r e suppose is a dragon. There is some difficulty in understanding the exact idea intended to be con¬ veyed by these, our own opinion being that they symbolise Eros, Cupid, or desire, whilst Lajard takes them to indicate the bad principle in nature, darkness, night, Satan, Ahriman, etc. Fig. 4 is also copied from Lajard, plate i., fig. 10. It represents the reverse of a bronze coin of Vespasian, struck in the island of Cyprus. It represents the conical stone, under whose form Venus was worshipped at Paphos, and a conjunction of the sun and moon similar to that which may be seen in the chapels of Mary in Papal churches. The framework around the cone indicates an ark. Fig. 5 represents the position of the hands assumed by Jewish priests when they give their benediction to their flock. It will be recognised that each hand separately indicates the trinity, whilst the junction of the two indicates the unit; the whole being symbolic of the mystic Arba. One of my informants, who told me that, being a “cohen” or priest, he had often administered the blessing, whilst showing to me this method of benediction, placed his joined hands so X1Y that his nose entered the central aperture. On his doing so, I remarked, “ bene nasatus," and the expression did more to convince him of the probability of my views than anything else. Fig. 6, modified in one form or another, is the position assumed by the hand and fingers, when Roman and Anglican bishops or other hierarchs give benediction to their people. The same disposition is to be met with in Indian mythology, when the Creator doubles himself into male and female, so as to be in a position to originate new beings; whilst the male hand symbolises the masculine triad, the female hand represents the mystic feminine circle, and the dress worn by the celestial spouse is covered with groups of spots arranged in triads and groups of four. PLATE IV. Is a copy of a mediaeval Virgin and Child, as painted in Della Robbia ware in the South Kensington Museum, a copy of which was given to me by my friend, Mr. Newton, to whose kindness I am indebted for many illustrations of ancient Christian art. It represents the Virgin and Child precisely as she used to be represented in Egypt, in India, in Assyria, Babylonia, Phoenicia, and Etruria; the accident of dress being of no mythological consequence. In the framework around the group, we recognise the triformed leaf, emblematic of Asher; the grapes, typical of Dionysus; the wheat ears, symbolic of Ceres, Vabricot fondu, the mark of womankind, and the pomegranate rimmon, which characterises the teeming mother. The living group, moreover, are placed in an arch-way, delta, or door, which is symbolic of the female, like the vesica piscis, the oval or the circle. The identification of Mary with the Sacti is as complete as it is possible to make it. FIGURES IN THE TEXT. Figure 1, page 53, is fully explained, and the authority whence it was drawn given in the paragraphs following it. Figures 2, 3, page 78, are taken from Ginsburg’s Kabbalah, and illustrate that in the arrangement of “ potencies ” two unite, like parents, to form a third. Figures 4, 5, page 79, are copies of figures found in Carthage and in Scotland, from Forbes Leslie’s Early Races of Scotland , vol. i., plate 6, page 46 (London, 1866). This book is one to which the reader’s attention should be directed. The amount of valuable infor¬ mation which it contains is very large, and it is classified in a philo¬ sophical, we may add attractive, manner. XV Figure 6, page 90, is from Bonomi, p. 292, Nineveh and its Palaces (London, 1865). It apparently represents the mystic yoni, door, or delta; and it may be regarded as an earlier form of the framework in Plate iv. It will be remarked by those learned in symbols, that the outline of the hands of the priests who are nearest to the figure is a suggestive one, being analogous to the figure of a key and its shank (Fig. 4, Yol. II.), whilst those who stand behind these officers present the pine cone and bag, symbolic of Anu, Hoa, and their residence. It is to be noticed, and once for all let us assert our belief, that every detail in a sculpture relating to religion has a signification; that the first right hand figure carries a peculiarly shaped staff; and that the winged symbol above the yoni consists of a male archer in a winged circle, analogous to the symbolic bow, arrow, and target. Figures 7 to 13, page 98 to 102, are representations of the goddess mother, the virgin and child, Ishtar, Mylitta, Venus, Sacti, Mary, Yoni, Juno, Mama Ocello, etc. Fig. 7 is a copy of the deified woman or celestial mother, from Idalium, in Cyprus. Fig. 8 is from Egypt, and is remarkable for the cow’s horns (for whose signification, see Vol. I., p. 54), which here replace the lunar crescent, in conjunction with the sun, the two being symbolic of hermaphroditism, whilst above is a seat or throne, emblematic of royalty. The two figures are copied from Rawlinson’s Herodotus, vol. 2, p. 447, in an essay by Sir Gardiner Wilkinson, wherein other illustrations of the celestial virgin are given. Fig. 9 is a copy of plate 59, Moor’s Hindu Pantheon, wherein it is entitled “ Chrisna nursed by Devaki, from a highly finished picture.” In the account of Krishna’s birth and early history as given by Moor {Op cit., pp. 197, et seq .), there is as strong a resemblance to the story of Christ, as the picture here described has to papal paintings of Mary and Jesus. Fig. 10 is an enlarged representation of Devaki. Fig. 11 is copied from Rawlinson’s Ancient Monarchies, vol. 3,p. 399. Fig. 12 is a figure of the mother and child found in ancient Etruria at Volaterrge ; it is depicted in Fabretti’s Italian Glossary, plate 26, figure 349, who describes it as a marble statue, now in the Guarnacci Museum. The letters, which are Etruscan, and read from right to left, may be thus rendered into the ordinary Latin characters from left to right, MI : GANA : LARTHIAS ZANL : VELKINEI : ME — SE.; the translation I take to be, “the votive offering of Larthias (a female) of Zanal, ( = Zancle = Messana in Sicily) (wife) of Velcinius, in the sixth month.” It is uncertain whether we are to regard the statue as an effigy of the celestial mother and child, or as the representation of some devout XVI lady who has been spared during her pregnancy, her parturition, or from some disease affecting herself and child. Analogy would lead us to infer that the Queen of Heaven is intended. Fig. 13 is copied from Hislop’s Two Babylons; it represents Indranee, the wife of Indra or Indur, and is to be found in Indur Subba, the south front of the Caves of Ellora, Asiatic Researches, vol. vi., p. 393. Indra is equivalent to Jupiter Tonans, and is represented as seated on an elephant; “ the waterspout is the trunk of this elephant, and the iris is his bow, which it is not auspicious to point out,” Moor’s Pantheon, p. 260. He is represented very much as if he were a satyr, Moor’s Pantheon, p. 264; but his wife is always spoken of as personified chastity and propriety. Tn dranl is seated on a lioness, which replaces the cow of Isis, the former resembling the latter in her feminine and maternal instincts. Figures 14, 15, page 105, are copies of Diana of the Ephesians ; the first from Hislop, who quotes Kitto’s Illustrated Commentary, vol. 5, p. 205; the second is from Higgins’ Anacalypsis, who quotes MontfauIAIIIIIOC. AYI\ ; on the reverse, EIIMA. YP. AA. ESANAP. OYB. APXI. AIIAMEGN. See Vol. II., pp. 123, and 385-392. PLATE II. Is a copy of an original drawing made by a learned Hindoo pundit for Wm. Simpson, Esq., of London, whilst he was in India studying its mythology. It represents Brahma supreme, who in the act of creation XXX made himself double, i. e., male and female In the original the central part of the figure is occupied by the triad and the unit, but far too grossly shown for reproduction here. They are replaced by the crux ansata. The reader will notice the triad and the serpent in the male hand, whilst in the female is to be seen a germinating seed, indi¬ cative of the relative duties of father and mother. The whole stands upon a lotus, the symbol of androgyneity. The technical word for this incarnation is “ Arddlia Nari.” See infra , Fig. 44, p. 645, representing the same idea, the androgyne being however decently draped. PLATE III. Is Devi, the same as Parvati, or Bhavani. It is copied from Moor’s Pantheon , plate xxx. The goddess represents the feminine element in the universe. Her forehead is marked by one of the symbols of the four creators, the triad, and the unit. Her dress is covered with symbolic spots, and one foot peculiarly placed is marked by a circle having a dot in the interior. The two bear the same signification as the Egyptian eye. I