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 IRISH HISTORY 
 
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LlHRARY Edition, 4 vols, demy S.v. chlh cxlra, I2s. each; or, POPULAR 
 Edition, 4 vols, croxvn %vo, cloth extra, 6j. each, 
 
 HISTORY OF OUR OWN TIMES. 
 
 By JUSTIN McCarthy, m.p. 
 
 ' Mr. McCarthy is temperate, reasonable, and judicious ; his History is 
 eminently entertaining, and his power of entertaining his readers never flags, 
 lie never seems to be exhausted, and his fourth volume is perhaps the best of 
 the set. To say that this work is as pleasant and attractive to read as a novel 
 is to pay a great compliment to novels. Almost every page has something in 
 it that is good because it is at onco unexpected and yet not forced. The book 
 is pervaded with a gentle spirit of subdued fun, and yet it is never frivolous or 
 comic. Mr. McCarthy has not only the art of story-telling, but makes his 
 narrative sparkle with happy hits, and yet these happy hits do not eclipse the 
 more modest bulk of his story. There are so many bad books which must be 
 criticised severely, that it is refreshing to come across a book which may be freely 
 praised. ' — Saturday Kez'iao. 
 
 ' Of modern historians, Mr. Justin ^^cCarthy is among the most eminent. 
 His rise was sudden. Known in literature as a successful novelist, it was not 
 till the appearance of his first two volumes on the reign of Victoria that he 
 obtained rank as a more serious writer. His History at once took the reading 
 world by storm. The buoyancy of his narrative, his powers of picturesque 
 description, his epigrammatic judgment of character, his lucid arrangement of 
 facts, and the clear, fresh manner in which he dealt with his story and gave 
 his opinions, charmed alike the philosophical student as well as the genersd 
 reader. . . . The end is as good as the beginning; there is no falling off, and 
 nothing to tempt invidious criticism, , . . Mr. McCarthy's History is now 
 finished, and we have no hesitation in saying that it is one of the ablest works 
 that the latter part of this century has produced. It is written with spirit, yet 
 accuracy is not sacrificed for effect ; it is lively without flippancy, and when the 
 occasion calls for sobriety of judgment the author can be judicial without being 
 opinionated, and thoughtful without being dull." — Observer. 
 
 ' We have read the volumes throughout with unflagging interest, and have 
 received from their pnges an amount of pleasure equal to the enjoyment derivable 
 from the pcrus.\l of one of Mr. McCarthy's most stirring and telling novels. 
 Mr. McCarthy has written, in a popular and effective style, an important and 
 useful work." — Morning Fost. 
 
 ' Happier than many historians who have marked out for themselves a task 
 of labour and difficulty, Mr. McCarthy has completed his " History of Our Own 
 Times " within the limits originally intended, and certainly without any un- 
 reasonable delay. In the two solid volumes, which form the second and con- 
 cluding portion of the work, he tells the story of our national life during the 
 last twenty-four years. . . . If the duty which he has imposed upon himself 
 has, of necessity, become more delicate as the course of the narrative brings us 
 more and more within the heated atmosphere of contemporary politics, the 
 historian has found his recompense in the higher opportunities afforded him 
 for exhibiting the tact and judgment conspicuous in his former volumes. The 
 wide and geniiine popularity of his History is a circumstance perhaps without 
 parallel in the case of works of its class. ' — Daily A'ews. 
 
 CHATTO & WINDUS, Piccadilly, W. 
 
AN OUTLINE 
 
 OF 
 
 IRISH HISTORY 
 
 FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE 
 PRESENT DAY 
 
 BY 
 
 JUSTIN H. MCCARTHY 
 
 CHATTO AND WINDUS, tlCCADILLY 
 
■^- 
 
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 jl^i,:^ff 
 
 (^ 
 
 '/?//<> ^ 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 f. 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
 I. THE LEGENDS - - - - 
 
 ir. CHRISTIANITY - . - - 
 
 III. THE NORMAN CONQUEST 
 
 IV. ELIZABETH . . - . 
 V. THE CEOJIWELLIAN SETTLEMENT 
 
 VI. THE RESTORATION — WILLIAM OF OEANGE 
 VII. THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 VIII. EMMET— O'CONNELL - . - 
 
 IX. YOUNG IRELAND — FENIANISM - 
 X. THE LAND QUESTION - 
 XI. HOME RULE — THE LAND LEAGUE 
 
 PAOE 
 
 7 
 20 
 26 
 42 
 53 
 64 
 77 
 88 
 94 
 100 
 107 
 
 680004 
 
■1^^' 
 
 AN 
 
 OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE LEGENDS. 
 
 As we peer doubtfully into the dim past of Irish history 
 we seem to stand like Odysseus at the yawning mouth of 
 Hades. The thin shades troop about us, and flit hither and 
 thither fitfully in shadowy confusion. Stately kings sweep 
 by in their painted chariots. Yellow-haired heroes rush to 
 battle shaking their spears and shouting their war-songs, 
 while the thick gold torques rattle on arm and throat, and 
 their many-coloured cloaks stream on the wind. They 
 sweep by and are lost to sight, and their places are taken 
 by others in a shifting, splendid, confused pageant of 
 nionarchs and warriors, and beautiful women for whose 
 love the heroes are glad to die and the kings to peril their 
 crowns; and amongst them all move the majestic white- 
 robed bards, striking their golden harps and telling the tales 
 of the days of old, and .handing down the names of heroes 
 for ever. What may we hope to distinguish of this welter- 
 ing world of regal figures, whirled by before our eyes as on 
 that infernal wind which seared the eyes of Dante ? The 
 traveller in Egypt goes down into the Tombs of the Kings 
 at ancient Thebes. By the flaring flicker of a candle he 
 discerns dimly on the walls about him endless processions 
 of painted' figures — the images of kings and beggars, of 
 
S AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY, 
 
 soldiers and slaves, of the teeming life of ages — portrayed 
 in glowing colours all around. It is but for a moment, 
 while his candle is slowly burning down, that he seems 
 to stand in the thronged centuries of Egyptian dynastiei 
 with all their named and nameless figures; and then he 
 passes out again into the upper air and level sunlight of the 
 Theban valley, as one who has dreamed a chaotic dream. 
 
 Groping in the forgotten yesterday of Irish legend is like 
 this groping in an Egyptian tomb. We are in a great 
 sepulchral chamber — a hall of the dead, whose walls are 
 pictured with endless figures, huddled together in bewilder- 
 ing fantastic medley. What can we make out, holding up 
 our thin taper and gazing doubtfully at the storied walls ? 
 Yon fair woman, with the crowd of girls about her, is the 
 Lady Ceasair, who came to Ireland before the deluge with 
 fifty women and three men, Bith, Ladra, and Fintain. The 
 waters swept away this curiously proportioned colony, and 
 their place was taken *in the sixtieth year of the age of 
 Abraham ' by the parricide Partholan, of the stock of Japhet. 
 For three hundred years his descendants ruled, until a pesti- 
 lence destroyed them all. The Nemedhians, under Nemedh, 
 loomed up from the shores of the Black Sea and swarmed 
 over Ireland. They were harassed by plagues and by inces- 
 sant battlings witk the Fomorians, a race of savage sea- 
 kings, descendants of Cham, who had settled in the Western 
 Isles. In the end the Fomorians triumphed; they drove 
 out the remnant of Nemedhians whom plague and sword 
 had spared. This remnant fled, some to the north of 
 Europe to become the ancestors of the Firbolgs, some to 
 Greece to give a parentage to the Tuatha de Danann, and 
 some to Britain, which took its name from the Nemedhian 
 leader, Briotan-Maol. 
 
 After a time, the first of the Nemedhian refugees, the 
 Firbolgs, came back to Ireland, to be soon dispossessed by 
 another invasion of Nemedhian descendants, the Tuatha de 
 Danann, who came from Greece, and who were deeply 
 skilled in all wizardries. Their sorceries stood them in 
 good stead, for the Firbolgs made a fierce resistance. A 
 desperate battle was fought, in which the Firbolg king was 
 slain. His grav« is still shown on the Sligo strand, and it 
 is fabled that the tide will never cover it. Nuada, the 
 
 
 ^:3 
 
-"ijwp^'T 
 
 THE LEGENDS. 9 
 
 king of the Tuatha de Danann, lost his right hand in this 
 fight, and seems to have gone near losing his kingship in 
 consequence, as his warlike people would have refused to 
 recognise a mutilated monarch. But there were cunning 
 artificers among the Greeks. One of these fashioned a 
 silver hand for the king, who was known as Nuada of the 
 Silver Hand ever after. The first of * The Three Sorrowful 
 Tales of Erin ' belongs to the reign of this Sovereign with the 
 Argent Fist — the tale of the fate of the children of Turenn. 
 The three sons of Turenn, Brian, Ur, and Urcar, killed 
 Kian, father of Luga of the Long Arms, and one of the 
 three sons of Canta, with whom the three sons of Turenn 
 were at feud. Six times the sons of Turenn buried the 
 body of their victim, and six times the earth cast it up 
 again, but on the seventh burial the body remained 
 in the grave. As the sons of Turenn rode from the 
 spot a faint voice came from the ground, warning them 
 that the blood they had spilled would follow them to 
 the fulfilment of their doom. Luga of the Long Arms, 
 seeking for his father, came to the grave, and there the 
 stones of the earth took voice and told him that his father 
 lay beneath. Luga unearthed the body, and vowed vengeance 
 on the sons of Turenn over it. He then hastened to Tara, 
 to the court of Nuada of the Silver Hand, and denounced 
 the sons of Turenn. In those days the friends of any 
 murdered person might either receive a fine, called ' eric,' in 
 compensation, or might seek the death of the murderer. 
 Luga called for the ' eric' He demanded three apples, the 
 skin of a pig, a spear, two steeds and a chariot, seven pigs, 
 a hound-whelp, a cooking-spit, and three shouts on a hSl. 
 To this ' eric ' the sons of Turenn agreed readily enough 
 before all the court. Then Luga explained himself more 
 fully. The three apples were to be plucked from the 
 garden of Hisberna, in the east of the world. They were 
 the colour of burnished gold, and of the taste of honey, and 
 cured wounds and all manner of sickness, and had many 
 other wonderful qualities. The garden of Hisberna was 
 carefidly guarded, and none were allowed to take its 
 precious fruit. The pig-skin belonged to the King of 
 Greece, and possessed the power of healing whosoever 
 touched it The spear was a venomed weapon with a 
 
 
15 Alf UTLil^E OF IRISH HISTOR )^. 
 
 blazing head, belonging to the King of Persia. The two 
 steeds and chariot belonged to the King of Sicily. The 
 seven 'pigs were the delight of A^al, King of the Golden 
 Pillars, for they could bo killed and oaten one day, and 
 become alive and well the next. The hound-whelp belonged 
 to the king of Iroda, and every wild beast of the forest fell 
 powerless before it. The cooking-spit belonged to the war- 
 like women of the island of Fincara, who never yet gave a 
 cooking-spit to anyone who did not overcome them in battle. 
 The hill on which the three shouts had to be given was the 
 hill of Midkena, in the north of Lochlann, the country of the 
 Danes, which was always guarded by Midkena and his sons, 
 who never allowed anyone to shout on it. 
 
 The sons of Turenn were much daunted by this terrible 
 * eric,' but they were bound to fulfil it. They set sail in an 
 enchanted canoe, the Wave Sweeper, to the garden of His- 
 berna, and succeeded, by turning themselves into hawks, in 
 capying off the apples. They then visited Greece in the 
 giiise of learned poets from Erin, and after a desperate fight 
 overcame the King of Greece and his champions, and carried 
 off the pig-skin. Leaving the shores of Greece 'and all its 
 blue streams,' they sailed to Persia, where they had to fight 
 another battle with the king before they could carry off the 
 blazing weapon in triumph. They then voyaged to Sicily, 
 overcame its monarch, and drove off the famous chariot and 
 horses. Next came the turn of Asal, King of the Golden 
 Pillars, but their fame had gone before them, and Asal gave 
 up his seven pigs without a contest. He even accompanied 
 them to Iroda, and aided them to obtain the hound-whelp. 
 
 Meanwhile the fame of the successes of the sons of 
 Turenn had come to Erin, and Luga of the Long Arms cast 
 a Druidical spell over them, so that they quite forgot the 
 cooking-spit and the three shouts on a hill, and came back 
 to Erin thinking that they had fulfilled their * eric' But 
 when Luga saw their spoils, he reminded them of the un- 
 fulfilled part of the compg,ct, and the heroes had to set out 
 again with heavy hearts, for they knew that Luga desired 
 their death. When Brian got to the Island of Fincarra, 
 which lies beneath the sea, his beauty so pleased the war- 
 like women that they gave him a cooking-spit without any 
 trouble. Now all that was left to the heroes to do was to shout 
 
THE LEGENDS. \\ 
 
 the three shouts on Midkena's hilL They sailed out into 
 the north till they came to it, and there they fought despe- 
 rately with Midkena and his sons, and overcame and killed 
 them. But they were wounded themselves nigh unto death, 
 and with the greatest difficulty they raised three feeble 
 shouts on Midkena's hilL Then, wounded as they were, 
 they sailed back to Erin, and implored Luga to let them 
 taste of the apples of Hisberna, that they might recover. 
 But Luga taunted them with their murder of his father, 
 and would be content with nothing short of their death ; so 
 they died, and the blood of Kian was avenged. 
 
 While Nuada's silver hand was making, his place as king 
 was taken by a regent named Bres. But when the silver 
 hand was finished, Bres had to resign, to his great wrath ; 
 and he left the country and roused up a huge host of 
 Fomorians under Balor of the Mighty Blows, and invaded 
 Ireland, and was totally defeated. Balor of the Mighty 
 Blows slew the poor silver-handed monarch, and was slain 
 in his turn by Luga Long-Arms. Then Luga became king 
 himself, and reigned long and happily, and many Tuatha 
 de Danann reigned after him. But their time came at last 
 to be overthrown by a fifth set of invaders — the Milesians, 
 the sons of Milidh. The Milesians were an Eastern race, 
 whom hoar tradition had set seeking a destined island ; and 
 they pursued the star of their destiny, the fine-eyed Ull- 
 Erin, to the Irish shore. But they had no small trouble to 
 win their way ; the Tuatha de Danann kept them off as 
 long as they could by spells and incantations, which wrapped 
 the Milesian fleet in thick folds of impenetrable mist, and 
 shook it with storms, and tossed the ships together .on 
 writhing waves. In that fierce tempest of dark enchant- 
 ments many of the sons of Milidh perished ; but they 
 effected a landing at last, and carried all before them, and 
 drove the De Danann into the fastnesses of the hills ; and 
 the Milesian leaders, Heber and Heremon, divided the 
 island between them. They quarrelled about the division 
 soon after, and Heremon killed Heber and took the whole 
 island to himself — a Milesian version of Eomulus. To this 
 period belongs the second sorrowful tale of Erin — the tale 
 of the fate of the children of Lir. 
 
 After the battle of Tailltenn, in which the Milesians won 
 
 |;,\''^'S"™ 
 
 .>;!<& 
 
 -^^■- 
 
li, AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 Ireland, the defeated Tuatha de Danann of the five pro- 
 vinces met together and chose Bove Derg king over them 
 all. Lir, of 8hee Finnalia, alone refused to acknowledge 
 the new monarch, and retired to his own country. Some 
 of the chieftains called for vengeance on Lir, but Bove 
 Derg resolved to win his allegiance by friendship. He 
 offered him the choice of his three foster-daughters — Eve, 
 Eva, and Alva — in marriage. Lir relented, recognised the 
 authority of Bove Derg, and married Eve, who bore him 
 one daughter, Finola, and three sons, Aed, Ficia, and Conn. 
 Eve died. Lir was for a time inconsolable, but on the 
 advice of Bove Derg he married the second foster-daughter, 
 Eva. The new stepmother, after the fashion of fairy tales, 
 grew jealous of Lir's love for his children, and, like the 
 woman in the German folk-story, turned them into swans. 
 Mere metamorphosis did not content her ; she laid this 
 further doom on the children of Lir — that they must pass 
 three hundred years on the smooth Lake Darvan, three 
 hundred years on the wild Sea of Moyle, and yet three 
 hundred more on the Western Sea. Nor was the spell to be 
 loosened until the sound of a Christian bell was first heard 
 in Erin. The only mitigation of their sufferings was the 
 privilege of retaining their human voices. The wicked step- 
 mother was punished by Bove Derg by being turned into a 
 demon of the air ; but the children of Lir had to dree their 
 weird for the nine appointed centuries until the coming of 
 Christianity, when they were disenchanted by St. Kemoc. 
 In their human form they were very old ; the saint baptized 
 them, and they died and went to heaven. 
 
 What shall be said of the hundred and eighteen kings of 
 the Milesian race ? Which of those crowned figures is 
 Tighearnmas, who first taught the Irish the worship of 
 idols, and who distinguished his people into different ranks 
 by the different hues of their garments 1 Or the wise 
 OUav Fodhla? Or that Cimbaoth, of whom the good 
 chronicler Tighernach, Abbot of Clonmacnoise, wrote that 
 all the Irish records before him were uncertain ? — a respect- 
 able antiquity enough, if we might but take this Cimbaoth 
 and his deeds for granted ; for Pythagoras had just been 
 crowned in the sixteenth Olympiad, and Numa Pompilius 
 was still listening to the sweet counsels of the nymph 
 
 
THE LEGENDS. 13 
 
 Egeria in the cave celebrated by Juvenal, when Cimbaoth 
 reigned. 
 
 Cimbaoth built the Palace of Emania. Ugaine Mor laid 
 all Ireland under solemn oath, fearful as the ancient pledge 
 by Styx j for he bound them by the visible and invisible 
 elements to respect the rule of his race. But the oath was 
 like thin air, and bound no one. Ugaine's son Lore, and 
 Lore's son Oileel Ainey, were slain by Lore's younger brother 
 Corvac. But Corvac did not slay the grandson Lara ; for 
 the boy feigned idiocy, and the cruel king spared him — to 
 his own doom ; for the boy was brought up by a faithful 
 harper, and in the fulness of time married a king's fair 
 daughter, and passed over to France, and brought thence 
 an army of stout Gaulish spearmen, and came back to his 
 own, and slew Corvac, and founded a mighty line. One of 
 his most famous descendants was Yeoha, sumamed the 
 'Sigher' for the sorrows he endured. For he married a 
 fairy bride, whom he loved tenderly; but after a time there 
 came a stranger from the land of the fairies, and bore her 
 back to the fairy world, and with her went all the joy of 
 Yeoha's life. Then his three sons rose in shameful rebellion 
 against him, and were all slain, and their heads were laid 
 at their father's feet. Good cause for sighing had Yeoha. 
 But he was not all unhappy. His fairy bride had borne 
 him a fairy daughter, the beautiful and gifted Meave, 
 famous in Irish chronicles, and destined to fame through 
 all the world as Queen Mab. Meave was a fierce, warlike 
 woman, a very Semiramis of early Irish story. She 
 married three husbands, and quarrelled with them alL In 
 her reign occurred a battle between two bulls, which is re- 
 counted by the bards with all Homeric gravity. Meave 
 lived a hundred years, and waged war with a great hero, 
 Cucullin, and at last the fierce queen died and passed away. 
 To her time belongs the third of the sorrowful tales of Erin 
 — the story of Deirdri, the beautiful daughter of the bard 
 Felemi, doomed at her birth to bring woe to Ulster. 
 
 Conor Mac Nessa, the King of Ulster, adopted her, kept 
 her secluded, like Danae, in a guarded place — not so well 
 guarded but that she was once seen by Naesi, son of Usna. 
 Naesi fell in love with her, and she with him. He carried 
 her off with the aid of his two brothers, Anli and Ardan. 
 
14 AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 Conor offered to pardon them if they came back to Emania, 
 and in the end they did agree to return, escorted by a legion 
 of soldiers under Fiachy, a gallant young noble. As they 
 approached Emania, Deirdri, whose heart forebode evil, de- 
 clared that she saw a blood-red cloud hanging in the distant 
 sky. Her fears were well founded. When they drew near 
 the king's capital, another noble, Durthacht, with another 
 escort, came from Conor, and called upon Fiachy to jdeld 
 him his charge. Fiachy suspected the treachery, refused to 
 yield up the sons of Usna and the beautiful Deirdri, put 
 them into a palace, and guarded it with his troops. It was 
 his duty, he said, to show that the sons of Usna had not 
 trusted in vain to the king's word or his good faith. Then 
 Durthacht began the assault. The sons of Usna wished to 
 surrender themselves, but Fiachy would not allow this — 
 would not even permit them to take any share in the 
 defence ; it was his duty, and his alone. Then the sons of 
 Usna and Deirdri withdrew into the palace, and Deirdri and 
 Naesi played chess, and Anli and Ardan looked on while 
 the battle raged outside. This battle deserves a place in 
 story with the fierce strife in the halls of Attila which ends 
 the 'Niebelungen Lied.' All through the bloody struggle the 
 sons of Usna seemed intent alone upon the game they were 
 playing, and as defence after defence of the palace was 
 taken they remained unmoved, till at last Fiachy was killed, 
 and the enemy rushed in and slew the sons of Usna at the 
 board, and carried off Deirdri to Conor. But the king had 
 no joy of her, for she killed herself soon after. 
 
 Meave's descendants ruled till the reign of Fiacha Finno- 
 laidh, when there occurred a revolt of some tribes called the 
 Attacotti, under a leader nicknamed ' Cat-Head.' They slew 
 the king, and placed Cat-Head on his throne. After his 
 death the rightful heirs came back, and the earth showed 
 its approval by bountiful produce ; fruitful meadows, fishful 
 riversj and many-headed woods proclaimed the joy of the 
 Irish earth at the return of its true lards. But the 
 Attacotti rose again and killed a rightful king, and a curse 
 came upon the earth, and it was fruitless and comless and 
 Ashless, till once again a king of the old race, Tuathal, 
 seized the throne from the usurpers, and pledged the people 
 by sun and moon and elements to leave the sceptre un- 
 
•?j!Wgp(!5'' 
 
 V THE LEGENDS. IS 
 
 troubled to his posterity. Tuathal then took a piece of land 
 from each of the four provinces, and formed the kingdom of 
 Meath to be the dwelling of the Ard-righ ; and he built 
 there four painted palaces, on€ for the king of each pro- 
 vince. 
 
 Conn of the Hundred Fights, beloved of the bards, is the 
 next famous king. After Conn's death the land passed to 
 a usurper, Mac Con, for a time only, to return to the most 
 famous of the early kings, Cormac Mac Art, in whose reign 
 the Feni flourished. The Feni are strange and shadowy 
 ' figures, Ossianic ghosts, moving in dusky vales and along 
 hillsides clothed with echoing woods and seamed with the 
 many-coloured sides of roaring streams ; or by the angry sea, 
 where the screaming sea-bird wings his flight towards the 
 dark rolling heavens, where the awful faces of other times 
 look out from the clouds, and the dread deities keep their 
 cloudy halls, and the nightly fires burn. It is a land of 
 mists and rains, through which the figures of the heroes 
 loom gigantic. They are the kings of shaggy boars, the 
 dwellers on battle's wing. They joy in the chase with their 
 grey, rough-eared dogs about them. They rush against each 
 other in war like the murmur of many waters, clashing their 
 iron shields and shouting their surly songs ; they remember 
 the deeds of the days of old, and deaths wander like 
 shadows over their fiery souls. Shadowy Death floats over 
 the hosts, and rejoices at the frequent victims. When a 
 hero falls, his soul goes forth to his fathers in their stormy 
 isle, where they pursue boars of mist along the skirts of 
 winds. Women, white-bosomed and beautiful, move like 
 the music of songs through these antique tales, loving and 
 beloved by heroes and kings of heroes. 
 
 Many of the stories have for their hero Finn, the son of 
 Coul, the Fingal of the Scottish Ossian. Around him are 
 his Feni, who stand in the same relation to him that the 
 twelve peers do to Charlemagne, or the Knights of the 
 Round Table to Arthur. Oisin, the sweet singer; Oscar, 
 his glorious son, the Roland of the Feni ; Dermat, of whom 
 it might be said, as of Malory's Launcelot, that he was 'the 
 truest lover of a sinful man tMt ever loved woman ;' Dering, 
 the beloved of Finn, and Kylta, the leader of the Clau 
 Ronan; Conan, the comic glutton, of craven spirit and 
 
-i^*! 
 
 i6 AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 bitter tongue, a more grotesque Thersites ; Fergus Finn- 
 vel, the warrior poet, reminding one of the Fiddler Knight 
 in the ' Niebelungen Lied ;' Ligna, the swift-footed ; Gaul, 
 the leader of the Clan Moma, whose enmity to the Clan 
 Baskin made the battle of Gawra the Roncesvalles of the 
 Feni. These are all heroes, going through all dangers, ever 
 ready to do and to suffer bravely, battling with all the 
 powers of darkness, loyal to each other, tender and cour- 
 teous with women, gallant and goodly men, models of an 
 early chivalry. Nor are Finn's famous dogs to be forgotten 
 — Brann and Skolan, the companions of all his huntings and 
 all his dangers. 
 
 Finn himself is a marvellous figure. In his youth he, 
 like Theseus, destroyed all sorts of fearful monsters. He 
 had also the privilege on occasion of knowing the future. 
 His hair was grey through enchantment long before old age 
 had clawed him in its clutch. Two fair sisters had loved 
 him, and one of them said to the other that she could never 
 love a man with grey hair. Then the other sister, despair- 
 ing of winning Finn herself, lured him into an enchanted 
 pool, which turned him into a withered old man. The 
 angry Feni forced her to restore to their leader his youth, 
 but his hair remained grey always. 
 
 The people of Lochlann, in the north of Europe, invaded 
 Ireland with a mighty fleet, but were wholly routed by the 
 Feni under Finn, in a battle in which Oscar, the son of 
 Oisin, greatly distinguished himself. The enemy were 
 routed with great slaughter, their king was slain, and his 
 young son, Midac, was taken prisoner. Finn brought up 
 Midac in the ranks of the Feni, and treated him like a 
 comrade; but Midac was always meditating revenge. At 
 last, after fourteen years, Midac induced Sinsar of Greece 
 and the Three Kings of the Torrent, to come secretly to 
 Ireland with a mighty host, and they waited in a palace in 
 an island of the Shannon, below where Limerick now is. 
 Then Midac lured Finn, and many of the bravest of the 
 Feni, who were on a hunting excursion, into a dwelling of 
 his, the Palace of the Quicken Trees, as the mountain-ashes 
 were called. The palace was enchanted, and once in it the 
 heroes found themselves unable to get out, or even to move. 
 So they set themselves to sing, in slow union, the Dord-Fian, 
 
Bt-J^nrs-rT-'T?,'' ' 
 
 THE LEGENDS, 17 
 
 the war-song of their race, while waiting death. But the 
 
 party of Feni whom Finn had left behind him when he 
 
 went to the Palace of the Quicken Trees began to grow 
 
 anxious, and Ficna, Finn's son, and Innsa, his foster-brother, 
 
 set out to look for them. When the pair came near the 
 
 Palace of the Quicken Trees they heard the strains of the 
 
 Dord-Fian ; so they came close, and Finn heard them, and 
 
 calling out, told them how he and his companions were 
 
 trapped and waiting death, and that nothing could free 
 
 them from enchantment but the blood of the Three Kings 
 
 of the Torrent. Luckily for Finn, the only way to get to 
 
 the Palace of the Quicken Trees from the palace of the 
 
 island where Midac and the foreigners were lay over a 
 
 narrow ford, where one man might well keep a thousand 
 
 at stand. This ford Ficna and Innsa defended against 
 
 desperate odds for long enough. Innsa was first slain, and 
 
 Ficna is engaged in a desperate struggle with Midac, when 
 
 Dermat appears on the scene. The Feni who were at the 
 
 hill were growing impatient for the return of Ficna and 
 
 Innsa, so Oisin sent Dermat and Fatha to look for them. 
 
 As they approached the Palace of the Quicken Trees they 
 
 heard the noise of fighting at the ford. Then they ran 
 
 like the wind to the hill-brow over the river, and looking 
 
 across in the dim moonlight, saw the whole ford heaped 
 
 with the bodies of the slain, and Ficna and Midac fighting 
 
 to the death. Dermat hurled his spear and pierced Midac, 
 
 who struck Ficna dead, and fell dead himself. Then Dermat 
 
 and Fatha defended the ford against reinforcements of 
 
 foreigners, and Dermat soon killed the Three Kings of the 
 
 Torrent, and imdid the spell that held Finn and his friends. 
 
 Then all the Feni came together, and the foreigners were 
 
 routed with great slaughter ; the King of Greece and his 
 
 son were both slain, and the remnant of the enemy fled to 
 
 their ships in confusion and sailed away. 
 
 The friendship of Dermat and Finn was unfortunately 
 broken for a woman's sake. Finn sought the daughter of 
 Cormac Mac Art, the beautiful Grania, in marriage, but the 
 beautiful Grania had long loved the fair-faced Dermat, in 
 secret. When she saw herself about to be wedded to Finn, 
 no longer a young man, she told her love to Dermat, and 
 besought him to carry her away from Finn. At first, Dermat, 
 
 2 
 
id AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTOHY. 
 
 loyal to his king, refused, though he was indeed deeply in 
 love with the beautiful Grania, but Grania placed him under 
 * gesa,* a kind of mysterious command which heroes were 
 supposed never to disobey, to marry her and carry her off. 
 Dermat, in despair, consulted with his bravest comrades, 
 with Kylta, and Oscar, and Bering, and Oisin himself, and 
 all agreed that Finn would never forgive him, but that he 
 was bound to go with Grania and take the risk. So go he 
 did, and fled with her far from the court of King Cormac. 
 But great indeed was the Avrath of Finn, and for long 
 after he pursued Dermat and Grania from place to place, 
 always seeking to have Dermat killed, and always failing, 
 owing to the skill of Dermat All the sympathy of the 
 Feni went with Dermat, and not with Finn. Very beauti- 
 fully the old story celebrates the love of Dermat and Grania, 
 and the gallant deeds Dermat did for her sake. At last, 
 weary of the pursuit, Finn consented to pardon Dermat, but 
 in his heart he always cherished hatred against him, and 
 when Dermat was wounded to death by a boar, Finn refused 
 him the drink of water which from his hand would prove a 
 cure. So Dermat died, to the great sorrow and anger of all 
 the Feni. The story is one of the most beautiful, as it is 
 the saddest, of the old Irish legends. 
 
 Oisin, the last of the Feni, is said to have outlived all 
 his companions by many centuries, and to have told of them 
 and their deeds to St. Patrick. He had married a beautiful 
 girl, who came to wed him from a country across the sea, 
 called Timanoge, and there he dwelt, as he thought, for 
 three, but as it proved, for three hundred, years. At the 
 end of that time there came on him a great longing to see 
 Erin again, and after much entreaty his fair wife allowed 
 him to retufn, on the one condition that he never dis- 
 mounted from a white steed which she gave him. When 
 he got to Ireland he found that the Feni had long passed 
 away, and that only the distant fame of them lingered in 
 men's minds. Of course he dismounts from the horse — how 
 many fairy tales would have ended happily if their heroes 
 had only done as they were told ! — and the horse straightway 
 flies away, and then the curse of his old age comes upon 
 Oisin, who falls to the ground an old withered, blind man, 
 doomed never again to go back to Timanoge and his fair 
 
'■:?rg^!Ti 
 
 THE LEGENDS. 19 
 
 wife and his immortal youth. St. Patrick was now in 
 Ireland, and often spoke with Oisin, who never tired of 
 telling of the heroes of his youth, and wondering that death 
 could ever have laid hands upon their bright beauty. 
 Bitterly he complained of the sound of the Christian bell 
 and the hymns of the Christian clerics, which had enchanted 
 and destroyed the Feni. 'There is no joy in your strait 
 cells,' Oisin wails. ' There are no women among yon, no 
 cheerful music ;' and he laments for the joys of his youth, 
 the songs of the blackbirds, the sound of the wind, the cry of 
 the hounds let loose, the wash of water against the sides of 
 ships, and the clash of axms, and the sweet voices of his 
 youth's compeers. 
 
 r 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 CHRISTIANITY. 
 
