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THE GODODIN 
 
 OP 
 
 ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD 
 
 ENGLISH TRANSLATION, 
 
 WITH COPIOUS EXPLANATORY NOTES; 
 
 A LIFE OF ANEURIN; 
 
 c 
 
 AND 
 
 SEVERAL LENGTHY DISSERTATIONS ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE 
 
 “GODODIN”, 
 
 AND THE 
 
 BATTLE OF CATTRAETH. 
 
 BY (THE SPIRIT OF THE BARD, OR) 
 
 YSBRYD ANEURIN. 
 
NOT E. 
 
 The composition of long essays leaves but little leisure for revision, 
 and still less inclination ; and, therefore, if in the following pages the 
 pen has occasionally slipped, or if any grievous injury has been in- 
 flicted upon the venerable head of Priscian, the author has to observe 
 that slipshod authorship is one of the results of the prize system, and 
 that the nine years allowed by Horace for correction have not yet 
 expired. 
 
 One thing more. There is an industry which only ministers to 
 labours of love. It will be left to the judge to determine, whether the 
 small prize 1 offered in this case has been the inspiring motive to the 
 composition of so large and elaborate a work, or a pure and patriotic 
 desire to claim for the bard of the Gododin a status in European litera- 
 ture, and an honoured niche in the temple of fame. 
 
 Go forth, then, and say, that — 
 
 Old Aneurin was True Poet and True Man ! 
 
 1 [The prize offered was £12 : 12:0.] 
 
83U41 
 fVn.'bo, £ 
 
 THE LIFE OF ANEUMN. 
 
 The author of the Cododin was a person named Aneurin, 
 who, at the battle of Cattraeth, appears to have worn the 
 garb of the Bardic order, and at another time to have 
 officiated in a priestly character; but when he lived is 
 uncertain, and who he was has been the subject of dis- 
 cussion. The materials for his biography are nearly all 
 comprised in the poem which has immortalised his name 
 among the Kymric people; and the determination of his 
 parentage, local habitation, and age is, therefore, contingent 
 upon the date of that poem. His era has f fluctuated in ac- 
 cordance with varying Gododinian theories, and accordingly 
 it becomes our duty thoroughly to investigate the subject, 
 and to take nothing for granted that we find in memoirs of 
 the bard ; for, on examination, it will be found that former 
 biographies are merely echoes of each other, mixed up with 
 the crude speculations of the respective writers. The facts 
 are very few in number, and only to be ascertained by dili- 
 gent enquiry; and it is to be regretted that the three former 
 translators were all destitute of the critical spirit. The first 
 and ablest of the three had the misfortune to live in the days 
 of Jacob Bryant, and lost his way in the labyrinth of mytho- 
 logy; the second (Probert), and most sagacious, lacked courage 
 to express his convictions, and expose the errors of the re- 
 cognised authorities ; and the third, a scholar and a gentle- 
 man, lacks the power to doubt, and, believing in the Cambrian 
 Biography as he would in Holy Writ, has suffered himself to 
 be led astray. 
 
 540001 i. 
 
THE GODQDIN OF ANEURIN GWAWPRYDD. 
 
 A 
 
 The first translator was the Rev. Edward Davies, author of 
 the Celtic Researches, who, in his Mythology of the Druids, 
 holds that the Gododin lias reference to the reported massacre 
 at Stonehenge. He fixes the date of this supposed event in 
 472 ; to accord therewith he cites Edward Lhuyd, to show 
 that the hard was living as early as A.D. 510 ; and he states, 
 in continuation, that Lhuyd refers the era of the Gododin to 
 that year, “ probably upon the authority of the ancient MS., 
 which he quotes in the same passage” (p. 321). This pro- 
 bability may be disposed of satisfactorily ; the MS. to which 
 Lhuyd refers has been lost from the Hengwrt Library, and is 
 supposed to be the very MS. which Mr. Davies was then 
 using ; and if it had contained any such assertion, he would 
 have known it as well. We have, therefore, only to estimate 
 the value of the statement made by Lhuyd. The same author, 
 in reference to Taliesin, states [Arch. Brit., 263) that he flou- 
 rished “ circa medium Seculi Sexti ” ; and he places Lly warch 
 Hen in 590. Now, as Aneurin and Taliesin appear from the 
 poems of both to have been contemporaries, of whom the 
 former also seems to have been the junior, we must place 
 him half a century later; and if we bear in mind that he 
 was released from prison 1 by the son of Llywarch, we cannot 
 hold until we descend into the seventh century. Mr. Davies, 
 indeed, endeavours to show that the Llywarch of the Gododin 
 was not the old bard ; but we learn from the poem itself that 
 one of the sons 2 of Llywarch Hen fell in the battle of Cat- 
 traeth, and, therefore, his theory falls to the ground. 
 
 Next in chronological order comes the Cambrian Biography 
 of Mr. William Owen, afterwards Dr. Owen Pughe, whose 
 biography of Aneurin has formed the basis of all the subse- 
 quent memoirs. In that article we are told, — 
 
 I. That Aneurin was “ a chieftain among the Ottadinian 
 Britons”. 
 
 1 [See verse xlvi, with the author’s note.] 
 
 2 [See verse xxxi.] 
 
THE LIFE OF ANEUllIN. 
 
 5 
 
 II. That “ he flourished early in the sixth century, lost his 
 territories in the North, as is supposed, about 540 . . . . 
 
 and took refuge with the famous congregation of Catwg, in 
 the country of the Silures, where he died about A.D. 570”. 
 
 ill. That Iolo Morganwg supposed Aneurin and G-ildas to 
 be the same person. 
 
 IY. That “ he is called Aneurin y Coed Aur ab Caw o 
 Gwm Cawlwyd in the Genealogy of the British saints”. 
 
 Let us discuss these propositions seriatim. The assertion 
 that Aneurin was a warrior and a chieftain among the Otta- 
 deni has been repeated by Davies, Probert, the author of 
 The Cambrian Plutarch, and Professor Pees, and all of them 
 represent him to have been in arms at the battle of Cat- 
 traeth, where he was taken prisoner ; but the evidence of the 
 poem is quite opposed to any such assumption. Mr. Wil- 
 liams ab Ithel has had the sagacity to see this, and supports 
 his opinion with the following judicious remarks : — 
 
 “Aneurin does not appear to have been present at Cat- 
 traeth in any other capacity than that of a herald bard. 
 Besides the absence of any intimation to the contrary, we 
 think the passages where he compares Owen to himself, and 
 where he makes proposals at the conference, 1 and, above all, 
 where he attributes his safety to his “ gwenwawd”, 2 conclusive 
 on the subject. His heraldic character would be recognised 
 by all nations, according to the universal law of warfare, 
 whereas it is very improbable that any poetic effusion which 
 he might have delivered could have influence upon a people 
 
 1 [Stanza lii, which Mr. Williams considers to refer to a conference 
 between the Cymry and their enemies, at which the “ Saxon herald” 
 killed “the British bard Owain”, “whose voice was like that of 
 Aneurin”, for so he translates the last line of the stanza. (Williams’ 
 Gododin , pp. 7 and 154.) Cf. also Williams’ stanza xciii, which Mr. 
 Stephens regards as a mere variant of lii ; his translation, too, of the 
 latter differs materially from that of Williams.] 
 
 2 [Stanza xxi, 1. 233.] 
 
G 
 
 THE CODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 whose language differed so materially from his own.” — Pre- 
 face iv. 
 
 Of the three passages here cited, I rely only on the last, 
 where he says that the effusion of his blood was spared on 
 account of his pleasing muse ; and upon the much stronger 
 one in Gordian Cynvelyn , where he calls himself “ a son of 
 the sacred fire”, and states that his friends paid a ransom 
 apportioned to his priestly character. 1 
 
 ii. The battle of Cattraeth is dated 540 by Mr. Owen, 
 because Ida is supposed to have been the Saxon leader; and 
 Probert and Parry have adopted the same conclusion. The 
 opponents of Ida and his son Theodric, according to Nen- 
 nius, 2 were Urien, Bhydderch Hael, Morgant, and Gwallog ; 
 but Ida, who reigned until 559 or 560, did not land in 
 Northumbria until 547 ; and was only succeeded by Theodric 
 from 579 to 586. The Gudodin does not name one of those 
 heroes ; but it does state that the grandson of Gwallog fell 
 at Cattraeth ; and therefore 540 is 'just three generations too 
 early. Gwalloc, to oppose Theodric, must have been living 
 about 580 ; Dunawd ab Pabo, who married his daughter 
 Dwywe, did not die uiltil 595 ; and therefore his son Gwar- 
 tlian ab Dwywe could not have fallen before the year 603, 
 to which I assign the battle of Cattraeth. The secxmd date 
 
 1 [“ A minneu om Creu dychyorant 
 
 Mab coelcerth uyguerth a unaethant 
 O eur pur a dur ac ariant.” 
 
 Myv. Arch., i, 61=Gee’s edition, p. 54. 
 
 See also Skene’s Four Ancient Books , ii, 96, where the lines are given 
 with some slight differences, the only material variation, however, being 
 the evidently erroneous oni for om, though the latter is adopted in the 
 translation (vol. i, 414), which is as follows: — 
 
 “ And me, on account of my blood they deplored, 
 
 Son of the omen pile, my ransom they contributed, 
 
 Of pure gold, and steel and silver.”] 
 
 2 | ■» Nennius und Gildas, ex recensione Stevenson herausgegeben von 
 San-Marte,” sec. 63, p. 72. — Mon. Hist. Britt., p. 75.] 
 
TIIE LIFE OF ANEUIIIN. 
 
 7 
 
 given by Mr. Owen also rests upon tlie assumption that 
 Gildas and Aneurin were the same person. Gildas died in 
 570, and therefore it was asserted that Aneurin died in that 
 year. Probert, Parry, and Rees deny this identity ; but the 
 two former retain the date notwithstanding. Mr. Williams 
 ab Itliel refers the battle to 570 ; and Iolo Morgan wg ( Lyric 
 Poems, vol. ii, p. 11) states that Aneurin wrote about 550 ; 
 but these dates are all too early. 
 
 in. Iolo Morganwg considered Gildas and Aneurin to have 
 been the same person ; and his argument is thus stated by 
 Mr. Owen : “ It has been supposed, with good reason, by one 
 of the ablest antiquaries of this age, that Aneurin was no 
 other person than the celebrated Gildas, the latter being only 
 his ecclesiastical appellation, which he took after a very 
 common practice in those times. The probability of such a 
 supposition rests upon these grounds. Aneurin, as well as 
 Gildas, is reckoned among the children of Caw in our old 
 MSS. ; but both do not occur as such in the same lists ; for 
 in those where Aneurin is said to be the son of Caw r , the 
 other is omitted ; and on the contrary, where Gildas is in- 
 serted, the other is left out ; and as a further corroboration, 
 on considering the import of the two appellations, the latter 
 has the appearance of being a translation of the other, in the 
 same manner as we find Pelagius for Morgant, and similar 
 instances.” Mr. Probert had the sagacity to perceive that 
 Gildas and Aneurin could not have been the same person ; 
 and Professor Rees afterwards developed the difference of 
 character still more fully; but in the sequel, it will be found 
 that these persons were intimately related to each other. 
 Their identity certainly cannot be admitted : Gildas was the 
 son of Caw; we shall presently endeavour to show that 
 Aneurin was not: Gildas was a preacher of the Gospel; 
 Aneurin was an odd compound of Christianity and Pagan- 
 ism : the one spent his youth in Ireland, the other never 
 
8 
 
 THE' GODODIN OF ANEUKIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 appears to have left Britain : the one was the author of two 
 Latin works, the Epistle, and the History of the Britons ; the 
 other never appears to have composed anything but Kymric 
 poetry : the one was a virulent and bigoted monk, who 
 delighted in reviling his countrymen; the other, without pal- 
 liating the drunkenness which led to their defeat at Cat- 
 traeth, extols the bravery which half redeems their character, 
 and paints their faults with the sparing hand of a genial 
 poet: the one was the contemporary of Arthur, the other 
 only knew him historically : the one only appears to have 
 known the Princes of the South, the other was better ac- 
 quainted with those of the North : the one makes no allu- 
 sion to the battle of Cattraeth, though it was one of the 
 turning points in the life of the other: the one died in 570, 
 the other was at the battle of Cattraeth in 603, and per- 
 forming priestly duties on the hills of Doon in 642. Hence 
 it must be clear that Aneurin and Gildas are not two names 
 for the same person. What, then, is the truth contained in 
 the suggestion of Mr. Edward Williams (Iolo Morganwg)? 
 On examination of the Iolo MSS. we find the case much 
 stronger than he has put it. One list of the children of Caw 
 names both Gildas and Aneurin, and another names Gildas, 
 but adds the epithet, “ Coed Aur” to his brother Aeddan ; 
 but in all the other lists we have either Gildas or Aneurin, 
 Aneuryn y Coed Aur, and Auryn y Coed Aur, and Gildas 
 is variously named Gildas, Gildas ab Caw, Gildas the Prophet, 
 Gildas y Coed Aur, Aur y Coed Aur, and Euryn y Coed Aur. 
 The inferences fairly deducible from these MSS. are these : — 
 
 1. That Gildas and Euryn y Coed Aur were the same 
 person. 
 
 2. That Aneurin and Euryn y Coed Aur are also identical. 
 
 The first of these positions appears to be right : Gildas is 
 
 expressly stated (Iolo MSS., 516) in several places, to be the 
 person named Euryn y Coed Aur; Euryn and Gildas are 
 
THE LIFE OF ANEUKIN. 
 
 9 
 
 convertible terms, the latter being a monkish translation of 
 the former, which was probably the original name. But a 
 little attention will show that the second proposition is not 
 so accurate as the first. Gildas may be, and probably is, a 
 translation of Euryn; but it is not a translation of An- 
 Eurin, or An-Euryn ; nor is An-Euryn a translation of Gildas. 
 The derivative prefix An gives the word a new and essenti- 
 ally different meaning ; and Euryn and An-Euryn stand to 
 each other in well defined relationship. The word An, pro- 
 bably the same as Han, has the meaning of a descendant, 
 derivative or sprung from. Anvah, is an old name for a 
 male child, Merddin having been called An vap y lleian, 
 before he received a proper name; and we have another 
 instance of the use of the word in the following old Englyn : 
 
 “ Bed An ap Ilian ymnewais 
 Vynyd lluagor llew Emreis 
 Prif ddewin merdin Emreis.” 
 
 Myv., i, 78. [Gee’s edition, 65.] 
 
 If this view be sound, the discrepancy may easily be re- 
 conciled. Gildas, born in the year of the battle of Badon 
 (a.d. 516), was fifty-five years old at his death (570) ; and as 
 he had several sons, it is quite possible that one of the 
 youngest might have been at Cattraeth in 603, and living 
 even as late as 642. Aneurin is therefore more likely to 
 have been the son of Gildas, or Euryn, than to have been 
 that person himself. And as this suggestion removes all the 
 chronological difficulties which beset the authorship of the 
 Gododin, I shall henceforth treat that as an ascertained fact. 
 Another thought, of less moment, but interesting as a further 
 development of the same theory, may be here stated. One 
 of the family names was Ane, or Anev. Gildas had a brother 
 so called ; and if we assume that he called his son by the 
 same name, viz., Ane ap Euryn, we have a plausible theory 
 for the formation of the Bard’s name. But whether his 
 
10 
 
 TIIE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 name was originally Aneurin, or a corruption of Ane ap 
 Euryn, is of no consequence. That he was the son of Gildas 
 is to me clear; and that he was a younger son, may he 
 demonstrated from the following passage in the Gododinian 
 fragments appended to Gorchan Maclderw ( Myv . i, 86). 1 
 
 “ Em ladaut lu mawr i guert 
 I adrawd ladaud map Nuithon 
 * * * * 
 
 Ny wisguis i mil i mil luit heinim 
 1 guaiw ae ysguit nae gledyf nae gyllell 
 No neim ab Nuithon gur a vei well.’’ 
 
 “ There was slain a host great in value. 
 
 I relate that the son of Nwython was there slain. 
 
 * * * * * 
 
 Of all the warriors there wore not 
 Spear and shield, sword or knife, 
 
 One who was a better man than my nephew, the 
 son of Nwython. 
 
 It may be doubted whether “ Neim”, in the original, is a 
 proper name ; but if it be borne in mind that Aneurin never 
 uses the form ab , but always uses mab in full, it will be 
 clear that the proper reading is “ Nei mab Nuithon”. Gildas 
 had several sons, and among them' one named Noethan or 
 Nwython ; and the fact that the son of Nwython was the 
 nephew of Aneurin show’s, — 
 
 1. That Aneurin v 7 as the son of Gildas ; and, 
 
 2. That the bard w T as probably a younger son, as his nephew 
 was a warrior of prowess when he fell at Cattraeth, and as 
 he survived his nephew by full forty years. Using the facts 
 developed by this discussion, I present the following pages 
 as the best memoir of the bard that the scanty materials 
 enable me to furnish. 
 
 Caw, variously named Cau, Caunus, and Naw 7 , w T as the 
 lord of a district called Cawllog, or Cwm Cawlwyd, which 
 Dr. Owen Pughe once thought to be bordering on Strath 
 
 1 [Gee’s edition, p. 71, col. ii. See also Skene’s Four Ancient Book s, 
 i, 422 ; and ii, 103. J 
 
THE LIFE OF ANEUKIN. 
 
 11 
 
 Clyde ( Cambro-Briton , sub Caw), and afterwards to have been 
 Glenco in the Highlands (quoted in Probert’s Gododin, 
 p. 9). The Eev. John Williams ab Tthel, quoting a monkish 
 chronicler, 1 places it in Strath Clyde, and supposes its ety- 
 mology to be Caw Clwyd, or Clwyd Caw, i.e., the Clyde of 
 Caw 2 ; but does Arecluta denote the Yale of Clyde, or the 
 rock of Dunbarton, Alcluyd, or Alltel wyd ? According to 
 mediEeval writers, it is the latter ; and if so, Caw must have 
 been the King of Strath Clyde before Tudwal, the son of 
 Bhydderch Hael, took possession of that seat of government. 
 The Memorials of the Saints 3 relate that he was driven from 
 his possessions by the Piets and Scots, and compelled to take 
 refuge in Wales; and as his location was on the frontier of 
 the Piets and Scots, the fact is extremely probable. At that 
 time, that is, about the second quarter of the sixth century, 
 Maelgwn Gwynedd reigned in Gwynedd, and Arthur in Gwent 
 and Morgan wg ; and lands were assigned to one portion of 
 the Caw family at Twrcelyn in Anglesey by the one, while 
 the other afforded protection to another portion in Siluria. 
 If we could trust in tradition, we might conclude that Caw 
 himself stayed at Twrcelyn, whilst Huail, his eldest son, 
 came to Gwent ; and if we consult Bees’ Saints, we should 
 probably be able to determine the location of the sons of 
 the Lord of Cawllwg from the churches dedicated to their 
 memory. 4 
 
 He appears to have had a large family. The numbers 
 vary in the several records, and fluctuate between the ex- 
 tremes of ten and twenty-one, the numbers being respectively 
 10, 15, 16, 16, 17, 17, 20, and 21 {Iolo MSS., 508, 515, 540, 
 
 1 A Life of Gildas , from the monastery of Flenry in France , published 
 by Johannes a Bosco, and quoted by Usher, in which it is said that 
 Caunus lived in Arecluta. (Rees’ Welsh Saints , 224.) 
 
 2 [Williams’ Y Gododin, p iii.] 
 
 3 [ lolo MSS., pp. 101, 109, 110, 116, 136, 143, 147.] 
 
 4 [Rees’ Welsh Saints , pp. 224-232.] 
 
12 
 
 THE CODODIN. OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 54G). Professor llees supposes that some of these must have 
 been grandchildren ; but, however that may be, it suffices for 
 our purpose that all the accounts agree in assigning to him a 
 son named Euryn y Coed Aur, Gildas, Gildas Sapiens , Gildas 
 Badonicus, or Gildas Albanius , and other names already cited. 
 He appears to have been born prior to the expulsion of the 
 family from the North ; hence the surname Albanius. He 
 informs us that he was born in the year of the battle of 
 Badon (a.d. 516) ; hence the epithet Badonicus. And for his 
 History and Epistle he was styled Sapiens. It will here be 
 seen that I reject the distinction between Gildas Albanius 
 and the person surnamed Badonicus ; and as nearly all the 
 writers on this subject have disagreed, I shall follow the last, 
 and, to my judgment, best authority — the Editor of the Monu- 
 menta Historicct (Preface, p. 60). In his thirtieth or thirty - 
 fourth year (a.d. 550) he went abroad to Brittany, and it is 
 generally allowed that his Epistle was written in Armorica. 
 Upon his return, he abode for some time at Llancarvan, and 
 was requested by Saint Cadocus to direct the studies of the 
 school at that place for one year, which he undertook and 
 performed, to the great advantage of the scholars, desiring no 
 other reward than their prayers (Bees’ Welsh Saints , 226). 
 After this, the two saints withdrew to two small islands, 
 not far distant, intending to spend their days in retirement 
 {Ibid). And it would seem that his History was written 
 about this time, for it contains internal evidence of having 
 been written when he was forty-four, i.e., in 560. Five years 
 afterwards we read 1 of his going to Ireland (a.d. 565, Navi- 
 gatio Gildcte in Hybernia); and there he appears to have re- 
 mained until the death of his patron in 569, after which he 
 returned to his native country, and spent the last year of his 
 life at Glastonbury. Rees, following the monkish biographers, 
 places his visit to Ireland in the early part of his life, but the 
 
 1 [Annales Cambrix: CXX1 Annus, i.e., 565.] 
 
THE LIFE OF ANEURIN. 
 
 13 
 
 Annciles Cambria? must be regarded as the best authority. 
 We have here attributed to him only two works, but Bale 
 assigns to him, and to his other self, Albanius, a great many 
 more ; and, whether he wrote them all or not, we have al- 
 ready furnished abundant proof that he was a man of high 
 reputation. That he was acquainted with classic literature 
 is evident from his History , in which we find traces of Rufi- 
 nus, Eusebius, the Epistles of Jerome, and the Ecclesiastical 
 History of Sulpicius Severus ; that the age in which he lived 
 was one in which the remains of Roman civilisation still 
 existed is equally clear, and we may conclude that Aneurin, 
 his son, was a man of some consideration. The fact of being 
 the grandson of a kinglet was not without its weight, with his 
 contemporaries ; and the erudition of his father, coupled with 
 the training which we may conclude him to have received at 
 the College of Llanveithin (Llancarvan), will account for the 
 classic conception of the Gododin , and the high moral tone 
 which pervades the poem, and the intellectual culture so 
 evident throughout. 
 
 Aneurin, as we contend, was the son of Hildas, and the 
 inheritor of much of his father’s learning, without his bigotry 
 and austerity. Of his youth we know nothing certain ; but 
 that he was not trained to arms, as is asserted in the Cam- 
 brian Plutarch , may fairly be presumed from the character 
 of his father, and the description given of himself in the 
 Gododin. But though our information respecting his youth 
 is uncertain, there is a passage in that poem tending to show 
 that he was educated at Llancarvan, or, as it was anciently 
 called, Llanveithin. Gwarthan ab Dunawd, a chieftain with 
 whom Aneurin appears to have associated in his earlier years, 
 before Gwarthan was slain at Cattraeth, is said to have been 
 a confessor to Catwg, at his College of Llancarvan; and 
 Aneurin corroborates the statement when, speaking of his 
 patron, he says, — 
 
14 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 “ Nyt ocd gyngorwann 
 \\ r ael y rac Lan 1 Veithin.” V. lii. 
 
 lie was not weak or mean 
 Tn council at Llanveithin.” 
 
 As the latter part of his life was spent in the North, it is 
 most likely that his connection with Cattwg’s College took 
 place in his youth. If so, his acquaintance with Aneurin 
 may have taken place there ; and the hard may have ac- 
 companied him to the North on the death of his father, in 
 595, 2 or his prior resignation. The allusion to Llanveithin 
 certainly identifies both parties with that college : and when 
 this fact is taken in conjunction with Gildas’ connection 
 therewith, it becomes extremely probable that Aneurin was 
 educated there. 
 
 Of his subsequent career we know but little more; but 
 upon balancing the probabilities of the case, it would seem 
 that his acquaintance with the North took place before the 
 date above given. Taliesin, in a poem addressed to Urien 
 Rheged, and certainly written or sung before 584, names 
 Aneurin in connection with the kings of North Britain ; and 
 therefore it is probable that the acquaintance between the 
 two bards revealed in the passage, 
 
 1 This reading is open to doubt. Three manuscripts, with the pro- 
 babilities afforded by the good sense of that reading, have “ Lan Vei- 
 thin”; while a larger number of manuscripts have “tan veithin”, 
 which has no sense at all. 
 
 [It will be seen, however, that Mr. Stephens adopts the reading, 
 “ tan veithin”, in his text, and translates the two lines — 
 
 “ He was not weak in advice, 
 
 Nor mean before the banquet fire (of Gwylyget?) 
 
 Mr. Williams ab Ithel seems to have been equally undecided ; for, in his 
 text (p. 45), he inserts, u tan veithin”, while his translation (p. 154), 
 has “in front of Llanveithin”. He appears to have been unable to 
 make anything of “tan veithin”, with regard to which, he writes, 
 “ query, tan eithin, gorze fire?”] 
 
 2 A.D. 595. “ Dunaut rex moritur .” — Annales Cambria ?. 
 
THE LIFE OF ANEURIN. 
 
 15 
 
 “Aun eu enu Aneuryn guautryd Auenyd 
 A minneu Dalyesin o lann llyn geirionnydd.’* 1 
 
 Do I know Aneurin, the flowing-songed minstrel, 
 
 And I, Taliesin, from the banks of Llyn Geirionydd? 
 
 existed as early as 580 or thereabouts. If so, Gwarthan had 
 taken his father’s place before the death of that kinglet ; and 
 by assuming the resignation of the latter, we are enabled 
 to reconcile the date of his death with his reputed saintship 
 and connection with Bangor. 
 
 It is evident that during his stay with Gwarthan in Gal- 
 loway, and at the battle of Cattraeth, Aneurin assumed the 
 bardic character, and wore the external insignia of that 
 order; but at what period he took that distinctive name 
 cannot be exactly defined, and the form by which he became 
 so is equally involved in obscurity. According to Iolo Mor- 
 gan wg, 2 Bard, Druid, and Ovate were three gradations of one 
 order, and if so, Aneurin went through the ceremony now 
 prescribed to aspirants for bardic honours ; but as the Gla- 
 morgan system has no foundation in history, no countenance 
 from the poems of the early bards, and rests only on a mis- 
 conception of the classic authorities, we may safely refuse to 
 recognise its usages as any criterion whereby to form an idea 
 of what Bardism was in the age of Aneurin. An examination 
 of the original authorities will show this very clearly. Strabo, 3 
 speaking of the Gauls, says : — u Uapa Tracn &>? iir'iirav rpla 
 <pv\a r cov TCpLwpLevoov $uuf)€p6vTCL)<; earl, B dp$oc re /cal O i/drec? 
 /cal ApviScu. B dpBot p,e v vpLvrjTal /cal O varet^ 8e 
 
 iepoTTOLol /cal (pvcnoXoyot A pviftcu Se 7 rpo? rfj <pvcnoXoyLa tt)v 
 r}6uc7]v (j)i\o(ro(f)Lav acncovcri 
 
 1 [ u Anrec Urien.” — Myv. Arch., i, 51=p. 47, Gee’s edition ; Skene’s 
 Four Ancient Books , ii, 293.] 
 
 2 [See Owen’s Heroic Elegies of Llywarch Hen , p. xxxvi ; and also 
 lolo MSS., pp. 54-6 : translation, pp. 437 and the following.] 
 
 3 [Strabonis Geographica recensuit Gustavus Kramer (Berolini, 1844), 
 lib. iv, cap. 4, sec. 4.] 
 
16 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN CWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Diodorus Siculus 1 describes them in the same way, but in 
 a different order. Strabo names them Bards, Ovates, and 
 Druids ; and Diodorus speaks of Bards, Druids, and Man- 
 tels, the Greek word for prophet being substituted for the 
 Keltic Ovates. So much as we know of Greek, usage tends 
 to show that the Bards, Druids, and Ovates are here de- 
 scribed in the inverse order of their importance. The man- 
 tis among the Greeks was a much more important person 
 than the poet : and Strabo thinks it sufficient to say that the 
 bards were chanters and poets, while he describes the func- 
 tions of the Druids at great length. We also learn that 
 these were not grades of one order, but distinct tribes or 
 classes, such as singers, physicians, and priests are in our 
 own day. The form of initiation into the bardic order, if 
 there was any, is to us unknown, and, therefore, though we 
 know that the Caw was the most exalted order of bards in 
 that day , 2 all we know respecting Aneurin on this head is 
 that he first appears to us in the bardic character. The duty 
 of the Bardd Teulu , according to the laws of Howell Dda , 3 
 was to sing The Supremacy of Britain before the army in 
 going to war ; and it is probable that Aneurin attended at 
 Cattraeth in that character. At any rate he was so distin- 
 
 1 [Diodorus Siculus (ex recensione L. Dindorfi , Lipsiae, 1828), lib. v, 
 cap. 31 : — “ Et<rt 8e Trap 1 avro ts nal irunjTal p.o\S>v, ot> s fiapoovs ovona^ovsiV 
 oijtoi 8e /x€t' opyavcav tcus \vpcus 6/xolccv aSovres ot>s pikv v/ivovaiv ovs 8e /3Aa<r</>rj- 
 /jiovffit $i\6tro(po'i Te rives elm Kal 0eo\6yoi irep'iTTWs ripio/ievoi, ovs SpovlSas 
 bvop.a%ovoi. XpuvTou Se nal ndvrea iv, airoboxvs neyaXijs agiouvres avrovs * 
 K. T. A.] 
 
 2 [See Dr. J. D. Rhys’ Cambrobrytannicae Cymrsecxve Linguae Institu- 
 tions et Rudimenta (London, 1592), p. 303 ; and Iolo MSS., p. 217 : 
 translation, p. 632.] 
 
 3 [“ Ev a dyly bu6c neu yc o’r anrait a g6nel y teulu yn gorg61ad, 
 g6edi yd el i’r brenin y traian. Yntau a dyly pan ranoent yr anrait 
 canu Unpeniaet Prydyn.” He is to have a cow or an ox from the booty 
 obtained by the household from a border-country, after a third has gone 
 to the king; and he is, when they share the spoil, to sing the “Monarchy 
 of Britain” to them. — Myv. Arch., Gee’s edition, pp. 968b and 1019b.] 
 
THE LIFE OF ANEURIN. 
 
 17 
 
 guished from the other Britons that his life was held sacred 
 even by the victorious Saxons ; and we have his own 
 authority for the assertion that his life was spared on account 
 either of his bardic or of his priestly character. Which was his 
 real character is uncertain, for in the one place 1 he describes 
 himself to be a bard, and in the other , 2 a priest ; but as we 
 have observed already, he acted in both capacities. 
 
 When the defeat of the Britons at Cattraeth became 
 apparent, Aneurin sought safety in flight : 
 
 “ When the host of Pryder approached me, 
 
 I hastened to put on the funis (veil). 
 
 With the funis flowing free, 
 
 I ran with vigour, 
 
 Weeping on the way .” 3 
 
 But he failed to effect his escape : he was overtaken and 
 made prisoner ; and his condition in the hands of his cap- 
 tors is described in the poem : 
 
 “ With sand under foot, 
 
 Extended was my leg, and bound 
 In the subterranean house ; (and) 
 
 An iron chain 
 About my two knees .” 4 
 
 In the verse immediately following he names his deliverer : 
 
 “ ‘ The hero of the North’ was the man who did the deed. 
 Gentle-breasted and generous ! There has not sprung, 
 
 Earth does not sustain, nor has mother born, 
 
 So illustrious and powerful a steel-clad warrior. 
 
 From the power of the sword, illustrious is its protection, 
 
 From the horrid prison of earth he brought me, — 
 
 From the place of death, from a hateful region ; 
 
 Ceneu, son of Lly warch, energetic hero ! ” 
 
 In Gorchan Cynvelyn he gives another account of his release, 
 but if the ordinary translations of this verse were strictly 
 
 1 [Verse xxi.] 
 
 3 [Verse lxxxvi.] 
 
 2 [Verse lxxx.] 
 4 [Verse xlv.] 
 
13 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN CWAWDRYDD. 
 
 accurate, the two relations would be inconsistent. Davies 
 and Williams translate the line — 
 
 “ O nerth e cledyf claer e hamuc 
 
 . em due,” 
 
 in these words, 
 
 “ By the force of the bright (gleaming — Wms.) sword he protected me.” 
 and accordingly his release would appear to have been a feat 
 of arms, but Gordian Cynvelyn 1 flatly contradicts such an 
 assumption — 
 
 “Three men, three score and three hundred 
 Went to the battle of Cattraeth ; (but) 
 
 Of those who advanced, 
 
 From the influence of the ministrants of mead, 
 
 Save three, none returned, 
 
 Cynon and Cadreith and Cadlew of Cadnant, 
 
 And I, whose blood they (my countrymen, or friends) deplored, 
 A son of the sacred fire , my value they made up , 
 
 Of pure gold , silver , and steel. 
 
 Heaven, not protection, they obtained : 
 
 In the pre-eminent song of Cynvelyn they glide together.” 
 
 Here we have a distinct account of a ransom paid for his 
 release, and this is the most probable account of the transac- 
 tion. The two relations, as they here stand, are certainly 
 contradictory, and if we were compelled to take our choice, 
 we should adopt the latter ; but in reality the inconsistency 
 exists only in the two translations above named. Probert, 
 with a correcter judgment, translates the line differently — 
 
 “ From the power of the sword, illustrious to defend 
 
 and the first part of this line is a strictly accurate transla- 
 tion of the original. Here the discrepancy does not arise, 
 and the two statements become the complements of each 
 other. The friends of Aneurin paid for his release a ransom 
 in gold, silver, and steel proportioned to so dignified a per- 
 
 1 [Myv. Arch., i, 61 ; Gee’s edition, p. 54 ; Four Ancient Books , vol. 
 ii, p. 96.] 
 
THE LIFE OF ANEURIN. 
 
 19 
 
 sonage as one of the sons of the sacred fire. Ceneu ab 
 Llywarcli appears to have been the active agent in that 
 business, and this version well accords with the character of 
 that “ generous and gentle-hearted” chieftain. We are not 
 informed how long the bard remained in captivity, but it is 
 not probable that he would have been left in the hands of 
 the Saxons for any length of time, and we cannot be far 
 wrong if we date his release and captivity in the same year, 
 i.c., 603. 
 
 Aneurin, now that his friend and patron had fallen in bat- 
 tle, returned to Wales, and for many years he did not revisit 
 the North, for in one verse he expressly states — 
 
 “Since the delightful pillar of battle ( [i.e ., Gwarthan) was pierced, 
 Since Aneurin was underground, 
 
 Have not I been separated from Gododin?” — Yerse xciii. 
 
 Here, then, we have one of the many facts which show that 
 Wales was the stand-point from which the bard composed 
 the Gododin, but it is not easy to assign him any fixed resi- 
 dence in the Principality. It is, indeed, asserted that he 
 resided for some time at the Court of King Arthur, but this 
 rests upon the assumption of his identity with Gildas, and a 
 cursory examination of dates will show that Arthur had 
 departed this life full seventy years before. Mr. Humphreys 
 Parry suggests another location. “ We learn from some 
 ancient documents that he took refuge among the inmates of 
 Cadog’s College, at Llancarvan, apparently the favoured 
 resort of the piety and learning of that age. Here it was, 
 in all probability, that he contracted that intimacy with the 
 celebrated Taliesin, to which both bards bear testimony, and 
 which the congeniality of their genius and disposition must 
 have favoured in a peculiar degree — 
 
 “ Arcades ambo, 
 
 Et cantare pares.” 
 
 The same passage in Aneurin that records the friendship 
 
20 
 
 TIIE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 between the two poets, seems also to indicate that the Godo- 
 din, his chief production, was composed in the propitious 
 seclusion of Cadog’s College, for he distinctly mentions 
 Taliesin’s privity to his intention of writing this poem” 
 ( Cambrian Plutarch). Here again the evidence is the 
 assumed identity of the father and the son, and the conclu- 
 sion certainly does not follow from the premises, nor is it 
 consistent with the positive assertion of Taliesin 1 that his 
 residence was at Llyn Geirionydd in Carnarvonshire. That 
 Aneurin may have resided at Llancarvan is quite possible, 
 and that he had well matured his design is very evident* for 
 the conception of the Gododin is a very unique fact in Cam- 
 brian literature; but that it was composed at Llancarvan, 
 or that the bard spent any considerable part of his time 
 there, is opposed to the inference fairly deducible from his 
 works. It is a common mistake to assume the Gododin was 
 the only work of Aneurin, for many of his verses form no 
 part of that poem. Two of them 2 are addressed to Ceredig, 
 who appears to have lived in Cardiganshire, and others 3 are 
 addressed to the bard’s relative, Cynddillig of Aeron, in the 
 same county. Others are addressed to Marchleu , 4 the son of 
 Caradog Vreichvras (?),in Radnorshire; andtoAeddon 5 oVon, 
 and other persons in North Wales ; and we may safely infer 
 from these collective evidences that, like other bards, Aneurin 
 was in the habit of visiting various parts of the country, 
 and of taking up his residence with the various chieftains to 
 whom his verses were addressed. 
 
 Many of these verses were composed in the latter part of 
 
 1 [In the poem called Anrec Urien, in which occurs the line “A minneu 
 Dalyesin o lann llyn geirionnydd”, as it is given in Myv. Arch ., i, 51 ; 
 Gee’s edition, p. 47a; or “ Minneu- dalyessin o ia6n llyn geirionnyd”, 
 as it appears in Skene’s Four Ancient Books, ii, 293.] 
 
 2 [Verses xxviii and xxix.] 3 [Verses lxvi and lxxxi.] 
 
 4 [Verse xxvi.] 
 
 5 [Verse xc, or v. lxxxix, 1. 845, of Williams’s edition.] 
 
THE LIFE OF ANEUltlN. 
 
 21 
 
 his life, and extend over a period of thirty years, from the 
 elegiac stanzas on Ceredig (circa 616) to the last verse 1 
 ( circa 642) ; but of all the poems of Aneurin, the G-ododin 
 appears to have been the first. It was probably composed 
 within the ten years immediately following the events it 
 records, and the passage in which he reveals his acquaint- 
 ance with Taliesin shows that the subject had taken a firm 
 hold of his mind. The passage is as follows 2 — 
 
 u Of mead from the horn, 
 
 And of the host of Cattraeth, 
 
 I, Aneurin, will compose 
 What is known to Taliesin, 
 
 Who participates in my design. 
 
 He will not sing a Gododin, 
 
 Of what followed (the carouse) before the break of day.” 
 
 The version here given of the last two lines differs essenti- 
 ally from those of my predecessors, each of which differs 
 from the other, but I flatter myself that “ ISTeu cheing e 
 Ododin” admits of no translation but the one here given. 
 If so, it would appear that our bard had urged Taliesin to 
 take that subject in hand, and that the elder bard declined 
 to do so, but encouraged Aneurin to carry out his own 
 design. And we have cause to be grateful that he did so, 
 for it is clear that the design as it existed in the mind 
 of the younger bard was quite alien to the habits of 
 thought revealed in the poems of the elder. The one was a 
 Cambrian bard only, an able one it is true ; but still merely 
 a bard. To make my meaning more clear, it will be well to 
 state that the bard was usually a song-maker only, inspired 
 only when experiencing lordly hospitality and generosity, 
 and composing no songs except to flatter the pride and extol 
 the actions of the various heads of houses by whom he was 
 
 1 [Verse lxxx, ref erring to the death of Donald Brec. See the author’s 
 notes to that verse.] 
 
 3 [Verse xlv.] 
 
22 
 
 TIIE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 entertained. All the poems of Taliesin are of this class ; all 
 of them are addressed to certain chieftains ; most of them 
 are dedicated to Urien Rheged ; and the bard seldom had 
 any higher conception of his duty than to make himself the 
 mouthpiece of laudation — 
 
 u Until I grow old, and meet inevitable death, 
 
 May I never smile if I praise not Urien.” 
 
 Gwaith A.r(jued Llwyvain. 1 
 
 Aneurin, on the contrary, was a scholar. The moral aim of 
 the poem being the reprobation of drunkenness raises him 
 above his order, and the name given to his work furnishes 
 conclusive evidence of classic training. In the sense in 
 which epic and lyric stand to each other in the relation of 
 objectivity and subjectivity, the Gododin may be said to be 
 an epic poem, and though three of the shorter poems of 
 Taliesin, such as Gwaith Gwenystrad, may be called minor 
 epics, this is the sole poem in Cambrian literature worthy of 
 the name. The genius of the people is essentially lyric, but 
 from the frequent recurrence of such phrases as “ a Gododin”, 
 “ the Gododin relates”, “ does not the Gododin relate T and 
 “ it is not stated in the Gododin ”, it is evident that Aneurin 
 was acquainted by name at least with the great classic 
 poems ; and I will not hesitate to assert my belief that he 
 had the Iliad and the JEneid in his mind’s eye when he 
 gave his poem the designation of The Gododin. 
 
 The chief poem was probably composed while the subject 
 was fresh in the author’s mind, and if we date it circa a.d. 
 610, we cannot be much in error. It is not easy to fix the 
 date of the other verses, but we can form some faint idea of 
 the time when two or three of them were composed. Thus, 
 with respect to Ceredic, the king paramount of that day, we 
 
 1 [ Myv . Arch., i, 53; Gee’s edition, 48 b ; Four Ancient Books , ii, 
 189, 190.] 
 
THE LIFE OF ANEUKIN. 
 
 23 
 
 are informed in the Annales Cambrige when lie died, — “ a.d. 
 616, Ceretic obiit”; and, accordingly, we cannot assign the 
 elegiac verses upon that monarch to any earlier date. The 
 verse addressed to Dinogad, 1 the son of Cynan Garwyn, 
 cannot be assigned to any date anterior to 629, since it 
 implies the death of his father, who was living in that year ; 
 and that which records the death of Donald Brec 2 cannot 
 have been composed before 642, when that king of the Scots 
 was slain by Owain, king of Strathclyde, whose territory 
 Donald had invaded. 
 
 Of his later years we have also but few particulars, but 
 from the verse alluded to (i.e., verse lxxx), it appears that in 
 his old age he again paid a visit to North Britain, and took 
 up his residence in Galloway with his brother Nwython. 
 Here he again appears in a priestly character, and describes 
 himself to have been engaged in conducting sacrifice at the 
 sacred fire when he saw the men of Nwytlion defeated at Ehe- 
 degein (Stranraer), and also saw ravens gnawing the head of 
 Donald Brec. The last event took place in the month of 
 December 642, and it is probable that the other occurred in 
 the same year. But it does not seem that he remained there 
 long after that date, for the verse affords internal evidence of 
 having been composed in the Principality, and, therefore, he 
 must have returned to conclude his life in Wales. He had 
 many friends and relations in Dyfed and in Anglesey, and 
 among the former might be named his marked favourite 
 Cynddillig of Aeron ; but whether he spent his last days 
 among his relations or at the College of Cattwg must remain 
 in doubt. At the time of his death he must have been far 
 gone in years, but, according to the Triads, he was not 
 permitted to die in peace, for he was slain by the hand 
 of one Eiddin ab Enygan, of whom we know nothing 
 but this infamy. The blow was called an “ accursed 
 
 1 [Yerse xci = verse xc of 'Williams’s edition.] 2 [Verse lxxx.] 
 
