I y V : f 'L^, '''r'^k: M .:>e K^^ '■k'M^^^ !'H iZyf'-,": -y^ ^^^ ■f*\\ \ \ I. %. i. h^^ , '::-^^^. . ii^'^c 'A vl'sSV^^:/ THE CHRISTIANS IN TURKEY. BV REV. W. DENTON, M.A AUTHOR OF "SERVIA AND THE SERVIAN'S," ETC. ETC. LONDON : BELL AND DALDY, i86, FLEET STREET. 1863. LONDON : R. Cr.AV, SON, AND TAYLOR, PRINTERS, BREAD STREET HII.L. THE CHRISTIANS IN TURKEY. The recent debate in the House of Commons on the condition of the Christian subjects of Turkey, together with other indi- cations of a reviving interest in the cause of our oppressed brethren in the East, renders it the duty of every one who is able to give any information on the subject to contribute his share to the general stock. A short visit to Servia, which I made in the spring of last year, first enabled me, on the spot, to collect materials illustrative of the unhappy condition of those races who are subject to the caprice of Turkish officials; and the bombardment of Belgrade, which happened a few days after I had left that city apparently slumbering in perfect peace, led me to make inquiries the result of which I embody in this pamphlet. Until I learnt on the spot what those grievous wrongs are which the very presence of Turkish garrisons inflict upon the people of Servia, the whole subject was entirely new to me. If any one, therefore, could have approached this question with an unprejudiced mind, it was myself. In conversation with well-informed, with impartial, and even with hostile witnesses, I first learnt to understand why Servia is so earnest in her protest against the continuance of these garrisons, which are at once moral pests and also causes of continual alarm. Availing myself of the acquaintance which I have made with British consuls, with English and foreign residents in Turkey, and of my access to the official B 2 'The Christians iti Turkey. records of a Turkish province, I seek, from tliese sources of information, to lay before the reader a calm statement of the unhappy condition of the people of Turkey. On such a sub- ject calmness is no easy virtue ; it is hard to write without emotion and without giving way to the language of indignation. Wrongs more keen, sufferings more bitter, persecution more continuous and intolerable, have hardly fallen to the lot of any people on the face of the globe. And all this is rendered more difficult to endure because suffered in the midst of surrounding freedom and in the sight of general security. If this question were one of mere party politics, I should not venture to intrude into a region where the presence of a clergy- man is rightly regarded as incongruous. It is because the unhappy circumstances which surround so many millions of our brethren inhabiting some of the fairest and most fertile portions of the globe, cannot awaken party animosities, that I ask the attention of the reader to a review of the present wrongs of the Christians in Turkey, in order to enlist the sympathies of Englishmen in their behalf. Indeed, with rare and noble ex- ceptions, it must be confessed that party politicians of all shades of opinion are equally uninformed on this subject, and therefore equally indifferent to the sufferings of the great mass of the people of Turkey. This fact, whilst it removes this"; great political question out of the arena of party strife, at the same time renders more difficult the attempt to obtain for it an atten- tive hearing from those who seek, or affect to guide, popular opinion. My object, let me state at the outset, is not to ask the rulers of England to interfere in the behalf of these cruelly oppressed people, but rather that our governors should cease from that strange interference against the people of Turkey which is the present policy of the English Government, and that they should no longer actively aid a despotism the most grinding on the face of the earth, and which, not content like the fanatical cruelty which led to the Diocletian, and other early persecutions, with cruel pains and martyrdoms, poisons and pollutes the whole domestic life of the vast majority of the subjects of Turkey. 1' ^ :/ T!he Christians in "Turkey. 3 In a letter written by an English gentleman resident at Con- stantinople, and quoted by Mr. Cobden in the recent debate, the following passage occurs : — " What is our policy sup- porting ? Some one asked me how to account for this in a people the most moral of all, the English, that these deepest immoralities should be maintained by their patronage ? I replied, they are, for the most part, quite ignorant or unwilling to believe what they hear/' When that ignorance is removed, when they know what is really meant by the phrase " supporting the integrity of Turkey," Englishmen, I am assured, will no longer sustain by their patronage a Government which exists only to inflict misery upon its subjects, whether by its active oppression or by its helplessness and imbecility. 7'hat this ignorance on the part of the people of England should exist is not to be wondered at. The same ignorance as to the condition of the people of Turkey, and of the habits and feelings of the large Christian communities which cover the face of that empire, has been long shared in by suc- cessive Governments in this country. Indeed, the occupiers of our Foreign Office seem to have thought it wholly unnecessary to inform themselves at all on these points. The broad distinc- tion, however, between the ignorance of the people of England and that of the Government, hes in the circumstance that the latter has always had it in its power to obtain information, from which it has intentionally turned away, and has even taken con- siderable pains to suppress, whilst the ignorance of the people of England arises from the deliberate action of their governors in preventing, so far as possible, any information reaching this country as to the real condition of the people of Turkey. The large consular staft' scattered throughout the dominions of the Sultan, cither by the positive instructions of the English Government, or by those indirect means by which men are made acquainted with the wishes of their superiors, have long known that amongst the most important duties which the Government required them to perform is a complete with- holding all information as to the state, and especially as to the sufferings of tlie people of Turkey. They are bidden B 2 4. T^he Christians in 'Turkey. significantly to shut their eyes, even if they cannot harden their liearts, against the daily recurring atrocities practised upon the unarmed and wretched peasantry of Roumelia, of Asia Minor, and of Syria, so that in answer to interrogations in the House of Comnions respecting any case of grievous wrong, it may be answered by the organ of the Foreign Office, that no account of any such occurrence has been received from the consul on the spot, and that therefore the presumption is that such report is untrue. What the impression and the practice of the consuls in this matter is may be gathered from the following extract from a letter addressed to me by Dr. Sandwith, well-known as the Chief of the Medical staff during the siege of Kars : — "When I was in Turkey, about two years ago, I had a long conversation with a consul, who told me stories that curdled my blood with horror concerning the cruelties and barbarities of the Turks, chiefly towards the Christians, but their misdeeds were by no means confined to the unbelievers. Wherever a pasha could plunder, he never cared what ruin and misery were the result. The Consul showed me clearly how inevitably the country was being ruined and depopulated. ' At all events,' I remarked, ' you have the satisfaction of reporting all these horrors in your despatches 1 ' ' Oh dear, no,' he answered, ' I dare not. We have received more than a hint that our Government is determined to uphold Turkey; and if I were to tell the truth, and describe things as they really are, my career would be ruined. More than one consul has been severely snubbed for doing so.' On another occasion I heard also from a consular official of a horrible case of judicial torture. I asked for the details. He durst not give me them, and told me the case would not be reported, as the consuls had been made to understand that any reports unfavourable to the Turks would be unwelcome to the embassy." But on this matter we are not left to conjecture, or even to seek for the testimony of men of veracity. It is witnessed to by the papers presented to Parliament. The official acts of the Government in England, and the circulars and instructions of the ambassador at Constantinople, proclaim the same settled determination to suppress, and, if need be, to pervert, any information by which the people of England may be made acquainted with the condition of an empire which, at the cost 'The Christians in ^Turkey. 5 of priceless lives and of abundant treasure, we have so frequently been called upon to uphold. In the early part of 1860, Prince GortschakoiF, the Russian Minister for Foreign Aftairs, addressed a circular to the Great Powers of Europe, pointing out the continuance of that injustice of which the Christians in Turkey had so long complained, and which the Porte had, at various periods, for upwards of the last thirty years, promised should be removed. In that circular, which was dated in May, 1860, the following statement occurs : — " The attention which the discussions upon the condition of the East has excited throughout Europe, makes us desirous of freeing from all error and false and exaggerated interpretation the part which the Imperial Cabinet has taken, and the object which it proposes to itself in this matter. " For more than a year the official reports of our agents in Turkey have made us acquainted with the increasingly serious condition of the Christian provinces under the rule of the Porte, and especially of Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Bulgaria. This con- dition does not date from to-day, but, far from getting better, as was hoped, it has become worse during the last few years. " In this conviction, after having, on the one hand, vainly sought to enlighten the Turkish Government on the gravity of the circumstances, by communicating to it successively all the ac- counts which have been made known to us of the abuses com- mitted by local authorities ; and after having, on the other hand, exhausted all means of persuasion that we could use among the Christians, in order to induce them to patience, we have frankly and loyally addressed ourselves to the Cabinets of the Great Powers of Europe. We have explained to them the circum- stances, as described in the reports of our agents ; the imminence of a crisis ; our conviction that isolated representations, sterile, or palliative promises, will no longer suffice as a preventive ; and also the necessity of an understanding of the Great Powers among themselves and with the Porte, that they will consult together as to the measures which can alone put an end to this dangerous state of things. We have not made absolute propositions as to the course to be adopted. We have confined ourselves to show- ing the urgency, and indicating the object. As to the first, we have not concealed the fact that it appears to us to admit of no doubt, and to allow of no delay. " First of all, an immediate local inquiry, with the participation of Imperial delegates, in order to verify the reality of the facts ; next, an understanding which it is reserved for the Great Powers 6 'The Christians in Turkey. to establish with each other and with tlie Porte, in order to engage it to adopt the necessary organic measures for l)ringing about in its relations with the Christian populations of the empire, a real, serious, and durable amelioration. " There is nothing here, then, in the shape of an interference wounding to the dignity of the Porte. We do not suspect its intentions ; it is the Power most interested in a departure from the })resent situation. Be it the result of blindness, tolerance, or feebleness, the concurrence of Eurojoe cannot but be useful to the Porte, whether to enlighten its judgment or to fortify its action. There can no longer be a question of an attack on its rights, which we desire to see respected, or of creating complications, which it is our wish to prevent. The understanding which we wish to see established between the Great Powers and the Turkish Govern- ment, must be to the Christians a proof that their fate is taken into consideration, and that we are seriously occupied in amelio- rating it. At the same time, it will be to the Porte a certain pledge of the friendly intentions of the Powers which have placed the conservation of the Ottoman Empire among the essential condi- tions of the European equilibrium. Thus, both sides ought to see in it a motive : the Turkish Government, for confidence and security — the Christians, for patience and hope. Europe, on its part, after past experience, will not, in our opinion, find elsewhere than in this moral action the guarantees which a question of first rank demands, with which its tranquillity is indissolubly connected, and in which the interests of humanity mingle with those of policy. Our August Master has never disavowed the strong sympathy with which the former inspire him. His Majesty desires not to burden his conscience with the reproach of having remained silent in the face of such sufferings, when so many voices are raised else- where, under circumstances much less imperious. We are, more- over, profoundly convinced that this order of ideas is inseparable from the political interest which Russia, like all the other Powers, has in the maintenance of the Ottoman Empire. " AVe trust that these views are shared by all the Cabinets ; but we are also convinced that the time for illusions is past, that any hesitation, any adjournment, will have grave consequences. In combining, with all our efforts, to place the Ottoman Government ni a course which may avert these eventualities, we believe that we are giving it a proof of our solicitude, while at the same time we fulfil a duty to humanity." Upon the receipt of this circular. Sir H. Bulwer, acting under the instructions of the English Government, drew up a list of questions, which he sent to the various consuls through- out Turkey. No persons could, from their position, better 'The Christians in 'Turkey. 7 speak on such a subject ; none would be more ready to furnish evidence which would contradict the assertions of the Russian note, provided that this were possible. From their answer, honestly, faithfully, and intelligently given, we might have had a luminous survey of the Turkish empire. Such a report would have been invaluable. It was not likely that English consuls would exaggerate the unhappy condition of the Chris- tians, since they had been made to feel in many ways that even truth on this subject was " unwelcome to the embassy ; " and before sending in their answers they were reminded that their very bread depended upon the will of his Excellency the Ambassador.* At the same time, it is evident, that reports from the pens of English gentlemen, making allowances for the circumstances of the case, would, on the whole, present a faithful picture of the condition of the people — slightly coloured, perhaps, in favour of things as they are, and framed in some degree to meet the wishes of the Government which they served, but still generally trustworthy. It would seem, how- ever, that Sir Henry Bulwer felt, from the first, some misgivings that a simple answer to these questions would confirm every jot and tittle of the accusations of the Russian minister, and accordingly he took the unusual step of issuing a circular, dated "Constantinople, June 11th, 1860," and inclosing it under the same cover as the questions, by which circular he directed the consuls in what way he wished and expected them to answer the questions. In this circular, which one of the consuls rightly calls an " instruction," Sir Henry Bulwer says — " Looking at the barbarous and despotic power but a few years since exercised by the Pashas in the Provinces, and at the venal practices too long indulged in by Turkish functionaries, — the temp- tation being not unoften given by the Rayahs themselves, who bribed such functionaries to favour the one against the other,^it is too much to expect that a pure and perfect administration will now be found. * '' I assure you that your conduct at this crisis will be duly watched by me, and my opinion respecting it, whether favourable or the reverse, communicated to Her Majesty's Government."