 The authorities for all this wonderful fanciful legend, for 
 all this pompous record of visionary kings and heroes, are 
 to be found in the ancient Irish manuscripts, in the Ossianic 
 songs, in the annals of Tighernach, of Ulster, of Inis Mac 
 Nerinn, of Innisfallen, and of Boyle, in the *Chronicum 
 Scotorum,' the books of Leinster and of Balljonote, the 
 Yellow Book of Lecain, and the famous annals of the Four 
 Masters, which Michael O'Clerigh, the poor friar of the 
 Order of St. Francis, compiled for the glory of God and the 
 honour of Ireland. They are interpreted and made acces- 
 sible to us by scholars and writers like O'Curry, and Fergu- 
 son, and Mr. P. W. Joyce, and Mr. Standish O'Grady. These 
 and others have translated enough to show that the Irish 
 manuscripts enclose a store of romantic records and heroic 
 tales that will bear comparison well with the legends and 
 the folk lore of any other country. There is yet much 
 to-do in the way of translating and popularizing these old 
 Irish legends, and it may well be hoped and believed that 
 Irish scholarship will prove itself equal to the task. But 
 these antique tales are not history. We cannot even say 
 whether they have an historical basis. It matters very little. 
 They are beautiful legends, in any case, and, like the tale of 
 the Trojan War, and the records of the Seven Kings of 
 Rome, they may be believed or not, according to the spirit 
 of their student. It is more probable than not that they 
 have a foundation of triith. Recent discoveries in the 
 Troad have given an historical position to the siege of 
 Troy ; and the Irish chronicles have no worse claim to 
 
CHRISTIANITY, at 
 
 respect, as historic documents, than the rhapsodies of the 
 Homeric singer. But modem historians prefer to leave the 
 Tuatha de Dahann and the Milesians undisturbed in their 
 shadowy kingdom, and content themselves with suggest- 
 ing that Ireland was at first inhabited by a Turanian race, 
 and that there were Celtic and Teutonic immigrations. 
 
 The social organization of pre-Christian Ireland shows many 
 remarkable signs of civilization, especially in its treatment of 
 women, who were invested with a respect and dignity not 
 common in the early history of races. In the legends, 
 women receive always from men a tender and gracious sub- 
 mission that rivals the chivalry of the Arthurian romances ; 
 and there is every reason to believe that this was not con- 
 fined to legend. The married woman was regarded as the 
 equal of her husband no less than if she had lived in Rome, 
 and repeated on her wedding-day the famous formula, * Ubi 
 tu Caius ego Caia.' The religion seems to have been a form 
 of sun-worship, regulated by Druids, and not, it is said — 
 though this is strongly contested — unaccompanied with 
 human sacrifices. The people were divided into septs, com- 
 posed of families bearing the name of their founder. The 
 headman of each family served the chief of the sept, and 
 each septal king in his turn recognised the authority of the 
 Ard-Righ, or chief king. All chieftainships, and the offices 
 of Druid and of Brehon, or lawgiver, were elective. During 
 the life of each chief, his successor, called the ' Tanist,' was 
 chosen from the same family. Land was held by each sept 
 in common, without any feudal condition, and primogeniture 
 was unknown. Legitimate or illegitimate sons were partners 
 with their father, and after his death took equal shares of 
 his holding. The Brehon criminal laws punished almost 
 every oflfence by more or less heavy fines. Agriculture was 
 in its infancy. Wealth lay in cattle, pigs, sheep, and horses. 
 Ore and slaves were exported to the Mediterranean countries 
 from the earliest times. The people dwelt in wattled houses, 
 and their palaces were probably only of painted wood built 
 on dyked and palisaded hills ; but they could build strong 
 fortresses and great sepulchral chambers, and raise vast 
 cromlechs over their warrior dead. Whether the round 
 towers wliich are still the wonder of many parts of Ireland 
 wer$ built by thenj or by the early Christians, and for 
 
23 AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 what purpose, is still a subject of fierce controversy among 
 archaeologists. Diodorus Siculus would seem to refer to 
 them in a passage in which he speaks of an island of the 
 size of Sicily, in the ocean over against Gaul, to the north, 
 whose people were said to have a great aflfection for the 
 Greeks from old times, and to build curious temples of 
 round form. Whether they built the round towers or no, 
 the early Irish were skilled in the working of gold orna- 
 ments, and in the manufacture of primitive weapons. They 
 seem to have known the art of writing early, and to have 
 had a strange alphabet of their own, called Ogham, from a 
 shadowy King Oghma, who was supposed to have invented 
 it. It was written by cutting notches in wood and stone, 
 and there has been no small discussion over the reading 
 of it. 
 
 Authentic history begins with St. Patrick. Patrick had 
 been carried as a slave from Gaul to Erin in his youth. 
 He escaped to Rome and rose high in the Christian Church. 
 But his heart was stirred with pity for his land of bondage, 
 and about 432 he returned to Ireland, inspired by the hope 
 of converting the country. He was not the first. Palladius 
 had tried to convert Pagan leme already, but where Pal- 
 ladius failed, Patrick succeeded ; and the complete conver- 
 sion of Ireland is one of the most splendid triumphs of the 
 early Church. Wherever the saint went, conviction and 
 conversion followed. He had dreamed a strange dream 
 while in Eome, in which an angel appeared to him, bearing 
 a scroll, with the superscription, * The voice of the Irish.' The 
 voice of the Irish had called him, and the ears of the Irish 
 were ready to accept his teaching : king after king, chieftain 
 after chieftain, abandoned the worship of their ancient gods 
 to become the servants of Christ. For more than sixty 
 years Patrick wrestled with the old gods in Ireland and 
 overthrew them. He had found Ireland Pagan, but when 
 he died and gave 
 
 ' His body to that pleasant country's earth, 
 And his pure soul unto his captain Christ, 
 Under whose colours he had fought so long,' 
 
 the spirit of Christianity was over the island, and the power 
 of the old gods was gone for ever. He was buried in Saul, 
 
 J 
 
CHRISTIANITY. 23 
 
 in the county of DoTni, but his spirit lived in the souls of 
 his followers. Long after Patrick had been laid to rest, his 
 disciples carried the cross of Christ to the gaunt Scottish 
 Highlands, the lonely German pine-forests, the savage 
 Gaulish settlements, to Britain, and the wild islands of the 
 Northern Seas. The Irish monks wandered into the waste 
 places of Ireland, and noble monasteries — the homes of 
 religion and of learning — sprang up wherever they set their 
 feet. The fathers of the Irish Church were listened to with 
 reverence in the court of Charlemagne and in the Roman 
 basilicas; and foreign ecclesiastics eageriy visited the homes 
 of these men — the monasteries famous for their learning, 
 their libraries, and their secure peace. 
 
 The island of the Sun-god had become the island of saints. 
 To Ireland belong St. Columban, the reformer of the Gauls; 
 St. Columbkill, the 'Dove of the Cell,' whose name has 
 made lona holy ground j St. Foelan ; St. Killian, the 
 apostle of Franconia ; St. Aidan ; St. Gall, the converter of 
 Helvetia ; and St. Boniface. One hundred and fifty-five 
 Irish saints are venerated in the churches of Germany, 
 forty-five in Gaul, thirty in Belgium, thirteen in Italy, and 
 eight in Scandinavia. For a long time all Christendom 
 looked upon Ireland as the favourite home of religion and 
 of wisdom. Montalembert, in his great history of 'The 
 Monks of the West,' has given a glowing account of the 
 civilization and the culture of the Irish monasteries. There 
 the arts were practised — music, architecture, and the work- 
 ing of metals. There the languages of Greece and Rome 
 were studied with the passionate zeal which afterwards dis- 
 tinguished the Humanistic scholars of the revival of learning. 
 The Irish monastic scholars carried their love for Greek 
 so far that they even wrote the Latin of the Church books 
 in the beloved Hellenic characters — and as we read we are 
 reminded again of the old tradition of Greek descent — 
 while, curiously enough,^ one of the oldest manuscripts of 
 Horace in existence, that in the library of Berne, is written 
 in Celtic characters, with notes and commentaries in the 
 Irish language. It is worthy of remark that Montalembert 
 says, that of all nations the Anglo-Saxons derived most 
 profit from the teaching of the Irish schools, and that 
 Alfred of England received his education in an Irish 
 University, 
 
24 AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 With the lapse of time, however, and the disorders that 
 came over the country during the struggles with the Danes, 
 the organization of the Church suflFered severely. In the 
 twelfth century the irregularities that had crept into the 
 Irish Church were brought before the notice of the Boman 
 court. A synod, held at Kells, A.D. 1152, under the Papal 
 Legate Paparo, formally incorporated the Irish Church into 
 the ecclesiastical system of Home. The Metropolitan Sees 
 of Armagh, Cashel, Dublin, and Tuam, were created, with 
 their Suffragan Sees, under the Primacy of the Archbishop 
 of Armagh. 
 
 Towards the end of the eighth century the Danes made 
 their first descent upon Ireland, and for a time established 
 themselves in the country, expending their fiercest fury 
 upon the Church of the West, and driving the Irish scholars 
 to caiTy their culture and their philosophy to the great 
 cities of the European Continent. The Irish chiefs, divided 
 amongst themselves, were unable to oppose a common front 
 to the enemy, and for more than a century the sea-kings 
 held Ireland in subjectioa At length a man arose who was 
 more than a match for the sea-kings. Brian Boroimhe, brother 
 of the King of Munster, raised an army against the Danes 
 in 968, thoroughly defeated them, and reduced them to the 
 condition of quiet dwellers in the seaport towns. But the 
 master-spirit that the troublous time had conjured up was 
 not content to remain the conqueror of the Danes alona 
 He was determined to become the sovereign of all Ireland. 
 It was sheer usurpation, and many of the Irish chiefs op- 
 posed Brian ; but ^e soon overcame their resistance, and in 
 1001 he was acknowledged as King of all Ireland. He made 
 a just and wise king, and for twelve years reigned in 
 triumph and in peace. Then the Danes in Ireland began to 
 pluck up heart again. They sent for help to their kinsmen 
 over sea, and the Vikings came across the Swan's Bath with 
 a mighty fleet, and made war upon Brian. Brian was an 
 old man now, but as fierce and brave and skilful as ever. 
 He raised up all his power to meet the Danes, and com- 
 pletely defeated them after a bloody struggle at Clontarf, 
 on Good Friday, 1014. Their bravest chiefs were slain, and 
 their spirits sent to the Hall of Odin to drink ale with the 
 goddesses of death, while all the hawks of heaven mourned 
 

 CHRISTIANITY. 3$ 
 
 for them. But the victorious Irish had to bewail their king, 
 who, owing to the negligence of his guards, was killed in 
 his tent towards the end of the fight by the Danish leader. 
 This great defeat of the Danes put an end to any further 
 dreams of a Danish invasion of Ireland, though it did not 
 by any means destroy the influence that the Danes had 
 already acquired in the island. They still held their own in 
 the great seaport towns, and carried on fierce feuds with the 
 native tribes, and in the slow processes of time became 
 absorbed into and imited with them. The death of Brian 
 had a disastrous effect upon the condition of Ireland. The 
 provinces that he had subjugated reasserted their inde- 
 pendence ; but his usurpation had shattered the supremacy 
 of the old royal race, and the history of Ireland until the 
 middle of the twelfth century is merely a melancholy suc- 
 cession of civil wars and struggles for the crown, upon which 
 it would be alike painful and profitless to dweU. 
 
 IHH 
 
■r 
 
 / 
 
 / 
 I 
 
 CHAPTER in. 
 
 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 
 
 Ireland was now divided into four confederations of 
 tribes. The O'Neils held UHdia, which is now called 
 Ulster; the O'Connors Conacia, or Connaught; the O'Briens 
 and the McCarthys Mononia, or Munster; and the Mac- 
 murroughs Lagenia, or Leinster — all under the paramount 
 but often-disputed rule of a branch of the Ulster O'Neils. 
 The royal demesne of Meath, the appanage of the Ulster 
 family, which included Westmeath, Longford, and a part of 
 King's County, was sometimes counted a fifth kingdom. 
 
 In the wild north, O'Neil, O'Donnel, O'Kane, O'Hara, 
 O'Sheel, O'Carrol, were mighty names. On the northern- 
 most peninsula, where the Atlantic runs into Lough Foyle 
 and Lough Swilly, O'Dogherty reigned supreme. In Con- 
 naught, O'Rourke, O'Reilly, O'Kelly, O'Flaherty, O'Malley, 
 O'Dowd, were lords. In Meath and Leinster, MacGeogeghan, 
 O'Farrell, O'Connor, O'Moore, O'Brennan, Macmurrough 
 ruled. In Munster, by the western shore, MacCarthy More 
 held sway. MacCarthy Reagh swayed the south, by the 
 pleasant waters of Cork Bay. O'SulUvan Beare was lord of 
 the fair promontory between Bantry Bay and Kenmare^iver. 
 O'Mahony reigned by roaring Water Bay. O'Donoghue 
 was chieftain by the haunted Killarney Lakes. MacMahon 
 ruled north of the Shannon. O'Loglin looked on Galway 
 Bay. 
 
 All Ireland, with the exception of a few seaport towns 
 where the Danes had settled, was in the hands of Irish 
 chiefs of old descent and famous lineage. They quarrelled 
 amongst themselves as readily and as fiercely as if they had 
 
THE NORMAN CONQUEST. V] 
 
 been the heads of so many Greek states. The Danes had 
 been their Persians ; their Eomans were now to come. 
 
 The whole story of Irish subjugation and its seven cen- 
 turies of successive struggles begins with the canying off of 
 Devorgilla, wife of Tieman O'Rorke, of Brefny, by a disso- 
 lute, brutal giant some sixty years old — Dermot Macmur- 
 rough, King of Leinster. We have a curious picture of him 
 preserved in the writings of Giraldus Cambrensis, who knew 
 him, and who was the first historian of the Irish invasion. 
 'Dermot was a man of tall stature and great body; a 
 valiant and bold warrior in his nation. By constant halloaing 
 and crying out his voice had become hoarse. He chose to 
 be feared rather than loved ; oppressed his nobility greatly, 
 but greatly supported and advanced the poor and weak. 
 To his own kindred he was rough and grievous, and hateful 
 to strangers \ he would be against all men, and all men were 
 against him.' Such was the man who found the fair wife 
 of the Lord of Brefny a willing victim. Alexander the 
 Great was pleased to fancy that in ravaging the coimtries 
 of the Great King he was still avenging the ancient quarrel 
 for the rape of Helen. But Helen was not more fatal to 
 Greeks and Easterns than Devorgilla, Erin's Helen, proved 
 to the neighbouring islands that lie along the Irish Sea. 
 Through ages of bloodshed and slaughter her country has 
 indeed bled for her shame. There is a grim ironic mockery 
 in the thought that two nations have been set for centuries 
 in the bitterest hatred by the loves of a lustful savage and 
 an unfaithful wife. One might well paraphrase the words 
 of Shakespeare's Diomed in ' Troilus and Cressida,' and say 
 that ' for every false drop in her bawdy veins an English 
 life hath sunk ; for every scruple of her contaminated 
 carrion weight an Irishman been slain.' The Lord of Brefny 
 made war upon his betrayer ; Rory O'Connor, the last king 
 of Ireland, espoused O'Rorke's cause, and Dermot fled the 
 country. He hastened to Aquitaine, where Henry II. was 
 then staying, and did him homage. Pope Adrian IV., 
 known to England as Nicholas Breakspere, the only Eng- 
 lishman who ever sat in the seat of St Peter, had given 
 Henry IL a Bull of Authority over Ireland some years be- 
 fore, authority which Henry had not yet seen fit to exercise. 
 Dermot's quarrel was Henry's opportunity. He allowed 
 
28 AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 the treacherous fugitive to shark up a list of lawless reso- 
 lutes from among the Norman barons in Wales, headed by 
 Richard de Clare, Earl Pembroke, called * Strongbow.' 
 Ireland was invaded, Wexford seized, Waterford taken and 
 sacked, and Eva, Dermot's daughter, married to Strongbow, 
 as a further bond between the Lord of Leinster and the 
 Norman adventurer. The superiority of the Norman arms 
 and armour impressed the Irish chiefs and soldiery as the 
 iron of Charlemagne's legions impressed the Huns. The 
 Normans made a brave show, lapped in steel, with their 
 pointed helms and shields, their surcoats gleaming with the 
 or and argent, gules and azure of their heraldic bearings, 
 their powerful weapons, and their huge war-horses. Beneath 
 their floating pennons came their well-trained, well-armed 
 soldiers, skilled to shoot with long-bow and cross bow, well 
 supplied with all the implements fit for the taking of cities 
 that Eoman ingenuity had devised and Norman craft per- 
 fected. The Irish galloglasses and kerns opposed to them, 
 if not wholly unfamiliar with the use of mail, seldom indeed 
 used it, and fought their fiercest, protected alone by the 
 shirts of saflfron-dye in which they delighted, while their 
 weapons were in every respect inferior to those of the in- 
 vaders. Naturally, the Normans were at first triumphant 
 everywhere. They swarmed over the country, pushing 
 their strange names and strange ways into the homes of the 
 time-honoured septs. De Burgo in Connaught, FitzMaurice 
 and FitzGerald in Kerry, in the land of the MacCarthy 
 More ; De Cogan, FitzStephen, and De la Poer along the 
 southern coast; De Lacy in the north; all the cloud of 
 De Grandisons, and De Montmorencies, and De Courcies, 
 and Mandevilles, and. FitzEustaces, who settled along the 
 eastern coasts, and pushed their way inland — these were to 
 be the new masters of men whose hearts were given in 
 allegiance to the lords of the O and of the Mac, 
 
 But though the first flush of victory rested with the 
 Normans, their hold over the country was for some time 
 uncertain. Dermot, whose alliance was of great importance 
 to the invaders, died suddenly a loathsome death. Henry 
 seemed little inclined to lend his strength to the bold barons, 
 whose successes made him jealous for his own authority 
 over the island. He even ordered Strongbow to leave 
 
 JSl<. • v.- •.. ■ „; i jS. 
 
"W(J1 
 
 "THE NOkMAN CONQUEST. 2^ 
 
 Ireland, a command that it was difficult to obey, for the 
 Irish had plucked up heart of grace to turn upon their in- 
 vaders, and were harassing them very eflfectually. They 
 were reinforced, too, by their old enemies the Danes, whose 
 seaport settlements the Normans had seized upon with scant 
 courtesy, and between the two the adventurers were in a 
 bad way. Strongbow took the opportunity of a momentary 
 triumph of the Norman arms to return to England and 
 make his peace with his jealous monarch. Henry pardoned 
 him his delayed submission, and immediately secured the 
 Norman grasp on Ireland by leading a large army across 
 the Irish Sea on a 'Veni, vidi, vici,' visit, as Sir John 
 Davies called it, writing of it some centuries later. 
 
 The armament overawed many of the Irish chieftains, 
 who seem to have thought resistance to the master of such 
 legions vain, and most of the Munster chieftains came in 
 and swore allegiance. Rory O'Connor held out against the 
 king ; so did the Ulster chiefs ; but Henry, content with 
 what he gained, for the time let them alone, and proceeded 
 to organize his new territory. He divided it into counties, 
 and «et up the royal law courts of Bench, Pleas, and Ex- 
 chequer in Dublin, to afford the Norman settlers the privi- 
 leges of English law. The natives were allowed to keep to 
 their old Brehon laws, which dated from the earliest times, 
 and were as unlike the English processes of jurisprudence 
 as the Irish land system was unlike the feudal system now 
 introduced. 
 
 Henry's stay in Ireland was abruptly cut short by a 
 summons to appear before the Papal Legates in Normandy 
 who were inquiring into the murder of Beckett. He left the 
 island never to come back to it again. But he had done 
 much to Normanize the country by making large and wholly 
 illegal grants of Septal territory to his followers, leaving it 
 to them to win and keep these gifts as best they could. 
 With the sword the barons advanced their claims, and with 
 the sword the Irish chieftains met them. 
 
 The story of Ireland from the first to the second Richard 
 is one monotonous record of constant warfare between the 
 Irish and the Normans, and of incessant strife between the 
 rival Irish houses. The barons built great castles, and lived 
 in them a life of rough self-reliance, very like that of the 
 
 
30 AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 robber lords of the Ehine provinces in later centuries. 
 Many of those domains were counties palatinate, that is to 
 say their lords had the privilege of making their own laws 
 with very little regard to the jurisdiction of the crown, and 
 with absolute power of life and death. They ruled the 
 tenants accordingly, with a queer mixture of Brehon and 
 Norman law, after their own fashion. In the Norman 
 towns, which were gradually established in the country 
 under the protection of some • one or other of the great 
 barons, the language for a long time was only Norman 
 French, and the customs as well. It was as if some town 
 of pleasant Normandy had been taken bodily up and trans- 
 ported to Ireland, with its well-wardered ramparts, on which 
 the citizens' wives and daughters walked of quiet evenings 
 in times of peace, its busy crowded streets, thronged with 
 citizens of all trades and crafts, marching sometimes gaily 
 in their guilds, and ready at all times to drop awl or 
 hammer, net or knife, and rush to arms to attack or to 
 repel the Irish enemy. For outside the ramparts of these 
 Norman towns on Irish earth, outside the last bastion of 
 the baron's stronghold, lay the Irish, a separate and a hostile 
 nation, ever attacked, and ever ready to attack. The return 
 of the swallow was not surer in summer than the renewed 
 outbreak of strife between Nonnan baron and Irish chief 
 when once the winter had faded into spring. The baron 
 took to the road like a last century highwayman : he 
 swooped down upon the fields of the Irish ; he seized upon 
 the stores that they had placed in their churches and 
 churchyards, as was their custom before they took to build- 
 ing castles themselves. The Irish retaliated whenever and 
 wherever they could. J^or long there was no sort of alliance 
 between them. Only those who belonged to the 'five 
 bloods ' of the O'Neils of Ulster, the O'Connors of Cou- 
 naught, the O'Briens of Thomond, the O'Melachlins of 
 Meath, and the Macmurroughs of Leinster, could have 
 audience in an English court. The killing of an Irishma;i 
 or the violation of an Irishwoman by an English colonist 
 was no crime. 
 
 Yet, with the slow advance of time the Norman settlers 
 began to succumb to Irish influences. The hostilities 
 lessened, the hatreds waned. The Norman barons began 
 
 -VA-rti.... -.»M^ai«-..t« 
 

 THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 31 
 
 to find peace better than war, and love fairer than feud. 
 They took to themselves wives from among the daughters 
 of the Irish chiefs. By degrees they abandoned their 
 knightly trappings, Iheir Norman names, and their foreign 
 speech, to adopt instead the Irish dress, names, language, 
 and law. A Burke became a M'William, a Fitzmaimce 
 became a M'Morice, and a Bermingham became a M'Yoris. 
 The transformed barons aspired to be independent Irish 
 chieftains like their new allies ; in time they came to be 
 known as 'more Irish than the Irish themselves.' 
 
 The English Government witnessed with jealous anger 
 this curious process of assimilation, and strove at intervals 
 to stay its course. A statute passed in 1295 prohibited in 
 vain the adoption of the Irish garb by Norman settlers. 
 The English had not the power to enforce such restrictive 
 laws; they had not even the strength to protect such of 
 the settlers as were willing to abide by their own Norman 
 ways and words. These were forced in self-defence into 
 association and alliance with the Irish chiefs, who were 
 gradually regaining their control over the country. 
 
 After the English defeat at Bannockbum, the Irish chiefs 
 at once rose in revolt against England. Edward Bruce, 
 brother of the victorious Scottish king, came over to Ireland 
 in 1315, and was heartily welcomed, not by the native Irish 
 alone, but by many of the Anglo-Irish nobles. Edward 
 Bruce was crowned as king at Dundalk, and for a short 
 time the insurrection carried all before it, and the Anglo- 
 Irish lords who had not joined the rebellion were put to 
 great straits to defend themselves. The English Govern- 
 ment made a desperate effort, raised a large army under Sir 
 John de Bermingham, which completely defeated the allied 
 Scotch, Irish, and Anglo-Irish forces in a battle near 
 Dundalk, in which Edward Bruce himself was killed. » But 
 the victory was dearly bought. The loyal Anglo-Irish had 
 learned to their cost that they could not count for safety on 
 the protection of the home Government, and that security 
 was more easily attained by amalgamation with the Irish. 
 The Irishizing process went on more vigorously than ever. 
 The conversion of Norman barons into Irish chiefs with 
 Irish names waxed day by day. The condition of tii© 
 
3« AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 English settlers who remained unchanged in the midst of 
 such changes became desperate indeed. 
 
 Something had to be done. In 1356 it was proclaimed 
 that no one bom in Ireland should hold any of the king's 
 towns or castles. This proved ineffectual, and sterner 
 measures were resorted to eleven years later, at the Par- 
 liament held in Kilkenny, in 1367. The Norman Parlia- 
 ment in Ireland was originally a council of the barons, 
 prelates, and the 'faithful;' but it had grown with time 
 into greater importance. The Upper House consisted of 
 lay peers, abbots, priors, and bishops ; the Lower House of 
 the knights of the shires and burgesses. Many of the lay 
 peers claimed and received exemption from attendance, and 
 the abbots, priors, and bishops generally sent their proctors 
 in their places, till the practice grew up of summoning two 
 proctors from each diocese, who sat with the knights and 
 burgesses in the Lower House, and claimed to be members 
 of the legislature. Most of the shires were in the hands of 
 the Irish, and returned no members. Burgesses were sum- 
 moned from a few towns, many not being electied by the 
 freemen of the city, but receiving the royal writ person- 
 ally, by name. It met at irregular intervals, sometimes 
 at Dublin, sometimes at Kilkenny, and sometimes at 
 Drogheda, at the summons of the king's lieutenant, or his 
 deputy. 
 
 Tlhe Parliament of Kilkenny inflicted heavy penalties on 
 all English who adopted Irish names, speech, or customs. 
 The Norman who dared to marry an Irish wife was to be 
 half-hanged, shamefully mutilated, disembowelled alive, 
 and forfeit his estate. The fostering of Norman with Irish 
 children, and the maintenance of Irish bards, were alike 
 sternly prohibited. But at the time the English Govern- 
 ment had not the power to enforce these statutes, which only 
 served to further exasperate the Irish and the Anglo-Irish. 
 
 Eichard II. was in Ireland with a large army, determined 
 to reduce the country to obedience, when the news of 
 Bolingbroke's landing at Eavenspurgh called him back to 
 his death. The struggles of the Houses of the White and 
 the Eed Eose occupied Ireland as well a^ England. Anglo- 
 Irish lords crossed the sea to fight for York and Lancaster 
 by the side of the King-maker or Cliflford of Cumberland, 
 

 THE NOHMAI^ CONQUEST. 33 
 
 In Ireland the two greatest houses took opposite sides. 
 The Butlers of East Munster, the Lords of Ormonde, who 
 swayed Tipperary and Kilkenny, plucked a sanguine rose 
 with young Somerset; while the Geraldines of both the 
 Desmond and Kildare branches loved no colours, and 
 cropped a pale and angry rose with Plantagenet 
 
 The story of the house of Geraldine is one of the most 
 romantic in all Irish history. The Geraldines were descended 
 from the two brothers Maurice and William Fitzgerald, who 
 came to Ireland at the heels of Strongbow. Through varying 
 fortunes — at one time the whole house was nearly exter- 
 minated by MacCarthy More — they had risen to a proud 
 position of rule in Ireland. They owned all the broad 
 lands from Maynooth to Lixnaw ; their followers swarmed 
 everywhere, bearing a ' G ' on their breast in token that 
 they owed their hearts to the Geraldines. 
 
 Moore has made famous the story of Thomas, the sixth 
 earl, who, 'by the Fial's wave benighted, no star in the sky,' 
 was lighted by love to the door of a retainer's cottage. 
 The poet fancies that as the chieftain crossed the threshold, 
 some ominous voice whispered that there was ruin before 
 him. If he loved he was lost. Love and ruin did indeed 
 await the Geraldine across the threshold. The retainer 
 had a beautiful daughter, and * love came and brought 
 sorrow too soon in his train ' for Thomas of Kildare. He 
 married the peasant girl, and was outlawed by his stately 
 family, and went to France with his humble love, and 
 died, a poor but a happy man, at Eouen, many years 
 later. 
 
 •After Bosworth Battle had placed Henry VII. on the 
 throne of Eichard of Gloucester, the new king was too busy 
 with his new kingdom to give much thought to Ireland. 
 The English colony was in a bad way there. It was 
 reduced to the county of Dublin and parts of Heath, Louth, 
 and Kildare. The greater part of the island was entirely 
 in the hands of Irish chieftains, who exacted tribute from 
 the English, and scornfully set at naught the continued and 
 meaningless renewals of the statutes of Kilkenny. Henry 
 at first left Ireland alone. He was ever content to leave , 
 the Geraldine control of the country unquestioned, although 
 the Geraldines had been so defiantly Yorkist^ and though 
 
 3 
 
34 AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTOR V. 
 
 not a few followers of the house had painted their own 
 white roses red with their own blood on many an English 
 field. They were Yorkist still. When Lambert Simnel came 
 over to Ireland, pretending to be the son of false, fleeting, 
 perjured Clarence, the Geraldines rallied round him with 
 warm support and sympathy. When this image of a king 
 was swept from the throne to the kitchen, Perkin Warbeck 
 took his place, claimed to be the Duke of York whom 
 Gloucester had murdered in the tower, and he, too, found 
 Geraldine aid and maintenance. Henry had now learnt 
 something of the strength of Irish disaffection in the hands 
 of the Irish chiefs, and prepared to crush it out more subtly 
 than by the sword. We have seen what the Irish Parlia- 
 ment was like : a poor thing enough in itself, but at worst 
 containing the principles of a representative system. This 
 system Henry resolved to destroy. Three centuries had 
 passed since the Norman banners had first floated over the 
 Irish fields, and in all that time no attempt had been made 
 to force the English laws upon the Irish Septs, or to inter- 
 fere with the self-government of the Norman settlers. Now, 
 in 1494, Henry sent over Sir Edward Pojoiings, as Lord 
 Deputy, with an army at his back, to change altogether the 
 relationship between the two islands. Poynings summoned 
 a Parliament at Drogheda, at which the famous measure 
 known as Poynings's Act was passed. This Act established 
 that all English laws should operate in Ireland, and that the 
 consent of the Privy Council of England was necessary for 
 all Acts of the Irish Parliament. These measures at once 
 deprived Ireland of all claim to independent government. 
 Henceforward she was to be the helpless dependent of the 
 conquering country. But the loss of liberty did not destroy 
 the Irish desire for freedom ; it rather gave it an additional 
 incentive to action. 
 
 Ireland being thus soldered close to England, Henry was 
 content to leave the government of the country in the hands 
 of its most powerful man. *A11 Ireland,' men said, 'was 
 not a match for the Earl of Kildare.' 'Then let the Earl 
 of Kildare govern all Ireland,' said Henry VII., and gave 
 .the rule of Ireland into his hands. He had been the 
 most potent spirit in Ireland under the old system; to 
 confirm his power under the new seemed to the astute 
 
r- 
 
 i THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 35 
 
 Henry the surest means of securing his allegiance and the 
 quiet dependence of Ireland. 
 