24 
 
 TIIE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 stroke”, and is thus described i 1 “ The three accursed hatchet 
 strokes of the Isle of Britain — the blow of Eidyn in the head 
 of Aneurin, the blow in the head of Iago ab Beli, and the 
 blow in the head of Golyddan the Bard.” And in another 
 Triad we have — “ The three accursed murders of the Isle of 
 Britain — Eidyn, son of Einygan, slew Aneurin of the Flow- 
 ing muse, the chief of Bards ; and Llawgad Trwm, from the 
 borders of Edinburgh, slew Avaon, the son of Taliesin ; and 
 Llovan Llawddivo slew Urien, the son of Cynvarch.” This 
 is all that is known of Aneurin Gwawdrydd. Peace be to 
 HIS SOUL AND HONOURED BE HIS MEMORY. 
 
 1 [The Triads quoted are to be found in Myv. Arch., ii, 9, 65 ; 
 Gee’s edition, pp. 390,405; Trioedd Ynys Prydain: Cyfres i, 37, 38; 
 Cyfres iii, 47, 48.] 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 25 
 
 INTEODU CTION. 
 
 One of the most difficult questions in the history of Cam- 
 brian literature arises from the consideration of the poem 
 called the Gododin. Its language, from its antiquity, is diffi- 
 cult to be understood by those who are averse to the labori- 
 ous study of ancient literature, and as it evidently refers to 
 a very remote period, and then only occupies a brief space of 
 time, many, and, indeed, most of its allusions are intelligible 
 only to the antiquary ; for though every age has an abundance 
 of small magnates and celebrities, few of them find a place in 
 the page of history. For this reason, though many persons 
 have been, and are, willing to give opinions respecting the 
 Gododin, there are not more than half-a-dozen Welshmen 
 that have ever studied the poem ; and though there are many 
 points of agreement between them, these differ in their 
 explanations of the subject and contents of this antique 
 production. This is not a fact that need occasion any sur- 
 prise, for the obscurity of its allusions demands a protracted 
 study, and whoever would hope to render it intelligible, 
 must be prepared to treat the Gododin as he would an 
 ancient classic, and devote all the energies of his mind to 
 master its contents, to appreciate its character and to make 
 it understood. It is, by common consent, referred to a 
 period when the history of Britain is involved in utter 
 chaos ; and as, in common with the poems of Taliesin, it is 
 remarkable for the terseness of its language and the preg- 
 nancy of its meaning, it is rationally inferred that a con- 
 temporary poem of more than 900 lines must possess a very 
 large amount of historical significance. The existence of 
 
2G 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 sucli a poem is a fact of considerable interest, and a poem of 
 that length, besides being in itself a proof of a high state of 
 intellectual culture, must contain many valuable illustrations 
 of the manners, customs, and history of the period. All 
 admit the poem to be old, but those who have been at the 
 pains of translating it, assign it to very different periods, 
 and, therefore, the value of the poem is but imperfectly 
 understood, for until the date of the poem can be satisfac- 
 torily determined, we cannot avail ourselves of its historical 
 illustrations. This, therefore, must be the first subject for 
 our consideration, and as the conclusions of former writers 
 are so discordant as to render futile all attempts at reconcili- 
 ation, we must inquire for ourselves. We must also, in pro- 
 secuting this inquiry, dismiss from our minds all precon- 
 ceived notions, and be content to permit the facts to produce 
 their own impressions, for our own conclusions will be value- 
 less unless we proceed according to the strict principles of 
 inductive logic. 
 
 Section I. — The Subject of the “ Gododin”. 
 
 What is the subject of the Gododin ? By common con- 
 sent it is admitted to be “ the battle of Cattraeth”, for from 
 this conclusion there is but one dissentient ; and that this 
 conclusion is strictly correct, appears from the words of the 
 poet, who calls it “ breithell Cattraeth”, which admits of no 
 other interpretation. But what is the meaning of the term 
 Cattraeth ? Some persons, imbued with the fondness for 
 etymological trifling, so frequent among my countrymen, 
 promptly reply, that the word is compounded of cad and 
 traeth , and means “ the battle of the strand”; but, as it appears 
 to me that the first step in historical criticism is to eschew 
 etymology, I do not attach much importance to explanations 
 of this kind, which, in reality, explain nothing, and provoke 
 more questions than those they pretend to answer. In this 
 
THE SUBJECT OF THE GODODIN. 
 
 27 
 
 instance, tlie answer is clearly unsound, for in two separate 
 poems, neither having reference to the Gododin, and both 
 written before the battle of Cattraeth was fought, we meet 
 with the same word. In the one case 1 it is said, “ The men 
 of Cattraeth arose with the dawn”, and followed Urien to 
 battle. The phrase is gwyr Cattraeth , just as we would say 
 gwyr Aberhonddu for the men of Brecon, or gwyr Caerfyrddin 
 for the men of Carmarthen ; but no such phrase is used in 
 the Gododin, and it must be clear that Cattraeth, like Car- 
 marthen and Brecon, is the name of a place, town, or district. 
 The other instance 2 establishes this beyond dispute, for in 
 another poem, Taliesin calls Urien “ Lord of Cattraeth”, as 
 we say King of England or President of France. The 
 battle of the strand, indeed ! Such a thought could only 
 have found place in the mind of a word- monger. Do we 
 term Waterloo “ the battle of the plain”, or would we call 
 Kelson’s victory of Trafalgar the battle of the sea ? Enough. 
 
 Cattraeth is a proper name. Iolo Morganwg, Dr. Owen 
 Pughe, Mr. Humphreys Parry, the Revs. John and Robert 
 Williams, the late Rev. Thomas Price, and Mr. Probert all 
 emphatically affirm this. But where is Cattraeth ? A per- 
 son, quoted by Mr. Probert, affirms — and the Rev. J. Williams 
 lends his countenance to the assertion — that Cattraeth is 
 another form of Catbail, the name of the Roman road which 
 runs from Longtown, in Cumberland, across the south of 
 Scotland to Melross, near Galashiels, where it forms a junc- 
 tion with the Watling Street. He says: — “The name of 
 this road is ‘ the Catrail’ (British, Cadrail, i.e., a war fence), 
 and it is supposed to be the same as Cattraeth, from which 
 it varies but little in sound. This idea is strengthened by 
 
 1 [ u Gwaith Gwenystrad.” — Myv. Arch., vol. i, p. 52; Gee’s edition, 
 p. 47 ; Skene’s Four Ancient Books , ii, 192.] 
 
 2 [“ Yspeil Taliesin.” — Myv. Arch., vol. i, p. 57 ; Gee’s Edition, p. 51 ; 
 Four Ancient Books, ii, 183.] 
 
28 
 
 TIIE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 translating the words, Gwyr a aetli Gattraeth, the warriors 
 went to Cattraeth — ‘ The warriors went ( i.e ., walked) the 
 Cattraeth’. That the line will bear this translation is unques- 
 tionable, but there are several hints given in the poem to 
 prove that Cattraeth was a British town and apparently one 
 of consequence .” 1 That there is a Catrail in the locality here 
 named is a fact, but that the thing so called was a Boman 
 road, is not so clear : for Sir Walter Scott, who ought to be 
 a good authority on the topography of the border district, 
 says it is “ a huge ditch ”. 2 Catrail, even if it were a Boman 
 road, would not pass for Cattraeth, for Boman roads were to 
 be found elsewhere, and therefore the battle of the Catrail, 
 or war-fence, is too indefinite. A much better argument 
 might be urged in favour of the place called Catterlen , in 
 Cumberland, which also lies near the old Boman road from 
 Carlisle to York (Iter viii) ; but though Mr. Probert states 
 
 1 [Probert’s Gododin (London, 1820), pp. 13, 14.] 
 
 2 Sir Tristram, edited by Sir Walter Scott. Third edition. (Edin- 
 burgh, 1811.) Introduction, p; xxxvii. “Accordingly, the modem 
 Welsh are as well versed in the poetry of the Cumraig and the Strath - 
 clwyd Britons, as in that of their native bards ; and it is chiefly from 
 them that we learn the obscure contentions which these north-western 
 Britons maintained against the Saxon invaders. The disputed frontier, 
 instead of extending across the island, as the more modern division of 
 England and Scotland, appears to have run longitudinally, from north 
 to south, in an irregular line, beginning at the mountains of Cumber- 
 land, including the high grounds of Liddesdale and Teviotdale, 
 together with Ettrick Forest and Tweeddale; thus connecting a long 
 tract of mountainous country with the head of Clydesdale, the district 
 which gave name to the petty kingdom.”* 
 
 * “ The vestiges of a huge ditch may be traced from the junction of 
 the Gala and the Tweed, and running thence south-westward through 
 the upper part of Roxburghshire, and into Liddesdale. It is called 
 the Cat-Rael, or Cat-rail, and has certainly been a landmark betwixt 
 the Gothic invaders, who possessed the lower country, and the indi- 
 genous Celts, who were driven to the mountains. Tradition says that 
 it was dug to divide the Peghts and Bretts, i.e., Piets and Britons.” 
 
THE SUBJECT OF THE GODODIN. 
 
 29 
 
 that the line Gwyr a aeth Gattraeth will bear to be translated 
 “The warriors walked the Cattraeth,” the assertion is not 
 correct. The strict literal meaning of those words is 
 this — 
 
 “ Gwyr a aeth Gattraeth .” 
 
 “Men did go Cattraeth.” 
 
 By men the bard meant warriors ; but it is evident the 
 translator, to convey the meaning of the original, must 
 introduce a preposition before the last word ; yet what is the 
 preposition here understood ? It is of importance to under- 
 stand this, for upon that single point turn one half of the 
 difficulties of translation. Mr. Probert boldly inserts the 
 preposition “ to”, and I have no doubt that in this instance 
 he is right in so doing. But we also meet quite as often with 
 the words — 
 
 “ Gwyr a aeth Ododin .” 
 
 “ Warriors did go Ododin.” 
 
 Here, again, Mr. Probert interpolated the preposition “to”, 
 but without the least propriety. The persons on the march 
 were byddin Ododin , the army of Ododin ; but to say that 
 the army of Ododin went to Ododin, would be as absurd as 
 if we were to say the army of England marched into Eng- 
 land. In Ododin and Cattraeth we have the points of de- 
 parture and destination ; and it is quite clear that the army 
 went from Ododin to Cattraeth. In another respect Mr. 
 Probert appears to be more correct. He inclines to the 
 belief that Cattraeth was a town, and in this respect he is 
 undoubtedly correct, for in one place the poet calls it 1 “ Catt- 
 
 1 [This expression is found in a fragmentary poem printed in the 
 Myv. Arch. (vol. i, p. 180; Gee’s edition, p. 133, col. 2), and there said 
 to be taken “ from a part of an old MS. book found at Gogerddan in 
 the year 1759”. The words are “ Cattraeth fawr vygedauc”, and occur 
 in line 31 of the poem, which Mr. Stephens regards as an elegy on Cad- 
 wallon, and assigns to Avan Yerddig, the bard of that king.] 
 
30 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 raeth, the great and glorious”; and in another, 1 he says, 
 “ Merry was the army "before Cattraeth”. 
 
 Here, then, we have gone two steps in advance. Cattraeth 
 was a town in the vicinity of the district of the Ottadeni, 
 not so near as to he within their boundary, for it was in the 
 territories occupied by their enemies. 
 
 These, we are told, were Saxons (verses xiii, li) occupying 
 the districts of Deira and Bernicia, the modern Northumber- 
 land and York (verses v, ix, xviii, xlvii). Let us then seek 
 for Cattraeth in that locality. Two points of departure are 
 named in the Gododin. One part of the army came from 
 Edinburgh (verse xiii, line 113; verse xviii, line 183) and 
 the Gododinians proper came from Berwick-on-Tweed (“ 0 
 Dindywyt yn dyvu Wyt yn dyuovu”, verse xlviii), march- 
 ing obliquely. These would, therefore, meet at Carlisle. 
 Following the Roman road from thence we come, on our 
 way to York, to the Roman towm of Cataractonium, now 
 called Catterick. Here, then, is a place which has all the 
 appearances of being the place we seek. It is in the vicinity 
 of the Ottadeni, yet not within their boundary, being one of 
 the towns of the Brigantes ; it w T as at that time a British 
 town, probably in the possession of the Urien family; it 
 was near Leavington (Llwyvenydd), one of the residences of 
 the Lord of Cattraeth ; it was bordering upon, if not within 
 the limits of Deira and Bernicia, the inhabitants of which 
 districts were the opponents of the Ottadeni in this war ; and 
 the name bears such a close resemblance to Cattraeth, that 
 we may conclude that to be the British name of this Roman 
 town. However, as this latter point may not be quite ap- 
 parent to superficial observers, I will endeavour to make it a 
 little clearer. The name is variously written Caturhactonium 2 
 (Ptolemy), Cattaractonum, Cattaractoni, and Cataracton 
 
 1 [Verse lix, line 582 : “ Rac Cattraeth oed fraeth eu llu.] 
 
 2 [KaTovfyanT6viou : Mon. Hist. Britt., p. xiv.] 
 
THE SUBJECT OF THE GOD ODIN. 
 
 31 
 
 (Richard of Cirencester), Cataract (Bede), and Catterick. 
 If we strike off the Roman termination, we shall have the 
 word as it exists in Bede, who names the place twice , 1 and 
 each time calls it Cataract. Cataract, by striking out the 
 vowel becomes Catract or Cattract. If we prosecute our 
 researches a little further we shall find that ct is not a Kym- 
 ric termination, and in the Welsh there are no words ending 
 in ct, except one or two which have been introduced from 
 the Latin. We must seek for the Kymric termination which 
 corresponds to the ct of the Romans, and in so doing we may 
 avail ourselves of the ingenious suggestion made by Dr. 
 Owen Pughe, that the ct of the Romans is our th, as Peithyw 
 for Poictou. This suggestion appears to be founded in truth, 
 as will be seen from the following comparison : — 
 
 Pici-i corresponds 
 
 to Pei^-wyr. 
 
 Lac, lac£-is 
 
 
 Llae^A. 
 
 Tractat-us 
 
 11 
 
 Trae^awd. 
 
 Doc^-us 
 
 
 Do eth. 
 
 Rec£-us 
 
 11 
 
 RhakA. 
 
 Stucia 
 
 »» 
 
 Ystwyth. 
 
 Sagitta 
 
 11 
 
 Saeth. 
 
 Factum 
 
 5? 
 
 FfaiiA. 
 
 Effeci-us 
 
 11 
 
 Effab/j. 
 
 etc., 
 
 etc., 
 
 etc. 
 
 and in this manner Cataract and Cattraeth are shown to be 
 the same. 
 
 Having proceeded thus far, we come next to inquire when 
 this battle of Cattraeth took place ; and to answer that ques- 
 tion, we must have recourse to the internal evidence sup- 
 plied by the poem, for we have no direct external history of 
 any battle so called. The evidence furnished in the poem 
 itself consists of the names of persons, and of allusions to 
 certain battles that had taken place before. In the first class 
 of evidence we have the following names, viz. : — 
 
 1 Hist. Eccl ., lib. ii, cap. 14, ct cap. 20; Mon. Hist. Britt., p. 166b and 
 p. 172c. 
 
TIIE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Adonwy, father of Math, v. li. 
 
 Aeddan ab Ervai, v. xc. 
 
 Aeddan ab Gavran, King of the Scots, who died in 606 [acc. to 
 Tigherii ; or 607, acc. to Annales Cambrix ], v. lxi. 
 
 (Bedwyr), the son of Ferawc, v. xxxv. 
 
 Beli, v. xxxix. 
 
 Bleidic, son of Eli, v. xcv. 
 
 Botgad, The son of, v. vi. 
 
 Bradwen, daughter of Llyr ab Brochwel, v. li. 
 
 Budvan, the son of Bleidvan, v. xxiv. 
 
 Caradoc (Vreichvras ?), v. xxx. 
 
 Cas, the Tall, v. lxxxix. 
 
 Ceidio, The son of, v. lxxxii. 
 
 Ceneu, the son of Llywarch, v. xlvi. 
 
 Ceredig, the British king who died 616 ( Annales Cambria?), v. 
 xxviii. 
 
 Cian, The son of, v. ix. 
 
 Cibno, or Gupno, the son of Gwen, v. lxiii. 
 
 Cydywal, the son of Syvno, v. xix. 
 
 Cynddillig of Aeron, vv. lxvi, lxxxi. 
 
 Cynhaval ab Argad, vv. xliii, xliv. 
 
 Cynon of Aeron, v. xviii. 
 
 Cynon ab Clydno Eiddin, v. lvii. 
 
 Cynrein of Aeron, v. xviii. 
 
 Cynric, ibid. 
 
 Cynvan, v. xxxi. 
 
 (Cyssul?), the son of Ysgyran, v. iv. 
 
 Cyvwlch, the Tall, v. xv. 
 
 Dinogad ab Cynan Garwyn ab Brochwel, v. xci. 
 
 Disteir f SOnS ° f M ° rya1 ’ * V ' 
 
 Donald Brec, Death of, 642 ; v. lxxx. 
 
 Dwywe, the daughter of Gwallog ab Lleenog, v. lii. 
 
 Eidol (ab Ner?), v. lviii. 
 
 Elfin, the son of Urien probably, v. xxxvii. 
 
 Eudav the Tall, Daughter of, v. lxvii. 
 
 Garthwys Hir, v. xc. 
 
 Geraint (ab Erbin ?), v. lxxxvii. 
 
 Greid, the son of Hoewgi, v. xxiii. 
 
 Gwaednerth, the son of Llywri, v. lxiv. 
 
 Gwair Hir, the son of Mervarch, v. xcii. 
 
 Gwarthan, the son of Dunawd, who died in 595 (Annales Cam - 
 brix), v. lii. 
 
THE SUBJECT OF THE GODODIN. 
 
 Gwawrddur, v. xxxi. 
 
 Gwenabwy, the son of Gwen, v. xxv. 
 
 Gwgawn Gleddyvrudd, battle of Bangor C07, (Triads) 1 , v. xxxi. 
 Gwiawn, v. xxxi. 
 
 Gwlyged of Gododin, v. xxxii. 
 
 Gwriad, v. xxx. 
 
 Gwrien, v. xxx. 
 
 Gwrvelling, the Stout, v. xvii. 
 
 Gwynn, vv. xxx, xxxi. 
 
 Heiddyn Hir, v. lxxvii. 
 
 Heilyn, v. xlvii. 
 
 Hwrreith ab Beli ab R.hun ab Maelgwn Gwynedd, v. lviii. 
 Hyveidd Hir, the son of Caradog Vreichvras, v. v. 
 
 Ieuan, v. xxxi. 
 
 Isaac, the son of Gwyddno Garanhir, v. xxvii. 
 
 Madoc (the son of Brwyn ?), v. ii. 
 
 Madoc (ab Llywarch Hen?), v. xxxi. 
 
 Manawyd, the son of Llyr ab Brochwel Powys, v. iii. 
 
 Marchlew (the son of Caradoc Vreichvras?), v. xxvi. 
 
 Medel, the son of Llywarch, v. xvii. 
 
 Merin ab Madyen, v. lxii. 
 
 Moryen (son of Caradawc ?), v. xxxv. 
 
 Morial ab Cyndrwyn, the brother of Cynddylan, Prince of 
 Powys (Lhuyd’s Arch. Britt, sub Llywarch Hen, p. 261, 
 col. 1 — “Moryal, Condolani f rater”). His sons, Rhys, Rhodri, 
 Pwyll, Disteir, Distar, and Rhychwardd, mentioned, v. xlix. 
 Mynyddog Eiddin, v. x. 
 
 Nwython, The men of, v. lxxx ; the son of, v. ciii. 
 
 Owen, a young chieftain, v. i. 
 
 Owen, the son of Eulad, v. xxx. 
 
 Peredur Arveu Dur, v. xxxi. 
 
 Pherawc, or Ferawc, The son of, v. xxxv. 
 
 Present, the son of Peul, v. lxi. 
 
 Pryder, King of Deira, The Host of, v. Ixxxvi. 
 
 Pwyll, the son of Morial, q. v. 
 
 Pyll ab Llywarch Hen, v. xxxi. 
 
 Rheiddwn ab Beli ab Rhun ab Maelgwn Gwynedd, v. lviii. 
 Rhodri ab Morial, q. \ . 
 
 Rhuvawn Hir, the son of Gwyddno, v. xxxiii. 
 
 1 [Trioedd Ynys Prydain: Cyfres /, 66 ; Myv. Arch., ii, 15 ; Gee’s 
 edition, p. 392. For some account of the battle of Bangor, i.e., Bangor 
 Iscoed, see Price, Hanes Cymru , t. d., 303.] 
 
THE GODODIN OK ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 34 
 
 Rhychwardd 
 Rhys 
 
 pdd|_ 
 
 sons of Morial, q. v. 
 
 Taliesin, v. xlv. 
 
 Tudvwlch, the son of Eilydd or Kilydd, v. xiii. 
 Twrch, v. xxxix. 
 
 Uphin, or Uffin, v. lxxxii. 
 
 Wid, the son of Baeddan, v. xxxiv. 1 
 
 In this list of names there are several unknown to fame, 
 and there are several of whom we only learn by calculation 
 that they lived at the close of the sixth century; hut it also hap- 
 pens that for the biography of a few of the persons here named 
 we have authentic data of a precise kind. For instance, we 
 know that Aeddan ab Gavran died about 606, and that 
 though he fought several times against the Saxons, the only 
 battle in which he was defeated was that of 603. Dunawd, 
 the son of Pabo, died in 595 ; and his son G war than fell in 
 the battle of Cattraeth. Two, at least, of the sons of Llyw- 
 arch Hen 2 were in this battle, and, probably, one of his 
 grandsons 3 ; and he lived until 642, if not longer, though he 
 was then a very old man. Two also of the sons of Gwydd- 
 no Garanhir 4 , are here named, and he is known to have 
 lived in the sixth century. Then we have one known 
 grandchild and three supposed grandchildren of Brochwel 
 Powys 5 , who was living as late as 610 or 613. Ceredic, the 
 successor of Maelgwn Gwynedd, was one of the contempo- 
 raries of Aneurin, who here records his death, which took 
 
 1 [In the author’s MS. the names of the above list are given in the 
 order in which they occur in the poem. It has been thought more con- 
 venient to arrange them alphabetically ; a few names have also been 
 inserted to complete the list. Reference is made to the verses under 
 which the several personages are discussed in the author’s notes.] 
 
 2 [Pyll and Ceneu, mentioned in verses xxxi and xlvi respectively.] 
 
 3 [Gwenabwy, son of Gwen, verse xxv, etc.] 
 
 4 [Isaac, verse xxvii ; and Rhuvawn Hir, verses xxxiii and lxxxiii.] 
 
 5 [Manawyd, verse iii ; Bradwen, daughter of Llyr, verses xl and li ; 
 Dinogad, verse xci.] 
 
THE SUBJECT OF THE GODODIN. 
 
 35 
 
 place in 616. And then we have Wid, the son of Baeddan, 
 whose father fell in battle in 580, and whose brother 
 fought in the battle of 603, and slew the brother of 
 Ethelfrith, the Northumbrian king. Here, then, in the death 
 of Aeddan, in 606, we have clear proof that the battle of 
 Cattraeth must have taken place before that, while there are 
 strong presumptive evidences that it was the battle of 603. 
 Further inquiry confirms this presumption. 
 
 The second class of internal evidences consists of allusions 
 to other battles, which had taken place before, and fortu- 
 nately the date of one of these is well ascertained. In verse 
 iii, speaking of the person named Manawyd, whom I sup- 
 pose to be Manawyddan ab Llyr ab Brochwel, the bard says : 
 
 “ Rac ergyt Catvannan catwyt,” 
 
 He was preserved from the blow of Mannan fight. 
 
 Again, speaking of Twrch, he says (verse xxxix) : 
 
 “ Catvannan er aclut clotvawr,” 
 
 At the battle of Mannan and before Alclwyd he was greatly praised ; 
 
 And again, speaking of “ Pressent mab Pel” (verse lxi) : — 
 
 “ Yng ystryng ystre 
 Ac adan gatvannan cochre 
 Veirch marchawc godrud e more” — 
 
 Resistless in the narrow course (dale) 
 
 As Aeddan of the blood-stained steeds of Mannan fight, 
 
 That morning he was an eager rider. 
 
 This battle of Mannan took place about 582, as we learn from 
 the Annals of Ulster and Tighernac — “Anno Domini dlxxxi 0 , 
 Bellum Manonn in quo victor erat Aedhan mac Gabhrain.” 1 
 
 1 [Such is the entry as it is given in Skene’s Chronicles of the Piets 
 and Scots , p. 345. “ The date of the Christian era given” (in these 
 
 Annals) “ is one year behind the true date.” Under the next year 
 another “ battle of Manonn” is recorded : “ Anno Domini dlxxxii 0 , 
 Bellum Manonn, fere alios” or u fri Aedhan ”, against Aedhan, as it 
 appears in the Trin. Coll. MS. In the Annals of Tighernac are found 
 corresponding entries, in which, however, there is some confusion.] 
 
 3 2 
 
36 THE CJODODIN OF ANEUKIN GWAWDRYDP. 
 
 Here, then, we have two limits within which our further in- 
 quiries must be confined. The battle of Cattraeth took 
 place before the year 606 and after 582, but there is a cer- 
 tain objectivity in the allusions of the bard, which shows 
 that the battle of Mannan had occurred several years before, 
 for he speaks of that as men spoke of the battle of Waterloo 
 some twenty years ago 1 ; and if we add twenty years to 582, 
 we shall probably be near the date of the battle of Cattraeth. 
 But let us examine further. The next battle fought by 
 Aeddan was that of Lleithredh 2 in 590, in which he appears 
 to have been victorious ; and therefore that cannot have been 
 the battle of Cattraeth, from which he fled with a broken 
 shield and a routed army. In 598 we read of the battle of 
 Kirkinn, “ in quo victus est Aedhan”; and again we find an 
 entry of the event which corresponds to the battle of Cat- 
 traeth, under the years 599 and 600. In the Annals of Ulster 
 we have the first date 3 — “ Anno Domini dxc°ix°, Bellum Sax- 
 onum in quo victus est Aedhan”; but in the Annals of Tigher- 
 nac it is placed in 600 — (anno dc) “ A battle of the Saxons 
 with Aedan, in which fell Eanfraich, brother of Etalfraich, 
 slain by Maeluma, son of Baedan, ‘ in quo victor erat’ ”, 
 probably meaning Ethelfritli. This is evidently the same event 
 as that which is recoided in the Saxon Chronicle in the year 
 603, for Aeddan is there mentioned by name, and it is found, 
 upon examination, that there is a difference of three years be- 
 tween the Irish and Saxon chronicles. The death of King 
 
 1 [It is to be borne in mind that these words were written in 1852.] 
 
 2 [This event is thus recorded in the two chronicles : —Annals of 
 Ulster: “Anno Domini dlxxx°ix°, Bellum Leithreid la Aedan ic 
 Gabran.” Annals of Tighernac : u Cath Leithrig la h- Aedhan mic 
 Gabrain ”, *.e., Battle of Leithrig by Aedhan, son of Gabran. These 
 chronicles are written partly in Latin, partly in Irish.] 
 
 3 [As already explained in Skene’s words, “the date given” (in the 
 Ulster Annals) “is one year behind the true date”, so that the correct 
 date is 600.] 
 
THE SUBJECT^ OF THE GODODIN. 
 
 37 
 
 Conail is placed in 574 by the one and in 577 by the other ; 
 the battle of Fethern is dated respectively 581 and 584; 
 and the battle of Lleithredh appears in the latter chronicle 
 in 593. If we add to this that there is no entry of a similar 
 import in the Saxon Chronicle in 599 or 600, nor in the Irish 
 chronicles in 603, we shall have raised a fair presumption 
 that the two records refer to the same event. 
 
 But how shall we connect this event with the battle of 
 Cattraeth ? On the Scottish side this is easy. Aeddan was 
 in the battle of Cattraeth, and he was in the battle of Degs- 
 tan ; he was one of a great host in the one case, and he came 
 with a large army in the other ; in the one case he escaped 
 with a broken shield, while in the other it is said that he 
 fled with but a few companions ; the battle of Cattraeth was 
 a terrible defeat, and the battle of Degstan was so complete 
 a rout that it entirely broke the power of the North Britons. 
 On the English side the coincidences are equally striking, 
 and there is not a single incident named in the Saxon 
 records, which has not its counterpart in the battle of Cat- 
 traeth, as recorded in the Gododin. 1 On the one side it is said 
 
 1 [As the author makes several references to the accounts given by 
 Bede and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle of the battle of Degstan, it may 
 be well to transcribe the passages referred to. Bede (Hist. Eccl ., i, 34) 
 writes as follows : — “ His temporibus regno Nordanhymbrorum praefuit 
 rex fortissimus et glorise cupidissimus Aedilfrid, qui plus omnibus Anglo- 
 rum primatibus gentem vastavit Brittonum ; . . . Unde motus ejuspro- 
 fectibus Aedan rex Scottorum qui Brittaniam inhabitant, venit contra 
 eum cum inmenso ac forti exercitu ; sed cum paucis aufugit victus. 
 Siquidem in loco celeberrimo qui dicitur Degsastan, id est, Degsa lapis, 
 omnis pene ejus est caesus exercitus. In qua etiam pugna Theodbald 
 frater Aedilfridi, cum omni illo quern ipse ducebat exercitu peremptus 
 est. Quod videlicet bellum Aedilfrid anno ab Incarnatione Domini 
 sexcentesimo tertio, regni autem sui, quod viginti et quatuor annis 
 tenuit, anno undecimo perfecit : porro Focatis anno, qui turn Bomani 
 regni apicem tenebat, primo. Neque ex eo tempore quisquam regum 
 Scottorum in Brittania adversus gentem Anglorum usque ad hanc diem 
 in praelium venire audebat” (Mon. Hist. Britt., pp. 144, 145). 
 
 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle gives the following account of the battle : 
 
38 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 that the Britons were led into the country by Hering, the 
 son of Hussa ; on the other, it is evident that they were the 
 aggressors. On the one side it was stated that the British 
 armament was numerous and powerful, and from the Gododin 
 there were 300 chieftains wearing golden torques. Ethel- 
 fritli fought against his will, says Malmesbury i 1 “ on Thurs- 
 day there came overtures of peace,” says the Gododin ? 
 Theobald, the brother of Ethelfrith, was killed with almost 
 all the forces he commanded, says Bede ; Eanfrith, the bro- 
 ther of Ethelfrith, was slain by Maeluma, the son of Bae- 
 ddan, says Tighernach ; and “ five battalions of the puny men 
 of Deivr and Bryneich fell before the blade of Hyveidd 
 Hir,” are the words of Aneurin 3 . Ethelfrith had a dearly- 
 bought victory, says the one : “ if they were slain, they also 
 slew seven times as many Lloegrians”, forms the Gododinian 
 counterpart. 4 In the one case, a fine army without any lack 
 of valour sustains a defeat from inferior numbers, and in the 
 other we have precisely the same result with a most signifi- 
 cant explanation. There must, therefore, have been some 
 agent at work besides Saxon valour to effect the defeat of an 
 army superior in numbers, and acknowledged to have under- 
 
 — u An. 603. This year there was a battle at Aegesan-stane” (or 
 “ Egesan-stane”, as the name appears in two MSS.). 
 
 The account in another copy is longer : — “ An. 603. This year Aeg- 
 than, King of the Scots, fought against the Dalreods and against 
 Aethelferth, King of the North-humbrians at Daegsanstane (or “Daeg- 
 stane” in one MS.), and they slew almost all his army. There Theod- 
 bald, Aethelferth’s brother, was slain with all his band. Since then no 
 king of the Scots has dared to lead an army against this nation. 
 Hering, the son of Hussa, led the enemy thither”. As the editor of 
 Mon. Hist. Britt, (p. 305) observes, u there is some confusion here ; the 
 Dalreods were Edan’s subjects.”] 
 
 1 [ William of Malmesbury, Be Gestis Regum, lib. i, cap. 3.] 
 
 2 [“ Diuyeu cennadau amodet” is the statement in Gorchan Maelderw , 
 in a passage which appears to be a variant of verse lxviii of the Gododin .] 
 
 3 [Verse v, lines 49, 50.] 
 
 4 [“ Seith gymeint o loegrwys a ladassant”. Verse lvi.] 
 
TIIE SUBJECT OF THE GODODIN. 
 
 39 
 
 stood and practised the Roman art of war (Henry of Hun- 
 tingdon 1 ) ; and we can have no hesitation in believing that 
 the true clue to this mystery is that which is supplied by 
 Aneurin — the Britons feasted themselves overnight upon 
 wine and mead, and went to battle in a state of helpless 
 intoxication. 
 
 From these facts it becomes extremely probable that the 
 Degsastan and Cattraeth are two names for the same event ; 
 but as it is necessary to establish their relation with more 
 certainty, we must discuss the subject still more minutely. 
 The name of the scene of contest appears to have under- 
 gone some variations. In Bede it is called Degsastane, 
 which is explained to be “ the stone of Degsa”, and in two 
 MS. copies of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle it is called Ege- 
 sanstane, while a third has Aegesanstane. English anti- 
 quaries have hitherto sought only for a place named 
 Degstan, and have been singularly unsuccessful. The 
 fact, however, need occasion no surprise, for the oldest 
 authorities themselves do not appear to be too well in- 
 formed. The first authority is Bede — unless the Chronicle 
 be drawn from earlier materials — and he, who is usually 
 minute in his descriptions, writes vaguely that Daegsastan 
 was “ a celebrated place”. The place has since been named 
 Daegsanstane, Dexestane, and Daegstan ; but though each 
 succeeding copyist affirms it to be “a celebrated place”, no one 
 appears to have known where it was ; and Malmesbury 2 
 
 1 [Henrici Huntendun. Hist. Anglorum , lib. ii, a.d. 591 (Mow. Hist. 
 Britt., p. 714 D) : — “ Cum autem Brittones, more Romanorum , acies dis- 
 tincte admoverent, Saxones vero audacter et 6onfuse irruerent, maximum 
 proelium factum est, concessitque Deus victoriam Brittannis”. Such is 
 Henry’s account of the battle fought “Apud Wodnesbirue”, the u Wod- 
 nesbeorge” of the Saxon Chronicle , when the superior organisation and 
 discipline of the Britons secured the defeat of the Saxons and the ex- 
 pulsion of Ceawlin.1 
 
 2 [Z)e Gestis Regum , lib. i, cap. 3.] 
 
40 
 
 TIIE GODODIN OF ANEURIN CWAWDKYDD. 
 
 clearly shows that he did not, for he calls it “ a celebrated 
 place in those parts”, i.e., in Northumbria. It has been 
 thought 1 to be Dalston, near Carlisle, or Dawston, in Jed- 
 burgh, but neither of those names resembles this in sound, 
 and they are both far removed from the place where we 
 should expect to find Daegstan. It is quite clear that the 
 Britons were the invaders in this case, and therefore we 
 should expect to find the scene of contest in the dominions 
 of Ethelfrith. And there, in fact, we do find it. Daegsa- 
 stan, according to Bede, is “ Degsa lapis”, but as Daegsa- 
 stane would mean “the daystone”, we cannot get much 
 sense out of that. It is probably a mistake for Aegesan- 
 stane, which is much more significant. Resolved into its 
 Anglo-Saxon elements, that would signify “ The Stone of 
 Slaughter” (Bosworth’s Dictionary ) ; and this appears since 
 to have been changed into Siggeston and Sigston, a word of 
 similar import, meaning “ The Stone of Victory”. There is 
 a place so called to the west of Catterick, and I have no 
 doubt that Siggeston in the North Riding of Yorkshire . was 
 the scene of this conflict. 
 
 But why is the scene of conflict called by these different 
 names ? This is easily explained. The Gododin leads us to 
 infer that Cattraeth was rather the place of encampment 
 than that of the conflict. The Britons remained at Cattraeth 
 for a whole week, and as they sallied out from thence to 
 meet the enemy, we conclude that the battle took place, not 
 at Cattraeth, but in the vicinity of that place. It is, there- 
 fore, probable that the actual scene of conflict is better 
 represented by Sigston than by Catterick. We can, however, 
 easily understand that Cattraeth would be the name used by 
 the Britons from its familiarity, while Siggeston would be 
 preferred by the victors. Indeed, we sometimes see attempts 
 
 1 [See Mon. Hist. Britt., p. 145, note ( a ) by the Rev. John Sharpe, 
 one of the editors of that work.] 
 
THE SUBJECT OF THE GODODIN. 
 
 41 
 
 to disguise defeat by this use of double names. What the 
 victors call the battle of Waterloo is known to the French 
 as that of Mont St. Jean ; the battle of Blenheim of Eng- 
 lish history is better known in Germany as that of Hochstadt; 
 and at the period now under consideration, the Meigen 1 of 
 the Kymry is the Heathfield of the Saxons, Heavenfield 2 
 corresponds to Cadscaul, and the Cocboy 3 of the one is the 
 Maes Elved of the other. 
 
 1 have now gone over the whole ground, and, unless I 
 have very greatly overrated the value of my argument, the 
 battle of Cattraeth will in future be identified with that of 
 Daegstan, the locality will no longer remain in doubt, and 
 
 1 [At the battle of Meigen Cadwallawn ab Cadvan and Penda of 
 Mercia defeated and slew Edwin of Northumbria on the 12th of October 
 633 (not the 14th, as Schulz says in his note). This is the “ bellum 
 Meicen” of Nennius (Stevenson’s Nennius , by San-Marte, sec. 61, 
 p. 71 — Mon. Hist. Britt., 75 B) ; the u Gueith Meiceren” of the Annales 
 Cambrix , clxxxvi anno, i.e., 630; and the “ praelium Haethfelth” of 
 Beda (Hist. Heel., ii, 20). The scene of it is supposed to have been 
 Hatfield in Yorkshire.] 
 
 2 [“ Catscaul” is the name given by Nennius (Stevenson’s Nennius 
 by San-Marte, sec. 64, p. 73 — Mon. Hist. Britt., 76 B) to the battle at 
 which Cadwallawn was slain by Oswald in 634 or 635. In Annales 
 Cambrix, a.d. 631, the form is “ Cantscaul”. It has been plausibly 
 suggested that “ Catscaul” is a corruption of u 4 Cat-is-gual’, id est 
 ‘pugna infra murum,’ ” i.e., the wall of Severus (Mon. Hist. Britt., 76 
 B. n. d-). Bede (H. E., iii, 2) says that place was called “lingua Anglo- 
 rum 4 Hefenfelth’, quod dici potest Latine Caelestis Campus”. On the 
 battle itself, see, among others, Price (Hanes Cymru, t. d., 307) and 
 Skene, Four Ancient Books, i, 71.] 
 
 3 [Of this battle Nennius (sec. 65) says that Penda 44 fecit bellum 
 Cocboy, in quo cecidit Eoua filius Pippa, frater ejus, rex Merciorum”, 
 and that the victory was gained 44 per diabolicam artem”. In Annales 
 Cambrix, the battle is placed in the year 644. Bede (H. E., iii, 9) says 
 the battle was fought “ in loco qui lingua Anglorum nuncupatur Maser- 
 felth”. In the Saxon Chronicle, a.d. 642, the form of the name is 
 u Maser-feld”, which also reappears in Florence of Worcester ; Henry 
 of Huntingdon has 44 Mesafeld”, while Gaimar has in one passage (line 
 1,291) 44 Meserfeld”, and in another (line 2,101) “ Mescesfeld”.] 
 
42 
 
 TIIE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDKYDD. 
 
 the subject of the Gododin must now be so apparent that all 
 who run may read. 
 
 Here then have we obtained the following results : — 
 
 i. The subject of the Gododin is the battle of Cattraeth. 
 
 ii. The Roman town of Cataracton was the modern Catte- 
 rick, the Cataract of Bede, and the Cattraeth of the Britons. 
 
 hi. The battle of Cattraeth was the same as that of Aege- 
 sanstane, or Daegstan, which took place in 600 or 603, but 
 which of those dates is accurate cannot now be ascertained, 
 for there is a difference of three years between the chronology 
 of the Saxons and that of the Irish and Cambrian annals. 
 
 Having thus laid down our own conclusions, it now be- 
 comes our duty to take into consideration the opinions 
 already published by other writers. The first speculation 
 that I am acquainted with respecting the site of Cattraeth 
 was advanced by the late Mr. Edward Williams, who (a.d. 
 1794) appended the following note to one of his poems — 
 “ Cattraeth, probably Caturactonium, in Yorkshire, for the 
 battle was fought near the river Derwennydd, or Derwent” 
 (Lyric Poems, vol. ii, 16). The reason here given is essenti- 
 ally unsound, for there are three Derwents in North Britain 
 — one in Cumberland, another in Yorkshire, and the third 
 in Derbyshire — and the verse 1 in which the River Derwent 
 is named certainly has no reference to the battle of Cat- 
 traeth ; but the conclusion commands our assent, and appears 
 to be sound, as we have already endeavoured to show. Some 
 twenty years ago, as I am informed by Mr. Rees of Llando- 
 very, the same theory was advanced by a writer in Seven 
 Gomer ; and it has more recently been put forward by the 
 present writer in The Literature of the Kymry (p. 11). The 
 assumption of the identity of Cataracton and Cattraeth is in 
 unison with the views here advanced, but further inquiry 
 would have shown that Cattraeth was a friendly town. 
 
 1 [Verse xc.] 
 
THE SUBJECT OF THE GODODIN. 
 
 43 
 
 The first real attempt to fix the significance of the Gododin 
 was made by the Rev. Edward Davies in The Mythology of 
 the Druids , and his exposition is at once so able and so 
 thoroughly erroneous as to demand critical dissection. He 
 asserts : — 
 
 i. That the subject of the poem is the massacre of the 
 Britons at Stonehenge in 472. 
 
 II. That Gododin was not the country of the Ottadeni, but 
 a British word composed of Godo, a partial covering; and 
 Din , a fence or outwork. 
 
 in. That Gododin and Cattraeth mean the same thing, and 
 are used as convertible terms. 
 
 iv. That Cattraeth is not the name of a place, but a con- 
 traction of Cadeiriaitli, the language of the chair of presidency, 
 and is figuratively used for the great temple at Stonehenge. 
 
 We have already cursorily alluded to the first proposition. 
 In the biography of Aneurin we have shown that Aneurin 
 was not born for nearly a century after 472, and we rest our 
 case upon the evidence of the whole poem, upon the his- 
 torical data therein contained, and upon the overwhelming 
 evidence adduced in the preceding dissertations. And if any 
 further proof of the essential unsoundness of his hypothesis 
 were at all necessary, it is furnished by the fact that Mr. 
 Davies is compelled to resolve into myths all the proper 
 names mentioned in the poem, and by his abortive attempt 
 to get rid of Ceneu ab Llywarch, while the hypothesis of 
 the present writer is established by the conclusive fact that 
 it does no violence to any historical fact, and is in perfect 
 harmony with the dates usually assigned to the actors named 
 in the poem. It seeks no aid from etymology, accepts all 
 the proper names in their concrete forms, needs no mythic 
 explanations to resolve sturdy warriors into airy nothings, 
 aud is confirmed by all the known facts of contemporaneous 
 history. Another of the proofs on which Mr. Davies’ theory 
 
44 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEUKIN GWAWDllYDD. 
 
 mainly rests lias been taken away by the Rev. Thomas Price. 
 The word breithell, in his translation, is not a battle , but a 
 mixed assembly ; but Mr. Price, in reviewing his arguments, 
 clearly shows that both the breithell of the Kymry, and the 
 Amoric brezel denote " a battle”; 1 and the unanimous voice of 
 all other inquirers distinctly affirms that the breithell of the 
 bard denotes a hostile conflict and nothing else. 
 