— C/m^/ar of Sir JI. Bulwer to Her Maiesty's Consuls^ August 8, i860. 8 T^he Christians in 1'urkey. " The crimes, moreover, signalized by Russia, are in all countries unfortunately to be seen and deplored ; and whilst religious toler- ation to a far greater extent than is even now practised by many European governments, has been traditionally characteristic of. Turkish domination, — a system of religious ecpiality, though by no means easy to establish at first — when the conquering race is of one creed, and the conquered of another, — has, nevertheless, of late years, made a visible progress in the capital ; and can hardly, one would suppose, since it has been proclaimed ostentatiously and constantly, with the consent of the Sovereign, be altogether disregarded by the Porte's official servants in the country at large. " Thus, — whilst I am far from denying that great and radical reforms are required in the provincial administration, I am, never- theless, inclined to believe that it is an exaggeration to contend that things are in a vmch worse state than under the circum- stances might be expected, or that there is a constant and perverse action, on the part of the Governors and their subordinates, in opposition to the general policy which their superiors are pledged to carry out." And Sir Henry Bulwer thus significantly adds — "Her Majesty's Government wishes, as you well know, to maintain the Ottoman Empire, — which in its fall would produce a general disorganization in the East, accompanied, probably, by war throughout the world, — the whole producing a series of dis- asters which would certainly not benefit any class in Turkey, and would be likely to cause great calamities to mankind." Now it is evident that had Sir Henry Bulwer believed that the state of Turkey was improved or improving, he might have safely left it to the consuls to make such a declaration without telling them that he expected them to do so. If under the mild " toleration " of Turkey the Christians were reposing in peace and were free from grievous oppressions, it was not necessary that the ambassador at Constantinople should tell this to the consuls, who must know far better than he could what was the condition of the Christians. That his circular was regarded by the consuls as a dictation as to the kind of answers desired by Sir Henry Bulwer, and "welcome to the Embassy," is evident from a circumstance which, if it were not for the gravity of the offence against the very first principles of morality, would be simply ludicrous. By some mistake in the office of the ambassador, the list of questions was received by Mr. Skene, the Consul T^he Christians m 'Turkey. 9 at Aleppo, without the circular which should have accom- panied it ; on the 4th of August, that gentleman forwarded his answers in simple child-like faith that his excellency required truthful answers to his questions. A few days, however, after the report had been sent, the circular arrived under another cover. It was then evident to him that he had committed a great blunder ; he had been asked to bless the Sultan, to praise his beneficent and ''tolerant" rule, and to contradict the accu- sation in the Russian note. Alas ! he had unwillingly cursed the one and confirmed the other by a simple picture of the state of the province in which he resided. Here it would obviously have been better to have let the matter rest, the mistake of not sending the questions and the draught answers together had been made at Constantinople, and the blunder of telling the truth had been committed at Aleppo, in consequence of the first error. This, however, did not satisfy poor Mr. Skene. He did what terrified men of no great moral courage frequently do. He was bold even to rashness. He undertook to confute himself, and wrote a despatch full of lamentation at his simplicity, and overflowing with apologies for speaking the truth. In this latter document the consul professes that he is not so competent to speak as his Excellency, his ideas are all " crude," and he seeks to recal his former statement, seemingly not knowing it was too late to do so. Eating his leek with a very wry face, in his alarm he made a larger meal of it than was at all necessary. In his second report, written after he had learnt why Sir Henry Bulwer had sent the list of questions to him, Mr. Skene thus writes — " On the 4th instant 1 had the honour of forwarding my replies to the queries contained in your Excellency's circular of June 11, which had reached me only a few days previously, and yesterday I received the other circular [paring the same date. I thus furnished what information I ^uld luithout being aivare of the motives dictating the quest iotis^ and without being in possession of the valuable instructions conveyed by the other circular. I shall, therefore, endeavour now to supply the deficiencies of my replies. lo T^he Christians in 'Turkey, " Your Excellency expresses the belief that it is an exaggera- tion to contend that things are in a much worse state than, under the circumstances, might be expected. This view of the case is fully corroborated by my experience. * * * i|t * " I am sure your Excellency wishes to have opinions frankly stated, in order that they may be duly sifted, and appreciated according to their merits and demerits ; and I therefore hope I may be held excused if I have too freely given utterance to these crude notions on a subject, the consideration of which may not strictly form part of a consul's attributes." It is a melancholy spectacle to see a man of mature age making piteous appeals for tender consideration because he had un- fortunately spoken the truth ; but however melancholy the spectacle is, it is important, since it shows us the effect of the circular of Sir Henry Bulwer upon the mind at least of one of the consuls, and it leaves us to regret that we have missed those valuable photographs of the state of Turkey which, but for the forethought of Sir Henry Bulwer, we should have obtained. Under the circumstances, therefore, every admission of the consular body as to the misrule, the oppression, and cruelty practised by the officers of the Turkish Government, acquires additional weight. Nor would it be right to pass over, without a word of admiration, the courage which has led some of those officers to speak plain words and to declare unpalatable truths in their reports. But the record of the freaks of British diplomacy are not at an end. The papers lately presented to Parliament are full of mournful instances of the way in which truth is paltered with, equivocation resorted to, and even positive untruth suggested, when it is thought necessary to throw the shield of England's might — T wish I could say England's greatness — over the cruel oppression and the profligate sensuality of Turkey. I will not weary the reader by quoting, as Irnight, the numerous despatches of Sir Henry Bulwer, especially those which occur in the Blue Books on the Syrian massacres, which illustrate this dishonesty. I content myself by citing one painful instance from the de- spatches of the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Earl Russell. l!he Christians in Turkey, 1 1 Enough has been written respecting the bombardment of Belgrade which took place in June last year. That the soldiers of a garrison, more numerous than the whole adult male popula- tion of the commercial city near which they were quartered, sheltered by the walls of a citadel of enormous strength perched on a promontory commanding the whole of the city which lies on its slope and mounting on its ramparts more than two hundred pieces of cannon, could pretend that they fancied themselves in danger from the attacks of a smaller number of shopkeepers, who were without means of offence, must con- vince every unprejudiced person that it is dangerous to entrust arms of any kind to such soldiers. Be that, however, as it may, after the bombardment occurred. Sir Henry Bulwer, whose Turkish predilections have been sufficiently evidenced by his " Circular " just quoted, addressed a letter on the 24th of .Tune, to the Foreign Office in London, in which, though he endeavours to exonerate the Turks from a considerable share of the blame, yet he admits, " The Servians were neither, I think, prepared nor disposed just at present to enter upon any serious conflict."* This despatch was received by Earl Russell on the 5th of July, and five days after this he wrote to Lord Napier, the Ambassador at St. Petersburg, and directed him to state the contrary, and to assert " that it is evident that Servia provoked the recent conflict at Belgrade,"! although he had just received a despatch from Sir Henry Bulwer alleging the reverse. When this assertion was reported to the Russian minister, it cannot therefore surprise us to read, in a despatch of Mr. Lumley, " Prince Gortschakoff demurred to the state- ment that it was evident the recent conflict at Belgrade had been excited by the Servians. He had every reason to believe the contrary had been the case, and that his views would be borne out by the opinion of Her Majesty's consul-general in Servia — a gentleman and a man of honour — in whose version of the affair he would place implicit faith." | * Correspondence on the Bombardment of Belgrade, p. il. + Ibid. p. 17. Ij: Ibid. p. 19. 12 T^he Christians in 'Turkey, Prince Gortschakoff probably knew that the instructions given to the ambassador at St. Petersburg were not borne out by the evidence in the hands of Earl Russell. By means, then, such as these — the systematic suppression of information — the requiring our consular agents to make one-sided, partial, and coloured statements, and, when all these fail, boldly resorting to something so like to untruth that it cannot be distinguished from it — are the interests of the public of this country diverted from the sufferings of the people of the East. But, let us bear in mind, in our zeal to preserve, at all hazards, " the integrity of Turkey," that the integrity of our public men is greatly suffering, and the honour and humanity of England are in danger of becoming bywords in many parts of the world. It would surely be more manly, more honourable, more politic, to grapple with the real facts of the case. It would be better — for honesty is still the best policy — to acknowledge that though the Government of Turkey is hopelessly dead or dying ; though the moral corruption of all classes in that country, but especially of its rulers, has reached such a stage that it is too polluting a subject to be even mentioned, still less detailed ; though the unhappy subject races are exposed to daily massacres ;ht which the Christians of Turkey claim, the right to be heard as witnesses when the The Christians in 'Turkey, 6 2 blood of their brothers has been shed in their sight, when their wives and daughters have been outraged, is one which we have pledged ourselves to procure for them ; the right of the Christian to hold property has been demanded as the price of our assistance in upholding the rule of the Sultan. Neither right lias been conceded, neither promise has been fulfilled, and we go on murmuring and maundering about " the integrity of Turkey ; " but we are utterly indifferent whether Turkey takes any steps to preserve her own " integrity," by performing the repeated promises made on this subject, or whether she destroys the one and violates the other by her faithlessness. In the negotiations preceding the treaty of Paris, the con- dition of the Christians of Turkey engaged the attention of the representatives of the great European Powers. In order to obtain some guarantee that the Sultan would no longer dis- regard the provisions solemnly promised by the Hatt-i-Humaioun of Gul-Hane of 1839, which itself, however, as I have before said, was only a reiteration of like promises made in the Tanzimat of an older date, it was proposed that stipulations for the rights of tiie Christian people of Turkey should form a part of the treaty to be signed at Paris. At the repre- sentation, however, of the Turkish minister that the Sultan would prefer to issue a document for this purpose, as though it were his own free act and not part of the proceedings of the Coniiress then assembled, this was overruled, and accordingly the treaty of Paris was completed without any stipulations for the better treatment of the Christians. It was left to the Sultan's honour, and the only notice taken of the subject, is that contained in the Ninth Article of the treaty, which is in these words : — " His Imperial Majesty the Sultan, having, in his constant solicitude for the welfare of his subjects, issued a firman which, while ameliorating their condition without distinction of religion or of race, records his generous intentions towards the Christian population of his Empire, and wishing to give a further proof of his sentiments in that respect, has resolved to communicate to the Contracting Parties the said firman, emanating spontaneously from his sovereign will." * * Treaty of Paris. Parliamentary Paper, p. 20. 64 '^^^^ Christians in Turkey. A few weeks before this treaty was signed, the Sultan had issued his Hatt-i-Sherif, in which he says : — " The guarantees promised on our part by the Hatt-i-Humaioun of Gul-Hane', and in conformity with the Tanzimat, to all the subjects of my Empire, without distinction of classes or of religion, for the security of their persons and property and the preservation of their honour, are to-day confirmecl and consoli- dated, and efficacious measures shall be taken in order that they may have their full and entire effect." % % Id 'id % " The equality of taxes entailing equality of burdens, as equality of duties entails that of rights. Christian subjects, and those of other non-Mussulman sects, as it has been already decided, shall, as well as Mussulmans, be subject to the obligations of the Law of Recruitment. The principle of obtaining substitutes, or of purchasing exemption, shall be admitted. A complete law shall be pubhshed, with as little delay as possible, respecting the admis- sion into and service in the army of Christian and other non- Mussulman subjects." % Id % * * " The taxes are to be levied under the same denomination from all the subjects of my Empire, without distinction of class or of religion. The most prompt and energetic means for remedying the abuses in collecting the taxes, and especially the tithes, shall be considered. The system of direct collection shall gradually, and as soon as possible, be substituted for the plan of farming, in all the branches of the revenues of the State. As long as the present system remains in force, all agents of the Government and all members of the Medjlis shall be forbidden, under the severest penalties, to become lessees of any farming contracts which are announced for public competition, or to have any beneficial in- terest in carrying them out. The local taxes shall, as far as pos- sible, be so imposed as not to affect the sources of production, or to hinder the progress of internal commerce." Now, it is important to bear in mind the fact which, indeed, the Sultan himself states, apparently without any feeling of shame ; that the promises made in this Hatt-i-Sherif of 1856, were only the reiteration of those made in the Hatt-i-Huma'ioun of 1839, and these again were only the reiteration of promises made in the older Tanzimat, and that this reiteration was made necessary by the fact that the promises made in the first instance and re-promised in the second, were still unfulfilled. Now let us ask what has been the fate of this third instrument, with its 'The Christians in Turkey. 