 His successor, the Eighth Henry, looked on the Geraldine 
 power with grave jealousy. The control of the island was 
 practically in the hands of the Earls of Kildare and their 
 followers, and was drifting day by day further from the 
 control and supremacy of England. What use were statutes 
 of Kilkenny and Poynings's Acts if the country was under 
 the command of an Anglo-Irish house who defied the 
 authority of England ? His jealousy of the Geraldine* 
 was fostered by Wolsoy, who was considerably under 
 the influence of the House of Ormonde, the bitter 
 enemies of the Geraldines. Gerald, the ninth earl, son 
 of Henry VII. 's deputy, Avas summoned to England. He 
 was at once thrown into the Tower, and false news of his 
 * execution was sent to Dublin^ His son. Lord Thomas Fitz- 
 gerald, ' Silken Thomas,' as he was commonly called by his 
 people, from the splendour of his dress, displayed no silken 
 spirit. He raised at once a desperate revolt against the 
 king, but his forces were shattered by the English artillery, 
 brought thus into Irish warfare for the first time. He and 
 his five uncles were compelled to surrender. They were 
 sent to London, to the Tower, where the Earl of Kildare had 
 died of a broken heart, and they were all hanged at Tyburn. 
 Only one of their kin, a boy of jtwelve, a son of the Earl of 
 Kildare by his second wife, escaped from the slaughter of 
 his race to Rome, to found again the fortunes of his house. 
 ' The dying Gracchus,' said Mirabeau, ' flung dust to heaven, 
 and from that dust sprang Marius.' From the blood of the 
 Geraldines arose the great house of Desmond and Tyrone, 
 which at one time seemed likely to estabUsh the indepen- 
 dence of Ireland. 
 
 Henry's next act was to confiscate the Church lands in 
 Ireland as he had done in England. How this was done 
 we may learn in the melancholy words of the Four Masters : 
 ' They broke down the monasteries, and sold their roofs and 
 bells from Arran of the Saints to the Iccian Sea. . . They 
 burned the images, shrines, and relics. . . the staff of Jesus, 
 which had been in the hand of St Patrick' A Parliament 
 was summoned at Dublin, at which for the first time some 
 Irish chieftains were to be seen sitting by the English lords 
 
 3—2 
 
36 -AN OUTLINE OP IRISH HtSTOkV. 
 
 at the national assembly. These chiefs agreed to hold their 
 land of the king by English law, to come to the king's courts 
 for justice, to attend Parliament, to send their sons to be 
 educated at the English court, and to renounce the authority 
 of the Pope. The Parliament conferred on Henry and his suc- 
 cessors the title of King instead of Lord Paramount of Ireland. 
 Under Edward, the chiefs who dwelt in Leix, OfFaly, 
 Fercal, and Ely, in the central plain of Ireland, of whom 
 the O'Moores and O'Connors were chief, showed signs 
 of revolt. They were formidable and warlike, and Henry 
 VIII. had thought it well worth his while to keep them 
 quiet by subsidy. With the news of his death they may 
 have thought that an opportunity of some kind had come ; 
 but whether they intended rebellion or not, the Government 
 acted on the assumption that they did, and crushed them 
 before they had time to move, captured their chiefs, laid 
 waste their settlements, and finally confiscated their lands, 
 and planted them with English settlers. The dispossessed 
 Irish drove the settlers out after nine years of ceaseless war- 
 fare. Then the Government put forth its stre^^gth, shot 
 down the obnoxious natives wherever they could get at 
 them, hunted them as outlaws, and at last practically 
 exterminated them. Mary was by this time on the throne. 
 A part of Offaly, Fercal, and Ely was converted into King's 
 County ; Leix, another portion of OfFaly, and Upper Ossory, 
 became Queen's County. In the settlement of these two 
 counties we may see the beginnings of those plantation 
 schemes, which were to be carried on, on so large a scale, by 
 the succeeding English rulers, whether Tudor, Stuart, or 
 Furitsiu. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 ELIZABETH. 
 
 The Reformation begun under Henry VTH. was carried out 
 with pitiless determination under Edward VI., and was met 
 by the Catholics with unflinching opposition. Under Mary 
 there was a period of respite, but the strife was renewed 
 with greatfer fierceness in the succeeding reign. As authentic 
 Irish history begins with St. Patrick, so with Elizabeth 
 modem Irish history may be said to begin. The principles 
 of the Reformation had only served to deepen the hostility, 
 already deep enough, between the Irish chiefs and the Eng- 
 lish crown. It had also served to unite the Catholic Anglo- 
 Irish with the Catholic native Irish as they had never been 
 united before. The Enghsh Act of Uniformity had not yet 
 been registered by a Parliament. Elizabeth, in January, 
 1560, summoned a carefully chosen and obedient ParUa- 
 ment, which repealed the CathoUc Acts passed by Mary, 
 and passed the Act of Uniformity, which made the new 
 liturgy compulsory. Many of the bishops accepted the 
 situation ; those who refused, and who were within Eliza- 
 beth's power, were deprived ; those outside the pale and its 
 power trusted in their isolation and defied the new mea- 
 sures. The seizures of Henry and Edward had impoverished 
 the Irish Church, but the spirit of the Church was unbroken. 
 On hillsides and by hedges the mendicant friars still 
 preached the faith of their fathers in their fathers' native 
 tongue, and wherever they went they found a people eager 
 to hear and to honour them, resolute to oppose the changes 
 that came in the name of Henry, of Edward, and of Eliza- 
 beth from across th^ se?k, 
 
 W,m^it^< 
 
38 AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 At her accession, EHzi-beth was too much occupied with 
 foreign complications to pay much heed to Ireland. Trouble 
 first began in a conflict between the feudal laws and the 
 old Irish law of Tanistry. Con O'Neil, Earl of Tyrone, 
 had taken his title from Henry VIII., subject to the English 
 law of succession ; but when Con died, the clan O'Neil, dis- 
 regarding the English principle of hereditary succession, 
 chose Shane O'Neil, an illegitimate son of Con, and the hero 
 of his Sept, to be The O'Neil. Shane O'Neil at once put him- 
 self forward as the champion of Irish liberty, the supporter 
 of the Irish right to rule themselves in their own way and 
 pay no heed to England. Under the pretence of governing 
 the country, Elizabeth overran it with a soldiery who, as 
 even Mr. Froude acknowledges, lived almost universally on 
 plunder, and were little better than bandits. The time was 
 an appropriate one for a champion of Irish rights. Shane 
 O'Neil boldly stood out as sovereign of Ulster, and pitted 
 himself against Elizabeth. She tried to have him removed 
 by assassination. When this failed she tried to temporise. 
 Shane was invited to England, where the courtly gentlemen 
 who hovered about Elizabeth stared over their spreading 
 ruifs in wonder at Shane the Proud and his wild followers 
 in their safiron-stained shirts and rough cloaks, with great 
 battleaxes in their hands. They sharpened their wits upon 
 his haughty bearing, his scornful speech, and his strange 
 garb. But his size and strength made great impression on 
 the Queen, and for the moment an amicable arrangement 
 seemed to be arrived at. For many years there had been a 
 steady immigration of Scots from Argyleshire into Antrim, 
 who had often served Shane O'Neil as mercenaries. These 
 Scotch settlers seem to have been regarded with dislike by 
 the Crown ; at all events, it was part of the compact with 
 Shane that he should reduce them, and reduce them he did, 
 with no light or sparing hand. But the fierce King of 
 Ulster was by far too powerful to please Elizabeth long. 
 Her agents induced other tribes to rise against him. Shane 
 fought bravely against his fate, but he was defeated, put to 
 flight, and murdered by his enemies, the Scots of Antrim, 
 in whose strongholds he madly sought refuge. *His head 
 was struck oflF, and sent to adorn the walls of Dublin Castle. 
 His lands were declared forfeit, and his vassals vassals of 
 
ELIZABETH. 39 
 
 the Crown. English soldiers of fortune were given grants 
 from Shane's escheated territory, but when they attempted 
 to settle they were killed by the O'Neils. Others came in 
 their place, under Walter Devereux, Earl of Essex, and did 
 their best to simplify the process of colonization by exter- 
 minating the O'Neils, men, women, and children, wherever 
 they could be got at. After two years of struggle Essex 
 was compelled to abandon his settlement. But other 
 colonizers were not disheartened. Some West of England 
 gentlemen, under Peter Carew, seized on Cork, Limerick, 
 and Kerry, and sought to hold them by extirpating the ob- 
 noxious natives. 
 
 Against these English inroads the great Geraldiue League 
 was formed. In the reign of Mary, that boy of twelve 
 whom Henry YIII. had not been able to include in the 
 general doom of his house had been allowed to return to 
 Ireland, and to resume his ancestral honours. Once mpre 
 the Geraldines were a great and powerful family in Ireland. 
 But their strength had again awakened the alarm of the 
 English Government. The Earl of Desmond and his brother 
 had been summoned to England and cast into the Tower. 
 Their cousin, James Fitzmaurice of Desmond, now began to 
 unite the Geraldines against Carew and his companions, and 
 fought them and those sent to help them for two years. 
 They were of course defeated, not however so badly but that 
 Elizabeth was willing not only to receive their submission, 
 but to release Desmond and his brother from the Tower 
 and send them back to Ireland. James Fitzmaurice Fitz- 
 gerald went into voluntary exile, wandering from capital to 
 capital of the Catholic Continental Powers, seeking aid and 
 assistance for his cherished Geraldine League. The Geral- 
 dines and their companion chiefs got encouragement in 
 Rome and pledges from Spain, and they rose again under 
 the Earl of Desmond and Sir James Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald. 
 At first they had some successes. They had many wrongs 
 to avenge. Sir Nicholas Maltby had just crushed out, with 
 the most pitiless cruelty, a rising of the Bourkes of Con- 
 naught. Sir Francis Cosby, the Queen's representative in 
 Leix and Offaly, had conceived and executed the idea of 
 preventing any further possible rising of the chiefs in those 
 districts by summQniDg them and their kinsmen to a great 
 
 Mil 
 
40 AN OV'ILIAE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 banquet in the fort of Mullaghmast, and there massacring 
 them all. Out of four hundred guests, only one man, a 
 Lalor, escaped from that feast of blood. Of the clan 
 O'Moore no less than one hundred and eighty chief men 
 were slaughtered. One of the Moores had not come to 
 that fatal banquet, Euari Oge O'Moore, better known as 
 ' Rory O'Moore,' devoted himself to avenging his murdered 
 kinsmen, and the cry of ' Remember Mullaghmast !' sounded 
 dismally in the ears of the settlers of King's and Queen's 
 Counties for many a long year after, whenever Rory 
 O'Moore made one of his swoops upon them with that 
 shout for his battle-cry. With such memories in their 
 minds, the tribes rose in all directions to the Desmond call 
 Early in the rising Fitzmaurice was killed in a scuffle. This 
 was a heavy blow to the rebels; so was a defeat of the 
 Geral dines by Sir Nicholas Maltby at Monaster. Elizabeth 
 sent over more troops to Ireland under the new Lord 
 Deputy, Sir William Pelham, who had with him as ally 
 Ormonde, the head of the house of Butler, hereditary foes 
 of the Geraldines, and easily induced to act against them. 
 Pelham and Ormonde cut their way over Munster, reducing 
 the province by unexampled ferocity. Ormonde boasted 
 that he had put to death nearly six thousand disaffected 
 persons. Just at this moment some of the Chiefs of the 
 Pale rose, and rose too late. They gained one victory over 
 Lord Grey de Wilton in the pass of Glenmalure, where the 
 troojjs were completely routed by the Chief of Glenmalure, 
 Feach M'Hugh, whom the English called ' the Firebrand 
 of the Mountains.' Grey immediately abandoned the Pale to 
 the insurgents, and turned to Smerwick, where some eight 
 hundred Spanish and Italian soldiers had just landed too 
 late to be of any service to the rebellion, and had occupied 
 the dismantled fort. It was at onqe blockaded by sea and 
 by land. In Grey's army Sir Walter Raleigh and Edmund 
 Spenser both held commands, Smerwick surrendered at 
 discretion, and the prisoners were killed by Raleigh and his 
 men in cold blood. Flushed by this success. Grey returned 
 to the Pale find carried all before him. The Geraldines 
 were disheartened, and were defeated wherever they made 
 a stand. Lord Kildare was anested on suspicion of treason, 
 and sent to London to die in the Tower. Martial law was 
 
ELIZABETH. 4I 
 
 proclaimed in Dublin, and everyone, gentle or simple, sus- 
 pected of disaffection was promptly hanged. Munster was 
 pacified by an unstinted use of sword and gallows. The 
 Desmond held out for a time, but he was caught at last and 
 killed in the Slievemish Mountains, and his head sent to 
 London to adorn the Tower. Monster was so vigorously 
 laid waste that Mr. Froude declares that 'the lowing of 
 a cow or the sound of a ploughboy's whistle was not to be 
 heard from Valentia to the Rock of Cashel.' 
 
 Holinshed declares the traveller would not meet any 
 man, woman, or child, saving in towns or cities, and would 
 not see any beast ; and Spenser gives a melancholy picture 
 of the misery of the inhabitants, ' as that any stony heart 
 would rue the same.' They were driven by misery to eat 
 dead bodies scraped out of the grave; and Sir William 
 Pelham proudly tells the queen how he has reduced the 
 inhabitants to prefer being slaughtered to dying of starva- 
 tion. Being thus pacified, Munster was now divided into 
 seigniories of from 4,000 to 12,000 acres, to be held in fee 
 of the crown at a quit rent of from 2d. to 3d. per acre, by 
 such adventurers as cared to struggle with the dispossessed 
 Irish. 
 
 The next step was to confiscate the estates of the rebel- 
 lious chieftains. Sir John Perrot succeeded Lord Grey as 
 deputy. He summoned a Parliament at which many of 
 the Irish chiefs, persuaded, no doubt, by the strength of 
 England's recent arguments, attended in English dress. The 
 Parliament was perfectly manageable. It attainted anyone 
 whom the Lord Deputy wished- attainted. The estates of 
 Desmond and some hundred and forty of his followers 
 came to the Crown. The land was then distributed at the 
 cheapest rate in large tracts to English nobles and gentlemen 
 adventurers, who were pledged to colonize it with English 
 labourers and tradesmen. But of these labourers and 
 tradesmen not many came over, and those who did soon 
 returned, tired of struggling for their foothold with the 
 dispossessed Irish. In default of other tenants, the new 
 owners of the soil were practically forced to take on the 
 natives as tenants at will, and thus the desired change of 
 population was not affected. 
 
 Perrot was a stern but not a nierciless man, with a fierco 
 
 ^_.. .... 
 
4t AN UTLINE OF IRISH HISTOR Y, 
 
 temper, which made him many enemies among his own 
 colleagues. He disliked the policy of Bingham in Con- 
 naught, and challenged him. He had a difference of opinion 
 with Sir Henry Bagnal, and thought he had settled it when 
 he had knocked Bagnal down. Nor was he more popular 
 with the Irish. He treacherously captured Hugh Eoe, or 
 Eed Hugh O'Donnell, son of Hugh O'Donnell, of Tjnrconnel, 
 and kept him in Dublin Castle as a hostage for his father's 
 good behaviour, and thus made young Eed Hugh a bitter 
 and dangerous enemy to the Crown. In the end Perrot was 
 recalled and Sir William Fitzwilliam sent in his stead. 
 
 After six years of an exasperating rule, Fitzwilliam gave 
 place in 1594 to Sir William Eussell, who found the country 
 hopelessly disorganized. Eed Hugh had escaped from 
 Dublin Castle to his Sept in Donegal, and his father had 
 resigned the chieftainship to him. The dragoonings of Sir 
 Eichard Bingham had driven Connaught to desperation. 
 The northern tribes were disturbed ; some were in rebellion. 
 Ulster, which had kept quiet all through the Desmond 
 rebelUon, was stirred by the spirit of sedition, and its great 
 chief, Hugh O'Neil of Tyrone, wasHhought to be discon- 
 tented and dangerous. 
 
 Hugh O'Neil, the grandson of that Con O'Neil whom 
 Henry VIII. had made Earl of Tyrone, had been brought 
 up at the English court and confirmed in the lordship of 
 Tyrone by the English Government. In the brilliant court 
 of Elizabeth the young Irish chief was distinguished for his 
 gifts of mind and body. When he came of age he was 
 allowed to return to Ireland to his earldom. Once within 
 his own country he assumed his ancestral title of The O'Neil, 
 and revived all the customs of independent Irish chieftains. 
 For long enough he took no part in any pfots or movements 
 against the Crown ; but many things, the" ties of friendship 
 and of love, combined to drive him into rebellion. He had 
 been deeply angered by the imprisonment of his kinsman, 
 Eed Hugh, and when Eed Hugh escaped, burning with a 
 sense of his wrongs and a desire for revenge, he brought all 
 his influence to bear upon O'Neil to draw him into a con- 
 federation against the Government. Another and more 
 romantic cause helped to drive Tyrone into revolt. After 
 the death of his first wife he had fallen in love with the 
 
ELIZABETH. 43 
 
 beautiful sister of Sir Henry Bagnal, the Lord Marshal, and 
 the lady had returned his ; love. In defiance of the fierce 
 opposition of her brother, she eloped with the Irish chief, 
 and made Bagnal the remorseless enemy of Tyrone. 
 
 Bagnal used all his influence to discredit Tyrone in the 
 eyes of the English Government, and he succeeded. Urged 
 by Eed Hugh and the rebellious chiefs on the one side, and 
 by the enmity of Bagnal and the growing distrust of the 
 English Government on the other, Tyrone in the end con- 
 sented to give the powerful support of his name and his 
 arms to a skilfully planned confederation of the tribes. On 
 all sides the Irish chiefs entered into the insurrection. 
 O'Neil was certainly the most formidable Irish leader the 
 English had yet encountered. He was a brilliant general 
 and a skilled politician, and even Mr. Froude admits that 
 * his career is unstained with personal crimes.' He defeated 
 an English army under Bagnal at the Blackwater, after a 
 fierce battle, inflamed by more than mere national animo- 
 sity. Each leader was animated by a bitter hatred of his 
 opponent, which lends sontething of an Homeric character to 
 the struggle by the Blackwater. But Tyrone was fortunate 
 in war as in love. Bagnal's forces were completely defeated, 
 and Bagnal himself killed. Fortune seemed to smile on 
 Tyrone's arms. Victory followed victory. In a little while 
 all Ireland, with the exception of Dublin and a few garrison 
 towns, was in the hands of the rebels. Essex, and the 
 largest army ever sent to Ireland, crossed the Channel to 
 cope with him ; but Essex made no serious move, and after 
 an interview with Tyrone, in which he promised more than 
 he could perform, he returned to England to his death. His 
 place was taken by Lord Mountjoy, who, for all his love of 
 angling and of Elizabethan 'play-books,' was a stronger 
 man. Tyrone met him, was defeated. From that hour 
 the rebellion was over. A Spanish army that had comp to 
 aid the rebels hurriedly re-embarked ; many of the chiefs 
 began to surrender ; wild Eed Hugh O'Donnell, flying to 
 Spain to rouse allies, was poisoned and died. The si^erings 
 of the Irish were terrible. Moryson, Mountjoy's secretary, 
 a great traveller for his time, a Ulysses of ten years' wan- 
 derinjgs, tells much the same stories of the after-consequences 
 of this revolution, which were told by Spenser of the former. 
 
44 AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 The carcases of people lay in ditches, their dead mouths 
 open, green with the docks and nettles on which they had 
 endeavoured to support life. Young children were trapped 
 and eaten by the starving women who were hiding in the 
 woods on the Newry. He and Sir Arthur Chichester 
 witnessed the horrible spectacle of three young children 
 devouring the entrails of their dead mother. 
 
 At last Tyrone was compelled to come to terms. He 
 surrendered his estates, renounced all claim to the title of 
 The O'Neil, abjured alliance with all foreign powers, and 
 promised to introduce English laws and customs into Tyrone. 
 In return he received a free pardon and a re-grant of his 
 title and lands by letters patent. Kory O'Donnell, Eed 
 Hugh's brother, also submitted, and was allowed to retain 
 the title of Earl of Tyrconnel. Elizabeth was already dead, 
 and the son of Mary Stuart was King of England when 
 these terms were made ; but they were not destined to do 
 much good. 
 
 Tyrone was brought to London to meet King James. 
 He stayed at Wanstead as Mountjoy's guest, where four- 
 and-twenty years before he had been present at Leicester's 
 entertainment of Queen Elizabeth. Those four-and-twenty 
 years had brought many changes : they had carried away 
 many gallant gentlemen and wise statesmen and bravo 
 soldiers ; they had changed Tyrone from the brilliant young 
 man dreaming after liberty into the ' new man ' of Elizabeth's 
 successor. 
 
 Tyrone returned to Ireland, but not to peace. King 
 James was determined to reform the country after his ovro. 
 fashion, and in King James's mind reform meant supporting 
 the Protestrnt religion everywhere, enforcing all laws against 
 the Catholics, crushing out whatever remains of the old 
 Brehon laws still lingered in the country, and definitely 
 establishing the English law, which only the English settlers 
 liked, in its stead. Sir George Carew had been deputy, and 
 had come back to England with a store of money, and 
 Chichester was in his place making himself hateful to the 
 Irish by his ingenious methods of wresting their land from 
 its rightful owners, and by his pitiless intolerance of the 
 Catholic religion. "The Irish Catholics had hoped for tolera- 
 tion from James — James, indeed, promised theoj Qji his 
 
■ kLIZABETH. 4$ 
 
 ticcession the privilege of exercising their religion in private; 
 but he soon revoked his promise, and the state of the Irish 
 Catholics was worse than before. Tyrconnel himself was 
 called upon to conform to the English faith. Lest these 
 and kindred exasperations might arouse once more the dan- 
 gerous wrath of the chiefs, Chichester enforced a rigorous 
 disarmament of the Kernes. It is hardly to be wondered at 
 if the reforming spirit of James did not greatly commend 
 itself to two such national leaders as Tyrone and Tyrconnel ; 
 it would not be very surprising if they had thoughts of 
 striving against it. Whether they had such thoughts or 
 not, they were accused of entertaining them. They were 
 seen to be dangerous enemies to the king's policy, whom it 
 would be convenient to have out of the way, and they were 
 proclaimed as traitors. They seem to have been convinced 
 of the impossibility of resistance just then ; they saw that 
 it was death to remain, and they fled into exile. * It is 
 certain,' say the Pour Masters, ' that the sea never carried, 
 and the winds never wafted, from the Irish shores indi- 
 viduals more illustrious or noble in genealogy, or more 
 renowned for deeds of valour, prowess, and high achieve- 
 ments.' Tyrone with his wife, Tyrconnel with his sister 
 and friends and followers, ninety-nine in all, set sail in one 
 small boat on the 14th September, 1607, and tossed for 
 twenty-one days upon the raging waves of the sea. We 
 hear of O'Neil trailing his golden crucifix at the vessel's 
 wake to bring about a calm; of two storm- worn merlins 
 who took shelter in the rigging and were kindly cared for 
 by the Irish ladies. On the 4th of October they landed 
 at Quilleboeuf, on the coast of France, and made their 
 way to Rouen, receiving kind treatment at all hands. James 
 demanded their surrender, but Henri Quatre refused to 
 -xomply, though he advised the exiles to go into Flanders. 
 Into Flanders they went, their ladies giving the Marshal 
 of Normandy those two storm-worn merhns they had 
 cherished as a token of their gratitude for his kindness. 
 From Flanders, in time, they made their way to Rome, and 
 there they lived in exile, and died long years after. Tyr- 
 connel died first, in 1608, and the Four Masters weep over 
 his early eclipse. Clad iei the simple robe of a Franciscan 
 friar, he was buried in the Franciscan church of St. Pietro 
 
 ^m^Bss 
 
46 AN UTLJNE OF IRISH HISTOR V. 
 
 in Montorio, where the Janiculum overlooks the glory of 
 Rome, the yellow Tiber and the Alban Hills, the deathless 
 Coliseum and the stretching Campagna. Eaphael had 
 painted his transfiguration for the grand altar ; the hand of 
 Sebastiano del Piombo had coloured its walls with the 
 scourging of the Redeemer. Close at hand tradition marks 
 the spot where Peter was crucified. In such a spot, made 
 eaSred by all that art and religion could lend of sanctity, 
 the spirit of Tyrconnel rested in peace at last. His com- 
 panion in arms and in misfortune survived him some eight 
 years. We have a melancholy picture of old Tyrone wan- 
 dering about in Eome, and wishing in vain to be back in 
 his own land and able to strike a good blow for her. He 
 died at last on July 20th, 1616, in the seventy-sixth year 
 of his age, a brave, sad, blind old man. He was buried 
 in the little church on the Janiculum, by the side of Tyr- 
 connel. 
 
 / 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT. 
 
 After the flight of the earls, Ireland was entirely in 
 James's hands. The very few who opposed his authority 
 were sternly and summarily dealt with. His writ ran in 
 every part of the island; there was a sheriff for every 
 shire ; the old Irish law was everywhere superseded ; there 
 was nothing to interfere with James's schemes for confis- 
 cating Irish land and planting Irish provinces. The English 
 had already made strong settlements inLeinster, Connaught, 
 and Munster. Ulster had hitherto been practically un- 
 touched, but now at last it too was to come under the 
 control of the Crown. The alleged treason of the two earls 
 served as an excuse for confiscating the counties of Donegal, 
 Derry, Tyrone, Fermanagh, Cavan, and ArmagL A sort of 
 commission sat at Limavaddy to parcel out the lands of 
 men who had committed no other offence than that of 
 serving under the exiled chieftains. Ulster was planted 
 with a thoroughly Protestant and anti-Irish colony of Eng- 
 lish and Scotch adventurers, and the Irish were driven away 
 from the fertile lands like Eed Indians to contracted and 
 miserable reservations, while the fighting-men were shipped 
 off to swell the armies of Gustavus Adolphus. Twelve City^ 
 of London companies bought great tracts of land in Derry 
 at very cheap rates. Six of these companies — the Mercers, 
 Salters, Skinners, Ironmongers, Fishmongers, and Drapers — 
 still retain much of the property thus acquired. The disin- 
 heriting process was carried on not by force alone, but by 
 fraud. Men called ' discoverers ' made it their business to 
 spy out flaws in titles of land, in order that they might be 
 confiscated by the Crown. 
 
^^ 
 
 48 AN OUTLINE OF IRISH tllSTORV. 
 
 Conspicuous among the English adventurers, a very 
 mirror of the merits of his kind, is Richard Boyle, who 
 afterwards became the first Earl of Cork. He was a man 
 of very low beginnings. He has been happily described as 
 a forger, a horse-thief, and a conniver at murder, who made 
 Providence his inheritance and prospered by it. Boyle 
 landed in Dublin on Midsummer Eve, June 23, 1588, witli 
 some twenty-seven pounds in his pocket, a couple of suits 
 of clothes, a diamond ring and a gold bracelet, and of 
 course his rapier and dagger. After seven years' stay, 
 the adventurer was lucky enough, aided perhaps ])y 
 the diamond ring and the gold bracelet, to win the heart 
 and hand of a lady of Limerick with five hundred pounds 
 a year. This was the beginning of his fortunes. From that 
 hour lands and money accumulated about him. As long as 
 he got it he little cared how it came. No man was more 
 ready to lay his hands upon any property of the Church or 
 otherwise that he could securely close them over. He 
 swindled Sir Walter Raleigh, then in prison and near his 
 death, out of his Irish land for a sum sliamplessly below its 
 value, and throve upon the swindle. He is a fair type of 
 the men with whom James planted Ulster and Leinster, and 
 with whom he would have planted Connaught, but that he 
 died before he was able to carry that scheme into efi'ect. 
 But Charles inherited the scheme. Ingenious court lawyers 
 investigated and invalidated the titles of the Connaught 
 landlords, and Charles soon found himself the owner of all 
 Connaught, in the same sense that a burglar is the owner of 
 the watches, the plate, and jewels, that are the results of a 
 successful ' plant.' But land was not enough for Charles ; ho 
 wanted money. He was always wanting money, and he 
 found a means of raising it in Ireland by promising grants 
 of civil and religious liberty to the Catholics in exchange 
 for so much down. The money was soon forthcoming, but 
 the promised liberties never came. Charles's great ally in 
 the management of Ireland was Thomas "Wentworth, to 
 whom the government of the country was given. Strafford 
 devoted the great abilities, of which Lord Digby truly said 
 * that God had given him the use and the devil the applica- 
 tion,' to supporting Charles's fraudulent schemes for extort- 
 ing money, until his malign influence was removed by the 
 
- ■■ !t?HHiii'r 
 
 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT. 49 
 
 summons to England which ended in his death. But when 
 the revolution began in England which ended with the fall 
 of the king's head, many of the Irish thought their time 
 had come. In 1641 the remnant of native Irish in Ulster 
 rose, under Sir Phelim O'Neil, against the oppression of the 
 Scotch settlers. This rising of 1641 has been written about 
 often enough by English historians, as if it were an act of 
 unparalleled wickedness and ferocity. It is written of with 
 horror and hatred as the 'massacre of 1641.' Mr. Froude 
 in especial has lent all the weight of his name and his 
 eloquence to this theory of a gigantic and well-organized 
 massacre ; but Mr. Froude's statements are too curiously in 
 advance of his evidence, and his evidence too untrustworthy 
 to claim much historical importance. The business of 1641 
 was bad enough without Mr,,Froude doing his best to make 
 it worse. In one part of Ireland a certain body of men for 
 a short time rose in successful insurrection, and they killed 
 their oppressors as their oppressors had always killed their 
 kin, wherever they could get at them. Undoubtedly there 
 were a great many people killed. That, of course, no one 
 attempts, no one desires, to justify; but it must be re- 
 membered that it was no worse than any one of the many 
 massacres of the Irish by the English, which had taken 
 place again and again, any time within the memory of the 
 men then living, to go no farther back. Far be it from me, 
 far be it from anyone, to defend the cruelties that accom- 
 panied the rising of 1641 ; but it is only fair to remember 
 that most nations that have been treated cruelly are cruel 
 in their revenge when they get it, and the followers of Sir 
 Phelim O'Neil believed they had as bitter wrongs to avenge 
 as men can have. They had been taught lessons of massacre 
 by their masters, and this was their first essay. The 
 massacre of Mullaghmast, Essex's treacherous massacre of 
 the clan O'Neil, the dragooning of Connaught by Bingham, 
 the desolation of Munster, all these atrocities are slurred 
 over in order to lend an uncontrasted horror to Irish crimes. 
 Mr. Prendergast and Mr. John Mitchel have both written 
 to show the terrible exaggerations that have attended upon 
 all representations of the rising of 1641. These are Irish 
 historians ; but an English historian, Mr. Goldwin Smith, 
 is fairer than Mr. Froude. To him the early part of the 
 
 4 
 

 50 AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 rising presents a * picture of the vengeance which a people, 
 brutalized by oppression, wreaks in the moment of its brief 
 triumph on its oppressor.' He considers it ' to have been 
 unpremeditated, and opposed to the policy of the leaders ; ' 
 and when the struggle had begun, ' the English and Scotch 
 settlers perhaps exceeded the Irish in atrocity, especially 
 when we consider their comparative civilization. The Irish 
 population of Island Magee, though innocent of the rebel- 
 lion, were massacred, man, woman, and child, by the Scotch 
 garrison of Carrickfergus.' The historian Borlase, kinsman 
 to the chief justice of that name, rejoiting over the exploit 
 of the soldiers against the rebels, mentions as one item how 
 Sir W. Cole's regimei^b ' starved and famished of the vulgar 
 sort, whose goods werb seized on by this regiment, 7,000.' 
 No cruelties on the one side can ever justify retaliation on 
 the other, but to mention them will at least serve to dispel 
 the idea which Mr. Froude would willingly foster, that at a 
 sudden point in the history of a blameless and bloodless 
 rule, some wicked Irish rose up and slew some of their just 
 and merciful masters. The masters were neither just nor 
 merciful, bloodless nor blameless. It was hardly to be ex- 
 pected that a people, treated as they had been, would act 
 very mercifully when their turn came. Yet in many cases 
 they did act mercifully. The followers of Sir Phelim spared 
 some lives they might have taken ; pitied some who were 
 in their power. There has been monstrous exaggeration 
 about the stories of wholesale massacre. Most of the evi- 
 dence given before the commission sent to inquire into the 
 thing is given on hearsay, and it is on this evidence that 
 the accounts of the massacre depend. Old women who 
 were ill in bed, and saw nothing of the struggle, gave as 
 evidence the statements of friends, who told them that in 
 many places thousands of persons were massacred. Others, 
 again, were assured of such slaughterings of hundreds and 
 thousands of persons in different parts of the country by 
 the rebels themselves, who display throughout the evidence 
 a most remarkable taste for self-accusation. Equally valu- 
 able and veracious evidence testifies that the ghosts of the 
 murdered were seen stalking abroad — that in the river 
 near Portadown, where the worst of the killing was said to 
 have been, the body of a man stood erect for three days in 
 
'• ■ ■#»<!-PBr!^pgE«v 
 
 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT. 51 
 
 the middle of the water, and that corpses floated against 
 the stream several days after theykad been drowned, in 
 order to meet one of their murderers who was crossing the 
 bridge! 
 