 II. With respect to the second proposition, it is unneces- 
 sary for me to do more than state that where Gododin has 
 been used to denote the country of the Ottadeni, as it has been 
 by Nennius and is by Aneurin, as Mr. Davies himself admits, 
 no amount of etymological ingenuity will suffice to unsettle 
 that signification. A little reflection shows the unsoundness 
 of the assertion, and the common sense of my predecessors 
 has led them to reject as unworthy of serious discussion this 
 futile attempt to get rid of a concrete name. 
 
 hi. “ In several passages of the poem we find that Gododin 
 means the same as Cattraeth” (p. 323). Gododin, says he, 
 “ is descriptive of the British temples or sanctuaries, which 
 were open at top, yet protected by a surrounding rampart 
 or bank”: and Cattraeth, “the language of the chair”, is 
 figuratively applied to the great temple itself. This is 
 remarkably lucid. “ A partially covered fence or out work”, 
 is an uncovered temple open at top; and “ the language of 
 the chair” is a figurative expression for the great temple, just 
 as the sermon preached in a church is a figurative expression 
 for the church itself ! But Mr. Davies goes further than this, 
 and asserts or implies that the bard uses Gododin and 
 Cattraeth as convertible terms : this I deny. 
 
 From internal evidence we know that “ the army of Godo- 
 din” went from their own country to some other place, and 
 the rules of grammar are in consistency therewith. We 
 shall see further on that Cattraeth also is a point of departure. 
 
 1 [ Hanes Cymru , p. 241.] 
 
THE SUBJECT OF THE GODODIN. 
 
 45 
 
 iv. Cattraeth is an abbreviation of “ Cadeiriaith”, the lan- 
 guage of the chair. If so, “ Urien, Lord of Cattraeth”, should 
 have been called “Lord of the language of the chair”! and the 
 “men of Cattraeth” who followed him to battle with the dawn, 
 were not soldiers, but the “ men of the language of the chair” ! 
 Really the absurdities of etymologists have well deserved the 
 contempt which has been brought upon them ; and we can 
 lament that so great a man as Davies should have gone so 
 far astray. 
 
 Mr. Humphreys Parry thought that Cattraeth was not a 
 proper name, but a compound of Cad and traeth ; and a 
 correspondent of Notes and Queries 1 has lately revived the 
 notion, but as the argument has been already 2 disposed of, we 
 need not return to it here. 
 
 Next in the order of time is the theory advanced by Mr. 
 Probert. This also has been discussed already ; 3 but as it has 
 been revived by the last translator of the poem, it will be 
 well to examine it more critically. The passage is somewhat 
 long, but will justify quotation in its full length. Mr. 
 Williams developes his theory in these words : — “ After the 
 Saxons had finally established themselves on the Eastern 
 Coast, in the fore- mentioned countries, an immense rampart, 
 extending nearly from the Solway to the Firth of Forth, was 
 erected either with the view of checking their further pro- 
 gress westward, or else by mutual consent of the two nations, 
 as a mere line of demarcation between their respective 
 dominions. This wall cannot have an earlier date, for it 
 runs through the middle of the country originally occupied 
 by the Gadeni, and could not of course have been constructed 
 as a rampart by them; nor can it be referred to a more 
 recent period, as there could be no reason for forming such a 
 fence after the Saxons had intruded upon the whole country 
 
 1 [ Notes and Queries , 1st series, v. 164.] 
 
 3 [Pages 27-29.] 
 
 2 [Page 27.] 
 
46 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 which it divides. This was the famous Catrail, wliich we 
 presume to be identical with Cattraeth, where the disastrous 
 battle of that name, as sung by Aneurin, was fought. 
 
 “The whole course of the Catrail, which may be traced 
 from the vicinity of Galashiels to Peel-fell is upwards of 
 forty-five miles. The most entire parts of it show that it was 
 originally a broad and deep fosse; having on each side a 
 rampart which was formed of the natural soil, that was 
 thrown from the ditch, intermixed with some stones. Its 
 dimensions vary in different places, which may be owing to 
 its remains being more or less perfect. In those parts where 
 it is pretty entire, the fosse is twenty-seven, twenty-six, and 
 twenty-five feet broad ; but on those places where the rampart 
 has been most demolished, the fosse only measures twenty- 
 two-and-a-half, twenty, and eighteen feet, and in one place, 
 only sixteen feet wide. As the ramparts sloped on the in- 
 side it is obvious that in proportion as they were demolished, 
 the width of the fosse within would be diminished. In some 
 of the most entire parts the ramparts are from six to seven 
 and even nine or ten feet high, and from eight to ten and 
 twelve feet thick. They are no doubt less now than they 
 were originally, owing to the effects of time and tillage. 
 (Chalmers’s Caledonia , v. i, pp. 239, etc.) 
 
 “ Such is the Catrail, and were it identical with Cattraeth, 
 we should naturally expect to meet with some allusions to a 
 work of that description in the body of the poem. Nor are 
 we herein disappointed, for the expression ‘ ffosawd’ (line 
 231), ‘clawdd’ (line 289), ‘ffin’ (line 386), ‘cladd clodvawr’ 
 (line 393), ‘ goglawdd’ (line 534), ‘ clawdd gwernin’ (line 
 607), and ‘gorffin Gododin’ (line 713), are undoubtedly such 
 allusions, though we readily admit that some of them may, 
 and probably do, refer to the ordinary circular forts of the 
 Britons, of which there are several along the line. It may be 
 added here that Taliesin, in his description of the battle of 
 
THE SUBJECT OF THE GODODIN. 
 
 47 
 
 Gwenystrad 1 , where the men of Cattraeth fought under 
 Urien, speaks of a ‘ govwr*, or an intrenchment, that was 
 ‘ assailed by the .laborious toil of warriors’. Having thus 
 satisfied ourselves as to the nature and locality of Cattraeth, 
 the general subject of the poem becomes apparent. It was 
 a battle fought at the barrier in question between the Cymry 
 and the Saxons, the most extended in its design and opera- 
 tions on the part of the former, as it proved to them the 
 most disastrous in its results, of all that had hitherto taken 
 place between the two people in that part of the island.” 
 ( Introduction , pp. 4-6.) 
 
 Catrail is said to mean “the war-fence”; but, passing by the 
 interpretation, is it sure that we have here the correct form 
 of the word ? On the side of the old military road from 
 Carlisle to Catterick is a place called Catterlen. Both words 
 seem to have the same signification and to be the same, but 
 the etymology of the one will not suit the other. Why may 
 not the word mean “ the war-trail”? for trail is not a Saxon 
 word. In that case the word would be an appropriate de- 
 scription of the military road, along which the Britons en- 
 tered the Saxon territories, and vice versa. Mr. Williams 
 assumes Cad-rhail and Cad-rhaith to be the same ; but 
 Rhail , according to Bichards’ Dictionary , is “ a paddle-staff”; 
 and Rhaith, according to the same authority, is “ a judicial 
 oath”. Cad rhaith, therefore, would mean “ the war of jus- 
 tice” or “ legal war”, and not “ the legal war-fence”. Catrail 
 and Cattraeth do not resemble each other, nor are they con- 
 vertible terms. 2 
 
 1 [Myv. Arch ., i, 52 — Gee’s edition, p. 47.] 
 
 2 [ Cad rhaith, as a phrase, would probably signify “ the war of jus- 
 tice”; but Cad-raith, as a compound, must (on the analogy of Welsh 
 compounds in general, and of such forms as cad-faes , a battle-field; 
 cad-farch , a war-horse; cad-gi, a war-dog ; cad-lef \ a war-cry ; in par- 
 ticular) mean the “ law of war”, y ms belli. It is hard to see how either 
 cad rhaith or cad-raith could ever have been supposed to mean “the 
 legal war-fence”, whatever that may be.] 
 
48 
 
 THE (iODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 In the second place, there is no evidence in the poem that 
 the battle was fought near any barrier of the kind described, 
 but as Mr. Williams professes to find such evidence, we 
 must examine his statements. 
 
 I. The word “ ffossawd” occurs in line 231 — 
 
 “ Ni diengis namyn tri o wrhydri fossawt”, 
 
 and is thus translated by him — 
 
 “ But three escaped by valour from the funeral fosse”. 
 
 Here “ ffossawd” is translated as a noun; but in line 239 we 
 have the expression “gwedy fossawt”, where the word is 
 evidently a verb. Mr. Williams has a note 1 to show that 
 ffossawd means a fosse ; so it does, and something more. 
 Ffos is the W elsli word for a ditch, derived from the Latin 
 fossa ; but the termination -awd is here superadded, and that 
 always denotes an action : e.g ., ffon , a staff ; ffonawd, a blow 
 from a staff : dwrn , a fist ; dyrnawd , a fist-blow : bwyell , a 
 hatchet ; bwyellawd , a hatchet-blow. In Latin, fossa is “ a 
 ditch”, etc.; fossor is “ a ditcher”; fossus is dug , wounded 
 or pierced ; and fosso , fossare, is “ to dig”, etc. Here, 
 then, we find that ffossawd may mean wounding ; but if 
 we go further, we find that the word is not a compound of 
 ffos and -awd, but of ffoss and -avid ; and Eichards states 
 that ffoss and ffossiwn is a sword (a falchion) ; and that 
 ffossod or ffossawd is a sword- blow. Ffossawd, therefore, is 
 not a ditch or trench. 
 
 ii. The word clawdd occurs in line 289, but it has been 
 mistranslated. The word when used as a noun means a 
 ditch ; but in this line it is a verb, signifying to “ sheathe” a 
 weapon. 
 
 ill. Ffin, a boundary, does not occur in line 386 ; the word 
 there is fin, edge, i.e., the edge of the sword. 
 
 iv. Cladd clodvciwr does not occur in line 393 ; the “ a 
 
 1 [F Gododin , trans., p. 113.] 
 
THE SUBJECT OF THE GODODIN. 
 
 49 
 
 clat” of a solitary copy cannot outweigh the authority of all 
 the others, even if it were not clear that Aclut or Alclwyd is 
 here meant. 
 
 v. Dygoglawd is not a noun, signifying “ an encampment”, 
 but a verb denoting the “ murmuring” of the wave . 1 
 
 vi. Clawdd gwernin certainly denotes an entrenchment, 
 but whether it was anything more than the usual entrench- 
 ment taught the Britons by the Roman legions is doubtful. 
 It certainly affords but slender support to Williams’ 
 theory. 
 
 vn. Gorffin Gododin. That Gododin had “ an extreme 
 boundary” is most likely ; that the Lord of Gododin (for he 
 is the person alluded to) should be buried there is not sur- 
 prising ; but how does that prove that the battle was fought 
 at the Catrail ? 
 
 From this examination it must now be evident that the 
 Catrail was not the Cattraetli of the poet ; but as we are 
 here attempting to settle the question at once and for ever, 
 we must enter into a patient examination of all the passages 
 in which that word occurs. The clear determination of the 
 signification of this word has been much retarded by its sup- 
 posed identity with Gododin, and therefore we must embrace 
 such passages also as include that word. 
 
 I. In verse vi we have “ Gwyr a aeth Ododin”. By a 
 most singular perverseness Williams ranks the three districts 
 of Gododin, Deivyr, and Bryneich as being opposed to the 
 Britons on this occasion, i.e., Gododin was opposed to itself ! 
 And, therefore, we need not be surprised that he translates 
 these words, “ The heroes marched to Gododin”. But why 
 to Gododin ? The mark of the dative case y or e is gener- 
 ally, if not invariably, placed before the noun ; and in this 
 
 1 [In his note to the translation of the line Mr. Williams gives as an 
 alternative rendering, “ The bright wave murmured along on its pil- 
 grimage”. Williams’ Qododin, p. 156.] 
 
 4 
 
TIIE G0D0D1N OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 50 
 
 poem we have such instances as “ Kynt y vwyt e vrein” 
 “ Kynt y gic c vleid”, “ Kynt e vud e vran”, “ Ket elwvnt e 
 lanneu.” Tlie grammar of the language is, therefore, clearly 
 in favour of “ Ododin” being in the genitive case ; and, 
 therefore, the true translation would be “ The heroes went 
 from Gododin”. The formula “ Gwyr a aeth Ododin” is re- 
 peated in the following verse (verse vii), and should be 
 translated in the same way, for the heroes here named are 
 twice called <f the army of Gododin”, 1 and once “ the Britons 
 of Gododin”; and if they went anywhere they must have 
 gone from Gododin. 
 
 II. We come, in the second place, to consider the significa- 
 tion of Cattraeth. The word occurs in the poems of Taliesin 
 in two places, viz. : — 
 
 “ Ar6yre g6yr Katraeth gan dyd,” 2 
 
 and 
 
 “ G6eleis i ly6 Katraeth tra maeu.” 3 
 
 The first of these lines speaks of “ the men of Cattraeth”, 
 and the latter of Urien Bheged, “ the ruler of Cattraeth”; 
 and as such expressions have an unmistakable reference to a 
 place called Cattraeth — the habitation of men, and therefore 
 a town — the seat of a lord or sovereign, and therefore the 
 capital of a small kingdom, we cannot suppose it has any 
 reference to the trench called Catrail. These poems were 
 written before the Gododin, and therefore the fact that Cat- 
 traeth is mentioned here is of much service in illustrating 
 the subsequent notice of the place in that poem. Aneurin 
 mentions the place frequently : — 
 
 1 [The expression “ bedin Ododin” occurs four times in the poem, 
 viz., in verses iii, xii, xxxv, xlvii. The term u Brython Ododin” ap- 
 pears in verse lxv.] 
 
 2 [“ Gwaith Gwenystrad”, line 1, Myv. Arch.* i, 52 (p. 47 of Gee’s 
 edition). Four Ancient Books , ii, 183.] 
 
 3 [ u Yspeil Taliesin”, Myv. Arch., i, 57 (Gee’s edition, p. 51); Four 
 Ancient Books, ii, 192.] 
 
THE SUBJECT OF THE GODODIN. 
 
 51 
 
 1 . 
 
 Gwyr a aeth gatraeth oed fraeth eu llu. 
 
 Verse 
 
 viii 
 
 2. 
 
 ,, „ veduaeth uedwn. 
 
 11 
 
 ix 
 
 3. 
 
 ,, „ gan wawr. 
 
 11 
 
 X 
 
 4. 
 
 11 11 11 
 
 11 
 
 xi 
 
 5. 
 
 ,, ,, gan dyd. 
 
 1 1 
 
 xii 
 
 6. 
 
 
 11 
 
 xiii 
 
 7. 
 
 Ny chryssiws gatraeth. 
 
 1 1 
 
 xiii 
 
 8. 
 
 Gwyr a aeth gatraeth gan wawr. 
 
 
 xiv 
 
 9. 
 
 0 vreithyell gatraeth pan adrodir. 
 
 11 
 
 XV 
 
 10. 
 
 Gwyr a aeth gatraeth bnant enwawc. 
 
 11 
 
 xxi 
 
 11. 
 
 Gwenabwy vab gwenn gynlien gatraeth. 
 
 11 
 
 XXV 
 
 12. 
 
 0 gatraeth o gymynat. 
 
 11 
 
 XXX 
 
 13. 
 
 
 11 
 
 xxxii 
 
 14. 
 
 Gwyr a aeth gatraeth yg cat yg gawr. 
 
 
 xxxiii 
 
 15. 
 
 0 gatraeth werin. 
 
 11 
 
 xlv 
 
 16. 
 
 E gatraeth gwerin fraeth fysgiolin. 
 
 11 
 
 liii 
 
 17. 
 
 Rac catraeth oed fraeth eu llu. 
 
 
 lix 
 
 18. 
 
 O drychan riallu yt gryssyassant 
 Gatraeth tru namen vn gwr nyt atcorsant. 
 
 11 
 
 lx 
 
 19. 
 
 Ketwyr am gatraeth a wnaeth brithret. 
 
 11 
 
 lxiii 
 
 20. 
 
 Greulet ar gatraeth cochre. 
 
 11 
 
 lxxvii 
 
 21. 
 
 Carasswn disgynnu yg catraeth gessevin. 
 
 11 
 
 1 xxxii 
 
 Once again the word Catraeth occurs — in another poem of 
 the seventh century — and as in these four and twenty in- 
 stances the word always has the same form — always Cat- 
 traeth and never Catrail — Mr. Williams’ supposition of their 
 identity becomes utterly inadmissible. 
 
 The supposed identity of Gododin and Cattraeth is also 
 shown to be unfounded by this enumeration of the cases in 
 which the latter word occurs. The bard twice states that 
 “ The heroes went (to or from ) Gododin”, and he nine times 
 states that “ The heroes went to Cattraeth”; but there is a 
 very marked difference in the incidents associated with the 
 two terms. We learn from the poem that the army were en- 
 camped for a week, and that they had “ a wine feast and a 
 mead feast” the night before their defeat. Now it is evident 
 that the verses beginning “ Gwyr a aeth Ododin” refer to 
 their first departure, for no allusion is made to the wine 
 
 A 2 
 
52 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 feast ; while it is equally clear that all the verses beginning 
 “ Gwyr a aeth Gatraeth” refer to the morning of their defeat, 
 for, in almost every verse, it is stated that they hastened 
 from the feast of wine and mead. It is, therefore, clear, 
 that the first class of verses describes their departure from 
 Gododin ; it is equally clear, that the events named in the 
 second class occurred a week later than those named in the 
 first; and, from the same data, we may safely infer that 
 Cattraeth and Gododin were not convertible terms, and did 
 not refer to the same place. 
 
 It, therefore, only remains for us to determine the case of 
 “ Gatraeth”: genitive or dative it must be, but which ? The 
 rules of grammar do not give us as much aid as could be 
 wished here. In both the cases of Gododin and Cattraeth 
 our first impulse is to say that the heroes went to Gododin 
 and to Cattraeth: but it would be equally proper (in gram- 
 mar) to say that they went from the one place or the 
 other. In this uncertainty, we must be guided by internal 
 evidence. In the first class of cases, this is in favour of the 
 genitive case : in the latter it is in favour of the dative. 
 One line 1 expressly states that — 
 
 “ To Cattraeth there hastened a loquacious host.” 
 
 “ E gatraeth gwerin fraeth fysgiolin.” 
 
 Another says , 2 “ The host was loquacious before Cattraeth;” 
 a third 3 locates the contest about Cattraeth. A subsequent 
 bard (Avan Yerddig ?) locates the battle there — 
 
 u Digones gwychyr gwallauc 
 Eilywod Gattraeth fawr vygedauc.” 
 
 ‘‘The valour of Gwalloc ( i.e ., Cadwallon) avenged 
 The disgrace of Cattraeth, the great and glorious.” 
 
 Elegy on Cadwallon . 4 
 
 1 [Verse liii.] 2 [Verse lix.] 3 [Verse Ixiii.] 
 
 4 [Myv. Arch., i, 180 ; Gee's edition, p. 133, col. 2, lines 30, 31 ] 
 
THE PEOPLE OF NORTH BRITAIN. 
 
 53 
 
 And Aneurin repeatedly calls the battle “ breithyell Cat- 
 raeth”. The proper translation is, therefore, “The heroes 
 went from Gododin”, and “ The heroes went to Cattraeth” — 
 from Gododin to the encampment “ar llawr Mordei” (verse 
 ii, 1. 27), and from that encampment to the town of Cattraeth. 
 
 The passage from Avan Yerddig (?) has never been cited in 
 connection with the Gododin: but it is one of great importance, 
 and lends strong support to the main propositions of the 
 present writer. I date the battle of Cattraeth in 603 ; Cad- 
 wallon ravaged Northumbria in 634 ; and it is evident from 
 the statement that he thus retrieved the disgrace of Cat- 
 traeth, that the event was still fresh in the public mind. 
 That place is also described by the epithets, “ vawr vyged- 
 awc^, great and glorious ; and hence we conclude that Cat- 
 traeth was not a trench or boundary, but a place of some note 
 and importance. 
 
 Here, then, we pause, in the firm conviction that the 
 positions here laid down have been clearly demonstrated 
 and firmly established ; and, if it shall appear that these con- 
 clusions are well founded, and that the significance of the 
 Gododin is now understood, my labour will not have been in 
 vain. I shall have done some service for one of the ablest 
 of our native bards, and have contributed some little to the 
 elucidation of the early history of Ynys Prydain. 
 
 Section II. — The People of North Britain: their 
 Social History. 
 
 From the foregoing section it will have been already seen 
 that the actors in the scenes recorded by the Gododin were 
 for the most part the people of North Britain. We are told, 
 it is true, that the battle of Cattraeth was fought by a con- 
 federacy consisting of Scots, North Britons, and a very con- 
 siderable number of persons from the Principality ; indeed, 
 
Til K GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDIIYDD. 
 
 54 
 
 Hie greater part of the poem may be said to refer to this 
 section of the armament, for the bard views his subject 
 from a standpoint exclusively Welsh, and nearly all the per- 
 sons named by Aneurin were persons who had gone from 
 Wales, and who were connected with the Principality. This 
 circumstance should not, however, be permitted to militate 
 against the assertion that the battle was fought in North 
 Britain and by North Britons ; for, as Aneurin took refuge 
 in Wales after this contest, it was but natural that he 
 should have given prominence to the Cambrian portion of 
 the armament. 
 
 It is, therefore, of importance for us to ascertain who were 
 the inhabitants of North Britain at this time. The first 
 notice of this island is that in the Treatise of the World 1 (De 
 Mundo), attributed to Aristotle, in which Britain is called 
 Albion, and Ireland Ierne ; and Festus Avienus, in describing 
 the voyage of Hamilcar the Carthaginian, 500 b.c., informs 
 us that the people were called Albiones. Between that time 
 and the arrival of the Homans both islands appear to have 
 received a new race of inhabitants — the Scotti making their 
 appearance in Ireland, and the Britanni in the larger island. 
 
 1 [ Aristotelis de Mundo , cap. iii : — “ ’Ey tovtu) [tw CLueavtp] ye p. tjv, vrjaoi 
 
 peyiarai re r vyxdvovaiv uvaai Suo, BperaviKat \ey 6 pevai, ’AAj8 lov Kal 'lepvrj, 
 t wv irpoiaTopTj/jLevoou pe'i^ovs, virep tovs Ke\Toi)s neipevai.” This is the first 
 definite “ notice of this island” in classical writers, but two other more 
 general references to the British Isles are sometimes quoted, and may be 
 mentioned here. In the spurious Greek poem, attributed to Orpheus, on 
 the Argonautic Expedition, which some suppose may be by Onomacn- 
 tus, and therefore as old as the end of the sixth, or the beginning of the 
 fifth, century b.c., these islands are referred to as the “ Iernian Isles”. 
 Argo says ( Argonautica , lines 1163, 1164) : — 
 
 “ Nuv yap S77 Kvypfi re Kal a\yeivrj naK<!>Tr)Tt 
 "E^opai, vi](Toi(nv ’lepv'ioiv aatrov 'Uco/xai." 
 
 Herodotus also (Book iii, 115), after acknowledging his imper- 
 fect acquaintance with the extreme West of Europe, adds, “ otne 
 
 vt] novi ulda Kajanep'idas iuvoa i >,eK tuv 6 Kaaalrepus r)puv <pona .”] 
 
THE PEOPLE OF NORTH BRITAIN. 
 
 55 
 
 The Scotti in the lapse of time appear to have acquired a 
 political pre-eminence in Ireland, to have given it for so 
 many centuries the name of Scotia. To such an extent had 
 their influence prevailed, that in the Annals of Ulster and 
 Tighcrnac that country is uniformly so called. 
 
 On the other hand, the Britanni had obtained the supre- 
 macy in the larger island, or, at all events, in the southern 
 parts thereof; so that when the Bomans came here the island 
 was called Britannia. It has retained that name ever since, 
 though, if I may judge from other facts, the name was ori- 
 ginally confined to the southern coast of England. The 
 Welsh Triads (for which, however, I claim respect only in 
 so far as they are corroborated by better authorities) divide 
 the inhabitants into three classes: the Cymry, the Lloegrians, 
 and the Britons . 1 The Britons, so far as we can now learn 
 their position, occupied the southern and western coasts, 
 and probably were the first arrivals. Then came the Lloe- 
 grians from Gascony; these were the Ligurians of France, 
 and the people who gave their name to the river Loire ; and 
 they appear to have taken possession of the midland and 
 eastern parts. After these came the Belgae, Coritani, Cangi, 
 and other smaller tribes. These were not of the same race 
 as the Britons ; but the Brython, Lloegrians, and Cymry, 
 were said to belong to the same family, and the latter occu- 
 pied the northern counties, from whence they spread them- 
 selves over the Lowlands of Scotland. If the Albiones ever 
 occupied the whole island, it would seem that each successive 
 importation drove them northward, until the population of 
 Alban, the Scottish Highlands, were the sole remaining 
 part of the Albiones, or ancient inhabitants of the island. 
 These are supposed by Mr. Skene 2 to be the Caledonians of the 
 
 1 [Trioedcl Ymjs Prydain , Cyfres iii, 5 ; Myv. Arch., ii, 58. Gee’s 
 edition, p. 400.] 
 
 2 [Skene’s Highlanders of Scotland , vol. i, p. 8.] 
 
j6 the gododin of aneurin gwawdrydd. 
 
 Homans, the Piets of later history, and the Highlanders of 
 modern times ; but the Triads 1 recognise no such people as 
 Albiones, claim for the Britons the right of first posses- 
 sion of the island, and assert that the Piets, whom they call 
 Gwyddyl Ffichti, were a colony of Scandinavians, who set- 
 tled on the eastern coast of the Highlands; and some 
 learned men are inclined to assert that the Piets and the 
 Cymry of the Lowdands differed only in being the wild and 
 tame portions of the same people. Into these questions I 
 do not propose to enter ; suffice it, that at the time of the 
 Gododin the people of the Highlands were called Piets, 
 while the Cymry were called Britons, and that they were 
 sometimes at war with each other. 
 
 It thus appears that while the southern half of the island 
 was divided between the Britons, who had the south-western 
 part, and the Lloegrians, who had the south-eastern part, the 
 northern half was occupied by the Cymry and the Piets. 
 The former occupied the whole territory from the Humber to 
 the Clyde, while the Piets, or Caledonians, had the Highlands 
 of Scotland. These were the positions occupied by these 
 various tribes when the Bomans invaded the island. The 
 history of this invasion is well enough known not to require 
 recapitulation here ; and, therefore, suffice it to say that Bri- 
 tain became a province of the Bom an Empire. They retained 
 possession of the island for four hundred years, and during 
 that time it was distinguished for all the refinement and 
 civilised usages known to the Bomans themselves. But it 
 was a difficult conquest, and submitted unquietly to the 
 Boman yoke. From time to time it asserted its indepen- 
 dence, and at last, about 406, when the cities of Britain had 
 revolted, and the empire itself was crumbling to decay, the 
 
 1 [Trioedd Ynys Prydain , Cyfres iii, 7 ; “Ail (Ciwdawd Ormes), y 
 Gwyddyl Ffichti, addaethant i’r Alban drwy For Llychlyn”, Myv. Arch 
 ii, 58 ; Gee’s edition, p. 410.] 
 
TIIE PEOPLE OF NORTH BRITAIN. 
 
 57 
 
 Romans evacuated the island. During the latter years of 
 the Roman occupation, the Piets of Scotland, in conjunction 
 with the Scots of Ireland and some Saxon pirates, caused 
 great injury to the Britons occupying the more civilised 
 parts of the island, and in some of their excursions they 
 penetrated as far as London. About the year 503 a colony 
 of Scots from Ireland settled themselves in Argyle. There 
 they continued to increase in number and influence for several 
 centuries, until at last they subdued the Southern Piets in 
 the ninth century, and ultimately gave their name to the 
 whole of Scotland. These people were generally in alliance 
 with the Britons, but as their strength increased, they ven- 
 tured once or twice to measure swords with the Strath- Clyde 
 Cymry. We have, therefore, to rank a new race of people 
 in North Britain, and we have to add the Scots of the West- 
 ern Highlands to the Piets and the Cymry ; but our future 
 observations will be exclusively confined to the latter. 
 
 The Cymry occupied the whole of the Lowlands and the 
 North of England, and gave their name to the county of 
 Cumberland, the Cumbray Islands in the Firth of Clyde, 
 and, perhaps, to the village of Comrie, near Perth. During 
 the Roman occupation, they were divided into tribes, called 
 respectively Damnii, Novan tse, Selgovse, Gadeni, and Ottadeni. 
 These were inhabitants of the Lowlands, or lower half of 
 Scotland, while the people of the North of England were 
 called Brigantes, Parisii, and Setantii. These were situated 
 as follows : — 
 
 The Parish occupied part of the East Riding of York- 
 shire, the neighbourhood of Elamborough Head. Their chief 
 city was Petuaria, which is now known as Brough-on- 
 Hv/mber. 1 
 
 The Brigantes were to the north of these. “ Their territory 
 stretched from the bounds of the Parisii northward to the 
 1 [It has by others been identified with Beverley and Auldby.\ 
 
58 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEUKIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Tyne, and from tlie Humber and Don to the mountains of 
 Lancashire, Westmoreland, and Cumberland.” “Their towns 
 were Epeiacum 1 (Lanchester) , Vinovium 2 (Binchester), Cambo- 
 dunum (Slack), Cataracton (Catterick), Galacum 3 (uncertain), 
 Olicana (Ilkley), and Isurium . 4 Eboracum (York) on the 
 Ure was the metropolis, first a colony of the Eomans, called 
 Sexta from being the station of the Sixth Legion termed 
 the Victorious, and afterwards distinguished by the presence 
 of many emperors, and raised to the privilege of a municipal 
 city.” 
 
 The territory occupied by these, joined to that of the 
 Setantii , 5 formed what was called the Kingdom of Brigantia. 
 This province was divided into two equal parts by a chain 
 of mountains called the Pennine Alps, which, rising on 
 the confines of the Iceni and Cornabii, near the river Trent, 
 extend towards the north in a continued series of fifty 
 miles. The district to the east of these mountains formed 
 the Anglian kingdom of Deira , the Deivr of Aneurin, while 
 to the north-east of that' was Bryneich of the bard or the 
 Northumbrian kingdom of Bernicia. 
 
 To the west of this chain were the Setantii. Their cities 
 were Ehigodunum 6 (Bibchester), Coccium (Blackrode), and 
 Lugubalium [Carlisle). The two last were occupied by 
 Eoman garrisons. 
 
 1 [By others identified with Hexham , and again with the greatest 
 probability with E&chester.] 
 
 2 [Called Vinovia in the I tin. Ant., and Vinonia in the Notitia Imp., 
 and by the Geographer of Ravenna.] 
 
 3 [It is mentioned in the 10th Itinerary and has been identified with 
 Appleby, Whallop Castle, or Kendal.] 
 
 4 [/.e., Aldborough , near Boroughbridge.] 
 
 5 [The Setantii were probably a tribe of the Brigantes, and perhaps 
 identical with the Sistuntiaci of Ravennas.] 
 
 6 [Others have identified Coccium with Ribchester, and Rhigodunum has 
 been variously identified with Warrington , Manchester , Richmond, and 
 Rixton. The similarity of the names decidedly favours the last.] 
 
THE PEOPLE OF NORTH BRITAIN. 
 
 59 
 
 “ The northern frontier of this province was protected by a 
 wall of stupendous magnitude, built by the Eornans across the 
 isthmus” from the Tyne to Solway Firth, which was eighty 
 miles in length, fifteen feet high, and nine feet thick. “ It had 
 a parapet and ditch, a military road, and was defended by 
 eighteen greater stations, placed at intervals of three to six 
 miles ; eighty- three castles, at intervals of six to eight fur- 
 longs ; and, as it is imagined, a considerable number of turrets 
 placed at shorter distances.” 
 
 To the north of this wall were situated those powerful 
 tribes, who, towards the close of the Eoman occupation, 
 were known under the name of Mseatae. This term probably 
 meant nothing more than “ the men of the plains”, as con- 
 tradistinguished from the Caledonians, or men of Celyddon ; 
 and they probably stood to each other in the same relation 
 as the * Highlands and Lowlands in later times, for the 
 Mseatae were probably the same people as the Mei - wyr of 
 Aneurin, who calls his countrymen by that name. “ They 
 possessed Ottadinia ( Gododin ) towards the east, Gadenia, 
 Selgovia, Novantia, and further north, Damnonia.” 
 
 “ Nearest the wall dwelt the Gadeni, whose metropolis was 
 Curia .” 1 The site of this town is uncertain. It is probable 
 that Gadenia was the “Goddeu” of Taliesin , 2 and it is supposed 
 that the Gadeni “ occupied the midland parts from the wall 
 probably as far as the Forth” to the west of the Ottadeni (Dr. 
 
 1 [This is the statement of Richard of Cirencester. According to 
 Ptolemy, Curia was a town of the Ottadeni. But it is noticeable that 
 Horsley ( Britannia Romana , p. 248) puts forward the suggestion that 
 Curia was a town of the Gadeni, and not of the Ottadeni. The place 
 has been identified with Jedburgh and Borthwick , and by others, with 
 more probability, with Currie on Gore.] 
 
 2 [“ Gwaith Argoed Llwyfein”, 1. 4: Myv. Arch., vol. i, p. 53. ; Gee’s 
 edition, p. 48, col. 2 : Four Ancient Books , ii, 189. Skene says “ Godeu, 
 probably the middle ward of Lanarkshire, and the same as Cadyow” 
 (ii, 414).] 
 
GO 
 
 TII E CODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Giles); but if 1 might judge from the faint light of British 
 poetry, their position was south of Ettrick Mount. 
 
 “ The Ottadeni were situated nearer the sea”, and are sup- 
 posed to have stretched along the eastern coast as far as the 
 Firth of Forth. It is possible that at subsequent periods 
 their position was somewhat altered, for after the Angli had 
 taken possession of Northumberland, we find the district of 
 the Ottadeni extending in a south-western direction to the 
 Firth of Solway. Aneurin divides the district into two 
 parts, the north-eastern part or primitive settlement being 
 traeth Gododin — the shore of Gododin, under a chief named 
 Heiddyn, 1 and the region about Annandale and Carlisle, 
 where he locates Gwarthan ab Dunawd. Nennius 2 also 
 affords confirmation of the same view : for he expressly states 
 that the partes sinistrales about Carlisle were called Manau 
 Guotodin. “ Their chief city was Bremenium ( Mechester , in 
 Northumberland) 3 and their rivers Tweed and Alaunus 4 
 {Coquet), and the two Tinas”, or North and South Tines. 
 The arrival of the Angli forced them northward beyond the 
 Tweed, from whence they appear to have spread themselves 
 in a south-western direction; their position in the time of 
 Aneurin appears to have stretched from sea to sea, from 
 Lucker in the upper part of Northumberland to Lockerby or 
 Lochmaben in Annandale ; and their chief town appears to 
 have been situated on the Tweed, being probably Berwick. 
 There is a Caerwys also named by the Bard, but whether 
 this was the Curia of the Gadeni, I am not able to determine. 
 
 1 [See verse lxxviii, with the author’s note to the preceding verse.] 
 
 2 Stevenson’s Nennius , by San-Marte, sec. 62, p. 72 : Mon. Hist. Britt., 
 75c.] 
 
 3 [ Newcastle has been suggested as the modern representative of 
 Bremenium, and also .Brampton, which in form corresponds more nearly 
 with the old name.] 
 
 4 [The editors of Monumenta Hist. Britt, suggest that Ptolemy’s 
 “ outlets of the river Alaunus” may be Tweedmouth or The Alan ; while 
 Horsley thinks the u Alaunus must be Tweed ”.] 
 
THE PEOPLE OF NORTH BRITAIN. 
 
 61 
 
 “ The Selgoyae inhabited the country to the west”, “ and 
 appear to have occupied the whole of Dumfries-shire and part 
 of Kirkcudbright.” “ Their cities were Carbantorigum 1 ( Drum - 
 lanrig or Kirkcudbright), Uxellum 2 (uncertain), and Trimon- 
 tium , 3 which according to ancient documents, was a long time 
 occupied by a Roman garrison”. Ptolemy adds another town 
 to the list, of the name of Corda . 4 “ The principal rivers of 
 this region were Novius, Deva, and partly the Ituna”, being 
 the modern Kith, Dee, and Eden. 
 
 “The Novantae dwelt beyond the” Scottish “ Dee, in the 
 extreme western part of the island near the sea, and opposite 
 Ireland”. “ They held the south-western district of Scotland 
 from the Dee to the Mull of Galloway; that is, the west of 
 Kirkcudbright and Wigton, and part of the Carrick division 
 of Ayr”. “ In this country was the famous Novantum Cher- 
 sonesus”, which is now known as the Rinns 5 of Galloway. 
 It “ was esteemed by the Ancients to be the most northern 
 promontory of Britain;” but this arose from “an error in 
 the geographical or astronomical observations preserved by 
 
 1 [Others have identified it with Caerlaverock. \ 
 
 2 [Supposed by Camden to have been in Ewsedale, but Horsley iden- 
 tifies this place with Caerlaverock.'] 
 
 3 [Variously identified with Annand , Burrensivark Hill , Middleby , and 
 Longholm.] 
 
 4 [This place has been identified with Cumnock , and Castle Over in 
 Eskdale.] 
 
 5 [This name is evidently the W elsh rhyn, a hill, cape, promontory ; 
 Corn., rhyn and run ; Bret., run; Ir. and Gael., ran, with which, pro- 
 bably, we may connect the Gr. I nu . stem of pis, a nose : the Celtic and 
 the Greek words being related as the forms Naze, Ness, to “nose”. 
 Rhyn is common in place-names, especially in the compound Penrhyn. 
 Tal-y-rhyn is the name of a farm near Llandovery. In Le Gonidec’s 
 Dictionary (s.v. run), we are told that the root run is little used, but occurs 
 in local names “ tels que ar Run , la colline ; Penn-ar-run ou Penn-ann- 
 run , le bout de la colline ; Mez-ar-run ou Mez-ann-run, le champ de la 
 colline; Ru-Stefan , pour Run- Stefan, le tertre d’Etienne”, Again, in 
 the island of Islay we have “ The Rhynns” and “ Rhynns Point”.] 
 
G2 
 
 THE GODOblN OF ANEUIUN CWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Ptolemy. The latitudes north of this point appear to have 
 been mistaken for the longitudes, and consequently this part 
 of Britain is thrown to the east”, as may be seen in the Ptole- 
 maic map in Pinkerton’s History of Scotland. “ The metropolis 
 of the Novantae was Lucopibia or Casae Candidae”. This 
 was Wigton according to Horsley, and Whitliern according to 
 Hoy. Ptolemy names another of their towns, viz., Rheti- 
 gonium, the modern Stranraer, and the Tref Redcyein named 
 by Aneurin. 1 “ Their rivers were the Abravannus, 2 Iena, and 
 the Deva”, which correspond respectively to the modern 
 Luce, Cree, and Dee, of which the latter formed the bound- 
 ary to the east. 
 
 The Dam Nil constituted the British kingdom of Strath- 
 clyde. They “ dwelt to the north of the Novantes, the Sel- 
 govae, and the Gadeni ; and were separated from them by the 
 Uxellian Mountains”. Dr. Giles supposes these to have 
 been the Louthers. “The Damnii were a very powerful 
 people, but lost a considerable portion of their territory when 
 the Antonine wall was built” from the Firth of Forth to the 
 Clyde, across the Isthmus, “ being subdued and spoiled by the 
 Caledonians”. During the occupation of the Romans there 
 was a garrison placed at Vanduarium 3 ( Paisley or Renfrew) to 
 defend the wall. “ These people inhabited the principal part of 
 what are called the Lowlands”; and, before the building of 
 this wall by Lollius Urbicus, about 140 a.d., “tlieir territory 
 
 1 [Verse lxxx.] 
 
 2 [In Smith’s Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (s.v.), an ex- 
 traordinary suggestion is made relative to the derivation of this name. 
 It is there said that u Abravannus is probably the stream which flows 
 through Loch Ryan into the sea — Ab-Ryan, the offspring of Ryan, being 
 easily convertible into the Roman form of the word, Ab-Ryan-us — 
 Abravannus.”] 
 
 3 [Vanduara, in Ptolemy: the weight of opinion appears to be in 
 favour of regarding Paisley as its modern representative.”] 
 
TIIE PEOPLE OF NORTH BRITAIN. 
 
 63 
 
 evidently extended as far as the Grampians, consisting of 
 great part of Ayr, all Renfrew, and Lanark, a considerable 
 part of Stirling, and perhaps Linlithgow.” Their cities, as 
 enumerated by Ptolemy, “ were Alauna 1 (uncertain), Lindum 2 
 (. Ardoch ), and Victoria 3 [Dealgin-ros), the last being as 
 glorious in reality as in name”. These were situated north of 
 the Antonine wall, as also was Alclwyd (Dumbarton), which 
 was called by the Romans Theodosia ; after the building of the 
 wall, these fell to the share of the Horestii ; but in the lapse 
 of time the Britons appear to have won back a part at least of 
 their former territory, for Alclwyd, which was formerly built 
 by the Romans, was recovered from the Caledonians by 
 Theodosius, in honour of whose name it was called Theo- 
 dosia. This was in a.d. 368 ; and after that time the Britons 
 retained this town with its adjoining province. It was the 
 seat of Rhydderch Hael and the kings of Strathclyde ; and 
 the modern name Dumbarton, which is well known to be a 
 corruption of Dun-Britton, the city of the Britons, is a living 
 attestation of British occupation. The bulk of the territory 
 of the Damnii at and after the departure of the Romans, was 
 situated to the south of the Firths of Forth and Clyde, which 
 in the seventh century formed the boundaries between them 
 and the Piets. In this district they formed the British king- 
 dom of Strathclyde, and the names of their towns were 
 Colania, Vanduara, and Coria. 4 
 
 1 [Horsley and the Editors of the Monumenta Hist. Britt, give Camelon 
 in Stirling as the representative of Alauna.] 
 
 2 [Lindum has by others been identified with Linlithgow and Kirkin- 
 tulloch .] 
 
 3 [By others identified with Ahernethy , not far from Perth .] 
 
 4 [Colania has been identified with either Carstairs or Crawford 
 (Mon. Hist. Britt.) ; but Latham, in Smith’s Diet, of Greek and Roman 
 Geog suggests that Coria may be represented by Craw- ford and Colania 
 by Carstairs.'] 
 
04 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Such was the population of Scotland and the north of 
 England, within a century and a half of the event recorded 
 in the Gododin. From that part we will take up their 
 history, and bring it down to the final cessation of Cymric 
 independence in North Britain, as several of the allusions 
 in the poem cannot otherwise be well understood. The first 
 post-Roman notice we have of the kingdom of Strathclyde 
 occurs in the Life of St. JVinian, where mention is made of a 
 King Totail. It is probable that it formed one of the prin- 
 ciples of Roman policy, to permit a certain portion of au- 
 thority to the British kings, during their occupation of the 
 island; for we know that Cogidunus was permitted to retain 
 his power, subject to the Roman supremacy. The same 
 principle was observed in their Eastern conquests, and it is 
 scarcely possible for us to account for the importance at- 
 tained by large numbers of native Britons upon any other 
 assumption. Long before they evacuated the island, the 
 people were in a state of insurrection; and immediately on 
 their departure, we find native chieftains everywhere rising 
 into distinction, and afterwards becoming heads of families. 
 The Totail here named was probably the father of Rhydderch 
 Hael, whose family traced its origin to the Emperor Maxi- 
 mus, who is better known in the Cambrian Annals by the 
 name of Maxen Wledig. Rhydderch Hael, king of Dum- 
 barton, was the son of Tudwal Tudglyd, the son of Kedig, 
 the son of Dyvynwal Hen, the son of Ednyved, the son of 
 Maxen Wledig. Of King Totail, or Tudwal, but little else 
 is known than that he was a persecutor of the Christian 
 missionaries. For his persecution of St. Ninian, he was 
 afflicted with blindness “by the celestial judge”; but having 
 invoked the aid of that saint, his sight was restored to him, 
 and he became a good Christian, and “ ready to revenge all 
 disobedience and injury offered to the servants of Christ”. 
 These events are placed about a.d. 390 or 400. Ninian’s 
 
THE PEOPLE OF NORTH BRITAIN. 
 