6s reiteration of the unfulfilled engagements of the two preceding documents ? Have these promises been better kept than the self-same promises made thirty years ago ? The Hatt-i-Sherif has never been even promulgated. It is unknown throughout the whole of Turkey. Not one promise has been performed, not one stipulation has been fulfilled, and yet in the face of these facts, even members of Parliament, officers of the Government, presuming upon the almost universal ignorance which prevails respecting that country, venture to speak in the House of Commons of the fidelity of Turkey to her engagements ! By the Tanzimat, the Hatt-i-Humaioun of 1839, and Hatt-i- Sherif of 1856, three editions of the same unfulfilled promises, it was declared, as we have seen, amongst other things, that Christians might hold landed property in all parts of the empire as freely as Mussulmans, and also that there should be perfect equality as to taxation between the Mussulmans and non- Mussulmans of Turkey. What attempt has been made to carry out thest simple requirements of justice ? Amongst the questions issued by Sir Henry Bulwer to the English consuls in Turkey, occurs the following : — " 4. Can Christians hold landed property on equal condition with Turks? and if not, where is the difference 1" To this question Mr. Calvert of Salonica replies — " As regards the acquisition of landed property, a Christian is not allowed to purchase any belonging to a Turk." * Since then, nearly every acre of land at the present moment belongs to the Turks, the refusal to allow Christians to pur- chase such lands amounts almost to a prohibition of their purchasing any land. Again on this subject Mr. Finn of Jerusalem reports — " Native Christians are precisely on equal terms with Mussul- mans in regard to the tenure of landed property, though in acquiring it they are exposed to pecuniary and other annoyances to which a Moslem would not be exposed." t * Report of Consuls on the Condition of Christians in Turkey, p. 10. t Ibid. p. ■27. F 56 'The Christians in Turkey. Mr. Skene of Aleppo thus answers Sir Henry Bulwer's question : — " Freehold property, the best of tenures, is within the reach of the Sultan's Christian subjects. The fear, however, of unfair treatment deters them from becoming landholders."* To the same effect Acting- Consul Zohrab says — " Christians are now permitted to possess real property, but the obstacles which they meet with when they attempt to ac(iuire it are so many and vexatious that very few have as yet dared to brave them." t What those obstacles are which prevent Christians from acquiring and holding land he proceeds to state in these words : — " Christians are permitted by law to possess landed property, but the difficulties opposed to their acquiring are so great that few have as yet dared to face them. As far as the mere purchase goes, no difficulties are made — a Christian can buy and take pos- session ; it is when he has got his land into order, or when the Mussulman who has sold has overcome the pecuniary difficulties which compelled him to sell, that the Christian feels the helpless- ness of his position and the insincerity of the Government. Steps are then taken by the original proprietor, or some relative of his, to reclaim the land from the Christian, generally on one of the following pleas : that the original owner, not being sole proprietor, had no right to sell ; that the ground being ' meraah,' or grazing- ground, could not be sold ; that the deeds of transfer being defective the sale had not been legally made. Under one or other of these pleas the Christian is in nineteen cases out of twenty dis- possessed, and he may then deem himself fortunate if he gets back the price he gave. Few, a very few, have been able to obtain justice ; but I must say that the majority of these owe their good fortune not to the justice of their cause, jjut to the influence of some powerful Mussulman." % This, then, is the way in which this stipulation is carried out in Turkey. Christians may hold land, but — They must not purchase any belonging to a Turk. As at present scarcely any land belongs to any one else than a Turk, this is virtually to prevent all such purchases. But beyond this the dangers which threaten those who attempt to do that which the law declares *■' Report of Consuls on the Condition of Christians in Turkey, p. 50. t Ibid. p. 54. X Ibid. p. 55. The Christians in lurkey, 67 they may do are so real, that few are hardy enough to brave them, and when they do, having paid the price for their posses- sion, no sooner is the land brought under cultivation, than the original owner is at liberty to reclaim it, and having dragged the unfortunate purchaser into a court of law where his evidence cannot be received, he may re-enter his old possession with impunity, for even documentary evidence made in favour of a Christian is rejected by these courts of injustice. (3) Nor has the stipulation of equality of taxation been any more regarded than that which declared the right of the Christian to hold land. One provision of the Tanzimat was, that arbitrary taxation of the Christian peasant was to cease. This has never been fulfilled, except in a way which the petitioners could scarcely have contemplated. On this head we have the following observations in Mr. Calvert's report : — " The Turkish Government has too long neglected the interests of the two classes of the population upon whose well-being the prosperity of the country mainly depends, namely, the agricultural and mercantile classes. Almost every other consideration ought to have been sacrificed for the promotion of their interests. Like the Turkish landed proprietors, the State appears to care not how its revenues are raised, provided it receives them." ^ ^ -}(: ^ ^ ^ " We have an instance of this in the manner in which the direct taxes were assessed upon the Christians on the promulgation of the ' Tanzimati Hai'riye,' which was intended to put a stop to the then existing systems of exactions. The Rayah population, on being called upon, promptly furnished statements of the exact amount of the contributions they had been abitrarily subjected to in addition to the lawful taxes ; and since it was presumed that they had been able to satisfy all the requisitions made upon them, the Government, I am told, forthwith assessed them with the whole amount, which they pay at the present moment.* 'F vT" ^ TF "5!^ ^ " As the Mussulman peasantry are not as well off" as they might be, the distinction between the condition of the Christians and that of the Mussulmans in the villages is in some respects only relative. One point of difference consists in the fact that the irregularities of the tax and tithes collectors, and the excesses of the police force, not to speak of the depredations of brigands, are * Report of Consuls on Condition of Christiana in Turkey, pp. 8, 9. F 2 68 'The Christians in Turkey. practised to a larger extent and with more barefacedness on the Christian than on the Mussulman peasantry. It is, however, extremely difficult to define the extent of the difference, and quite impossible to prove the facts on which the general statement of its existence is founded. But I feel persuaded that, without admitting any special claim of the Christians on our sympathy, the tacit submission of the Christians to the abuses in question, and to others of a harassing character, has conduced to their perpetuation at the hands of the notoriously rapacious tax and tithes-farmers. The Mussulman peasantry are not so extensively imposed upon, because the superior chance which their complaints have of being listened to by a District Government in which the element of their co-religionists preponderates, causes them to be regarded with greater respect. The Mussulman peasantry, nevertheless, suffer from the same causes as their fellow-labourers on the soil, only to a smaller degree. There is, however, a positive difference, and a very important one, in the condition of the Christian peasants in the farms (' tchiftliks ') held by Turkish proprietors. They are forcibly tied to the sjDOt by means of a perpetual, and even hereditary debt which their landlord contrives to fasten upon them. This has practically reduced many of the peasant families to a state of serfdom. As an illustration, I may mention, that when a tchiftlik is sold, the bonds of the peasantry are transferred with the stock to the new proprietor. In Thessaly there are Christians who own farms on the same conditions. Upon one occasion, in which the landlord, who was a merchant, had become a bankrupt, I remember noticing, that amongst the assets borne on his balance-sheet there figured the aggregate amount of the peasant's debts to him, and it formed a rather large item." * These oppressions and exactions, according to the testimony of Mr. Skene, so far from diminishing have greatly increased of late years. It is significant of the utterly hopeless condition of the Turkish Government, that even administrative reform becomes a fresh engine of evil to the overburdened Christian. It has been the practice of late years to send an assistant or kehaya with the pasha — a kind of deputy pasha, to check and report the actions of that officer, with what effect Mr. Skene will tell us. " In my humble opinion, the experiment of municipal institu- tions was made in a manner not in harmony with the existing state of the country. The feudal system of the East had degenerated when it produced the great barons of Turkey in the first quarter * Report of Consuls on Condition of Christians in Turkey, pp. lo, ii. 'The Christians in T^urkey. 6^ of the present century, Ali Tepedeleni, Ali of Stolatz, Kara Osman Oglu, Chassan Oglu, Haznadar Oglu, and others, equally powerful and independent, and it had reduced the body of the people to actual servitude. The spirit of industry was crushed by the narrow maxims of a military aristocracy. The country was on the verge of ruin. A counterpoise was sought for the oppression of Pashas of the old school. The remedy has outweighed the evil, and instead of one tyrant there are now many tyrants, each grasping his own advantage, and all inferior to the Pasha in qualifications for government. The desired control exists, but the local mag- nates are unworthy of the trust. The power of the functionaries sent from Constantinople, which is a whole century in advance of the provinces, is paralysed by the corrupt action of the Ayans. A good Pasha is hampered ; a bad one not checked. Men of integrity and public spirit may come from the capital, but are not to be found in the towns of the interior. The Pasha of the present day is an improvement on the old feudal Satrap ; the unchanging Ayan is still a man of the same stamp ; and the better is thus controlled by the worse. Composed of cruel, venal, and rapacious accomplices, the Med j lis oppresses the people and enriches itself, while Pashas are powerless, when wilhng, to cope with its collusive chicanery. Possessed of superior local information and experience, wielding a dangerous influence over the lower orders, which fear their iron rule, and well versed in all the trickery of Oriental in- trigue, they rarely fail soon to reduce the most zealous* Pasha to the condition of a mere instrument in their hands .... I have followed the same familiar phases of provincial government with unvarying issue in Bosnia, Bulgaria, and Roumelia, in Asia Minor and Syria, and I have thus been forced into strong convictions on the subject, which I hope to be held excused for thus expressing freely." * Mr. Abbot, of Monastir, adds his testimony to the same effect. " In giving my humble opinion on this subject, I am far from taking the part of the Turks, and exonerating the conduct of some of the Turkish officials. Abuses, and to a great extent, exist in this Province as well as in others, and the evils caused by these abuses are of such a nature as to admit of remedy. " For instance, a Pasha is apparently an honest man, but his Kehaya or Intendent is venal, and then the inhabitants have to suffer from the rapacity of a man whose advice has so much deliberative power with the Pasha, who, perhaps indolent and weak, allows himself to be influenced by an unprincipled man in whom he has entire confidence. * Report of Consuls on Condition of Christians in Turkey, p. 5i> 5^- yo The Christians in Turkey. " Then come next the Beys, who sit in the Medjlises. Natives of the place where they hold their office, and with great local interests to protect, they connive, for a trifle, at illegal acts, if, by doing so, their interests are in any way i^romoted, and hence affix their seals to decisions which have not the slightest particle of justice."* The same testimony, again, is borne by Mr. Zohrab as to the jiopelessness of expecting any real amelioration of the condition of the Christians from the hands of the officers of the Sultan. Speaking of the Christians he says : — " In the belief that the direct administration of the Porte would materially ameliorate their position, they were induced, in 1850, to lend a hearty assistance to Omer Pasha, and to their aid must be attributed the rapid success of the Turkish arms. Their hopes were di reappointed. That they were benefited by the change there can be no doubt, but the extent did not nearly come up to their expectation. They saw, with delight, the extinction of the Spahi privileges and of the corvee^ but the imposition of new and heavy taxes, the gross peculation of the employes sent from Constanti- nople, and the demands of the army filled them with disappoint- ments and dismay ; and, with these causes for complaint, their previous servile condition was almost forgotten. Their hopes had been raised high to be cruelly disappointed ; their pecuniary position was aggravated, while their social position was but slightly improved." * * * * * * " Oppression cannot now be carried on as openly as formerly, but it must not be supposed that, because the Government employes do not generally appear as the oppressors, the Christians are well treated and protected. A certain impunity, for which the Government must be rendered responsible, is allowed to the Mussulmans. This impunity, while it does not extend to per- mitting the Christians to be treated as they formerly were treated, is so far unbearable and unjust, in that it permits the Mussulmans to despoil them with heavy exactions. False imprisonments are of daily occurrence. A Christian has but a small chance of excul- pating himself when his opponent is a Mussulman. ****** " vSuch being, generally speaking, the course pursued by the Government towards the Christians in the capital of the province where the Consular Agents of the different Powers reside and can exercise some degree of control, it may easily be guessed to what ex- tent the Christians, in the remoter districts, suffer who are governed by Mudirs generally fanatical and unacquainted with the law." t * Report of Consuls on Condition of Christians in Turkey, p. 4. t Ibid. p. 54. 'The Christians in Turkey, 71 So uniform is the course of injustice practised towards the Christians, that the words of a consul at one end of the empire seems but an echo of those already spoken by another at the opposite extremity. Mr. Abbot, consul at the Dardanelles, says : — " It might reasonably have been expected that the general con- dition of the country ought, by this time, to have so far improved as to have inspired the whole population with the certain con- viction that any just claim, even from the humblest individual, would meet with a fair investigation ; that the Porte would have devised such checks over its functionaries as to prevent the pos- sibility of the powers confided to them being abused, and would have exercised the utmost vigilance over their conduct. Such, unfortunately, is not the case. Too much power is confided to the chief local authorities ; the laws and regulations are framed so carelessly — their construction is so defective (no provision being made for securing adhesion to them) — that it is obvious they are the work of persons inexperienced in the art of legislation. The consequence is, that with a host of officials who sufter no oppor- tunity to escape them of abusing their power whenever they can derive any substantial advantage therefrom, the laws are either eluded or converted into instruments of oppression. * * * * * * " I trace, as one of the principal causes which renders the laws, framed in a most laudable spirit, perfectly inoperative, the fact of the Government trusting the welfare of the province to the sole goodwill of the Governors, believing that they will carry out implicitly its instructions, without requiring proof of their being fulfilled. Thus, for instance, in the Porte's Proclamation of the 2nd of March, 1846, the Governors and other authorities are expressly forbidden to receive bribes, to impose ' corvees ' without payment, &c. ; but I observe that the only check attempted to be imposed is, strange to say, confided to the Governors themselves, who are commanded to report any person infringing this order. The Porte appears to have forgotten that the Governor himself might be the first person to set this order at defiance ; so that it is rendered nugatory to all intents and purposes."