 However it began. Sir Phelim O'Neil's rising soon flamed 
 up into a general rebellion. One of the most prominent of 
 its leaders was Eoger Moore, the last of a stately, ruined 
 family, one of whose ancestors had died in the Tower imder 
 Edward VI. He was a brave and honourable gentleman, 
 whose handsome face and graceful bearing commended him 
 closely to the men from whom he sought help, whom his 
 eloquence was well calculated to persuade, and hiis statesman- 
 like prudence and foresight to encourage. His daring and 
 gallantry endeared him to his followers, who were always 
 ready to fight their best for the war cry of 'For God, our 
 Lady, and' Eoger Moore.' At his instance Colonel Owen 
 O'Neil, better known as Owen Roe, came over from Spain 
 to consolidate and command the insurrection. He was a 
 nephew of the great Tyrone who had died in Home ; he was 
 a brave and gallant gentleman, of high and honourable 
 position in the Spanish army ; he was the natural leader of 
 the Irish people. Success at first was strewn before his 
 feet. A National Convention met at Kilkenny in October, 
 1642, to establish the independence of Ireland. It took 
 upon itself all the powers of a Provisional Government : 
 appointed the officers of its army; organized provincial 
 councils j issued proclamations ; ordered its own seal to be 
 cut ; established a mint for coining its own money, and in 
 every way showed itself ready to carry out the work of 
 national administration. Frequent help came from abroad. 
 In O'Neil's hands the army acquired new strength, and the 
 struggle was carried on with marked humanity. The in- 
 surrection seemed in a fair way to become a successful 
 revolution. There were altogether four parties in Ireland, 
 three of whom it was to the king's advantage to conciliate. 
 The fourth and least important was that of the Puritans 
 and the English Parliament, headed by the Lords Justices 
 Parsons and Borlase, whom Mr. Goldwin Smith describes 
 as a pair of scoundrels who had -done their best to foment 
 the rebellion for their own advaiitage, and Generals Munroe 
 and Coote the cruel The three other parties were, first, the 
 
 4—2 
 
5a AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 native Irish, under Owen Roe, guided by the Papal Nuncio 
 Einuccini, who had come over from Rome to lend his 
 support and counsels to the movement ; second, the Anglo- 
 Irish, chiefly composed of Catholic nobles, who supported 
 the king but stood out for their own rights and religion ; 
 and, thirdly, the king's party, with his Lord-Deputy, Lord 
 Ormond, at its head. Lord Ormond was a Protestant, 
 entirely devoted to his king, and compelled to play a very 
 difficult game in trying to keep together the rebellious Irish 
 who were willing to support Charles, and yet at the same 
 time avoid giving offence to Charles's English followers, 
 who wished for no terms with the Irish. Like most of the 
 Irish leaders of his time, Ormond had had a strangely 
 chequered career. He was the grandson of the eleventh 
 Earl of Ormond, whose estates had been unjustly filched from 
 him by his son-in-law. Sir Richard Preston, who had obtained 
 the favour of James, and with it the patent of the earldom 
 of Desmond. Young James Butler seemed thus quite cut off 
 from his inheritance, but ho was lucky enough to meet and 
 win the affections of Preston's daughter, his cousin. He 
 married her, and so in time came into not only the title of 
 Earl of Ormond, but into the possession of the good broad 
 lands of the family. Ormond had managed his own affairs 
 skilfully enough, but he was not the man to fill a position 
 of great and responsible statesmanship. His mediocre 
 abilities and temporizing spirit were quite unsuited to the 
 desperate circumstances in which he was placed. Charles 
 himself, harassed by English revolutionists at home, made 
 many and any pledges to the Irish revolutionists, in the 
 hope of winning them to his side. He never had the 
 chance of breaking these pledges. The execution at White- 
 hall left Cromwell free to deal with Ireland. He entered 
 Ireland with 8,000 foot and 4,000 horse, and marched from 
 victory to victory. Everything was in his favour : his own 
 military genius, the laurels of Worcester and Naseby, the 
 disorganization of the Irish parties and the contentions that 
 had sprung up amongst them, especially the removal of the 
 only man really capable of doing anything against the Lord 
 General in the field. Owen Roe O'Neil died suddenly, it 
 was said, of course, by poison, though there seems little 
 reason to believe this, and with his death all chance of the 
 
/■i^jM!:- 
 
 THE CROMWELLIA^ SETTLEMENT. %% 
 
 independence dreamed of by the Kilkenny Convention was 
 over for that time. Eoger Moore, the gallant and heroic, 
 was already dead, killed, it was said, by bitter disappoint- 
 ment at the gradual failure of the cause he had so much at 
 heart Sir Phelim O'Neil was captured soon after. How- 
 ever he had lived, he died like a brave man ; he was offered 
 a pardon if he would only say that he took up arms by the 
 king's command, but he preferred to die. One after another 
 the Irish leaders surrendered or were defeated. The king's 
 party was practically nowhere. Ormond had fled to 
 France for his life. After Cromwell had captured Drogheda 
 and put all its people to the sword ; after he had conquered 
 Wexford and slaughtered no less pitilessly its inhabitants, 
 the revolution was at an end. Ireland was at Cromwell's 
 mercy, and like all his predecessors, he resolved to make a 
 new settlement. 
 
 The government of Ireland was now vested in a deputy 
 commander-in-chief and four commissioners, with a high 
 court of justice, which dealt out death, exile, and slavery 
 in liberal measure. The Parliament had soothed the claims 
 of its army by giving its officers and men debentures for 
 Irish land, and similar debentures were held by a vast 
 number of adventurers, who had speculated thus in Irish 
 land, while the struggle was going on, to the amount of some 
 2,500,000 acres. These claims had now to be settled ; but 
 the adventurers were not willing to settle until all possible 
 danger was removed. There were disbanded soldiers in 
 Ireland who might interfere with the peaceful settlements 
 of Cromwellian would-be landlords, and these must be got 
 rid of before any serious plantation could be effected. Word 
 was sent throughout Europe that nations friendly to the 
 Commonwealth would not beat their drums in vain in the 
 market places of Irish garrison towns. The valour of Irish 
 soldiers was well enough known abroad. It had been 
 praised by William the Silent and Henry Quatre, and the 
 redeemer of Holland and the victor of Ivry were good 
 judges of tall soldiers. So the drums of Spain, Poland, and 
 France were set rattling all over Ireland, and to their tuck 
 the disbanded soldiery marched away to the number of 
 44,000, between 1651 and 1654, to die beneath foreign 
 banners on foreign fields. Women and girls who were in 
 
54 AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 the way of the adventurers could be got rid of no less 
 profitably to West Indian planters weary of marooij and 
 negro women. Into such shameful slavery thousands of 
 unhappy Irishwomen were sent, and it was only when, the 
 Irish supply being exhausted, the dealers in human flesh 
 began to seize upon English women to swell their lists, that 
 the practice was prohibited. Sir William Petty states that 
 6,000 boys and girls were sent to the West Indies, and the 
 total number transported there and to Virginia was esti- 
 mated at 10,000. Henry Cromwell not only approved of 
 the exportation by force of some thousand * Irish wenches ' 
 for the consolation of the soldiers in the newly-acquired 
 colony of Jamaica, but of his own motion suggested the 
 shipment also of from 1,500 to 2,000 boys of from twelve 
 to fourteen years of age. ' We could well spare them,' he 
 says, ' and who knows but it might be a means to make 
 them English — I mean Christians V 
 
 Now came the turn of the adventurers. The Government 
 reserved for themselves all the towns. Church land, and 
 tithes, and the counties Kildare, Dublin, Carlow, and Cork, 
 to satisfy friends and favourites who were not army men. 
 The portion of each adventurer in Ulster, Leinster, 
 or Munster, was decided by lot, at a lottery held in 
 Grocers' Hall, London, in July, 1653. To make the condition 
 of the adventurers comfortable, each of the planted counties 
 was divided in half, and the adventurers were quartered 
 for their greater encouragement and protection in alternate 
 baronies with soldier settlers. The rest of Ireland, except 
 Connaught, was apportioned to satisfy the arrears of officers 
 and soldiers. To keep the new settlers free from all Irish 
 influences, Connaught was appointed as a reservation for 
 the Irish, and all English holding lands in Connaught were 
 allowed to exchange them for estates of equal value in other 
 parts of Ireland. The Irish were then driven and cooped 
 into Connaught. They were not allowed to appear within 
 two miles of the river or four miles of the sea, and a 
 rigorous passport system was established, to evade which 
 was death without form of trial. Irish noJslemen who were 
 pardoned for being Irish were compelled to wear a dis- 
 tinctive mark upon their dress under pain of death, and 
 persons of inferior rank bore a black spot on the right 
 
" r fg^sr^- 7 
 
 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT. 55 
 
 cheek, under pain of branding or the gallows. It is curious 
 to reflect that all these precautions were not able to secure 
 the Ironsides from the dreaded Irish influence, and that 
 forty years later many of the children of Cromwell's 
 troopers could not speak a word of English. 
 
 The plantation of the unhappy Irish in Connaught was 
 slowly and sternly accomplished. Landowners had the 
 choice of becoming the tenants at will of the new settlers, 
 or of dying on the road side. The commissioners were 
 much harassed in the execution of their task by the un- 
 reasonable clamour of the dispossessed Irish, who objected 
 to being reserved in Connaught, and who complained that 
 the whole of the province was waste from famine. There 
 were parts of Connaught where it was truly said that there 
 was not wood enough to hang, water enough to drown, or 
 earth enough to bury a man. The commissioners, anxious, 
 no doubt, that the Irish should know the worst at once, 
 had sent the earliest transplanted to this inhospitable place, 
 and their dismay communicated itself to the as yet untrans- 
 planted. The hunted and harassed Irish nobles would not 
 transplant themselves. It needed some punishments by 
 death to quicken the general desire to seek the appointed 
 haven west of the Shannon. But death not proving con- 
 venient, as executions would have had to be ordered whole- 
 sale, it was decided to ship off the restive Irish who would 
 not go to Connaught to the West Indies. But the unhappy 
 wretches who got to Connaught were not at the end of 
 their misery. The officers employed to settle them in their 
 new homes had to be bribed by money or by portion of the 
 reserved land to carry out the law, and the greedy officers 
 were easily able to force the unhappy transplanters to sell 
 the rest of their reduced lots at miserably small rates. The 
 transplanted, rich and poor, were wretchedly lodged in 
 smoky cabins or under the open air, and lay do\^ and 
 measured out their graves in common confusion and misery, 
 peer with peasant, starved to death. 
 
 The towns were cleared as well. The inhabitants of 
 Limerick, Galway, Waterford, and Wexford, were ejected 
 with scant compensation and scanter ceremony to make 
 room for English merchants from Liverpool and Gloucester. 
 The dispossessed Irish merchants fled across the seas to 
 
 
i6 An ovtline of irish histohv. 
 
 carry their skill and thrift to other lands, and in the new- 
 hands the commercial prosperity of the towns dwindled 
 away. Galway, that had been a flourishing sea-port, never 
 recovered her resettlement. The Irish who were dispos- 
 sessed, and who would not transplant or go into exile, took 
 to the woods and mountains, the clefts of the rocks and 
 the caves of the earth, and lived a life of wild brigandage, 
 like the Greek Klephts dispossessed by the Turk. The 
 Government put a price upon the heads alike of these 
 Tories, of priests, and of wolves. 
 
'■■WUPJU'.-T' 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE RESTORATION.— WILLIAM OF ORANGE. 
 
 When Cromwell and the Cromwellian rule had passed 
 away and the Stuart king came over to * enjoy his own 
 again,' most of the dispossessed Irish gentlemen, whose 
 loyalty to his cause and creed had cost them their estates, 
 and driven them to exile abroad, or worse than exile, in 
 the Connaught reservations, thought not unreasonably that 
 they might be allowed to ' enjoy their own again,' too, as 
 well as their merry monarch. They were grievously dis- 
 appointed. The Cromwellian landholders w^ere quite pre- 
 pared to secure their estates by loyal recognition of the new 
 rule, and their adhesion was far more serviceable to the 
 Second Charles than the allegiance of the ruined Irish 
 gentlemen. Men like Broghill were not prepared to let the 
 lands they had got during the Cromwellian settlement sUp 
 between their fingers. Broghill, the infamous Broghill, as 
 he has been justly called, was a worthy son of the adven- 
 turer Richard Boyle, who has passed into history as the 
 'great Earl of Cork.' Boyle was a great robber, but Broghill 
 was a greater, and a traitor as well. He had served every 
 ruhng Government in turn, and had always contrived to 
 make his subservience profitable to himself. He got into 
 the good graces of Cromwell by the signal services he ren- 
 dered to his cause in Ireland, but he was not prepared to 
 sacrifice the rewards of these services, the fair acres he had 
 laid hold of, to any sentimental adherence to the Cromwelhan 
 principle. His treachery secured the Restoration as far as 
 Ireland was concerned ; he played Monk's part upon the 
 Irish stage. The breath once out of Cromwell's body, he 
 
58 AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 prepared to intrigue for the return of Charles. He found 
 an able assistant in Coote, the cruel president of Connaught. 
 Charles rewarded the faithful Broghill with the confirmation 
 in all his estates, and the title of Earl of Orrery. Coote 
 was confirmed in his estates and made Earl of Mountrath. 
 This worthy pair of brothers were made Lords Justices of 
 Ireland, and in their hands the settlement of the Land 
 Question was practically left. It is easy to see that it was 
 to the interest of neither that there should be a general 
 redistribution of land. They arranged an ingenious scheme 
 by which only those who proved themselves 'innocent ' of a 
 certain series of offences should be reinstated. No man was 
 to be held * innocent ' who had not belonged to the Koyal 
 party before 1643, or who had been engaged in the Con- 
 federacy before 1648, or who had adhered to the party 
 of the Papal Nuncio. Lest this might not sufficiently limit 
 the list of the * innocent,' it was decided that no one de- 
 riving his title from such offenders, and no one who played 
 a merely passive part, living, that is to say, on his estate, 
 and leaning neither to the one side nor the fother, should 
 be allowe(| to regain the lands he had lost. This system was 
 so well worted that except in the rarest cases the plundered 
 Irish were unable to get back an acre of land from the new 
 men. Ormond and a few others were restored at once to 
 their estates and honours without any difficulty, and the 
 rest were left as they were. 
 
 Ormond was made Lord Lieutenant, and once again 
 showed that he was not strong enough for his stormy times. 
 He opposed, but could not prevent, the efforts of the English 
 Cabal to prohibit the importation of Irish cattle as a 
 nuisance. The Cabal found no difficulty in carrying their 
 point ; their only difficulty was whether they should de- 
 scribe the obnoxious importation as a ' detriment ' or a 
 ' nuisance,' a difficulty which Clarendon satirically proposed 
 to meet by suggesting that it might as fittingly be called 
 * adultery.' When the cattle trade was put down, Ormond 
 (he was now duke of that name) did his best to advance the 
 Irish woollen and linen trades, but these efforts rendered 
 him hateful to the Cabal, and he was removed from office. 
 For long enough he lingered in disgrace, attending at 
 Charles's court in London^ and quietly enduring the insults 
 
THE RESTORATION: WILLIAM OF ORANGE. 59 
 
 that Charles and his favourites put upon him, and the 
 dangers of assassination to which his enemies exposed him. 
 At length he was restored to the Irish Lord Lieutenantship, 
 and the record of his last administration is chiefly a record 
 of measures against the Eoman Catholics. Charles indeed 
 was anxious to allow the Catholics as much toleration as 
 possible, but the fury of the Titus Gates Plot found its echo 
 across the Irish Sea. Ormond's nature was not one which 
 lent itself to excesses of any kind, but he was strongly anti- 
 Catholic, and to him is due the dishonour of sending 
 Plunkett, the Archbishop of Armagh, to his trial and death 
 in England, a * murder ' which, as Mr. Goldwin Smith says, 
 * has left a deep stain on the ermine of English justice.' 
 
 With James's accession the treatment of the Catholics 
 changed considerably. Ormond was recalled to end his 
 days in peaceful retirement, and his place was taken by a 
 new and remarkable figure, the bearer of a historic name. 
 This new man was James Talbot, Earl of Tyrconnel. He was, 
 while a boy, in Drogheda during the Oromwellian sack, 
 and the memory of that fearful hour was always with him. 
 He had followed the Stuarts into exile ; he was the first 
 Roman Catholic Governor of Ireland appointed since the in- 
 troduction of the Protestant religion. He did his best to undo 
 the severe anti-Catholic legislation which marked Ormond's 
 last administration. That he, a Catholic and an Irishman, 
 should wish to see justice and religious liberty allowed to 
 his countrymen and the companions of his faith has made 
 his name too often the object of the obloquy and the scorn 
 of historians who are unwilling to see liberty, either political 
 or religious, enjoyed by any but themselves and their own 
 people or party. The war between James and William of 
 Orange found the Catholics in Ireland entirely on the Stuart 
 side, though more for the sake of Talbot of Tyrconnel than 
 of the English monarch. Talbot might have said of himself, 
 like Shakespeare's English Talbot, that he was * but shadow 
 of himself,' and that 'his substance, sinews, arms, and 
 strength ' lay in the Irish Catholics who rallied round him 
 as they had before rallied round an earlier wearer of the 
 name of Tyrconnel. For a time it seemed as if this Irish 
 support might shoulder James into his throne again, and 
 the King made many concessions to encourage such alle- 
 
6o A AT OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 giance. Poyning's Act was formally repealed, and a measure 
 passed restoring the dispossessed Irish to their property. A 
 large army came over from France to Ireland to fight for 
 the Stuart, under the command of one of the bravest and 
 vainest soldiers that ever fought a field, St. Buth. But the 
 battle of the Boyne ruined alike the Stuart cause and the 
 hopes of its Irish adherents. Ginckel, William's ablest 
 general, took Athlone, defeated the French and Irish at 
 Aughrim, where the glorious and vain-glorious St. Ruth was 
 slain, and invested Limerick. In Limerick Tyrconnel died, 
 and at Limerick the last struggle was made. The city was 
 held by Patrick Sarsfield, a brave Catholic gentleman and a 
 gifted soldier. He defended Limerick so well against hope- 
 less odds that he was able to wring from his enemies a treaty 
 providing that the Eoman Catholics of Ireland should enjoy 
 the privilege of religious freedom, and giving King James'? 
 followers the right of their estates. When the treaty was 
 signed, Sarsfield surrendered the city and marched out with 
 all the honours of war. Outside the city the flags of Eng- 
 land and France were set up, and the defenders of Limerick 
 were ofiered their choice of service under either standard. 
 Ginckel had the mortification of seeing the flower of the 
 army rally beneath the lilies of Gaul, only a few regiments 
 ranging themselves beneath the English standard. These 
 Irish soldiers did splendid service in the land to which they 
 gave their swords. Their names became famous in France, 
 in Spain, in Austria, and in Russia, and on many a field from 
 Fontenoy to Eamilies and Laufeldt the Irish brigades 
 fought out for an alien cause, and beneath a foreign flag, the 
 old quarrel of their race. Sarsfield himself died bravely at 
 Landen, three years after the surrender of Limerick. It is 
 said that the dying man looked at his hand, red with his own 
 blood, and said, * Would God that this were shed for Ire- 
 land.' All that he had done for his country had been done 
 in vain. The treaty that he had secured by his gallant 
 defence of Limerick, the treaty that had been confirmed and 
 even amplified by William himself, was broken and set 
 aside. Mr. Froude seems to think that the Irish ought to 
 have been aware that the English could not be expected to 
 keep faith with them over such a treaty. To such sorry 
 justification for such a breach of faith there is nothing to say. 
 
* *^i-ii.*-ss^y 
 
 THE RESTORATION: WILLIAM OF ORANGE. 6i 
 
 The treason shows worse when it is remembered that after 
 the treaty was signed an army of reinforcements arrived in 
 the Shannon. Had these come some days earlier, the siege 
 of Limerick must inevitably have been raised. Even as it 
 was Ginckel greatly feared that Sarsfield might seize the 
 opportunity to renew the war. But Sarsfield honourably 
 abided by his word. The treaty was violated ; all the for- 
 feited lands were reconfiscated and sold by auction as before, 
 for the benefit^-ef-^the State, to English corporations and 
 Dublin merchants. \At William's death the Catholics were 
 the owners oC/less-than one seventh of the whole area of 
 Ireland. WiUi^ determined to make Ireland Protestailt 
 by Penal Laws. Under these laws Catholics could not sit 
 in the Irish Parliament, or vote members to it. They 
 were excluded from the army and navy, the corporations, 
 the magistracy, the bar, the bench, the grand juries, and 
 the vestries. They could not be sheriflFs or soldiers, game- 
 keepers or constables. They were forbidden to own any 
 arms, and any two justices or sheriffs might at any time 
 issue a search warrant for arms. The discovery of any 
 kind of weapon rendered its Catholic owner liable to 
 fines, imprisonment, whipping, or the pillory. They could 
 not own a horse worth more than five pounds, and any 
 Protestant tendering that" sum could compel his Catholic 
 neighbour to sell his steed. No education whatever was 
 allowed to Catholics. A Catholic could not go to the university; 
 he might not be the guardian of a child ; he might not keep 
 a school, or send his children to be educated abroad, or teach 
 himself. No Catholic might buy land, or inherit, or receive 
 it as a gift from Protestants, or hold life annuities or leases 
 for more than thirty-one years, or any lease on such terms 
 as that the profits of the land exceeded one third the value 
 of the land. If a Catholic purchased an estate, the first 
 Protestant who informed against him became its proprietor. 
 The eldest son of a Catholic, upon apostatising, became heir 
 at law to the whole estate of his father, and reduced his 
 father to the position of a mere life tenant. A wife who 
 apostatised was immediately freed from her husband's con- 
 trol, and assigned a certain proportion of her husband's 
 property. Any child, however young, who professed to be 
 a Protestant, was at once taken from his father's care, and 
 
6a AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 a certain proportion of his father's property assigned to him. 
 In fact, the Catholics were excluded, in their own country, 
 from every profession, from every Government office from 
 the highest to the lowest, and from almost every duty or 
 privilege of a citizen. It was laid down from the bench by 
 Lord Chancellor £owes and Chief Justice Eobinson that 
 ' the law does not suppose any such person to exist as aii 
 Irish Roman Catholic,' and proclaimed from the pulpit by 
 Dopping, bishop of Meath, that Protestants were not bound 
 to keep faith with Papists. We are reminded, as we read, of 
 Judge Taney's famous decision in the American Dred Scott 
 case, that a black man had no rights which a white man was 
 bound to respect. Happily humanity and civilization are 
 in the end too much for the Doppings and Taneys. It is 
 hard for a more enlightened age to believe that such laws as 
 these were ever passed, or being passed were ever practised. 
 It was well said that the penal code could not have been 
 practised in hell, or it would have overturned the kingdom 
 of Beelzebub. But these laws, by which the child was 
 taught to behave himself proudly against the ancient and 
 the base against the honourable, were rigorously enforced in 
 Ireland. The records of the House of Lords are full of the 
 vain appeals of Catholic gentlemen against their disposses- 
 sion by some claimant, perhaps an unworthy member of 
 their family, perhaps a bitter enemy, and perhaps a hitherto 
 unknown * discoverer,' who had put on the guise of osten- 
 tatious Protestantism as a cloak for plunder. In often- 
 quoted, ofteu-to-be-quoted words, Burke, in later years, 
 denounced the penal code for its 'vicious perfection.' 'For,' 
 said he, * I must do it justice : it was a complete system, 
 full of coherence and consistency, well digested and well 
 composed in all its parts. It was a machine of wise and 
 elaborate contrivance, and as well fitted for the oppression, 
 impoverishment, and degradation of a people, and the debase- 
 ment in them of human nature itself, as ever proceeded from 
 the, perverted ingenuity of man.' It is encouraging to think 
 that tven under such laws the spirit of the people was not 
 wholly annihilated. The country clung to its proscribed 
 faith ; the ministers of that faith braved shame and perse- 
 cution and death in their unswerving allegiance to their 
 scattered flocks. They fought bravely against the oppression 
 whiph would have enforced ignorance and all its attendant 
 
THE RESTORATION: WILLIAM OF ORANGE. 63 
 
 evils upon an unhappy people. When no Catholic might 
 open a school, the priests established what were known as 
 hedge schools. By the roadside and on the hillside, in 
 ditches and behind hedges, the children of the people 
 cowered about their pastors, fearfully and eagerly striving 
 to attain that knowledge which the harsh laws denied them. 
 In one other instance the penal laws failed. They could 
 take away the Catholic's land, his horse, his life ; they could 
 hang his priests and burn his place of worship ; they could 
 refuse him all education ; they could deny him all rights 
 before the law except the right to be robbed and hanged ; 
 but they could not compel him to change his faith, and they 
 could not succeed in making every Protestant in Ireland a 
 willing creature of the new code. By the code, any marriage 
 between a Catholic and a Protestant was, by the fact of the 
 husband and wife being of opposite faiths, null and void, 
 without any process of law whatever. A man might leave 
 his wife, or a woman her husband, after twenty years of 
 marriage in such a case, and bring a legal bastardy on all 
 their offspring. But for the sake of human honour, it is 
 consolatory to remember that the instances in which this 
 ever occurred were very rare. The law might sanction the 
 basest treachery, but it was not able to make its subjects 
 treacherous. 
 
 The evils of the penal code were further supplemented by 
 the statutory destruction of Irish trade. Under Charles I. 
 Stafford had done his best to ruin the Irish woollen 
 manufacturers in order to benefit tjie English clothiers. 
 Under Charles II. the importation of Irish cattle, or sheep, 
 or swine, was prohibited. In 1663 Ireland was left out of 
 the Act for the encouragement of trade, so that all the 
 carrying trade in Irish-built ships with any part of His 
 Majesty's dominions was prevented. But it was left to 
 William to do the worst. In 1696 all direct trade from 
 Ireland with the British colonies was forbidden, and a 
 revival of the woollen trade was crushed out by an Act which 
 prohibited the export of Irish wool or woollen goods, from 
 any Irish port except Cork, Drogheda, Dublin, Kinsale, 
 Waterford, and Youghal, to any port in the world except 
 Milford, Chester, Liverpool, and certain ports in the Bristol 
 Channel, under a penalty of £500 and the forfeiture of both 
 ship and cargo. 
 
 ^_ -i.x->jtejiac»*K „ 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 
 
 It has been happily said that Ireland has no history during the 
 greater part of the eighteenth century. What Burke called 
 ' the ferocious legislation of Queen Anne ' had done its work of 
 humiliation to the full. For a hundred years the country was 
 crushed into quiescent misery. Against the tyranny which 
 made war at once upon their creed, their intellect, and their 
 trade, the Irish had no strength to struggle ; neither in 1715 
 nor in 1745 did the Irish Catholics raise a hand for the Pre- 
 tenders. The evidence of Arthur Young shows how terribly 
 the condition of the peasantry had sunk when he is able ,to 
 state that ' Landlords of consequence have assured" me that 
 many of their cottars would think themselves honoured by 
 having their wives and daughters sent for to the bed of their 
 masters ; a mark of slavery which proves the oppression 
 under which such people must live.' To add to the 
 wretchedness of the people, a terrible famine ravaged the 
 country in 1741, the horrors of which almost rival, in 
 ghastliness, those of the famine of 1847. Great numbers 
 died ; great numbers fled from the seemingly accursed 
 country to recruit the armies of the Continent, and found 
 death less dreadful on many well-fought fields, than in the 
 shape of plague or famine in their own land. Such elemente 
 of degradation and despair naturally begot all sorts of 
 secret societies amongst the peasantry from north to south. 
 White-boys, Oak-boys, and Hearts of Steel banded against 
 the land tyranny and held together for long enough in spite 
 of the strenuous efforts of the Government to put them 
 down. If the military force, said Lord Chesterfield, * had 
 
 .:_.L .... 
 

 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 65 
 
 killed half as many landlords as it had Whiteboys, it would 
 have contributed more eflfectually to restore quiet ; for the 
 poor people in Ireland are worse used than negroes by their 
 masters, and deputies of deputies.' 
 
 Bad as the condition of Ireland was, the English in 
 Ireland proposed to make it worse by depriving it of what 
 poor remains of legislative independence it still possessed. 
 So early as 1703, a petition in favour of union with England, 
 ^ftfid- the abolition of the Irish Parliament, was presented to 
 Queen Anne ; its prayer was rejected for the time, but the 
 idea was working in the minds of those — and they were 
 many — who wished to see Ireland stripped of all pretence at 
 independence afforded by the existence of a separate Parlia- 
 ment, even though that Parliament were entirely Protestant. 
 Seventeen years later, in the sixth year of George I., a 
 vigorous blow Was dealt at the independence of the Irish 
 Parliament by an Act which not only deprived the Irish 
 House of Lords of any appellate jurisdiction, but declared 
 that the English Parliament had the right to make laws to . 
 bind the people of the kingdom of Ireland. The ' heads 
 of a Bill' might indeed be brought in in either House. 
 If agreed to, they were carried to the Viceroy, who gave 
 them to his Privy Council to alter if they choose, and send 
 to England, They were subject to alteration by the English 
 Attorney-General, and when approved by the English 
 Privy Council, sent back to Ireland, where the Irish Houses 
 could either accept or reject them in toto, but had no power 
 to change them. 
 
 The condition of the Irish Parliament all through the 
 eighteenth century is truly pitiable. Its existence as a 
 legislative body is a huge sham, a ghastly simulacrum. It 
 slowly drifted: into the custom of sitting but once in every two 
 years to vote the Money Bills for the'next two twelvemonths. 
 The Irish Exchequer derlfced half its receipts from the 
 Restoration grant 'of thef^xcise and Customs ; and the 
 greater part of this money was wasted upon royal mistresses, 
 upon royal bastards, and upon, royal nominees. The Parlia- 
 ment was torn by factions which the English Government 
 ingeniously played off against each other ; it was crowded 
 t witfe the supple placemen <;^ the Government, who were well 
 rewarded for their obedienifej^tes ; the bulk of the House 
 
 ' jy 5 
 
 " ''^^-'■"'"' '' ' 
 
v?l 
 
 66 AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORV. 
 
 was made up of nominees of the Protestant landlords. The 
 Opposition could never turn out the Administration, for the 
 Administration was composed of the irremovable and irre- 
 sponsible Lords Justices of the Privy Council and certain 
 officers of State. The Opposition, such as it was, was 
 composed of Jacobites who dreamed of a Stuart Eestoration, 
 and of a few men animated by a patriotic belief in their 
 country's rights. The^e men were imbued with the prin- 
 ciples which had been set forth in the end of the 
 seventeenth century by William Molyneux, the friend of 
 Locke, who, in his ' Case of Ireland,' was the first to formulate 
 Ireland's constitutional claim to independent existence. 
 His book was burnt by the English Parliament, but the 
 doctrines it set forth were not to be so destroyed. During 
 the reigns of the first two Georges, the Patriot Party had the 
 support of the gloomy genius and the fierce indignation of 
 the man whose name is coupled with that of Molyneux in 
 the opening sentences of Grattan's famous speech on the 
 triumph of Irish independence. Swift, weary of English 
 parties, full of melancholy memories of St. John and Harley 
 and the scattered Tory chiefs, had come back to Ireland to 
 try his fighting soul in the troublous confusion of Irish 
 politics. It has been asserted over and over again that 
 Swift had very little real love for the country of his birth. 
 Whether he loved Ireland or no is little to the purpose, for 
 he did her very sterling service. He was the first to exhort 
 Ireland to use her own manufactures, and he was unsuccess- 
 fully prosecuted by the State for the pamphlet in which he 
 gave this advice. When Wood received the authority of 
 the English Parliament to deluge Ireland with copper money 
 of his own making, it was Swift's ' Drapier's Letters ' which 
 made Wood and his friends the laughingstock of the 
 world and averted the evil. In Swift's ' Modest Proposal,' 
 we have the most valuable evidence of the misery of the 
 country. He suggests, with savage earnestness, that the 
 children of the Irish peasant should be reared for food ; and 
 urges tKat the best of these should be reserved for the land- 
 lords, who, as they had already devoured the substance of 
 the people, had the best right to devour the flesh of their 
 children. 
 