 65 
 
 conversion of the Piets is placed by Bede 1 in 394, and the 
 death of Ninian is placed by Bale in 432; but I had rather 
 believe that the monkish biographer has made a slip of a 
 century, than that there were two Tudwals in the same 
 locality, within a century of each other, when the pedigree 
 names but one. I should, therefore, place the reign about 
 540. It is not easy to determine who his successor was. 
 The old poem, called Kyuoessi Myrddin ag6endyd ych6aer , 2 
 places the kings of North Britain in the following order; viz., 
 Bhydderch, Morgan the Great, the son of Sadyrnin (Saturninus), 
 and Urien; but the Life of St. Kentigern makes Morgan 
 precede Bhydderch; and we know that Urien died before 
 either of the other two. It is, however, to be borne in mind 
 that the kingship, meant by the British authorities, was that 
 of commander-in-chief of the Cimbric forces. Urien, in his 
 own right, was a king of the North Biding of Yorkshire, but 
 extending, probably, as far west as the Lancashire moun- 
 tains; but, on account of his warlike qualities, he was elected 
 to be the commander in time of war; and so with the others, 
 each retained his own kingship, but during times of war 
 each was subject to the authority of the Gwledig , or supreme 
 king. Taliesin 3 makes the kings of North Britain to be 
 thirteen in number; and at the period under consideration, 
 we know the names of a great number of contemporary 
 kinglets, viz.: — 
 
 Bhydderch Hael, King of Strathclyde. 
 
 Morgan ab Sadyrnin. 
 
 1 [Bedae Hist. Eccles ., lib. iii, cap. 4. Moniim. Hist. Brit., 176 A. 
 This refers to the conversion of the Southern Piets. The Northern 
 were, according to the same authority, converted by Columba in 565.] 
 
 2 Myv. Arch., i, 139 ; Gee’s ed., p. 108 ; Four Ancient Books , ii, 218. 
 
 3 \Anrec Urien : Myv. Arch., i, 51 ; Gee’s ed., p. 47 ; Four Ancient 
 Books , ii, 293 : — 
 
 “ Lletaf y gled. balch ygkynted 
 Or tri theyrn ar dec or gogled.”] 
 
 5 
 
TIIB GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 GO 
 
 Gwenddolau ab Ceidio, probably north of Alclwyd. 
 
 Eliffer Gosgorddvawr. 
 
 Dunawd, the son of Pabo. 
 
 Gwallawg ab Lleenawg. 
 
 Ceneu, the son of Coel Godebog. 
 
 Urien of Rheged. 
 
 Bran, the son of Mellyrn. 
 
 Nudd Hael, the son of Senyllt. 
 
 These persons were also frequently related to each other. 
 Eliffer, Pabo, and Ceidio were three brothers; and conse- 
 quently Gwenddolau, Dunawd, and the sons of Eliffer, were 
 cousins; Eliffer, also, was the brother-in-law of Urien, having 
 married his sister Eurddyl; and, at a subsequent period, 
 Gwarthan, the son of Dunawd, married Dwywe, the daughter 
 of Gwallog. Such was the position of affairs in North Britain 
 in the middle of the sixth century ; and such were the per- 
 sons swaying political power, when there occurred a series 
 of events which, in the end, led to the overthrow of the 
 British power. 
 
 The event here alluded to was the arrival of the Saxons, 
 meaning, by that term, the whole Anglo-Saxon family. It 
 is usual to date their arrival in 449, but the story of Hengist 
 and Gwrtheyrn meets with but little acceptance in modern 
 times ; and it is reasonably concluded that there were Saxon 
 settlements on the eastern coast of England long before the 
 departure of the Romans, for that was called the Saxon shore, 
 littus Saxonicum , in their official documents. However, 
 for a long period, their settlements were confined to the 
 southern part of the island ; and it is only in the middle of 
 the sixth century that the Angli settled themselves in the 
 North in any considerable numbers. “The Trans -Humbrane 
 countries were exposed at an early period to the attacks of 
 the Jutes and Saxons. Some chroniclers say that Octa and 
 Ebusa, sons of Hengist, conquered a portion of the country. 
 At the onset, the invaders made little progress. The 
 
THE PEOPLE OF NORTH BRITAIN. 
 
 67 
 
 Britons of the neighbouring Reged and Strathclyde, governed 
 by valiant princes, the descendants of the Roman Maximus, 
 appear to have possessed more unity than their brethren of 
 the South ; and their efforts supported the population of 
 Deira and Bernicia in resisting their enemies. The scale was 
 evenly poised, until the English Ida landed at the promon- 
 tory called Elamborough Head 1 with forty vessels, all manned 
 with chosen warriors.” This was in 547, or a little before ; 
 and to this date we may probably refer the battle of 
 Argoed Llwyvain ; for the residence of Urien is said to have 
 been at Llwyvenydd (Leavington), and immediately adjoining 
 that was the great forest of Durham, which, unreclaimed 
 by man, was abandoned to the wild deer. Of this battle 
 we have a graphic account in one of the poems of Taliesin, 2 
 and we cannot do better than to give it entire in English : — 
 
 The Battle of Argoed Llwyvain. 
 
 “ On Saturday morning there was a great battle 
 From sunrise to sunset. 
 
 The Flamebearer (Ida) 3 marched in four divisions. 
 
 Goddeu and Rheged to array themselves 
 Came from Argoed to Arvynydd : 
 
 They had not to wait the length of a day. 
 
 The Flamebearer shouted, with great boasting : 
 
 ‘Will they give hostages? Are they ready?’ 
 
 Owain shouted, uplifting his spear : 
 
 ‘We will not give (hostages). They are not — will not be ready ! ’ 
 And Ceneu, the son of Coel, would be a raging lion 
 Ere he’d pay the ransom of anyone. 
 
 Then shouted Urien, lord of the plain : 
 
 1 Palgrave’s History of the Anglo-Saxons , p. 43. 
 
 2 [ G6eith Argoet Ll6yfein; Myv. Arch., i, 53; Gee’s edit., p. 48; 
 Four Ancient Boohs , i, 365 ; ii, 189.] 
 
 3 [“The Flamebearer”, Fflamddwyn , has generally been identified 
 with Ida; but Skene thinks the name was applied rather to Theodric, 
 son of Ida, Four Ancient Boohs , i, 232 ; ii, 413 ; and I learn from a note 
 in Stephens’s MSS., communicated by Mr. Reynolds, that subsequently 
 to the writing of this work, Stephens himself had independently come 
 to the same conclusion.] 
 
 5 2 
 
G8 
 
 THE CODODIN OF ANEUKIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 ‘ Since the torque-wearing kindred are assembled, 
 
 We will exalt our banner above the hill, 
 
 We will face up the hill side ; 
 
 And we will exalt the javelins above men’s heads, 
 
 And attack the Flamebearer in his encampment, 
 
 And we will fight with him and his ally.’; 
 
 And from the battle of Argoed Llwyvain 
 There was many a corpse. 
 
 Ravens were reddened by the blood of warriors, 
 
 And the multitude hastened with the news. 
 
 I will remember the year to the end of my days, 
 
 And until I grow old and meet inevitable death, 
 
 May I never smile if I praise not Urien.” 
 
 Ida appears to have suffered too much in this engagement 
 to measure swords with Urien a second time; and, as we 
 find him settled further north, he probably tried his fortune 
 in Bernicia. 1 Here he appears to have been more successful. 
 His success, however, appears to have been due to diplomacy, 
 as much as to martial prowess ; for the Triads 2 3 state that he 
 married Bun, the daughter of a chieftain named Culvynawyd, 
 and thus obtained a pacific settlement. “ Ida erected a tower, 
 or fortress, which was at first surrounded with a hedge, 
 and afterwards with a wall (Anglo-Sax. Chron., sub anno 
 547). This was at once his castle and his palace; and so 
 deeply were the Britons humiliated by this token of his 
 power, that they named it Din-guarth BryneicW — the shame 
 of Bernicia — though he named it Bebbanburgh, in honour of 
 Bebba, probably his first wife. This name has since been 
 corrupted into Bamborough : the massy keep is yet standing ; 
 and the voyager, following the course of the Abbess of St. 
 Hilda, may yet see 
 
 1 May not Ida have settled at first in the East Riding and Flam- 
 borough be named, after him, Tre Flam-ddwyn ? 
 
 2 [ Trioedd Ynys Prydain : Cyfres i, 56 ; u Teir anniweirwreig 
 Y.P. Teir-ferched Culfynawyt Prydein. Essyllt Fyngwen gordder 
 Trystan, a phen arwen gwreig Owein mab Urien, a Bun gwreig Fflam- 
 ddwyn.” — Myv. Arch., ii, 14 ; Gee’s edit., p. 392.] 
 
 3 [Xennius, von San-Marte, sec. 61, p. 71 : Mon. Hist. Brit., 75c.] 
 
THE PEOPLE OF NORTH BRITAIN. 
 
 69 
 
 “ King Ida’s Castle huge and square, 
 
 From its tall rock look grimly down, 
 
 And on the swelling ocean frown.” 
 
 (Palgrave, Anglo-Saxons , pp. 43, 44.) 
 
 After a reign of twelve years {Anglo-Sax. Chron., an. 547), 
 Ida died, having fallen (according to British accounts 1 ) by 
 the hand of Owen ab Urien. He left behind him six sons 
 by his queens, and six by his concubines. 2 
 
 With regard to his successors, the authorities differ; the 
 Chronologia appended to Bede {Mon, Hist . Brit., p. 200) 
 places them in the following order : — 
 
 Glappa, succeeding in 559, reigned one year. 
 
 Adda reigned eight years. 
 
 Ethelric reigned four years. 
 
 Theodric reigned seven years. 
 
 Fridwald reigned six years. 
 
 Hussa reigned seven years. 
 
 This will bring us down to about 593, when, if not before, 
 Bryneich was brought under the rule of the kings of Deira. 
 
 1 [Mr. Stephens here no doubt refers to the poem attributed to 
 Taliesin, called Marwnad Owein ap Urien Reged , a verse of which is 
 thus given in the Myv. Arch., i, 59 ; Gee’s ed., p. 53 
 
 “ Pan laddawdd Owein Fflamddwyn 
 Nid oedd fwyn 
 Og ef cysgeid.” 
 
 Oarnhuanawc {Hanes Cymru , p. 284) agrees with Stephens in under- 
 standing these words to imply that Owein slew “ Fflamddwyn”. But in 
 The Four Ancient Books of Wales , ii, 199, the reading is different, 
 
 “ Pan lada6d owein fflamd6yn. nyt oed u6y noc et kysceit,” 
 and the first words are rendered (vol. i, 366) “ When Flamdwyn killed 
 Owain”, which we are assured in a note (ii, 418) “is the natural con- 
 struction”. If by “ natural” is meant “ in accordance with Welsh 
 usage”, then the assertion cannot be accepted ; and the translation so 
 defended, though possible and harmonising well enough with the context, 
 becomes doubtful when two such scholars as Price and Stephens agree 
 in rejecting it.] 
 
 2 “ Hie ex reginis sex filios, Addam, Bselricum, Theodricum, iEthel- 
 ricum, Theodherum, Osmerum, et sex habuit ex pellicibus, Occ, 
 Alricum, Eccam, Oswold, Sogor, Sogotherum.” — Florence of Worcester, 
 sub anno 547. Mon. Hist. Brit., p. 524. 
 
70 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 The kingdom of Deira was founded by Ella in 559, though 
 Urien appears still to have maintained his own. Ella died in 
 588, when he was succeeded by Ethelric, who united Deivr 
 and Bryneich under his own sway, until he was succeeded, in 
 593, by Ethelfrith, the victor at Cattraeth. Theodrio, pro- 
 bably, began to reign in 572 ; but as the Angli and Britons 
 appear to have had no wars of magnitude up to that time, 
 we will turn for a little while to the history of the Britons 
 themselves. 
 
 It has often been the case with the Kymric princes, that 
 when the pressure from without has been removed, their 
 alliances fall asunder, and they begin to quarrel among 
 themselves : and thus we find that Urien was at war with 
 his neighbours, or they with him. Llywarch Hen, in his 
 Elegy, enumerates his opponents : — 
 
 “ Dunawd, the knight of the warring field, would fiercely rage, 
 With a mind determined to make a dead corpse, 
 
 Against the quick onset of Owain. 
 
 “ Dunawd, the hasty chief, would fiercely rage, 
 
 With mind elated for the battle, 
 
 Against the conflict of Pasgen. 
 
 “ Gwallawg, the knight of tumult, would violently rave, 
 
 With a mind determined to try the sharpest edge, 
 
 Against the conflict of Elphin.” 1 
 
 1 [These verses, and that which follows, are thus given by Skene, 
 Four Ancient Books , ii, 271 (Myv. Arch., i, 105; Gee’s edit., p. 8G) : — 
 
 xxxvi u P6yllei duna6t marcha6c g6ein. 
 
 Erechwyd g6neuthur kelein : 
 
 Yn erbyn cryssed owein.” 
 
 xxxvij “ P6yllei duna6t vd pressen. 
 
 Erechwyd g6neuthur catwen : 
 
 Yn erbyn kyfryssed pasgen.” 
 
 xxxviij “ P6yllei walla6c marcha6c trin. 
 
 Erechwyd g6neuthur dyuin : 
 
 Yn erbyn kyfryssed elphin.” 
 
 ii “ Dym kyuarwydyat vn h6ch 
 
 Dywal : dywedit yn dr6s llecli. 
 
 Duna6t uab pabo ny tech.”] 
 
THE PEOPLE OF NORTH BRITAIN. 
 
 71 
 
 Owen, Pasgen, and Elphin, were the sons of Urien ; and 
 probably these events took place about 560. From another 
 verse in the same poem we learn that Dunawd’s patrimony 
 lay west of Urien’s : — 
 
 “ Let me be guided onward, thou ashen-thruster, 
 
 Fiercely was it said in the pass of Llech, 
 
 * Dunawd, the son of Pabo, will never fly’.” 
 
 The Llech of this verse is probably the place called Leek, in 
 Lancashire, a little to the south of the Westmoreland border. 
 Dunawd and Gwallawc appear to have occupied portions of 
 Westmoreland and Cumberland, and when Gwallog retired 
 to Wales, the property appears to have been transferred to 
 Dunawd, who had married his daughter, and from him to his 
 son Gwarthan. It would seem that either before or after 560, 
 the chieftains of the North, under the guidance of Urien, 
 came to Wales, and there fought several battles against the 
 Irish settlers on the Western coast. Gwalloc formed part of 
 this expedition, and afterwards settled in Merionethshire. 
 In this campaign there was a battle at Berwyn dale, at 
 Pencoed, and in Aeron ; and some members of Urien’s 
 family appear to have settled about Loughor and 
 Gower. 
 
 Other conflicts took place in the North. An alliance was 
 formed between Aeddan ab Gavran, Gwenddoiau ab Ceidio, 
 Morgant ab Sadyrnin, and the sons of Eliffer, to dispossess 
 Ehydderch Hael of his dominions, on account of his advo- 
 cacy of Christianity and persecution of the pagan Druids. 
 They succeeded in their object, expelled Ehydderch from his 
 kingdom, and so completely ransacked his capital that it did 
 not retain food for a gnat. There was, however, a day of 
 retribution in store. Ehydderch formed an alliance with the 
 Southern Kings; and Urien, Gwallawc, Nudd Hael, and 
 others came to his assistance. Other actors there were also. 
 
72 
 
 TIIE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Judging from the Triads } Dunawd took the part of Gwen- 
 ddolau, as also did Bran and Mellyrn. On the other hand, 
 Maelgwn Gwynedd, Dywel ab Erbin, Twrch ab Arthan, and 
 Elgan Hen, appear to have sided with Ehydderch. The Triads 1 
 call this one of the “ frivolous battles” of Ynys Prydain, 
 being fought for an eagle’s nest, which may be a metaphorical 
 name for Dumbarton. This conflict took place at [Arderydd] 
 Airdrie, near Glasgow, in 577, and 80,000 men are said to have 
 fallen in the fight. This is most probably a great exaggera- 
 tion ; but the battle was decisive, and ensured both the per- 
 sonal triumph of Ehydderch and that of Christianity. Gwen- 
 ddolau and his allies were defeated with great loss ; and he 
 himself, who was called one of the “ three bulls of battle”, 2 
 was slain. His tribe, however, which is said to have num- 
 bered 2,100 warriors, maintained a struggling contest for six 
 weeks longer, and seven score of his friends, including 
 Merddin, the bard, took refuge in the wood of Celyddon, 
 until they became sprites, and were compelled to submit by 
 starvation. There is a description of this battle in an old 
 poem attributed to Merddin, 3 in which are contained several 
 traits of undoubted antiquity. After that battle Merddin 
 came southward ; and was buried at Bardsey Island. 
 
 Eeturn we to narrate the conflict of the Cymry and the 
 Saxons. According to the arrangement of the Northum- 
 brian reigns in Bede, Theodric began to reign in 572. He 
 appears to have been a man of some energy ; and, feeling 
 that the Anglian power was increasing, he appears to have 
 
 1 [For the details see the following Triads : Teir ofergat , i, 47 ; iii, 50; 
 Teir drut aerfa , i, 46 ; iii, 52 ; Tri diweir deulu , i, 34 ; ii, 41 ; iii, 80 ; Tri 
 Marchlwyth , ii, 11.] 
 
 2 [ Trioedd Ynys Prydain : Cyfres i, 12 ; Cyfres iii, 72. — Vide Myv. 
 Arch., ii, 4, 69 ; Gee’s edition, pp. 389, 407.] 
 
 3 [The poem referred to is probably that in the “ Black Book of Caer- 
 marthen” fol. l.a., and given by Skene in Four Ancient Books , ii, 3. 
 See also Myv. Arch., i, 48 ; Gee’s edit., p. 45.] 
 
THE PEOPLE OF NORTH BRITAIN. 
 
 73 
 
 aimed at extending his territory or plundering his neigh- 
 bours. Rhydderch Hen, Morgan, Gw alia wg, and Urien, are 
 said to have distinguished themselves about this time by op- 
 posing the Angli, and Nennius 1 especially names Urien and 
 his sons as the opponents of Theodric. Taliesin names the 
 battle of Gwenystrad as one of the brilliant exploits of 
 Urien ; and, as concurring facts lead me to place the scene of 
 this battle in Winsterdale, in Westmoreland, it is probable 
 that Theodric had invaded that country. Urien, who had on 
 a previous occasion signalised himself at Llech Wen Galysten 
 (Gayles, near Cattraeth, or Leak, near Nether Silton) pro- 
 bably against Ella, on which occasion he was wounded, ap- 
 pears to have hastened to the relief of Gwallawc. The con- 
 flict is described by the bard . 2 
 
 The Battle of Gwenystrad. 
 
 u Extol the warriors, who on Cattraeth' s lawn 
 Went forth to battle with the rising dawn. 
 
 Victorious TJrien's praise the Bard next sings, 
 
 The first of heroes and the shield of kings. 
 
 “The British host, impatient for the fray, 
 
 Repair’d to Gwenystrad in firm array. 
 
 As when the ocean with tremendous roar, 
 
 By tempests driven, overwhelms the shore ; 
 
 So furious is their onset thro’ the field, 
 
 Nor vales, nor woods, the spoilers shelter yield. 
 
 “ But near the fort the conflict fiercer raged, 
 
 For heroes at the pass the foe engaged : 
 
 There Horror stalk’d in hideous forms around, 
 
 While blood in purple streams deluged the ground : 
 
 And ere the long disputed fort they gain, 
 
 What numbers lifeless strew th’ ensanguin’d plain ! 
 
 1 [Stevenson’s Nennius , by San-Marte, sect. 63, p. 72 ; Mon. Hist. 
 Brit., 75d.] 
 
 2 [See Edward Jones, Musical and Poetical RelicJcs of the Welsh Bards , 
 2nd edit. (London, 1794), p. 20. 
 
74 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Chiefs, that rush’d on the hostile rank as fast 
 As chaff is whirl’d before the northern blast, 
 
 See mangled lie! — ne’er, when the battle ceas’d, 
 
 Shall they again among their kindred feast. 
 
 Batter’d their arms, their garments dyed in gore, 
 
 And desolation marks their path no more. 
 
 “ See RegecTs dauntless Christian Chief appear, 
 
 And consternation seize the Saxon rear ! 
 
 At Llechwen — Galysten , on Urien's brow 
 Destruction as terrific frown’d as now : 
 
 His sword with slaughter’d foes o’erspread the field ; 
 
 And prov’d his arm, his people’s strongest shield. 
 
 For war, Euronwy , may thy bosom glow, 
 
 And till death bids my numbers cease to flow : 
 
 May Peace to me her balmy sweets ne’er bring, 
 
 If I can linen's praise forget to sing !” 
 
 The united forces of Urien and Gwallawe were eminently 
 triumphant. Theodric was defeated : the victory was fol- 
 lowed up, and in the end he was compelled to leave the 
 mainland and take refuge in the island of Lindisfarne (Med- 
 caut, Nennius), where he was shut up for three days and 
 nights. From thence we may conclude that he was liberated 
 on terms ; but, rankling under the shame of defeat, he courted 
 the alliance of Ceawlin, King of the West Saxons, who was 
 then distinguishing himself in the South. In 574 ( Anglo- 
 Saxon Chronicle, 577), Ceawlin and his son Cuthwine came 
 to the North. To oppose this confederacy, the Britons, 
 who had formerly been in alliance with Gavran, King of the 
 Scots, sought the assistance of his successor, Conall. The 
 opposing forces met at Durham, and victory declared for the 
 Saxons. Conall fell in the fight, and Ceawlin, on his return, 
 slew Cynddylan and Caranmail, princes of Powys, and cap- 
 tured three British cities, viz., Bath, Gloster, and Cirencester. 
 
 Aeddan ab Gavran succeeded Conall as King of the Scots, 
 and one of his first acts was to join Gwenddolau ab Ceidio. 
 
 In 580, according to the Annales Cambriae, there occurred 
 an event which is somewhat singular, and strikingly illus- 
 
THE PEOPLE OF NORTH BRITAIN. 
 
 75 
 
 trates the request made to Marius by the Cimbri to name a 
 day on which to fight them. We find allusions to a similar 
 practice in our early literature ; and the Triads furnish us 
 with a case in point. One of the three faithless tribes was 
 that of Eliffer of the Great Betinue, and its infamy arose 
 from the following circumstances. Gwrgi and Peredur, the 
 sons of Eliffer, had an appointment to fight with Eata Glin- 
 mawr 1 (a great-grandson of Ida) at Caer Greu ; but their fol- 
 lowers absconded the night before, and both were slain in 
 consequence ( Trioedd Y. P. Cyfres i, 35 ; Gyfres ii, 42 ; 
 Cyfres iii, 81 ; Myv. Arch ., ii, 8, 16, 70: Gee’s edition, pp. 390, 
 398, 408). This event is placed in 580 in the Annales 
 Cambriae ; but in the JBra Cambro-Britannica, it is placed 
 in 584, and it is possible that it may have some reference to 
 the battle of Mathreu, or Miathorum, as it is named by 
 Adomnan. 
 
 A few years afterwards, when Theodric had been suc- 
 ceeded by Ereodwald, the Angli and West Saxons appear 
 once more in alliance. In the meantime, Urien had been 
 appointed commander-in-chief, on account of his military 
 prowess and skill in the art of war. He had the honour of 
 being accounted one of “the three bulls of battle”; but his 
 exaltation excited the envy of Morgan and other chieftains ; 
 and the effect of this jealousy appeared at the battle of 
 Mathreu, in 584. To meet the formidable alliance of the 
 Anglo-Saxons, Urien sent messages to his allies, and to the 
 British chiefs. The Scots came (Buchanan), but many of 
 the Britons neglected the Saxons (Taliesin) ; and conse- 
 quently they had to fight with insufficient forces. The van- 
 guard of the West Saxons, under Cutha, were attacked im- 
 mediately, their commander was slain, and his army com- 
 pletely routed. In the meantime, the Angles had effected a 
 junction with the rear-guard, under Ceawlin in person ; the 
 1 Nennius , sec. 61 ; Mon. Hist. Brit., 75b. 
 
76 
 
 TIIE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDEYDD. 
 
 Britons were attacked in turn and defeated (Buchanan). 
 Urien, at the instigation of Morgan, fell by the hand of 
 an assassin named Llovan Llaw Ddifrod (Llywarch Hen 1 ), 
 and Ceawlin wrathfully returned to the South. This battle 
 was fought at Fethanlea (Frethern), in Northumberland, and 
 is the Miathorum bellum of Adomnan and the Mathreu of 
 Taliesin. 
 
 In the same year, or in that immediately following, Aeddan 
 ab Gavran was again in arms, and became the victor at the 
 battle of Mannan. This is sometimes supposed to have 
 been fought in the Isle of Man ; but as the battle is named 
 Mannan in the Gododin , and not Mannaw, I am satisfied 
 that it took place either at Clack mannan, or at Sla mannan, 
 possibly the latter. There were many British chieftains in 
 the engagement, and it is probable that the opponents were 
 the Angli, who, upon the strength of the victory of Mathreu, 
 allied themselves with the Piets, and thought they might 
 venture northwards to . invade the dominions of the Scots 
 and Britons. A short time afterwards Aeddan was again in 
 arms against the Saxons, at the battle of Leithrigh, in which 
 he appears to have been the victor. This is variously named 
 the battle of Leithreid, Leithredh, and Leithrigh, which may 
 possibly have taken place at Leith, and, as usual, it is dated 
 589 in the Ann. Ullon., and a year later in Tighernac; 
 and, if recorded in the Saxon Annals, would be placed 
 in 593. Indeed, there was a great battle in that year, in 
 which the Britons and Angles were victorious over the West 
 Saxons ; but it appears to have taken place further south. 
 And again (595, Ann. Ulton., or 596, Tighernac) was fought 
 the battle of Kirkin, in which he appears to have been 
 
 1 [ Marwnad Urien Reged, verse xlvi, as given in the Myv. Arch., i, 106 ; 
 Gee’s edition, p. 86 ; but verse xlv of the older version from the “ Red 
 Book of Hergest”, printed by Skene, Four Ancient Rooks , ii, 272. See 
 also Triads , series i, 38, series iii, 47, in which the assassination of Urien 
 is described as one of the Teir an/ad gyflafan of the Isle of Britain.] 
 
THE PEOPLE OF NORTH BRITAIN. 
 
 77 
 
 defeated and Ins sons slain, viz., Bran, Domangort, Eochach- 
 find, and Arthur. 
 
 In both these instances the Saxons were the aggressors, and 
 it is evident that the Angli were now under the government 
 of an able and energetic ruler ; and an examination of the list 
 of kings w T ill reveal the fact. Ida, having died in 559, was 
 succeeded (Florence of Worcester, Mon. Hist. Brit., 529b, 
 639b) by his first-born 
 
 Adda, who reigned seven years — 559 to 566 ; 
 
 Clappa reigned five years — 566 to 571 ; 
 
 Theodulf reigned one year — 571 to 572 ; 
 
 Freothwulf reigned seven years — 572 to 579 ; 
 
 Theodric, son of Ida, reigned seven years — 579 to 586; 
 
 Ethelric, son of Ida, reigned two years — 586 to 588 — while 
 Ella yet lived ; and upon the death of that monarch, he ex- 
 pelled his infant son Edwin from the kingdom, and reigned 
 himself for five years more over the united kingdoms of 
 Deivr and Bryneich — 588 to 593. Upon the death of Ethelric 
 in 593, he was succeeded by his son Ethelfrid. This man 
 was the Ethelfred Fleisawr (“vastator vel depopulator”) of 
 Nennius and the “ Mwg-mawr-drefydd” 1 2 of Llywarch Hen. 
 He appears to have been a man of much ability ; and ulti- 
 mately proved a terrible scourge to the Britons of the North 
 and of Wales. His portrait has been finely drawn by 
 Malmesbury : “ Ethelfrid, the eldest of Ethelric’s sons, com- 
 pensated the greenness of his years by the maturity of 
 his conduct. He began at first vigorously to defend his Own 
 territories, afterwards eagerly to invade his neighbours, and 
 to seek occasion for signalizing himself on all sides. Many 
 wars were begun by him with foresight, and terminated with 
 
 1 [Stevenson’s Nennius by San-Marte, sect. 57, p. 70; Mon. Hist. 
 Brit., 74b.] 
 
 2 [See the poems relating to “ Mwg Mawr Drefydd” in Skene’s Four 
 Ancient Books, vol. i, pp. 3 19 — 335.] 
 
78 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 success , as he was neither restrained from duty by indolence, 
 nor precipitated into rashness by courage.” (Giles’ Trans., 
 Bohn’s edit., p. 43.) But we must look to Bede for a right 
 description of the man : — 
 
 “ At this time Ethelfrid, a most worthy king, and ambitious 
 of glory, governed the kingdom of the Northumbrians, and 
 ravaged the Britons more than all the great men of the 
 English, insomuch that he might be compared to Saul, once 
 king of the Israelites, excepting only in this, that he was 
 ignorant of the true religion. Eor he conquered more terri- 
 tories from the Britons, either making them tributary or 
 driving the inhabitants clean out, and planting English in 
 their places, than any other king or tribune. To him might 
 justly be applied the saying of the Patriarch, blessing his son 
 in the person of Saul, ‘ Benjamin shall ravin as a wolf: in 
 the morning he shall devour the prey, and at night he shall 
 divide the spoil.’” — ( Bed& Hist. Eccl., i,34 : Bohn’s edit., p. 61.) 
 His incursions greatly annoyed the Scots and North Britons ; 
 and, smarting under the pain of two successive defeats, they 
 determined to form a powerful combination and crush him 
 at one blow. The preliminaries were well arranged; an 
 alliance was formed with the Britons of Wales ; and the 
 rendezvous appears to have been Cattraeth. At the ap- 
 pointed time, “ in the season of tempests, and in a tempes- 
 tuous season”, the war commenced. The veteran King of the 
 Scots came with the eagerness of youth, though seventy 
 winters had flown over his head; and in his train came 
 Tudvwlch the Tall, Chief of the Isle of Egg, whose towering 
 ambition overtopped all the rest. British names also appear 
 in the bardic muster roll ; and Maeluma the son of Baeddan, 
 with Wid his unflinching brother, hastened to the fray. The 
 Northern Britons, too, came all with one accord ; three 
 princes of the Novantae came with their contingents at their 
 back : Gwarthan ab Hunawd, “ the beloved tower of battle”, 
 
THE PEOPLE OF NORTH BRITAIN. 
 
 79 
 
 came with the men of Western Gododin ; and Heiddin Hir, 
 “the monstrous feeder”, brought the men of Lothian. All these 
 met at the modern capital of Scotland, under the direction of 
 Mynyddog Eiddin, leader of that splendid retinue, affluent in 
 gold and sparkling wine, which was destined to leave but one 
 weak survivor : and merry was the meeting of the panting 
 warriors. “ The minstrels sang of war” ; “ sparkling was the 
 horn in the halls of Eiddin” ; and “ pompously was ordered 
 the intoxicating mead.” 
 
 “ At the hour when the Sun, 
 
 Ruler of the whole beautiful Heaven 
 Of the Isle of Britain, 
 
 Ascends the Eastern sky” — 
 
 “ three men, three score and three hundred warriors, wear- 
 ing golden torques,” issued from Edinburgh in glittering 
 array ; and direful was the flight before the clattering shields 
 of the pursuing warriors. From the town of Tweed they 
 came, forming in ranks before the general, and shouting 
 with united voices. At Cattraeth they met the Britons, 
 who had come in force to protect the small remnant of the 
 DeivyriaH natives. The &ite of the Welsh warriors appear 
 to have hastened to meet their northern brethren, for they 
 form nine-tenths of the persons named by the Bard. Having 
 joined their forces, they put themselves on the offensive; 
 and Ethelfrith, alarmed by this well appointed and formidable 
 armament, sent Twrch ab Arthan to offer terms of peace ; 
 but the offer was rejected, and hostilities commenced. They 
 appear, first of all, to have encountered Theodbald, the brother 
 of Ethelfrith, in command of the men of Deira; “a hundred 
 score of the puny men of Deivr fell before the blades of 
 Hyvaidd Hir”; the Guisborough division (“ Cangen Caer- 
 wys” ?) was completely annihilated ; and Theodbald himself 
 fell by the hand of Maeluma, the son of Baeddan. Their 
 success in the first engagement seems to have satisfied these 
 
80 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 warriors; for we are informed that on Saturday, the day 
 after this conflict, they remained quiescent ; and on Sunday 
 they feasted upon the wine and mead of the sea houses (i.e., 
 of the enemy?) and upon the dainties provided by the tenants 
 of Mynyddog. This is the great feast, so frequently named 
 by the Bard ; — hinc illae lacrymae , — and this was the source of 
 their subsequent defeat. With the exception of Cynon of 
 Aeron, nearly all the chieftains partook to excess of this 
 intoxicating banquet ; the wealth of Edinburgh was applied 
 to its production ; all that the refinement of the time sup- 
 plied appears to have been called into requisition; and 
 G-wlyged of Gododin, the steward of the feast, has been cele- 
 brated ever since, as the possessor of one of the thirteen 
 British curiosities — a drinking-horn, that never requires re- 
 filling ; but they were doomed to drink the cup of bitterness 
 to the very dregs ; “ clear mead was their liquor, and became 
 their poison ; and true was the destiny sworn to Tudvwlch, 
 and to Cyvwlch proved, that if they drink sparkling mead 
 by light of torch, long would be its woe, though sweet its 
 taste”. That night they slept upon sheepskins, provided by 
 the attentive Gwlyged; but the morning sun found them 
 suffering from their debauch ; and they rushed into battle in 
 a state of such helpless intoxication, that many fell head- 
 long from their horses, when in the act of striking. The 
 skilful warriors rose together, and many performed prodigies 
 of valour. Morien, the noisy brawler of the preceding night, 
 deserved the mead horns by his valour in the fight : men 
 fell like rushes before the blade of Cynon, the son of Clydno, 
 who was generous as he was brave, and as kind-hearted as 
 he was polite. The son of Bodgad inflicted terrible chas- 
 tisement upon the foe ; Tudvwlch tore up the enemy with 
 his pike, and made bloody the station of the son of Eilydd ; 
 and Merin ab Madyein justified the reputation obtained at 
 Wednesbury, when his method of fighting more Romanorum , 
 
SOCIAL HISTORY. 
 
 81 
 
 won the applause of allies, and the admiration of defeated 
 foes ; but all was of no avail. Tedbald, it is true, and all 
 his army, had been swept off as by a mighty whirlwind ; but 
 the subsequent imprudence of the Britons brought disgrace 
 upon the best of battles. If the Britons were slain, they 
 also slew, and seven times their number of slaughtered 
 Lloegrians told a tale of desperate valour ; but of the retinue 
 of Mynyddog, consisting of three hundred chieftains, wearing 
 the insignia of nobility, there escaped but one weak and 
 tottering arm ; and before the tent of Madoc, in the retreat, 
 there returned scarce one out of a hundred warriors. Ter- 
 rible was the onset of the mounted warriors ; they cut down 
 the Saxons, and gave them no quarter; but the flower of 
 British chivalry found a gory bed at the stone of slaughter ; 
 and the roaring voice of Ethelfrith in pursuit, as the flying 
 warriors ran breathless before the wind, was a startling proof 
 of most lamentable defeat. The victory was obtained at an 
 enormous cost; but it decided the fate of North Britain. 
 Soon afterwards, the kingdom of Northumbria included the 
 monastery of Abercorn; and a full century elapsed before 
 the Britons had ceased to bewail the slaughter of Cattraeth, 
 and were again enabled to make head against the English 
 power. 
 
 Section III. — Social History. 
 
 Having thus rapidly sketched the political history of 
 North Britain, after the Bomans had left the island, their 
 social history will also form an interesting subject of inquiry. 
 It is a very common error to believe that the natives of 
 Britain were no better than painted and skin-clad savages ; 
 for the accounts of the Bomans themselves furnish incidental 
 evidences that the Britons were, in reality, far advanced in 
 civilization ; and, from the discrepancy between their pro- 
 fessions and their practice, we learn that their descriptions 
 
 6 
 
82 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 are not to be very implicitly relied upon. Caesar found 
 savages on the coast of Kent ; but it also appears that the 
 land was parcelled out into fields with order and regularity; 
 that the savages were in the habit of cultivating corn, and 
 of carrying on an extensive commerce with the neigh- 
 bouring Gauls. They were inferior to the Romans in the 
 use of arms; but their war-chariots spread terror in the 
 Roman ranks wherever they appeared, and their foot had 
 skill enough to retreat without great loss, when the fortune 
 of the day proved adverse. The same great general wrote 
 home to say that there were no spoils to reward the enter- 
 prise, and yet attempted to impose a tribute upon the island, 
 in which there was no gold nor silver ; and Cicero 1 advises 
 his friend Trebatius to avoid an encounter with an armed 
 British charioteer, and to hasten his return by the first 
 essedum, he could meet with from an island where there was 
 no silver, and where but few slaves could be found learned 
 or skilled in music. On becoming better acquainted with 
 Britain, they found it to contain gold 2 in abundance ; but 
 learned slaves they never found there, for the people would 
 never submit to servitude, though they might permit them- 
 selves to be governed ; and we know that, with respect to 
 education, the British nobles were far in advance of their 
 conquerors, inasmuch as they never entrusted slaves with, 
 the education of their children — Druidism, Bardism, and 
 Minstrelsy being privileged crafts which none but free- 
 born Britons were allowed to practice. Appian 3 states that 
 Hadrian held half the island, that the other half was con- 
 sidered useless, and that the Emperor derived no profit 
 
 1 [Cic. ad Trebatium Epp., 6, 7, 16 ; Mon. Hist. Brit., pp. lxxxvii, 
 lxxxviii.] 
 
 2 [Strabo : Geographic lib. iv, c. 5, § 2 ; C. Taciti, de Vita Agricola; , 
 c. 12 ; Mon. Hist. Brit., pp. vi 2, xliii.] 
 
 3 [Appiani Roman. Hist. Prsef. , § 5 ; Mon. Hist. Brit., 1 2.] 
 
SOCIAL HISTORY. 
 
 83 
 
 from the part he held ; but he was very loth to part with 
 it ; and if it yielded him no revenue, the fact was due to 
 the peculation of his servants, rather than to the poverty of 
 the island, for at a subsequent period, the Emperor Julian 1 
 found it of more service. 
 
 When the Eomans first became acquainted with the 
 Britons, we find among them an organised priesthood, pos- 
 sessing celebrity abroad and influence at home 2 : the verses 
 of the Druids indicate the existence of a poetical literature ; 
 and, as twenty years were required to master the stores of 
 Druidic learning, we are warranted in the belief that they 
 had systems of philosophy sufficiently developed to justify 
 the assertion of Diogenes Laertius and the doubt of Aristotle, 
 that philosophy came from the West. We also find that the 
 people of the island were divided into tribes, having recog- 
 nised locations, inhabiting towns fortified by art, and con- 
 taining numerous populations ; and the confederacy, under 
 Caswallon (Cassivellaunus), presents the outline of a political 
 system. The occasional indications of mural structures and 
 of mechanical contrivances, which appear in the classic his- 
 torians, render it desirable for us to become acquainted with 
 the inner life of the British aborigines. 
 
 The first indications of the state of the island appear in 
 ancient mythologies, from which we learn that at a very 
 early period it was distinguished as a commercial and corn- 
 growing country. These may be deemed to be somewhat 
 uncertain historical evidences, and they are so ; but as his- 
 torical facts are found by careful induction to form the basis 
 of fables and legends, they are not without their significance. 
 The flourishing state of Britain as an agricultural district is 
 a prominent and distinguishing feature in the earliest Grecian 
 traditions of a mystic character, in which such allusions may 
 
 1 [Zosimi Historic Novse, iii, 5 ; Mon. Hist. Brit., lxxvi.] 
 
 2 [C. J. Caesar, de Bello Gallico, vi, 13 ; Mon. Hist. Brit., xxxiii, 2.] 
 
 6 2 
 
84 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 be traced. Hecateus, an ancient writer quoted by Diodorus 
 Siculus , 1 represents the island as highly favoured by Apollo, 
 and so fertile as to produce two crops of corn annually ; and 
 the author of the Argonautic poem 2 describes Britain as being 
 in a more especial manner the residence of Ceres, from the 
 abundance and fertility of the soil. Strabo 3 quotes the au- 
 thority of an ancient Greek geographer in stating that the 
 mysteries of Ceres and Proserpine were practised in some of 
 the British isles after the manner of the Cabiri in Samo- 
 thrace, by which we are to understand that the fecundity of 
 nature in the production of the fruits of the earth was cele- 
 brated in their religious ceremonies, and that the Eleusinian 
 mysteries, which the wisest of the heathen philosophers pro- 
 nounced to be one of the greatest blessings conferred on 
 mankind, were in some degree identical with the tenets and 
 doctrines of Druidism. The historical records and traditions 
 which are assumed to have been handed down from the 
 Druidical period, and which are found to harmonise with 
 the types and allusions conveyed through the dark medium 
 of mythology, afford the strongest presumption that the cul- 
 tivation of the soil was one of the principal objects of en- 
 couragement under the sway of the Druids ; and that agri- 
 culture, and the arts in connection with it, must have had 
 a considerable degree of advancement under the operation 
 of laws which, in the mystic language of the age, may justly 
 be ascribed to the sovereignty of Ceres. The historical and 
 mythological character of Hu Gadarn, whom the Triads 4 
 represent as retiring from the turmoils of continental dis- 
 
 1 [Diodori Siculi Bibliothecae. Historic se lib. ii, c. 47.] 
 
 2 [ Orpheus , vv. 1187-8. He calls it evpea SA/mcit’ dvdcrans ArjurjTpii, 
 “ The spacious palace of Queen Ceres.”] 
 
 3 [Strabo, Geographic lib. iv, c. 4, § 6, quoting Artemidorus ; Mon. 
 Hist. Brit, vi.] 
 
 4 [ Trioedd Ynys Pry (lain, Cyfres iii, 4, 5. Myv, Arch., ii, pp. 57, 58 ; 
 Gee’s ed., p. 400.] 
 
SOCIAL HISTORY. 
 
 85 
 
 turbances, and seeking in Gaul and Britain for a less exposed 
 region for cultivating the arts of peace and industry, seems to 
 embody the early efforts of agricultural science and skill in 
 promoting the ends of humanity. To him is ascribed the 
 origin of that social system which combined the influence of 
 religion with the cultivation of the soil, and led to the estab- 
 lishment of the various orders of Druidism, with duties and 
 offices assigned and limited to each. During a subsequent 
 period of the Druidical era, though at an interval not easily 
 defined, the Moelmutian code of legislation (or that of Dyfn- 
 wal Moelmud) appears in operation, in giving increased 
 security and efficacy to field labours. The cultivation of the 
 soil enjoyed especial protection under the laws which extended 
 the privileges of sanctuary to the plough and the highways, 
 which forbade that any implement of husbandry should be 
 seized in satisfaction for debts, or that any diminution in the 
 number of ploughs should take place in any district under 
 any circumstances ; and which enacted that all proceedings 
 of a judicial nature should be suspended during the seasons 
 of sowing and harvesting . 1 
 
 In order to give due effect to such a system of legislation 
 for the promotion of agricultural industry, it may be pre- 
 sumed that the whole island had been parcelled out and 
 divided on some uniform scale, and that cantreds, commots, 
 villas, and tenements had been formed in regular order 
 before such laws could be enforced ; and that there were 
 national surveys of high antiquity for the security of indi- 
 vidual rights and the adjustment of public burdens. Ac- 
 cordingly, we find that these divisions and subdivisions of 
 land existed from time immemorial on the model of ancient 
 
 1 This whole paragraph has been taken from an ingenious Essay by 
 the R,ev. John Jones, Llanllyfni, on The State of Agriculture under the 
 Druidical System ; and on the ante-Roman part of this section I have 
 done but little else than rearrange the matter of that Essay. 
 