am not able to define the symbolic import of the articles held in the lower hand. Moor considers that they represent scrolls of paper, but this I doubt. The raised hands bear the unopened lotus flower, and the goddess sits upon another. PLATE IV. Consists of six figures copied from Maurice’s Indian Antiquities, vol. vi., p. 273, and two from Bryant’s Mythology, vol. ii., third edition, pp. 203 and 409. All are symbolic of the idea of the male triad: a central figure, erect, and rising above the other two. In one an altar and fire indicate, mystically, the linga; in another, the same is pour- trayed as a man, like Mahadeva always is ; in another, there is a tree stump and serpent, to indicate the same idea. The two appendages of the linga are variously described : in two instances as serpents, in other two as tree and concha, and snake and shell. The two last seem to embody the idea that the right “ egg ” of the male germinates boys, whilst the left produces girls; a theory common amongst ancient physiologists. The figure of the tree encircled by the serpent, and supported by two stones resembling “tolmen,” is very significant. The whole of these figures seem to point unmistakably to the origin of the very common belief that the male Creator is triune. In Assyrian theology the central figure is Bel, Baal, or Asshur; the one on the right Anu, that on the left Hea. See Vol. I., pp. 83-85. XXXI PLATE Y. Contains pagan symbols of the trinity or linga, with or without the unity or yoni. Fig. 1 represents a symbol frequently met with in ancient architec¬ ture, etc. It symbolises the male and female elements, the pillar and the half moon. Fig. 2 represents the mystic letters said to have been placed on the portal of the oracle of Delphi. By some it is proposed to read the two letters as signifying ‘“he or she is; ” by others the letters are taken to be symbolic of the triad and the unit. If they be, the pillar is a very unusual form for the yoni. Fig. 3 is a Hindoo sectarian mark copied from Moor’s Hindu Pantheon , and is one out of many indicating the union of the male and female. Fig. 4 is emblematic of the virgin and child. It identifies the two with the crescent. It is singular that some designers should unite the moon with the solar symbol, and others with the virgin. We believe that the first indicate ideas like that associated with Baalim, Ashtaroth in the plural, the second that of Astarte or Venus in the singular- Or, as we may otherwise express it, the married and the immaculate virgin. Fig. 5 is copied from Sharpe’s Egyptian Mythology, p. 15. It represents one of the Egyptian trinities, and is highly symbolic, not only indicating the triad, here Osiris, Isis, and Nepthys, but its union with the female element. The central god Osiris is himself triune, as he bears the horns symbolic of the goddess Athor and the feathers of the god Ra. Fig. 6 is a Hindoo sectarial mark, from Moor’s Hindu Pantheon. The lozenge indicates the yoni. For this assertion we not only have evidence in Babylonian gems copied by Lajard, but in Indian and Etruscan designs. We find, for example, in vol. v., plate xlv., of Antiquites Etrusques, etc., par F. A. David (Paris, 1785), a draped female, wearing on her breast a half moon and mural crown, holding her hands over the middle spot of the body, so as to form a “ lozenge ” with the forefingers and thumbs. The triad in this figure is very distinct, and we may add that a trinity expressed by three balls or three circles is to be met with in the remotest times and in most distant countries. Figs. 7, 8, 9 and 10 are copied from Cabrera’s account of an ancient city discovered near Palenque, in Guatemala, Spanish Ame¬ rica (London, 1822). Although they appear to have a sexual design, XXX11 yet I doubt whether the similarity is not accidental. After a close examination of the plates given by Cabrera, I am inclined to think that nothing of the linga-yoni element prevailed in the mind of the ancient American sculptors. All the males are care¬ fully draped in appropriate girdles, although in some a grotesque or other ornament, such as a human or bestial head, a flower, etc. is attached to the apron or “ fall ” of the girdle, resembling the sporran of the Highlander and the codpiece of mediaeval knights and others. I may, however, mention some very remarkable sculptures copied ; one is a tree whose trunk is surrounded by a serpent, and whose fruit is shaped like the vesica piscis ; in another is seen a youth wholly unclothed, save by a cap and gaiters, who kneels before a similar tree, being threatened before and behind by some fierce animal. This figure is peculiar, differing from all the rest in having an Euro¬ pean rather than an American head and face. Indeed, the features, etc., remind me of the late Mr. Cobden, and the cap is such as yachting sailors usually wear. There is also another remarkable group, consist¬ ing apparently of a man and woman standing before a cross, propor¬ tioned like the conventional one in use amongst Christians. Every¬ thing indicate American ideas, and there are ornaments or designs wholly unlike any that I have seen elsewhere. The man appears to offer to the cross a grotesque human figure, with a head not much unlike Punch, with a turned-up nose, and a short pipe shaped like a fig in his mouth, The body is well formed, but the arms and thighs are rounded off like “ flippers ” or “ fins.” Resting at the top of the cross is a bird, like a game cock, ornamented by a necklace. The male in this and the other sculptures is beardless, and that women are depicted, can only be guessed at by the inferior size of some of the figures. It would be unprofitable to carry the description farther. Figs. 11, 12, are from vol. i., plates xix. and xxiii., of a remarkably interesting work, Recherches sur V origine V esprit et les progres des Arts de la Grece, said to be written by D’Harcanville, published at London, 1785. The first represents a serpent, coiled so as to symbolise the male triad, and the crescent, the emblem of the yoni. Fig. 12 accompanies the bull on certain coins, and symbolises the sexual elements, le baton et V anneau. Fig. 13 is, like figure 5, from Sharpe’s Egyptian Mythology, p. 14, and is said to represent Isis, Nepthys, and Osiris. One of the many Mizraite triads. The Christian trinity is of Egyptian origin. Fig. 14 is a spmbol frequently seen in Greek churches, but XXX111 appears to be of pre-christian origin. The cross we have already described as being a compound male emblem, whilst the crescent symbolises the female element in creation Figure 15 is from D’ Harcanville, Op. cit., vol. i., p. xxiii. It resembles Figure 11, supra, and enables us by the introduction of the sun and moon to verify the deduction drawn from the arrangement of the serpent’s coils. If the snake’s body, instead of being curved above the 8 like tail, were straight, it would simply indicate the linga and the sun; the bend in its neck, however, indicates the yoni and the moon. ' Figure 16 is copied from plate xvi., fig. 2, of Recueil de Pierres Antiques Graves, folio, by J. M. Raponi (Rome, 1786). The gem represents a sacrifice to Priapus, indicated by the rock, pillar, figure, and branches given in our plate. A nude male sacrifices a goat; a draped female holds a kid ready for immolation ; a second man, nude, plays the double pipe, and a second woman, draped, bears a vessel on her head, probably containing wine for a libation. Figure 17 is from vol. i. Reclnerches , etc., plate xxii. In this medal the triad is formed by a man and two coiled serpents on the one side of the medal, whilst on the reverse are seen a tree, surrounded by a snake, situated between two rounded stones, with a dog and a conch shell below. See supra, Plate iv., Fig. 6. PLATE VI. —With two exceptions, Figures 4 and 9,— exhibits Christian emblems of the trinity or linga, and the unity or yoni, alone or combined; the whole being copied from Pugin’s Glossary of Ecclesiastical Ornament (London, 1869). Fig. I is copied from Pugin, plate xvii., and indicates a double union of the trinity with the unity, here represented as a ring, Vanneau. Figs. 2, 3, are from Pugin, plate xiv. In figure 2, the two covered balls at the base of each limb of the cross are extremely significant, and if the artist had not mystified the free end, the most obtuse worshipper must have recognised the symbol. We may add here that in the two forms of the Maltese cross, the position of the lingam is reversed, and the egg-shaped bodies, with their cover, are at the free end of each limb, whilst the natural end of the organ is left unchanged. See Vol. I., Figs. 36, 37, p. 151. This form of cross is Etruscan. Fig. 3 is essentially the same as the preceding, and both may be compared with