* Amongst other evils which press exclusively upon the Christians, Major Cox, writing from Bucharest, but speaking of the state of the whole province of Bulgaria, says : — " The Christians are exposed to the necessity of entertaining strangers, and the others are not. * Report of Consuls on Condition of Christians in Turkey, p. 76. y2 The Christians in Turkey, "The Christians are the subjects of ' hanghariyeh ' or forced labour, and the others are not. " The Christians are frequently obliged to give their labour to the Mussulmans of the village at a low rate of wages."* The oppressive way in which the Government exacts the tithe of all agricultural produce, is made to press most injuriously upon the Christians. " The crops, after being cut, are sometimes two months on the ground before the tithe-farmer comes, and until then the people dare not remove them ; their value is of course much diminished by the ravages of the animals and of the weather. If this tithe- tax could be assessed it would be a great boon, and the whole of the taxes collected in money after the harvest. " It is stated that in many instances the cost to the villagers of entertaining the collectors of the ' iltizam ' has nearly doubled that tax." t But I will not fatigue the reader by travelling through this wearying record of oppression. Holding his life, the honour of his family, and his property at the mercy of his Mussulman neighbour, who hates him on account of his religion, and envies the results of his industry ; weighed down by Government taxation, and oppressed beyond even that by the rapacity of the farmers of taxes ; without help from the tribunals, where his evidence cannot be heard ; mocked by promises of protection by the Sultan which have never been fulfilled — the lot of the Christian peasant, the condition of those who numerically are more than two -thirds of the people of European Turkey, and a very large proportion of the population of Asia Minor and Syria, is one of despair. He sees around him the bitter tokens of increasing wrong. His hard and cruel bondage has not sufficed to extinguish the love of home and the desire for children, and a blessing has gone with him ; so that whilst his stern taskmasters are diminishing, he sees his own race in- creasing, and is doomed to feel the intolerable sufferings which are instigated by the jealousy excited in the breast of the Mussul- mans by the impression, which is gaining force every day, that they are retrograding to the advantage of the Christian. Indeed — * Report of Consuls on Condition of Christians in Turkey, p. 58, t Ibid. p. 60. 'The Christians in Turkey, 7 J "This feeling has acquired such influence in the subordinate MedjHses, that when any case of oppression takes place on the part of the populace, courts are disposed to assist in it." * Shut out as the subject race is from the acquisition of land, their attention has been turned chiefly to trade, and almost the whole of this throughout Turkey has passed into their hands, and as a consequence we read, in the report of another consul, that— " The progress of the Christians has reached a degree which is becoming dangerous to them : the Mussulmans are jealous ot their prosperity in trade." t (4) Another concession, in favour of the Christians of Turkey, which the Western Powers of Europe required from the Sultan was, that the armies of that country should be recruited alike from the Mussulman and non-Mussulman por- tions of the population. It was felt that so long as the Christians were forbidden to be armed, whilst the rest of the subjects of Turkey were allowed the use of arms, and whilst the soldiery of the empire was exclusively drawn from one race, those classes of the people which were excluded from the army and not allowed to be armed were exposed to a certain disadvantage, and that their defenceless condition invited attack. Both in the Hatt-i-Humaioun of 1839, and again in the Hatt-i-Sherif of 1856, it was promised that this distinction should be abolished, and that the army should be drawn from the population of Turkey without distinction of creed. It was promised, and here the matter has rested. No Christian is allowed to bear arms ; the army is exclusively Mussulman. But not only is this pledge given to the Western Powers deliberately violated, the pledge extorted, though un- fulfilled, has been turned into a fresh engine of oppression. Christians are not only excluded — they are subject to an oppressive tax on the ground that they are so excluded The tenth of Sir Henry Bulwer's questions is as follows : — "10. Would the Christian population like to enter the military * Report of Consuls on Condition of Christians in Turkey, p. 36. t Ibid. p. 50. 74 '^^^ Christians in Turkey, service instead of paying the tax which procures them exemption ; and which would they gain most by — serving in the army, or pay- ing the said tax ? " * To this Mr. Abbott, of Monastir, replies : — " Christians would prefer entering the army instead of paying the exemption tax, provided they were formed into separate regiments, and were held out the prospect of advancing as much as Mussulmans would in similar positions. If this were the case, they would gain most by serving in the army." t Mr. Finn, of Jerusalem, answers this question in these words : — " Excepting in Jerusalem, where they are too much priest- ridden, the Christians do wish to serve personally in the army instead of paying the substitution tax, and consider that they and their people would gain by it in consideration, I am told that, in several parts of Syria, the youthful Christian population have petitioned for the privilege of serving personally in the army, even without requiring to be placed in separate companies or regiments." % Again, Mr. J. E. Blunt, of Pristina : — " It is the impression of the Undersigned that the Christians, the peasantry, which forms the bulk of their population, would prefer to enter the military service than pay the commutation - tax. . . . The Christians would gain more by serving in the army than by paying the tax." § Mr. Moore, consul at Beyrout, says : — " I think they would prefer entering the army to paying the tax, if there could be enrolled purely Christian regiments, officered by Christians ; but they much prefer paying the tax to serving in the army with the condition of being drafted into Turkish regi- ments with Turkish officers. They would gain most, I conceive, by entering the army under the former arrangement than by paying the tax." || A difference of opinion exists as to whether the Christians of Turkey, on the whole, would or would not be better oft' by paying the heavy exemption-tax, or by serving in the army ; but no difterence of opinion is possible as to the fraud practised * Report of Consuls on Condition of Christians in Turkey, p. 3. t Ibid. p. 5. X Ibid. p. a8. § Ibid. p. 36. || Ibid. p. 71. ^he Christians in Turkey, 75 upon the Western Powers by the non-fulfilment of the promise made by the Porte. It is pleaded by some of the consuls that, under the present condition of the Christians, and in face of the injustice practised towards them, it would be dangerous for the Sultan to put arms into their hands. But this is only an additional reason why the contracting Powers should insist upon this stipulation being faithfully carried out. Compel the Government of Turkey to fulfil its obligation in this respect, and that Government will be compelled, as a necessary ante- cedent, to ameliorate the condition of the Christians. At present the Christians are not armed, because they are so un- justly used, that it would be dangerous to place arms in their hands. By insisting upon this stipulation being fulfilled, we insist then upon their being fairly treated. It is absurd to suppose that a nation of some twenty-four millions of persons should require the constant wet-nursing of England and France to carry them safely through their second infancy. Twenty-four millions of free men might defend them- selves against the world in arms. The defensive strength of such a nation is far greater than the offensive power of Russia. It is because the strength of the Mussulman is exhausted in watching against and in oppressing the non-Mussulman portion of the empire that there exists any necessity of aid from England. If we compel Turkey to do justice to all her subjects, we shall obviate the necessity for English blood being wasted and English treasure consumed in defence of such a Power. Tell Turkey that she must henceforth rely upon her own subjects, and she will be forced to adopt a generous policy towards them. We are bearing at this moment the additional weight of seventy millions to our National Debt : we have to deplore the death of many thousands of Englishmen in the Crimean campaign : we maintain, at a great expense, a large Mediterranean fleet to be ready to defend Turkey against all assailants — only because the Sultan will not do justice to his Christian subjects. Had he done so, there would have been no Russian War ; and had the Czar been ever so ambitious, ever so warlike, Turkey, but for this standing wrong against the great bulk of her people, might. 7« "The Christians in 'Turkey. without aid from England, France, and Italy, have resisted all the assaults of the legions of the Northern autocrat. Whilst we are willing to pay for the injustice of Turkey towards her own subjects, we encourage her to persist in that injustice. (5) But there is another subject about which Sir Henry Bulwer professes incredulity, and on which he requires infor- mation, and that is the enforced conversions from Christianity — the compulsory adoption of the Mahomedan creed, in order to escape persecution and death. Nothing can show either the utter ignorance of Sir Henry Bulwer as to the state of Turkey or the unfairness of his questions than that he should ask for information on the subject. He knew at the time of sending out the list of questions that in the massacres of the Lebanon and Damascus whole villages, hundreds of men, women, and children had been compelled to adopt the Mahomedan faith in order to escape death in its most appalling forms. Sir Henry Bulwer knew, on the evidence of Lord Duflferin and of Mr. Cyril Graham, that thousands of those who then perished died martyrs for Christianity. That the alternative of death, or accepting the Mahomedan creed, was presented not only to men, but to women, and even to girls of tender age, and that thousands deliberately preferred the cruellest martyrdoms to abandoning their religion. When we talk of the imperfect faith of our brethren in the East — when we are told of their low morality, be this remembered to their everlasting honour, that in the middle of the nineteenth century between five and six thousand, at the least, on that occasion, accepted death rather than deny their belief in Christ !* (6) But a survey of the condition of the Christians in Turkey would be incomplete if I were to pass over all con- * I have referred less to the massacres in Syria and to the evidence of the consuls in that part of the Turkish dominions than I should otherwise have done, because the long-expected volume of Mr. Cyril Graham on Syria will be shortly published. No one has a greater right to be heard witli attention. No one is more competent to speak on the subject than Mr, Graham. And though his book is understood not to refer specifically to modem Syrian history, but to be one of enduring interest, yet, as the political history of Syria will be in- complete without an account of these massacres, I refer my readers with con- fidence to that forthcoming book for a calm, impartial narrative of events in which the writer may be said almost to have been an actor. ^he Christians in Turkey, 77 sideration of their moral state. The advocates of the Govern- ment of that country — the apologists for the rule of the Sultan tell us that the Christians — the large mass of the people of Turkey — have " exaggerated notions of nationality and political freedom ;"* that they have "no independence of character ;"t that they are "ignorant;" "miserly at home, abject without support, and insolent where unduly protected ; " % that they are "lying, intriguing ;"§ and that their clergy and municipal officers are "rapacious/' and that the whole race is "degraded and pusillanimous." II I have no doubt but that much of this is true. It is the curse of slavery that it brings forth in men the fruits of slavery ; and when w^e see such fruit, we are sure what the root must be. I know no heavier accusation against the Government of Turkey than that it makes men abject and lying, pusillanimous and miserly ; that it destroys independence of character, and that it degrades the whole man. The peasant, whose life and the lives of his children are at the mercy of his neighbours, cringes and submits to degrading acts until he acquires the habit of cringing. The man whose property may be seized at any moment by the meanest village official will, I am afraid, pretty generally "intrigue" and "lie" to preserve his hard-earned and dearly-prized possessions. This is the aspect which human nature invariably presents. But is this any excuse for slavery and oppression ? Nay, but its severest reproach. If the Christians of Turkey were invariably honest, munificent, manly — if, in short, they had all the virtues of free men, then I for one should be content that they should abide under the rule of the Sultan. The assertion that these virtues are not to be found — at least, in profusion — but that the sub- ject races are degraded by vices of this kind, is the strongest condemnation which can be uttered against that system of government by which they are weighed down and debased. Slaves are not freemen, neither have they the virtues, of * Report of Consuls on Condition of Christians in Turkey, p. 8. t Ibid. p. 20. X T])id. p. 49. § Ibid. p. 64. II Mr. Layard, in House of Commons, May 29, 1863. y8 'The Christians in Turkey. freedom. This is why slavery is so bitter a wrong, not that it diminishes the pleasures of the senses, but that it destroys the dignity of manhood ; and because I long for the day when our brethren of the East may be distinguished for independence of character — when they may be truthful, honest, courageous — in a word, free men, I desire they may be free. They cannot possess these qualities of the heart and soul so long as they are trampled under foot by their present masters. It is because you cannot graft these virtues upon the stock of abject sub- jection, that I pray for their deliverance from their present hard bondage. It is because you cannot gather grapes from thorns, nor figs from thistles, that I would that the thorns and the thistles might no longer be permitted to hinder the growth of those fruits which they cannot themselves produce. But we overlook much of the evils of slavery when we only consider its effects upon the bodies and souls of the enslaved race. It spreads beyond these : it debases and corrupts the master oftentimes more than the slave. This — according to the testimony of all travellers, of all who know anything of the condition of Turkey — is the result of slavery in that country. The subject races are, to use Mr. Layard's true though un- generous taunt, " degraded and pusillanimous," so much so in- deed that, in many places, they have lost heart, and have become meekly submissive to injustice;* but the ruling caste — the masters of these slaves — have sunk to lower depths than these, so that, degraded as the Christians are, yet in them alone lies the hope that the people of the countries stretching from the Black Sea to Aden will ever again lift up their heads and be numbered amongst the nations. On this matter I prefer to pursue the same course which I have already followed, and to allow others to speak rather than, by generalizing their testimony, to weaken its force. In Mr. Senior's diary this conversation is recorded : — " Soon after I left C. D., E. F. called on us. "* What impression,' he said, ' does the East produce on you ? * Report of Consuls on Condition of Christians in Turkey, p. 65. 