86 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Etruria, and that the terms by which they are designated 
 belong to a period beyond the reach of any European annals. 
 The Anglo-Saxons were fully aware of the high state of cul- 
 tivation which prevailed in Britain, and hence, judging from 
 the tenor of their earliest charters in the transfer and distri- 
 bution of land, they had no occasion for either admeasure- 
 ment or surveys, finding the rural districts already divided 
 into farms, regularly arranged into arable, meadow, pasture, 
 and woodland, under limited and defined boundaries, and 
 possessing all the requisites for employing the industry of 
 the occupants. Such order in the arrangement of landed 
 property required a much longer period for development 
 than the time which intervened between the Saxon invasion 
 and the date of these legal documents of conveyance ; nor is 
 there any evidence from which it may be inferred that this 
 flourishing state of agriculture was the result of Roman legis- 
 lation. On the very first visit of Ctesar, he found the eastern 
 coast regularly subdivided ; and in reaping one corn field , 
 which had been designedly left unreaped, one Roman legion 
 was all but completely destroyed . 1 
 
 Britain was noted for the superabundant fertility of her 
 soil, and the industry of her population, many ages before the 
 landing of Julius Csesar ; and the character she bore was that 
 of an agricultural and trading community. It was from 
 hence that Gaul derived her supplies , 2 which enabled her to 
 contend against the legions of Rome ; and the assistance thus 
 afforded formed the leading pretence for the invasion. The 
 Gauls knew but little of the island, excepting only the sea- 
 coast and the parts opposite to Gaul ; and it is supposed that 
 none but privileged merchants were permitted to approach 
 her ports and estuaries ; but however this may have been, it 
 is evident that there was an extensive commerce carried on 
 
 J [C. J. Csesar, de Bello Gallico , lib. iv, c. 32.] 
 
 ? lib. iii, c. 9, “auxilia ex Britannia arcessunt”. Cf. lib. iv, c. 20.] 
 
SOCIAL HISTORY. 
 
 87 
 
 between the Britons and the Gallic merchants named by 
 Caesar; and it is also equally clear that the transactions 
 were of such importance as to render the merchants disin- 
 clined to give him any information upon the subject. The 
 existence of mercantile intercourse was quite patent ; but 
 when Caesar had called the merchants together they could 
 neither inform him of the largeness of the island, nor what, nor 
 how powerful, the nations were that inhabited it, nor of their 
 customs, art of war, or the harbours fit to receive large ships. 
 On the arrivals of the legions they found themselves in the 
 midst of an agricultural province ; the fields were covered 
 with waving corn ; the Boman soldiers went out foraging, 
 and daily brought in supplies of British wheat ; and when the 
 natives had gathered in their harvest they sacrificed one field 
 of corn, in order to tempt the legions to destruction. 
 
 On his subsequent visit, Caesar having progressed further 
 inward, found the country thickly populated, having houses 
 like the Gauls, and having cattle, fowls, and geese in great 
 abundance. 1 
 
 There are good reasons for the belief that the Britons 
 adopted artificial means for increasing the fertility of the soil ; 
 and that the art of manuring land was in a considerable 
 state of advancement before the Boman invasion, may be in- 
 ferred from the agricultural terms of native origin in which 
 the language abounds. Marl or mwrl , so called for its fria- 
 bility, was one of the materials used by them, according to 
 the authority of Pliny (Hist. Nat., lib., xvii, § 4) ; and the 
 use of lime as a cement shows that the process of calcination 
 was well known, and applied to a variety of purposes. The 
 Britons, also, appear to have known the value of bone-dust, 
 thus anticipating Liebig ; and an interesting anecdote is told 
 
 1 [C. J. Csesar, de Bello Gallico , lib. v, c. 12. “ Hominum est infinita 
 
 multitude* creberrimaque sedificia, fere Gallicis consimilia ; pecorum 
 magnus numerus.”] 
 
88 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 in the Iolo MSS. (597-600), of the manner in which this dis- 
 covery was made. 
 
 Implements of husbandry, and several kinds of wheel- 
 carriages appear to have been in general use before the Roman 
 eagle visited the British shores ; and it is very probable that 
 they borrowed the invention of water-mills from the British 
 aborigines. Before the invasion these were unknown in Italy ; 
 but soon afterwards the idea was made known there; and 
 the application of water, as a motive power for machinery, 
 became a subject of speculation in the reign of Augustus. 
 Vitruvius [x, 5] describes the machinery by which corn might 
 be ground, but does not give it the name of a mill ; and a Greek 
 writer, of the same Augustan period, Antipater of Thessa- 
 lonia, in an epigram addressed to handmaids, has dressed up 
 the same idea. He tells them, “ that they may at length 
 enjoy their slumbers, notwithstanding the announcement of 
 the dawn of day by the crowing of the cock, inasmuch as 
 Ceres has charged the water-nymphs with the labour of 
 setting the mills in motion, by dashing from the summit of a 
 wheel, and making its axle revolve.” Mr. Jones ingeniously 
 argues in favour of its British origin ; and the Triads 1 certainly 
 impute its invention to a person named Coel ab Cyllin. 
 
 From the same Triad, we learn that Corfinwr introduced 
 the use of the sail and rudder, and Morddal, the art of using 
 cement in masonry ; or at least, some improvement in their 
 respective professions. Whatever authority may be allowed 
 to these historical records, which bear the impress of Druid- 
 ism, or to whatever period before the Roman invasion they 
 refer, there can be no doubt but that the Britons in early 
 times had distinguished themselves in shipbuilding and in 
 the erection of stone edifices, and that those terms which 
 designate mechanical appliances, implements of husbandry, 
 
 1 [ Trioedd Ymjs Prydain: Cyfres iii, 91. Myv. Arch ., ii, p. 71 ; Gee’s 
 edn., p. 409.] 
 
SOCIAL HISTORY. 
 
 89 
 
 domestic utensils, etc., and which bear a strong resemblance to 
 those of Etrurian origin, were peculiar to Britain before she 
 became a Boman province. It must also be admitted that 
 whatever advancement in art, whether as regards the anvil, the 
 loom, or the saw, may be traced among the Gauls, would apply 
 equally to Britain, as the undisturbed seat of discipline and 
 study, from whence scientific discoveries might be expected 
 to emanate. The Britons had not only their vessels for the 
 export and import of merchandise, but also an armed navy 
 for protecting their trade, and for keeping the other maritime 
 states in subjection. If the former were covered with hides, 
 and composed of oziers, the latter were built of oak boards, 
 with iron bolts, and furnished with chain-cables. 
 
 The Britons possessed various kinds of vehicles, and the 
 skill displayed in the adaptation of the wheel and axle to 
 carriages of various descriptions, both excited the astonish- 
 ment of the Bomans and gave an impulse to imitation ; nor 
 can we account for the adoption at Borne of the Celtic terms, 
 essedum, rheda, henna, petoritum, and for the private and 
 domestic vehicles then in use, except upon the assumption 
 that the Britons and Gauls possessed and exercised superior 
 skill in the fashion and construction of them. One of the 
 ruder kinds was the currus, which was used for the convey- 
 ance of military stores. The currus , if it be not the same as 
 the covinus, was a carriage of greater pretension : it is called 
 “ currus nobilis”, by Lucan , 1 and used to be ornamented with 
 paint, as is shown by the words of Propertius 2 , “ pictoque 
 Britannia curru”. Jornandes 3 identifies the currus falcatus with 
 the essedum; but, in reality, the armed chariot was another 
 kind, being the covinus, a carriage having scythes fixed to the 
 axle, the driver of which was called covinarius. This name, 
 
 1 [ PTiarsalia , lib. iii, v. 76 ; Mon. Hist. Brit, xci.] 
 
 2 [Propertii lib. iv, 3, 7 ; Mon. Hist. Brit. lxxxix.J 
 
 3 [J ornandis de Rebus Geticis , c. ii ; Mon. Hist. Brit, lxxxiii.] 
 
90 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 though it is now lost, as well as the carriage itself, yet has its 
 root in the word cywain , which signifies carrying in a carriage ; 
 cywain gwair is the Welsh term used for hauling hay. The 
 rheda was a carriage of a larger size : the term is mentioned 
 by Quintilian 1 as a Gaulish word ; and Suetonius 2 describes 
 the vehicle so-called. It resembled the Roman carruca , had 
 four wheels, and was rather a large carriage ; the name of its 
 driver was rhedarius or carrucarius. Dr. Meyrick 3 states 
 that “this word is not now to be found in the British lan- 
 guage, but evidently appears to have been used by them from 
 the word rhediad , which signifies a course, rhedeg , to run, 
 and rhedegva , a race, which no doubt are derived from the 
 same source”. But is not this the rhodawc , which we find 
 named at a later period, in the poems of Aneurin ? “ The 
 
 principal war chariot was the essedum, which Caesar, Virgil, 
 and Propertius agree in ascribing to the Britons. It was 
 chiefly remarkable for its swiftness, and the skill and dex- 
 terity of its driver essedarius,” who, according to Tacitus , 1 was 
 the person of most distinction, the fighting men being his de- 
 pendants. Essedum is supposed to have been the same word 
 as eistedd or eis-sedd ; and, if so, it afforded sitting accom- 
 modation. “ It seems to have pleased the Romans so greatly 
 that it was afterwards adopted at Rome for common use. 
 Great attention must have been paid to this exercise; and 
 the perfection it arrived at” was due to the fact that the 
 driving of a carriage and riding formed one of the four-and- 
 twenty British games. We are fortunate enough to possess 
 a description of their mode of warfare from an accomplished 
 eye witness, that is, f;rom the pen of Csesar ; and the follow- 
 ing ample account of the skill and dexterity of the British 
 youths, therefore, acquires additional interest. 
 
 1 [Inst. Orat. i, 5, 57, 68 ; Agricola , c. 12 ; Mon. Hist. Brit, xlii 2.] 
 
 2 [Suetonius in vita Neronis , 30.] 
 
 3 [The History and Antiquities of the County of Cardigan (London, 
 1808), Introduction, p. clxxi.] 
 
SOCIAL HISTORY. 
 
 91 
 
 “ This is the nature of the essedum fighting. They first 
 scour up and down on every side, throwing their darts, creating 
 disorder among the ranks by the terror of their horses, and 
 noise of their wheel chariots, and when they are got among 
 the troops of horse they leap out and fight on foot. Mean- 
 time the charioteers retire to a little distance from the field, 
 and place themselves in such a manner, that if the others are 
 overpowered by the number of the enemy, they may be 
 secure to make good their retreat. Thus they act with the 
 agility of cavalry, and the steadiness of infantry, in battle, and 
 become so expert by constant practice, that in declivities and 
 precipices they can stop their horses on full speed, and on a 
 sudden check and turn them, run along the pole, rest on the 
 harness, and then as quickly dart into their chariots again. 
 They frequently retreat on purpose, and after they have 
 drawn our men a little way from the main body, leap from 
 their poles, and wage an unequal war on foot, making it 
 alike dangerous to pursue or retire.” — Bell. Gall., lib. iv, 33 ; 
 lib. v, 16. 
 
 These war chariots caused much inconvenience to the 
 forces of Caesar. 1 We learn from the biographer of Agricola 
 that they spread consternation among the Eomans in the 
 battle of the Grampians 3 ; and Virgil {Georg., iii, 204) finely 
 describes the prowess of the charioteers, who 
 
 fearless rushing ’mid the ranks of war, 
 
 O’er routed armies wheel the Belgic car.” 
 
 Sotheby. 
 
 These chariots were very numerous at that period; and 
 some notion may be formed of their number, when Caswallon, 
 after his defeat, and after disbanding his forces, retained 
 “ only four thousand chariots”. 3 The Britons were noted, not 
 
 1 [C. J. Csesar, de Bello Gall., lib. v, c. 16; Dio Cassius, Histories 
 Romans lib. xl, § 2 ; Mon. Hist. Brit. Iii 2.] 2 [ Agricola , c. 36.] 
 
 3 [Bell. Gall., lib. v, c. 19.] 
 
92 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 only for wheel carriages, but also for the breed and manage- 
 ment of horses, which Dio Cassius describes to be small and 
 fleet, as they still are. It also appears that their harnais, a 
 genuine British word, was elaborately formed and figured, as 
 we are informed by the poet Propertius , 1 one of the contem- 
 poraries of Julius Caesar, who says : — 
 
 “ Esseda caelatis siste Britanna jugis.” 
 
 And, indeed, it would seem that they prided themselves 
 much upon the decoration of their horses, for the term 
 seirch, by which harness is described in the Gododin, denotes 
 silken trappings, as it is most probably derived from the 
 Latin serious. 
 
 The Britons also appear to have been acquainted with 
 some of the chemical processes used in manufactures ; and 
 of their skill in metallurgy, we yet possess undoubted 
 evidence. The golden torques and armlets which consti- 
 tuted the principal ornaments of the British chieftain are 
 often of the most exquisite workmanship. The few specimens 
 of their defensive armour which remain to us are both skil- 
 fully and elegantly fabricated ; and in those curious instru- 
 ments called celts, which have so long constituted the torment 
 of antiquaries, and which are invariably found by analysis to 
 consist of ten parts of copper, combined with one of tin, we 
 have abundant proof that they were well acquainted with 
 the means of tempering no very tractable materials for do- 
 mestic or warlike uses. These processes bespeak the ante- 
 cedent process of reduction from the native ores ; and in the 
 reduction of iron, copper, and tin, we have an early anticipa- 
 tion of the ironworks of South Wales, Staffordshire, and 
 Scotland, the tin works of Glamorganshire, and the copper 
 works of Swansea. The fusion and welding of iron is in- 
 dicated by the ringed iron currency ; and we know, further, 
 that lead, silver, and gold were well known to the same 
 1 [Propertii lib. ii, 1, 76.] 
 
SOCIAL HISTORY. 
 
 93 
 
 people. The employment of a metallic circulating medium 
 is very plainly indicated by the specimens of that golden 
 ring money which is considered so precious an addition to 
 our cabinets and museums ; and the editor of the Monumenta 
 Historica, p. cli, gives his sanction to the statement that 
 the Britons had a regular coinage before the arrival of the 
 Romans . 1 
 
 The manufacture of salt was known to them, and the great 
 abundance of tricoloured beads found in Britain cannot well 
 be accounted for except upon the supposition that the art of 
 manufacturing them was known to the Druids. The use of 
 the blow-pipe, by which they were formed, and its resem- 
 blance to a serpent, has led to an extraordinary delusion on 
 the subject of their production. Pliny 2 was so far imposed 
 upon, in having the process described to him as practised in 
 Gaul, as to assert that they were produced by the blowing of 
 snakes, unless he was self-deceived. Glain natron , or glass 
 beads, formed by the fusion of sand and natron (the usual in- 
 gredients), by means of a blowpipe, agrees so nearly in sound 
 with glain nadron, or snake-beads, as to justify the only 
 reasonable solution of such an extraordinary phenomenon as 
 that of the production of beads by the hissing of snakes, as 
 attested by the Roman naturalist. Nor were they un- 
 acquainted with what may be termed the domestic arts. Mr. 
 Jones, with much plausibility, argues that the cultivation of 
 flax and the manufacture of linen were not unknown. He 
 says, “The Druidical order, like the priesthood of Egypt, was 
 distinguished by the wearing of linen robes, from which we 
 may safely infer that flax and hemp were articles of cultivation 
 in Britain at the earliest period ; and that they were em- 
 
 1 [See also Evans’ Coins of the Ancient Britons , p. 31. “ We may 
 
 regard it as, to say the least of it, highly probable that there was a 
 native coinage in some parts of Britain as early as 150 b.c., if not 
 earlier.” See also p. 42 of the same work.] 
 
 2 [Hist. Nat. lib. xxix, § 12 ; Mon. Hist. Brit, cv.] 
 
94 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 ployed by the western maritime states in the art of sailing 
 may be further inferred from the substitution of leather as a 
 material better suited for the boisterous gales of the Atlantic. 
 The terms belonging to the art and the implements of weav- 
 ing, and the peculiar form of the shuttle, as distinguished 
 from the radius of the Greeks and Oriental nations, are proofs 
 of originality in the construction and use of the loom.” The 
 dress of the Britons has been a matter of dispute ; some per- 
 sons have asserted that they were naked savages having no 
 covering but skins, and others claim for them the use of more 
 perfect habiliments ; but both parties having extended these 
 inductions too far, have committed the error of extending to 
 the whole that which was true only of a part. Caesar 1 informs 
 us that the Britons of the interior were clad in skins . but he 
 also informs us that the people on the sea-coast were more 
 civilised. At the same time he gives us room to infer that 
 this civilisation embraced the use of artificial garments ; and 
 Strabo, writing a few years later, assures us that the inhabit- 
 ants (of Kent, Cornwall, and Devon) had black cloaks, were 
 clad in tunics reaching to the feet, and girt about the breast, 
 walked about with staves (“like furies in a tragedy,” says 
 Meyrick, p. cxcii), and were bearded like goats (Mon. Hist. 
 Excerpta de Britannia , p. v, 2). We also learn from Varro 2 that 
 the nobler Britons were in the habit of wearing robes, one of 
 which he describes to be a thick hairy garment, which they 
 called Gaunacum , in which we recognise the English gown, and 
 Welsh gihn. In Gaul great numbers of the population were 
 occupied in weaving a woollen cassock called laina ; and as 
 this was probably the lliain, or the gwlanen, of the Cymry, 
 the same remark will apply to this island. The bardocueullus 
 was also a Celtic garment ; and in his Glossary of British 
 Terms , the Rev. J. Williams gives us the full account of it. 
 
 1 [Bell. Gall. lib. v, c. 14 ; Mon. Hist. Brit, xxxii.] 
 
 2 [De Lingua Latina , y. 167.] 
 
SOCIAL HISTORY. 
 
 95 
 
 “ Barddgwccwll. A hood of sky-blue, which the privileged 
 bard wore, on all occasions that he officiated, as a graduated 
 badge, or literary ornament. This habit was borrowed from 
 the British bards by the Druids of Gaul, and from them by 
 the Romans, who called it Bardocucullus, or the bard’s cowl 
 (James’ Patriarchal Peligion, etc., p. 75). 
 
 “ Gallia Santonico vestit te bardocucullo, 
 Cercopithecorum penula nuper erat.” 
 
 Martial, xiv, 128. 
 
 And now let me close this catalogue with Strabo’s descrip- 
 tion of the Gallic bards (lib. iv, c. 4, § 4 : Monumenta Hist., 
 civ), which will apply equally well to their British brethren. 
 
 “ Three classes among them are held in distinguished vener- 
 ation, the Bards, Ovates, and Druids They wear gold, 
 
 having collars thereof on their necks, and bracelets on their 
 arms and wrists ; and dignified persons are clad in dyed gar- 
 ments embroidered with gold.” After the Romans had suc- 
 ceeded in wresting the government from Druidical sway, and 
 in appropriating her resources to the imperial treasury, Venta 
 Belgarum became the emporium for supplying the Imperial 
 wardrobe and the army clothing ; and such was the import- 
 ance attached to the skill employed in the manufacture of 
 sails, linen counterpanes, etc., that the looms of the district 
 were placed under the superintendence of an officer specially 
 appointed for the purpose. 
 
 “ All the Britons in general,” says Csesar, “paint themselves 
 with woad, which gives a bluish cast to the skin, and makes 
 them look dreadful in battle” (Duncan's translation). Most 
 classic writers corroborate the statement; but the fullest 
 account is given by Herodian (Mon. Hist, Brit, lxiv) who 
 states that “ they puncture their bodies with pictured 
 forms of every sort of animals, on which account they 
 wear no clothing, lest they should hide the figures 
 on ^their body”. To obtain this blue colour, which, in 
 
96 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 fact, was neither more nor less than indigo , glastum, or the 
 lliw glas of the present day, bespoke some intelligence ; and 
 we find, on inquiry, that abundant evidence may he brought to 
 prove that the art of dyeing, and of extracting various colours 
 from plants and minerals, was well known to the inhabitants 
 of western Europe, and practised, not in painting their bodies, 
 but in the manufacture of clothing, a party-coloured vest 
 being a peculiar costume which distinguished one of the 
 largest provinces into which Gaul was divided. Mr. Jones 
 adds that “ from the term glastennen, as applied to the holm 
 or scarlet oak, it may reasonably be conjectured not only that 
 the bark was used in the process of making leather, hut 
 that the oak-dust and apple were also used as articles for 
 dyeing, and that this was the colouring material to which 
 Caesar applies the term glastum but, as I do not know that 
 Mr. Jones is accurate in this respect, the passage has been 
 specially marked as a quotation. 
 
 To the practice of dyeing may be added the fulling or 
 panning process, as equally well known. The Greeks claimed 
 the invention on the part of Mcias of Megara, a philosopher 
 of the Socratic school ; but the pretensions of the Gauls rest 
 on better grounds ; as it is asserted by Pliny that the manu- 
 facture of soap, the most material article in the fulling pro- 
 cess, had its origin in Gaul. The same observation will apply 
 to the kneading trough, or the art of making bread. The in- 
 vention of the bolting-sieve, composed of horse-hair, for puri- 
 fying flour, or separating the sil from the husk, is attributed 
 by Pliny to the Gauls ; and the substitution of bread for 
 gruel did not take place at Rome till after the annexation of 
 Gallia Narbonnensis to her territorial possessions. The po- 
 pina, derived from the British pobi, leads us to the brewery ; 
 and here we have ample authority for stating that the process 
 of making fermented liquor formed a characteristic feature in 
 the domestic economy of the Celtic tribes, and that the Ger- 
 
SOCIAL HISTORY. 
 
 97 
 
 mans are entitled to the credit of adding a due proportion of 
 the lujpulus , or hop-plant, to improve its flavour. This was 
 the curmi of Dioscorides , 1 and the cwrw of the Cymry, so 
 much in favour with the monks of Peterborough ; but the 
 favourite drink was “the sweet, yellow, and inspiring mead”, 
 which was made from honey. The Piets are also said to 
 have made a favourite beverage from heather bloom. 
 
 In person, the Britons were taller than the Gauls ; their 
 hair was less yellow, and their frames were slighter ; and 
 Strabo , 2 in proof of the greatness of their stature, states that 
 he saw some British youth at Borne, who were taller by half 
 a foot than the tallest of Romans. They wore their hair long, 
 the Silures being centuries afterwards called “the long-haired 
 Gwentians ” 3 by the bard Taliesin ; and they shaved all the 
 body, except the head and upper lip (Caesar 4 ) ; but they were 
 distorted in their lower limbs, and were in other respects not 
 symmetrical in their conformation (Strabo 2 ). Ten or twelve 
 of them (says Caesar 4 ) live together, having their wives in 
 common, especially brothers, or parents and children, but the 
 issue is always ascribed to him who first espoused the mother. 
 This statement has been indignantly denied by the modern 
 Kymry; but such denials cannot outweigh positive testi- 
 mony ; and there are many allusions in the romances and 
 lives of the saints, to a state of society in which the parental 
 and matrimonial ties were exceedingly lax. J cannot bring 
 myself to believe that Caesar made such an assertion without 
 authority, but the statement cannot be altogether true. We 
 have the testimony of the same writer that the manners of 
 the Gauls and Britons were very similar ; and from the 
 
 1 [De Medica Materia , lib. ii, c. 110 ; Mon. Hist. Brit, xc.] 
 
 2 [Geographic lib. iv, c. 5, § 2.] 
 
 3 [ u G6enh6ys g6allthiryon,” an expression which occurs in Kanu y 
 C6r6f \ Stanza ii, line 23, Four Ancient Books , ii, 167 : Myv. Arch., i, 40 ; 
 Gee’s ed., p. 39.] 
 
 4 [Bell. Gall., lib. v, c. 14.] 
 
 7 
 
98 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEUEIN GWAWDEYDD. 
 
 known existence of similar customs in both countries, we are 
 prepared to confirm his remarks ; but, for the same reason we 
 cannot admit that upon this point their customs could have 
 been diametrically opposed. Speaking of the Gauls, he says : 
 “ They never suffer their children to come openly into their 
 presence until they are of an age to bear arms : for the ap- 
 pearance of a son in public with his father, before he has 
 reached the age of manhood, is accounted dishonourable.” 
 This implies the existence of a system of fosterage, such as 
 prevailed in Wales, even to the sixteenth century. The sons 
 of a chieftain were never brought up under the parental roof, 
 but were sent to be brought up by some chieftain related to 
 their parents ; and they never appeared at home until they 
 were of age, and able to bear arms. We may, therefore, con- 
 clude that parents and children did not live together ; that 
 the whole family slept together on the same floor we can 
 believe ; but we may also assert, as a general rule, that such 
 a custom was not inconsistent with chastity. Again, we find 
 in Gaul that the relation of husband and wife was regulated 
 by law ; and, therefore, we cannot admit that such a law was 
 unknown to the Britons. 
 
 Such is a picture of the Britons before the arrival of the 
 Bomans. It has been drawn by a hand, perhaps, too partial ; 
 and, perchance, it may be deemed to be overcharged ; but, by 
 the common consent of modern historians, it is admitted that 
 the Britons had made considerable advances in civilisation. 
 Caesar says {Bell. Gall., v, 21) that “ a town among the Britons 
 was nothing more than a thick wood, fortified with a ditch and 
 rampart, to serve as a place of retreat against the incursions of 
 
 their enemies though (the capital of Caswallon), was 
 
 extremely strong, both by nature and art.” Strabo 1 also states 
 
 1 [Geographice lib. iv, c. 5, § 2; Mon. Hist. Brit., vii. See also a 
 similar statement in Diodorus Siculus, Bibliothecae Historic se lib. v, c. 21, 
 and in Jornandes, de Rebus Geticis , c. ii; Mon. Hist. Brit., pp. ii 2, 
 lxxxiii.] 
 
SOCIAL HISTORY. 
 
 99 
 
 that the habitations of the Britons were mean, and were con- 
 structed, for the most part, of reeds, or of wood. But we must 
 either conclude that these descriptions are imperfect and one- 
 sided, or that the people had made most extraordinary advances 
 before the arrival of Claudius : for the capture of Camalo- 
 dunum, the capital of Cynvelyn, was trumpeted forth as a 
 great event ; 4 and the great glory of Vespasian rested upon 
 the subjection of twenty towns on the banks of the Avon and 
 the Thames . 2 Besides, what had become of the country “full 
 of houses, built after the manner of the Gauls”? Vespasian 
 subdued “viginti oppida”; and oppidum means a walled city. 
 The “ mirificae moles” of Cicero 3 could not have been an ora- 
 torical fiction ; and the magnificent and important London, 
 which astonished the Bomans, could not have been the 
 erection of a day . 4 Finally, we might dwell upon the majestic 
 temples of Stonehenge and Abury — those wonderful proofs 
 of a labour, of which the method and the resources remain 
 unexplained to the present hour. We might also point, with 
 triumph, to their knowledge of fortification, and to the sin- 
 gular skill in castrametation displayed in numerous British 
 encampments ; and if these evidences were insufficient, we 
 might cite those means of internal communication, which, 
 constructed at a period long anterior to the approach of the 
 eagles of the Caesars, suffer, in some instances, but little in 
 comparison with the most striking labours of the kind which 
 are left to testify of the science and industry of Imperial 
 Borne (Hollings on Roman Leicester). It is impossible 
 
 1 [See Dio Cassius, Hist. Rom., lib. lx, § 22 ; Mon. Hist. Brit. p. lv.] 
 
 2 [C. Suetonius Tranquillus, de XII Cxsaribus , lib. x, c. 4; Eutropius, 
 Hist. Rom., lib. vii, c. 19 ; Mon. Hist. Brit., pp. 1, lxxii.] 
 
 3 [Ad Atticum , lib. iv, ep. 16. “ Constat enim aditus insulae esse 
 
 munitos mirificis molibus” ; Mon. Hist. Brit. p. lxxxviii.] 
 
 4 [“Londinium copia negotiatorum et commeatuum maxime 
 
 celebre.” Tacitus, Annals, xiv, 33. “ Lundinium vetus oppidum”: 
 
 Ammianus Marcellinus, Historiarum lib. xxvii, c. 9 ; Mon. Hist. Brit., 
 pp. xxxviii 2, lxxiii 2.] 
 
 / 
 
 2 
 
100 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDP. 
 
 for us to contemplate these facts, and admit that Csesar and 
 his contemporaries have given the world a fair representation 
 of the British isles : a profound mystery appears to have 
 overhung the domestic and political state of this country ; 
 and when this veil had been removed, the reality proved to 
 be utterly at variance with the preconceptions of the Romans, 
 and the crude notions of modern readers. There was, doubt- 
 less, some truth in the less favourable picture, and we can 
 easily credit the assertions of both parties without falling 
 into the error of supposing them to be inconsistent. Thatched 
 roofs are still very common in Wales ; and in the rural 
 districts it is not by any means a rare thing to find the 
 single cow of a poor proprietor housed in a wattled tenement. 
 Social contrasts exist everywhere. In the handsome town of 
 Frankfort I recently saw a team of oxen, with ropes to their 
 horns as their only harness ; and from what I afterwards saw 
 in Baden and other places, I found that while the towns 
 rivalled in splendour those of any other country, the country 
 people were as primitive in their habits as those of the rudest 
 parts of Wales. The town is not a fair representative of the 
 country, nor are the rural districts fair types of the town ; 
 and, therefore, we can easily conceive that much rudeness 
 may exist in the one, while a much higher state of culture 
 prevailed in the other. This is but the natural result of 
 society. Where man is gregarious, he is also an improving 
 and refining animal ; and the existence of towns is an evi- 
 dence of an intelligent population, of commercial transactions, 
 and of the existence of art and science. 
 
 These remarks lead us naturally to the consideration of 
 British commerce; and the facts which have been already 
 detailed fully warrant the conclusion arrived at by Mr. 
 J ones, and expressed in the following passage : — 
 
 “ Commerce and handicraft must of necessity have received 
 a great impulse from such a state of agricultural activity and 
 
SOCIAL HISTORY. 
 
 101 
 
 domestic economy. The surplus productions of the soil would 
 soon become a chief article for exportation, in exchange for 
 other commodities, with the continental tribes, whose incen- 
 tive to industry must have been checked by the inroads of 
 warlike nations, and whose population, in consequence, must 
 have exceeded the means of subsistence. No doubt can exist 
 but that the commercial state of Britain had attained a con- 
 siderable degree of eminence before the Roman standard was 
 planted on her soil ; and there were numerous cities and 
 towns in the interior, and on the banks of the principal 
 rivers, busily engaged in the various transactions and trades 
 necessary for a community in which the mechanical arts 
 were in a flourishing state of improvement.” 
 
 The Britons and the Gauls had frequent intercourse with 
 each other. One of the Kings of the Gallic Suessiones was 
 reported to be King of Britain also, before the time of Caesar. 
 The Gauls and Belgae frequently sent their youth hither to 
 complete their education, the prevalent opinion being that 
 the schools of Britain afforded very superior advantages. 
 We know from Caesar, that in his day there existed an 
 extensive and regular commercial intercourse between the two 
 countries ; and the Gauls, in their wars with him, received 
 assistance from the Britons in provisions, according to Mr. 
 J ones ; but in men, according to the Triads 1 and the meaning 
 of auxilia , the term used by Caesar (Be Bello Gall., lib. 
 ii, cc. 4, 14 ; lib. iii, c. 9 ; lib. iv, c. 20 ; lib. vi, c. 13). 
 But the commerce of the island dates from a much earlier 
 period ; and the Britons were known, not only to those 
 neighbouring nations, but also to some that lay at no 
 small distance from them, long before they made the 
 acquaintance of Caesar. The Phoenicians and Carthaginians 
 traded to this island many ages before the Romans 
 made their appearance in these western parts of Europe. 
 
 1 [ Trioedd Ynys Prydain, Cyfres i, 40 ; ii, 5 ; iii, 14.] 
 
102 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEU11IN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 The Phcenicians were the first commercial people who 
 became acquainted with the Britons ; and those bold ad- 
 venturers in navigation and traffic, having planted colonies 
 at Carthage and Cadiz, and ranging along the borders of the 
 great untraversed ocean of the West, reached the south- 
 western promontories of Britain, and entered into a trading 
 correspondence with the inhabitants. “ The real singularity,” 
 says Whitaker, 1 “ and commercial consequence of the voyage 
 gave great reputation to the officer that conducted it, and 
 have occasioned the name of Midacritus to be transmitted 
 with honour to posterity. Midacritus brought the first ves- 
 sels of the Phoenicians to our coasts” ; and it was he who 
 “ opened the first commerce of the Phoenicians with our 
 fathers. He found the country to abound particularly with 
 tin , which was equally useful and rare. He trafficked with 
 the Britons for it, and he returned home with a valuable 
 cargo of the metal (Pliny, Hist. Nat., lib. vii, c. 56). Such 
 was the first effort of the commercial genius of Britain, which 
 was afterwards to conduct the vessels of the island to the 
 shores of Carthage and Tyre, and even to raise the Britons 
 superior in boldness and skill to the Phcenicians.” This was 
 before the time of Herodotus, and about five centuries 
 before the era of Christ. The trade was opened with the 
 natives of the Cassiterides, or Scilly Islands, one of which 
 was greatly superior in size to the rest, and denominated 
 Cassiteris Insula, or Tin Island. The cargo which Midacritus 
 brought from this island, and the account which he gave of 
 it, occasioned a regular resort of the Phoenicians to the coast 
 of Scilly. The trade was very advantageous to the State, 
 • and the track was solicitously concealed from the public, as 
 well as from the Greeks and Romans, as we learn from a 
 passage in Strabo. “Formerly,” says he, “ the Phoenicians 
 alone carried on this traffic from Gadeira, concealing the 
 
 1 [History of Manchester , vol. ii, p. 168 ; 2nd ed., 1773.] 
 
SOCIAL HISTORY. 
 
 103 
 
 passage from every one; and when the Eomans followed a 
 certain shipmaster, that they also might find the mart, the ship- 
 master of jealousy purposely ran his vessel upon a shoal, and, 
 leading on those who followed him into the same destructive 
 disaster, he himself escaped by means of a fragment of the 
 ship, and received from the state the value of the cargo he 
 had lost" (Lib. iii, c. 5, § 11, p. 239, edit. Oxon., 1807 : Mon. Hist. 
 Brit., p. v.). “ Thus continued the traffic of Britain for nearly 
 three hundred years, being esteemed the most beneficial in 
 Europe, and carefully sought after by all the commercial powers 
 in the Mediterranean. The Greeks of Marseilles first followed 
 the course of the Phoenician voyagers.” They employed 
 a citizen named Pytheas 1 to explore all the ocean coasts north 
 of the Straits of Gibraltar ; and before the time of Polybius, 
 or about two hundred years before the Christian era, began to 
 share with them in the trade of tin. The Carthaginian com- 
 merce declined, the Massilian increased, and in the reign of 
 Augustus, the whole current of the British traffic had been 
 diverted into this channel 2 ; but, unlike the Phoenicians, the 
 Phocaean colony of Marseilles set on foot a commerce which 
 is understood to have been extensive, and carried it on 
 in a manner not unworthy of the present times. Both 
 in modern and in ancient times, Marseilles occupies a pro- 
 minent position. In olden time, it was the outlet for British 
 produce into the Mediterranean, and at present it is on the 
 highway from England to the East. While this commerce 
 flourished, the internal communication of this island was 
 much improved. “ Two roads,” says Whitaker, 3 “ were laid 
 across it, and reached from Sandwich to Carnarvon on one 
 
 1 [This famous navigator is supposed to have lived in the time of 
 Alexander the Great or a little later, i.e ., about the middle of the fourth 
 century b.c.] 
 
 2 [Diodorus Siculus, Bibliothecae Historical lib. v, c. 38 ; Mon. Hist. 
 Brit. p. iii.] 
 
 3 [History of Manchester, vol. ii, p. 171.] 
 
104 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 side, and from Dorsetshire into Suffolk on the other ; and the 
 commerce of the shores was carried along them into the 
 interior parts of the country. The great staple of the tin 
 was no longer settled in a distant part of the island. It 
 was removed from Scilly, and fixed in the Isle of Wight, a 
 central part of the coast, lying equally betwixt the two 
 roads, and better adapted to the new arrangements of the 
 trade. Thither the tin was brought by the Belgae (?), and 
 thither the foreign merchants resorted with their wares. And 
 the trade was no longer carried on by vessels that coasted 
 tediously along the coasts of Spain and Gaul. The tin/’ 
 which, according to Posidonius, 1 was not found on the sur- 
 face, but obtained by mining, “ was now transported over the 
 neighbouring channel, and unshipped on the opposite coast” ; 
 and it is probable that the agents in this traffic were the 
 Yeneti, whose position was about Yannes, to the north of the 
 Loire. These were probably the Gallic merchants named by 
 Caesar {Bell. Gall., lib. iv, c. 20) [cf. Strabo, Geographic, lib. iv, 
 c. 4, § 1, p. 271]. “They were the most powerful and 
 considerable of all the nations inhabiting along the sea 
 coast ; and that, not only on account of their vast ship- 
 ping, wherewith they drive a mighty traffic to Britain, and 
 their skill and experience in naval affairs, in which they 
 greatly surpass the other maritime states, but because, lying 
 on a large and open coast, against which the sea rages with 
 great violence, and where the havens, being few in number, 
 are all subject to their jurisdiction, they have most of the 
 nations that trade in those seas tributaries to their state” 
 {Bell. Gall., iii, 8). These, however, were not the only Gauls 
 who traded with the Britons. The Caletes and Lexobii also 
 took part in this traffic; and it would seem that in the 
 reign of Augustus, the Gauls of the Seine had supplanted 
 
 3 [Apud Strabonem : Geographic lib. iii, c. 5, § 11 ; Mon. Hist. Brit ., 
 
 P-v2.] 
 
SOCIAL HISTORY. 
 
 105 
 
 those of the Loire; for we are informed that the merchandise 
 at that time was taken np the Seine as far as possible, 
 from thence by land on horseback ( Diodorus Siculus , lib. v, 
 c. 22) to the Rhone (at Chalons ?), and from thence down 
 the river to Narbonne and Marseilles (Strabo, lib. iv, c. 1, § 14, 
 p. 261). In this state of British commerce, the commodities im- 
 ported into the island were, according to the same authority : 
 
 Imports. — Earthenware ; salt ; brass, both wrought and in 
 bullion (Whitaker) ; brass vessels (Strabo). 
 
 A list of the exports is given by Strabo, and, perhaps, in 
 strict propriety, we ought to refer to them as evidences of the 
 state of trade in the time of Augustus ; but, as we have no 
 evidence that any change of moment had taken place in the 
 trade at that period, we may fairly assume those articles to 
 have been exported before the reign of that Emperor. Tin 
 was not, as it had been originally, the only export of the 
 island, for we read of a great number of other articles ; but 
 it still remained the staple article of the foreign trade of 
 Britain. These articles, as named by Strabo, 1 were the fol- 
 lowing: — 
 
 Exports. — Metals. — Tin; gold; silver; iron; lead. Agri- 
 cultural Produce : Hides ; cattle ; corn. Slaves. Hogs, saga- 
 cious in hunting, which the Gauls used for war as well as 
 the chase. 
 
 Fisheries: Muscle pearls. Arts and Manufactures : Neck- 
 laces ; ivory bracelets ; amber (toys — Whitaker) ; glass ves- 
 sels. To these Whitaker adds (on what authority ?) “ Polished 
 horse-bits of bone ; gems.” “ And such like mean merchan- 
 dize” (Strabo). 
 
 I suspect, however, that Whitaker has given a different 
 translation of the Greek words of Strabo from that which 
 has been adopted by Mr. Petrie. The words of the geo- 
 
 1 [Geographic lib. iii, c. 5, § 11 ; lib. iv, c. 4, § 2 ; see also Pomponius 
 Mela, De Situ Orbis , lib. iii, c. 6 ; Mon. Hist. Brit., pp. v 2, vii 1, 2.] 
 
106 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 grapher are certainly vague, and would, perhaps, admit of 
 either interpretation; but Mr. Petrie had the truer per- 
 ception of their real meaning, and, therefore, I prefer adopting 
 his translation. A necklace and a horse-collar are both 
 “ encircling” articles, but the latter is not a shining orna- 
 ment, the other is ; and, as we know that the Britons were 
 a torque-wearing people, I have no doubt that the British 
 aurdorch was the 7 reptav^evta of the geographer. And 
 eXefyavTiva tyaXia indicates ivory rather than bone. 
 
IlOMAN BRITAIN. 
 
 107 
 
 ROMAN BRITAIN. 
 
 Let ns now proceed to delineate the state of Britain under 
 the Romans, and at the time of the battle of Cattraeth, and 
 ascertain the effect produced upon the British aborigines by 
 the government of their Roman masters. The state of Rome 
 at that time is pretty well understood ; and, as the people of 
 Italy were much further advanced in civilisation than the 
 isolated Britanni, their settlement here must have produced 
 many marked results. 
 
 From an assertion in Strabo 1 that the Romans, making 
 frequent efforts, discovered the passage to Britain, and that 
 Publius Crassus visited the Cassiterides, it would seem that 
 they had been trading with the Britons before the arrival of 
 Caesar, unless this person be the “ young Crassus” named in 
 lib. iii, c. 7, as is supposed by the Editors of the Monumenta 
 Historica Britannica , (p. 6, note a). If the latter supposi- 
 tion be correct, Crassus must have come over after the 
 expeditions of his commander, and from the statement 
 that the people were then at peace, this view seems 
 probable; but, however that may be, it is clear that 
 in the time of Augustus, the island was in a state of 
 almost intimate union with the Romans, and the commerce 
 between Gaul and Britain was very considerable. The 
 Roman garrisons of Gaul laid taxes upon both the imports to 
 Britain and the exports therefrom. The Britons bore mode- 
 rate taxes without impatience, though it appears to have 
 been suspected that there was a limit to their endurance; 
 and some idea may be formed as to the extent of the traffic 
 
 1 [ Geographic lib. iii, c. 5, § 11 ; Mon . Hist. Brit., p. v 2.] 
 
108 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 from the fact that the amount realised by taxation was thought 
 to be as much as the net profit likely to result from actual 
 possession of the island (Strabo, iv, c. 5, § 3; p. 279). But, 
 however extensive it was before the settlement of the Romans, 
 it instantly received a considerable improvement from them. 
 “ This/’ says Whitaker, 1 “ appears from that very remarkable 
 circumstance in the interior history of the island, the sudden 
 rise and commercial importance of London, within a few 
 years after their settlement in the country. The trade was 
 no longer carried on by the two great roads to the southern 
 shore, or the staple continued in the Isle of Wight. The 
 principal commerce still appears to have been confined to 
 the south, and to the counties of Middlesex, Kent, Sussex, 
 and Hampshire. But it was also diffused over the whole 
 extent of the Roman conquests, and carried on directly from 
 the western and eastern shores, as well as the southern. New 
 ports were opened on every side of the island, most, indeed, 
 about the south-eastern angle of it, but some along the eastern 
 and western coasts. Thus Middlesex had the port of London; 
 Kent, the ports of Rhutupae, Dubris, and Lemanis ; Sussex, 
 those of Adurnum, Anderida, and Novus; and Hampshire, 
 that of Magnus. And Yorkshire had its port Felix on one 
 side, and Lancashire its port Sistuntian on the other. These 
 were evidently the commercial harbours of the Roman 
 
 Britons The articles introduced into the island at 
 
 them,” in addition to those previously mentioned, compre- 
 hended “ sugar, pepper, ginger, writing paper, and other 
 similar commodities perhaps besides them. The saccharum, 
 or sugar of the Romans, like our own, was the extracted 
 honey of a cane, was brought from Arabia or India, and 
 
 used only for medical purposes The articles sent 
 
 out of the island,” he adds, “ must have been partly the same 
 as before, with the additional ones of gagates, or jet, the 
 2 [History of Manchester , ii, 174.] 
 