Fig. 4. The balls in XXXIV this cross are uncovered, and the free end of each limb of the cross is but slightly modified. Fig. 4 is copied in a conventional form from plate xxxv., fig. 4, of Two Essays on the Worship of Priapus (London, 1865). It is thus described (page 147): “ The object was found at St. Agata di Goti, near Naples.It is a crux ansata formed by four phalli, with a circle of female organs round the centre; and appears by the look to have been intended for suspension. As this cross is of gold, it had no doubt been made for some personage of rank, possibly an ecclesiastic.” We see here very distinctly the design of the egg- and systrum-shaped bodies. When we have such an unmistakable bi¬ sexual cross before our eyes, it is impossible to ignore the signification of Figs. 2 and 8, and Plate vii., Figs. 4 and 7. See supra, Figs. 36, 37, Vol. I., p. 151. Figs. 5, 6 are from Pugin, plates 14 and 15, and represent the trinity with the unity, the triune god and the virgin united in one. Fig. 7 represents the central lozenge and one limb of a cross, figured plate xiv. of Pugin. In this instance the Maltese cross is united with the symbol of the virgin, being essentially the same as Fig. 9, infra. It is a modified form of the crux ansata. Fig. 8 is a compound trinity, being the finial of each limb of an ornamental cross. Pugin, plate xv. Fig. 9 is a well known Egyptian symbol, borne in the hand of almost every divinity. It is a cross, with one limb made to represent the female element in creation. The name that it technically bears is crux ansata, or “the cross with a handle.” A reference to Fig. 4 serves to verify the idea which it involves. Fig. 10 is from Pugin, plate xxxv. In this figure the cross is made by the intersection of two ovals, each a vesica piscis, an emblem of the yoni. Within each limb a symbol of the trinity is seen, each of which is associated with the central ring. Fig. 11 is from Pugin, plate xix., and represents the arbor vitce, the branch, or tree of life, as a triad, with which the ring is united. PLATE VII. Contains both pagan and Christian emblems. Fig. 1 is from Pugin, plate xviii., and is a very common finial representing the trinity. Its shape is too significant to require an explanation; yet with such emblems our Christian churches abound ! XXXY Fig. 2 is from Pugin, plate xxi. It is a combination of ideas con¬ cealing the union patent in Fig. 4, PI. vi., supra. Fig. 3 is from Moor’s Hindu Pantheon. It is an ornament borne by Devi, and symbolises the union of the triad with the unit. Fig. 4 is from Pugin, plate xxxii. It is a double cross made up of the male and female emblems. It is a conventionalised form of Fig. 4, Plate vi., supra. Such eight-rayed figures, made like stars, seem to have been very ancient, and to have been designed to indicate the junction of male and female. Fig. 5 is from Pugin, plate xvii., and represents the trinity and the unity. Fig. 6 is a Buddhist emblem from Birmah, Journal of Royal Asiatic Society , vol. xviii., p. 392, plate i., fig. 52. It represents the short sword, le bracquemard, a male symbol. Fig. 7 is from Pugin, plate xvii. See plate vi., fig. 3, supra. Figs. 8, 9, 10, 11, 12 are Buddhist (see Fig. 6, supra), and sym¬ bolise the triad. Figs. 13, 14, 15, 16, 17 are from Pugin, and simply represent the trinity. Figs. 18 and 19 are common Grecian emblems. The first is associated with Neptune and water, the second with Bacchus. With the one we see dolphins, emblems of the womb, the name of the two being assonant in Greek ; with the other, must be coupled the saying, sine Baccho et Cerere friget Venus. PLATE VIII. Consists of various emblems of the triad and the unit, drawn almost exclusively from Grecian, Etruscan, Roman, and Indian gems, figures, coins, or sculptures, Maffei’s Gemme Antiche Figurate, Raponi’s Recueil, and Moor’s Hindu Pantheon, being the chief authorities. FIGURES IN THE TEXT. Figures 1, 2, page 191, represent the Buddhist cross and one of its arms. The first shows the union of four phalli. The single one being a conventional form of a well-known organ. This form of cross does not essentially differ from the Maltese cross. In the latter, Asher stands perpendicularly to Anu and Hea; in the former it is at right angles to them. “The pistol” is a well-known name amongst our soldiery, and four such joined together by the muzzle would form the Buddhist cross. Compare Figure 38, Vol. I., p. 151. XXXVI - Figures 3, 4, 5, page 191, indicate the union of the four creators, the trinity and the unity. Not having at hand any copy of an ancient key, I have used a modern one; but this makes no essential difference in the symbol. Figures 6, 7, page 191, are copied from Lajard, Sur le Culte de Venus , plate ii. They represent ornaments held in the hands of a great female figure, sculptured in has relief on a rock at Yazili Kaia, near to Boghaz Keni, in Anatolia, and described by M. C. Texier in 1834. The goddess is crowned with a tower, to indicate virginity; in her right hand she holds a staff, shown in Figure 7, in the other, that given in Figure 6 ; she stands upon a lioness, and is attended by an antelope. Figure 6 is a complicated emblem of the ‘ four.’ Figure 8, 12, pages 220, 222, are copied from Moor’s Hindu Pan¬ theon, plate lxxxiii. They represent the lingam and the yoni, which amongst the Indians are regarded as emblems of God, much in the same way as a crucifix is esteemed by certain modern Christians. Figures 9, 10, 11, pages 221, 222, from Moor, plate lxxxvi., are forms of the argha, or sacred sacrificial cup, bowl, or basin, which represent the yoni and many other things besides. See Moor, Hindu Pantheon , pp. 393, 394. Figure 14, page 254. Copied from Rawlinson’s Ancient Monarchies, vol. i., p. 176, represents Ishtar, the Assyrian representative of Devi, Parvati, Isis, Astarte, Venus, and Mary. The virgin and child are to be found everywhere, even in ancient Mexico. Figures 15, 16, page 259, are copied from Lajard, Sur le Culte de Venus. The first is from plate xiv. b, fig. 5, and represents a male and female, the symbolic triad and unit. The star on the left appears to indicate “ the four.” The staff below is mystical, and as yet I have not met with anything to explain its meaning. The second represents the male and female as the sun and moon, thus identifying the symbolic sex of those luminaries. The legend in the Pehlevi characters has not been interpreted. Lajard, plate xix., fig. 6. Figure 17, page 260, is taken from a mediaeval woodcut, lent to me by my friend, Mr. John Newton, to whom I am indebted for the sight of, and the privilege to copj^, many other figures. In it the virgin Mary is seen as the Queen of Heaven, nursing her infant, and identified with the crescent moon. Being before the sun, she almost eclipses its light. Than this, nothing could more completely identify the Christian mother and child with Isis and Horus, Ishtar, Venus, Juno, and a XXXY11 host of other pagan goddesses, who have been called ‘ Queen of Heaven,’ ‘ Spouse of God,’ the ‘ Celestial Virgin,’ etc. Figure 18, page 261, is a common device in papal churches and pagan symbolism. It is intended to indicate the sun and moon in conjunction, the union of the triad with the unit. I may notice, in passing, that Mr. Newton has showed to me some mediaeval woodcuts, in which the young unmarried women in a mixed assemblage were indicated by wearing upon their foreheads a crescent moon. Figure 19, page 262, is a Buddhist symbol, or rather a copy of Maitnya Bodhisatwa, from the monastery of Gopach, in the valley of Nepaul. It is taken from Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, vol. xviii., p. &94. The horseshoe, like the vesica piscis of the Boman church, indicates the yoni; the last, taken from some cow, mare, or donkey, being used in eastern parts where we now use their shoes, to keep off the evil eye. It is remarkable that some nations should use the female organ, or an effigy thereof, as a charm against ill luck, whilst others adopt the male symbol. In Ireland, a female shamelessly exhibiting herself was to be found sculptured over the door of certain churches, within the last century. See Vol. I., p. 114, and Vol. II., p. 262. The male in the centre sufficiently explains itself. That some Buddhists have mingled sexuality with their ideas of religion, may be seen in plate ii. of Emil Schlagintweit’s Atlas of Buddhism in Tibet, wherein Vajarsattva, “ The God above all,” is represented as a male and female conjoined. Rays, as of the sun, pass from the group ; and all are enclosed in an ornate oval, or horse¬ shoe, like that in this figure. I may also notice in passing, that the goddess Doljang (a.d. 617-98) has the stigmata in her hands and feet, like those assigned to Jesus