'The Christians in Turkey. 79 " * The East,' I said, * is not quite new to me, as I have passed some months in Egypt' " ' Egypt,' he answered, * is not a fair specimen. The govern- ment of Egypt is as superior to the Mahomedan government as the docile laborious Fellah is to the brutal Turk.' " ' I have had time,' I said, ' only to look at the exterior. I see a capital, the streets of which are impassable to wheels, and scarcely to be traversed on foot ; I see a country without a road ; I see a palace of the Sultan's on every promontory of the Bos- porus ; I see vast tracts of unoccupied land, and more dogs than human beings ; these appearances are not favourable to the govern- ment or to the people.' " ' If you have the misfortune,' he answered, ' as I have had, to live among Turks for between two and three years, your opinions will be still less favourable. In government and in religion Turkey is a detritus. All that gave her strength, all that gave her consis- tency, has gone, what remains is crumbling into powder. The worst parts of her detestable religion, hatred of improvement, and hatred of the unbeliever ; the worst parts of her detestable govern- ment, violence, extortion, treachery, and fraud, are all that she has retained. Never was there a country that more required to be conquered. Our support merely delays her submission to that violent remedy.' " * Again, in the same volume : — • " The Turks of Europe are not producers ; they are a parasitical population, which lives only by plundering the Christians. Let this be made impossible, or even difficult, and they will emigrate or die out. The Turkish power in Bulgaria and Roumelia might thus fall of itself without conquest, as it has already done virtually in Servia, and in the Principalities." t And a little further on : — " ' Turkey,' said W., ' exists for two purposes. First, to act as a dog in the manger, and to prevent any Christian power from possessing a country which she herself in her present state is unable to govern or to protect. And, secondly, for the benefit of some fifty or sixty bankers and usurers, and some thirty or forty pashas, who make fortunes out of its spoils. It is the land ot jobs. All these palaces, all these terraced gardens, are the fruit of jobs, when they are not the fruit of something worse. All the most respectable statesmen are jobbers. Reschid Pasha during his different vizierships sold to himself at low prices large tracts of public land. He built a palace at Balti Liman, and sold it for 200,000/. to the Sultan, who made a present of it to his daughter married to Reschid's son.' " % * vSenior, pp. 17, -28. t Ibid. p. 31. % Tbirl. p. 84. 8o 'The Christians in Turkey. Another conversation is reported in these words : — " We talked of the degeneracy of the Turks. ' How do you account,' I asked, ' for the strange fact, if it be a fact, that in proportion as they have improved their institutions, in proportion as hfe and property have been more secure, their weaUh and their numbers have diminished? How comes it that the improvement which gives prosperity to every other nation ruins them ? ' " " * It is a fact,' said Y. * that while their institutions have im- ])roved, their wealth and population have diminished. Many causes have contributed to this deterioration. The first and great one is, that they are not producers. They have neither diligence, intelligence, nor forethought. No Turk is an improving landlord, or even a repairing landlord. When he has money, he spends it on objects of immediate gratification. His most permanent in- vestment is a timber palace, to last about as long as its builder. His only professions are shop-keeping and service. He cannot engage in any foreign commerce, as he speaks no language but his own. No one ever heard of a Turkish house of business, or of a Turkish banker, or merchant, or manufacturer. If he has lands or houses, he lives on their rent ; if he has money, he spends it, or employs it in stocking a shop, in which he can smoke and gossip all day long. The only considerable enterprise in which he ever engages is the farming some branch of the public revenue.' " * But, not to multiply extracts, to testify to a fact which is illustrated in almost every page of this valuable volume, I will only add the following : — " ' The distinguishing characteristic of the real Asiatic is, intellec- tual sterility and unfitness for change. One nation, to save itself trouble, declares that its laws shall be immutable. Another institutes caste, and makes all further improvement impossible. Another protects itself against new ideas, by refusing all inter- course with foreigners. An Asiatic had rather copy than try to invent, rather acquiesce than discuss, rather attribute events to destiny dian to causes that can be inquired into and explained. His only diplomacy is war ; his only internal means of government are poison, the stick, and the bowstring. " ' In the Turk these peculiarities are exaggerated. Whatever be his puri)ose, he uses the means which require the least thought. If he has to create a local government, he simply hands over to the Pasha all the powers of the Sultan. If he wants money, he takes it wherever he can find it ; and if he cannot get it by force, he puts up to auction power, justice, the prosperity, and indeed the subsistence, of liis subjects. He averts the dangers of a * Senior, pp. 210, 211. The Christians in 'Turkey. 8i disputed succession by killing all the nephews of the Sultan, or preventing any from coming into existence. He relies on the rain for washing his streets, on the dogs for keeping them free from offal, on the sun for making passable the tracks which he calls roads, and on the climate for enabling him to live in his timber house without repairing it. For everything else he relies on Allah, and entreats God to do for him what he is too torpid to do for himself His fatalism, is, in fact, indolence in its most exag- gerated form. It is an escape, not only from exertion, but from deliberation. " ' Our attempts to improve the Turks put me in mind of the old story of the people who tried to wash the negro white. He never was, or will be, or can be anything but a barbarian.' " * Lord Hobart and Mr. Foster, in their report on the state of Turkish finance, speak of Turkey as possessing. . . "An army scarcely sufficient to ensure the defence of the frontier from marauding tribes, and powerless in the face of a fanatical outbreak ; with a police, which in many parts of the empire casts not even a shadow of restraint upon the thriving trading of brigandage, and with production and commerce para- lysed for want of roads." + But, on this subject, it is possible to cite Sir Henry Bulwer himself as a witness, the more valuable, because his Turkish pre- dilections are sufficiently notorious not to permit of our believing that he would exaggerate the evils of this empire of anarchy. Speaking of Syria, he says : — " To expect the same state of things in Syria that exists in a well-, or even ill-, governed province in Europe, is out of the ques- tion. The warlike and more than half-barbarous mountaineers are in one quarter habituated to a state of military independence. In another, the wild Arabs of the Desert have through all times defied civilization, and resorted to plunder wherever there was not a superior force to overawe their temerity, or punish their mis- deeds. In the plains there exists a peasantry thrifty, and indus- trious, but for ages oppressed and subdued. How can all these, by the wand of an enchanter, be at once called into a homo- geneous class of cultivators, artizans, shopkeepers, and merchants obedient to the law, and acknowledging that equality before it which distinguishes the citizens of our modern communities 1 It appears that, for some time at least, there is only a choice between the two extremes of disorder generated by licence, and submission, * Senior, pp. 727, 328. + Report on the Financial Condition of Turkey, Dec. 1861, p. 31. 82 T^he Christians in Turkey. tlic consequence of power, which will rarely be unaccompanied by oppression. At the present time, however, these two extremes appear unhappily associated. Wherever the Turk is sufficiently predominant to be implicitly obeyed, laziness, corruption, extra- vagance, and penury mark his rule ; and wherever he is too feeble to exert more than a doubtful and nominal authority, the system of government which prevails is that of the Arab robber and the lawless Highland chieftain." * And yet, according to the testimony of Mr. Brant, quoted at page 20, it is evident that the task of reducing Syria to order is only hopeless, because it is under the Government of Turks. In answer to Sir Henry Bulwer's question to the consuls — " What measures do you think could best be taken to improve generally the condition of the country ? " f Mr. Charles Blunt, of Smyrna, replies : — " Previously to suggesting any measures, it is most undoubtedly, under existing circumstances, a question of very serious import whether, by attempting a re-organization, and consequently dis- turbing the present state of things, any beneficial results could be obtained. My foregoing replies have shown that, when human life and property were secure, the state of the Christian races began to improve simultaneously, it may be said, with agriculture and commerce. The more than richness of the soil, and well- known superior intelligence of the Christian over the Mahometan races, mainly contributed to that improvement ; therefore the now daily-increasing means of instruction, so largely availed of by the Christians, but unheeded by the Turks ; the facility of communication with more civilized nations by steam, and the introduction of railways, will probably do more for the general good of the country, even under the present faulty system, than the introduction of new measures which the Turks cannot or will not understand, and I may add, have neither the desire nor capacity for carrying out. " In making the latter remarks, however strong they may appear, I shall venture to add, for my justification, that, with a people with whom the idea of patriotism is wanting ; people in whose characters apathy and procrastination are predominant ; people whose ideas are, in the extreme sense of the words, selfish and sensual ; people whose existing social and moral evils add to the daily-increasing degradation of the country'; with such * Papers on Administrative and Financial Reform in Turkey, 1858 — i86r, PP- .^2, 33. f Report of Consuls on Condition of Christians in Turkey, p. 4. "The Christians in Turkey, 83 sorry elements to work with, the introduction of new measures might probably tend to disturb the present steadily-progressing intelligence and prosperity of the country."* Nor is there any hope of improvement in the way of education : — " The ignorance of the Mussulmans on all educational matters is notorious : indeed, they delude themselves with the idea that they are so infinitely superior to the conquered races that it would be derogatory in them to improve their minds in the same way as the Christians do. The Rayahs have begun of late years to understand the immense importance of education, and the great advantages to be derived from it, and they demonstrate a most praiseworthy desire for acquiring knowledge and for having their children properly educated. " The utmost that a Turk will attempt is to follow the old beaten track of his ancestors, in merely learning to read the Koran, and to write sufficiently well to be able to compose a letter with tolerable correctness and elegance. The Turkish Khoja, or schoolmaster, is totally ignorant of geography, general history, natural science, and modern languages ; indeed, the Turks deem such knowledge to be quite useless." t No wonder that every one who has seen tlie country, has lived in Turkish society, and is able to observe, is in despair of preserving this empire as at present constituted : — " ' As for the integrity of Turkey,' said W. ' as a permanent arrangement, it is impossible. We may dose her with Hatt-i- Humaiouns, but she is past physic, " nullum remedium agit in cadaver." She is worse than a corpse ; she is a corpse in a state of decomposition.' " J " This country is a pourriture. To civilize the Mussulman is impossible. All that we can do is to try to raise the Christian. He has borne on his shoulders far too long this cadavrcr § If there exists any gleam of hope, however faint, for this Turkish race, it is in the overthrow of the Government of the country ; for ignorant, and inert, and sensual as the whole people may be, the governing body, the officials throughout the empire, are more depraved even than the Mussulmans whom they govern, and under the firm and equitable rule of a Christian people it might even be possible to save the poorer classes amongst the Turks from that utter extinction which surely * Report of Consuls on Condition of Christians in Turkey, p. 34. t Ibid. p. 87. t Senior, p. ^^. § Ibid. p. 147. G 2 84 77z^ Christians in 'Turkey, awaits them if the Government of the Sultan continue much longer : — " Mr. Bkmt was for twenty years consul at Salonica. I asked him which population he preferred, the Salonicans or the Smyr- niotes. " ' There is not much,' he said, * to choose between them. The poorer, the humbler, the Turk is, the better he is ; as he mixes with the world, and as he gets money and power, he deteriorates. In the lowest class I have sometimes found truth, honesty, and gratitude ; in the middle classes, seldom ; in the highest, never. Even the lowest classes are changed for the worse. Five and twenty years ago you could trust a bag of money to a porter for short distances, to a courier for long ones ; it was the practice. No one ventures to do so now. The race, however, is rapidly dying out' " * And, again : — "*The Turk of the 15th century,' answered Y. ' was a different person from the Turk of the 19th. " ' He was athletic and vigorous, he lived in exercise and in the open air. He was not the sedentary smoking sensualist that he is now : but I will not deny than even the degenerate Turk has some virtues. He is sober. All classes are sober in eating, the great majority are sober in drinking. He is sober in conduct, he is not easily ruffled or easily excited. He is calm in both good and bad fortune. He is eminently hospitable and charitable. Unhappily his virtues wither under the rays of prosperity. The poor Turk is honest and humane, the Turkish private soldier is brave. The rich Turk is always an oppressor.' " t The testimony of Lord Carlisle is to much the same effect: — " Among the lower orders of the people, there is considerable simplicity and loyalty of character, and a fair disposition to be obliging and friendly. Among those who emerge from the mass, and have the opportunities of helping themselves to the good things of the world, the exceptions from thorough-paced corrup- tion and extortion are most rare ; and in the whole conduct of l)ublic business and routine of official life, under much apparent courtesy and undeviating good-breeding, a spirit of servility, de- traction, and vindictiveness appears constantly at work. The bulk of the people is incredibly uninformed and ignorant." % With one other extract from another traveller I quit this branch of my subject : — * Senior, pp. 189, 190. + Jbid. p. 216, t Diary in Turkish Waters, p. 182. ^he Christians in 'Turkey, 85 "To do any good in this country, or to see it done, a man ought to live to a patriarchal age, and to see the Turks dis- possessed of the sovereignty forthwith. There is a malediction of heaven and a self-destnictiveness on their whole system. I know them well — I have now lived many years among them — there are admirable qualities in the poor Turks, but their govern- ment is a compound of ignorance, blundering, vice — vice of the most atrocious kind — and weakness and rottenness. And what- ever becomes a part of government, or in any way connected with it, by the fact becomes corrupt. Take the honestest Turk you can find, and put him in office and power, and then tell me three months afterwards what he is ! He must conform to the general system, or cease to be in office. One little wheel, however sub- ordinate it may be, would derange the whole machine if its teeth did not fit." * The only hope, however, for this country rests in the Christian population. The superiority of the Rayah or Chris- tian subjects of the Porte to the Mussulmans is so notorious, that no traveller in Turkey can pass it by unnoticed. They are at present rising elastic under the hand of the oppressor, so that the nature of the vices, with which they are justly charged, are, because clearly the result of servitude, grounds of hope and reasonable expectation that in their hands and under their government these fertile countries of Europe and Asia may again blossom as the rose and be studded by smiling villages. Again to make use of Mr. Senior's diary : — ^'Monday, November 16th. — I showed Y. the journal which I have been keeping here. " ' All that you have reported of me,' he said, ' is correct. And I think that you have well collected the opinions that prevail in Smyrna respecting the Turks. But I should like to see more about the Greeks. They are destined to play — indeed they play now — a more important part than the Turks. I admit that they have great faults ; that they are false, intriguing, and servile ; that they have, in short, many of the bad qualities which might be expected from four hundred years of oppression. The wonder is, that they are not worse. We find that even Englishmen are worse for twenty or thirty years of residence among us. But their dili- gence, their public spirit, their ambition, their thirst for knowledge, and their sagacity, are beyond all praise.' " * * Turkey and its Destiny, by Charles McFarlane. Vol. II. pp. 84, 85. 