 Even as the most conspicuous supporter of the Irish 
 
■ '-'^^TS^-' .■ 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTUHY. 67 
 
 interest during the first half of the century was the Dean of 
 St. Patrick's, the two most remarkable supporters of the 
 English * interest ' in Ireland in the eighteenth century were 
 both Churchmen, the Primate Boulter and the Primate 
 Stone. Compared to Stone, Boulter appears an honest and 
 an honourable man. He was only shallow, arrogant, and 
 capricious, quite incapable of the slightest sympathy with 
 any people or party but his own — a man of some statesman- 
 ship, which was entirely at the service of the Government, 
 and which never allowed him to make any consideration for 
 the wants, the wishes, or the sufferings of the Irish people. 
 Perhaps the best that can be said of him is, that while 
 belonging to the English Church, he did not wholly neglect 
 its teachings and its duties, or live a life in direct defiance 
 of its commands, which is saying a good deal for such a man 
 in such a time. So much cannot be said of his successor in 
 the headship of the Irish ecclesiastical system. Primate 
 Stone. The grandson of a gaoler, he might have deserved 
 admiration for his rise if he had not carried with him into 
 the high places of the Church a spirit stained by most of the 
 crimes over which his ancestor was appointed warder. In 
 an age of corrupt politics he was conspicuous as a corrupt 
 politician ; in a profligate epoch he was eminent for profli- 
 gacy. In the basest days of the Eoman Empire he would 
 have been remarkable for the variety of his sins ; and the 
 grace of his person, which caused him to be styled in savage 
 mockery the * Beauty of Holiness,' coupled with his ingenuity 
 in pandering to the passions of his friends, would have made 
 him a serious rival to Petronius at the court of Nero, 
 
 The year that Swift died, 1745, was the first year of the 
 Viceroyalty of Lord Chesterfield, one of the few bright 
 spots in the dark account of Ireland in the eighteenth 
 century. If all Viceroys had been as calm, as reasonable, 
 and as considerate as the author of the famous 'Letters' 
 showed himself to be in his dealings with the people over 
 whom he was placed, the history of the succeeding century 
 and a half might have been very different. But when 
 Chesterfield's Viceroyalty passed away, the temperate policy 
 he pursued passed away as well, and has seldom been 
 resumed by the long succession of Viceroys who have 
 governed and misgoverned the country sinca 
 
 5—2 
 
^TTIWUPT' 
 
 6S An OUTUNE OF iRlS^ HlSfdRY. 
 
 Ill the meanwhile a new spirit was gradually coming oveir 
 the country. Lucas, the first Irishman, in the words of the 
 younger Grattan, • who, after Swift, dared to write freedom,* 
 had founded the Freeman's Journal, a journal which ventured 
 in dangerous times to advocate the cause of the Irish people, 
 and to defy the anger of the English 'interest.' In the first 
 number, which appeared on Saturday, September 10, 1763, 
 and which bore an engraving of Hibernia with a wreath 
 in her right hand and a rod in her left, Lucas loudly advo- 
 cated the duty and dignity of a free press, and denounced 
 under the guise of 'Turkish Tyranny,' 'The Tyranny of 
 French Despotism,' and ' The Ten Tyrants of Rome,' the 
 ministries and the creature whom his unsparing eloquence 
 assailed. The Patriot Party, too, was rapidly increasing its 
 following and its influence in the country. The patriotic 
 party in Parliament had found a brilliant leader in Henry 
 Flood, a gifted politician, who thought himself a poet, and 
 who was certainly an orator. Flood was the son of the Irish 
 Chief Justice of the King's Bench. He had been educated 
 at Trinity College and at Oxford, and much of his youth 
 was devoted to the study of oratory and the pursuit of 
 ^' poetry. He wrote an ode to Fame, which was perhaps 
 
 '*' unluckjf'^ reaching its address as that poem to posterity 
 
 of which poor Jean Baptiste Rousseau was so proud. But 
 his oratory was. a genuine gift, which he carefully cultivated. 
 We hear of his learning speeches of Cicero by heart, and 
 writing out long passages of Demosthenes and ./Eschines. 
 His character was kindly, sweet-tempered, and truthful 
 He was ambitious because he was a man of genius, but his 
 ambition was for his country rather than for himself, and he 
 served her with a daring spirit, which only the profound 
 statesmanlike qualities of his intellect prevented from 
 becoming reckless. In 1759, then in his twenty-seventh 
 year, a manied man with a large fortune, he entered public 
 life, never to leave it till the end of his career. He came 
 into Parliament as member for Kilkenny, and almost immedi- 
 ately became a prominent member of the Opposition. His 
 maiden speech was a vigorous attack upon the corrupt and 
 profligate Primate Stone. In the hands of Flood, ably 
 seconded by Charles Lucas, the Opposition began to take 
 shape, and to become a serious political power. Under his 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 69 
 
 brilliant and skilful chieftainship, the * Patriots,' as the party 
 who followed him were called in scorn- ijy their enemies, 
 and in admiration by their allies, made repeated assaults 
 upon the hated pension list After they had been defeated 
 again and again. Flood found a more successful means of 
 harassing the Administration by turning the attention of 
 his party to Parliamentary reform. The time was well 
 chosen. The English Government was beginning to be 
 troubled by its own greedy placemen, who were always 
 ready to go with light hearts into the Opposition lobby if 
 they could not squeeze all they wanted out of the Govern- 
 ment. By taking advantage of the discontent of placemen, 
 the patriots were able to induce the House to declare that 
 they alone had the right to initiate a Money Bill, and to 
 refuse to accept a Money Bill brought in by the English or 
 Irish Privy Council. It is bitterly to be regretted that 
 Flood allowed himself to be led away from the Patriot 
 Party, and to accept a Government sinecure. There is no 
 need to doubt that when Flood accepted the office of Vice- 
 Treasurer he believed that he was acting on the whole in 
 the interests of the cause he represented. He had just 
 made a great political triumph. He had driven out of 
 office a most obnoxious and unpopular Lord -Lieutenant, 
 Lord Townsend, and Townsend's place had been taken by 
 Lord Harcourt, a reasonable and able man, who seemed 
 likely to be in sympathy with Flood's views as to the 
 independence of Parliament. Flood may well be assumed 
 to have reasoned that a place under Government would offer 
 him greater opportunities for urging his cause. But, what- 
 ever his reasons, the step was fatally ill-advised ; be lost the 
 confidence of the country, and ruined his position as leader. 
 But this was the less to be regretted that it gave his place 
 as leader of the Patriot Party to a greater orator and a nobler 
 man — to Henry Grattan. 
 
 Grattan was born in 1750, in Dublin. His years of early 
 manhood were passed in London, studying for the Bar. Like 
 Flood, he believed himself destined to be a poet ; but when 
 in 1775 he was nominated to represent Gharlemont in the 
 Irish Parliament by the owner of the borough, Lord Gharle- 
 mont, he discovered where his real genius lay. He and Flood 
 had been close friends and political allies until Flood's accept- 
 
■^" 1 
 
 70 AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 ance of the Vice-Treasurership. This seemed to Grattan 
 the basest political apostacy. The alliance between the two 
 orators was definitely broken oflF; the friendship was finally 
 severed in the fierce discussion that took place between 
 them in the House of Commons some years later, when 
 Flood tauntingly described Grattan as a 'mendicant 
 patriot,' and Grattan painted Flood as a traitor in one of 
 the most crushing and pitiless pieces of invective that ha\^ 
 ever belonged to oratory. Such a quarrel between such 
 men was the more to be regretted because each had the 
 same end in view, and each had special qualifications for 
 furthering that end which were not possessed by the other. 
 
 Grattan was now leader of the Patriots, It was his 
 ambition to secure legislative independence for the Irish 
 Parliament. The war with the American colonies gave him 
 the opportunity of realizing his ambition. A large force of 
 volunteers had been organized in Ireland to defend the 
 island from the attacks of the terrible Paul Jones, and the 
 Volunteers and their leaders were all in sympathy with the 
 Patriot Party. For the first time since the surrender of 
 Limerick, there was an armed force in Ireland able and 
 willing to sustain the national cause. There were G0,000 
 men under arms under the leadership of the gifted and 
 patriotic Lord Charlemont. Among their leaders were 
 Flood himself and Henry Grattan. The Volunteers formed 
 themselves into an organized convention for the purpose of 
 agitating the national grievances. Grattan was not indeed 
 a member of this convention, but he saw that with the 
 existence of the Volunteers had come the hour to declare 
 the independence of the Irish Parliament, and he seized 
 upon the opportunity. He had an army at his back ; the 
 English Government was still striving with Mr, Washington 
 and his rebels, and it had to give way. All that Grattan 
 asked for was granted ; the hateful Sixth Act of George I. 
 was repealed, and Grattan was able to address a free 
 people and wish Ireland as a nation a perpetual existence. 
 
 But now that the desires of the Patriot Party had been ap- 
 parently fulfilled, by a curious example of the law of historical 
 reaction, the popularity of Grattan began to wane, and 
 that of Flood to wax anew. The English hold over the 
 Iri^h Parliament had been based first upon Poynings' Act, 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. >ji 
 
 and then upon a Declaratory Act asserting the dependence 
 of the Irish Parliament. It was this Declaratory Act that 
 Grattan, aided by the Volunteers, had caused to be repealed, 
 and he and his party contended that by this repeal England 
 resigned her right over the Irish Parliament. Flood and 
 his friends maintained that the repeal of the Declaratory 
 Act was not enough, and they would not rest until they had 
 obtained a fuller and more formal Eenunciation Act. There 
 were other differences between Flood and Grattan. Grattan 
 Avas all in favour of the disbandment and dispersal of the 
 Volunteers. Flood was for still keeping them in armed 
 existence. Grattan had urged that their work had been 
 done, and that their presence was a praetorian menace to 
 the newly-acquired liberties. .Flood believed that their co- 
 operation was still needful for. the further securing of Irish 
 liberty. Yet it is curious to remember that Grattan was 
 the advocate of Catholic Emancipation, and that Flood was 
 strenuously opposed to it. Grattan carried his point, and 
 the Volunteers disbanded and dispersed, very much to the 
 disappointment of Flood and the indignation of one of the 
 most curious political figures of the time, and one of the 
 most remarkable of the many remarkable ecclesiastics who 
 played a part in this period of Irish history. This was 
 the Earl of Bristol and Bishop of Derry, a son of the Lord 
 Hervey whom Pope strove to make eternally infamous by 
 his nickname of Sporus, and who has left such living pictures 
 of the court of the Second George in the brilliant malig- 
 nancy of his unrivalled memoirs. The bishop was a cultured, 
 desperate dandy, a combination of the typical French abb6 
 of the last century with the conventional soldier of fortune. 
 He loved gorgeous dresses ; he loved to be prominent in all 
 things. The Volunteers delighted his wild imagination. He 
 fancied himself the leader of a great rebellion, and he 
 babbled to everyone of his scheme with ostentatious folly. 
 But though he could command popularity among the Volun- 
 teers, he could not command the Volunteers themselves. 
 They remained under the guidance of Charlemont and 
 Flood, and when Flood failed in carrying the Volunteer 
 Reform Bill for enlarging the franchise, the Volunteers 
 peaceably dissolved. The bishop drifted out of Dublin, 
 drifted into Naples, lived a wild life there for many years, 
 
 -^ •:.''«mmM nt'^:- - ■_ -_ ^ 
 
72 AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 became a lover of Lady Hamilton's, and died in Eome in 
 1803. 
 
 While it lasted the free Irish Parliament was worthy of 
 its creator. It gave the Catholics the elective franchise of 
 which they had been so long deprived ; up to this time no 
 Catholic had been able to record a vote in favour of the 
 men who were labouring for the liberty of their country. 
 There is no doubt that it would in time have allowed 
 Catholics to enter Parliament. But the efforts of Grattan 
 after Catholic Emancipation failed, and their failure strength- 
 ened the hands of the United Irishmen. 
 
 The name 'United Irishmen,' designated a number of 
 men all over the country who had formed themselves into 
 clubs for the purpose of promoting a union of friendship 
 between Irishmen of every religious persuasion, and of for- 
 warding a full, fair, and adequate representation of all the 
 people in Parliament. It was in the beginning a perfectly 
 loyal body, with a Protestant gentleman, Mr. Hamilton 
 Eowan, for its president. James Napper Tandy, a Protestant 
 Dublin trader, was secretary. The men who created it were 
 well pleased with the success of Grattan's efforts at the in- 
 dependence of the Irish Parliament, but they were deeply 
 discontented at the subsequent disbandment of the Volun- 
 teers and Grattan's comparative inaction. The simple repeal 
 of the Sixth George did not answer their aspirations for 
 liberty, which were encouraged and excited by the outbreak 
 of the French Eevolution. They found a leader in Theobald 
 Wolfe Tone, a young barrister, brave, adventurous, and elo- 
 quent. Allied with him was Lord Edward Fitzgerald, the 
 chivalrous, the heroic, who had lived long in France and 
 travelled in America, who was devoted to two loves, his 
 country and his beautiful wife Pamela, the daughter of 
 Philippe Egalite and Madame de Genlis. A third leader 
 was Arthur O'Connor, Lord Longueville's nephew, and 
 member for Phillipstown. They were all young; they 
 were all Protestants ; they were all dazzled by the successes 
 of the French Eevolution, and believed that the House of 
 Hanover might be as easily overturned in Ireland as the 
 House of Capet had been in France. Wolfe Tone went over 
 to Paris and pleaded the cause of Ireland with the heads of 
 the Freagh Pirectory. His eloquence convinced them, and 
 
w- 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 73 
 
 a formidable fleet was sent over to Ireland under victorious 
 Hoche. But the winds which had destroyed the Armada 
 dispersed the French squadron, and no landing was effected. 
 The Government was aroused and alarmed ; the plans of 
 the United Irishmen were betrayed; martial law was pro- 
 claimed. Arthur O'Connor was at once arrested. Edward 
 Fitzgerald lay in hiding in Dublinifor some days in a house 
 in Thomas Street, but his hiding-place was betrayed. He 
 defended himself desperately against the soldiers who came 
 to take him, was severely wounded, and died of his wounds 
 in prison. The room is s|iill shown in which the * gallant 
 and seditious Geraldine ' met his death ; it is very small, 
 and the struggle must have been doubly desperate in the 
 narrow space. It is a dismal little theatre for the tragedy 
 that was played in it. 
 
 Before the rebellion broke out, soldiers and yeomen, who 
 were generally Orangemen of the most bitter kind, were 
 sent to live at free quarters among the peasants in every 
 place where any possible disaffection was suspected, and the 
 licentiousness and brutal cruelty of these men did much to 
 force hundreds of peasants into the rising, and to prompt 
 the fierce retaliation which afterwards characterized some 
 episodes of the rebellion. The troops and yeomen flogged, 
 picketed, and tortured with pitch-caps the unhappy men, - 
 and violated the unhappy women, who were at their mercy. 
 The Irish historian would indeed be fortunate who could 
 write that on the Irish side the struggle was disgraced by 
 no such crimes. Unhappily this cannot be said. Here it 
 cannot be better than to speak in Mr. Lecky's words : * Of 
 the atrocities committed by the rebels during the bloody 
 month when the rebellion was at its height, it is difficult to 
 speak too strongly,' but he goes on to say — he is criticizing 
 Mr. Froude — 'an impartial historian would not have for- 
 gotten that they were perpetrated by undisciplined men, 
 driven to madness by a long course of savage cruelties, and 
 in most cases without the knowledge or approval of their 
 leaders ; that from the beginning of the struggle the yeomen 
 rarely gave quarter to the rebels ; that with the one horrible 
 exception of ScuUaboguo the rebels in their treatment of 
 women contrasted most favourably and most remarkably 
 with the troops, and that one of the earliest episodes of tfee 
 
74 AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 struggle was the butchery near Kildare of 350 insurgents 
 who had surrendered on the express promise that their lives 
 should be spared.' 
 
 It should be borne in mind, in considering the rebellion of 
 1798, that the struggle is not to be considered as a struggle 
 of creed against creed. Protestants began and organized 
 the movement, and it is estimated by Madden that among 
 the leaders of the United Irishmen, Catholics were only in 
 the proportion of one to four throughout the rebellion. 
 On the other hand, a large number of Catholics were 
 strongly opposed to the rebellion, and in many cases took 
 active measures against it. In Wexford, unhappily, the 
 eflforts of the Orangemen succeeded in giving the struggle 
 there much of the character of a religious war, but this the 
 revolution looked at as a whole never was. It was a national 
 movement, an uprising against intolerable grievances, and 
 it was sympathized with and supported by Irishmen of all 
 religious denominations, bound together by common injuries 
 and a common desire to redress them. 
 
 The great insurrection which was to have shattered the 
 power of England was converted into a series of untimely, 
 abortive local risings, of which the most successful took 
 place in Wexford. The rebels fought bravely, but the cause 
 was now hopeless. The Catholic clergy came fearlessly to 
 the front ; many of the little bands of rebels were led into 
 action by priests of the Church. Father John Murphy, 
 Father Philip Roche, and Father Michael Murphy, were 
 among the bravest and ablest of the revolutionary leaders. 
 Father Michael Murphy was long believed by his men to 
 be invulnerable, but he was killed by a cannon ball in the 
 fight by Arklow. Father Philip Eoche also died on the 
 field. Father John Murphy, less happy, was captured and 
 died on the gallows; so died Bagenal Harvey, of Barry 
 Castle, and Anthony Perry, both Protestant gentlemen of 
 fortune who had been forced into the rebellion, the one by 
 Government suspicion, the other by imprisonment, cruelty, 
 and torture. The revolution was crushed out with pitiless 
 severity, until the deeds of the English soldiers and yeomanry 
 became hateful in the eyes of the Viceroy himself, Lord 
 Cornwallis. 'The conversation,' he writes in a letter to 
 General Eoss, * of the principal persons of the country all 
 
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 75 
 
 tends to encourage the system of blood ; and the conversa- 
 tion even at my table, where you will suppose I do all I 
 can to prevent it, always turns on hanging, shooting, burn- 
 ing, etc., and if a priest has been put to death the greatest 
 joy is expressed by the whole company. So much for 
 Ireland and my wretched situation.' 
 
 Cornwallis acted mercifully. He proclaimed pardon to 
 all insurgents guilty of rebellion only who should surrender 
 their arms and take the oath of allegiance. Of the State 
 prisoners, the two brothers Sheares were hanged ; McCann 
 was hanged; Oliver Bond died in Newgate; O'Connor, 
 Thomas Addis Emmet and McNevin were banished. 
 
 The insurrection was not quite over when a small French 
 force, under General Humbert, landed in Killala Bay and 
 entered Longford. But Humbert was surrounded by the 
 English under Cornwallis and General Lake at Ballina- 
 muck, and surrendered at discretion. The French were 
 treated as prisoners of war, but the insurgent peasantry 
 were slaughtered without quarter. 
 
 There was still one more scene in the drama of '98. A 
 French squadron, under General Hardi, sailed for Ireland, 
 but was attacked by an English squadron, and hopelessly 
 defeated. Wolfe Tone, who was on board the principal 
 vessel, the Hoche, was captured with the rest, and enter- 
 tained with the French officers at Lord Cavan's house at 
 Lough Swilly. Here a treacherous friend recognised him 
 and addressed him by his name. Tone was too proud to 
 affect concealment. He was at once sent in irons to Dublin, 
 and tried by court martial ; he asked in vain for a soldier's 
 death; he was condemned to be hanged, but he cut his 
 throat in prison. The wound was not mortal, and he would 
 have been hanged, had not Curran moved in the King's 
 Bench for a writ of Habeas Corpus, on the ground that a 
 court-martial had no jurisdiction while the Law Courts were 
 still sitting in Dublin. The writ was granted, and Tone 
 died a lingering death in prison. 
 
 Wolfe Tone was buried in Bodenstown, not far from 
 the little village of Sallins, some eighteen miles from Dublin. 
 Thomas Davis has devoted one of his finest lyrics to the 
 green grave in Bodenstown churchyard, with the winter 
 wind raving about it and the storm sweeping down on the 
 
76 AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 plains of Kildare. The melancholy music of Davis's verse 
 is well-suited to the desolate and deserted grass-grown 
 graveyard and the little lonely church, ruined and roofless, 
 and thickly grown with ivy, with the grave on the side 
 away from the road. When Davis wrote his poem there 
 was no stone upon the grave ; now it is railed in with iron 
 rails wrought at the top into the shape of shamrocks, and 
 marked by a winter- worn headstone, and a stone slab with 
 an inscription setting forth the name and deeds of the man 
 who lies beneath, and ending • God save Ireland.' 
 
 The leaders of constitutional agitation had taken no part 
 in the rebellion of the United Irishmen. Neither Grattan 
 nor Flood had belonged to the body, and neither of them 
 had any sympathy with its efforts. They stood aside while 
 the struggle was going on, and the most prominent place 
 in the public mind was taken by a man not less gifted 
 than either of them, John Curran. Like Grattan and like 
 Flood, Curran began his career by trying to play on the 
 double pipes of poetry and oratory, and like his great com- 
 peers he soon abandoned verse for prose. He rose from a 
 very humble origin, by the sheer force of his ability, to a 
 commanding position at the Bar and an honourable position 
 in Parliament, and his patriotism was never stained by the 
 slightest political subservience. Before the rebellion of 1798 
 he had been conspicuous for his courage in advocating the 
 causes of men unpopular with the Government and the 
 English 'interest,' and after the rebellion broke out he 
 rendered himself honourably eminent by the eloquence and 
 the daring which he offered in turn to the cause of all the 
 leading political prisoners. In his speech for Hamilton 
 Bowan — a defence for which he was threatened like a new 
 Cicero, but, unlike Cicero, remained undismayed — he made 
 that defence of the principle of universal emancipation 
 which has been so often, yet cannot be too often, quoted. 
 ' I speak in the spirit of the British law, which makes liberty 
 commensurate with, and inseparable from, the British soil, 
 which proclaims even to the stranger and the sojourner, the 
 moment he sets his foot on British earth, that the ground 
 on which he treads is holy, and consecrated by the genius 
 of universal emancipation. No matter in what language 
 his doom may have been pronounced \ no matter what com* 
 
-■■ -- ^■■vr:^f^rp:.^i^*^fm. ':-'r^^**yiyf'!Xi' 
 
 fHE kiGIiTEENTH CENTURY. 77 
 
 plezion incompatible with freedom an African or an Indian 
 sun may have burnt upon him ; no matter in what disastrous 
 battle his liberty may have been cloven down ; no matter 
 with what solemnities he may have been devoted upon the 
 altar of slavery — the first moment he touches the sacred soil 
 of Britain, the altar and the god sink together in the dust ; 
 his soul walks abroad in its own majesty, his body swells 
 beyond the measure of his chains, that burst from around 
 him, and he stands redeemed, regenerated, and disenthralled 
 by the irresistible genius of universal emancipation.' 
 
 Appeals to the * irresistible genius of universal emancipa 
 tion * were not likely to have much effect just then. Martial 
 and civil law vied with each other in severity towards the 
 leaders of the United Irishmen. But these at least had 
 striven for the cause of emancipation with arms in their 
 hands. There was no such excuse to justify the measures 
 now taken by the Government to ensure that the ' genius of 
 universal emancipation,' however * commensurate with, and 
 inseparable from,' British soil, should have very little recog- 
 nition on Irish earth. 
 
 Having destroyed the revolution, the Government now 
 determined to destroy the Parliament. The liberty which 
 Grattan had hoped might be perpetual, endured exactly 
 eighteen years. Grattan had traced the career of Ireland 
 from injuries to arms, and from arms to liberty. He was 
 now to witness the reverse of the process, to watch the 
 progress from liberty to arms, and from arms to injuries. 
 The sword crushed out the rebellion, gold destroyed the 
 Parliament. The ruin of the Irish Parliament is one of the 
 most shameful stories of corruption and treachery of which 
 history holds witness. It was necessary to obtain a Govern- 
 ment majority in the Irish Parliament, and the majority 
 was manufactured by the most unblushing bribery. The 
 letters of Cornwallis confess the shame of a brave soldier at 
 the unworthy means he had to employ in obeying the deter- 
 mination of the Government to steal from Ireland her newly- 
 obtained liberties. Place and office were lavishly distributed. 
 Peerages won the highest, and secret service money the 
 lowest of those who were to be bought. The English 
 Ministry had decided that Ireland was to be joined to 
 England in an indissoluble union, and as Ireland was hostile 
 
78 Aif OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY, 
 
 to the scheme the union was effected by force and by fraud. 
 The Bill of Union was introduced and passed by a well- 
 paid majority of sixty in 1800. The eloquence of Grattan 
 was raised to the last in immortal accents against the 
 unholy pact. But the speech of angels would have been 
 addressed in vain to the base and venal majority. It is 
 something to remember that a hundred men could be found 
 even in that degraded assembly whom the Ministry could 
 not corrupt, who struggled to the last for the constitutional 
 liberties of their country, and who did not abandon her in 
 her agony. 
 
 It would not be well to leave this part of the story with- 
 out a reference to the volumes which Mr. Froude has 
 devoted to the 'English in Ireland in the Eighteenth 
 Century.' There is perhaps no instance among the writings 
 of history in which commanding talents have been put to 
 a worse use. The deliberate and well-calculated intention 
 of rousing up all the old animosities of race and religion, 
 the carefully planned exaggeration of everything that tells 
 against Ireland, and subordination or omission of all to be 
 alleged in her favour, are evidence of a purpose to injure 
 which happily defeats itself. The grotesque malignity with 
 which Mr, Froude regards Ireland and everything Irish is 
 so absurdly overdone, that, as Mr. Lecky says, * his book has 
 no more claim to impartiality tha^i an election squib.' * A 
 •writer of English history,' the words are Mr. Lecky's again, 
 'who took the "Newgate Calendar" as the most faithful 
 expression of English ideas, and English murderers as the 
 typical representatives of their nation, would not be regarded 
 with unqualified respect.' Yet this is literally what Mr. 
 Froude has done in his determined effort to envenom old 
 wounds and rekindle the embers of old hatreds. 
 
.^,^!S>;;- 
 
 CHAPTER VIIL 
 
 EMMET. O'CONNELL. 
 
 Though the Unioa was accomplished with the opening of 
 the century, the exchequers of the two countries were not 
 consolidated for a score of years longer, during which 
 Ireland suffered much, and England gained much by the 
 new contract. England's superior command of capital 
 rendered it impossible for Irish trade and enterprise to 
 compete successfully with her while both were chained 
 together under the same system, and as a natural conse- 
 quence, Irish trade and enterprise dwindled, diminished, and 
 practically disappeared. The Union, like too many compacts 
 that have ever been made with the willing or unwilling 
 Irish people, was immediately followed by a breach of faith. 
 One of the most important factors in the securing of the 
 Union was the pledge entered into by Pitt, and promulgated 
 all over Ireland by print, that legislation on Catholic Eman- 
 cipation and the Tithe Question would be introduced at once. 
 It is not to be questioned that such a promise must have 
 had great eflfect, if not in winning actual support to the 
 scheme of Union, at least in preventing in many cases ener- 
 getic opposition to it. To many the question of Catholic 
 Emancipation was so immediately important, on many the 
 grievous burden of the Tithe Question pressed so heavily, 
 that they were almost ready to welcome any measure which 
 oflfered to grant the one and relieve the other. But the 
 pledge which Pitt had made Pitt c«uld not fulfil. The 
 bigoted and incapable monarch, who had opposed more 
 reforms and brought more misfortune upon his own country 
 
 Mtai^Miiiiiiiii 
 
"^^r'»T?S'!^l«P!'WiTSW^^ 
 
 80 Aif OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTOk)t. 
 
 than any other of all England's kings, stubbornly refused to 
 give his consent to any measure for the relief of the Roman 
 Catholics. Pitt immediately resigned, just eleven days after 
 the Union had become law. The obstinate folly of the 
 third George does not excuse the Minister, who had done 
 his best to delude Ireland by arousing hopes which he was 
 not certain of gratifying, and making pledges that he was 
 unable to fulfil. 
 
 While the pledges to the Irish people were thus broken, 
 the principles which had obtained before the Union remained 
 unaltered. The system of corruption, which is perhaps 
 inseparable from the Government of a Viceroy and a Castle 
 clique, was in nowise diminished, and all the important 
 offices of the Irish Executive were filled solely by English- 
 men. But the deceived people could do nothing. The 
 country was under martial law; and the experiences of 
 '98 had left behind them a memorable lesson of what 
 martial law meant. There was no means, as there would 
 have been no use, in bringing forward their claims to con- 
 sideration in any constitutional manner. But the strength 
 of the national feeling of anger and despair may be estimated 
 by the fact that, in spite of the horrors of the recent revolu- 
 tion, there were dangerous riots in several parts of Ireland, 
 and that one actual rising took place, a last act of the 
 rebellion of '98 surviving the Union. A young, brave, 
 and gifted man, Robert Emmet, the youngest brother of 
 Thomas Addis Emmet, planned the seizure of Dublin 
 Castle. The rising failed. Emmet might have escaped, 
 but he was in love with Sarah, Curran's daughter, and he 
 was captured while awaiting an opportunity for an inter- 
 view with her. Curran was bitterly opposed to the love 
 affair ; he refused to defend Emmet, and he has sometimes 
 been accused in consequence of being indirectly the cause of 
 Emmet's death. But we may safely assume that no counsel 
 and no defence could have saved Emmet then. The trial 
 was hurried through. Emmet was found guilty late at 
 night. He was hanged the next morning, the 20th of 
 September, 1803, in Thomas Street, on the spot where the 
 gloomy church of St. Catherine looks down Bridgefoot 
 Street, where his principal stores of arms had been found. 
 Just before his death he wrote a letter to Richard, Curran's 
 
^'^^^^mm-. 
 
 EMMET— O'CONNELL. 8l 
 
 son, full of melancholy tenderness, regret for his lost love, 
 and resignation for his untimely death : 
 
 * If there was anyone in the world in whose breast my 
 death might be supposed not to stifle every spark of resent- 
 ment, it might be you ; I have deeply injured you — I have 
 injured the happiness of a sister that you love, and who was 
 formed to give happiness to everyone about her, instead of 
 having her own mind a prey to affliction. Oh, Richard ! I 
 have no excuse to offer, but that I meant the reverse; I 
 intended as much happiness for Sarah as the most ardent 
 love could have given her. I never did tell you how much I 
 idolized her ; it was not with a wild or unfounded passion, 
 but it was an attachment increasing every hour, from an 
 admiration of the purity of her mind and respect for her 
 talents. I did dwell in secret upon the prospect of our 
 union. I did hope that success, while it afforded the oppor- 
 tunity of our union, might be the means of confirming an 
 attachment which misfortune had called forth. I did not 
 look to honours for myself — praise I would have asked from 
 the lips of no man ; but I would have wished to read in the 
 glow of Sarah's countenance that her husband was respected. 
 My love ! Sarah ! it was not thus that I thought to have 
 requited your affection. I had hoped to be a prop, round 
 which your affiections might have clung, and which would 
 never have been shaken ; but a rude blast has snapped it, 
 and they have fallen over a grave.' 
 