of Nazareth and Francis of Assisi. Figure 20 is a copy of the medal issued to pilgrims at the shrine of the virgin at Loretto. It was lent to me by Mr. Newton, but my engraver has omitted to make the face of the mother and child black, as it ought to be. Instead of the explanation given in the text, of the adoption of a black skin for Mary and her son, D’Harcanville sug¬ gests that it represents night, the period during which the feminine creator is most propitious or attentive to her duties. It is unnecessary to contest the point, for almost every symbol has more interpreta¬ tions given to it than one. I have sought in vain for even a plausible reason for the blackness of certain virgins and children, in certain -c- XXXV111 papal shrines, which is compatible with decency and Christianity. It is clear that the matter will not bear the light. Figure 21, page 276, is from Lajard, Op. cit., plate iii., fig. 8. It represents the sun, moon, and a star, probably Yenus, The legend is in Phoenician, and may be read LNBRB, the diamond being a symbol of Yenus or the yoni; or it may stand for the letter V ain = a, g, or o. Figure 22, page 277, is from Lajard, plate i., figure 8. It represents a priest before a vacant throne or chair, which is surmounted by the sun and moon, and a curious cross-shaped rod and triangle ; before the throne is the diamond or oval, which symbolises the female, and behind it is the palm tree, an emblem of the male. In the temple of the Syrian goddess the seat of the sun was empty. See Vol. II., p. 788. Figure 23, page 278, is Harpocrates, on a lotus, adoring the emblem of woman; see Figure 95, p. 497, ante. Lajard and others state that homage, such as is here depicted, is actually paid in some parts of Palestine and India to the living symbol; the worshipper on bended knees offering to it, la bouche inferieure, with or without a silent prayer, his food before he eats it. A corresponding homage is paid by female devotees to the masculine emblem of the scheik or patriarch, which is devoutly kissed by all the women of the tribe on one solemn occasion during the year, when the old ruler sits in state to receive the homage. The emblem is, for many, of greater sanctity than a crucifix. Such homage is depicted in Picart’s Religious Ceremonies of all the people in the World, original French edition, plate 71. See also The Dabistan, translated from the Persian (London, 1843, vol. ii., pp. 148-153). Figures 24, 25, pages 325, 326, are explained above, Figure 18. Figure 26, page 329, is copied from Bryant’s Ancient Mythology, 3rd edition, vol. iii., p. 193. That author states that he copied it from Spanheim, but gives no other reference. It is apparently from a Greek medal, and has the word CAMIS2N as an inscription. It is said to represent Juno, Sami, or Selenitis, with the sacred peplum. The figure is remarkable for showing the identity of the moon, the lozenge, and the female. It is doubtful whether the attitude of the goddess is intended to represent the cross. Figure 27, page 329, is a composition taken from Bryant, vol. iv., p. 286. The rock, the water, the crescent moon as an ark, and the dove hovering over it, are all symbolical; but though the author of it is right in his grouping, it is clear that he is not aware of its full signification. XXXIX The reader will readily gather it from our articles upon the Ark and Water, and from our remarks upon the dove. Figure 28, page 351, is explained. Fig. 16, page 106, Vol. I., ante. Figure 29, page 352. See Figure 16, page 259, Yol. II., ante. Figure 30, page 354. See Figure 9, page 99, Vol. I., ante. Figure 31, page 398, is from Lajard, plate xxii., fig. 3. It is the impression of an archaic Babylonian cylinder, and is supposed to represent Oannes, or the fish deity. It is supposed that Dagon of the Philistines resembled the two figures supporting the central one. Figure 32, page 399, is from Lajard, plate xxii., fig. 5, and is sup¬ posed to represent a priest of the fish god. The fish’s head appears to be the origin of the modern bishop’s mitre. Figure 33, page 475. See Figure 19, supra. Figure 34, page 491, is copied from Maffei’s Gemme Antiche Figu- rate, vol. 3, plate 40. In the original, the figure upon the pillar is very conspicuously phallic, and the whole composition indicates what was associated with the worship of Priapus. This so-called god was regarded much in the same light as St. Cosmo and St. Damian were at Isernia, and St. Foutin in Christian France. He was not really a deity, only a sort of Saint, whose business it was to attend to certain parts. As the Pagan Hymen and Lucina attended upon weddings and parturitions, so the Christian Cosmo and Damian attended to spouses, and assisted in making them fruitful. To the last two were offered, by sterile wives, wax effigies of the part cut off from the nude figure in our plate. To the heathen saint, we see a female votary offer quince leaves, equivalent to la feuille de sauge, egg-shaped bread, apparently a cake; also an ass’s head; whilst her attendant offers a pine cone, and carries a basket containing apples and phalli. This gem is valu¬ able, inasmuch as it assists us to understand the signification of the pine cone offered to ‘ the grove,’ the equivalent of le verger de Gypris. The pillar and its base are curiously significant, and demonstrate how completely an artist can appear innocent, whilst to the initiated he unveils a mystery. Figures 35, 36, 37, page 493, are various contrivances for indicating decently that which it is generally thought religious to conceal, la bequille, ou les instrumens. Figure 38, p. 494, represents the same subject; the cuts are grouped so as to show how the knobbed stick, le baton , becomes converted either into a bent rod, la verge , or a priestly crook, le baton pastoral. There xl is no doubt that the episcopal crozier is a presentable effigy of a very private and once highly venerated portion of the human frame. Figures 39, 40, 41, p. 495, are, like the preceding four, copied from various antique gems; Fig. 39 represents a steering oar, le timon, and is usually held in the hand of good fortune, or as moderns would say, “ Saint Luck,” or bonnes fortunes; Fig. 40 is emblematic of Cupid, or Saint Desire; it is synonymous with le dctrd, or la pique; Fig. 41 is a form less common in gems; it represents the hammer, le marteau qui frappe V enclume et forge les enfans. The ancients had as many pictorial euphemisms as ourselves, and when these are understood they enable us to comprehend many a legend otherwise dim; e.g., when Fortuna, or luck, always depicted as a woman, has for her charac¬ teristic le timon, and for her motto the proverb, “ Fortune favours the bold,” we readily understand the double entendre. The steering oar indicates power, knowledge, skill, and bravery in him who wields it; without such a guide, few boats would attain a prosperous haven. Figure 42, page 612, is copied from plate 29 of Pugin’s Glossary of Ecclesiastical Ornament (Lond., 1868). The plate represents “ a pattern for diapering,” and is, I presume, thoroughly orthodox. It consists of the double triangle, see Figures 21, 31, 32, Vol. I., pp. 119-146, the emblems of Siva and Parvati, the male and female; of Rimmon the pomegranate, the emblem of the ertile womb, which is seen full of seed through the “ vesica piscis,” la fente , or la porte de la vie. There are also two new moons, emblems of Venus, or la nature, introduced. The crown above the pomegranate represents the triad, and the number four; whilst in the original the group which we copy is surrounded by various forms of the triad, all of which are as characteristic of man as Rimmon is of woman. There are also circles enclosing the triad, analogous to other symbols common in Hindostan. Figure 43, page 642, is copied from Moor’s Hindu Pantheon, pi. 9, fig. 3. It represents Bavani, Maia, Devi, Lakshmi, or Kamala, one of the many forms given to female nature. She bears in one hand the lotus, emblem of self-fructification, whilst in the other she holds her infant Krishna, Ohristna, or Vishnu. Such groups are as common in India as in Italy, in Pagan temples as in Christian churches. The idea of the mother and child is pictured in every ancient country, of whose art any remains exist. Figure 44, page 645, is taken from plate 24, fig. 1, of Moor’s Hindu Pantheon. It represents a subject often depicted by the Hindoos and the Greeks, viz., androgynism, the union of the male and female xli creators. The technical word is Arddha-Nari. The male on the right side bears the emblems of Siva or Maliadeva, the female on the left those of Parvati or Sacti. The bull and lioness are emblematic of the masculine and feminine powers. The mark on the temple indicates the union of the two ; an aureole is seen around the head, as in modern pictures of saints. In this picture the Ganges rises from the male, the idea being that the stream from Mahadeva is as copious and fertilising as that mighty river. The metaphor here depicted is common in the East, and is precisely the same as that quoted from some lost Hebrew book in John vii. 38, and in Num. xxiv. 7. It will be noticed, that the Hindoos express androgyneity quite as conspicuously, but generally much less indelicately, than the Grecian artists. Figure 45, page 647, is a common Egyptian emblem, said to signify eternity, but in truth it has a wider meaning. The serpent and the ring indicate V andouille and V anneau , and the tail of the animal, which the mouth appears to swallow, la queue dans la bouche. The symbol resembles the crux ansata in its signification, and imports that life upon the earth is rendered perpetual by means of the union of the sexes. A ring, or circle, is one of the symbols of Venus, who carries indifferently this, or the triad emblem of the male. See Maffei’s Gems, vol. iii., page 1, plate 8. Figure 46, page 647, is the vesica piscis, or fish’s bladder; the em¬ blem of woman and of the virgin, as may be seen in the two following. Figures 47 and 48, page 648, are copied from a Rosary of the Blessed Virgin Mary, printed at Venice, 1582, with a license from the Inquisition ; the book being lent to me by my friend, Mr. Newton. The first represents the same part as the Assyrian grove. It may appropriately be called the Holy Yoni. The book in question contains other analogous figures, all resembling closely the Mesopotamian emblem of Ishtar. The presence of the woman therein identifies the two as symbolic of Isis, or la nature; and a man bowing down in adoration thereof shows the same idea as is depicted in Assyrian sculptures, where males offer to the goddess symbols of themselves. Compare Figs. 62, 64, 65, 67, Vol. I., pp, 159-161. If I had been able to search through the once celebrated Alex¬ andrian library, it is doubtful whether I could have found any pictorial representation more illustrative of the relationship of certain symbolic forms to each other than is Figure 48. A circle of angelic heads, form¬ ing a sort of sun, having luminous rays outside, and a dove, the em¬ blem of Venus, darts a spear (la pique) down upon the earth (la terre), xlii or the virgin. This being received, fertility follows. In Grecian story, Ouranos and Ge, or heaven and earth, were the parents of creation; and Jupiter came from heaven to impregnate Alcmena. The same mythos prevailed throughout all civilised nations. Christianity adopted the idea, merely altering the names of the respective parents, and attributed the regeneration of the world to “holy breath” and Mary- Every individual, indeed, extraordinarily conspicuous for wisdom, power, goodness, etc., is said to have been begotten on a virgin by a celestial father. Within the vesica piscis, artists usually repre¬ sent the virgin herself, with or without the child ; in the figure before us the child takes her place. It is difficult to believe that the eccle¬ siastics who sanctioned the publication of such a print could have been as ignorant as modern ritualists. It is equally difficult to believe that the latter, knowing the real meaning of the symbols commonly used by the Roman church, would adopt them. Figures 49 to 63, page 649, are copied from Moor’s Hindu Pan¬ theon ; they are sectarial marks in India, and usually traced on the forehead. Many resemble what are known as masons’ marks, i.e., designs found on tooled stones, in various ancient edifices, like our own ‘trade marks.’ They are introduced to illustrate the various designs employed to indicate the union of the “ trinity ” with the “ unity,” and the numerous forms representative of “ la nature .” A priori, it appears absurd to suppose that the eye could ever have been symbolical of anything but sight; but the mythos of Indra, given in note 129, page 649, proves that it has another and a hidden meaning. These figures are alike emblematic of the “ trinity,” “ the virgin,” and “ the four.” Figure 64, page 650, represents a part of the Roman vestments, called, I believe, a pallium; in shape it resembles the systrum of Isis, and is indicative of the yoni; when donned by a Christian priest, he resembles the pagan male worshippers, who wore a female dress when they ministered before the altar or shrine of a goddess. Possibly the Hebrew ephod was of this form and nature. Figure 65, page 650, is taken from Pugin’s Glossary of Ecclesiastical Ornaments; it represents the chasuble, and the yoni. When worn by the minister, “ the four ” are completed. The priest also thus worships, with the emblem of the virgin as part of his dress. The alb, which is also worn by Roman ecclesiastics, is a woman’s chemise; so that these priests are clothed as far as possible in garments intentionally feminine. Even the tonsured head, adopted from the priests of the Egyptian Isis, represents “ V anneau so that on head, shoulders, breast, and xliii body, we may see in Christian churches the relics of the worship of Venus and the adoration of woman ! See Vestments, Vol. II., p. 914. Figure 66, page 650, is from Pugin, plate 5, figure 3. It is the out¬ line of a pectoral ornament worn by some Roman ecclesiastic in Italy, a. d. 1400; it represents the Egyptian crux ansata under another form, the T signifying the triad, the O the unit. Figure 67, page 650, is taken from Knight’s Pictorial History of England, and represents a mediaeval bishop. The aureole, the tonsure, the pallium adorned with the phallic cross, and the apple in the hand, are all relics of pagandom, and adoration of sexual emblems. Figure 68, page 651, represents the cup and wafer, to be found in the hands of many effigies of papal bishops; they are alike symbolic of the sun and moon, and of the “ elements ” in the Eucharist. See Pugin, plate iv., figs. 5, 6. Figures 68*, 69, pages 744, 745, are different forms of the sistrum, one of the emblems of Isis. In the first, the triple bars have one signi¬ fication, which will readily suggest itself to those who know the mean¬ ing of the triad. In the second, the emblem of the trinity, which we have been obliged to conventionalise, is shown in a distinct manner. The cross bars indicate that Isis is a virgin The cat at the top of the instrument indicates ‘ desire,’ Cupid, or Eros, The last is copied from plate x., R. P. Knight’s Worship of, etc. Figure 70, page 746, represents the various forms symbolic of Juno, Isis, Parvati, Ishtar, Mary, or woman, or the virgin. Figures 71, 72, 73, page 767, are copied from Audsley’s Christian Symbolism (London, 1868). They are ornaments worn by the Virgin Mary, and represent her as the crescent moon, conjoined with the cross (in Fig. 71), with the collar of Isis (in Fig. 72), and with the double triangle (in Fig. 73). Figure 74, page 881, represents a common tortoise, with the head retracted and advanced. When it is seen that there is a strong resemblance between this creature and the linga, we can readily understand why both in India and in Greece the animal should be regarded as sacred to the goddess personifying the female creator, and why in Hindoo mythoses it is said to support the world. Figures 75, 76, page 885, represent a pagan and Christian cross and trinity. The first is copied from R. P. Knight (plate x., fig. 1), and represents a figure found on an ancient coin of Apollonia. The second may be seen in any of our churches to-day. Figure 77, page 887, is from an old papal book lent to me by xliv Mr. Newton, Missale Romanum, written by a monk (Venice, 1509). It represents a confessor of the Roman church, who wears the crux ansata, the Egyptian symbol of life, the emblem of the four creators, in the place of the usual pallium. It is remarkable that a Christian church should have adopted so many pagan symbols as Rome has done. Figure 78, page 887, is copied from a small bronze figure in the Mayer collection in the Free Museum, Liverpool. It represents the feminine creator holding a well marked lingam in her hand, and is thus emblematic of the four, or the trinity and the virgin. Figure 79, page 887, represents two Egyptian deities in worship before an emblem of the triad Figure 80, page 917, represents the modern pallium worn by Roman priests. It represents the ancient systrum of Isis, and the yoni of the Hindoos. It is symbolic of the celestial virgin, and the unit in the creative four. Figure 81, page 917, is a copy of an ancient pallium, worn by papal ecclesiastics two or three centuries ago. It is an old Egyptian symbol, representing the male and female elements united. Its common name is crux ansata. Figure 82, page 917, is the alb worn by Roman