86 T*he Christians in Turkey, Again : — " The Turks are idle and improvident. The Greek labourers arc not good, one of them does not do half the work of an Englishman ; but he does three times the work of a Turk, and I pay him three times the wages." + Mr. J. E. Blunt, British consul at Pristina, though, in his report, he points out that " the Christian peasant labours under certain disadvantages from which the Turks, in comparison, suffer little or not at all," yet tells us that " A Christian village is in general better formed and cleaner, its yards more stocked, and its inhabitants better clothed than the Turkish." % But, on this point, we hardly require the opinions of consuls, nor even the sad pictures which travellers give us of the con- trast between the decaying Turkish village, or, more frequently, the clump of cypresses and the deserted cemetery, which alone show where a Turkish village has been, and the Christian hamlet embosomed in trees and tracked from afar by the sounds of joyous infancy. The one fact that, in every province of Turkey, the population is rapidly declining — that scarcely a town in the empire can be pointed out, in which whole quarters have not totally disappeared within the last few years, " or have left nothing behind them but ruined mosques, minarets, and baths," and that everywhere, whilst the Turks are on the decrease, Greeks, Armenians, and Jews are increasing in numbers, § is more significant than all reasoning or the partial accounts of travellers. To use again the words of Lord Carlisle : — On the continent, in the islands, it is the Greek peasant who works and thrives ; the Turk reclines, smokes his pipe, and decays. The Greek village increases its population, and teems with chil- dren ; in the Turkish village you find roofless walls and crumbling mosques." jj So that no fate can be so afflictive, no injury to this country so great, as that which we aim at, " the maintenance of the * Senior, pp. 223, 224. + Ibid, p. 164. X Report of Consuls on Condition of Christians in Turkey, p. 35. § Turkey and its Destiny, by Charles McFarlane. Vol. II. p. 63. II Diary in Turkish Waters, p. 1.S3, The Christians in Turkey, 87 integrity of Turkey ; '' for if we repress the growth of the Christian races — if, in the words of Mr. Senior, — " You leave the Turk to himself, this country, if it does not become another Greece, ' by shaking off the Turkish yoke,' will become another Morocco."* In this consists the hopelessness of expecting any improve- ment, so long as the government of the Sultan continues. The evil of the present state of things arises not so much from Turkish character as from Turkish rule. This fact has been contested by Mr. Layard, who, in the course of a recent debate, endeavoured to defend the Government of that country at the expense of the people. According to his view of the case, it is the people of Turkey as contradistinguished from the govern- ment who are the source of all the misrule, all the corruption, all the evil which have destroyed the national life ; it is the people alone, according to the Member for Southwark, who are responsible for " the horrid massacres and outrages " by which the Turks have attempted to reduce the Christian population. The assertion, however, that these deplorable events have their origin in the spontaneous fanaticism of the people is not true. Almost every massacre which has shocked Europe has been the deliberate work of the Sultan, and has not arisen from the people of Turkey. The people have, indeed, been incited to act, and have been but too ready to obey the suggestions or directions of the Court of Constantinople ; but the evidence is too complete on this matter to leave us in any doubt about the quarter from whence the instigation came. From the massacre of Scopia,t down to that of Damascus,| we have invariably seen fanatical populaces acting under the direction of their pashas, and these, again, only obeying the wishes of the Sultan and his advisers. There can be no doubt of the fact. It is this circumstance, that these were all govern- ment massacres, ordered for the political object of keeping down the increase of the Christian population, which has led those who are best acquainted with Turkish politics to predict that * Senior, pp. 208, 209. t Turkey and its Destiny, by Charles McFarlane. Vol. I. pp. 202 — 228. X See the Blue Books on the Syrian Massacres, passim. 88 T^he Christians in Turkey. there will be no more massacres on a large scale, until the Ministers of the Porte shall have recovered from the alarm felt throughout all the departments of State in Turkey, lest the recent French occupation of Syria should be permanent. One consul expressly says that " the popular fanaticism never breaks out until the fanatical tendency of the Governor is visible/' * But even then it does not break out of itself. It watches and waits for the orders of the central government. Let us follow for a moment the course of one of these massacres. The evidence is complete with reference to the last of these " horrid massacres and outrages." In the Syrian massacre the arms of the Christians were first taken away by the Lieutenant of the Sultan, and given to the Druse chieftains. The Christians were next led to abandon their strong positions, and to rely upon the protection of the Turkish troops. When in a safe place, the approach to their retreat was thrown open by the Turkish commander to the Druses ; and the Turkish soldiers pretending to aim at the assailants of the Christians, poured in their whole fire upon the unarmed peasants, men, women, and child- ren. For his share in these deeds, Kurschid Pasha was sent to Rhodes, where he is " the fountain of all honour and advance- ment "t in that island. Tahir Pasha, who presided at the mas- sacre, was allowed to retire to Beyrout,t whilst the guilty agent in the Jeddah massacre, Namik Pasha, was first rewarded with the office of Minister at War, and then appointed Pasha of Bagdad. In considerations of general policy, in those deeper matters * Report of Consuls on Condition of Christians in Turkey, p. 28. + Mr. Gregory's Speech in the House of Commons, May 29, 1863. % "When I was in Syria in the spring of 1861, I inquired what had become of Tahir Pasha, whom I had known at Kars. I was told that he had been adjudged worthy of death by the almost unanimous verdict of the European commission, for having presided over and directed the wholesale massacres of Christian villages of unresisting and disarmed men, women, and children. This man had received an English education, having been for six years at the Woolwich Artillery vSchool. His sentence had been commuted to imprison- ment for life, and so I concluded he was incarcerated in a gloomy dungeon. Before I left Beyrout, I was admiring the position of a building placed so as to command tlie finest scenery. I saw, on the balcony, two Turks of rank playing at dominoes, and enjoying themselves in true Turkish fashion. I thought I recognized Tahir Pasha in one of them, but to make sure, I rode up to the balcony and called him by name. He came forsvard, and we had some conversation together." — Extract of a Lettet from Dr. Sandwith. ^he Christians in 'Turkey, 89 which involve the life of a nation, too great stress is oftentimes laid upon mere material interests. All is not to be settled by appeals to tables of exports and imports. There are more enduring interests than can be represented by bales of cotton goods and crates of earthenware. Communities of slave-owners may be larger importers of dry goods than a like number of freemen. Accident may cause this. The former may be larger purchasers merely because they are smaller producers. We are not, however, to make bills of lading the only measure of our sympathies, nor pore curiously over the columns of exports and imports, before we determine whether slavery be evil ; whether despotism be preferable to consti- tutionalism ; whether a profligate Mussulman Government shall so far enlist our support as to make us indifferent to the condition of the millions of Christians pining under its yoke. For this reason I should not have thought of appealing to the figures of the Custom-house. Mr. Layard, however, has done so ; and, though I demur to their universal applicability, yet I am unable altogether to pass them by. I am puzzled to understand why he should have imported this element into his speech on the oppressions of the Christians in Turkey. It yields no support to his assertions — nay, it conflicts with the whole tenor of his speech. I have abundantly proved, from the testimony of every one who has written on Turkey, that the race is dying out in every province of the empire, whilst the Christians on the same soil are uniformly in- creasing in numbers. Now, under these circumstances, we should expect to find some fluctuation in the value of the exports and imports to that country. If the declining, or Mussulman, race, were in the main the chief purchasers or producers, then we should find the exports and imports suffer a corresponding diminution. If, however, the increasing race, the Christian sub- jects of Turkey, are the better customers for the produce of the rest of the world, then the imports will show an increase pro- portionate to that of the increase of this part of the population. Now, Mr. Layard tells us that — *' In 1 83 1 the Turkish import trade from England amounted to go The Christians in Turkey. 888,684/. ; and in 1839 it had increased to 1,430,224/. ; in 1848 to 3,116,365/.; and in i860 to 5,639,898/. The export trade had increased no less rapidly from 1,387,416/. in 1840, to 3,202,558/. in 1856, and 5,505,492/. in i860, the Danubian IMn- cipalities included. In fact, the trade with England had increased in twenty-three years 635 per cent. The results as regards France have been no less remarkable. In 1833 the imports from that country amounted in value to 16.730,000 francs; in 1856 they had risen to 91,860,000 francs. The exports in 1833 were only 874,000 francs; in 1856 they had risen to 131,546,258 francs. The revenue of Turkey shows a no less extraordinary result. In the time of Sultan Mahmoud it amounted to only 3,000,000/. a year; in 1850 it had risen to 7,000,000/.: it has now reached 15,000,000/." * How much of this increase is due to the freedom of the Danubian Principalities ; how much of this must be credited to Servia, Wallachia, and Moldavia, Mr. Layard does not tell us : though it is noteworthy, that in order to show this great increase, he has to include countries now free from the Ottoman yoke, and flourishing because free. But in culling these figures, Mr. Layard unaccountably over- looked others which are still more deeply significant of the differ- ence between the slumberous and decaying Turkish race and the active and advancing Greek people. Thirty years ago, Greece commenced its national life. Till that time it was a province of Turkey. It has now a population of only about 1,200,000 — just a twentieth part of the population of Turkey. Yet the return of the ships and tonnage entering the port of Constantinople in the years 1857 and 1861, gives us these remarkable items : — 1857. i86i. Ships. Tons. Ships. Tons. Turkish . . 4,055 377j5oo . . 3,690 360,612 Greek. . . 2,738 461,95? • • 3»2io 527,131 Ionian Islands 290 45,^34 • • 5°° 82,853 So that the whole shipping, coastwise and foreign, sailing under the Turkish flag, and entering the port of its own capital, is less than that of the petty kingdom of Greece, and the former is declining, whilst the latter is increasing.f One fact, however, is clear from the figures cited by Mr. * The Condition of Turkey and her Dependencies. A Speech delivered in the House of Commons, May 29, 1863, by A. H. Layard, Esq. M.P. (Murray.) P. 57. f Statistical tables of trade of Foreign Countries. " Parliamentary Papers." ne Christians in 'Turkey, 9I Layard and those which I have just given. With the rapid dechne of the Turkish race the foreign trade as rapidly increases, whilst the increase in trade keeps pace with the increase in the numbers, the activity, and the intellectual progress of the Greeks. What, then, is the inference, the only inference to be drawn from these facts, but that the Turks are neither consumers of foreign goods, nor producers of articles of commerce to any appreciable amount ; and that, when the whole race has disap- peared from the countries which it occupies, indeed, but does not till ; which it possesses but only to render desolate and to curse with sterility ; that then, not merely will the peace of the rest of the world be less frequently menaced, but its commerce will be largely augmented. Increasing wealth implies industrious population ; it does not prove that they are not oppressed. Tyrants tire of persecuting when there is unyielding submission, and no element exists to alarm their fears. Even the Turk would not plunder, unless stimulated by the knowledge of the gains of industry hoarded up or invested by the Christian races. But increase in numbers, and even augmenting wealth, is no evidence that the people are not oppressed. History gives us many examples of great increase in numbers, in wealth, and in intelligence, in face of grievous tyranny, and in defiance of cruelties resorted to to keep down the advance of a subject race. It was the growth of the Low Countries, in population and material resources, which, awakening the alarm of Spain, led to their oppression. The Prime Minister of Philip the Second retorted the charge of cruelty and wrong by pointing to the growth of Leyden and the thriving commerce of Antwerp. His Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs praised the tolerant rule of Alva, and condemned the restlessness and ingratitude of the Hollanders, much as Mr. Layard eulogizes Turkish Pashas and condemns the discon- tented Christians ; and all the members of the Spanish Cabinet united in attributing the movements in the Low Countries to " foreign intrigues," and to " persons of various kinds not iden- tified with or belonging to the native population."* History, * Sir Henry Bulwer's Circular to Her Majesty's Consuls in the Ottoman dominions. 