ROMAN BRITAIN. 
 
 109 
 
 British, being the best and most copious in Europe, and of the 
 silvery marl or chalk of Kent and Essex, which was shipped off 
 for the marshy countries on the Bhine ; bears for the foreign 
 amphitheatres, baskets, salt, com and oysters.” Lead, cattle, 
 and hides are also mentioned. British dogs, too, are said to 
 have been a very gainful traffic to the Bomans. The me- 
 chanical arts that had been previously pursued in the country 
 were considerably improved, and arts before unknown were 
 brought into it. The varied treasures of the soil were now 
 first discovered, or better collected ; societies were combined 
 into political bodies ; the minds of the people were en- 
 lightened with learning ; the agriculture, manufactures, and 
 commerce of the country were extended and improved ; and 
 instead of the rude towns of former times, new cities now 
 sprang up, adorned with temples, courts of justice, dwelling- 
 houses, baths, amphitheatres, and all the insignia of Italian 
 luxury and refinement. 
 
 The progress of agriculture first demands attention. Under 
 • the influence of Boman discipline, the face of the country 
 assumed a different appearance, and the progress of improve- 
 ment soon became rapid and extensive. Large tracts, for- 
 merly covered with thickets and forests, were now cleared 
 and converted into cultivated fields, producing abundant 
 crops of the finest corn, which, besides supplying the wants 
 of the inhabitants, afforded a large surplus for foreign mar- 
 kets. Marshes also were drained, and the low lands near the 
 sea, usually overflowed by the salt water, were secured by 
 strong embankments, and effectually converted into most 
 excellent pasturage. The whole country was likewise inter- 
 sected with excellent roads, which were formed with immense 
 skill and labour, and made with the most durable and best 
 materials, and often carried through extensive and almost 
 impassable morasses. The materials for judging the amount 
 of British produce at this time are somewhat scanty, but one 
 
110 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 fact alone will show that it was very large. Britain, during 
 its occupation by the Boman legions, was considered one of 
 the western granaries of the empire which supplied the con- 
 tinental deficiencies in the important article of corn and 
 other provisions ; and the Emperor Julian, according to his 
 own written testimony, employed no less than eight hundred 
 vessels in the exportation of corn and flour to supply the 
 towns and fortresses on the Rhine. 1 
 
 The efforts of the Romans did not rest here ; and not only 
 did they stimulate the growth of produce already known, but 
 they also introduced other articles, until then unknown. 
 Camden 2 states that vines were grown in this island ; but 
 the Edinburgh Review 3 , in a recent number, refuses its assent 
 to the statement, though the evidence of the fact is clear and 
 conclusive. Yopiscus ( Vit . Frob., c. 18) expressly states 
 that the Emperor Probus revoked the prohibition to the 
 growth of vines, which had existed since the reign of 
 Domitian, employed his own soldiers to plant vines on the 
 hills of Gaul, Pannonia, and Moesia, and granted to the 
 Gauls, Pannonians, Spaniards, and Britons full liberty to 
 cultivate .as many vineyards as they pleased. The fair 
 inference from this is that vines were cultivated in this 
 country from a.d. 280 downwards. It will be said that 
 vines will not grow in Britain, and the authority of Tacitus 
 will be brought forward to support the assertion ( Agri- 
 cola, c. 5) ; but we learn from Dr. Arnold that the 
 eastern coast of England is not unsuited for such purposes. 
 He says : — “ The eastern coast in summer enjoys a much 
 greater share of steady fine weather and sunshine than the 
 western. Wall-fruit will ripen in the neighbourhood of 
 Edinburgh far more surely than in Westmoreland, and wheat 
 
 1 [Zosimus, Historic Novas lib. iii, c. 5 ; Mon. Hist. Brit., p. Ixxvi.] 
 
 2 [ Britannia , ed. Gough, vol. i, pp. Ill, 121, 267 (London, 1789.] 
 
 3 [Yol. xciv, p. 182.] 
 
ROMAN BRITAIN. 
 
 Ill 
 
 grows luxuriantly as far north as Elgin. Still, it is a rarity 
 on the coast of Argyle” {Hist. Rome, i, 503, note). This fact 
 will pave the way for the announcement that in this locality 
 wine was grown in the sixth century. Wine is frequently 
 named in the Gododin, and it is highly improbable that it 
 would have been drunk so freely if it had been an imported 
 article ; but the Bard removes all doubt upon the subject 
 when, speaking of Cynhaval (v. xliv), he says — 
 
 “ There was no sparing of the vines where he came”. 
 
 The richness of the province tempted the cupidity of the 
 Piets, Scots, and Saxons; and the latter, after their settle- 
 ment, used to demand hostages for the payment of a tribute 
 in agricultural produce, an instance of which has been al- 
 ready given (p. 67) in Taliesin’s Argoed Llwyvain. The 
 Bards encouraged the pursuit of agriculture. Taliesin blames 
 Gwalloc ab Lleenog for his negligence in this respect. 
 Llywarch Hen and Aneurin show us that the practice of 
 ploughing the soil had not fallen into disuse after the 
 departure of the Bomans ; and the frequent allusions in 
 the Gododin show us that native wine was abundant, and 
 that the cultivation of the vine was an important element 
 in the agriculture of the sixth century. 
 
 Mining also was much attended to by the Bomans, for the 
 sake of the gold, silver, iron, lead, and tin which the island 
 contained. There is good reason to believe that they also 
 worked the coal mines, of this country. Extensive workings 
 have been found in North Britain, where they were least 
 suspected; and a flint hatchet, found in the collieries of 
 North Wales, shows that the Britons also were in the habit 
 of using that fuel in some localities. But the great object of 
 Boman desire was gold. This was one motive in bringing 
 them over. Cicero 1 , indeed, states that not a scruple of gold 
 
 1 [. Ad Trehatium , ep. 7; Ad Atticum , lib. iv, ep. 16; Mon. Hist. Brit., 
 pp. lxxxvii 2, lxxxviii.] 
 
112 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 or silver was to be found in the island ; but this was a mis- 
 take. In the reign of Augustus, gold is enumerated among 
 the British exports ; and a few years later, Tacitus names 
 gold as one of the chief products of the country. Mr. Bruce, 
 in his recent work on the Boman wall, 1 has some pertinent 
 observations on this point. “ There are few evils/’ says he, 
 “ in the fibres of whose roots the love of money will not be 
 found. Gold was another secret but powerful cause of the 
 hardships which the Romans themselves underwent, and of 
 the countless ills which they mercilessly inflicted upon the 
 miserable islanders. The British chiefs in general appear to 
 have had considerable riches among them. Caesar, according to 
 Strabo, acquired a large booty in his two descents upon our 
 shore. Prasutagus, the King of the Iceni, died possessed of very 
 great wealth. To a few states in the south, and within a few 
 years after their first subjection, the philosophical Seneca lent 
 more than £480,000 of our money upon good security, and at 
 exorbitant interest. Severus got a prodigious mass of riches 
 in this land.” The poems of the British bards sparkle with 
 allusions to golden ornaments. “ Golden spurs”, “ gold- 
 tipped drinking horns”, “ golden torques”, and “ gold shields” 
 are spoken of very frequently in the Gododin, and by Lly- 
 warch Hen ; and the golden breast-plate dug from the 
 tumulus of Beli ab Benlli gawr is a sufficient attestation that 
 the Bardic poems are descriptive of actual facts. If further 
 proof were necessary, the earth yields them in abundance ; 
 and, the torques, or collars for the neck, armillae, and brace- 
 lets for the arms and wrists, with the breast-plates and body 
 armour of pure gold, all attest the abundance of the precious 
 metals in this country in early times, and add to the proba- 
 bility, which is confirmed by other evidence, that prior to the 
 Roman era our islands abounded in native gold. The same 
 fact is attested by the existence of gold mines in modern 
 1 [Second ed., p. 30, London, 1853.] 
 
ROMAN BRITAIN. 
 
 113 
 
 times. Camden mentions gold and silver mines in Cornwall, 
 silver in Flintshire, and gold in Scotland ; and a writer 1 in 
 the Cambrian Register (vol. iii, p. 37) endeavours to show 
 that there were gold mines at Caio, in Caermarthenshire. 
 Dr. Borlase, in his History of Cornwall (p. 214), relates that 
 so late as the year 1753, several pieces of gold were found in 
 what the miners call stream tin ; and silver is now got in 
 considerable quantities from several of our lead ores. Mr. 
 Pennant 2 has a curious paper on the gold mines of Scotland ; 
 and it is supposed that the gold sported by the heroes of 
 Aneurin was obtained from Crawford Moor. It is a fact 
 universally acknowledged that gold in considerable quan- 
 tities has been discovered there at different periods since the 
 accession of the House of Stewart to the throne of Scotland. 
 It appears from the records of that kingdom that the beautiful 
 gold coins struck by King James V, and distinguished by 
 the name of Bonnet pieces, were fabricated of materials 
 found in the mines of the country. James IY and his son 
 contracted with a company of Germans to work these mines. 
 Cornelius, the principal miner, was a man of superior talent 
 and distinguished abilities, and while unmolested, they col- 
 lected grains of native gold in such profusion that at the 
 marriage of King James Y to the daughter of the King of 
 France, a number of covered dishes were placed before the 
 guests, by way of dessert, filled with gold coins formed of 
 metal extracted from the mines of Scotland; but the civil 
 commotions and political tempests of the reign of Queen 
 Mary, and the minority of James VI, drove them from the 
 country. A late Lady Selkirk used to wear, appended to 
 her watch chain, a piece of gold of considerable magnitude, 
 
 1 [Rev. Eliezer Williams, M.A. : An Inquiry into the Situation of the 
 Gold Mines of the Ancient Britons , reprinted in his English works, 
 London, 1840.] 
 
 2 [ Tour in Scotland , p. 416, fifth ed., London, 1790.] 
 
 8 
 
114 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 which had been found by a shepherd in the fosses of Craw- 
 ford Moor, and small pieces are still found in the rivulets 
 which intersect the moor. There was another gold mine at 
 Warlock Head, on the estate of the Duke of Queensberry. 
 Medals of this were struck at Edinburgh at the coronation of 
 Charles I ; and as late as 1820, it was worked without much 
 success by a company of Germans. 
 
 Another effect of Roman influence is found in the 
 dress and arms of the Britons. It is evident that the 
 Britons did not immediately change their dress on the 
 arrival of their conquerors, from the description of Boadicea 
 given by Xiphiline 1 : — “ She was of the largest size, most 
 terrible of aspect, most savage of countenance, and harsh 
 of voice, having a profusion of yellow hair, which fell 
 down to her hips, and wearing a large golden collar. She 
 had on a party-coloured vest, drawn close about her bosom, 
 and over this she wore a thick mantle connected by a clasp. 
 Such was her usual dress, but at this time she also bore a 
 spear, that she might appear more formidable '* ( Monum . Hist. 
 Brit., p. lvi). And from the account given by Rerodian, it is 
 clear that the inhabitants of Scotland were far from being 
 assimilated to Roman fashions even in the time of Severus. 
 In the time of Agricola, it would seem that the Roman habit 
 began to be held in honour, and the toga was frequently 
 worn ; and there are certainly numerous allusions in the 
 Gododin to the “ garments of excessive whiteness” worn by 
 the British chiefs, which could be no other than the Roman 
 toga (See Carr’s Roman Antiq., 310). But whether the 
 British pais (Latin pexa) be of Roman origin may admit of 
 doubt. It does not correspond in colour to the tunica of the 
 Romans, which was a white woollen vest without sleeves, 
 fastened by a girdle, and reaching to the knee, though the 
 
 1 [Joannis Xiphilini Epitomes Dionis Cassii , lib. lxii, § 1 ; Mon. Hist. 
 Brit., p. lvi.] 
 
ROMAN BRITAIN. 
 
 115 
 
 form of tlie garments is not dissimilar. The pais is best 
 represented by the Highland kilt, and it is probable that the 
 dress of the Gael is a fair representation of that of the 
 Britons generally. The kilt was generally made of plaid 
 woollen cloth, of which the Welsh and the Gael are still 
 passionate admirers ; but it was sometimes made of the skins 
 of animals, as was one named by Aneurin, v. xci : — 
 
 44 Peis Dinogad e vreith vreith 
 O grwyn balaot banvreith.” 
 
 Dinogad’s kilt was very stripy — 
 
 Made of the skins of front-streaked wolf-cubs. 
 
 But the most marked evidence of Boman influence is 
 found in the implements of warfare. When the Britons 
 first became known to the Bomans, their implements of war 
 were the chariot, the occupants of which bore a dart or 
 javelin, and the short spear, used by the infantry, with a bell 
 at the nether end. At all events, these are the only weapons 
 named by Caesar, and it is possible that these may have been 
 the sole equipments of the Southern Britons ; but if so, the 
 North Britons were differently armed, for Tacitus 1 represents 
 them to have been armed with a large sword, the cleddyfawr 
 of the Gododin , and claymore of the Highlanders, and a bre- 
 vis cetra , or short target. To these Herodian 2 adds a spear, 
 and Dio Niceus swells the catalogue with a dagger. But 
 after the departure of the Bomans, we find from our poets 
 that the Britons had adopted many of the Boman weapons. 
 Herodian informs us that the Britons had neither breast- 
 plate nor helmet; but in the Gododin we read of dur arben- 
 nawr [v. xiv] and pedryollt bennawr [v. xi], “ steel helmets 
 and square head-pieces” ; and one hero is specially de- 
 scribed as “the steel armed Peredur” [v. xxxi]. In the 
 
 1 [ Agricola , c. 36.] 
 
 2 [Mon. Hist. Brit., lxiv.] 
 
 8 2 
 
11.6 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 same poem we also read [v. xxxiii] that in the battle of 
 Cattraeth there were 
 
 “ Powerful steeds, dark brown trappings ( seirch , i.e., sericae , or silken 
 trappings) and shields, 
 
 With flying javelins and piercing lances, 
 
 Claymores and shining ( llurygau , i.e., loricae of the Romans) coats of 
 mail.” 
 
 And the remains of Benlli gawr show that breast-plates of 
 gold were known in the sixth century. The small target 
 was exchanged for the ysgwyd, or Roman shield [scutum) ; 
 and the barelegged Britons in the same period wore the ocrea, 
 or greave, a species of boot, fortified with iron, and worn on 
 the right leg, which the soldiers were taught to advance when 
 they engaged in close combat with the sword ( Veget ., ii, 
 15, 16). This was the British achre , or acliwre, usually sup 
 posed to have been some garment. The Britons, however, 
 appear to have retained their small shield aesawr, or aspis ; 
 hut their cylchwy was probably the round shield of the Roman 
 velites, or light-armed troops, and the calcli , usually thought 
 to be enamelled armour, seems to he derived from the Latin 
 calceus. The sword was called by various names, and we 
 read of the cleddyfawr, the long sword or claymore ; the glaif, 
 or bent scimitar, borne by the target-hearing and gleave- 
 bearing men of Gwynedd; and the llain or llafn. And 
 of the genus spear we meet with many of the Roman 
 varieties. The dart, or javelin, was called piccell, lluchwaew, 
 and g a flach ; the spear-handle was called paladr ; and of 
 this weapon there were several kinds — the gwaew , par, per 
 or ysper, dysgiar, pilau (Roman pilum), rhaidd, rhain, and 
 cigimin, or hunting spear. The pike introduced by the 
 legions was named cethravjr, rhethren, rhon, and saffwy ; and 
 the lance was named gwaell and llafnawr. The latter is fre- 
 quently named in the Gododin, and appears to have been 
 a truly formidable weapon, being seven feet long, of which 
 the blade, formed like a sword, was three feet in length. 
 Bronze Uavnawr were used in Wales as late as the time of 
 
ROMAN BRITAIN. 
 
 117 
 
 Owen Glyndwr, as several have been found in places where 
 he fought his battles . 1 
 
 In the art of war, also, the Britons appear to have profited 
 much from their Boman instructors. Some of the native 
 princes displayed eminent abilities in the conduct of war. 
 Cassibellaunus, Caractacus, and Galgacus, all formed com- 
 bined movements and enlarged plans of operation, and con- 
 trived stratagems and surprises which would have done honour 
 to the greatest captains of Greece and Rome. Their choice 
 of ground for battle was almost invariably judicious, and 
 they availed themselves of the advantages of the country 
 on all occasions. In the laborious art of fortifying, de- 
 fending, or attacking camps, castles, and towns, they were, 
 however, deficient. Their strongest places were surrounded 
 only by a shallow ditch and a mud wall, while some of 
 their towns had nothing but a parapet of felled trees placed 
 lengthwise. The Roman camps, on the contrary, were 
 always strongly fortified, though made to be occupied only 
 for a night ; but, as the war proceeded, we frequently find 
 the Britons giving more attention to the defence of their 
 night camps, and some of the most permanent positions they 
 took up were strengthened with deep ditches and stone 
 walls. During the Roman occupation of the island, the 
 natives learnt their art of war; and when they departed, 
 the lessons were not forgotten, even though the legionary 
 discipline had been much relaxed towards the close of their 
 residence here. In the sixth century we meet with various 
 evidences of this fact. When Urien Rheged opposed Ida, he 
 threw up an encampment, as appears from the poems of 
 Taliesin, for it is expressly stated that “ Owen ascended the 
 ffossawd” ; and that term, notwithstanding Pughe’s dictum to 
 the contrary, is the Cymric form of the Latin fossa. Prom the 
 same poem we learn that Urien was commander of the cavalry, 
 
 1 [Cf. Meyrick’s Hist, and Antiquities of the County of Cardigan , 
 p. clxx.] 
 
118 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 “ Udd yr Echwydd”, i.e., Equites ; l and it thus becomes ap- 
 parent that the Britons retained the Boman practice of 
 having separate commanders for the cavalry and infantry. 
 The Gododin, too, represents the British army to have formed 
 an encampment, prior to the battle of Cattraeth ; for we 
 several times read of fossawd, rampart, and pengarthan [v. 
 xxxiv], the top of the camp. We also read of pymwnts [vv. 
 v, xviii, xxxiii], or leaders of cohorts of five hundred each, 
 dragons [vv. xxii, xxv] of two hundred, and cwns [v. xviii] 
 of one hundred men. And, indeed, it is scarcely pos- 
 sible for us to peruse the verses of Aneurin without being 
 reminded at every step of the tactics of the legions. When 
 the Boman generals addressed the army, the soldiers testified 
 approbation by beating on their shields with their spears. 
 They rose up together (consurgebant), and they rushed to 
 the charge with a great shout. Now this is precisely what 
 we find in the Gododin : — “The skilful warriors uprose to- 
 gether,” says Aneurin in one place [v. lv]. “ Men went to Cat- 
 traeth at the shout,” are his words in another place [v. xxxiii]. 
 
 “ To form ranks before the leader, 
 
 From the town of Tweed 
 We came marching obliquely,” 
 
 are his words at one time [v. xlviii]; and “loud as thunder was 
 the din of the shields” are his expressions in verse xiv. Among 
 the Bomans, the light troops began the battle by throwing their 
 javelins at the enemy ; and of the Britons it is said, that they 
 strewed the javelins between the armies [vv. xxxviii, liii]. At 
 the battle of W ednesbury (Staffordshire), Merin ab Madyein won 
 great honour by his management of the British forces. He 
 obtained the cognomen of Mur Catuileft, or pillar of strategy [v. 
 
 1 [The reference is to Gwaith Argoed Llwyfain , line 13. A transla- 
 tion of the whole poem has already been given on p. 67, on reference 
 to which it will be seen that the author here offers a rendering of 
 the passage different from that generally given.] 
 
 2 [But is not catuilet , rather, the same as the Irish caithmhileadh , a 
 battle-champion, hero, soldier?] 
 
ROMAN BRITAIN. 
 
 119 
 
 lxii] ; and the Saxons attributed their defeat to the superior 
 discipline of the Britons, and to the fact that they fought after 
 the manner of the Bomans. It is probable that the British 
 army was drawn up in a semicircle, and that this was the 
 favourite form, for Llywarch Hen describes the battle as 
 “ y gad gynyrwn ”, and Aneurin, speaking of Cattraeth [v. xviii], 
 applies the same designation ; but whether this was the acies 
 sinuata or the acies flexa is not clear. This much, however, 
 is clear — that the art of war was much better known to the 
 Britons than to the Saxons ; and perhaps I could not more 
 appropriately conclude this parallel than by quoting the words 
 of Henry of Huntingdon, A.D. 594 : — “ Tertio autem post 
 hunc anno Britanni et Saxones bellum constituerunt apud 
 Wednesbirue. Cum autem Brittones more Bomanorum acies 
 distincte admoverent, Saxones vero audacter et confuse 
 irruerent, maximum proelium factum est, concessitque Deus 
 victoriam Britannis. Saxones vero quanto in bellis praes- 
 tantiores esse solebant, tanto in fuga seniores effecti valde 
 contriti sunt.” (Monum. Hist. Brit., p. 714.) 
 
 With respect to religion, the government of the Imperial 
 city was less satisfactory. After extirpating the Druids as 
 an order, they introduced their own Paganism, and Boman 
 Britain presented types of almost every form of religion then 
 known in the world. The Bomans brought with them their 
 own Pantheon ; and as the auxiliaries embraced every nation 
 owning the Imperial sway, we meet with a great variety of 
 religions, each worshipping their native deities. This sub- 
 ject has been well illustrated in a late number of the Edin- 
 burgh Review (July 1851), and, therefore, I shall avail myself 
 of the words of the reviewer [p. 187, ff.] : — 
 
 “We have twenty-three towns, commencing with Walls- 
 end ( Segedunum ) and Newcastle [Pons EElii) on the Tyne, 
 and stretching across the island, among which we find, on 
 the suspicious policy of universal conquest, no two con- 
 
120 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 secutive towns belonging to people of the same nation. If 
 we begin with Vindolana , we have a town of Gauls, then 
 one of Asturians, next, a town of Dalmatians, and so on, 
 in succession, Dacians, Moors, Lergi (from what country 
 is uncertain), Spaniards, and Thracians. Probably all these 
 different populations had adopted Roman manners ; it 
 is, at least, certain that among the numerous articles 
 found on the sites they occupied, everything is purely 
 Roman. Most of them, however, seem to have brought 
 with them the religion and worship which they had learnt 
 from their forefathers ; and strange, indeed, must have been 
 the variety of religious creeds existing in this island under 
 Roman sway. Excavations on Roman sites have in general 
 been rich in monuments of religious worship. Almost every 
 town appears to have had its temples and altars to the chief 
 deities of Rome ; but with these we find a singular mixture 
 of Eastern deities and gods from Africa, from Germany, from 
 Gaul, and from other countries. We learn from an inscription 
 at York that a legate of the sixth legion built in Eburacum 
 a temple dedicated to Serapis. The same place has also con- 
 tributed a monument relating to the worship of Mithras, and 
 another dedicated to the deae m.atres, or popular deities, of 
 ‘ Africa, Italy, and Gaul’. The god Belatucadrus (probably 
 a Syrian deity, if not the same as Mars) was adored on the 
 banks of the Irthing in Cumberland, and at Netherby in West- 
 moreland. At Chester there was a god who is described in 
 the inscription by a mixed Roman and Barbaric name, 
 Jupiter Tanaros, supposed to be the Teutonic Thunr or Thor. 
 A cohort of Dacians in Cumberland worshipped a deity 
 named Cocidius. An altar has been found at Netherby 
 dedicated Deo Mogonti; and one or two in the county of 
 Durham, dedicated Deo Vitiri , — whom Horsley calls a local 
 deity worshipped in this country. At Corstopitum (Cor- 
 bridge, in Northumberland) have been found altars inscribed 
 
ROMAN BRITAIN. 
 
 121 
 
 in Greek to the Tyrian Hercules and to Astarte Altars 
 
 to Jupiter, Mars, Minerva, etc., prevail everywhere, and all 
 nations seem to have agreed in giving the first honour to 
 them as the deities of all-conquering Home. At the station 
 of Maryport, on the Solway Firth, a remarkably ornamented 
 altar was found, bearing the following inscription : — 
 
 ‘ Genio Loci, 
 Fortune reduci, 
 Romse seternse, 
 et fato bono, 
 Gaius Cornelius, 
 Peregrinus, 
 tribunus cohortis, 
 ex provincia 
 Mauritanise Csesariensis, 
 
 ‘ To the genius of the place, 
 to returning fortune, 
 to eternal Rome, 
 and to propitious fate, 
 Gaius Cornelius 
 Peregrinus, 
 tribune of a cohort, 
 from the province of 
 Mauritania Caesariensis 
 
 “Fortune seems to have been rather a favourite deity 
 among the stations on the Wall; and it appears that many 
 of the nations brought together to colonise this district 
 adored the sun under different characters. Mithras, indeed 
 evidently was popular everywhere. A Mithraic cave at 
 Housesteads (. Borcovicus , occupied by the Tungri) contained 
 altars and various implements of worship. Several of the 
 altars were dedicated to Mithras by name. Another sculp- 
 ture, also relating to the same deity, was found at Cilurnum , 
 a post of the Astures ; while a slab at Carvoran contained a 
 poetical declaration of the belief of the dedicator in the 
 Syrian goddess. Carvoran occupies the site of the Boman 
 Magna , 1 the post of the Dalmatian cohort. At Birdos- 
 wald (. Amboglana ), the hunters of the Dacian cohort had 
 erected an altar to Silvanus, the divinity of the woods. 
 At Bisingham (. Habitancum ), a small altar, put up by some 
 soldier, to the nymphs, with the following not very intel- 
 ligible inscription, has outlived more valuable memorials, — 
 
 ‘ Somnio praemonitus miles hanc ponere jussit 
 Aram quae Fabio nupta est Nymphis venerandis. , 
 
 1 [After “ Magna”, Mr. Stephens inserts in brackets “ Caer-vawr ”.] 
 
122 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 “ An altar found at Rutchester ( Vindobala) was dedicated 
 to the gods of the mountains. Others at Thirl wall Castle, 
 and at Benwell ( Condercum ), were dedicated to the god Vitres 
 or Yiteres, which is explained as perhaps referring to the 
 Scandinavian Yithirs or Odin. Another, at the former of 
 these places, informs us of the existence of a dea Hamia , 
 while several altars along this line of towns bear witness 
 to the favour with which the deae matres were regarded.” 
 
 It is probable, however, that the religion of the Romans 
 and their auxiliaries never took any deep root among the 
 British aborigines, and that they retained their own religious 
 usages. All these temples and altars were standing, and 
 their worship in full vigour, when the Romans left the 
 island, and it is probable some of them existed in the sixth 
 and seventh centuries ; for when Aneurin says — 
 
 “ They (the men of Gododin) removed the treasures for their gain ; 
 
 Every image is not for the good of the vale ” (verse lxxv), 
 
 he probably referred to some of these; but the Britons still 
 adhered to their household gods. They still retained much of 
 the patriarchal usages; and though the Romans broke the 
 power of the Druidic hierarchy, the people still adhered 
 to their groves and altars. The departure of the Romans 
 afforded a fine opportunity for the revival of the old reli- 
 gion ; but its days were numbered, and it was destined to 
 fade away before the lustre of the Christian Church. But 
 though Christianity began to spread itself among the Britons 
 even in Apostolic times, its progress was certainly not rapid 
 during the Roman sway, and, long afterwards, the old reli- 
 gion was still in force ; for as late as the eleventh century it 
 existed even among the Anglo-Britons, as King Edgar 
 (958-975) enjoined his clergy to be diligent in withdrawing 
 the people from the worship of trees, stones, and fountains, 
 and from other evil practices; and King Canute (1017-1035) 
 prohibited the worship of heathen gods, of the sun, moon. 
 
ROMAN BRITAIN. 
 
 123 
 
 fire, rivers, fountains, rocks, or trees, etc., some of which 
 were known British usages. In the days of Aneurin, Christi- 
 anity was becoming the dominant religion ; but the Gododin 
 also reveals the existence of other forms of worship. The 
 “ images” alluded to seem to bespeak remnants of Boman 
 paganism. The assertion that Syvno the diviner had sold 
 his soul to “ the spirits of the mountains ” [v. xix] indicates 
 the existence of pantheistic ideas ; and from the direct state- 
 ment [v. lviii] that Eiddol worshipped at the shrine of Bud- 
 dugre, we are enabled clearly to ascertain that divine honours 
 were paid to Victoria, or the goddess of Victory. Cuhelyn , 1 
 in one of his poems, censures the worship of Ogyrven ; and 
 as the poems of the Bards become better understood, we shall 
 probably discover other evidences to the same effect. 
 
 Aneurin’s own theology appears to have been of the com- 
 posite order ; like that of many of his contemporaries, it was 
 made up of heterogeneous materials; fragments of the ex- 
 piring religion clung to the new ; it became a proverb that 
 the tolerance of the cromlech facilitated the reception of the 
 Gospel (Da ywr maen gydar efengyl), and the bard in his 
 own person combined the practice of pagan usages with the 
 profession of doctrinal Christianity. In Gorchan Cynvelyn 2 
 he says that his life was spared by the Saxons, and his 
 ransom paid by the Britons, because he was “ a son of the 
 sacred fire, mob coelcerth”, or, in other words, one of the 
 priests of Baal, Beli, or Apollo; and in the Gododin (verse lxxx) 
 he says : 
 
 “ I saw men in array, from the upland of Doon, 
 
 While taking sacrifice to the sacred fire.” 
 
 Another reading has, “ while sacrifice descended upon the 
 sacred fire”. I have used the term “ sacred fire” for coelcerth , 
 
 1 [See The Four Ancient Books of Wales, vol. ii, p. 5, and the trans- 
 lator’s notes, ih. pp. 324-5; Myv. Arch., i, 164; Gee’s edition, pp. 
 124-5. See also Rhys’s Lectures on Welsh Philology, 2nd ed., pp. 302-7.] 
 
 2 [See above, p. 18.] 
 
124 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 though well aware that the advocates of bardic perfection 
 deny that the Britons ever were a fire-worshipping people ; 
 but the speculations of the Glamorgan school have ceased to 
 command respect, and are no longer accepted as authentic 
 history. In all cases the term coel was associated with and 
 indicative of religious ideas, as in cod-fain, coel-bren ; and it 
 is still used in the same sense in hen goel, an old belief, and 
 coel-grefydd , the usual term for superstition. The words of 
 Aneurin can refer to nothing less important than an act of 
 sacrificial worship. Ausonius tells us that Apollo and Beli 
 were the same divinity, and that Beli was a Gallic deity ; 
 and as the Britons worshipped the same deities as the Gauls, 
 we can have but little doubt that the act of Aneurin was one 
 of fire-worship. This adoration of Belatucadrus } “ the mighty 
 god Beli”, took place at stated intervals, twice a year at 
 least, in the Calends of May and November. The Catholic 
 Church, wherever its power was acknowledged, endeavoured 
 to supersede this half-yearly festival, and substituting 
 Christian for pagan sentiments, caused it to be held at Mid- 
 summer Eve and Christmas Eve, June 24th and Dec. 24th; 
 and accordingly the beacon fires of York, Leicester, and the 
 Midland counties, were held at Midsummer (St. John’s Day), 
 for the custom has continued down to modern times (Daye’s 
 Yorkshire , p. 90 ; and Hollings on Roman Leicester). The 
 true time was the 1st of May and the 1st of November. In 
 Scotland the month of May is still held in pagan reverence : 
 during that month there is neither marrying nor giving in 
 marriage ; x and the Highlanders have a proverb in connection 
 with May-Day, which is not now understood : 
 
 “ Woe to the mother of a wizard’s son when 
 Beltan (May-day) falls on a Thursday.” 
 
 (Camb. and Caledon. Mag., v. 564.) 
 
 1 “ During the month of May, in Scotland, there is neither marrying 
 nor giving in marriage : Scotland spurns a Papal and she allows a pagan 
 interdict. For one month out of twelve a solemn suspension of Chris- 
 
ROMAN BRITAIN. 
 
 125 
 
 Beltan, according to Mr. Owen, 1 afterwards Dr. W. 0. 
 Puglie, means the Fire of Budding ( Tdn Bed), or Fire of 
 Vegetation ( Tan Balant ); but I have no great respect for 
 these assertions, and prefer the explanation given by anti- 
 quaries of Ireland and Scotland — that of the Fire of Beli or 
 Baal. There is a hill in Perthshire called Tulloch-Baalteine, 
 or the Mount of BaaPs Fire ; within the range of this emin- 
 ence three hills of Baal are distinctly visible ( Camb . and 
 Caledon. Mag., v, 415); and the custom of offering sacrifices 
 on May-day still survives in some parts of Scotland. This 
 custom has been fully described by Sir John Sinclair in his 
 Statistical Account of Scotland (vol. xi, p. 620), whose state- 
 ment will be found below. 2 In Wales the May festival ap- 
 
 tianity silently takes place as regards one capital concern of life ; and 
 the nation to that extent re-enters upon its ancient allegiance to the 
 heathen pantheon.” — Thomas de Quincey in Hogg’s Instructor , July 
 1852, p. 293. 1 [ The Heroic Elegies of Llywarch Hen, p. 121.] 
 
 2 “ Upon the first day of May, which is called Baltan , or Bal-tein 
 day, all the boys in the township or hamlet meet in the moors. They 
 cut a table in the green sod, of a round figure, by casting a trench in 
 the ground, of such circumference as to hold the whole company. They 
 kindle a fire, and dress a repast of eggs and milk in the consistence of a 
 custard. They knead a cake of oatmeal, which is toasted at the embers 
 against a stone. After the custard is eaten up, they divide the cake 
 into so many portions, as similar as possible to one another in size and 
 shape, as there are persons in the company. They daub one of these 
 portions over with charcoal until it be perfectly black. They put all the 
 bits of the cake into a bonnet. Every one, blindfold, draws out a 
 portion. He who holds the bonnet is entitled to the last bit. 
 Whoever draws the black bit is the devoted person who is to be 
 sacrificed to Baal , whose favour they mean to implore, in rendering the 
 year productive of the sustenance of man and beast.” Sir John 
 further states that the unfortunate youth is compelled to pass three 
 times through the fire; and he supposes it to be the remnant of a 
 Druidic custom brought from the East. Pennant, in addition to eggs 
 and milk, enumerates butter, whiskey, oatmeal, and ale ; and states that 
 a portion of the mixture is poured on the ground as a drink offering. 
 Then each takes a cake having nine lumps on it, each lump being for a 
 separate divinity, such as the preserver of cattle, sheep, etc., or the 
 destroyer thereof, and all turn their faces towards the fire : each then 
 
126 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 pears to have fallen into disuse ; but they have preserved 
 that of November; and the fire on All Saints’ Eve is cur- 
 rently known by the designation of Coelcerth. The custom 
 of lighting beacon fires at that period is only now expiring ; 
 men now living inform me that they have assisted in lighting 
 these fires ; and both Eichards and Dr. W. 0. Pughe refer to 
 them as well-known facts. It is probable that Aneurin 
 refers to the Coelcerth , or November fire ; and it is certain 
 that one of the events which he witnessed from the hills of 
 Doon took place at the end of the year 642. Hence it is 
 clear that Aneurin had some remnant of the pagan priest- 
 hood still clinging to him, and that, as late as the middle of 
 the 7th century, Druidism still existed in the south of Scot- 
 land, notwithstanding that the first Christian church in that 
 country was established at Whithern, and that Cyndeyrn had 
 made a special mission to Galloway to reclaim the people to 
 the light of the Gospel. But Aneurin in some way recon- 
 ciled this paganism with his profession of Christianity, for in 
 one place he seems to assert that he performed the rite of 
 baptism : in another [v. viii] he says that the warriors should 
 have gone to churches to do penance ; and, again [v. xxix], 
 he commends the soul of Ceredic to the care of “ the Trinity 
 in perfect Unity”. 
 
 The political condition of Eoman Britain also deserves our 
 attention. This has been well developed by the erudite 
 Whitaker in his History of Manchester ; an abridgment of his 
 chap, viii, bk. i, is given in the Cambrian Register , vol. 3, p. 25 ; 
 and I do not know that I can do better than to copy the 
 
 takes a portion of the cake, and, throwing it over his head, says : “ This 
 I give to thee, preserve thou my horses ; this to thee, preserve thou 
 my sheep,” etc. In the same manner they say to inimical existences : 
 “This I give to thee, O fox! spare thou my lambs; this to thee, O 
 hooded crow ! this to thee, O eagle !” etc. After performing this 
 ceremony they eat up the mixture, and, in conclusion, hide the re- 
 mainder. — Pennant’s Tour in Scotland , 1775, vol. i, p. 97 (8vo., Dublin); 
 Rev. W. Roberts’ Crefydd yr Oesoedd Tyivyll , t. d. 97. 
 
ROMAN BRITAIN. 
 
 127 
 
 chief part thereof. “ The Eoman Empire”, says the writer, 
 “ was generally divided into provinces, each of which was 
 governed by its own Praetor and Quaestor ; the former was 
 charged with the whole administration of the government: 
 and the latter deputed to manage the finances under him. 
 This was the case in this island. The conquered regions of 
 Britain were divided into six provinces ; and these provinces 
 were governed by six Praetors and six Quaestors. Each province 
 formed a distinct government. They all acknowledged one 
 head within the island, and were all subject to the authority 
 of the Proconsul, Legate, or Yicar of Britain. The Praetor 
 always resided in the chief town of the province. There was 
 his mansion-house, denominated Palatium, or Domus Pala- 
 tina, by the Eomans. In this was assembled the principal 
 court of justice ; judicial determinations were made by the 
 Praetor ; and the imperial decrees and praetorial edicts pro- 
 mulged by his ministers. Other courts were opened under 
 his commission in the other towns of the province, in which 
 his deputies presided, inferior causes were determined, and 
 the decrees and edicts equally promulged. Each praetor had 
 many of these deputies under him, as each province had 
 many of these towns. Britannia Prima comprised about 
 forty; Britannia Secunda fifteen, Flavia fifty, Yalentia ten, 
 and Maxima twenty-five. Britain, from, the southern sea 
 to the Firths of Forth and Clwyd, at the close of the first 
 century, had one hundred and forty towns in all.” Brit- 
 tania Prima was the whole district south of the Thames ; 
 Brittania Secunda included modern Wales, with the 
 counties of Salop, Hereford, and Monmouth, and portions 
 of Worcester and Gloucester; Flavia included the eastern 
 and midland parts, north of the Thames, and south of the 
 Humber, Don, and Mersey ; Maxima , or Maxima Cazsariensis, 
 included the modern counties of Durham, Westmoreland, 
 York, and Cumberland; and Valentia and Vespasiana in- 
 
128 
 
 TIIE GODODIN OF ANEUKIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 eluded the Highlands and Lowlands of Scotland, with the 
 chief part of Northumberland. Cattraeth was in the pro- 
 vince of Maxima , and Gododin in the neighbouring province 
 of Valentia. 
 
 The towns above alluded to were of different magnitude 
 and civil importance, and varied greatly, not only in their 
 political rank, but also in their internal constitution. These 
 were distinguished from each other by the names of Muni - 
 cipia, Colonise , Civitates Latio jure donatae, and Stipendiary, 
 the four classes of towns being here placed in the order of 
 their political importance. 
 
 The Municipia were those of most consideration, and those 
 which enjoyed most Roman privileges. Of these there were 
 but two : 
 
 Verolamium (O vpoXaviov, Ptolemy), near St. Albans. 
 
 j Eboracum (*E popa/cov), now York ; quarters of the 6th 
 Legion, and apparently the residence of the Roman Emperors 
 when in Britain. 
 
 Next to these in rank were the Colonize, which were nine 
 in number. 
 
 Londinium (A ovSlviov), or Augusta, now London, mentioned 
 by Tacitus as a place of great trade, though not spoken of in 
 his time as a colony. 
 
 Carrmlodunum (KajjiovXoSvvov), now Colchester or 
 Maldon ? 
 
 Rhutugise ( Vovrovinai ), now Richborough, near Sandwich. 
 
 Aquse Solis, now Bath. 
 
 Isca, now Caerleon. 
 
 Deva, now Chester ; quarters of Legio xx. 
 
 Glevum or Claudia, now Gloucester. 
 
 Lindum, now Lincoln. 
 
 Camboricum, now Cambridge. ( Penny Cyclopaedia .) 
 
 These were settlements of Roman citizens, which served to 
 diffuse their language, religion, and arts, and to secure the 
 
ROMAN BRITAIN. 
 
 129 
 
 supremacy of Rome, and which have been well delineated hy 
 the learned Whitaker in the following passage i 1 “The com- 
 mencement of the Roman colonies was nearly coeval with 
 that of the Roman conquests. But the first that was planted 
 in any of the provinces was projected by the genius of the 
 celebrated Caius Gracchus, and settled upon the site of the 
 memorable Carthage, and others were established on the same 
 principle in Britain, Claudius settling a strong body of 
 veterans at Camalodunum, the first of all the Roman colonies 
 in Britain, and he and the succeeding legates fixing no less 
 
 than eight others in other quarters of the island That 
 
 colony was esteemed as the headquarters of the legion, where 
 some of the principal cohorts were lodged, the eagle was 
 reposited, and the commander was resident. Such was Leva 
 for the twentieth Valerian Victorious, Eboracum for the 
 sixth Victorious, Caerleon for the second Augustan, and 
 Glevum for the seventh Twin Claudian. And the rest were 
 peopled by the other cohorts of these legions”; so “Caerleon, 
 London, and Richborough, were all peopled by those of the 
 second Augustan: and the tenth Antonian was lodged in 
 the common stations, as the tenth legion had three, the twelfth 
 five, and the twenty-second six, in Germany and Gaul. Thus 
 were large bodies of the soldiery kept together by the 
 Romans at Richborough, London, Colchester, Chesterford, 
 Lincoln, and York, along the eastern side of the island, and 
 at Bath, Gloucester, Caerleon, and Chester, upon the western, 
 ready at once to suppress any insurrection at home, and 
 repel any invasion from abroad ; and the Roman legionaries 
 lived together without any great intermixture of the natives, 
 allowing few probably to reside with them but the useful 
 traders and necessary servants. As their government was 
 partly civil, the legionary colonists were subject to the 
 Roman laws, were governed by their own senators or de- 
 [• History of Manchester, vol. i, pp. 325 seq., 2nd ed., 1773.] 
 
 9 
 
 i 
 
130 
 
 THE GOD ODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 curiones, and enjoyed all the privileges of Roman citizens. 
 And, as it was equally military, they strengthened their towns 
 with regular fortifications, and guarded them with regular 
 watches, had their names retained upon the quartermaster’s 
 roll, and were obliged to march at the general’s command. 
 But as in a series of years the number of males in the colonies 
 would necessarily increase, and as they were all of them 
 legionaries by birth, upon any military exigence a draught 
 would be made out of the colonists, and such a number 
 levied as w T as requisite to the occasion. And these towns 
 naturally assumed the names of the legions to which the 
 colonists belonged, frequently in accompaniment, and some- 
 times in supersedence of their British appellations.” 
 