and other eccle¬ siastics when officiating at mass, etc. It is simply a copy of the chemise ordinarily worn by women as an under garment. Figure 83, page 917, represents the chasuble worn by papal hier¬ archs. It is copied from Pugin’s Glossary, etc. Its form is that of the vesica piscis, one of the most common emblems of the yoni. It is adorned by the triad When worn by the priest, he forms the male element, and with the chasuble completes the sacred four. When worshipping the ancient goddesses, whom Mary had replaced, the officiating ministers clothed themselves in feminine attire. Hence the use of the chemise, etc. Figure 84, page 925, is a very common form of yoni and linga in Hindostan. In worship, ghee , or oil, or water, is poured over the pillar, and allowed to run off by the spout. Sometimes the pillar is adorned by a necklace. See Moor’s Hindu Pantheon , plate xxii. INTRODUCTORY. CHAPTER I. The origin of names. Assumed by or given to adults. In ancient time names were conferred on individuals in infancy. Names given by Parents, or by Priests, or by Oracles. Not hereditary in early times. God-given names tell us of the names and nature of the God or Gods worshipped at the time when certain appellatives were given. Some names appear to be appropriate to the character or career of the individuals who bore them. This indicates mythic writing. The judgment required in recognising mythoses. The motives which influence moderns in their selection of names for their children. Descent of names of unknown significance. Puritan idea of names. Example of ancient names current at present. Names are carried from old to new countries. Examples of Spanish names in America, telling of religious faith—of English names, telling of men or towns in the old country. Names adopted by explorers from aborigines — how changed — sound — the origin of spelling — propensity to assimilate an unknown sound to a known word: Examples — Green, Brown. Varieties in spelling with similarity in sound. The Bed Indian of America assumes no name, until he has been, by many painful probations and sundry rites and ceremonies, introduced into the ranks of men and warriors. He then assumes some such title as “ The Agile Deer,” “ The Fierce Bear,” “ The Cunning Snake,” and the like; he changes it at will, and always on an upward scale. But the name is personal, it does not descend to his children. Amongst the American aborigines, there are “ medicine men,” but there is no regular class of priests to any settled worship. Belief in the present suffices for the savage : like a child he is cowed by imaginary terrors, but those terrors A 2 have not been reduced to a system. The Negro resembles the Red Indian. Dread of the unseen is perhaps common to us all. The comparatively savage denizens of some of our mine districts, and elsewhere, resemble the American too they are “ Long Bill,” “ Broad Bottom,” “ Squinting Dick,” or any other name appropriate to the individual. These names do not descend to their offspring. In some parts the father has a single name, and his son takes for a second one that of his parent, and “Tom of Jones,” or “William ap Richard,” is the name of a person who neither receives nor transmits a family cognomen. In no country at the present day, that I know of, is the name of an individual given ostensibly by Divine authority. Yet in days gone by, in Chald£ea, Assyria, Egypt, Judea, and in Phoenicia, names as a rule were given apparently by the Oracle of God, but really by the Priest officiating thereat. In fixing the cognomen he was judicious enough always to introduce the name of the God of whom he said he was the mouthpiece. As there were Schools of Prophets founded by Samuel in Judea, so we may believe that there were schools of a similar kind elsewhere, whose model he followed. These Schools would bring about a certain uniformity of doctrine, and would prevent, to a great extent, individual caprice in those educated for the Oracle. Consequently, we should expect diversity in detail in the names given, but unity of purpose — the glorifi¬ cation of the God. When all persons, from the King to the meanest slave, owe their names to the Priest of the Temple which they attend, we can easily understand that none would presume to choose a name for his offspring so long as he had access to the holy man. But if by the chances of war, or by a voluntary or forced emigration, a man was not able to have his child named by 8 Divine command, he would naturally give to the young hoy or girl his own name, and unite it with some other old one. If “ God-given ” to him , it could not be unlucky for his child. Thus, we may infer, it happened, that certain names became hereditary; and if we allow this reasoning, we conclude that hereditary names tell of a past race of devout religious men, governed by an earnest priesthood, who, like the Romish ministers in the efernal city, used to take part in every important event of life. They tell also of a severance between priest and people, and compulsory, rather than optional succession. We find that in Chaldsea and Assyria every child was named by the Oracle or the Priest — and one cognomen recorded in the Cuneiform inscriptions was translated by Rawlinson as “Nebo gave the name.” All the Old Testament kings, priests, captains, and other great men seem in like manner to have had names given to them as individuals, each one expressive of some religious dogma; and the name was given at circumcision, or soon after birth . 1 The practice seems to have disappeared during the troubled times following the return from “ the Captivity ”— for we find that when John the Baptist was ready to receive his name, he was about to be called after the name of some of his kindred, until his father authoritatively dictated a new one. This is the first evidence we have in the Bible of hereditary names . 2 This episode teaches us, that names were given at that period to the child while still young; and we infer that a similar practice existed in the time of David, for shortly after the birth of his second son by Bathsheba, he receives the name of Solomon from his father, and the name of Jedidiah through the intervention 1 See Gen. iv. 1. xxix. xxx., Sam. i. 20, Luke i. 59. 2 From other evidence, — see Kitto’s Cyclopaedia, new edition, article Education,—it appears that names were hereditary in certain families for more than two centuries before Christ. 4 of Nathan the Prophet. It is of importance to note, that the practice thus indicated seems to have been universal; and the exceptions are few in which the original God-given name was changed. It would indeed have been blasphemous to alter, or even to supplement, the original cognomen given by the Oracle, and such alteration can only have been effected by a second divine command; or (as in the case of Daniel and his fellows) whfcre the original name, telling of a heretic faith, was by royal or divine authority suppressed, to give place to one telling of a more orthodox belief. When once this point is conceded,—and all who know Scripture history, the naming of Cain, Abel, Seth, Reuben, Gad, Samuel, Esau, Jacob, and many others, as children, must concede it readily,— it will follow, that the name given can have nothing to do with the future of the infant. It would be absurd to call a baby u The warrior of Jehovah,” or a female nursling “ The fair one of El,” or a puling infant “ A cord with a noose .” 3 We conclude, therefore, that the cognomen must refer to the deity after whom the child is called, rather than to any thing peculiar to the individual case. In this view we are supported by the fact, that the word Noah is given to the hero of the Deluge, and to one of the daughters of Zelophehad alike; and that in the Cuneiform inscriptions of Assyria and Chaldaea no distinction can he found between male and female appellatives. We expect then to find, in the ancient names of what are called the Shemitic races, the names of the Gods worshipped by the parents of the children — either alone or joined to some attribute ; as “ God the good ”—“ The just ”—“ The merciful ”—“ The strong,” or “ The warrior God.” But as the Almighty had then as now many appellatives, the changes were rung upon these, and we have “ God (is) El,” or “ God the El,” or “ God Jah,” or “ El Jah,” “ El, or II, the Mother,” 3 See Rebekkah, in Vocabulary. 