9 a The Christians in Turkey. however, has returned a different verdict, as history will reverse the sentence passed by Mr. Layard and Sir Henry Bulwer. Be it remembered, then, that these massacres are not the spontaneous outbreaks of Mussulman fanaticism directed against Christians, nor cruelties springing from the rapacity of the Turkish Government, and aimed against its richer subjects merely. It is the oppression of self-preservation springing from the alarm felt by the Turks at the increasing numbers, wealth, and influence of the Christians, and at their growth, notwith- standing all the cruel means which have been resorted to in order to keep down the increase of the Christian population. History is ever repeating itself. We may see in Turkey the same spectacle which the rulers of Rome beheld in the early centuries of the Christian era, the growth within the empire of a despised and persecuted sect ; growing, though persecuted — nay, as it seemed, growing because persecuted. But not only in this particular have we a parallel between the condition of the early Christians and those of modern times in countries sub- jected to Turkish rule, we have a repetition, also, of the means which the Neros and the Diocletians attempted to prevent the growth of the people and to destroy the hostile religion. But we may find a closer parallel than even this. When I read of the oppression which is the normal condition of the Christians of Turkey ; when I think of the massacres of Damascus and Jeddah, I am naturally reminded of the hard bondage of the Jews and the instincts of Pharaoh ; and in a few verses in the beginning of the book of Exodus I read a faithful picture of the growth of the Christian people amidst oppression, and of the cruel policy by which the government of Turkey endeavours to restrain the increase of a race which it hates and fears : — " And the children of Israel were fruitful, and increased abundantly, and multiplied, and waxed exceeding mighty ; and the land w-as filled with them. Now there arose up a new king over Egypt. . . . And he said unto his people. Behold, the people of the children of Israel are more and mightier than we : Come on, let us deal wisely with them ; lest they multiply, and it come to pass, that, when there falleth out any war, they join also unto our enemies. T!he Christians in 'Turkey, 93 and fight against ns, and so get them up out of the land. There- fore they did set over them taskmasters to afflict them with their burdens. . . . But the more they afflicted them, the more they multiplied and grew. And they were grieved because of the children of Israel. And the Egyptians made the children of Israel to serve with rigour : And they made their lives bitter with hard bondage, in mortar : and in brick, and in all manner of service in the field all their service, wherein they made them serve, was with rigour." * And when hard bondage failed to thin their numbers sufficiently, and to stay the increase of the oppressed people, then we read that Pharaoh ordered the destruc- tion of the male children, from state policy, just as now, from the same state policy, the Sultan, from time to time, directs thQ massacre of his Christian subjects. But it is not the fact of the oppression and wrong practised throughout the Turkish empire which, as an Englishman, I chiefly regret ; it is that, in defiance of all our boasted sympathy with enslaved and suffering people, in defiance of all our traditions of non-intervention in the internal afFaii^ of other countries, we strengthen by our influence and our material power the hands of the oppressor, and are continually meddling, against this suffering people, in the internal government of Turkey. The impression that we do so is increasing through- out the dominions of the Sultan. This knowledge is em- bittering the people, unhappily subject to his rule, against England. It is acting also as a perpetual irritant to France and Russia ; excusing, and, as they think, rendering neces- sary, their interference, and sowing the seeds of future trouble and wars between the Great Powers of Europe. At least half our warlike preparations and expenses of late years have arisen from this one source. The impression that we so inter- fere is, indeed, not groundless ; it is avowed by Ministers of State, and recorded in official documents. " Her Majesty's Government wishes, as you well know, to maintain the Ottoman Empire,'^ is the language of Sir Henry Bulwer ; but it does far more than wish, in order to accomplish this object; it tramples * Exodus i. 7 — 14. 04 The Christians in Turkey. on all other considerations, it disregards cveiy right, and tole- rates the breach of every treaty which has been made for tlie amelioration of the people of this " Ottoman Empire." I need not travel beyond the words of a recent speech of the I'nder Secretary for Foreign Affairs, for mournful evidence of the truth of these assertions. Much of that speech was directed against the Government of Servia. The people in these pro- vinces, at the cost of a war of thirty years' duration, emanci- pated themselves from the dominion of Turkey. They hold at present a semi-independent position, paying a small tribute, and burdened by the presence of five garrisons, but beyond this free, by treaty, from Turkish control. Whilst all the other provin''es of Turkey have for a long time past been declining in number:-, from the dying out of the Turkish population, Servia. on the other hand, is admitted by her opponents to be rapidly increasing.* Though small in territory, it has more miles of read than are to be found in ten times the extent of territory .n other parts of the Turkish empire, and the value of land — one great test of material advancement — is in this principality more than a hundred times higher than in Asia Minor. These are signs of progress which are not gratifying to the apologists of Turkey, and hence Servia is the object of their unceasing attacks. Recently the Government of this province thought it right to encourage the formation of corps of volunteers, similar to the defensive force which has sprung up in our own country. The circumstances of the times seemed to call for this. The new Sultan had commenced his reign by largely increasing his regular army. Great military preparations were taking place throughout Turkey — large levies of men, and the accumulation of military stores — whilst in this country the Sultan was purchasing great quantities of arms. Bosnia, on the eastern frontier of Servia, was held by twenty battalions of Turkish soldiers, and these were about to be increased. t Bulgaria, on the eastern boundary, contained a similar over- whelming force ; whilst the most successful general in the * Herzegovina, &c. by Lieutenant Arbuthnot, p. 262, + Report of Consuls on the Condition of Christians in Turkey, p. 54. The Christians in Turkey. 95 Turkish army was marching on the southern border of the principahty, to suppress an insurrection in the Herzegovina, occasioned, as Mr. Arbuthnot admits, by the exactions of Hadji Pasha, the officer of the Porte.* Whilst all this array of troops was going on, Servia itself was garrisoned by some eight thousand Turks, and had for an army — if so small a force can be dignified by that name — between three and four thousand men. It had been culpable, criminal neglect on the part of Prince Michael, if he had taken no precautions, whilst his people were thus surrounded by Turkish armies. He took steps to arm the militia throughout the principality, for at that moment the militia, which had only a nominal existence, possessed no arms. And this is made, by the Foreign Office of England, a charge against the Prince. Under like circumstances, indeed, in England, we hear of great activity in the dockyards, of the necessity of new fortifications, of naval reserves, of augmented battalions, and the enrolment of volunteers. And ought that which is held the highest prudence with reference to ourselves to be made a charge against Servia ? But Mr. Layard teHs us it was "monstrous" for Servia to seek to arm its militia because the " rights and actual status " of that principality were " gua- ranteed by the Great Powers of Europe," but surely he must have forgotten that the " rights and actual status " of Turkey were also "guaranteed by the" same "Great Powers of Europe;'^ and that, if, notwithstanding this guarantee, it were allowable for the Sultan to collect an army which could only be used against his own people, it could not be criminal in the same people to take some precautions against fresh Syrian massacres, asjainst a repetition of the scenes only a few months before acted in the Lebanon. May the wolf sharpen his claws and his teeth and charge it as an affront upon the sheep that they look about for the means of safety ? But the endeavours of the Prince of Servia to obtain arms was made the ground for an attack of so singular a kind, one which is so characteristic of the inexactitude of Mr, Lavard's ^ Herzegovina, pp. I'i, 38. q6 T'he Christians in Turkey. statements, that I must briefly refer to it. In tlie report of his speech, corrected by himself, I find the following words : — " The conduct of the Servian Government since the bombard- ment has been entirely passed over by my honourable friend. What has occurred since that event, and whilst the great Powers have been endeavouring to effect some arrangement between the Porte and Servia? We find large supplies of arms clandestinely, I would almost say treacherously, sent into Servia. According to some statements, as many as 100,000 stand ; according to the lowest estimate, between 40,000 and 50,000. These arms were not purchased in the open market and for an avowed purpose, but were secretly furnished from Imperial arsenals in the south of Russia, and furnished, there is evety reasoji to believe^ without pay- nient. They were secretly sent across the Moldo-Wallachian frontiers, and under the charge of Russian and Wallachian officials. AMien information was obtained as to what was going on, and remonstrances were made by the Porte and by some of the great Powers, the fact of arms being sent was boldly denied ; then it was asserted that the arms were few, and were not intended for Servia at all. When the whole transaction was fully exposed, the Prince of Servia came boldly forward and declared that the arms were for him, and that he had a perfect right to receive them." We find here that species of rhetoric for which the Member for Southwark is distinguished. Suggestions in the room of facts, insinuations in place of argument, and Russia dangling as bugbear to aflfright the Commons : but we have worse charac- teristics than these. Would any reader of Mr. Layard's speech gather from it the facts for which I vouch, and which were per- fectly known to him whilst making this statement ? Tlie Prince of Servia when he needed arms applied first to this country ; a contract w^as drawm up with Birmingham gun- makers. It only needed the signature when the manufacturers received notice from the Foreign Office, of wdiich Mr. Layard is the Under Secretary, that these arms would not be allowed to leave the country, and this, though the exportation of arms to the Northern States and also to the Southern Confederacy of America was going on daily. Failing then to obtain the arms from Birmingham, the Prince procured them from a Russian maker, and the money, which was to have been paid in England, 'The Christians in Turkey. 97 was paid in the former country, and yet, knowing all these cir- cumstances, the Under Secretary of State for Foreign AiFairs dared to rise in the House of Commons and to make it a charge against Servia that " these arms were not purchased in an open market," when it was the authorities of the Foreign Office alone who had hindered their being so purchased. Wlien Mr. Layard makes inexact assertions in the House of Commons, it is not surprising for us to find from the newspapers that every bench in that house seems simultaneously filled with noisy sceptics, joining in derisive cries of unbelief. This is a small matter. It is a more important matter, however, to remember that this country is degraded in the eyes of Europe when Ministers of State are permitted to palter with truth and honesty in this manner. Further on in his speech Mr. Layard attempted a vindication of the past policy of this country with reference to Turkey. I have neither space nor time to unravel the sophistries nor expose the misstatements which abound throughout the speech, nor is it necessary to do so. There are two points, howeveT, which I will advert to, one as illustrating the wrongs thoughtlessly, recklessly inflicted upon an innocent much-suftering people — the other the deeds actively done in our zeal to " maintain the integrity of Turkey." It is some extenuation of a wrong that it was thoughtlessly inflicted. But even in that case the wrong-doer is bound to make some amends for the injury which has followed upon his thoughtlessness. I am not aware that a nation has any right to hold itself exempt from making the same atonement. In 1840-41, in pursuance of the policy of this country, by the aid of a British fleet and land forces, the Pasha of Egypt was driven from Syria, and that country was restored to the immediate rule of the Porte. I am not concerned with the policy itself which led to this. It may or may not, for aught I know, have been, on the whole, a sound policy. Tiie state of Syria, however, at the moment when we transferred it to the hands of the Sultan, is worth noticing. The condition of that country was this : — the people were, for the first time for a H 5 8 The Christians in Turkey, century at least, enjoying security of life and property, the laws were firmly and impartially administered, crime had diminished, outrages against the Christians had almost entirely ceased ; trade had revived, lands which had long gone out of cultivation were again under tillage. The change from its former mis- government was, according to trustworthy accounts, marvellous. We interfered ; we drove out the Egyptians ; we transferred it to the rule of its old masters without, unhappily, making one stipulation in favour of the inhabitants. Immediately, as if by an enchanter's wand, all life died out, the lands which had been but just rescued from the desert again went out of culti- vation, the old insecurity made itself felt ; again we find the old outrages, the former crimes. But over and above this, the mas- sacres which have taken place since that moment, such as Mr. Rogers, Mr. Cyril Graham, Mr. Moore, speak of, have caused a destruction of far more than 50,000 persons, men, women, and children. This has been the result, the consequence, of our policy. Tt was a result which we were bound to have guarded against ; which w'e might have foreseen. It was a crime against humanity to have handed over the people of Syria to the rule of the Porte, without some stipulation for their better treat- ment, some precautions against their destruction. Though it be true that " Evil is wrought by want of thoughtj As well as want of heart," * still evil is not the less evil whatever the source may be from which it springs. But granted that this was a thoughtless wrong, we " maintain the integrity of Turkey " in ways which lack even this extenuation, unsatisfactory as it is. Mr. Layard, in his speech, referred to the war against Mon- tenegro, waged by Turkey during the last year. He, of course, lays the entire blame upon the Montenegrins, who, " without any provocation, made a wanton attack upon Turkey." Accounts differ widely on this matter. However, be that as it may, it hardly excuses the part taken by the British Government in that struggle. Hood. The Christians in Turkey. ^9 At the close of the Crimean War, the Great Powers of Europe, commiserating the condition of these brave moun- taineers, appointed a commission to settle certain questions of boundary which had arisen between them and the Turks. Amongst the commissioners sent from England was a military officer, who was or had been consul at Bosna Serai. He and the rest of the members of the commission were hos- pitably received by the people of Montenegro, who entered warmly into the pacific errand on which they had come. In order to arrange the question of frontier, the commissioners traversed Montenegro ; they penetrated its defiles ; they made themselves familiar with its fastnesses ; those gorges which had enabled its inhabitants for so many ages to defy the Turks and to defend their independence. Hardly had the commission completed their labours when war broke out between Turkey and Montenegro — between the few thousands of those sons of the Black Mountain and the empire of 24,000,000 inhabitants. Then comes a story which is scarcely credible. No sooner had this taken place, whilst the Turkish army was preparing to invade Montenegro, the commissioner was directed by the British Government to proceed to the head-quarters of Omer Pasha, and, with the knowledge of the defiles and approaches to the Black Mountain thus obtained in peace, to place him- self at the service of the Turkish general. What follows I prefer to state in the language of the correspondent of the Times, who dates his letter from " Scutari," in Albania, on the 31st of August, 1862, and who, after pointing out the defects in the organization of the Turkish army, says : — "The fault must lie therefore somewhere else. The first thing which occurs in this respect, is of course the imperfect organiza- tion of the Turkish army in all the special services, such as staff engineering, &:c. It is nothing better off in this respect than it was in the beginning of the Eastern AVar ; nay, if possible, it is worse off, for then there was still a number of foreigners there who knew something about such things, but these have been for the most jjart shelved or eliminated, and now here with the flower of the Turkish army, there is not a single man who can be trusted with making even a simple sketch of the ground. How correct this is may be judged from the circumstance that the only reliable loo ^he Christians in Turkey. sketches of the ground which are used are due to the exertions of Mr. Churchill, Ifcr Majesty's Commissioner in these parts. Were it my f for his sketches and personal kno7c>ie(ii^e of the country^ they would he ivorking altogether in the dark. They hai'e not a single guide who knows anything about the country, or a single spy to give them information of the moTements of the mountaineers.'