 The Government acted against all the persons concerned 
 in Emmet's rising with a rigour such as only panic could 
 inspire. The fear of a French invasion was incessantly 
 before the eyes of the English Government, and for several 
 years the Habeas Corpus Act was suspended, and an Insur- 
 rection Act in full force. But they took no steps whatever 
 to allay the discontent which alone could inspire and ani- 
 mate such insurrections. Pitt returned to office in 1804 on 
 the distinct understanding that he would no longer weary 
 the King with suggestions of relief for the Irish Catholics, ) 
 and the Minister kept his word. The helplessness of the 
 Irish Catholics and the obvious indiffierence of the Govern- 
 ment to their condition, now fostered the formation of a 
 powerful anti-Catholic association, the Orange Society, a 
 body organized to support the Crown so long as it supported 
 
 6 
 
82 AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 Protestant ascendancy in Ireland, and which at one time in 
 later years in England seems to have gone near to shifting 
 the succession of the Crown altogether. 
 
 For years the government of Ireland drifted along on its 
 old course of corruption and indiflference. Pitt died, and 
 Fox took his place. But the genius of the great statesman, 
 ' on whose burning tongue truth, peace, and freedom hung,' 
 was quenched within the year, and with it the only spirit 
 of statesmanship which understood and sympathized with 
 the struggles of the Irish people. These struggles were 
 carried on in straggling continuity, in the form of vain 
 petitions for redress from the Catholics of the better class, 
 and of frequent disturbances of a more or less desperate 
 kind on the part of the peasantry. In 1807 the tithe and 
 land difl&culties created two bodies, known as Shanavests 
 and Caravats, who seem to have agitated for a time very 
 fiercely before they disappeared under the pressure of the 
 law. But once again, after a decade of despair, a new leader 
 of the Irish people, a new champion of the Catholic de- 
 mands for freedom and the rights of citizenship, came upon 
 the scene. 
 
 Daniel O'Connell was the first Irish leader for many 
 years who was himself a Eoman Catholic. In 1807 he 
 had made his first political appearance as a member of the 
 committee appointed to present the petitions setting forth 
 the Catholic claims to Parliament. In 1810 his name came 
 more prominently before the public as a speaker at a meet- 
 ing called by the Protestant Corporation of Dublin to peti- 
 tion for the repeal of the Union. He at once began to take 
 a prominent part in the Emancipation Movement, which 
 grew in strength and determination year by year. Catholic 
 meetings were held, and were dispersed by the Government 
 time after time, but still the agitation went on. Its chief 
 supporters in Parliament were Henry Grattan, now an old 
 man, and Sir Henry Parnell. In 1820 Grattan died, but 
 the cause to which he devoted his life was rapidly striding 
 towards success. O'Connell and Eichard Lalor Sheil, an 
 advocate as enthusiastic, an orator only less powerful than 
 O'Connell himself, were bringing the cause nearer and 
 nearer to its goal Three Bills, embracing Emancipation, 
 disfranchisement of the forty shilling householder free- 
 
EMMET— O'CONNELL. tl 
 
 holders, and the payment of the Roman Catholic Clergy, 
 were introduced and advanced in the House of Commons ; 
 but the House of Lords, urged by the Duke of York's * So 
 help me God' speech against the Bills, was resolutely 
 opposed to them. The triumph was only postponed. The 
 agitators discovered that the Act which prohibited Roman 
 Catholics from sitting in Parliament said nothing against 
 their being elected, and Oj^Connell prepared to cany the 
 war into Westminster. In 1828 he was returned to the 
 House of Commons for Clare county. He refused to take 
 the oath, which was expressly framed to exclude Catholics 
 from the House. His refusal caused great agitation in both 
 countries, and resulted in the passing of the Bill for Catholic 
 Emancipation in 1829, after which O'Connell took his seat 
 To O'Connell what may be considered as the Parliamentary 
 phase of the Irish Movement is due. He first brought the 
 forces of constitutional agitation in England to bear upon 
 the Irish Question, and showed what great results might 
 be obtained thereby. 
 
 The Act for the relief of his Majesty's Roman Catholic 
 subjects abolished all oaths and declarations against tran- 
 substantiation, the invocation of saints, and tbe sacrifice of 
 the mass ; it allowed all Roman Catholics, except priests, 
 to sit and vote in the House of Commons, and made no 
 such exception for the House of Lords. A special form of 
 oath was devised, for Roman Catholic members of Parlia- 
 ment, the chief provision of which called upon them to 
 maintain the Protestant succession of the House of Hanover, 
 and to make no effort to weaken the Protestant religion. 
 
 Though O'Connell had been the means of calling the Act 
 into existence, he was not yet able to take his seat. The 
 Act had been passed since his election for Clare ; its action 
 was not retrospective. When he presented himself to be 
 sworn, the old oath, which it was impossible for him to 
 take, was presented to him. He refused it, and was called 
 upon to withdraw. After some debate he was heard at the 
 bar of the House. There was a division, and his right to 
 take the new oath was negatived by 190 to 116. A new 
 writ was issued for Clare. O'Connell was, of course, re- 
 elected without opposition, and took his seat and the new 
 oath on the 4th of February, 1830. But between O'Connell's 
 
 6—2 
 
84 AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 first and second election a change had been made in the 
 composition of the electors. By an Act of Henry VIII, 
 which had been confirmed in 1795, freeholders to the value 
 of forty shillings over and above all charges were entitled 
 to vote, a system which naturally created an immense 
 number of small landowners, who were expected to vote in 
 obedience to the landlords who created them. O'Connell's 
 election showed that the landlords could not always com- 
 mand the forty shilling voters. It was clear that they 
 might be won over to any popular movement, and it was 
 decided to abolish them, which was accordingly done by an 
 Act passed on the same day with the Catholic Emancipation 
 Act. The new Act raised the county franchise to ten 
 pounds, and freeholders of ten pounds, but under twenty 
 pounds, were subjected to a complicated system of registra- 
 tion, well calculated to bewilder the unhappy tenant and 
 render his chance of voting more difficult. But all these 
 precautions did not prevent the triuniphant return of 
 O'Connell the second time he appealed to the electors of 
 Clare, nor did it ever prove of much service in repressing 
 the tenants from voting for the leaders of popular niove- 
 menta 
 
 The disenfranchisement produced intense discontent 
 throughout the country, and disorder followed close on 
 discontent O'Connell now began to remind Ireland of his 
 promise that Catholic Emancipation was a means towards 
 an end, and that end the repeal of the Union. He started 
 a society called the 'Friend of Ireland,' which the Govern- 
 ment at once put down. He started another, ' The Anti- 
 Union Association.' It was put down too, and O'Connell 
 was arrested fixr sedition, tried, and found guilty. Judgment 
 was deferred and never pronounced, and O'ConneU was re- 
 leased to carry on his agitation more vigorously than ever. 
 With Ireland torn by disorders against which even the 
 Insurrection Acts in force found it hard to cope, with the 
 country aflame with anger at the extinction of the forty 
 shilling vote, the Government judged it wise and prudent 
 to bring in a Bill for Ireland in January, 1832, effecting 
 still further disfranchisement. The new Bill abolished the 
 forty shilling vote in boroughs as well as in counties, and 
 the lowest rate for boroughs and counties was ten pounds, 
 
Ummet—oxonnelL 8s 
 
 But for the next few years all recollection of emancipation 
 on the one hand, and disenfranchisement on the other, was to 
 be swallowed up in a^ struggle which has passed into history 
 as the Irish Tithe War. The English Church was established 
 in Ireland against the will of the enormous majority of the 
 Irish people, and they were compelled to pay tithes to 
 maintain the obnoxious establishment. Sidney Smith de- 
 clared that there was no abuse like this in Timbuctoo, and 
 he estimated that probably a million of lives had been 
 sacrificed in Ireland to the collection of tithes. They had 
 to be wrung from the reluctant people at the point of the 
 bayonet, and oftgn enough by, musket volleys. There were 
 naturally incessant riots. The clergymen of the Established 
 Church had to call in the services of an army, and appeal 
 to the strategies and menaces of miniature war to obtain 
 their tithes from the harassed followers of another faith. 
 Such a state of things could not last long. In the end a 
 general strike against the payment of tithes was organized, 
 and then not all the king's horses nor all the king's men 
 could have enforced their payment. In 1833 the arrears of 
 tithes exceeded a million and a quarter of money. There 
 was in Ireland an army almost as great as that which held 
 India. In 1833 it had cost more than a million to maintain 
 this army, with £300,000 more for the police force, and the 
 Government had spent £26,000 to collect £12,000 of tithes. 
 For many years successive English ministers and statesmen 
 made efforts to deal with the Titheij Question ; but it was not 
 until 1838, a year after Queen Victoria came to the throne, 
 that a Bill was passed by Lord John Bussell, which con- 
 verted tithes into a rent charge, recoverable from the land- 
 lord instead of from the tenant. The tenant had practically 
 still to pay the tithes in increased rent to his landlord, but 
 it was no longer levied from him directly as tithes, and by 
 the ministers of the Established Church ; that was the only 
 difference. It only exasperated the existing discontent. 
 The agitation turned against rent, now that the rent meant 
 tithes as well. Secret societies increased. A landlord, Lord 
 Norbury, was assassinated, and the assassins were never 
 discovered, though the country was under severe Coercion 
 Acts. 
 
 In the year 1815 there was fierce discussion in England 
 
86 AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 over the Maynooth grant. Some time before the Union a 
 Government grant had been made to the Boman Catholic 
 college at Maynooth, where young men who wished to be- 
 come priests were educated. But the old grant was insuffi- 
 cient, and Sir Eobert Peel increased it in the teeth of the 
 most violent opposition, not merely from his political 
 opponents, but from many who were on other matters his 
 political partizans. Mr. Gladstone resigned his place in the 
 Ministry rather than countenance the increased Maynooth 
 grant. For years and years after, annual motions were 
 made in the House of Commons for the withdrawal of the 
 grant, and wearily debated until the abolition of the State 
 Church in Ireland abolished the grant too and ended the 
 matter. Peel also established the Queen's Colleges of Cork, 
 Belfast, and Galway, for purely secular teaching, which 
 came to be known in consequence as the Godless Colleges 
 These colleges pleased neither Catholics nor Protestants. 
 The Catholics argued that there were universities which 
 gave Protestants religious as well as secular education, and 
 that the Catholics should be allowed something of the same 
 kind. Still the new scheme at least allowed Catholics an 
 opportunity of obtaining a university education and winning 
 university degrees. Up to that time no Irishman of the 
 religion of his race could win *any of the honours that the 
 universities of Ireland offered which were worth winning. 
 He might indeed enter their gates and sit at the feet of 
 their teachers, but so long as he was a Catholic he could 
 practically reap no rewards for his scholarship. 
 
 O'Connell's success in winning Catholic emancipation 
 inspired him with the desire to bring about the repeal of 
 the Union, and it did not seem to him and his followers 
 that the difficulties in the way were any greater than those 
 which had showed so terrible when Catholic Emancipation 
 was first demanded, and which had been triumphantly 
 overcoma 
 
 There was a great deal against the agitation. To begin 
 with, the country was very poor. * Every class of the com- 
 munity,' says Sir Charles Gavan Duffy, ' were poorer than 
 the corresponding class in any country in Europe.' The 
 merchants, who had played a prominent part in political life 
 since the Union, were now wearied and despairing of all 
 
EMMET—aCONNELL. 87 
 
 agitation, and held aloof; the Protestant gentry were, for 
 the most part, devoted to the Union ; many of the Catholic 
 gentry disliked O'Connell himself and his rough wild ways ; 
 many of O'Connell's old associates in the Catholic Eman- 
 cipation movement had withdrawn from him to join the 
 Whigs. In England the most active dislike of O'Connell 
 prevailed. The Pericles or the Socrates of Aristophanes, 
 the royalists drawn by Camille Desmoulins, were not gro- 
 tesquer caricatures than the representation of O'Connell by 
 English opinion and the English press. 
 
 But on the other hand there was much for O'Connell. 
 It might be said of him as of Wordsworth's Toussaint 
 rOuverture, that ' his friends were exultations, agonies, and 
 love, and man's unconquerable mind.' The people were with 
 him, the people to whose sufferings he appealed, the people 
 for whom he had secured the Catholic Emancipation, and 
 who regarded him as almost invincible. He was a great 
 orator, endowed with a wonderful voice, which he could 
 send in all its strength and sweetness to the furthest limits 
 of the vastest crowd that ever came together to hear him 
 speak. Lord Lytton declared that he first learned 
 
 ' What spells of infinite choice 
 To rouse or lull has the sweet human voice,' 
 
 when he heard O'Connell speak, and that in watching 
 him governing with his genius and his eloquence one of his 
 great meetings, he learned 
 
 ' To seize the sudden clue, 
 To the grand troublous life antique, to view 
 Under the rock stand of Demosthenes 
 Unstable Athens heave her stormy seas.' 
 
 It was not unnatural that O'Connell should have been 
 carried away by his triumph and the homage his country 
 gave him everywhere into the belief that the repeal of the 
 Union was to be as easily accomplished by the strong man 
 and the determined nation as the emancipation of the 
 Catholics. 
 
 During the years of disturbance and repression, O'Connell 
 had let the demand for repeal lie comparatively quiet, but it 
 was gradually gaining strength and popularity throughout 
 the country. It was supported at first by the Nation 
 newspaper. In 1843 the Kepeal Association was founded ; 
 
88 AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 O'Connell contrived to enlist in its ranks Father Mathew, 
 and the largo number of followers Father Mathew was 
 daily winning over to the cause of total abstinence. 
 
 * The year 1843/ said O'Connell, 'is and shall be the 
 great repeal year.' The prediction was vain ; forty years 
 have gone by, and still the Union holds ; O'Connell had 
 Ireland at his back ; he convened gigantic meetings where 
 every word of his wonderful voice was treasured as the 
 utterance of a prophet ; but when the agitation had reached 
 a height which seemed dangerous to the Government, and 
 made them decide to put it down, his power was over. Ho 
 would sanction no sort of physical force, no opposition other 
 than constitutional opposition to the Government. The 
 Government proclaimed hi.3 meetings and put him into 
 prison ; he was soon set free, but his reign was over. Fierce 
 spirits had risen in his place, men who scornfully repudiated 
 the abnegation of physical force. Broken in health, 
 O'Connell turned to Rome, and died on the way, at Genoa, 
 on May 15th, 1847. Many recent political writers have 
 been at the pains to glorify O'Connell at the expense of later 
 leaders. It is instructive to remember that in O'Connell's 
 life-time, and for long after, he was the object of political 
 hatred and abuse, no less unsparing than any that has assailed 
 his successors in Irish popularity. 
 
 The condition of Ireland at the time of O'Connell's death 
 was truly desperate. From 1845 to 1847 a terrible famine 
 had been literally laying the country waste. The chief, 
 indeed practically the only food of the Irish peasantry then, 
 as now, was the potato, and a failure of the potato crop 
 meant starvation. * But what,' says Carlyle in his French 
 Revolution, • if history somewhere on this planet were to 
 hear of a nation, the third soul of whom had not for thirty 
 weeks each year as many third rate potatoes as would 
 sustain him ? History, in that case, feels bound to consider 
 that starvation is starvation ; that starvation from age 
 to age pre-supposes much ; History ventures to assert that 
 the French Sansculotte of '93, who, roused from long 
 death-sleep could rush at once to the frontiers, and die 
 fighting for an immortal hope and faith of deliverance for 
 him and his, was but the second miserablest of men ! The 
 Irish Sans-potato, had he not senses then, nay, a soul ? In 
 
RMMET—aCONNELL. 89 
 
 his frozen darkness it was bitter for him to die famishing, 
 bitter to see his children famish.' 
 
 In 1845, 1846, and in 1847, the potato crop had failed, 
 and for the time the country seemed almost given over to 
 hunger and to death. Thousands died miserably from 
 starvation ; thousands fled across the seas, seeking refuge in 
 America, to hand down to their children and their children's 
 children, born in the American Republic, a bitter recollection 
 of the misery they had endured, and the wrongs that had 
 been inflicted upon them. When the famine was at an end 
 it was found that Ireland had lost two millions of population. 
 Before the famine she had eight millions, now she had six. 
 All through the famine the Government had done nothing ; 
 private charity in England, in America, even in Turkey, 
 had done something, and done it nobly, to stay the desolation 
 and the dissolution that the famine was causing. But the 
 Government, if it could not appease the famine, showed 
 itself active in devising Coercion Bills to put down any 
 spirit of violence which misery and starvation might haply 
 have engendered in the Irish people. 
 
 Such was the condition of the country when O'Connell and 
 the Repeal Movejnent died together, and when the Young 
 Ireland Movement, with its dream of armed rebellion, came 
 into existence. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 YOUNG IRELAND — FENIANISM. 
 
 The Nation newspaper was first published on the 13th 
 October, 1842 ; it was founded by Gavan Duffy, John 
 Blake Dillon, and Thomas Davis. Gavan Duffy was the 
 editor, but he says himself, in his history of the movement, 
 that Davis was their true leader. They were all young men ; 
 Davis was twenty- eight, Dillon twenty-seven, and Duffy 
 twenty-six. Davis, says Sir Charles Gavan Duffy 'was a 
 man of middle stature, strongly but not coarsely built .... 
 a broad brow and strong jaw stamped his face with a 
 character of power ; but except when it was lighted by 
 thought or feeling, it was plain and even rugged.' In his 
 boyhood, he was ' sliy, retiring, unready, and self-absorbed,' 
 was even described as * a dull child ' by unappreciative 
 kinsfolk. At Trinity College he was a wide and steady 
 reader, who was chiefly noted by his fellow students for his 
 indifference to rhetorical display. He was auditor of the 
 Dublin Historical Society, had made some name for himself 
 by his contributions to a magazine called the Citizen, and was 
 a member of the Eepeal Association. When Duffy made 
 John Dillon's acquaintance, Dillon was * tall, and strikingly 
 handsome, with eyes like a thoughtful woman's; and the 
 clear olive complexion and stately bearing of a Spanish 
 nobleman.' He had been designed for the priesthood, but 
 had decided to adopt the bar. Like Davis, he loved intel- 
 lectual pursuits, and was a man of wide and varied learning. 
 •Under a stately and somewhat reserved demeanour lay 
 latent the simplicity and joyfulness of a boy ; no one was 
 
VOVNG tRELAND-PENIANlSM. " 91 
 
 readier to laugh with frank cordiality, or to give and take 
 the pleasant banter which lends a relish to the friendship of 
 young men.' Long years after, Thackeray said of him to 
 Gavan Duffy, that the modesty and wholesome sweetness of 
 John Dillon gave him a foremost place among the half 
 dozen men in the United States whom he loved to 
 remember. 
 
 The success of the Nation was extraordinary. Its political 
 teachings, its inspiring and vigorous songs and ballads, the 
 new lessons of courage and hope which it taught, the wide 
 knowledge of history possessed by its writers, — all combined 
 to make it welcome to thousands. The tradesmen in town 
 and the country peasants read it, and were animated by the 
 story of their old historic island into the belief that she had 
 a future, and that the future was close at hand, and that 
 they were to help to make it It was denounced by the 
 Tory press as the organ of a hidden * French party.' From 
 France itself came words of praise worth having from two 
 Irish officers "in the French service. One was Arthur 
 O'Connor, the Arthur O'Connor of '98 ; the other was 
 Miles Byrne, who had fought at Wexford. O'Connell be- 
 came alarmed at the growing popularity of the Nation. 
 At first it had strongly supported him : he had even written 
 a Eepeal Catechism in its pages ; but its young men had the 
 courage to think for themselves, and to criticize even the 
 deeds and words of the Liberator. More and more young 
 men clustered around the writers of the Nation ; brilliant 
 young essayists, politicians, poets. Gifted women wrote 
 for the Nation, too — Lady Wilde, ' Speranza,' chief among 
 them. The songs published in a volume called 'The 
 Spirit of the Nation,' became immediately very popular. 
 As the agitation grew, Peel's Government became more 
 threatening. O'Connell, in most of his defiant declara- 
 tions, evidently thought that Peel did not dai'e to put 
 down the organization for Eepeal, or he would never 
 have challenged him as he did; for O'Connell never 
 really meant to resort to force at any time. But the 
 few young men who wrote for the Nation, and the many 
 young men who read the Nation, were resilly prepared to 
 fight if need be for their liberties. Nor did they want 
 foreign sympathy to encourage them. In the United States 
 
92 A^r UTLINE OF /R/SH HtSTOR K 
 
 vast meetings, organized and directed by men like Seward 
 and Horace Greeley, threatened England with ' the assured 
 loss of Canada by American arms, if she suppressed the 
 Repeal agitation by force ; and later Horace Greeley was one 
 of a Directory in New York for sending officers and arms to 
 Ireland. In France, the Republican Party were loud in their 
 expressions of sympathy for the Irish, and Ledru Rollin had 
 declared that France was ready to lend her strength to the 
 support of an oppressed nation. No wonder the leaders of 
 the National Party were encouraged in the belief that their 
 cause was pleasing to the fates. 
 
 A new man now began to come forward as a prominent 
 figure in Irish politics, Mr. William Smith O'Brien, Member 
 of Parliament for Limerick county. He was a country 
 gentleman of stately descent, a direct descendant of Brian 
 Boroimhe, a brother of Lord Inchiquin. He was a high- 
 minded and honourable gentleman, with his country's cause 
 deeply at heart. Davis described him as the ' most extra- 
 vagant admirer of the Nation I have ever met.' Another 
 prominent man was John Mitchel, the son of an Ulster 
 Unitarian minister. When O'Connell's vast agitation fell to 
 pieces after the suppression of the meeting of Clontarf, and 
 the subsequent imprisonment of O'Connell showed that the 
 Liberator did not mean ever to appeal to the physical force 
 he had talked about, these two men became the leaders 
 of different sections of the Young Ireland Party, as the men 
 of the Nation were now called. Thomas Davis, the sweet 
 chief singer -of the movement, died suddenly before the 
 movement which he had done so much for had taken direct 
 revolutionary shape. Mitchel came on the Nation in his 
 place, and advocated Revolution and Republicanism. He 
 followed the traditions of Emmet and the men of '98 ; 
 he was in favour of independence. His doctrines at- 
 tracted the more ardent of the Young Irelanders, and what 
 was known as a war party was formed. There were now 
 three sections of Irish agitation. There were the Repealers, 
 who were opposed to all physical force; there were the 
 moderate Young Irelanders, only recognising physical force 
 when all else had failed in the last instance ; and there were 
 now this new party who saw in revolution the only remedy 
 for Ireland. Smith O'Brien was bitterly opposed to Mitchel's 
 
YOUNG IRELAND— FENIANISM. 93 
 
 doctrines. Mitchel withdrew from the Nation and started 
 a paper of his own, the United Irishman, in which he advo< 
 cated them more fiercely than ever. But though most of the 
 Young Irelanders were not so extreme as Mitchel, the great 
 majority of them talked, wrote, and thought revolution. In 
 passionate poems and eloquent speeches they expressed their 
 hatred of tyranny and their stern resolve to free their country 
 by brave deeds rather than by arguments. They had now 
 a brilliant orator among them, Thomas Francis Meagher, ' a 
 young man,' says Mr. Lecky, * whose eloquence was beyond 
 comparison superior to that of any other rising speaker in 
 the country, and who, had he been placed in circumstances 
 favourable to the development of his talent, might perhaps, 
 at length, have taken his place among the great orators of 
 Ireland.' Meagher had early endeared himself to the im- 
 petuous and gifted young men with whom he was allied, 
 by a brilliant speech against O'Connell's doctrine of passive 
 resistance. ' I am not one of those tame moralists,' the 
 young man exclaimed, ' who say that liberty is not worth 
 one drop of blood .... Against this miserable maxim 
 the n,oble virtue that has saved and sanctified humanity 
 appears in judgment. From the blue waters of the Bay of 
 Salamis ; from the valley over which the sun stood still and 
 lit the Israelites to victory ; from the cathedral in which the 
 sword of Poland has been sheathed in the shroud of 
 Kosciuska ; from the Convent of St. Isidore, where the fiery 
 hand that rent the ensign of St. George upon the plains of 
 Ulster has mouldered into dust; from the sands of the 
 desert, where the wild genius of the Algerine so long has 
 scared the eagle of the Pyrenees ; from the ducal palace in 
 this kingdom, where the memory of the gallant and seditious 
 Geradine enhances more than royal favour the splendour of 
 his race; from the solitary grave within this mute city 
 which a dying bequest has left without an epitaph— oh ! 
 from every spot where heroism has had a sacrifice or a 
 triumph, a voice breaks in upon the cringing crowd that 
 cherishes this maxim, crying, "Away with it — away with it.'" 
 The year 1848, the year of unfulfilled revolutions, when 
 crowns were falling and kings flying about in all directions, 
 might well have seemed a year of happy omen for a new 
 Irish rebellion. But the Young Irelanders were not ready 
 
94 AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 for rebellion when their plans were made known to Govern- 
 ment, and the Government struck at them before they could 
 do anything. Mitchel was arrested, tried, and transported 
 to Bermuda. That was the turning-point of the Revolution. 
 The Mitchelites wished to rise in rescue. They urged, and 
 rightly urged, that if revolution was meant at all, then was the 
 time. But the less extreme men held back. An autumnal 
 rising had been decided upon, and they were unwilling to 
 anticipate the struggle. They carried their point. Mitchel 
 was sentenced to fourteen years' transportation. When the 
 verdict was delivered he declared that, like the Roman Scsevola, 
 he could promise hundreds who would follow his example, and 
 as he spoke lie pointed to John Martin, Meagher, and 
 others of the associates who were thronging the galleries of 
 the court. A wild cry came up from all his friends, 'Promise 
 for me, Mitchel — promise for me !' With that cry ringing in 
 his ears he was hurried from the court, heavily ironed and 
 encircled by a little army of dragoons, to the war-sloop 
 Shearwater, that had been waiting for the verdict and the 
 man. As the war-sloop steamed out of Dublin harbour the 
 hopes of the Young Irelanders went with her, vain and 
 evanescent, from that hour forth, as the smoke that floated 
 in the steamer's wake. Mitchel had himself discountenanced, 
 to his undying honour, any attempt at rescue. There is 
 a pathetic little story which records his looking out of 
 the prison -van that drove him from the court, and seeing a 
 great crowd and asking where they were going, and being 
 told that they were going to a flower-show. There 
 were plenty of men in the movement who would have 
 gladly risked everything to try and rescue Mitchel. But 
 nothing could have been done without unanimity, and the 
 too great caution of the leaders prevented the effort at the 
 only moment when it could have had the faintest hope of 
 success. From that hour the movement was doomed. Men 
 who had gone into the revolution heart and soul might then 
 have said of Smith O'Brien, as Menas in 'Antony and 
 Cleopatra ' says to Pompey, * For this I'll never follow thy 
 pall'd fortunes more. Who seeks and will not take when 
 once 'tis offered, shall never find it more.' The . supreme 
 moment of danger thus passed over, the Government lost no 
 time in crushing out all that was left of the insurrection. 
 
YOUNG IRELAND— FENIANISM. 95 
 
 Smith O'Brien, Meagher and Dillon went down into the 
 country, and tried to raise an armed rebellion. There was 
 a small scuffle with the police in a cabbage-garden at Ballin- 
 garry, in Tipperary; the rebels were dispersed, and the 
 rebellion was over. Smith O'Brien, Meagher and others 
 were arrested and condemned to death. Meagher's speech 
 from the dock was worthy of his rhetorical genius. * I am 
 not here to crave with faltering lip the life I have consecrated 
 to the independence of my country. . . . .1 oflfer to 
 my country, as some proof of the sincerity with which I have 
 thought and spoken and struggled for her, the life of a 
 
 young heart The history of Ireland explains 
 
 my crime and justifies it Even here, where the 
 
 shadows of death surround me, and from which I see my 
 early grave opening for me in no consecrated soil, the hope 
 which beckoned me forth on that perilous sea whereon I 
 have been wrecked, animates, consoles, enraptures me. No, 
 I don't despair of my poor old country, her peace, her 
 liberty, her glory 1' 
 
 The death sentence was commuted to transportation for 
 life, and some years after Mitchel and Meagher succeeded 
 in escaping from Australia, and later on Smith O'Brien was 
 pardoned, and died in Wales in 1854 Mitchel was elected 
 to the House of Commons years after, and was not allowed 
 to sit, and died whilst the question was still pending. 
 Meagher fought bravely for the cause of the North in the 
 American Civil War, and died ingloriously, drowned in the 
 muddy waters of the Missouri. Gavan Duffy was tried 
 three times, but could not be convicted. He afterwards 
 -«at^ for some time in Parliament, and then went into 
 voluntary exile, to find fame and fortune in Victoria. For 
 sixteen years the country was politically quiet. A vain 
 attempt was made in 1849, after all the Young Ireland 
 leaders had fled or been sent into exile, to revive the 
 agitation and re-create the insurrection. A few abortive 
 local risings there were, and nothing more. Starvation and 
 misery forced the people into steady and incessant emigra- 
 tion. Eviction was in full swing, and between eviction and 
 emigration it is estimated that almost a million of people 
 left Ireland between 1847 and 1857. ' In a few years more,' 
 said the Times exultingly, 'a Celtic Irishman will be as 
 
96 AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 rare in Connemara as is the Red Indian on the shores of 
 Manhattan,' That the Times was not a true prophet was no 
 fault of the majority of the Irish landlords. Evictions took 
 place by the hundred, by the thousand, by. the ten thousand. 
 Winter or summer, day or night, fair or foul weather, the 
 tenants were ejected. Sick or well, bedridden or dying, the 
 tenants, men, women or children, were turned out for the 
 rents they had not paid, for the rents which in those evil 
 days of famine and failure they could not pay. They might 
 go to America if they could ; they might die on the road- 
 stead if 80 it pleased them. They were out of the hut, and 
 the hut was unroofed that they might not seek its shelter 
 again, and that was all the landlord cared about. The 
 expiring evicted tenant might, said Mitchel, raise his dying 
 eyes to heaven and bless his God that he perished under the 
 finest constitution in the world. It is hardly a matter of 
 surprise, however much of regret and reprobation, that the 
 lives of the evicting landlords should often be in peril, and 
 often be taken. The English farmer, the English cottier^ 
 have happily no idea of the horror of evictions in Ireland 
 as they prevailed in the years that followed the famine of 
 1847, as they had always prevailed, as they prevail still. 
 
 Many of the landlords themselves were in no enviable 
 condition. Mortgages and settlements of all kinds, the 
 results of their own or their ancestors' profuseness, hung on 
 their estates and made many a stately-showing rent-roll the 
 merest simulacrum of territorial wealth. Even rack rents 
 could not enable many of the landlords to keep their heads 
 above water. At length the English Government made an 
 eflEbrt to relieve their condition by passing the Encumbered 
 Estates Act, by means of which a landlord or his creditors 
 might petition to have an estate sold in the Court established 
 for that purpose under the Act. In 1858, by a supplemen- 
 tary Irish Landed Estates Act, the powers of the Court 
 were increased to allow the sale of properties that were not 
 encumbere'd. 
 