5 or “ The mother El,” “El the father,” or “The father Jah,” “ Jah is high,” “ El is bright,” &c. By analysing Ancient appellatives in different nations, we are able to trace out the names and attributes of their divinities, and to compare their respective faiths. When the cognomens used by various nations resemble each other closely, we naturally presume that they have something in common; and when we find the names in one people differ so grea/tly from those of another that no resemblance can be traced in any, we conclude that the two are distinct in their origin and faith. But another inference to be drawn from the practice of naming children in infancy cannot be passed by in silence ; viz., if we, in any past history, find that the only name given to an individual has strict reference to some peculiar quality of the full grown man, or woman, it is far more probable that such name was given by some writer in his study, than by parents, or by an oracle of God. As yet few names have been found in Chaldaea, Assyria, Phoenicia—and, I think, in Palestine generally—which do not contain the name of a deity, his attributes or his qualities, &c. To take the name of a God and apply it to a man could only be done by one who did not know, or care for, the Majesty of the Supreme, or who wished to elevate his hero to equality with the Most High. An illustration of my meaning is furnished by the two well known names of Abraham and Sarah, both of whom were Chaldees, born of Chaldee parents, and most probably named by a Chaldee Priest. Their meaning is “The Great Father,” and “The Celestial Mother.” Yet the historian speaks of them as if their appellation was given to them on account of something which happened nearly a century afterwards. The names are taken by the historian as the basis of a sort of Prophetic pun. This would lead the philosopher to consider 6 the story as mythical; and I shall, in the course of the inquiry, show far stronger reason than this to believe that it is so. It is usual to say, in cases of the kind adverted to, that a name has been given prophetically — we have a few such examples in profane writers — and then the explana¬ tion is, that the prophecy or the oracle was a fiction of the historian. I see no reason to believe that the same fiction was unknown to those called sacred authors. Each writer on divine subjects wishes to demonstrate that the theology he has adopted is superior to all others; and we, who know the falsification of modern history for religious purposes, may well believe it to have existed in ancient times, when there was far less regard to truth than even exists now. A Chaldaean of old might have believed the stories of Berosus and rejected those told by Samuel; a Jew would do just the reverse; the impartial critic, weighing both in the same scale, might doubt them all, though he could persuade neither Jew nor Babylonian to modify his faith in each respectively. The Komanist, taught by his Church to put implicit faith in all her teachings, credits, as he is bound to do, all the stories of miracles worked by Saints and Virgins which are put forth by authority; to disbelieve them is an act of impiety. Yet there are others, of different faith, who do not scruple to laugh at them all as transparent frauds. The Protestant divines of former days made no difficulty in expunging from the Sacred Scriptures books which they called Apocryphal; those of the present day seem to think it impossible that other books may contain absurdities to the full as great as those told of in ‘ Tobit.’ I know of no law which takes the Scriptures called ‘ Sacred ’ away from the same criticism which applies to all writings, and would fain hope that none will formally uphold that blind faith is superior to impartial reason. 7 f In modern times, and in most Christian countries, we have now two sets of names, one for the most part hereditary, the other given shortly after hirth, with or without some form or ceremony. \y The hereditary, or surname, can in many cases be traced back unchanged into the dark chambers of modern antiquity. Into those recesses we shall not attempt to follow it, hoping rather to find or take it up again in the remoter, yet com¬ paratively clear, period of the ancient historic times. Just as the geographer, who sees a river disappear down into some obscure cleft, would rather seek in a distant spot for its emergence, than trust himself to travel with the stream through the sombre caverns along which it flows. The birth, or Christian, name is in many instances as old as ancient surnames; and to find out how this happens it is well to pause, and ask ourselves the motives which guide us at the present day in the selection of an appellative for our children. 1. We call them after our father, brothers, mother, sisters, or friends. As we do, so did our progenitors; and Kobert, Thomas, Charles, George, &c. can be traced as family names in many genealogies, as certainly as any physical peculiarity, from the present to the remote past. 2. We call them after kings, queens, princesses, or other great, wise, or noble beings; and they, in their turn, have been called after some persons who went before them. 3. We call them after some eminent Scripture charac¬ ter, and thus, in a Christian country, perpetuate the names of what we now would call heathen deities; for, as we shall show, the names of eminent Jews resembled those borne by eminent Chaldseans, Assyrians, Phoeni¬ cians, &c. 4. We call them after some Saint, whose legendary 8 "i. $ \ history has taken our fancy, whose virtues, as told to us, we admire, and, if we believe such things, whose very particular intercession we wish to bespeak for our child. The names given to the late Royal Family in Spain are eminently religious, and tell not only of the saints which are adored, but of certain dogmas in faith believed. 5. In comparatively modern times, we have seen the Greeks name their children “ Theodore,” or “ The gift of God; ” “ Theophilus,” “ The friend of God; ” and amongst the Romans “Augustus” was used to express “The Majesty ” of an Emperor. English history tells us of Puritans whose children were named “ In the Lord I put my trust,” or any other pious formula; and one of the few names which are retained in my recollection of the history of those times is “ Praise God Barebones.” These cognomens, though exceptional, we mention to show, first, that the Puritan scholars, amongst whom we must class Milton, knew the real significance of many of the names current amongst us; and, secondly, that they wished to imitate, in the vernacular, the piety which dictated to the Jews the Hebrew equivalent to that they used. To their minds it was more reverent to call their children, or themselves, “ The Lord careth for me,” than “Jehoiada;” and “The Gift of God,” rather than “Jonathan ; ” and “ The Beloved,” rather than “David.” It is unnecessary for me to go into the subject of Nick¬ names, for they rarely descend, except as occasional surnames, from father to son. Of the long duration of the descent of particular names, I may point out the word Melech, which stood for King before Abraham’s time, as it does in Arabia at the present; and Elimelech is a cognomen still to be found in our post- office directories. We find that other names, besides those given to human beings, have had a sacred origin, and have 9 enjoyed an immense duration of life. Sunday and Monday tell of a Primitive Chaldsean faith, as surely as Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday and Friday tell of that faith being modified by Scandinavian Priests. Whilst the junction of “ St. Columba,” “ The blessed dove,” with “ The sacred Ai,” Hii or Iona, and the holy “ Aodh ” in Scotland, represents faithfully the sacred dove, the Jonah of the Assyrian race, nestling in a strange and remote nest, side by side with some Phoenician “ Judah.” Let us now turn our attention for a moment to the results of European enterprise in distant lands. We find that the fierce Spaniards, under Cortez and Pizarro, took with them Missionaries, who carried with them all the religious zeal, doctrine, and practice which charac¬ terised them at home. They forced the natives, conquered vi et armis, to change their own faith, and assume that of the victors. To the places they conquered or colonised, they gave names derived from their own religion, and “ Santa Cruz,” “ Trinidad,” “ Santiago,” “ Monte Christo,” “ San Lorenzo,” “ St. Helena,” “Los Angelos,” “ Concepcion,” and other places in America, tell of the religious names held in respect by old Spain. On the other hand, “ New York,” Boston,” “ Troy,” “Louisiana,” “Melbourne,” “Sydney,” and a number of similar names, carried by the more Northern Europeans into America and elsewhere, tell of the names of towns and eminent persons in the old country, without any intermixture of religion. No English explorer has yet named a new island “ The Virgin Mary,” or “ The Holy Ghost; ” nor can I recal a single locality which he has named “ Jesus,” “Christ,” or “ God.” Yet all these are names reverenced more or less by the Anglo-Saxon. We infer, then, that the names given by explorers may 10 tell of