 The Britons did not at first mix much with their con- 
 querors; hut, on the contrary, they appear to have lived 
 apart, each having their special towns and separate places of 
 abode. The Romans occupied the Municipia and Colonise; hut 
 we must seek the Britons among the two inferior classes of 
 towns. Of these, the foremost in point of rank were the 
 Civitates Latio jure donate, or towns possessing Latin or 
 Roman privileges, though not to the same extent as the 
 Municipia and Colonise . These were probably British towns 
 to which those privileges had been granted; and we learn 
 that they were ten in number, viz. : 
 
 Durnomagus, now Castor on Nene, or Water Newton. 
 
 Catarracton ( Catarradoni , Itin. Anton.; Karovppa/cToviov, 
 Ptol.), now Catterick in Yorkshire. 
 
 Cambodunum, now Slack in Yorkshire. 
 
 Coccium, now Ribchester, Lancashire. 
 
 Lugubalia , now Carlisle. 
 
 Pteroton , Burgh Head, Morayshire, Scotland. 
 
 Victoria , now Dealgin Ross, Perthshire. 
 
 Theodosia, Dumbarton. 
 
 Corinium, now Cirencester. 
 
ROMAN BRITAIN. 
 
 131 
 
 Sorbiodunum, now Old Sarum. 
 
 The Latin privilege here alluded to “was an exemption from 
 the ordinary jurisdiction of the praetor ; and the inhabitants 
 of a Latin town were no longer governed by a foreign prefect 
 and a foreign qusestor, but by a quaestor and prefect elected 
 among themselves. A Briton was their president, a Briton 
 their justiciary, and a Briton was their tax-gatherer, and every 
 inhabitant of such a town that had borne the offices of praetor 
 or quaestor was immediately entitled to the privileges of a 
 Boman citizen. These rights the Romans first communi- 
 cated to the conquered Latins, and afterwards extended to 
 all the Italians. Caesar seems to have been the first that 
 carried them beyond the bounds of Italy, and conferred them 
 upon a provincial town. Novum Comum certainly, and 
 probably Nemausis in Gaul, received this distinction from 
 him, and were, perhaps, the first provincial towns that re- 
 ceived it” (Whitaker ). 1 It was afterwards bestowed upon 
 the British cities above named. We here discern the 
 elements from which British society was re-constructed on 
 the departure of the Romans. It was one of the maxims of 
 Roman policy, as developed by Tacitus in the Life of Agri- 
 cola, not to destroy the power of the sovereigns thus subdued, 
 but, on the contrary, to maintain them in a state of nominal 
 independence, as is now done in India by the British 
 Government, and thus to strengthen the Imperial power 
 by means of their influence over their native subjects. This 
 was done by Lucius Yerus in the East, and by Agricola in 
 Britain ; and it is probable that it remained a part of the 
 Imperial policy while the legions remained in the island ; 
 the prefect of one of these British cities became the chief or 
 king of the district. Many of these cities, such as Victoria, 
 Theodosia, Lugubalia, Catarracton, and Rigodunum, became 
 the seats of sovereignty, and many of the heads of British 
 1 [TJbi supra , i, 325.] 
 
 9 2 
 
132 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 families sprang into note soon after the departure of the 
 legions. 
 
 The Stipendiarle were the tributary or tribute-paying 
 towns, and as such were subject to all the provincial regimen. Of 
 these towns we are furnished with the names of twelve, viz.: 
 
 Venta Bilurum, Caerwent, Monmouthshire. 
 
 Venta Belgarum [Ovevra), Winchester, Herts. 
 
 Venta Icenorum (Ovevra), Cays tor, near Norwich. 
 
 Segontium, Caer-Seiont, Carnarvon. 
 
 Muridunum, Seaton, near Colyton, Devon. 
 
 Ragae, now Leicester. 
 
 Cantiopolis or Durovernum , Canterbury. 
 
 Durinvm, Dorchester. 
 
 Isca , now Exeter. 
 
 Bremenium , Riechester in Northumberland, the capital of 
 the Ottadeni 
 
 Vindonum, near Andover, Hants. [Penny Cyclopaedia .) 
 
 Durobrivae, now Rochester. 
 
 Each of these was governed by a particular commandant, 
 the deputy of the praetor, a merely annual officer. This 
 prefect acted as an aedile, and therefore had the whole prae- 
 torial authority over the town and its vicinity or de- 
 pendencies delegated to him . 1 But the garrison in the 
 station must have been independent of him, and subject 
 immediately to the pretorial authority. Like the praetor he 
 had his quaestor with him, appointed no doubt by the pro- 
 vincial quaestor, and authorised to receive the taxes of the 
 town. These officers in the Roman government made a very 
 conspicuous appearance. By the former was all the discipline 
 of the civil polity regulated, and all the taxation economy 
 was adjusted by the latter. 
 
 1 The Bards frequently allude to an officer whom they call Maer , the 
 modern mayor, who was entrusted with the defence of towns. Were 
 the Maer and the aedile the same officer ? 
 
ROMAN BRITAIN. 
 
 133 
 
 “The payments, assessed on the provincial Britons, consisted 
 of four or five different articles. One was an imposition 
 upon burials, which is particularly urged as a grievance by 
 the spirited Boadicea. Another was a capitation tax, which 
 is likewise insisted upon by that British heroine. A third 
 was a cess upon lands, which amounted to two shillings in 
 the pound, or a tenth of the annual produce in everything 
 that was raised from seed, and to four shillings, or a fifth, in 
 all that was raised from plants. A fourth was an imposition 
 upon cattle. And all the commercial imports and exports 
 were subject to particular charges. Such, in general, were the 
 taxes of our British ancestors under the government of the 
 Bomans. And as they were the badges of the Boman do- 
 minion over them, they were naturally disliked by a newly- 
 conquered people. As they were embittered to their minds 
 by the natural haughtiness and insolence of a victorious 
 soldiery in general, and of the Boman in particular, they 
 were as naturally hated by a gallant one. But they were 
 not oppressive in themselves. They were merely an equiva- 
 lent, in all probability, to the duties which they had for- 
 merly rendered to their own sovereigns. The amount of 
 them was scarcely sufficient to answer the expenses of the 
 civil and military establishments in the island. And the 
 weight was certainly light ; as the smallness of the collec- 
 tions at last stimulated the policy of avarice to abolish all 
 the provincial taxes, and substitute even the Boman in their 
 stead” (Whitaker 1 ). 
 
 The Boman yoke appears to have been at first borne with 
 much impatience ; but the Britons afterwards became better 
 reconciled thereto, and a good understanding sprang up in 
 time between them and their governors. “ The privilege of 
 Boman citizenship was frequently communicated to indi- 
 viduals among the Britons, and at last bestowed upon all of 
 1 [Yol. i, p. 324.] 
 
134 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 them. In the towns distinguished by the Latin liberties, it 
 became the common right of all that had borne the office of 
 aedile or quaestor in them. But when philosophy and 
 Antoninus Pius were invested with the Imperial authority, 
 those narrow restraints were taken away, and the Eoman 
 citizenship was extended to every Briton of property and 
 
 worth. It ought to have extended to all And the 
 
 cunning avarice of Caracalla communicated what the virtu- 
 ous wisdom of Pius should have bestowed. By this act, the 
 lower ‘ orders of Britons were freed from a disgraceful pun- 
 ishment, and no longer liable to be scourged with rods/ 
 And the higher orders were delivered from a disgraceful 
 exclusion, and admitted to a participation of marriages and 
 a communion of honours with the Eomans. And all the 
 inhabitants now created citizens of Eome were raised to 
 a footing of equality with their Eoman masters, empowered 
 to elect their own officers, and at liberty to be governed by 
 their own townsmen,” 1 from which it may be justly inferred 
 that the Eomans granted what they were either afraid or 
 unable to withhold. 
 
 The Britons, both before and after the Eoman occupation, 
 were celebrated for their addiction to, and skill in, the chase. 
 Dio Niceus informs us that the Northern Britons lived by 
 the chase ; and Strabo states that the dogs of the Britons 
 possessed such celebrity from the excellence of their training 
 that they are named among the articles which were regularly 
 exported from the island. In the succeeding period, we hear 
 but little respecting the practice of hunting ; but a century 
 and a half after the departure of the Eomans, we learn from 
 the Gododin that the chase was held in great esteem ; and 
 we are indebted to the bard for a spirited description of Cynau 
 Garwyn, in the verse [xci] addressed to his son Dinogad, — 
 
 1 [Whitaker, vol. i, p. 329.] 
 
ROMAN BRITAIN. 
 
 135 
 
 “ When thy father went hunting 
 With the spearstaff on his shoulder and the haft in his hand, 
 
 He would call his well-trained dogs (and cry) — 
 
 ‘ Mark, grasp, catch, catch, bring, bring !’ 
 
 He slew fish from a coracle, 
 
 As a lion slays a fox. 
 
 'When thy father went to the mountain 
 He brought back the chief of the roebucks, 
 
 The largest boar, the finest stag, 
 
 The fattest spotted grouse, 
 
 And the noblest fish from the falls of Derwent. 
 
 Of the boars which thy father reached 
 
 With the flesh-hook on the point of his elm-staff, 
 
 Did not all die ? Did not their swiftness cease ?” 
 
 But though we find no account of the chase during the 
 Roman period, there are some indications of the Latin 
 influence preserved in the laws of Howel. It seems to have 
 been an established maxim of Imperial policy, or rather of 
 the early jurisprudence of the Roman people, to invest the 
 right of such things as had no master with those who were 
 the first possessors ; and wild beasts, birds, and fishes became 
 the property of those who could first take them (Meyrick’s 
 Cardiganshire , clxxix). The Welsh laws differed in this 
 respect very widely from the harsh game laws of the Norman 
 conquerors ; and as they were in perfect conformity to the 
 above principle of Roman law, I incline to the belief that the 
 free spirit of Cambrian law in reference to game was due to 
 the influence of Latin jurisprudence. In the tenth century, 
 the Welsh were celebrated for their skill in hunting, and it 
 is evident, both from Cambrian and Saxon authorities, that 
 hunting, fishing, and falconry were well known in Wales, as 
 well as that wolves, bears, and wild boars, abounded in this 
 island at that time. “ Dogs of sagacious scent to discover 
 the retreats and hiding places of wild beasts, and birds 
 trained to make prey of others in the air” (Malmesbury 1 ), 
 
 1 [Willelmi Malesbiriensis Gesta Regum Anglorum recensuit T. D. 
 Hardy, lib. ii, § 134.] 
 
136 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 were named among the articles of tribute demanded by 
 Athelstan from the king of North Wales (a.d. 926); and 
 Edgar afterwards commuted the tribute for an annual pay- 
 ment of three hundred wolves, which was paid for four 
 years, until the wolves were nearly exterminated. 1 In the 
 Welsh laws, hunting the fox, hare, and roebuck, were called 
 clamorous diversions ; hunting the bear, squirrel, martin, or 
 cock-of-the-wood, were called barking diversions, because 
 the animals ran up the trees ; and hunting the stag, pursuing 
 a swarm of bees, and taking a salmon, whether with spear or 
 net, were called common diversions, because every person 
 present at the death, and even a stranger passing by, had a 
 right to a share. The same free spirit prevails throughout 
 the whole of the hunting laws. 
 
 It would seem that we have another indication of Eoman 
 government in the establishment of shops or places for the 
 sale of merchandise, and in the adoption of fixed prices for 
 the goods sold. The Gododin reveals the existence of such 
 trade regulations in relation to wine shops ; we have already 
 stated that the drinks of the Britons were mead, ale, and 
 wine ; and it would seem that there were standard prices for 
 their sale. Aneurin, speaking of one [v. ii], says : “ He was 
 a protector before the fair, he would pay for mead” ; of 
 another, “ Silver for drink, yea gold he would pay” ; and of 
 Cynhaval ab Argad he says : 
 
 “ Vines were not hoarded where he was, 
 
 And tho’ there were a hundred men in one house, 
 
 He would dispel all cares : 
 
 The chief of men would pay the standard price.” 
 
 (Verse xliii). 
 
 Such allusions reveal the existence of internal order, 
 regular government, and advanced civilization. 
 
 1 [Willelmi Malesbiriensis Gesta Regum Anglorum recensuit, T. D. 
 Hardy, lib. ii, § 55.] 
 
ROMAN BRITAIN. 
 
 137 
 
 Such is a brief outline of the state of Britain under the 
 Romans ; and from the illustrations afforded by the Gododin 
 we may safely infer that during the interval between the 
 departure of the legions and the battle of Cattraeth, the 
 Britons had not degenerated, even if they had not improved. 
 Some persons assert that the Britons lost more than they 
 gained during the Roman government ; but my researches 
 tend to establish a different conclusion. It may be true that 
 they substituted the vices of refinement for the virtues of the 
 rude state ; that they introduced effeminacy among the 
 natives by substituting the arts of peace for those of war ; 
 that they drafted the British youth to foreign stations, de- 
 graded the national character, and annihilated the independ- 
 ence of the country ; but in reality this catalogue of charges 
 is only the usual indictment of barbarism against (fivilization. 
 It may be that civilization is an evil ; but it is one which is 
 preferred by collective man to that ruder state which fascinates 
 the Rousseau school ; and in this instance it was no worse 
 than is usually the case. The maxims of Roman policy 
 formed the wisdom of succeeding Cymry; the magnificent 
 roads formed by the Imperial engineers have served the 
 people ever -since, for they still exist as the mail roads of 
 the present day; the Roman jurisprudence was the parent 
 of the lex non script a of modern Britain ; and the Municipia 
 and other cities of that great people were the fruitful sources 
 of the boroughs of England, and that passion for local 
 government which resists the prevalent tendency to centrali- 
 zation, and forms the strong bulwark of British independence. 
 Eor a time the national character was degraded, and the 
 independence of the people trodden underfoot ; but from the 
 time when resistance ceased, there dawned a new era upon 
 the British mind ; concession after concession was granted to 
 the people ; and from the time when all the Britons became 
 Roman citizens, their liberty was secured, and their progress 
 
138 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 was onward evermore. Thenceforth the island became fruit- 
 ful in “tyrants”; the cities of Britain asserted their freedom; 
 the legions could no longer retain their own ; and Honorius 
 had to address them as independent powers. It is not likely 
 they lost ground afterwards until subdued by the Saxons. 
 What Boman Britain was, that was the Britain of the 
 Gododin. 
 
139 
 
 THE GODODIN. 
 
 In the following pages the Cymric text has been given on 
 one page and the translation on the opposite side. To the 
 text, which has been formed by a careful collation of eight 
 manuscripts, various readings have been placed as foot-notes; 
 and a considerable number of new verses, never before 
 thought to belong to the Gododin, have been added to the 
 usual text, from the MS. containing Gorchan Maelderw, 
 which is certainly older than any copy of the " Gododin” now 
 in existence. To the translation have been added critical 
 foot-notes, and also a very large number of historical illus- 
 trations, which may be said to form the chief merit of the 
 present work, these immediately following the verses which 
 they illustrate. 
 
140 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Y GODODIN. 
 
 i. 
 
 Gredyf gwr oed gwas 
 
 Gwrhyt am 1 dias 
 
 March 2 mwth myngvras 
 
 A 3 dan vordwyt mygrwas 4 
 
 Ysgwyt ysganyn lledan 5 
 
 Ar bedrein mein yuan 5 
 
 Kledyvawr 6 glas glan 
 
 Ethy enr aphan 7 
 
 Ny 8 bi 9 efo 10 vi 
 
 Cas e 11 rof a 12 tlii 10 
 
 1 Four MSS. 4, 6, 7, 8, read thus ; and four others 1, 2, 3, 5, read 
 Gwhyr un dias , which, so far as I know, has no intelligible meaning. 
 
 2 Two MSS. only 3, 5, read thus, but mein vuan , in line 6, inclines me 
 to prefer the singular March to the plural Meirch of 1, 2, 4, 6, 7, 8. 
 
 3 Variously written : y, 1, 2 ; o, 3 ; and a, which is sanctioned by the 
 
 majority. 4 Four MSS. 1, 2, 3, 5 ; four others read megyrwas. 
 6 Unam , 2, 5 ; dinam , 3 ; unam neu vuan , 6 ; buan ( Myv .). 6 Cleddyfwr , 
 
 3 ; Cledyvar, 6. 7 Athan , 6. 8 iVi, 3. 9 Bu , 2, 3. 10 One MS. 
 
 only, but all the others are meaningless. 11 F, 1, 2, 5, not in 3. 
 42 Rhof, 1, 2, 3. 
 
 i. The subject of this verse has been a sore perplexity to all the trans- 
 
 lators of the Gododin. Mr. Williams assumes it to be Owain ab Urien 
 
 Kheged, but advances so many doubts that his assumption has only the 
 
 similarity of names to recommend it ; and as the name Owain was 
 
 rather common in North Britain about this period, that fact becomes a 
 
 very unsafe guide. For instance, we have Owen ab Urien, Owen, 
 
 King of Strathclyde, Owen, Prince of Eg, and the youth here named 
 
 by Aneurin. Who was this Owen ? If Marro be a proper name, he 
 
 was the son of some unknown chieftain named Marro or Marco ; but if, 
 
I. OWEN. 
 
 141 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 i. 
 
 To Owen. 
 
 (Ab Gwarthan ab Dunawd Pabo ?) 
 
 The youth had the attributes of manhood j 1 
 He panted for 2 the tumult ; 
 
 A swift, thick-maned steed 
 
 Ran under the thighs of the majestic youth . 3 
 
 A broad light shield^ 
 
 Hung on the crupper of his fleet and slender filly ; 
 
 His sword was blue and bright, 
 
 His garb was ermined, and his spurs were gold . 4 
 There was not on my part 
 Enmity between me and thee. 
 
 1 It might be well at the outset to state in detail my reasons for de- 
 parting from the versions given of the Gododin by Davies, Probert, 
 and Williams. By doing this with respect to the first verse, it will not 
 be necessary for me to state my reasons at length in subsequent cases, 
 as it will appear that the work has been thoroughly matured. Williams’ 
 first line is over refined. Gwas implies being young in years ; and to 
 state that a youth was a young man is tautology ; Aneurin does not say 
 so. Oed is the verb oedd. 
 
 2 “ Gallant in the din of war,” Williams: Aneurin has am dias, “for 
 the tumult”. 
 
 3 Williams persists in making him a hero ; Aneurin speaks of a boy. 
 
 4 Golden spurs were frequently worn by the British chiefs. Llywarch 
 Hen describes one of his sons to have worn them. ( Elegies , p. 131.) 
 
 as I assume, Marro be a name for the lord of a country (see Richards’ 
 Dictionary ), then shall we find his father was the Lord of Gododin, 
 whom, in subsequent verses, we find to be Gwarthan, the son of 
 Dunawd ab Pabo Post Prydain, by Dwywe the daughter of Gwallog 
 ab Lleenog. The assumption corresponds well with the character and 
 description of the youth, and furnishes a reason for the prominence 
 given to him in the poem. If we adopt the rejected reading, Marco 
 would probably be March ab Meirchion, the King Mark of romance. 
 
142 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Gwell gwneif a tlii 13 
 Ar wawt dy voli 
 Kynt y 14 waet elawr 15 
 Nogyt 16 y 17 neitliiawr 
 
 Kynt y 18 vwyt 19 y 20 vrein 15 
 
 Noc y 21 argyurein 22 
 
 Ku kyneillt ewein 23 
 
 Kwl y 24 uot a 25 dan vrein 26 
 
 Marth 27 ym pa vro 
 
 Llad un mab marro. 28 20 
 
 II. 
 
 Kayawc kynborawc 1 men y delhei 2 
 Diffun ymlaen bun med a 3 dalhei 
 Twll 4 tal y 5 rodawr ene 6 klywei 
 Awr 7 ny 8 rodei nawd 9 mein dilynei 
 
 13 This line is wanting in 1, 2, 3, 5. 14 7, 1, 2, 3, 6. 15 E lawr , 4, 6. 
 
 is No gyt, 1, 2 ; Nag iti, 3. 17 7, 1, 2. 18 7, 2, 6 ; o, 3. » Uwyd, 1 ; 
 
 wayd, 2; waet , 4. 20 7, 1, 2, 3, 4. 21 Yr, 1, 2, 3, 5. 22 Argynrein 
 
 1 , 2, 3 ; argyvrain , 6 ; angyrein , 5. 23 Euein, 1, 2, 5; Owain , 2. 24 7, 3. 
 
 25 F, 1, 2; o,3. 26 This verse is notin 3. 27 March , 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 28 Marco , 1, 2, 3. The rhyme alone would here show the best reading. 
 
 1 Three copies have lcynhaiawg 1, 2, 3. The other, kynhorawc , “fore- 
 most”, is quoted by Meugant, circa 635. 2 Behai , I. 3 F, 3. 
 
 4 5. 5 /, 1, 2, 3. 6 Fw y, 1, 2, 3, 5. 7 Aur, 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 8 Ni, 1, 2, 3, 4. 9 AewcZ, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 n. Mr. Probert takes “Cayawc” and “Caeawc”, the initial words of this 
 and the three following stanzas, to be a proper name, though he seems to 
 have been unacquainted with the chief of that name, who appears to have 
 been a son of Cyndrwyn, and brother of Cynddylan, Prince of Powys. 
 Llywarch Hen, in the elegy on Cynddylan, appears to name such a per- 
 
 son : — 
 
I. OWEN. 
 
 II. MADOC AB BRWYN. 
 
 143 
 
 Better will I do to thee , 5 
 To celebrate thy praise in song. 
 
 Sooner came the bloody bier 
 Than for thee the nuptial feast ; 
 
 Sooner wert thou food for ravens, 
 
 Than came the nuptial dowry. 
 
 Dear companion, Owen ! 
 
 Alas ! that ravens should feed upon him. 
 Well known to me is the vale 
 Where our chieftain’s only son was slain. 
 
 II. 
 
 To Madoc ab Brwyn (ab Cunedda Wledig). 
 
 Torque-wearing ! foremost 1 wherever he came, 
 
 Unabashed 2 in maiden presence, he would pay for mead ; 
 Pierced was the front of his shield, when he heard the war- 
 shout ; 
 
 He gave no quarter to the many he pursued, 
 
 5 Or, “ mil it be to thee”. 
 
 1 1 here translate Jcynhorawc ; Williams has Tcyrihorawc in his text, 
 and kynhaiawc, after the example of Davies, in his translation. 
 
 2 Williams, following Davies, translates diffun, “by his troop unat- 
 tended”; but his laboured note appears to me to be wrong. Probert, 
 assuming it to be diffyn , renders it “ protector”, and certainly has more 
 warrant for so doing ; but ffun, ffunen also means “ a veil” ; and diffun 
 has probably the same meaning as diffuant , “ without dissimulation”. 
 
 “ Ystavell Cynddylan ys peithiawg heno, 
 
 Gwedy cedwyr voddawg, 
 
 Elvan, Cynddylan, Caeawg.” {Heroic Elegies , p. 78.) 
 
 W. Owen, in translating this verse, assumes “ Caeawg” to be a proper 
 name : — 
 
 “ The hall of Cynddylan is openly exposed to night, 
 
 After being the contented resort of warriors, 
 
 Elvan, Cynddylan, and Caeog !” 
 
144 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Ni 10 chilyei o gamhawn eny 11 verei — waet 25 
 
 Mab 12 brwyn gomynei gwyr nyt 13 echei 14 
 Nys 15 adrawd Gododin 16 ar llawr mordei 
 Eac pebyll madawc pan atcoryei 
 Namen nn gwr 17 ogant eny 18 delbei 19 . 
 
 10 Ny, 1, 6. 11 Yn y, 1, 2, 5 ; un o’i, 3. 12 Mab, 3 ; Mai , all the 
 
 others. 13 Gwyrnyd , 6. 14 Elhei, 1, 2, 5; eche ( elei ), 6; elei, 3. 
 
 16 Nis, 3. 16 Gwawdodyn , 3. 17 Not in 1, 2, 3. 18 Fh y , 1, 2, 5 ; 
 
 yno, 3. 19 In 7 this stanza and the following form but one verse. 
 
 There is, however, just room to doubt that “Caeawg” is a proper name. 
 A various reading was Cueaivc , and if it be a proper name, history 
 makes no mention of the person so designated. Further, within twenty 
 years of the supposed composition of the Gododin , Meugant ( circa 635) 
 quotes the phrase “ Caeawc kynhorawc”, and applies it to Cadwallon 
 ab Cadvan. This fact proves that the word in the text is not a proper 
 name ; and the same quotation proving the propriety of reading 
 kynhorawc instead of kynhaiawc , goes far to destroy the applicability of 
 Williams’ ingenious note on taiogion. Davies’ note is false in its state- 
 ment of facts, as verse iv shows that the Briton chiefs did wear wreaths 
 of amber beads. 
 
 Who then is the subject of the verse? Most probably Madoc ab 
 Brwyn, the grandson of Cunedda Wledig. Cunedda is called by Wil- 
 liams “ King of Strathclyde”; but the poem of Taliesin called Marwnad 
 Cunedda , shows his dominions to have been Cumberland and his resi- 
 dence Carlisle : — 
 
 “ Ergrynaw Cuneddaf creisserydd 
 Ynghaer Weir a chaer Liwelydd.” 
 
 ( Myv . Arch., i, 71.) 
 
 And probably his grandson inherited his possessions. But here we meet 
 the great difficulty always encountered in treating of Cunedda, who 
 certainly appears to have been much antedated. He is said to have 
 commenced his reign in a.d. 329 and to have died in 389 (Owen’s Cam- 
 brian Biography). A better authority places him between 400 and 433 
 (Rees’ Welsh Saints, p. 109) ; but I suspect that even that date is too 
 
II. MADOC AB BRWYN. 
 
 145 
 
 Nor would he retreat from fight while blood was flowing ; 
 The son 3 of Brwyn cut down warriors ; he would not yield. 
 The Gododin does not relate, that on the coast of the sea- 
 houses , 4 
 
 Before the tent of Madoc, when he returned, 
 
 There came more than one man in a hundred. 
 
 3 If we read mal brwyn instead of mab brwyn (the son of Brwyn), 
 the translation would be, “ Like rushes he cut down men”; but though 
 this is the most poetical, the other is the truer reading. 
 
 4 Mordei , says Williams, is the name of a district ; it is not so. (See 
 v. xix.) 
 
 early, for Taliesin, living in 610, could not have written his elegy, in 
 which he asserts himself to have personally known Cunedda ; and his 
 grandson could scarcely have been in the battle of Cattraeth in 603. 
 Further, we have in the following lines a proof that he fought against 
 the invaders of Bernicia : — 
 
 “ Ganwaith cyn bu lleith dorglwyd 
 Duchludent wys bryneich ymmhlymnwyd 
 Ef caned rhag ei ofn ai arswyd oergerdd 
 Cyn bu dayr dogyn ei dwed.” 
 
 Myv. Arch ., i, 71 [Gee’s ed., p. 61]. 
 
 Now as the Jutes and Saxons were not in force in Northumberland 
 until Ida came, about 547, we must bring him down to the beginning of 
 the sixth century. It is also said that Brwyn, his son, was a celebrated 
 warrior fighting against the Saxons (Williams’ Biographical Dictionary , 
 s. v. Brwyn) ; and therefore there is no improbability in assuming the 
 hero in the text to have been Madoc ab Brwyn ab Cunedda, of whom 
 we have the following account : — 
 
 “ Madog ab Brwyn, a chieftain who lived about the middle of the 
 sixth century (it should have been, in the latter half of the sixth and 
 beginning of the seventh century). He is recorded in the Triads as 
 one of the three 4 eurgelein’ or golden corpses of the Isle of Britain ; for 
 when they were killed in battle, their weight in gold was given to have 
 their bodies restored. The two others were Ceugant Beilliawg and 
 Rhuawn Bevr. {Myv. Arch., ii, 15, 16, 69)”; Williams’ Biogr. Diet. 
 
 Llywarch Hen had a son named Brwyn {Heroic Elegies , p. vii, note) ; 
 but there is no account of him, nor of his having a son named Madoc. 
 
 10 
 
146 
 
 TIIE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 III. 
 
 Kaeawc kynnivyat kywlat 1 erwyt 2 30 
 
 Ruthyr eryr en y lyr 3 pan llithywyt 
 
 E amot 4 a vu not a gatwyt 5 
 
 Gwell a wnaeth e arnaeth ny gilywyt 6 
 
 Rac bedin ododin 7 odecbwyt 8 
 
 Hyder 9 gymbell ar vreithel vanawyt 35 
 
 Ny 10 nodi nac ysgeth 11 nac ysgwyt 
 
 1 Cyvlat , 1, 2, 6 ; cyflad , 3. 2 E rwyt , 4, 6. 3 Y lyr , 1, 2, 3, 5 ; 
 
 ebyr in Williams’ text and MS. Paul Pan ton ; but the following line in 
 Addfwyneu Taliesin has determined my preference : 
 
 “ Atuyn Eryr ar lan llyr pan llanhwy.” — Myv. i, 28 [Gee, p. 30]. 
 
 4 Amot in Williams’ text ; yamot , 1 ; y amot , 2, 4, 5 ; i ammod , 3. 
 
 5 The choice is difficult; 1, 2, 3, 5, read garwyt: both are good. 6 iW, 
 
 2, 3, 4. 7 Wawdodyn 1 3. 8 0 dechwyt , 1, 2, 3. 9 Hydr , 8. 
 
 10 iW, 3. 11 Yscell , 6 ; osgeth , 3, 5. 
 
 in. In suggesting that Manawyd was a proper name, Mr. Williams is 
 entitled to the honour of a discovery; though he seems to have had no 
 notion who this person was ; but what he left undone I must endeavour 
 to complete. It is commonly believed that Manawyddan ab Llyr was 
 the son of Llyr Llediaith, who was supposed to have been the grand- 
 father of Caractacus. But is this the fact ? It is true that there is a 
 tale which makes him the brother of Bran ab Llyr ; and it is true that 
 two copies of the Triads also make him the son of Llyr Llediaith ; but 
 it is also true that one copy leaves out the Llediaith, and only has 
 Manawyddan ab Llyr; and the three copies include him as a triad 
 with Llywarch Hen aud Gwgan Gwron, two men living in the sixth 
 century. Apart from, and in addition to these considerations, we find 
 that in the Mabinogi of Kilhwch and 01 wen he is called simply “Ma- 
 nawyddan ab Llyr”, and made the contemporary of Arthur. In the 
 poetical dialogue between Arthur, Cai, and Glewlwyd, we find him in 
 the same company {Myv. i, 167 ; Gee, 127). Lastly, in a poem addressed 
 “ To the Sons of Llyr ab Brochwel Powys”, we find Manawyd, probably 
 the same person as Manawyddan, described as being living at the close 
 of the sixth century : — 
 
 “ Ys cyweir fy nghadair ynghaer Sidi 
 Nis plawdd haint a henaint a fo yndi 
 Ys gwyr Manawyd a Phryderi.”— Myv. i, 67 [Gee, p. 58]. 
 
III. MAN AW YD AB LLYR. 
 
 147 
 
 III. 
 
 To Manawyd ab Llyr (ab Brochwel Powys). 
 
 Torque-wearing tormentor with conflicting pikes, 
 Pushing like the eagle on the strand when allured : 
 
 His promise 1 was a mark that was beloved ; 
 
 Better did he perform. His custom was not to retreat. 
 Before the army of Gododin, if there was shrinking, 
 Manawyd boldly provoked the battle ; 
 
 Neither spear nor shield gave protection from him. 
 
 1 My translation differs in toto from that of Mr. Williams in every 
 line of this verse. I will, therefore, only dwell on two points. Line 3 : 
 here, as elsewhere, he vitiates his translation by assuming that armorial 
 bearings were known in the sixth century. The opinion is novel, op- 
 posed to all received opinions, and should first be proved. He has an 
 interesting note on line 2. 
 
 It must, therefore, be clear either that this poem has been misnamed, 
 or that Manawyddan was living in the sixth century. Of Llyr, the son 
 of Brochwel, we hear nothing ; but there was such a person (Rees’ 
 Saints , 161) ; and, possibly, he may be the same person as Llyr Lluy- 
 ddog, of whom we have the following notice : — 
 
 u Llyr Lluyddog, or of the numerous host, a chieftain who lived in 
 the beginning of the sixth century. He is recorded as one of Arthur’s 
 three chiefs of cavalry, the others being Caradawg Vreichvras, and 
 Menwaed of Arllechwedd” (Williams’ Biog. Diet.; Myv. Arch., ii, 5). 
 It seems, therefore, somewhat probable that Manawyddan was the son 
 of one of the latter Llyrs, and that the reference to Llyr Llediaith is 
 a mistake. It is a striking confirmation of this view, that Bronwen, 
 the sister of Bran and Manawyddan, should be buried in Anglesey. 
 Ynys Bronwen and Twr Bronwen are in North Wales, and not in 
 the country of Llyr Llediaith — Morganwg. 
 
 The battle of Mannan took place in 582, between Aeddan ab Gavran, 
 with his allies the men of Strathclyde and Northern Britons on the one 
 side, and the Piets of the Highlands on the other. It was fought 
 probably at Clackmannan ; and Aeddan was the victor. It took place 
 some years before the battle of Cattraeth, and it furnishes us with 
 the clue to the true date of this poem. 
 
 10 2 
 
148 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Ny 12 ellir anet 13 ry vaethpwyt 14 
 Eac ergyt catvannan 15 catwyt. 10 
 
 IV. 
 
 Kaeawc kynhorawc bleid e 1 maran 
 
 Gwevrawr godrwyawr 2 torchawr am rann 40 
 
 Bu gwevrawr 3 gwerthvawr gwerth gwin vann 4 
 
 12 Ni, 3. 13 Enet, 2 ; aned , 3. 14 Vaethuwyt , 1,2, 3 ; vaethvwyd , 5. 
 
 15 Cadfannau, 1, 2, 3, 5. 16 In 7, these two lines are one. 
 
 1 Bleide , 1; bleiddie, 2, 3; bled e , 5. 2 Godrwyawr , 1, 2, 3, 5; 
 
 godiwawr, 4 ; Godrwawr , Williams’ text. 3 Govrawr , 5. 4 Gwinvan , 
 
 1 ; gwinvain , 2, 3 ; gwrnvann , 5. The line in 6 is thus — Gwefrawr 
 godiwawr gwerthvawr gwinvan. 
 
 iv. Who was the son of Ysgyran? And, first of all, who was Ysgyran 
 himself? Mr. Williams has given up the inquiry in despair, and says, 
 u Who Ysgyran or Cyran (the ys being a mere prefix) was, we have no 
 means of knowing, as the name does not occur anywhere in history”. 
 But I believe that the man and his son can yet be identified. 
 
 And first, then, of Ysgyran. Among the Englynion Beddau , we 
 meet with the following verse : — 
 
 u Cigleu don drom dra thywawd, 
 
 Am vedd Dysgyrnin Dysgyveddawd 
 
 Aches trwm angwres pechawd.” — Myv. i, 78 [Gee, 65]. 
 
 “ A sullen wave beyond the strand 
 Speaks of Dysgyrnin Dysgyveddawd’s grave. 
 
 Heavy is the mind impelled by sin.” 
 
 It is not easy, with our modern notions, to perceive the applicability of 
 this censorious moral to one who is designated a “learning-drinker”; 
 but when we bear in mind that the occurrence of the word “sin” shows 
 this verse to have been composed in a religious or rather theological 
 age, and that the monks feigned that all knowledge-seekers were in 
 league with the powers of darkness, we see our way out of this difficulty. 
 Further on we shall find it stated that, “ Syvno the diviner sold his 
 sold to the surface sprites” (see v. xix) ; and a similar assertion seems to 
 
III. MANAWYD AB LLYB. 
 
 IV. CYSSUL. 
 
 149 
 
 No dainties would be found in the habitation of the Chief ; 
 He escaped from the blows of Mannan fight . 2 
 
 IV. 
 
 To Cyssul (the son of Ysgyran). 
 
 Foremost torque-wearing 1 wolf of the strand, 
 
 With an amber-wreath encircling. his temples : 
 
 Precious was the amber, costly the wine-place . 2 
 
 2 A correct translation of this and the other lines, in which Cadvan- 
 nan is mentioned, furnishes the clue to the date of the Gododin. Wil- 
 liams has rejected the true rendering, and adopted a false one. 
 
 1 This verse brings to light the errors which Davies and Williams 
 have committed in translating the adjective Caeawc , which, according 
 to them, means, “ wreathed” with amber beads; but here we have the 
 wreath of amber beads mentioned in addition to the u cae ”, or neck en- 
 closure, which was in fact the golden torque so often mentioned. 
 
 2 Or, “The precious amber became (was) the price of the wine feast.” 
 
 be implied here ; but in former times there was evidently a legend 
 attached to the name, which is now lost. The Triads assign him the 
 honours of bardism, and claim the same honour for his sons, of whom it 
 is said, “ tri meib o feirdd oeddynt”. In the Cambrian Biography he is 
 said to be the son of Dysgeddawg, and Williams, Biog. Diet ., sub Dis- 
 gyveddawg, falls into the same error ; but it is quite clear that dysgyve- 
 dawg , variously written dysgyveddawd , disgyvyndawd , and disgyfdod, 
 is an epithet, and that the proper name is Disgyrnin. In a various 
 reading of the above verse the name is written Disgyrin, and that is so 
 near an approach to Ysgyran, that we need not doubt their identity ; 
 for of that we have this further confirmation. We learn from the 
 Triads that the dominions of Disgyrin were in Deivyr and Bryneicli — 
 Northumberland and York ; and from the expressions in the line, 
 
 “ Kyt dyffei Gwynedd a Gogledd ei rann”, 
 
 we are justified in concluding that the dominions of the son of Ysgyran 
 were midway between Gwynedd and Scotland. 
 
 Assuming the identity of these two names, Ysgyran had three sons, 
 of whom we find the following notice : — 
 
 “ The three men who were bards, who performed the three good 
 slaughters of the Isle of Britain. Gall, the son of Dysgyvedawg, who 
 slew the two birds of the White Lake, belonging to Gwendolau ab 
 
150 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Ef gwrthodes gwrys gwyar 5 disgrein 
 Ket 6 dyffei wyned a gogled e 7 rann 
 O gussyl mab ysgyran 8 
 Ysgwydawr 9 angkyuan. 
 
 45 
 
 Y. 
 
 Kaeawc kynhorawc aruawc eg gawr 1 
 Kyn no diw e gwr 2 gwrd eg gwyawr 3 
 Kynran 4 en 5 racwan rac 6 bydinawr 
 
 8 Wanting in 5. 9 Ysgwyd wr, 1, 2, 3 ; ysgwydwr , 5. 
 
 1 Yggawr , 1 ; yngawr , 2 ; yn gawr , 3. 2 Cyno diwygwr , 1,5; cynno- 
 
 diw y gwr , 2 ; cyn od i’w y gwr , 3. 3 Eggwyawr , 1, 2, 3, 5. 4 Cyvran , 
 
 1, 2, 3, 5. 5 Em, 4. 6 Ecu, 2. 
 
 Ceidiaw, 1 which were enriched with rings (yokes) of gold, and which 
 devoured two Cymric bodies daily to their dinner, and two to their 
 supper. Second, Ysgavnell, the son of Dysgyvedawg, who slew Ethel- 
 fled (Ethelfrith, probably), King of Lloegria, who required every night 
 two Cymric virgins, whom he first violated, and next day devoured. 
 Third, Diffedel the son of Dysgyvedawg, who slew Gwrgi Garwlwyd, 
 who was married to Edelffled’s sister, and who, like Edelffled himself, 
 slaughtered and betrayed the Cymry ; and this Gwrgi required daily a 
 Cymric man and woman, whom he ate ; and on Saturday, to avoid 
 breaking the Sabbath, he slew two Cambrians of each sex. And three 
 sons of bards were the three men who performed the three meritorious 
 slaughters” (Myv. ii, p. 65 ; Tr. 46). 
 
 These are also mentioned as the three monarchs of Deivyr and Bry- 
 neich. Of these three, the person named in the Gododin was probably 
 Ysgavnell. The poem implies that the son of Ysgyran was great in 
 council ; and Ysgavnell was celebrated for his wisdom. Here is one of 
 his sayings : — 
 
 1 Another MS. states that they guarded the gold and silver treasures 
 of Gwenddolau. 
 
IV. CYSSUL. 
 
 V. HYVAIDD Illli. 
 
 151 
 
 The hero disdained the force of humble men (enemies). 
 
 Gwynedd and the North took his part in council. 
 
 The son of Ysgyran 
 
 Was a broken-shielded hero. 
 
 v. 
 
 To Hyvaidd Hir (ab Caradoc Vreichvras). 
 
 A torque-wearer , 1 foremost armed at the war shout, 
 
 Before his death the hero was powerful in the gory fight, 
 
 In the front rank, marching before the army. 
 
 1 In a short note to the preceding verse, I have endeavoured to show 
 that the Kaeawc was the aurdorch , which was a mark of nobility in 
 these warriors. This ornament is frequently spoken of collectively ; 
 but unless Kaeawc be an indication of it, we have no notice of the 
 aurdorch in connection with an individual warrior. Three hundred of 
 these warriors had the aurdorch , and Llywarch Hen is careful to de- 
 scribe his twenty-four sons to be aurdorchogion. The torque was a bar 
 
 “ A glyweisti a gant Ysgafnell 
 Yab Dysgyvndaut katgymell 
 Nyt anregit tlaut o bell.” — Myv. i, 173 [Gee, p. 129]. 
 
 “ Hast thou heard the saying of Ysgavneli, 
 
 The son of Disgyvyndawd, the battle-provoker, 
 
 The poor are not enriched from afar ?” 
 
 Disgyrnin here appears in another character ; and it is quite possible 
 that his combativeness may have brought upon him the monkish cen- 
 sure, above described. 
 
 Up to this point we have been reasoning upon the assumption that 
 “ Cyssul” is not a proper name ; but now I propose to abandon that 
 conclusion. Cyssul is most probably a proper name. Stand forth 
 Tyssul, son of (Ys or St.) Corun ! Thou art the man ! He is numbered 
 among the British saints (Rees, Welsh Saints , p. 209), but history makes 
 no further mention of his name. I need scarcely state that there is 
 no incompatibility between a warrior and a British saint. 
 
 Corun was the son of Ceredic ab Cunedda Wledig. He had also a 
 son named Carannog, who is also called Carantocus and Cernach, and 
 who was a very celebrated saint. These names run very much into 
 each other ; Ysgyran is not unlike Yscaran (og) and Ys Cernach is not 
 unlike Disgyrnin. For a long legend of Saint Carannog or Cernach, 
 see Rees’ Saints , p. 209-211. 
 
152 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Kwydei 7 pym pymwnt rac 8 y lafnawr 9 
 0 wyr deivyr a brennych. dychiawr 10 
 Ugein cant 11 eu diuant 12 en un awr 13 
 Kynt y 14 gic e 15 vleid 16 nogyt 17 e 18 neitbyawr 19 
 Kynt e 20 vud 21 e 22 vran nogyt 23 e allawr 24 
 Kyn noe 25 argyurein 26 e waet elawr 27 
 Gwerth med eg kynted gan lliwedawr 28 
 Hyueid 29 bir ermygir tra vo kerdawr. 30 
 
 50 
 
 55 
 
 7 Cwyd ei , 2, 3. 8 Rac is not in 2. 9 Y la wr (llafnawr), 6 ; 
 
 y ta awr , 1 ; yt a awr , 2 ; it i awr , 3. 10 Dychrawr , 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 11 Ugeincant, 1. 12 Divant , 1, 2, 3. 13 Unawr , 1, 2, 3. 14 O, 3. 
 