 The tenant wanted legislation as well as the landlord, 
 and in August, 1850, those who sympathized with the 
 tenant's cause began to agitate for legislation. A conference 
 was called by Dr. (afterwards Sir) John Gray, the Protestant 
 owner of the Freeman's Journal, by the Presbyterian barrister 
 
■-.•■sy^fjWi'.S'.: 
 
 YOUNG IRELAND— FENIANISM. 97 
 
 Mr. (jrreer, who later represented Derry in Parliament, and 
 by Frederick Lucas, the Catholic owner of the TahUt A 
 conference of men of all classes and creeds was held in 
 Dublin — a conference Mr. Bright then called it in the House 
 of Commons * of earnest men from all parts of Ireland,' and 
 a tenant league was started. Everything was against the 
 league. The indiflference of England, the prostration of the 
 country after the famine and the rebellion, the apathy, 
 even the hostility of the Irish Liberal Members, were all 
 combined against it. Then came the reorganization of the 
 Catholic Church in England, and Lord John Russell's 
 'Durham Letter,' which for the time made any political 
 alliance between Catholic and Protestant impossible. But 
 when, in 1852, the Whig Ministry went out and Lord 
 Derby, coming in with the Tories, dissolved Parliament, the 
 chance of the tenant leaguers came. Some fifty tenant- 
 right Members were elected. There was a Tenant Right 
 Party in the House of Commons, ' the Irish Brigade ' it 
 came to be called, but it did little good to the cause of 
 tenant right. Its leader was the once famous John Sadleir ; 
 his lieutenants were his brother James, Mr, William Keogh, 
 and Mr. Edmond OTlaherty; these men were all adven- 
 turers and most of them swindlers. For a time they deceived 
 the Irish people by their professions and protestations. The 
 Sadleirs owned the Tipperary Bank, one of the most popular 
 banks in Ireland ; they had plenty of money, and spent it 
 lavishly ; they started a paper, the Telegraph, to keep them 
 before the public ; they were good speakers, and they led 
 good speakers ; they were demonstratively Catholic, and for 
 a time a good many people believed in them, though they 
 were of course distrusted by most intelligent Irishmen. 
 
 In November Lord Derby went out of office and Whig 
 Lord Aberdeen came in, and the leaders of the noisy, blatant 
 brass band took office under him. John Sadleir became a 
 Lord of the Treasury; Keogh was made Irish Solici^br- 
 General ; O'Flaherty Commissioner of Income Tax. There 
 was fierce indignation, but they kept their places and their 
 course for a time. Then they broke up. John Sadleir had 
 embezzled, swindled, forged ; he ruined half Ireland with his 
 fraudulent bank ; he made use of his position under Govern- 
 ment to embezzle public money; he committed suicide. 
 
 7 
 
■^ 
 
 98 AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 His brother was expelled from the House of Commons ; ho 
 fled the country and waa heard of no more. O'Flaherty 
 hurried to Denmark, where there was no extradition treaty, 
 and then to New York. Keogh, the fourth of this famous 
 quadrilateral, their ally, their intimate, their faithful friend, 
 contrived to keep himself clear of the crash. He was im- 
 mediately made a judge, and was conspicuous for the rest of 
 his life for his unfailing and unaltering hostility to any and 
 every Irish national party. 
 
 Once again there was a period of political apathy, as far 
 as constitutional agitation was concerned. But the '48 
 rebellion had left rebellious seed behind it. Even as the 
 United Irishmen had generated Repeal, and Repeal Young 
 Ireland, so Young Ireland generated the Phoenix Conspiracy, 
 and the Phoenix Conspiracy soon grew into the Fenian 
 Brotherhood, a vast organization with members in all parts 
 of the world, with money at its disposal, and more than 
 money, with soldiers trained by the American Civil War. 
 Irish Americans steadily promulgated the cause in Ireland, 
 and prepared for the rising. The Fenians in America in- 
 vaded Canada on the 31st May, 1866, occupied Fort Erie, 
 defeated the Canadian volunteers, and captured some flags. 
 But the United States interfered to enforce the neutrality 
 of their frontier, arrested most of the leaders, and extin- 
 guished the invasion. The Fenians in England planned the 
 capture of Chester Castle ; the scheme was to seize the arms 
 in the castle, to hasten ori to Holyhead, to take possession 
 of such steamers as might be there, and invade Ireland 
 before the authorities in Ireland could be prepared for the 
 blow; but the plan was betrayed and failed. Then in 
 March, 1867, an attempt at a general rising was made in 
 Ireland, and failed completely; the very elements fought 
 against it. Snow, rare in Ireland, fell incessantly, and 
 practically buried the rising in its white shroud. Large 
 numbers of prisoners were taken in England and Ireland 
 and sentenced to penal servitude. In Manchester two 
 Fenian prisoners were released from the prison van by some 
 armed Fenians, and in the scuffle a policeman was killed. 
 For this, three of the rescuers, Allen, Larkin, and O'Brien, 
 were hanged. Mr. John Stuart Mill and Mr. Bright strove 
 hard to save their lives, with all the eloquence and all the 
 
'fsfmr' 
 
 YOUNG IRELAND—FENIANISM. 99 
 
 influence they could bring to bear. Mr. Swinburne addressed 
 a noble and equally unsuccessful poetic 'Appeal' to England 
 to * put forth her strength, and release,* for which his name 
 should be held in eternal honour by the people of Ireland. 
 
 A little later a wicked and foolish attempt was made to 
 blow up the Clerkenwell Prison in order to set free some 
 imprisoned Fenians. It failed to do this, but it killed 
 some innocent persons, and its perpetrator was hanged. 
 
 But the succession of these events had convinced a states- 
 man, who came into power shortly after, that the condition 
 of Ireland urgently called for remedial legislation. The 
 Parliament which met at the close of 1868, under Mr. Glad- 
 stone's leadership in the House of Commons, was known 
 to be prepared to deal with some of the most pressing of 
 Irish questions \ of these the foremost was the Irish State 
 Church. It is not necessaiy to enter at any length into the 
 history of the manner in which Mr. Gladstone accomplished 
 the disestablishment and the disendowment of the State 
 Church in Ireland. It is sufl&cient here to record the fact 
 that it \Yas disestablished and disendowed. For centuries it 
 had been one of the bitterest emblems of oppression in 
 Ireland.* In a country of which the vast majority were 
 Catholic, it had been, in the words of Lord Sherbrooke, then 
 Mr. Lowe, '■ kept alive with the greatest difficulty and at 
 the greatest expense.' It was an exotic with the curse of 
 barrenness upon it, and Mr. Lowe called upon the Govern- 
 ment to * cut it down ; why cumbereth it the ground V The 
 Government replied to the appeal, and the State Church in 
 Ireland ceased to exist. This done, Mr. Gladstone turned 
 his attention to the Irish Land Question, a very pressing 
 question indeed. 
 
'.!.Ti:»^^HW!- 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE LAND QUESTION. 
 
 In all the melancholy chronicles of Irish misery and dis- 
 affection, and of unsuccessful English measures to remedy 
 the misery and to coerce the disaffection, the land plays an 
 important part. 
 
 After the incessant confiscations and settlements of Irish 
 soil, the vast majority of the Irish people were reduced to 
 the condition of mere tenants-at-will of landlords who were 
 either foreigners in fact or in sympathy. The majority of 
 the landlords were actuated only by the desire to get as 
 high a price as they could for their land, and the need of 
 land was so imperative to the Irish peasant, who had nothing 
 but the land to live upon, that he was ready to take any 
 terms, no matter how terrible. Of course, he could not 
 often pay the terms exacted. The rack-rent begot the 
 eviction, and the eviction begot the secret societies, the 
 Ribbon lodges, which the Irish peasant began to look upon 
 as his sole protection against landlord tyranny. What 
 exactly were these Ribbon lodges, which are so often named 
 in all accounts of the Irish Land Question ? For more 
 than half a century the Ribbon Society has existed in 
 Ireland, and even yet it is impossible to say for certain how 
 it began, how it is organized, and what are its exact pur- 
 poses. Its aim seems to have been chiefly to defend the 
 landserf from the landlord, but it often had a strong political 
 purpose as well. Mr. A. M. Sullivan, in his * New Ireland,' 
 states that he long ago satisfied himself that the Ribbpnism 
 of one period was not the Ribbonism of another, and that 
 
:■ -:^*B!?« : 
 
 THE LAND QUESTION. loi 
 
 the vetsion of its aims and character prevalent amongst its 
 members in one part of Ireland often diflfered widely from 
 those professed in some other part of the country, 'In 
 Ulster it professed to be a defensive or retaliatory league 
 against Orangeism ; inMunster it was at first a combination 
 against tithe-proctors; in Connaught it was an organiza- 
 tion against rack-renting and evicticas ; in Leinster it was 
 often mere trade-unionism, dictating by its mandates and 
 enforcing by its vengeance the employment or dismissal of 
 workmen, stewards, and even domestics.' All sorts of 
 evidence and information of the most confused kind has 
 been from time to time given with respect to Kibbonism, 
 much of it the merest fiction. All that is certain is thatsit^ 
 and many other formidable defensive organizations existed^ 
 among the peasantry of different parts of Ireland. ^4^ 
 
 Perhaps Ireland was the only country in the world fT 
 in which a man had nothing to gain by improving the \ 
 land he lived upon. If he improved it, he was certain 
 in nine cases out of ten to have his rent raised upon him 
 as a reward for his labour. He was absolutely at the mercy, 
 or rather the want of mercy, of his landlord, whom he 
 perhaps had never seen, for many of the landlords were 
 absentees, living out of Ireland on the money they took 
 from the country. The Irish peasant's misery did not pass 
 altogether unnoticed. Ever since the Union, Select Com- 
 mittees had again and again reported the distress in the 
 fullest manner. Too often the report was left to lie in 
 bulky oblivion upon the dusty shelves of State libraries, or 
 was answered by a coercive measure. No attempt was 
 made for many years toKeed the famished peasant or to 
 relieve the evicted tenant.* Legislation only sought to make 
 sure that while their complaints were unheeded their hands 
 should be stayed from successful revenge. The greatest 
 concession that Government made for many generations to 
 the misery of the Irish tenant was to pass an Act pro- 
 hibiting evictions on Christmas Day and Good Friday, and 
 enacting that the roof of a tenant's house should not be 
 pulled off until the inmates had left. 
 
 A Select Committee was appointed in 1819, under the 
 presidency of Sir John Newton, which reported on the 
 great misery of the labouring poor, and unavailingly urged 
 
 ii£iUiiiUiSiailHiiife;v' 
 
102 AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTOR Y 
 
 agricultural reform, especially advising the reclamation of 
 waste lands. Another Committee reported in 1823 that the 
 condition of the people was miserable, and also unsuccess- 
 fully urged the importance of some form of agricultural 
 relief. Two years later, in 1825, a fresh Select Committee 
 gave fresh evidence as to the misery of the country, and 
 made fresh suggestions that something should be done for 
 the Irish tenant, and, as before, nothing was done. The Act 
 of 1793, giving every forty shilling freeholder a vote, had 
 indirectly injured the people, as the landlords leased small 
 patches of land to increase their political power. The 
 Emancipation Act of 1829, abolishing the vote of the forty 
 shilling freeholder, removed with it the landlords' interest 
 in small holdings, and so again caused misery to the people 
 by its introduction of the system of clearances. In 1829 
 the condition of the tenant farmers and labouring classes 
 of Ireland was brought forcibly under the notice of the 
 Government by Mr. Brownlow, who went so far as to ask 
 leave to bring in a Bill to facilitate the reclamation of waste 
 lands. The Bill passed the Commons, and was read a second 
 time in the Lords. It was then referred to a Select Com- 
 mittee, and heard of no more. But, on the other hand, an 
 Arms Bill, which an English peer was found to denounce 
 as vexatious and aggressive, was successfully carried. In 
 1830 Mr. Henry Grattan, son of Ireland's great orator, and 
 Mr, Spring Rice, afterwards Lord Monteagle, urged the 
 sufferings of Ireland upon the Government, and strongly 
 advocated the reclamation of waste lands. But nothing 
 whatever was done beyond the appointment of a Select 
 Committee. This Select Committee of 1830 had the same 
 story to tell that all its unfortunate predecessors told. It 
 appealed in vain. 
 
 The valuation of Ireland was undertaken in 1830 on the 
 recommendation of a Select Committee of the House of 
 Commons in 1824. To ensure uniform valuation, an Act 
 was passed in 1836 requiring all valuations of land to be 
 based on a fixed scale of agricultural produce contained in 
 the Act. The valuators were instructed to act in. the same 
 manner as if employed by a principal landlord dealing with 
 a solvent tenant The average valuation proved to be 
 about twenty-five per cent, under the gross rental of the 
 
THE LAND QUESTION. 103 
 
 country. In 1844 a Select Committee of the House of 
 Commons was appointed to reconsider the question, and an 
 Act passed in 1846 changed the principle of valuation from 
 a relative valuation of town lands based on a fixed scale of 
 agricultural produce to a tenement valuation for poor law 
 rating te be made 'upon an estimate of the net annual 
 value ... of the rent, for which, one year with another, 
 the same might in its actual state be reasonably expected 
 to let from year to year.' The two valuations g.a^ve sub- 
 stantially the same results. In 1852 another Valuation Act 
 was passed, returning to the former principle of valuation 
 by a fixed scale of agricultural produce ; but Sir Richard 
 Griffiths' evidence in 1869 shows the valuation employed 
 was a ' live-and-let-live valuation, according to the state of 
 prices, for five years previous to ' the time of valuation. 
 
 In 1830 famine and riot held hideous carnival. We learn 
 from the speech from the throne that the King was deter- 
 mined to crush out sedition and disafiection by all the 
 means which the law and the constitution placed at his 
 disposal, but had no remedy to suggest for the poverty 
 and distress of the disaffected people. In February, 1831, 
 Mr. Smith O'Brien asked leave 'to bring in a Bill for the 
 relief of the poor, but got no hope or encouragement from 
 the Government. At this time Mr. Hume attacked the 
 Ministry for introducing a coercive Irish policy, which was 
 in direct opposition to the promises of conciliation they had 
 made while they were in opposition. On the 30th March, 
 1831, Lord Althorpe proposed a vote of £50,000 to be 
 advanced to commissioners for expenditure on public works 
 in Ireland ; but its effect was counterbalanced four months 
 later by the introduction of Mr. Stanley's Arms Bill, which 
 Lord Althorpe himself described as one of the most tyran- 
 nical measures he ever heard proposed. A Sub-letting Act, 
 which was now under discussion, prohibited the letting of 
 property by a lessee, unless with the express consent of the 
 proprietor. According to Dr. Boyle, who attacked the BiU, 
 so long as the rural population had no better employment 
 or sure chance of subsistence than the possession of a potato 
 field, it was idle to expect them to submit to eviction from 
 their miserable holdings. By this time the condition of 
 Ireland was truly desperate. Catholic Emancipation had 
 
 "iiliiiii'r' 
 
104 - AN OUrUNE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 indeed allowed Irish Catholic Members to sit in the House 
 of Commons, but it disfranchised the forty shilling free- 
 holders, and it gave the landlords greater opportunity for 
 clearance. 
 
 Government answered the discontent in 1831 by another 
 Coercion Bill. In 1834 Mr. Poulett Scrope made an un- 
 successful effort to do something for the Irish tenant In 1835 
 Mr. Sharman Crawford, then member for Dundalk, moved 
 for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the law of landlord 
 and tenant, and he reintroduced his measure on the 10th 
 March, 1836 ; he obtained leave to bring in a Bill, and that 
 was the end of it. In 1837 Mr. Lynch asked leave to bring 
 in a Bill on waste lands, and was as unsuccessful as Mr. 
 Sharman Crawford. 
 
 In 1842 the Irish Artificial Drainage Act did something 
 towards the I'eclamation of waste lands, which, however, 
 was of little use until amended by the Summary Proceed- 
 ings Act of 1843. 1843 is a memorable epoch in the history 
 of the Irish land agitation. It was the year of the Devon 
 Commission, which Sir Kobert Peel appointed in answer to 
 the repeated entreaties of Mr. Sharman Crawford. The 
 evidence of the Devon Commission, in its two years' labours, 
 showed, as all other Commissions had shown, that the con- 
 dition of the Irish peasant was miserable in the extreme— 
 that the fatal system of land tenure was the cause of the 
 misery; and urged that the tenant should be secured fair 
 remuneration for his outlay of capital and labour. Lord 
 Devon was determined that, if he could help it, the Com- 
 mission should not prove valueless. On the 6th May, 1845, 
 he printed a number of petitions, urging Parliament to 
 secure to industrious tenants the benefits of their improve- 
 ments. Lord Stanley replied by introducing a Compensation 
 for Disturbance Bill in June, but he had to abandon it in 
 July through the opposition of the liords, the Commons, 
 and the Select Committee to whom it had been entrusted. 
 Mr. Sharman Crawford then introduced the Tenant Right 
 Bill, which he had kept back in 1843 in order to await the 
 result of the Devon Commission. In 1846 Lord Lincoln, 
 urged by Mr. Sharman Crawford, brought in a Compensation 
 for Disturbance Bill, but the Ministry resigned before it 
 came to a second reading, and so it was forgotten. On the 
 
THE LAND QUESTION. toS 
 
 loth June, 1847, Mr. Sharman Crawford's Tenant Eight 
 Bill was rejected by a majority of eighty-seven. He brought 
 it forward again in 1848, and it was defeated on the 5 th 
 April by a majority of twenty-three. In 1848 Sir William 
 Somerville, as Irish Secretary, brought in a Bill which was 
 practically the same as Lord Lincoln's measure of 1846. 
 The Irish Members supported it. The report upon the Bill 
 was not ready until too near the end of the Session to 
 make any further progress with it, but the. Government 
 determined that Ireland should not want some legislation 
 during the Session, and so they suspended the Habeas 
 Corpus Act. In 1849 Mr. Horsman urged unsuccessfully 
 the presentation of an address pointing out to Her Majesty 
 the condition of Ireland. Early in 1850 Sir William Somer- 
 ville reintroduced his Bill, which was read a second time, 
 given a Committee, and suffered to disappear. Mr. Sharman 
 Crawford again unsuccessfully endeavoured to push forward 
 his Tenant Eight Bill. In 1851 Sir H. W. Barron's motion 
 for a Committee of the whole House to inquire into the 
 state of Ireland was negatived by a majority of nine. 
 Nothing, therefore, had been done for the Irish tenant since 
 the report of the Devon Commission. The Encumbered 
 Estates Act had been passed for the Irish landlord. On the 
 10th February, 1852, Mr. Sharman Crawford obtained leave 
 to bring in a Bill to regulate the Ulster custom. Then the 
 Ministry went out of office, and the Bill, on its second 
 reading, was rejected by a majority of 110, under Lord 
 Derby's Conservative Government. The Government showed 
 a disposition to do something in the Irish question. Mr. 
 Napier, the Irish Attorney-General, drafted four Bills for 
 regulating the relations of landlord and tenant in Ireland, 
 a Land Improvement Bill, a Landlord and Tenant Law 
 Consolidation Bill, a Leasing Powers Bill, and a Tenant's 
 Improvements Compensation Bill. In 1853 the Committee 
 appointed to consider Mr. Napier's Bills and Mr. Sharman 
 Crawford's Bill rejected the latter measure, and consider- 
 ably amended, to the disadvantage of the tenant, the fourth 
 of Mr. Napier's measures. Since Mr. Naj)ier had introduced 
 them the Liberal party had come into power. Mr. Napier, 
 though in Opposition, still did all he could to assist the 
 passing of his own measures, but his Party fought bitterly 
 
io6 AN OUTLINE OF iRISff HISTORY. 
 
 against them. In 1854 the Bills were referred to a Select 
 Committee of the House of Lords. The Tenants' Compen- 
 sation Bill was condemned, and the other Bills sent down 
 to the House of Commons without it. In 1855 Mr. Serjeant 
 Shee endeavoured to bring in a Bill that was practically the 
 same as this rejected measure, and T Government took 
 charge of it only to abandon it before the opposition of the 
 landlords. Mr. Sharman Crawford's Tenant Bill was in 
 consequence introduced again by Mr. George Henry Moore, 
 the leader of the Irish Party, in 1856, but it had to be 
 dropped in consequence of the opposition of the Govern- 
 ment. It was again brought forward by Mr. Moore in 
 1857, and again withdrawn. In 1858 Mr. Serjeant Shee's 
 Tenant Compensation Bill was reintroduced by Mr. John 
 Francis Maguire, then leader of the Irish Party, and defeated 
 by a majority of forty-five. The indifference of the Govern- 
 ment at this time to the Irish question was made the more 
 marked by the fact that the land question of Bengal had 
 been settled in accordance with ancient principles of Indian 
 law, which granted to the Indian subject much that was 
 denied the Irish subject. In 1860, however, the famous 
 Land Act was passed which proved so unsatisfactory. The 
 framers of the Act of 1860 tried to simplify the relations of 
 landlord aild tenant by s^ceeping away all remains of the 
 feudal connection, and by establishing an absolute principle 
 of free trade and freedom of contract as opposed to tenure. 
 
 But the Act of 1 860 was a failure, in so far as it was 
 based upon that principle of freedom of contract which is 
 wholly unsuited to the Irish Land Question. * The Irish 
 circumstances and Irish ideas as to social and agricultural 
 economy,' said John Stuart Mill, * are the general ideas and 
 circumstances of the human race. It is the English ideas 
 and circumstances that are peculiar. Ireland is in the mid- 
 stream of human existence and human feeling and opinion. 
 It is England that is in one of the lateral channels.' 
 
 To those who ask why the tenants take the land when 
 they cannot fulfil their contract, the answer is, They cannot 
 help themselves in what they do. The Irish clinjg to their 
 land because all their other means of livelihood have been 
 destroyed. They make the best terms they can, which, in 
 truth, means bowing to whatever the master of the situation 
 
''pag 
 
 THE LAND QUESTION. 
 
 IC7 
 
 imposes. The freedom of contract argument has been very 
 fairly disposed of by asking, * "Why does Parliament regulate, 
 or fix and limit, the price which a railway company charges 
 for a travelling ticket 1 Why are not the contracting parties, 
 the railway company and the traveller, left to settle between 
 them how much the price in every particular case shall be V 
 It is because the law says they are not free contracting 
 parties ; the railway company has a monopoly of that which 
 is in a sense a necessity to the traveller and others. Also, if 
 the matter were left to contract, travellers would practically 
 have to give five shillings a mile if the company demanded 
 it. The immediate eflfect of the Act was to produce an 
 immense flood of emigration, and to create the Fenian Con- 
 spiracy. Mr. Chichester Fortescue's Bill of 1866, to amend 
 that of 1860, of course fell through. In 1867 the Tories 
 brought in a fresh Bill, which was practically Lord Stanley's 
 Bill of 1845, which had to be abandoned. In 1869 Mr. 
 Gladstone came in, and on the 15th of February, 1870, he 
 brought in his famous Bill to Amend the Law of Landlord 
 and Tenant in Ireland, the first Bill that really did anything 
 to carry out the recommendation of the Devon Commission. 
 But it did not really place the tenant beyond the vicious 
 control of the landlord. It allowed him the privilege of 
 going to law with the landlord ; and going to law in such a 
 case generally meant the success of the man who was longest 
 able to fight it out. The three objects of the Land Act of 
 1870 were first to obtain for the tenants in Ireland security 
 of tenure ; second, to encourage the making of improvements 
 throughout the country, and third, to get a peasant pro- 
 prietorship in Ireland. It made no alteration in the tenan- 
 cies held under the Ulster tenant right custom, which it 
 merely sanctioned and enforced against the landlords of 
 estates subject to it. The Ulster custom consists of two 
 chief features — permissive fixity of tenure, and the tenant's 
 right to sell the goodwill of his farm. For a long time the 
 hope of getting the Ulster custom transferred to the other 
 provinces was almost the highest ambition of the Irish 
 peasant. 
 
 The framers of the Act of 1870 dared not state openly, 
 and it was constantly denied, that the object of the new 
 measure was to give the tenant any estate in the land, or to 
 
io8 AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 transfer to him any portion of the absolute ownership. Its 
 principle of arrangement between landlord and tenant was 
 described as a process by which bad landlords were obliged 
 to act as the good landlords did ; but it might have been 
 more justly styled an enactment by which the amusement 
 of evicting tenants was made a monopoly of the wealthier 
 proprietors. The principle of compensation for disturbance 
 which it introduced was clumsy and imperfect, and the eight 
 clauses which attempted to create a peasant proprietorship 
 in Ireland were no more successful than the rest of the Bill. 
 ' The cause of their failure is obvious,' says Mr. Richey, ' to 
 anyone acquainted with the nature of the landed estates 
 title which it was considered desTrable for the tenant to 
 obtain. A Landed Estates Court conveyance affects not only 
 the rights of the parties to the proceedings, but binds 
 persons, whether parties or not, and extinguishes all rights 
 which are inconsistent with the terms of the grant by the 
 Court. If by any mistake more lands than should properly 
 be sold are included in the grant, or the most indisputable 
 rights of third parties are not noticed in the body of the 
 grant or the annexed schedule, irreparable injustice is done 
 and the injured parties have no redress.' The fact that the 
 Court was not made the instrument for the perpetuation of 
 the grossest frauds is due solely to the stringency of its 
 rules and the intelligence of its oflScers. 
 
 Interwoven with all these abortive land schemes and land 
 measures was incessant uninterrupted coercive legislation. 
 From 1796 to 1802 an Insurrection Act was in force, and 
 from 1797 to 1802 the Habeas Corpus Act was suspended. 
 From 1803 to 1805 the country was under martial law, and 
 from the same year to 1806 Habeas Corpus was suspended. 
 Insurrection Acts were in force from 1807 to 1810, from 
 18U to 1818, from 1822 to 1825. Habeas Corpus was 
 again suspended in 1822 to 1823. In 1829, in the debate 
 on Catholic Emancipation, Sir Robert Peel was able to say 
 that ' for scarcely a year during the period that has elapsed 
 since the Union has Ireland been governed by the ordinary 
 course of law.' From the date of that utterance to the 
 present day the country has not been governed by the 
 ordinary law for scarcely a single year. Arms Acts, sus- 
 pensions of Habeas Corpus, changes of venue, Peace Preser- 
 
•T!^ 
 
 THE LAND QUESTION. 109 
 
 ration Acts, and coercive measures of all kinds, succeed, 
 accompany, and overlap each other with melancholy persist- 
 enca Koughly speaking, Ireland from the Union to 1880 
 was never governed by the ordinary law. The Union, 
 according to its advocates, was to be the bond of lasting 
 peace and alFection between the two countries; it was 
 followed by eighty years of coercive legislation. It was 
 grimly fitting that the Union so unlawfully accomplished 
 could only be sustained by the complete abandonment of 
 all ordinary processes of law thereafter. 
 
CHAPTER XI. 
 
 HOME RULE — THE LAND LEAGUE. 
 
 For some years after the failure of the Fenian insurrection 
 there was no political agitation in Ireland ; but in 1873 a 
 new national movement began to make itself felt ; this was 
 the Home Rule Movement. It had been gradually formed 
 since 1870 by one or two leading Irishmen, who thought 
 the time was ripe for a new constitutional effort ; chief 
 among them was Mr. Isaac Butt, a Protestant, an eminent 
 lawyer, and an earnest politician. The movement spread 
 rapidly, and took a firm hold of the popular mind. After 
 the General Election of 1874, some sixty Irish Members 
 were returned who had stood before their constituencies 
 as Home Rulers. The Home Rule demand is clear and 
 simple enough ; it asks for Ireland a separate Government^ 
 still allied with the Imperial Government, on the principles 
 which regulate the alliance between the United States of 
 America. The proposed Irish Parliament in College Green 
 would bear just the same relation to the Parliament at 
 Westminster that the Legislature and Senate of every 
 American State bear to the head authority of the Congress 
 in the Capitol at Washington. All that relates to local 
 business it was proposed to delegate to the Irish Assembly ; 
 all questions of imperial policy were still to be left to the 
 Imperial Government. There was nothing very startling, 
 very daringly innovating, in the scheme. In most of the 
 dependencies of Great Britain, Home Rule systems of some 
 kind were already established. In Canada, in the Australa- 
 sian Colonies, the principle might be seen at work upon a, 
 
I 
 
 HOME RULE—THE LAND LEAGUE. t\\ 
 
 large scale ; upon a small scale it was to be studied nearer 
 home in the neighbouring Island of Man. One of the chief 
 objections raised to the new proposal by those who thought 
 it really worth while to raise any objections at all, was that 
 it would be practically impossible to decide the border line 
 between local affairs and imperial affairs. The answer to 
 this is, of course, that what has not been found impossible, 
 or indeed exceedingly diflficult, in the case of the American 
 Eepublic and its component States, or in tjie case of England 
 and her American and Australasian Colonies, need not be 
 found to present unsurpassable difficulties in the case of 
 Great Britain and Ireland. 
 
 * If the Home Eule theory,' says Mr, Lecky, * brings with 
 it much embarrassment to English statesmen, it is at least 
 a theory which is within the limits of the constitution, which 
 is supported by means that are perfectly loyal and legitimate, 
 and which, like every other theory, must be discussed and 
 judged upon its merits.' This is exactly what English 
 statesmen and politicians generally have refused to do. 
 They will have none of the Home Rule theory ; they will 
 not admit that it comes within the limits of a constitutional 
 question; Home Rule never could and never shalj be 
 granted, and so what is the use of discussing it ? This was 
 certainly the temper in which Home Rule was at first 
 received in and out of Parliament. Of late days, politicians 
 who have come to concede the possibility, if not the prac- 
 ticability of some system of local Government for Ireland, 
 still fight off the consideration of the question by saying, 
 * What is the use of discussing Home Rule until you who 
 support it present us with a clear and defined plan for our 
 consideration ?' This form of argument is no less unreason- 
 able than the other. The supporters of Home Rule very 
 fairly say, * We maintain the necessity for establishing a 
 system of local Government in Ireland. That cannot be 
 done without the Government \ till therefore, the Govern- 
 ment is willing to admit that Home Rule is a question to 
 be entertained at all, it is no use bringing forward any 
 particular plan ; when it is once admitted that some system 
 of Home Rule must be established in Ireland, then will be 
 the time for bringing forward legislative schemes and plans, 
 ^nd out of the multiplicity of ideas and suggestions, creating 
 
'" ™ 
 
 112 AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 a complete and cohesive whole.' The principle of Home Eule 
 obtains in every State of the American Union, though the 
 plan of Home Kule in each particular State is widely 
 different. The principle of Home Eule obtains in every 
 great Colony of the Crown, but the plan pursued by each 
 Colony is of a very different kind. When the people of the 
 two countries have agreed together to allow Ireland to 
 manage for herself her own local affairs, it will be very easy 
 to bring forward some scheme exactly deciding the form 
 which the conceded Home Eule is to take. But to bring 
 forward the completed scheme before a common basis of 
 negotiation has been established, would be more the duty of 
 a new Abbd Siey6s, with a new ' theory of irregular verbs,' 
 than of a practical and serious politician. 
 
 At first the Home Eule Party was not very active. Mr. 
 Butt used to have a regular Home Eule debate once every 
 Session, when he and his followers stated their views, and a 
 division was taken and the Home Eulers were of course 
 defeated. Yet, while the English House of Commons was 
 thus steadily rejecting year after year the demand made for 
 Home Eule by the large majority of the Irish Members, it 
 was affording a strong argument in favour of some system of 
 local Government, by consistently outvoting every pro- 
 position brought forward by the bulk of the Irish Members 
 relating to Irish Questions. In 1874 it threw out the Irish 
 Municipal Franchise Bill, the Irish Municipal Privileges 
 Bill, and the Bill for the purchase of Irish railways. In 
 1875 it threw out the motion for inquiry into the working 
 of the Land Act, the Grand Jury Eeform Bill, the Irish 
 Municipal Corporations Bill, the Municipal Franchise Bill. 
 In 1876 it threw out the Irish Fisheries Bill, the Irish 
 Borough Franchise Bill, the Irish Registration of Voters Bill, 
 and the Irish Land Bill. These were all measures purely 
 relating to Irish affairs, which, had they been left to the 
 decision of the Irish Members alone, would have been carried 
 by overwhelming majorities. The Irish vote in favour of 
 these measures was seldom less than twice as great as the 
 opposing votes ; in some cases they were three times as great, 
 in some cases they were four, seven, and eight times greater. 
 