^ The truth of tliis statement has never been questioned. It has remained for nearly two years unchallenged. It would be hard to say what law was not broken by this act. The first principles of international law were utterly disregarded. The chief provision of the Treaty of Paris was trampled under foot. And then we talk of "Russian agents," and of "foreign in- trigues." But we must go back to the middle ages for base- ness equal to this — for an instance of corresponding barbarity and perfidy. If it be by means such as these that we are to " maintain the integrity of Turkey," it is time that we should look to ourselves. But Mr. Layard, in his speech, goes on to tell us that — "The best blood of the race has been spilt, the bravest and most warlike of their young men have been killed, and it will take Montenegro a quarter of a century at least to recover the strength she possessed before embarking in this fatal war." The brave people of Montenegro may recover from the effect of this disastrous war in " a quarter of a century." I trust that another Power, which lost more than Montenegro did in that disastrous campaign, v,ill erase this blot from her escutcheon within the same period. But I dare not speak more on the subject. To one w^ho loves his country with intensest affection nothing can be more painful than this and similar terrible revelations of perfidy. Would that we could wake up from our present delusion to see that this marsh-light which we are pursuing can never be possessed — that there is nothing to be grasped in this worse than phantom of Turkish integrity, and that, like similar adventurers, whilst straining after that which has no substantial existence, we are becoming ourselves very noisome by reason of the foul mire through which we have to struggle. The Christians in Turkey, loi When I wrote the first pages of this pamphlet, it was my intention to have made use of the official records of Servia, and to have given instances of those "cruelties and barbarities" practised daily in Bulgaria and Bosnia, the recital of which Dr. Sandwith* speaks of as curdling the blood with horror. I have, however, been unable to do so in consequence of the length to which this pamphlet has extended. Nor is there any necessity to make use of such evidence. At best, the facts which are there treasured up, the deeds of violence there written, are but the incidents which Mr. Holmes, Mr. Zohrab, and other English consuls make use of in their generalisations, when they speak of the terror and discontent which reign throughout the limit of their respective consulates. I have another reason for passing by these deeply affecting documents — these wailings of young nations over the cruelties of their oppressors. English authorities, though they may not be more truthful than non-English ones, are deservedly of greater weight, inasmuch as they can be tested and examined — confronted with other witnesses, and rejected if their evidence should be undeserving of attention. Men who know Mr. Senior will place reliance on his statements. Those who have met Dr. Sandwith in society will acknowledge the truthfulness of his character and the opportunities which five years of travel in that country have given him of forming a judgment on matters connected with Turkey. Men cannot well doubt about Lord Carlisle's assertions or his power of describing accurately what he had observed. Mr. Cyril Graham has had more abundant means of judging as to the effect of British policy in Syria than all the members of all the cabinets which have directed the afiairs of England during the last half century. And the testimony of these men is uniform. I have related only one incident upon the authority of a lady who is not English. I have cited the testimony of only one Englishman who is not alive to answer the interrogations of those who are still sceptical as to the condition of the Christians of Turkey. * See at p. 4. J02 'The Christians in Turkey. My chief authorities, however, are the reports of the various consuls throughout Turkey. It is true that these were collected for a purpose. It is true that the intention of Sir Henry Bulwer was to supply materials wherewith to deny the statements of Prince Gortschakoff. It is true that only some of these reports have been selected by the Foreign Office; that of those selected many have been pruned and mutilated — given not in extenso, but only in fragments — in such a way as to remind us of the famous Affghanistan despatches. Yet, garbled as the statements are — manipulated as the reports have been, there is enough remaining in that one Parliamentary Paper to demonstrate the absurdity, the impotent folly, of those who still cling to the notion of *' maintaining the integrity of Turkey." More noteworthy, however, than the positive evidence of the corruption, the injustice, the faithlessness, the impotence of the Turkish Government, which is met with in every page of the Consular Reports, is the negative evidence of these documents — the portentous silence — the absence of any word of hope, any suggestion as to the possibility of the Turkish race ever shaking ofF the death torpor which presses upon it. Talk of " maintaining the integrity of Turkey"! As well talk of " main- taining " the life of a corpse which is being galvanized into some mocking resemblance of the motions of a living man! As well talk of keeping garbage from decay when it is seething with putrefaction and corrupting the whole atmosphere ! We may take care of the burial of a corpse and cover it reverently with earth because it has once been a living creature, but to prate about keeping it alive when it is dead is the language of a madman or a fool. We are doing much the same when we talk about " maintaining the integrity of Turkey." What, then, is the picture with which P^nglish writers — with which these English gentlemen present us? The witnesses whom I cite to testify as to the actual state of the lands of the Sultan, the government of that country and its millions of subjects— are men who have travelled in Turkey, and who have described what has passed before their eyes. In ^he Christians in "Turkey. 103 the pages of their books we see an empire occupied by two races — one the exclusive possessor of all social and political privileges — the other refused the simplest rights of humanity, and shut out from even the protection of that law which their masters have established. We see in the pages of these writers that the destruction of the ruling race is going on at so rapid a rate that within a few years, about half a century at the furthest, it will have ceased to be. This fearful destruction we learn is caused by deep inbred vices of the foulest kind, which prevail in every class of Turkish society. There is no possibility of staying the hand of the self-destroyer, for throughout the Ottoman empire we have the shocking spectacle of a whole race committing suicide — grovelling in hideous vice — dying sen- sually, but still dying. To arrest this the efforts of the Great Powers are as impotent as those of the smallest states. The whole world combined must needs fail in such an attempt. It is beyond the scope of political aluances. The significant proofs of this rapid waste and destruction of man are to be seen branded on the face of the whole countfy. Large tracts of rich and fertile soil, in which travellers only a few years ago saw with wonder the profusion of nature, and admired the fair beauty of undulating tracts of golden corn, of luxuriant olives, and of groves of mulberry -trees, are now silent as the grave ; the inhabitants all dead ; the trees destroyed ; the once fruitful fields a sterile. sandy waste. Fertile and yet barren — fertile by the bounty of its Maker, barren by the caprice, the sins, of man. The traveller, if he revisits the scenes of his former wanderings, beholds no more the pleasing prospect which half a dozen years before met his eye, but in place of it a pathless waste over which he must track his course by the cypress-trees of deserted cemeteries — silent mourners over the villages which have dis- appeared from the face of God's earth. In almost every city of the empire, with scarcely one exception, within the memory of man, suburbs which were then alive with inhabitants and teeming with children, have become depopulated : this quarter by the dying out of the Turks, that by the massacre of the Christians. This is the lot which has fallen on Smyrna ; I04 ^^^ Christians in Turkey, this has been the ruin which has bhghted Damascus ; this is tlie spectacle which may be witnessed around Ephesus ; this saddens the traveller as he silently wanders through the tenantless streets of Nicsea. Wherever the Osmanli has planted his foot there the grass grows no more — there he brings desolation. Let us turn away from this sight, which will meet us in every province of Turkey ; let us turn our eyes upon the suffering people of that empire. If kingdoms exist not for kings, still less are people sent on God's earth merely to be playthings for Turkish Pashas, and to be trafficked in by jobbing Grand Viziers. What are the people of this the fairest region of the globe enduring, whilst their masters are dying ? We see through- out the length and breadth of that land, from the Danube to the Persian Gulf — from Kars to Albania, millions of men subjected to every wrong which jealous governors can devise, or the envy of their neighbours can suggest, whilst they are deprived by law of the power to make themselves heard against the violation of law. Living in perpetual fear, without any reasonable security for life, without one safeguard for the honour of their family, unarmed, by the forethouglit of their rulers, in the midst of a people armed with every w^eapon of offence, and easily moved to fanaticism, they are daily, hourly, exposed to every outrage which envy, cupidity, lust, or anger can urge, and they are exposed to the effects of these passions without possibility of. defence. In such cases, if, goaded by the sense of wrong, the sufferer should make use of the rudest weapons of defence — a stone, a club, he is guilty in the eyes of his masters of a crime ; and many a boy has been executed within the last year for no other sin than the generous impulse which led him thus too fatally to guard the honour of his sister, to avenge an outrage upon his mother. Dr. Sandwith, in a letter quoted by Mr. Cobden in the recent debate in the House of Commons, tells us that within the last two years he " remembers a case in which a Christian, having lost many sheep from robbers, at last loaded a gun, and kept it by him. Tlie next time the robbers came, he fired and killed one. This Christian was publicly executed The Christians in Turkey. 105 for having shot a Mussulman/' * And only two years ago the Grand Vizier, in his tour into Bulgaria, ordered to instant execution a poor lad who, in defence of a companion from the foulest assault which is heard of in the laws of any civilized country, struck and killed one of the assailants. And what the Grand Vizier then did is — I will not say law, for this is too noble a term to be used to palliate such atrocities — but the practice throughout Turkey. But be it so, we must, say men who aspire to be thought statesmen, " maintain ^* this accursed empire, this reign of law- lessness, this institution of persecution. We must — because it is our policy. We dare not plead that it is right, that it is just, that it is in accordance with our principles, that it squares with our professions. Call it, however, what we will. It is surely impossible that a poHcy so barren of good fruit, so cankered with injustice, should be much longer persisted in. We cannot, if we would, " maintain the integrity of Turkey," by which liberal politicians mean the government of the Sultan — the rule of the handful of pashas who spoil and evil intreat the people of that country. Let us, if we] must needs inter- fere at all, do so for Turkey itself — for the inhabitants of that fair and fertile land. If indifferent to the sufferings of our brethren, it surely becomes us to endeavour to set limits to the encroachment of the desert — to attempt to stay the desolation of those lands which their Maker and ours has enriched with all that can delight the eye or satisfy the wants of man. Honour, natural instinct, a common faith, should lead us to desire that the people who, in this fruitful cradle of nations, are fast rising to manhood should do so with hearts beating with gratitude and affection for England, and not with the bitter feelings of hatred. Let us not thwart and repress their generous longings to tread in the same path of freedom which, by God's blessing, has led this nation of England to so much happiness and greatness ; but rather let us encourage them in their efforts to emancipate themselves from the sensual and degrading despotism which presses heavily upon their necks and • Speech of Mr. Cobden in House of Commons, May 29th, 1863. I io6 'The Christians in Turkey. corrupts their moral nature. In pursuing a magnanimous policy we shall be treading in the safest path ; whilst, on the other hand, we may be assured that a policy which is based upon wrong cannot prosper, and that the Nemesis which follows a nation is even more quick-footed than that which haunts the steps of an individual. It is time that this pretext for a policy were at an end. The alliance is degrading England more than it is maintaining Turkey. It is filling our history with the record of actions as base as those which we find in the chronicles of the Turks. It is making us as faithless to all high and noble iristincts as the Sultan is to treaties. It is tainting our public men, so that they are not ashamed to disregard truth as greatly as a Turkish pasha. It cannot be persisted in without the violation of every principle of a true English policy and the sacrifice of every English virtue. For surely to disregard those principles which are enshrined in our laws, and embalmed in our literature, regard- less of what evil we inflict — to strike hands with the oppressor — to assist the faithless masters in afflicting their slaves — to support, to our own heavy injury, the persecutor in his bar- barous treatment of those whom a common humanity binds to our fortune, and ought to bind still closer to our sympathies — is injustice for which we must needs suff'er — is dishonour from which we may well shrink — is wrong for which we shall have to atone. 48, FiNSBURY Circus, July id, 1863. R. CLAY, SON, AND TAYLOR, PRINTERS, BREAD STREET HILL. M