faith, of the names of towns or of persons in the old country, or of all, according to the ideas of the discoverers. But when once a lodgment in a new continent is effected, there are always pioneers to be found on the outskirts of the “ factory,” “ fort,” or “ settlement,” who, like skirmishers in an army, are in advance of the main body, and prepare the way for them. These come into contact with the Abori¬ gines, whom, taking America for a pattern, we will call Indians. In their wild life, the pioneers league with some tribes, and oppose others, or trade with all. From this intercourse they learn the geography of unknown parts, and the names of rivers, hills, peaks, and passes, till then unknown. These names subsequently become incorporated into the language of the invader, just as we have incorporated into ours the word Nyanza, the native name for one of the vast lakes whence the Nile flows. A number of names will therefore be found, in almost every large continent, which are not derivable from the language of the original conquerors ; and perhaps, as will soon be the case in Eastern America, these names will be the sole remembrances we have of a defunct race. But there will always be a tendency to approximate the outlandish name to something like the current diction, and Mississippi, Missouri, and Chesapeake may, and very probably will, become Mrs. Ippi, Miss Houri, and Cheese Peak. Just as the old inn, whose sign was the motto, “God encompasseth us,” became the “Goat and Compasses,” and “Wavertree,” near Liverpool, has become “ Watery.” I am not quite sure whether some of our very common names have not this origin. With us Green is a familiar word, and Mr. Green is supposed to be a lineal descendant of somebody who was ‘Jolly Green.’ A minute’s thought, however, will show us that our present association of ‘ Green ’ with absurdity is very modern; and when we find Green&n 11 in Ireland and Scotland, Green&un in Clair, and Greensdgh in Lancashire; Greene in Brunswick, Greenock in Scotland, and Greenore in Ireland; Grinau in Switzerland, and Grind, Crrmdalythe, Grindenwald, Grindon, Grinnel, Grinstone, and the like in Switzerland and Britain, we may fairly doubt whether there is not some other meaning of the word than colour. Especially when we remember that Grian was an ancient name of the Sun—now Gran or Graun in Ireland. 4 We may say the same of Brown. We imagine that the first of the race may have been tanned by .the sun, and so earned a cognomen; but where all alike are so tanned, as our more savage forefathers were, the use of the word as a distinctive appellation is absurd. When we find, moreover, that Bran, Brana, Branas, Branca, Brancas, Branche, Branchon, Brand, Brandeis, Brant, Brantome, Brenes, Brent are names found all over Europe, specially in the maritime districts, we may fairly doubt the connection of the word Broivn with' the colour alone. My present ideas would lead me to associate it with the honourable title of Baron, which coincides with the Phoenician Bar-On, “ Son of the father,” or “ Son of On.” Not only do nations change an unknown into some familiar word, but they often change one outlandish form into another equally barbarous and unknown. As we hope to show by and by, the origin of John was Jonah; this has become, as we learn from Miss Yonge, Ian, Jan, Shawn, Eoin, Hans , Jens, Jantje, Jehan, Hannes, Johan, Han, Jean, Juan, Joao, Giovanni, Jannes, Joannes, Vanni, Nanni, Giankos, Ivan, Vanja, Yan, Jovan, Jonas, Janos and Jopan, and Evan, in various countries of Europe. Yet, though there be a variety in the spelling of all these words according to the phonetic value we give to the various letters in use amongst us, the difference between them all 4 The scholar will remember that the Gens Grania was one of the oldest families of ancient Rome. 12 will be found comparatively insignificant if we give to J its proper sound of Y, and consider that G and J are often used interchangeably; we must also consider that U and Y are essentially the same. The Ancient Romans, like the Hebrews, and I suppose the Phoenicians also, had only one sign for the two, which represented U or V according to its position in a word. If we read for Ivan, Juan, we should call the word as if it were spelled Jew-an ; but if we retain the pure value of the I, we should pronounce the word Yuan or Yawn. These observations,introduce us to the difficulties attached to the study of names, which we must consider in the ensuing chapter. CHAPTER II. In tracing names, is sound or spelling to be most trusted ? Speech precedes writing. Correctness in spelling is rarely met with amongst writers recording the names of their countrymen—is more rare when foreign names are reduced to the alphabet of the historian. Varying value of the same letters in different nations. The value of assonance, and of spelling—neither to be trusted. The Arian and Shemitic languages. Their radical words contain few letters. Difficulty in determining whether any long name is simple or compound — Omphelos, Rebecca, Elizabeth. Necessity for the inquirer to identify himself with those of whom he writes. Ancient and modern ideas of propriety in conversation. In pursuing the study of names, there are two or three diffi¬ culties which have to be faced, and, if possible, surmounted. The first is, Whether, in tracing their descent, we are to trust more to spelling or to sound ? The second is, Whether we must refrain from tracing a word or name to a foreign language, when there is any interpretation for it in the tongue of the people using it ? In considering the first question, we naturally turn our minds to some apparently foreign, but strictly analogous subjects. I know that over the world there are many races of men with black skins. They receive various names—Negroes, Nubians, Caffres, Kroomen, Papuans and the like ; but the philosopher does not therefore conclude that they are essen¬ tially distinct from each other. As we found the belief of the paternity of a child on its resemblance to its parent, and the genus of a plant by its resemblance to others of the same class, so we judge of the alliance of a man more by his colour than his name, and of a name more by its sound than by the way that sound is or has been spelled. 14 It is clear that words must have been uttered, ere any one thought of committing them to writing; and, from what we know of the early times of our own country, we may be sure that incorrectness in spelling was common, even when the knowledge of writing was considerable. Lysons states that he has seen his own name spelled in seven different methods in one document; and “ Shakespeare” was so uncer¬ tain how to spell his own, that he spelled it in various ways ; and since his time no one has been able to discover the true orthography. This difficulty, had enough as it is in our own language, is increased greatly when we try and reduce to writing the names current in lands to whose tongue we are strangers. I may write Father, Murder, Tuscany, and pronounce them in our ordinary way ; hut the German, the Irishman, and the Italian will, in reading those letters, trying to imitate us, say ‘ Yater,’ ‘ Murther,’ and £ Thoscano.’ Those being the nearest sounds to which they can bring their lips, they will, in educating their countrymen, change the English spelling, just as we have changed the foreign spelling of proper names to suit our own tongue; e. g., Buonaparte into Bonaparte, and Louis into Lewis. Not only so, we vary the pronunciation of our own words capriciously; and though both archangel and arc/ffiishop have the same first syllable, we talk of it as ark in the one, and artch in the other. When we have determined, however, to trace names by sound rather than spelling, and yet not to cast aside the last completely, we begin to study the nature of the departures from strict rule. We can do this to a great extent amongst ourselves, if we carefully note the pronunciation current in the various parts of our island. The Welshman pronounces “ooman ” for “woman,” “Pilly”for “Billy,” while the Scotch¬ man turns out into oot. I was once profoundly puzzled by a 15 north country gardener, who, while praising his peaches, assured me they were Dutch Hesses, and bothered me still more by asking me to procure him some shir-eeds from my tailor. At last I discovered that he meant “ Duchesses ” and “ shreds.” 1 We find, as a general rule, that B and P, Y and F, S and Z are interchangeable, and that one vowel is very generally interchangeable with all the rest. 2 Under all circumstances we must, I think, look very suspiciously, both to similarity of sound and spelling, ere we venture to build any theory upon those grounds alone. 3 I may speak of a do, a dew, adieu, a Jew, a cfotplex move¬ ment, a