 Mr. Butt and his followers had proved the force of 
 the desire for some sort of National Government in Ireland, 
 
Home RVLE— THE LAND LEAGUk. ilj 
 
 but the strength of the movement they had created now 
 called for stronger leaders. A new man was coming into 
 Irish political life who was destined to be the most remark- 
 able Irish leader since O'Connell. 
 
 Mr. Charles Stuart Parnell, who entered the House of 
 Commons in 1875 as Member for Meath, was a descendant 
 of the English poet Parnell, and of the two Parnells, father 
 and son, John and Henry, who stood by Grattan to the last 
 in the struggle against the Union. He was a grand-nephew 
 of Sir Henry Parnell, the first Lord Congleton, the advanced 
 Reformer and friend of Lord Grey and Lord Melbourne. Ho 
 was Protestant, and a member of the Protestant Synod. 
 Mr. Parnell set himself to form a party of Irishmen in the 
 House of Commons who should be absolutely independent 
 of any English political party, and who would go their own 
 way with only the cause of Ireland to influence them. Mr. 
 Parnell had all the qualities that go to make a good political 
 leader, and he succeeded in his purpose. The more 
 advanced men in and out of Parliament began to look up to 
 him as the real representative of the popular voice. In 1878 
 Mr. Butt died. He had done good service in his life ; he 
 had called the Irish Home Rule Party into existence, and 
 he had done his best to form a cohesive Parliamentary 
 Party. If his ways were not the ways most in keeping 
 with the politifcal needs of the hour, he was an honest and 
 able politician, he was a sincere Irishman, and his name 
 deserves grateful recollection in Ireland. The leadership of 
 the Irish Parliamentary Party was given to Mr. William 
 Shaw, Member for Cork County, an able, intelligent man, 
 who proved himself in miany ways a good leader. In quieter 
 times his authority might have remained unquestioned, but 
 these were unquiet times. The decorous and demure 
 attitude of the early Home Rule Party was to be changed 
 into a more aggressive action, and Mr. Parnell was the 
 champion of the change. It was soon obvious that he was 
 the real leader recognised by the majority of the Irish 
 Home Rule Members, and by the country behind them. 
 
 Mr. Parnell and his following have been bitterly de- 
 nounced for pursuing an obstructive policy. They are often 
 written about as if they had invented obstruction; as if 
 obstruction of the most audacious kind had never been 
 
 8 
 
 
5^ 
 
 tl4 c: AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY, 
 
 practised in the House of Commons before Mr. Parnell 
 entered it. It may perhaps be admitted that the Irish 
 Members made more use of obstruction than had been done 
 before their time, yet it should be remembered that the 
 early Irish obstruction was on English measures, and was 
 carried on with the active advice and assistance of English 
 Members. The Tory Party were then in power, and the 
 Advanced Liberals were found often enough voting with the 
 Obstructionists in their fiercest obstruction to the existing 
 Government. The Irish Party fought a good fight on the 
 famous South African Bill, a fight which not a few English- 
 men now would heartily wish had proved successful. It 
 should also be remembered that Mr. Parnell did some good 
 service to English legislation; he worked hard to reform 
 the Factories and Workshops Bill of 1878, the Prison Code 
 and the Army and Navy Mutiny Bills. Many of his amend- 
 ments were admitted to be of value ; many in the end were 
 accepted. His earnest efforts contributed in no small 
 degree to the abolition of flogging in the army. 
 
 The times undoubtedly were unquiet ; the policy which 
 was called in England obstructive and in Ireland active was 
 obviously popular with the vast majority of the Irish people. 
 The Land Question, too, was coming up again, and in a 
 stronger form than ever. Mr. Butt, not very long before 
 his death, had warned the House of Commons that the old 
 land war was going to break out anew, and he was laughed 
 at for his vivid fancy by the English Press and by English 
 public opinion ; but he proved a true prophet. Mr. Parnell 
 had carefully studied the condition of the Irish tenant, and 
 he saw that the Land Act of 1870 was not the last word of 
 legislation on his behalf. Mr. Parnell was at first an ardent 
 advocate of what came to be known as the Three F's, fair 
 rent, fixity of tenure, and free sale. But the Three F's 
 were soon to be put aside in favour of more advanced ideas. 
 Outside Parliament a strenuous and earnest man was pre- 
 paring to inaugurate the greatest land agitation ever seen in 
 Ireland. Mr. Michael Davitt was the son of an evicted 
 tenant; his earliest youthful impressions had been of the 
 n^isery of the Irish peasant and the tyranny of the Irish 
 landlord. The evicted tenant and his family came to 
 England, to Lancashire. The boy Michael was put to work 
 
HOME RULE-^THE LAND LEAGUE. \\% 
 
 in a mill, where he lost his right arm by a machine accident. 
 When he grew to be a young man he joined the Fenians, 
 and in 1870, on the evidence of an informer, he was arrested 
 and sentenced to fifteen years' penal servitude ; seven years 
 later he was let out on ticket-o^eave. In his long im- 
 prisonment he had thought deeply upon the political and 
 social condition of Ireland and the best means of improving 
 it; when he came out he had abandoned his dreams of 
 armed rebellion, and he went in for constitutional agitation 
 to reform the Irish land system. 
 
 The land system needed reforming; the condition of 
 the tenant was only humanly endurable in years of good 
 harvest. The three years from 1876 to 1879 were years of 
 successive bad harvests. The failure of the potato crop 
 threatened the bulk of the population of Ireland with 
 starvation. The horrors of the famine of 1847 seemed like 
 to be seen again in Ireland. The Irish Members urged 
 Lord Beaconsfield's Government to take some action to 
 relieve the distress, but nothing was done and the distress 
 increased. Early in August it was plain that the harvest 
 was gone; the potato crop, which had fallen in 1877 from 
 £12,400,000 to £5,200,000, had now fallen to £3,300,000; 
 famine was close at hand. Mr. Davitt had been in America, 
 planning out a land organization, and had returned to 
 Ireland to carry out his plan. Land meetings were held in 
 many parts of Ireland, and in October Mr. Pamell, Mr. 
 Davitt, Mr. Patrick Egan, and Mr. Thomas Brennan founded 
 the Irish National Land League, the most powerful political 
 organization that had been formed in Ireland since the 
 Union. The objects of the Land League were the abolition 
 of the existing landlord system and the introduction of 
 peasant proprietorship. 
 
 The Land League once founded, Mr. Parnell immediately 
 went to America to raise money to meet the distress, and 
 while in America he was invited to state the case of Ireland 
 before the House of Representatives at Washington. He 
 returned to Ireland with nearly $250,000 for the relief of 
 distress,, and many thousands for the political purposes of 
 the Land League. Eelief was indeed imperative; famine^ 
 was abroad, and eviction had kept pace with famine. There 
 were over 1,200 evictions in 1876, over 1,300 in 1877, over 
 
 8—2 ' 
 
 
liS AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 1,700 in 1878, and nearly 4,000 in 1879— over 10,000 evid- 
 tions in four years. Tiie Government did nothing to stay 
 famine or eviction; it contented itself with putting Mr. 
 Davitt and some other Land Leaguers on trial for spme 
 speeches they had made, but the prosecutions had to be 
 abandoned. The Land League Fund, large as it was, was 
 not nearly enough to cope with the existing distress, and 
 fresh funds were raised by the Lord Mayor of Dublin, Mr. 
 E. D. Gray, M.P., and by the Duchess of Marlborough, 
 Avife of the Lord-Lieutenant, whose generous action was in 
 curious contradiction to the repeated assurances of the 
 Government that no serious distress existed. The con- 
 dition of the country was strengthening the Land League 
 and weakening the Government. Lord Beaconsfield ap- 
 pealed to the country, denouncing the Liberal Party for 
 their sympathy with Irish faction. The Home Rule 
 Members of the House of Commons issued a i^nifesto 
 calling upon Irishmen everywhere to vote against the sup- 
 porters of Lord Beaconsfield's Government. The advice . 
 was implicitly followed. The General Election returned Mr. 
 Gladstone to power at the head of a large majority. The 
 Home Eule Party in the House was largely reinforced, 
 chiefly by men returned under the influence of Mr. Parnell, 
 who was now definitely elected as the leader of the Irish 
 Parliamentary Party. 
 
 Mr. Shaw and a few friends separated themselves from 
 Mr. Parnell's party and sat on the Ministerial side of the 
 House, while Mr. Parnell and his followers sat with the 
 Opposition. The Irish Party had great hopes from Mr. 
 Gladstone's Government, on account of the strong Radical 
 element in its constitution, and because it expressed the inten- 
 tion of dispensing with exceptional legislation. The Govern- 
 ment on its part undoubtedly expected cordial allies in the 
 members of the advanced Irish Party. Both sides were 
 disappointed. Truly says Mr. Sullivan, ' When one looks 
 back on the warm sympathies and the bright hopes of that 
 hour, the realities of the situation in 1882 seem like the 
 impossible sorrows and disappointments and disasters of a 
 horrid dream.' It was perhaps impossible that it should be 
 otherwise. In the excitement of a great General Election, 
 the sympathies betvreen the English Liberals and the Irish 
 

 ffOME RULE— THE LAND LEAGUE. 117 
 
 people were perhaps unconsciously exaggerated, and pledges 
 were, if not made, suggested, by men striving to overthrow 
 the Tory Government, which were not found easy to immedi- 
 ately satisfy when they became in their turn the members 
 and supporters of a Government. The Irish Party, on the 
 other hand, found that the hopes that they had entertained 
 of speedy settlement of some of the most pressing Irish grie- 
 vances were not to be realized as rapidly as they had expected. 
 There was thus a coolness between the Govemmeut and the 
 new Irish Party as soon as the new Parliament began, and 
 this coolness gradually deepened into distinct hostility. 
 
 There was soon an open breach. The wretched condition 
 of the Irish tenants, and the terrible number of evictions, 
 led the Irish Party to bring forward a Bill for the purpose 
 of staying evictions. The Government, who up to that time 
 had not seen their way to take any action, then adopted 
 some Irish suggestions in their Compensation for Distur- 
 bance Bill, which proposed to extend for a very few months 
 a portion of the Ulster tenant right custom, which gives 
 a dispossessed tenant compensation for improvements he 
 may have made. It was" rejected by the House of Lords, 
 and the Government refused to take any steps to force the 
 Lords to accept it. But they promised to bring in a compre- 
 hensive measure the next Session, and they appointed a 
 Commission to inquire into the condition of the agricultural 
 population of Ireland, on which Commission they absolutely- 
 refused to give any place to any representative of the tenant 
 farmers' cause. The agitation out of doors increased. The 
 Land League advised the people to co-operate for their own 
 interests, and to form a sort of trade union of the tenant 
 class, and to stand by each other in passively resisting, not 
 merely evictions, but exactions of what they considered an 
 unjust amount of rent above the rate of GriflSth's valuation. 
 
 Griffith's valuation was undoubtedly a very rough-and- 
 tumble way of estimating the value of land, but at least it 
 was very much more reasonable to go by than the rates of 
 the rack-rents. All rents therefore above Griffith's valuation 
 were condemned by the Land League, and a practical strike 
 was organized against the landlords extorting them. The 
 strike was supported by a form of action, or rather inaction, 
 which soon became historical, Boycotting, so called from 
 
<i>.=ny •^W-^'Ji 
 
 Ii8 AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 the name of its first victim, meant the social excommunica- 
 tion of any rack-renting or evicting landlord, any oppressive 
 agent, any land-grabber. No one who held the cause of the 
 League dear was to work for, buy from, sell to, or hold any 
 communication with the obnoxious persons. The process 
 was strictly legal ; nothing was to be done to the offender ; 
 nothing was to be done for him. So long as the League and 
 its followers acted strictly within the law, kept simply on 
 the defensive, and avoided all aggression, its position was 
 invulnerable. The responsible leaders of the Land League 
 always strongly condemned any other than constitutional 
 agitation. Mr. Michael Davitt earnestly and incessantly 
 denounced aU intimidation, all violence. In a speech on 
 the 25th of January, 1881, he said, *Our League does not 
 desire to intimidate anyone who disagrees with us. While 
 we abuse coercion we must not be guilty of coercion.' At 
 public meetings in the county Kerry, in the same month, 
 he called upon his hearers to 'abstain from all acts of 
 violence,' and to * adhere to the programme of the League, 
 and repel every incentive to outrage.' In a speech at 
 Tipperary he told his hearers not to allow themselves * to 
 be forced into the commission of any crime or any offence 
 which will bring a stain on the national character.' 
 
 Unfortunately these counsels were not always obeyed. 
 The famine and the accompanying evictions had left bitter 
 fruit. Men who had been starving, who had seen their 
 family, their friends, dying of hunger, who had been evicted 
 to rot on the roadside for all that their landlord cared — such 
 men were not in the spirit for wise counsels. The proud 
 patience which the gods are said to love is not always easy 
 to assume, at least for ignorant peasants, starving, homeless, 
 smarting under a burning sense of wrong and a wild help- 
 less desire for revenge. There were many outrages in 
 different parts of the country, as there had been after every 
 Irish famine ; men were killed here and there ; cattle, too, 
 were killed and mutilated. These outrages were made the 
 most of in England. Scattered murders were spoken of as 
 part of a widely planned organization of massacre. People 
 were eloquent in their sympathy for the sufferings of cattle 
 and horses in Ireland, who never were known to feel one 
 throb of pity at the fashionable sin of torturing pigeons at 
 
HOME RULE— THE LAND LEAGUE. 119 
 
 Hurlingham. But Ireland was disturbed, and for the dis- 
 turbance there was what Mr. Bright had called at an earlier 
 period of his career the ever poisonous remedy of coercion. 
 Ministerialists argued that within ten months the mutilation 
 of animals in Ireland had increased to forty-seven, therefore 
 the liberties of a nation of five millions should be suspended. 
 They forgot that in the same ten months of the same year 
 there was a total of 3,489 convictions in England for cruelty 
 to animals, many of the most horrible kind. 
 
 Among the Land League followers there were many 
 Nationalists and Fenians, and there were many wild 
 speeches made, for all of which the Government resolved to 
 hold the leaders of the movement responsible. Mr. Pamell, 
 Mr. Dillon, Mr. Sexton, and other Members of Parliament, 
 were prosecuted. At the trial, Mr. Justice Fitzgerald 
 declared that the Land League was an illegal body. The 
 Government cannot then have agreed with Judge Fitz- 
 gerald, or they would scarcely have allowed the League to 
 increase in strength for the greater part of a year with 
 impunity. The State trials came on at the close of 1880. 
 As the jury could not agree, Mr. Parnell came back 
 to Parliament with greater power than he ever had 
 before. When Parliament met in 1881, it was known that 
 Mr. Gladstone was going to bring in a Land Bill and a 
 Coercion Bill. The Land League's advocacy of open agita- 
 tion had done much to decrease the secret conspiracy and 
 midnight outrage which Coercion Bills have always engen- 
 dered. The Government refused any concession. / They 
 would not even bring in the Land Bill fii'st;~^nd the 
 Coercion Bill afterwards. Then the Irish members broke 
 away from the Government altogether, and opposed the 
 Coercion Bill with all the means in their power that Parlia- 
 mentary forms allowed. For many days they successfully 
 impeded the measure, and the obstruction was only brought 
 to a close in the end of February by a cowp d'itat, when the 
 Speaker, intervening, declared that the debate must go no 
 further. The next day Mr. Michael Davitt was arrested. 
 The news was received with exultation in the House, and 
 with indignation by the Irish Members, who strove to speak 
 against it, and thirty-six were expelled from the sitting in 
 consequence. 
 
120 AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 The severance of the extreme Irish party and the Govern- 
 ment was now complete. Mr. Bright, who had often 
 supported Ireland before, and was looked upon as a true 
 friend by the Irish people, was now one of the bitterest 
 opponents of the whole national movement and of its 
 Parliamentary leaders. The Irish national Press was fiercely 
 exasperated to find Mr. Bright voting for coercion for 
 Ireland. He had indeed voted for coercion before in his 
 younger days, but he had always been eloquent against it, 
 and his utterances were brought up against him by the Irish 
 papers. They reminded him that in 1866 he had described 
 coercion for Ireland as an ' ever-failing and ever-poisonous 
 remedy,' and they asked him why he recommended the 
 unsuccessful and venomous legislation now. They pointed 
 to his speech of 1849, in which he said, 'The treatment of 
 this Irish malady remains ever the same. We have nothing 
 for it still but force and alms.' They quoted froih his 
 speech of 1847 : * I am thoroughly convinced that every- 
 thing the Government or Parliament can do for Ireland 
 will be unavailing unless the foundation of the work be 
 laid deep and well, by clearing away the fetters under 
 which land is now held, so that it may become the posses- 
 sion of real owners, and be made instrumental to the 
 employment and sustentation of the people. Hon. gentle- 
 men opposite may fancy themselves interested in maintaining 
 the present system; but there is surely no interest they 
 can have in it which will weigh against the safety and 
 prosperity of Ireland/ Such a passage as this might 
 have served, it was urged, as a motto for the Land League 
 itself. What other doctrine did the Land League uphold 
 but that the land should become the possession of real 
 owners, and be made instrumental to the employment and 
 sustentation of the people? Might not the Land League 
 have fairly asked the Government what interest it could 
 have in the present system of land which would weigh 
 against the safety and prosperity of Ireland? Had he not 
 told them, too, in 1866 that 'The great evil of Ireland is 
 this : that the Irish people — the Irish nation — are dispos- 
 sessed of the soil, and what we ought to do is to provide 
 for and aid in their restoration to it by all measures of 
 justice,* He disliked the action of the Irish Members npW| 
 
HOME RULE— THE LAND LEAGUE. 121 
 
 because they were acting against the Liberal Party, but had 
 he not said in 1866 also, *If Irishmen were united, if you 
 105 Members were for the most part agreed, you might do 
 almost anything that you liked ;' and further said, ' If there 
 were 100 more Members, the representatives of large and 
 free constituencies, then your cry would be heard, and the 
 people would give you that justice which a class has so 
 long denied you '? ' Exactly,' replied his Irish critics. * We 
 have now a united body of Irishmen, the largest and most 
 united the House has ever seen, and you do not seem to 
 look kindly upon it. You do not seem to be acting up to 
 your promise made in Dublin in 1866.' 'If I have in past 
 times felt an unquenchable sympathy with the suflFerings of 
 your people, you may rely upon it that if there be an Irish 
 Member to speak for Ireland, he will find me heartily by 
 his side.' At the same speech in Dublin, Mr. Bright said, 
 'If I could be in all other things the same, but in birth an 
 Irishman, there is not a town in this island I would not 
 visit for the purpose of discussing the great Irish question, 
 and of rousing my countrymen to some great and united 
 action.' * This is exactly what we are doing,' said his Land 
 League critics ; * why do you denounce us now 1 Why do 
 you vote for Coercion Acts to prevent the discussion of the 
 great Irish question V 
 
 But all such recriminations were vain and valueless. Mr. 
 Bright had changed his opinions, and there was no more 
 use in reminding him that he had once encouraged Irish 
 agitation than in taunting Mr. Gladstone with having been 
 once a member of the Tory Party. That Mr. Bright was 
 no longer a friend to the leaders of Irish public opinion, 
 that he was no longer at the side of those who undoubtedly 
 represented the feeling of the nation, was a matter indeed 
 for regret. A friend the less, an enemy the more, is always 
 to be regretted. But they had to go on and do the best 
 they could without him; they could not turn from the 
 course of their duty, even because a great speaker and a 
 great statesman did not think and act in his old age as he 
 had thought and acted when he was younger. 
 
 After the Coercion Act was passed, one or two men were 
 arrested, and then the Government arrested Mr. Jol^ 
 Dillon. Mr. John Pilloij was one of the most extreme of 
 
122 AN OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 the Irish Members. His father was Mr. John B. Dillon, 
 the rebel of 1848, and one of the founders of the Nation 
 newspaper. When the rebellion was crushed, John Dillon 
 escaped to France, and returned to England years later, 
 under the general amnesty, and was elected for the County 
 Tipperary. He earned honourable distinction in the House 
 of Commons by his efforts to bring about an alliance be- 
 tween the Irish Party and the English Eadicals, and some 
 ofjMr. John Bright's speeches contain the warmest tributes 
 to his honour and his ability; Mr. John Dillon, the son, 
 was a man of much more extreme opinions. He was im- 
 bued with the intense detestation of English rule which 
 English politicians find it difficult to understand, and he 
 never seemed to have much sympathy with or belief in Par- 
 liamentary agitation. Some months after his imprisonment 
 Mr. Dillon was released, on account of ill health. The 
 Coercion Bill proved a hopeless failure. The Government 
 did their best by imprisoning members of the Land League, 
 local leaders, priests, and others, in all directions, to give 
 the country over again into the hands of Ribbonmen "and 
 other conspirators, and take it out of the hands of the 
 constitutional agitators. The Land Bill was passed, and 
 proved to be utterly inadequate to the purpose it was 
 intended to serve. 
 
 With the conclusion of Parliament a Land League Con- 
 vention was summoned in the Rotunda, Dublin, in the early 
 days of September, 1881. The Convention represented the 
 public feeling of Ireland, as far as public opinion ever can 
 be represented by a delegated body. The descendants of 
 the Cromwellian settlers of the north sat side by side with 
 men of the rebel blood of Tipperary, with the impetuous 
 people of the south, with the strong men of the midland 
 hunting counties. The most remarkable feature of the 
 meeting was the vast number of priests who were present. 
 
 The attitude of the Catholic clergy of Ireland towards 
 the League was very remarkable. It was said at first, by 
 those who did not understand the Irish clergy, that the 
 Church ^d the League would never form an alliance. The 
 Land Le%ue soon began to gain powerful supporters among 
 the Irish ecclesiastics. Archbishop MacCabe had attacked 
 it early in the movement. His attack had raised up a 
 
 
■"J^ffV/. ■ ■■ . ■.- ■■•-■ -,'^^?f^r,^lE^.Tr-"^'i:-^:'^TrTw™»^-7rr-:*T''"'-' '' -• -T' ■ '■^';^'*^^™'S-^f5W^w«*BPr*l»i^pqr»^ 
 
 HOME RULE— THE LAND LEAGUE. 123 
 
 powerful champion of the Land League in Archbishop 
 Croke, of Cashel. The Nationalists welcomed Archbishop 
 Croke as their religious leader, and he travelled through 
 Ireland in a sort of triumph, receiving from the peasantry 
 everywhere the most enthusiastic reception. The priests 
 in general began to accept the Land League programme 
 enthusiastically. The priesthood have always been the 
 warmest supporters of any movement that has really ap- 
 peared to promise to do good to the Irish people. Clerical 
 sympathy with the Land League was in itself a proof of 
 its law-abiding and constitutional principles, which ought to 
 have counted for much with the Government. But the 
 Government appeared to be obstinately shut against all 
 impressions. Instead of being impressed by the significance 
 of the ecclesiastical support of the League, the Government 
 seemed determined to force the priests and the Leaguers 
 into closer sympathy by arresting, on the 20th of May, a 
 Catholic priest, Father Eugene Sheehy, of Kilmallock, A 
 great number of priests spoke at the Convention, young and 
 old ; all were in warm sympathy with the League and its 
 leaders. The meeting was singularly quiet; the speeches 
 were moderate in the extreme ; but the country was in a 
 terribly disordered state, and even the strong force of 
 coercion struggled in vain against the general (Usorganiza- 
 tion. 
 
 At this crisis the Government, for softie reason or other, 
 liberated Father Sheehy, who at once commenced a vigorous 
 crusade against the Ministry, and his entry into Cork, in 
 company with Mr. Parnell, resembled a Roman triumph. 
 The Government was now determined to make a bold 
 stroke. Mr. Gladstone made a bitter attack on Mr. Parnell, 
 to which Mr. Parnell fiercely replied, and a few days after 
 a descent was made upon the leaders of the Land League. 
 Mr. Parnell, Mr. Sexton, Mr. Dillon, and the chief officers 
 of the League were arrested, and conveyed to Kilmainham 
 prison. Mr. Egan, who was in Paris, and some others, 
 escaped arrest. An address was at once issued to the Irish 
 tenants, signed by the imprisoned LandLeaguers, and calling 
 upon them to pay no rent until their leaders were liberated. 
 The Government immediately declared the Land League 
 illegal, and suppressed its branches throughout the country. 
 
■J 
 
 124 A2V OUTLINE OF IRISH HISTORY. 
 
 The result was a great increase in the outrages, and the 
 country became more disturbed than ever. The men who 
 could have kept it quiet, who had restrained the popular 
 feeling, were in prison, and the secret societies had it all their 
 own way. This period was disgraced by several murders — 
 the murder of two bailiffs, the Huddys, in Connemara; 
 the murder of an informer in Dublin ; of Mrs. Smythe, and 
 Mr. Herbert. 
 
 After a while Mr. Sexton was liberated on account of 
 ill-health, and the imprisonment of the other Land League 
 leaders was evidently a great embarrassment to the Govern- 
 ment. Private overtures of freedom were made to them, if 
 they would consent to leave the country for a time — at least 
 of freedom, if they would consent to cross the Channel to 
 the Continent, even though they came back the next day. 
 But the prisoners refused any such compromise. They con- 
 sidered that they had been unfairly imprisoned, and they 
 would accept no conditions. Meanwhile the affairs of tho 
 country were going from bad to worse. The Government 
 were unable to cope with the disaffection, and the Land 
 Act was unavailing to meet the misery of the people. 
 What Mr. Parnell has always predicted has come to pass. 
 The Land Courts were over crowded with work ; there were 
 thousands of cases in hand which it would take years to 
 dispose of, and in the meantime the people were suffering 
 terribly, and the landlords were taking every advantage of 
 the delay. To meet the difficulty, Mr. Parnell sent out 
 from his prison the draft of an Arrears Bill, to relieve the 
 tenant from the pressure of past rent, and this measure was 
 practically accepted by the Government, who promised, if 
 the Irish Party withdrew their measure, to bring in a 
 Ministerial Bill to the same effect. Fresh surprises were in 
 store. Rumours of a change of policy on the part of the 
 Government were suddenly confirmed by the liberation of 
 Mr. Parnell, Mr. Dillon, Mr. O'Kelly, and many other of 
 the Land League prisoners, and, more surprising still, by 
 the release of Mr. Michael Davitt. 
 
 Ever since the suppression of the Land League the fiercer 
 spirit of the secret societies had been abroad in Ireland. 
 The Land League and its constitutional agitation had always 
 been disliked by the men who formed them, and the Minis- 
 

 no ME RULE— THE LAND LEAGUE. tfiS 
 
 terial concessions pointed at a reconcilement which they 
 detested. 
 
 The Ministry seemed really to have awakened to the 
 gravity of the situation, and to have suddenly accepted 
 Fox's theory of the necessity of governing Ireland accord- 
 ing to Irish ideas. Mr. Forster, the most uncompromising 
 opponent of such a theory, resigned, and Lord Frederick 
 Cavendish, a younger son of the Duke of Devonshire, was 
 appointed Chief Secretary for Ireland in his place. Then 
 came the terrible tragedy which shattered the fair fortune 
 that seemed to have come at last to Ireland. On Saturday 
 the 6th May, 1882, Lord Frederick Cavendish landed in 
 Dublin ; that same evening he and Mr. Burke, one of the 
 Castle ofl&cials, were murdered in the Phoenix Park in the 
 clear summer twilight by assassins who escaped at the time. 
 Irishmen should always remember that at a time when 
 England and all the world were thrilled with horror at the 
 murder, at a time when the passions of men might well be 
 stirred to their worst, the tone of English opinion and of the 
 English Press, with rare exceptions, was just and temperate 
 The Irish leaders, Mr. Parnell, Mr. Davitt, and Mr. Dillon, 
 issued a manifesto to the Irish people, expressing in their 
 own heart-stricken grief the sorrow and the shame of the 
 Party and the people they represented. The document con- 
 cluded, * We feel that no act has been perpetrated in our 
 country during the exciting struggles for social and political 
 rights of the past fifty years that has so stained the name 
 of hospitable Ireland as this cowardly and unprovoked 
 assassination of a friendly stranger, and that until the mur- 
 derers of Lord Frederick Cavendish and Mr. Burke are 
 brought to justice, that stain will sully our country's name.' 
 At meetings all over the country the crime was no less 
 bitterly denounced, and the Corporation of Dublin passed a 
 resolution declaring that until the perpetrators of the crime 
 were brought to justice all Irishmen must feel dishonoured. 
 
 The Government at once brought in a Crimes Bill, one 
 of the most stringent ever passed against Ireland. They 
 then brought in, and carried, after strong opposition in the 
 House of Lords, their Arrears Bill, a measure to enable the 
 tenant-farmers of Ireland, under certain conditions, to wipe 
 out the arrears of rent which had accumulated upon them. 
 
126 AN' OUTLINE OP IRISH HISTOR K 
 
 In the August of 1882 a National Exhibition of Irish 
 manufactures was opened in Dublin, the first enterprise of 
 the kind ever conducted by the National Party, in com- 
 plete independence from Castle patronage ; it was a great 
 success. On the day that the exhibition was opened, a 
 statue of O'Connell was unveiled in Sackville Street, 
 opposite the O'Connell Bridge, and a vast procession of all 
 the guilds and associations of Dublin was organized in its 
 honour. There was a conviction in England, and in the 
 minds of the Castle authorities, that such an event could 
 not pass off without some desperate scenes of disorder, if not 
 of insurrection. But the peace and order of Ireland's 
 capital city was not disturbed, and the spectacle of the vast 
 procession, many miles in length, of the stately statue that 
 had been raised to a national hero, of the beautiful building 
 richly stored with the work of Irish hands and the creations 
 of Irish intellect, all accomplished entirely by the Irish 
 people themselves, under the guidance of their national 
 leaders, without foreign aid or countenance, afforded one of 
 the strongest arguments in favour of Home Rule ever 
 advanced in Ireland, A people who could carry out so 
 successfully, with such perfect peace and order, so difficult 
 an enterprise, might be admitted, even by the most pre- 
 judiced, to have within them all the capacity for successful 
 self-government. 
 
 On the day following the O'Connell Centennial, the 
 freedom of the City of Dublin was conferred on Mr. Parnell 
 and Mr. Dillon, The same day another popular Irish 
 member, Mr, E. D. Gray, M.P., was committed to Bichmond 
 Prison, O'Connell's old prison, on a charge of contempt of 
 court, which was the cause of a Parliamentary inquiry into 
 the exercise of that curious judicial privilege. Mr. Gray 
 was the owner of the Freeman^s Journal, and at the time was 
 High Sheriff of Dublin. He had written in his paper some 
 censures on the conduct of a jury whose verdict had sen- 
 tenced a man to death. The judge before whom the case 
 had been tried, Mr. Justice Lawson, immediately sent Mr. 
 Gray to prison for three months for contempt of court and 
 fined him £500. After two months' imprisonment Mr. Gray 
 was released ; the fine was paid by subscription in a few 
 days. When Parliament met in a winter Session, the case 
 
 .L.,M 
 
 :-:J±:iii 
 
•■???- 
 
 ROME RULE— THE LAND LEAGUE. I27 
 
 Was brought forward as one of privilege and submitted to a 
 Select Committee. , 
 
 At one time during the autumn of 1882, the Irish Execu- 
 tive seemed likely to be much embarrassed by a strike 
 amongst the Irish Constabulary, a body of men on whom 
 the Executive naturally were forced to depend greatly. 
 Some hundreds of police struck; there were some fierce 
 disturbances in Dublin — at one time it seemed as if the 
 police in every town in Ireland were discontented and pre- 
 pared to combine against the Government ; but the Govern- 
 ment made some concessions, and what at one time seemed 
 a very serious danger faded away into nothingness. 
 
 In October another National Convention was held in 
 Dublin, and a new and vast organization formed, embracing 
 in one all the Irish demands for Home Rule and for Land 
 Reform. With its inauguration begins a new chapter in 
 Irish history. 
 
 THE END. 
 
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