 15 I, 3. 16 Flaidd , 3. 17 iVoc yt, 1 ; nog it, 3. 18 /, 3. 19 Allawr , 8. 
 
 6. 24 Elawr , 1 , 2, 5 ; elawr, 3 ; line not in 7. 25 A7>c, 8. 
 
 26 Argyurein , 6 ; argywrain , 4. 27 Line notin 1, 2, 3. 28 Lleisedawr , 8 ; 
 
 liwed awr , 1, 2, 3. 29 Kyneid , 1, 2, 3. 30 In 7 this and the preceding 
 
 line are one. a According to Pughe’s translation of “Mwnt” (vide Diet.) 
 this number would be 2,500,000 ! “ Pymwnt” probably means battalion. 
 
 Y. Hyvaidd is, or rather was, a common name among the Britons, as 
 we read of Hyfaidd, Hyfaidd Unllen, llyfaidd Hir ab Bleiddian, and 
 Hyfaidd Hir ab Caradoc Yreichvras. Williams assumes the person 
 here spoken of to be the son of Bleiddian or Bleiddig Sant, otherwise 
 named Lupus, who accompanied Garmon to Britain about 420 a.d.; the 
 son of Lupus could scarcely have been living, much less haye been un- 
 married in 603. Hyfaidd LJnllenn is named in the Mabinogi of 
 Kilhwch and Olwen, as being among the contemporaries, who is sup- 
 posed to have died in 542. ( Mabinogion , vol. ii, 261.) 
 
 But it is probable that the person alluded to by Taliesin in his Ode to 
 Urien Rheged : — 
 
 “ Hyveidd and Gododin, and the lion-leading ( i.e . Urien)”: 
 and also in the lines : — 
 
 Hyveidd a Gododin a lieu towys.” — Myv. Arch., i, 57. 
 
 “ Haearnddur, a Ilyfeidd a Gwallawg, 
 
 Ac Owen mon Maelgynig ddefawd, 
 
 A wnaw peithwyr gorweiddiawg”. — Ibid., i, 64. 
 
V. HYVAIDD HIR. 
 
 153 
 
 Five battalions fell before liis blade 
 Of the wailing men of Deira and Bernicia 2 ; 
 
 T wenty hundred were destroyed in one hour. 
 
 Sooner art thou flesh for wolves than for thee the nuptial feast; 
 Sooner art thou food for ravens than for thee the marriage 
 altar ; 
 
 Before the nuptial dowry 3 came his bloody bier, 
 
 The pri ce of me ad in the hall among the drinking throng : 
 Hyveidd the tall will be celebrated while a minstrel lives. 
 
 of gold, of greater or less artistic ornamentation, terminating at the 
 end in a cae-ad, a clasp or hook, and an eye. It was not a chain. See 
 Stephens’ Lit. of the Kymry [2nd ed., p. 45, note]. 1 
 
 Beads also were worn in wreaths by British warriors, as appears 
 from the fact of beads of amber being found in the barrows on Salisbury 
 Plain, which had been dug about 1800. In several of these graves 
 pieces of amber like beads have been met with ; and in one, as many 
 beads were found as would have made a wreath. (Turner’s Vindication 
 of the Bards , 208-209. See also Williams’ Biog. Diet, sub Benlli 
 Gawr.) 
 
 2 Deivyr and Bryneich were Deira (Yorkshire), and Bernicia (North- 
 umberland), Durham being a portion of each of these. 
 
 3 Here, as in verse 1, I have taken argyfrein to have been the early 
 form of which the later argyvreu was a corruption. In general this 
 word means a woman’s dowry. (Owen’s Laws of Howel , vol. i, 82, 
 88, 456, and vol. ii, 70.) It also means implements of trade (vol. ii, 
 
 “ Haearnddur and Hyveidd and Gwallawg, 
 
 And Owain of Mon of Maelgwnian manner, 
 
 Would prostrate the ravagers”: 
 
 was not Hyveidd Unllen, but Hyvaidd Hir, the son of Caradawc 
 Vreichvras. This may however be called in question So young a 
 man as Hyveidd Hir could not well have been the contemporary of 
 Gwallawg ; and the safest conclusion appears to be that Taliesin’s hero 
 was Hyveidd Unllen, and that of Aneurin Hyveidd ab Caradoc— the 
 affix Hir being added for distinction. The son of Caradoc also re- 
 sembles our hero in this— he died childless. 
 
 1 [This note is not in the first edition. See p. 54.] 
 
154 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 YI. 
 
 Gwyr a aeth ododin 1 chwerthin ognaw 
 
 Chwerw en 2 trin a llain en emdullyaw 3 
 
 Byrr vlyned en 4 hed yd ynt 5 endaw 
 
 Mab botgat gwnaeth gwynnyeith 6 gwreith 7 e law 8 60 
 
 Ket 9 elwynt e 10 lanneu e 11 benydyaw 
 
 A hen a yeueing a hydyr a 12 llaw 13 
 
 Dadyl diheu 14 angheu y 15 eu treidaw. 16 
 
 VII. 
 
 Gwyr a aeth ododin 1 chwerthin 2 wanar 
 Disgynnyeis 3 em 4 bedin trin diachar 5 65 
 
 1 Wawdodyn, 3. 2 Chwerwyn , 1, 2, 3, 5. 3 Ymduliaw , 1, 2, 3. 
 
 4 Not in 2. 5 Uddynt , 1, 2, 3. 6 Guynyeth , 1 ; gwynyeth , 2 ; gwyni- 
 
 aeth , 3. 7 Gunith , 1 ; gwreth , 4. 8 Ee, 2, 3. 9 Cyt , 1, 2, 3. 10 7, 
 
 3. 11 7, 3. 12 Wanting in 4, 6. 13 1, 2, 4, 6. 14 Dithau, 
 
 4. 15 I5z, 1, 2, 3, 4. 16 This and the preceding line are one in 4. 
 
 1 Wawdodyn , 3. 2 Chwerth , 4. 3 Digynny ei, 1, 2, 3 ; disgyn uei 
 
 ( disgynnais ), 6 ; disgynas , 4 ; disgynnei , 5. 4 7m, 4. 5 The end of a 
 
 verse in 4. 
 
 vi. Gognaw was probably the son of Botgad ; but who was Botgad ? 
 Williams gives no answer, and appears to have overlooked some pas- 
 sages in Rees’ Saints , p. 203, which have reference to a person of that 
 name. Ricemarchus, in his Life of St. David , states that two saints named 
 Boducat and Maitrum, of the province of Kidwelly, submitted them- 
 selves to him. “ Duo quoque Sancti, Boducat et Maitrun in provincia 
 Cetgueli, dederunt sibi manus.” Now supposing these persons to be 
 identical, Boducat at one period of his life, and probably its close, 
 was a saint in the province of Kidwelly, which had then recently been 
 recovered from the Irish by Urien Rheged, with whom Boducat pro- 
 bably came from North Britain. 
 
 Davies, as usual, finds a Saxon origin, and makes the words of the 
 text refer to Ilengist, son of Wetgisse. 
 
VI. THE SON OF BOTGAD. 
 
 155 
 
 VI. 
 
 To the son of Botgad. 
 
 The warriors left 1 Gododin, and Gognaw was laughing ; 
 
 Bitter was he in fight, with the sword forcing his way. 
 
 Short was the year of peace they had enjoyed. 
 
 The son of Botgat inflicted pain — vigorous was his hand. 
 
 They should have gone to churches to do penance, 
 
 Old and young, bold and powerful. 
 
 The inevitable strife of death was about to pierce them. 
 
 VII. 
 
 The warriors marched from Gododin, and laughing was our 
 lord ; 
 
 I descended in the army to the terrific combat. 
 
 1 Williams translates this “to Gododin”; but the bard in another 
 place (v. xlviii) remarks : — 
 
 “ O Dindywyt yn dyvuwyd yn dyuovu”. 
 
 “ From the town of Tweed we came,” etc. 
 
 Davies translates the first line thus : “ The heroes went to Gododin 
 cheerful and sprightly.” Probert : “ The heroes marched to Gododin, 
 with sportive energy.” Williams : “ The heroes marched to Gododin 
 and Gognaw laughed.” 
 
 It will thus be seen that by making Gognaw a proper name, he differs 
 from his predecessors ; and he cites in support of his version a passage 
 from Taliesin : — 
 
 “ Gognaw must have been the son of Botgad. The name, as well as 
 that of the preceding hero, occurs in an ode which Taliesin addressed 
 to Gwallawg ab Lleenawg : — 
 
 “ ‘ Gognaw ei brawd digones.’ ” 
 
 On referring to Taliesin’s ode, I find that the line in the original is 
 “ Gognaw ei brod digones”; in the various readings, Gognaw is 
 written Gognaaw , and instead of brod we read brawd; but the passage 
 is rather obscure. However, on careful consideration, I find that the 
 probabilities are in his favour, and I have therefore adopted his 
 reading. 
 
 vii. The first line has been variously rendered. Mr. Williams gives the 
 
156 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Wy lledi 6 a llavnawr heb 7 vawr drydar 
 Colovyn glyw reithuyw 8 rodi arwar. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 Gwyr a aeth gatraeth oed fraeth eu 1 llu 
 Glasved eu hancwyn a 2 gwenwyn vu 
 Trychant trwy beiryant en cattau 
 A gwedy elwch tawelwch vu 
 Ket 3 elwynt e 4 lanneu e 5 benydu 
 Dadyl dieu 6 angheu y 7 eu treudu. 8 
 
 IX. 
 
 Gwyr a aeth gatraeth veduaeth 1 uedwn 2 
 Fyryf 3 frwythlawn 4 oed cam nas kymhwyllwn 75 
 6 Wyledi , 2, 3. 7 7J&, 1, 2, 3. 8 Reithvyw , 1, 2, 3, 4. 
 
 1 V, 1, 2, 4; O, 3. 2 Ae , 1, 2, 3, 5. 8 Cyt, 1, 2, 3. 4 7, 3 
 
 5 7, 3. 6 Dihen , 2, 3, 4. 7 O, 3 ; ?/??., 6. 8 Eudu , 2. 
 
 1 Vedvaetli , 1, 2, 4. 2 Fe7w;n, 1, 2, 4. 3 PJiyru, 1, 2, 3. 
 
 4 Fruythlaun , 1. 
 
 word Gwanar as a proper name. That Gwanar has been used as a 
 proper name admits of no doubt, as in the case of Gwanar ab Lliaws ab 
 Nwyvre, who lived before the Christian era ( Triads , series i, 40 ; ii, 5 ; 
 iii, 14) ; but the passage cited by him from Taliesin is open to two 
 objections. 1st, the poem called Mic Dinbych is certainly not the pro- 
 duction of that bard ; and 2nd, in the following line, 
 
 “ Clod wasgar a Gwanar ydd ymddullyn”, 
 
 it is certainly not a proper name. 1 therefore reject his reading and adopt 
 the version given by Richards in his Dictionary. “ Gwanar, s. Lord”. 
 
 “ Peidiwch, gwybyddwch mai fi yw, 
 
 Eich unig Dduw a’ch gwanar”. 
 
 Edmund Prys in Psalm xlvi, 10. 
 
 If this view be correct, the person here designated “leader” or “Lord” 
 was the superior of Aneurin, Gwarthan ab Dunawd, Lord of Gododin, 
 and that such is the meaning of the word, appears from the contrast 
 drawn between a temporal ruler, and the pillar of the living law, viz. 
 Christ. 
 
VII. GWARTHAN AB DUNAWD. 
 
 157 
 
 They slew with their blades without much clamour, 
 
 Until the supporter of the living law gave them rest . 1 
 
 VIII. 
 
 The heroes marched to Cattraeth, loquacious was the host ; 
 Blue mead was their drink, and proved their poison. 
 
 They cut through embattling arms ; 2 
 
 And after the shout of joy, there was silence. 
 
 They should have gone to churches to do penance : 
 
 The inevitable strife of death was about to pierce them) 
 
 IX. 
 
 To the Son of Kian. ( !l/ - u 
 
 The heroes went to Cattraeth from the wine-feast, 
 
 Firm and vigorous. It were unjust not to speak 
 
 1 Or, 
 
 “ Until (Christ) the ruling pillar of the living law gave them peace.” 
 
 2 The third line is difficult to translate ; and it may be 
 
 “They cut their way through fighting engines of war.” 
 
 Or, “They hewed a path with engines of war.” 
 
 Or, better still, 
 
 “Three hundred with engines, or chariots, making war.” 
 
 It is possible that allusions here are made to the war chariots, men- 
 tioned by Julius Csesar. 
 
 For information respecting Gododin, Cattraeth, Deira and Bernicia, 
 see preceding dissertation on The Battle of Cattraeth. 
 
 ix. It has already been remarked that the poem called Gorchan Mael- 
 derw , as printed in the Myvyrian Archaiology, vol. i, pp. 84-8, contains 
 many verses originally belonging to the Gododin , but which are not to 
 be found in any existing copy of that poem. This MS. contains, among 
 many others, two verses relating to the subject of the present stanza. 
 Here is one of them : — 
 
 “ Pan gyrchei yg kywlat e glod oed anvonawc, 
 
 Ef dilydei win gwr eurdorchawc, 
 
 Ef rodei gloywdull glan y gwychiawc ; 
 
 Ardwyei cann wr arwr mynawc ; 
 
 Anvonawc eissyllut alltud marchawc, 
 
 Un maban e gian o dra bannawc.” 
 
158 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 E am 5 lavnawr coch gorvawr gwrmwn 
 Dwys dengyn ed 6 emledyn aergwn 7 
 Ar deulu brenneych beych 8 barnasswn 
 Dilyw dyn en vyw nys adawsswn 9 
 
 5 Earn, 1. 6 Yd , 1, 2; ydd , 3. 7 Oergwn , 2, 3. 8 Be ich , 1, 2, 3. 
 
 9 Gadawsswn , 1 , 2, 3; adasswn , 8 . 
 
 GorcTian Maelderw is in a wretched condition in respect of preserva- 
 tion ; and translation, never very easy in the case of the older bards, is 
 here more difficult than when we have to do with the Gododin texts, all 
 of which are certainly more modern than the MS. of Gorchan 
 Maelderw. These lines in English would read thus : — 
 
 “ When he went forth in the country his praise went before ; 
 
 He poured out wine ; he was a golden-torque wearer, 
 
 He afforded a bright example, handsome and gorgeous ; 
 
 He led a hundred men, he was a courteous warrior ; 
 
 He was a sent offspring, a banished knight, 
 
 Only son of Kian from the transmontane country.” 
 
 There is a mystery with regard to this person which we in vain seek 
 to fathom ; but we have further particulars respecting him in another 
 verse, which also is to be found only in Gorchan Maelderw : — 
 
 “ Scwyt dan wodef ny ystyngei, 
 
 Rac neb wyneb cared erythvaccei ; 
 
 Diryeit o eirch meirch yg kyndor 
 Awr gwryawr hein (kein ?) 
 
 Gwaewawr kelin creudei, 
 
 Pan wanet yg kyueillt ef gwanei. 
 
 Ereill nyt oed amevyl yt a dyccei, 
 
 Dyvit en kadw ryt kein asmyccei, 
 
 Pan dyduc Kyhuran clot van Mordei.” 
 
 We have here the name of Aneurin’s friend, which is not in the other 
 verses ; and the lines may be translated thus : — 
 
 “ His shield under compulsion he would not lower ; 
 
 Before no one would he simulate friendship ; 
 
 His servants in waiting brought the steeds to the entrance 
 At the shout of the splendid hero : 
 
 His spear reached the enemy, 
 
 And when my friend was pierced, he pierced in return. 
 
 Those he brought with him were men free from shame ; 
 
 He was diligent in keeping the ford : brightly was 
 Kyhuran honoured when he came to the illustrious place of the sea- 
 houses.” 
 
IX. THE SON OF KIAN. 
 
 159 
 
 Of blades reddened, large, and murky ; 
 Obstinately and fiercely did the war-dogs fight. 
 Tribe of Bernicia ! were I to judge you, 
 
 I would not leave alive the image of a man. 
 
 We need not detail the reasons which lead us to conclude that these 
 verses relate to the same person ; as that must be quite clear to any one 
 who peruses them ; and the assertion of close friendship runs through 
 them all. It thus appears that the bard’s friend was named Kyhuran, 
 which we may safely assume was the name of the son of Kian. Kyhuran 
 is not mentioned in history, but living about this period there was a 
 warrior named Kyhoret ; and so celebrated was this warrior for his 
 social, domestic, and warlike merits, that he has obtained the flattering 
 epithet of eil Cynan , or like that fine specimen of knighthood, Cynon 
 ab Clydno Eiddin. Such a person the bard describes his friend to have 
 been. If, therefore, we assume their identity, we find the following 
 notices of the man : — 
 
 “ Tri ymladdfarch ynys Prydein ; Lluagor march Caradoc Vreich- 
 vras, a Melyngan mangre march Llew Llaw gyffes, ag Awyddawc 
 freichir march Cynhored eil Cynon.” {Myv. ii, 21 ; Gee, p. 391.) 
 
 In other copies of the Triads , the name is written Kishored eil Kynan , 
 and Kyhoret eil Cynan, and under the latter designation we find him 
 alluded to in Englynion y Beddau : — 
 
 “ Bet Kennin henben yn aelwyd, dinorben, 
 
 Bet Airgwl in dyved, 
 
 Yn ryt Gynan gyhoret.” {Myv. i, 82 ; Gee, p. 68.) 
 
 Aneurin again refers to his friend in v. xxii, and that I believe is all 
 that is known respecting him. 
 
 Of Kian also, the notices are few and far between. In one of the 
 verses quoted he is called Kian of the stone of Gwyngwn ; and in the 
 other he is called Kian from Trabannawg, the latter term being by 
 Williams used as a proper name. Of the first designation, another 
 illustration occurs in the Historia Britonum, attributed to Nennius : — 
 
 “ Item. Talhaern Tataguen in poemate claruit, et Neiren, et Tal- 
 iessin, et Bluchbard, et Cian qui vocatur Gueinthguaut simul uno 
 tempore in poemate Britannico claruerunt.” 
 
 In the note to the Monumenta Historica Britannica , p. 75, it is suggested 
 that Gueinthguaut may mean “ Musse venustse”; but instead of being 
 an adjective signifying elegant or graceful, the word gueinth appears to 
 
160 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Kyueillt a golleis diffleis vedwn 10 
 Eugyl en emwrthryn rynn riadwn 
 
 80 
 
 Ny mennws gwrawl gwadawl chwegrwn 
 Maban y gian o vaen gwynngwn . 11 
 
 . x. 
 
 Gwyr a aeth gatraeth gan wawr 
 Trauodynt en 1 hed eu 2 hofnawr 3 
 
 85 
 
 10 Odovn , 1 ; oedwn , 2, 3, 4, 8. 11 “ Un maban e gian o dra 
 
 bannawc” (Gorchan Maelderw). 
 
 1 Eu , 4. 2 En , 5 ; yn, 2, 3. 3 Eofnawr , 3. 
 
 me to be a noun identical with gweinydd or gwohennydd ; and the com- 
 pound epithet would be Cian, the pourer out of song. Williams considers 
 Gueinthguaut and Gwyngwm to be identical, but I do not agree with 
 him. The present writer has introduced the theory of Count Ville- 
 marque, which explains the awkward fact that this Kian, so celebrated in 
 his own day, has left no poems behind him, or rather that none have come 
 down to us, by the hypothesis that he must have left this country and 
 emigrated to Brittany, as the name of Gwenchlan appears among the 
 Armoric bards. 1 This, however, is not very probable ; and if the evi- 
 dence bears upon the point in any way, it is in favour of his having 
 emigrated from Brittany here. He is also referred to in the poem called 
 Angar Cyvyndawd, in these terms : — 
 
 ‘ ‘ Cian pan ddarvu, 
 
 Lliaws gyvolu.” ( Myv . Arch., i, 34 ; Gee, p. 35.) 
 
 “ When Cian sang the praise of many.” 
 
 And it is evident that there were poems in existence in the middle 
 ages which have not come down to us ; but it may be doubted that the 
 Cian mentioned by Rees can be the same person. It is, however, just 
 probable that the saint of 634 may be Cian the bard. 
 
 If Gwyngwn be a proper name, it was, probably, that of Gwyngeneu, 
 the son of Paulinus, who was living about the years 500-542 (Rees’ 
 Saints , 237), or less probably, Gwynnog ab Gildas, living between 542 
 and 566, and the near relation of Aneurin. 
 
 1 [Lit. of the Kymry , p. 211 ; 2nd ed., 202 ; De la Villemarque , Les 
 Bardes Bretons , Poemes du vi e . Siecle , p. 261, n. 10.] 
 
X. THE SON OF KIAN. 
 
 1G1 
 
 A friend I lost, though unhurt myself, 
 
 While he was skilfully opposing the progress of the roarer. 
 He asked no dower from his father-in-law, 
 
 Son of Kian from the stone of Gwyngwn. 
 
 x. 
 
 To the same person. 
 
 Warriors went to Cattraeth with the dawn ; 
 
 They showed~£heir fear in the flight. 1 
 
 1 In translating this line I differ widely from both Davies and Wil- 
 liams, who have taken the word Tied to be hedd , peace, and not lied, 
 flight. Probert comes nearer the mark. 
 
 x. We here come in contact with the most important and conspicuous 
 personage mentioned in the Gododin, the prime mover of the war, and 
 one of the greatest sufferers from its disastrous result. In this verse, 
 where the bard, naturally enough, assumes his local habitation to be 
 well known, he is called Mynyddawg, the Courteous ; but in the Triads , 
 written in Wales at a greater distance from the North, and by persons 
 not natives of Scotland or the North of England, he is called Mynydd- 
 awg of Eiddin, or Edinburgh. It has been already shown that the 
 people of Scotland at this period were Kymry ; and those who bear this 
 in mind will not be surprised to find in our hero one of the ancient 
 Kymric Lords of the “city of palaces”. This poem clearly attributes 
 the war to his instigation; and the campaign is said to have been 
 undertaken 
 
 “Ar neges Mynyddawc mynawc maon, 
 
 A merch Eudaf hir.” (Yerse lxvii.) 
 
 But what the cause of quarrel was, and in what relation Mynyddawg 
 stood to the daughter of Eudaf the Tall, whether as husband or pro- 
 tector, it is not now easy to understand. Yet it appears clear that he 
 had succeeded in organising a formidable confederacy; every section 
 of the British people appears to have been represented in this national 
 armament. They came from the Highlands of Scotland, and the Low- 
 lands of Cardiganshire ; from the No van tee of Wigton, and the Scots 
 of Argyle, the haters of the Angles appear to have flocked to his 
 standard ; and the accounts on both sides unite in declaring, that but 
 for their drunken carouse, the victory must have been theirs. On this 
 occasion his tenants appear to have made common cause with their 
 superior, and all vied in their exhibition of hospitality to the allies 
 
 11 
 
162 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Milcant a thrychant a emdaflawr 4 
 Gwyarllyt gwynnodynt 5 waewawr 6 
 Ef gorsaf yng gwriaf 7 eg gwryawr 8 
 Rac gosgord Mynydawc mwynvawr. 
 
 XI. 
 
 Gwyr a aeth Gatraeth gan wawr 90 
 
 Dygymyrrws eu hoet eu hanyanawr 1 
 Med evynt melyn melys 2 maglawr 
 Blwydyn bn llewyn llawer 3 kerdawr 
 Coch en cledyvawr 4 na phurawr 5 
 
 4 Em daflawr , 1; am dajiawr , 2, 3. 5 A gwynodynt , 1, 2, 3. 6 Waeu- 
 lawr , 1, 2; waewlawr , 3, 5. 7 Engwriaf \ 2, 3, 5. 8 Enguriawr , 3. 
 
 1 Haganawr ( hanianawr ), 6 ; hanganawr, 2 ; hangenawr , 3. 2 Afeft/s 
 
 melyn , 3. 3 Llawen, 1 , 2, 3, 5. 4 Cleddyfeu’r , 3. 5 Phlwawr , 1 , 2; 
 
 Phluawr , 3, 5 ; phlurawr (phurawr), 6. 
 
 whom they had invited. The main part of the feast appears to have 
 been supplied by the dependents of Mynyddawg, and the mead which 
 converted a partial victory into a complete defeat, was given from the 
 best of motives, and indulged in not without some show of justification. 
 It has been made the subject of much censure, that these warriors in- 
 dulged in this carouse “before the battle of Cattraeth”. And this 
 arises in some measure from a misconception, for the carouse took 
 place not before a great engagement, but after a partial victory. But 
 as Marengo had its Dessaix, so Cattraeth had its Ethelfrith ; the Saxons 
 lost the first battle, and won the second. 
 
 The conduct of the retinue of Mynyddawg on this occasion became 
 proverbial, and they are enumerated in the Triads in most worshipful 
 company : — 
 
 “ The three amiable retinues of the Isle of Britain : The retinue of 
 Belyn, the son of Cynvelyn, in the army of Caractacus ab Bran ; the 
 retinue of Mynyddawg Eiddin at Cattraeth; and the retinue of 
 Drywon, the son of Nudd the Generous, in the battle of Arderydd, in 
 the North. And they were so called, because every one in those re- 
 tinues went unasked and at his own cost, and without demanding 
 either pay or reward from either prince or country ; and they are 
 hence called the three amiable retinues.” ( Myv . ii, p. 69 ; Gee’s ed. 
 408; Triad 79.) 
 
 Mr. Probert conjectures that Mynyddawg was the Commander-in- 
 
A, 
 
 / 
 
 X. TI1E SON OF KIAN. 
 
 163 
 
 i 
 
 A hundred thousand against three hundred contended, 
 And gory became their whitened lances . 1 
 In his station he 2 was “ the bravest of the brave” 
 Before the retinue of Mynyddawg the courteous. 
 
 Warriors went from Cattraeth with the dawn, 
 
 And their contemporaries commended their enterprise . 3 
 They drank mead, yellow, sweet, and ensnaring ; 
 
 Redder were their swords than their plumes , 5 
 
 1 In rendering this line, all three differ ; and mine differs from all 
 the others. The next verse explains the meaning of “whitened 
 lances”, where it will be seen that there was a practice among them of 
 whitening their spear handles. 
 
 2 The “he” of this line was probably the subject of the preceding 
 verse. 
 
 3 This line has been variously rendered, and each new translation 
 educes a different meaning. It may therefore be well for me to show my 
 reasons for departing from the versions of my predecessors. Dygymyrrws 
 is evidently a verb of the third person singular, and the noun pertaining 
 thereto is eu Jioet , “their age”; dygymyrrws comes from the noun cymyred , 
 “honour”, etc., from which we derive the verb cymyrru, to “honour” or 
 “commend”. In the next place we have a various reading, hanyanawr 
 “spirit”, or “enterprise”; and hangenawr, “necessity”, or “misfortune”; but 
 I cannot see any other justification of Davies’ rendering it “connections” 
 or “relatives” than the doubt respecting the readings. Anianawd is “tem- 
 perament”. Strictly speaking, eu hoet should be “their age”; but the 
 bard’s meaning is brought out more fully by “their contemporaries”. 
 
 4 Here again we all differ ; why, I cannot imagine. 
 
 5 The rendering of Probert and Williams here adopted is certainly 
 ingenious and probable. It is supported by a passage in Llywarch Hen , 
 where plumes are clearly named : — 
 
 “ Gwedy meirch hy wedd, a chochwedd ddillad, 
 
 A phluawr melyn, 
 
 Main vy nghoes, nid oes ym dremyn.” 
 
 Chief on this occasion. I do not recollect that it is so stated in any 
 part of the Gododin , but we shall have additional light upon this point 
 as we proceed. 
 
 XI. 
 
 And that year many minstrels were merry . 4 
 
 11 2 
 
164 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Eu llain gwyngalch a phedryollt 6 bennawr 95 
 Eac gosgord mynydawc mwynvawr. 
 
 XII. 
 
 Gwyr a aeth gatraeth gan dyd 
 Neus goreu o gadeu gewilid 
 Wy gwnaetliant en geugant gelorwyd 
 A llavnawr 1 llawn annawd 2 em 3 bedyd 100 
 
 6 Phedryolet , 1 , 2, 3. 
 
 1 Llafn aur, 1 , 2, 3. 2 Anawdd, 3. 3 Ym, 3. 
 
 xn. Here, again, I am compelled to differ very widely from my 
 predecessors, who seem to me to have shut their eyes, while the 
 meaning of the verse lay plain and palpable before them. Williams 
 has a long note on ceugant , which he translates into “infinitude”. 
 There is an adage, u Ceugant yw angeu”, which may be rendered, 
 “Death is certain”, or “Certain is death”; but we should not say, 
 “Death is infinitude”. He also cites a passage from the Welsh Laws, 
 which makes it a marvel that he should afterwards have gone astray : — 
 
 “Tri phrenn yssyd ryd eu Had yn fforest y brenhin, prenn crip 
 eglwys ; a phrenn peleidyr a wnelher reit y brenhin ohonunt ; a phrenn 
 elor .” 
 
 “ There are three trees which are free to be cut in the king’s forest : 
 timber for the roof of a church, timber for spear-shafts applied to the 
 use of the king, and timber for a bier.” (Owen’s Welsh Laws , vol. i, 
 448.) 
 
 Another question which Williams has evaded turns up in this verse, 
 and that is with respect to baptism. It is quite clear that Christianity 
 at this period had taken deep root in the country, and the matter-of- 
 course manner in which the usage of baptism is introduced shows that 
 religious rites were fully established. The question, therefore, is, not 
 whether baptism was known or practised, but who formed the priest- 
 hood, and in what relation did the priest and the bard stand to each 
 other ? One author 1 asserts, and another 2 credits the assertion, that 
 bard and priest were frequently the same person, and that without 
 relinquishing bardism the order embraced Christianity. This, indeed, 
 was probably the actual fact, but this has not been proved as yet. 
 
 1 Owen : Heroic Elegies of Llywarch Hen , Preface. 
 
 2 Williams’ Eccles. Antic], of the Cymry , p. 61. 
 
XII. TI1E SON OF KIAN. 
 
 165 
 
 Their blades were whitelimed , * 1 and square helmets 
 Had they before the retinue of Mynyddawg the courteous. 
 
 XII. 
 
 Warriors went from Cattraeth with the day, 
 
 From the best of wars, did there not come disgrace ? 
 
 They caused bier-timber to become necessary ; 
 
 With the sword (at work) baptism was full difficult ; 
 
 “After the sleek tractable steeds, and garments of ruddy hue, 
 
 And the waving yellow plumes, 
 
 Slender is my leg, my piercing lock is gone.” 
 
 {Heroic Elegies , p. 92.) 
 
 Here is clear proof that plumes were worn by the Kymric warriors, 
 and that they prided themselves upon such ornaments ; and it is to be 
 noted further, that the old copyists of the Gododin have been much 
 divided in opinion, between pluawr, plumes, and phurawr , purer. The 
 latter appears to me the better reading ; and I think the following 
 rendering to be better than any yet proposed 
 
 “Their swords were reddened, and no purer (or clearer) 
 
 Were their whitelimed lances, and quadrangular helmets, 
 Before the retinue of Mynyddawg the Courteous.” 
 
 1 White was a colour indicative of purity, and was much prized by 
 the old Kymry ; they whitelimed their houses, and gave that clean and 
 cheerful appearance which all admire, and which, judging from the 
 encomiums of Davydd ab Gwilym and other bards, was much ad- 
 mired by the people themselves. They whitelimed the handles of their 
 spears and lances from the same feeling, and in order to make them 
 glisten in the sunshine. This was the emblem of peace and purity 
 worn by Druids, bards, and priesthood ; and this was also the colour 
 worn by some of the higher class heroes mentioned in this poem, as 
 appears from the line — 
 
 “ Arth arwynawl drwsiad” 1 (Yerse lxii) — 
 applied to the much exalted hero, Merin ab Madyein, of whom it is 
 said, mat yth anet , “blessed was thy birth.” 
 
 There are many facts which countenance such a conclusion, but so 
 important a part of religious history as the transition from Druidism to 
 Christianity should be made the subject of careful inquiry, and not be 
 
 1 [An alternative reading not adopted by the translator in his text.] 
 
166 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Goreu y w hwn 4 kyn 5 kystlwn kerennyd 
 
 Enneint 6 creu ac angeu oe hennyd 
 
 Rac bedin Ododin 7 pan vudyd 
 
 Neus goreu deu 8 bwyllyat neirthyat gwychyd ? 9 
 
 XIII. 
 
 Gwr a aeth gatraeth gan dyd * 1 105 
 
 Ne 2 llewes ef vedgwyn 3 veinoethyd 4 
 Bu truan gyuatcan 5 gyvluyd 
 E 6 neges ef or 7 drachwres drenghidyd 8 
 
 4 Hyn , 1, 2, 3, 5. 5 This word is wanting in 2. 6 Enueint , 4 ; 
 
 e meint , 6. 7 Wawdodyn pan fu ddydd , 3 ; ododin pan vu ddydd, 1, 2, 
 
 4. 8 Dan , 1 , 2, 3. 9 Gwythyd , 4 ; this line is not in 6. 
 
 1 This line is not in 6. 2 Ni, 3, 5. 3 Vedd gwyn , 1, 2, 3. 4 Fe* 
 
 noethydd , 1, 2, 3, 5. 6 Gynatcan , 1, 2, 3 ; gyvatgan , 6. 6 /, 3. 
 
 7 0, 1, 2, 3. 8 Dringhedydd, 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 allowed to consist of a few loose assertions. It seems quite clear that 
 baptism was performed by the bards. Taliesin says : — 
 
 u Dwfr dyfnav 
 Bendigwyf clav 
 Ac oe herwyd 
 Yr ae Kaffo 
 Kynvinaul vo 
 
 Yn dragywyd.” ( Myv . i, 50; Gee’s ed., 46.) 
 
 “With the deepest water 
 
 I will bless the sick, 
 
 And from that cause 
 Whoever has it, 
 
 Blessed will he be 
 To all eternity.” 
 
 and thus appears to have taken upon himself the sacerdotal function. 
 In the same manner we find similar pretensions advanced by Aneurin, 
 for we shall find him in 642 sacrificing at a beacon-fire, and here he 
 appears in the character of a priest. It is impossible to translate the 
 words em or ym bedyd into any other words than “my baptism 
 Williams has done so, but incorrectly. 
 
XIII. TUDVWLCII. 
 
 167 
 
 Better is this, before the alliance of kindred, 
 
 The unction of gore, and a death from home. 
 
 Before the army of Gododin when it became day, 
 
 Were it not better that discretion had tempered the strength 
 of the brave ? 
 
 XIII. 
 
 To Tudvwlch (the son of Kilydd). 
 
 A hero went from Cattraeth with the day. 
 
 On that night serene he quaffed no white mead , 1 
 Miserable, though success was predicted, 
 
 Proved his mission, ambitious aspirer ! 2 
 
 1 The “Ne” in this line has been converted into an affirmation, 
 because it was supposed to be inconsistent with v. xiv, but there is in 
 truth no inconsistency between them. 
 
 2 A better translation would be : — 
 
 “ Proverbially wretched was the success 
 Of his mission, ambitious aspirer !” 
 
 xiii. Tudvwlch, the hero of this poem, was the son of Kilydd ab 
 Caw, the brother apparently of Kilhwch, the lover of Olwen, and the 
 nephew of Aneurin. This fact will explain the peculiar fondness 
 shown for him by the bard, who makes him the subject of several 
 verses. These will follow in their appropriate places, but there are 
 others which will find a fitting place here. Gorchan Maelderw contains 
 several lines not in the ordinary Gododin , which have a reference to 
 this young hero : — 
 
 “ Angor deor daen 
 Sarph saphwy graen 
 Anysgoget vaen 
 
 Blaen bedin. 
 
 ‘ ‘ Arall arlwy 
 Treis tra chynnivyn rwy 
 Gobrwy gordwy 
 Lain. 
 
 u Enwir yth elwir oth gywir weithret 
 Rettor rwyvyadur mur pob ky vyeith 
 Tutvwlch treissic aer caer o dileith (godileith).” 
 
 ( Myv . i, 85, 86 ; Gee’s ed., 70.) 
 
168 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Ny 9 chryssiws gatraeth 
 
 Mawr mor ehelaeth 
 
 110 
 
 E 10 aruaeth uch arwyt 
 
 Ny 11 bu mor gyffor 12 
 0 eidyn esgor 
 
 A esgarei 13 oswyd 
 
 13 O ysgar ei , 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 These lines, with little alteration, save a change of name, occur 
 again in verse 72, and, therefore, need not be translated here. At a 
 subsequent period Aneurin addressed to him another poem, known as 
 Gordian Tudvwlch, which we propose to append to the Gododin , in 
 order to include the whole works of that bard. At the battle of 
 Cattraeth our hero appears to have been a young man, and his lordship 
 was known as that of Eg. In what part of North Britain that was is 
 now uncertain, but that there was a territorial domain, and that it is 
 not a creation of mine, appears clearly from the following notice : — 
 “ Dccxxv. Congal Mac Maille anfa Brecc Fortren et Oan princeps 
 Ega, moriuntur. “ D.c.c.xxv. Congal Mac Maille anfa Brecc Fortren 
 (probably, King of Fortren) and Owen, Prince of Eg, died.” (Ritson’s 
 Caledonians , i, 223.) And, in another place, mention is made of ‘ k the 
 Sept of Egtach”. I here make no mention of the evidence afforded in 
 this verse itself, as other writers have rendered the word ech in a 
 different way, each, as usual, differing widely from the others. 
 
 Of Tudvwlch nothing further appears to be known. There is 
 Tudvwlch, son of Lliwydd, mentioned in the Liber Landavensis , p. 
 616, as having made a grant to St. Januarius ; the grant is attested by 
 Bishop Teilo himself, and as Teilo and Tudvwlch ab Kilydd were 
 contemporaries, it is just possible that the two Tudvwlchs may be 
 identical. 
 
 On carefully considering all the facts of this case, I have come to the 
 conclusion that the ech of the text is a proper name, and that 
 Tudvwlch, the son of Kilydd, was Lord of Egg or Eigg, one of the 
 western islands of Scotland. 
 
 Johnson, in his Tour in the Hebrides , did not visit this island, and, 
 therefore, I am compelled to take as the best account now at hand, a 
 descriptive sketch which appears in a current periodical. “ Eigg, 
 forming one of the Plebrides on the western coast of Scotland, presen ! s 
 a rocky, precipitous shore, seeming in some places to be inaccessible 
 
 Ech, Egg, Eigg, or Egtach. 
 
XIII. TUDVWLCH. 
 
 169 
 
 There hastened not to Cattraeth, 
 
 Beneath a standard, 
 
 A chief with so vast a design ; 
 
 From the fort of Eiddin 
 There came none so instrumental 8 
 To scatter about the foe. 
 
 3 It is very difficult to hit upon the meaning of cyffor in this line. 
 Is it cyfor , “full”; or cyffyr , “ tool 55 or “ instrument” ? 
 
 except to the clanging sea-fowl, screaming and clamouring around the 
 almost perpendicular sheets of naked rook, against which the sea rushes 
 and roars with terrific grandeur. There are also vast caverns opening 
 wide their gloomy jaws, as if to swallow up the heavy, unbroken seas 
 as they come sweeping on ; and huge fragments of granite, bathed by 
 the booming waves, are heaped around in wild sublimity. 
 
 “The inhabitants of Egg were a wild, lawless race, consorting with 
 hordes of pirates infesting the neighbouring countries ; and, although 
 the narrow sounds which separate these rocky isles abounded with the 
 finest salmon, and some sections in the interior presented rich tracts for 
 cultivation, yet these rude men, preferring rapine to peaceful industry, 
 subsisted by petty depredations upon their neighbours of the adjacent 
 isles, between whom and them there were constant feuds.” 
 
 Towards the close of the sixteenth century, this island was occupied 
 by the Clan Ranald, a portion of the then diminishing family of the 
 Macdonalds. Against that clan the rising family of the Macleods of 
 Sky “had long been in a state of irritation, in consequence of the bad 
 treatment which a daughter of Macleod of Glenelg had some time 
 before experienced from her husband, the captain of Clan Ranald, and 
 they only waited for a fitting occasion to satisfy their vengeance on 
 that ground. 1 Towards the close of the sixteenth century an oppor- 
 tunity presented itself, when a small party of Macleods having acci- 
 dentally landed on the island of Egg, they were first received with 
 hospitality, but having been guilty of some incivilities to the young 
 women of the island, the inhabitants resented it so far as to bind them 
 hand and foot and turn them adrift in their boat, to perish if assistance 
 did not reach them ; they had the good fortune, however, to be met 
 by a boat of their own clansmen and brought to I) unbegan (the fortress 
 of their chief), where they gave an account of the treatment they had 
 
 1 I copy this from Skene’s Highlanders , vol. ii, p. 277. 
 
170 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Tutuwlch hir 14 ech e 15 dir ae dreuyd 16 115 
 
 Ef lladei 17 Saeson seithuet dyd 
 
 Perheit 18 y 19 wrhyt 20 en wrvyd 21 
 
 Ae govein gan e gein 22 gyweithyd 
 
 Pan dyvu dutvwleh dut 23 nerthyd 
 
 Oet gwaetlan 24 gwyaluan 25 vab Kilyd. 26 120 
 
 XIY. 
 
 Gwyr 1 a aeth gatraeth gan wawr 
 Wyneb udyn ysgorva ysgwydawr 
 Orei kyrchynt 2 kynnullynt 3 reiawr 4 
 En gynnan 5 mal tar an twryf aessawr 
 
 14 Tudvwlchir , 1, 2 ; tudfwlch ir , 3. 15 0,3. 16 Drewydd , 1, 2 ; 
 
 trewydd, 3; drevyd , 8; drefydd , 7. 17 Lladd ei, 1, 2; a laddei, 3. 
 
 18 Parheid , 3. 19 Ei, 1, 2, 3. 20 Wrthyt, 2, 3. 21 Wr rhydd, 1, 2, 
 
 3, 5 ; wrryd , 8. 22 Ugein , 1, 2, 3, 5. 23 Drut, 2, 3. 24 Gwaedlain, 
 
 3 ; gwaethan, 4. 25 Gwyal/ain, 3 ; gwyaluan, 4. 26 Eilydd , 1 , 2, 3, 5. 
 
 1 Gwr in Williams’ text; (/wyr, l } 2, 3, 5. 2 Cynhynt, 4, 6. 
 
 3 Cyn hynt, 1, 2, 3, 5. 4 Treiawr, 1, 2, 3, 5. 5 Gynuan, 1 ; cynwan , 5. 
 
 met with. Macleod eagerly availed himself of the opportunity of 
 executing his long meditated revenge on the Clan Ranald, and having 
 manned his galleys, set sail for the island of Egg. When the inhabit- 
 ants became aware of his approach, and feeling conscious of their 
 inability to offer any effectual resistance against the force that threat- 
 ened them, they took refuge, along with their wives and families, to the 
 amount of two hundred, in a large cave, the situation and difficult 
 discovery of which rendered it admirably adapted for concealment. 
 Here, for two days, they succeeded in eluding the pursuit of the Mac- 
 leods, which was pursued with ineffectual industry, until at length their 
 retreat was discovered in consequence of their impatience having led 
 them to send forth a scout ; when they refused to surrender them- 
 selves to the pleasure of the Macleods, he caused the stream of water 
 which fell over the entrance of the cave to be turned aside, and having 
 collected all the combustibles to be found on the island, had them 
 piled up against the entrance, and so furious a fire maintained for many 
 hours, that every creature within was suffocated, thus, at one blow, 
 
XIII-XIV. TUDVWLCH. 
 
 171 
 
 Tudvwlch the Tall, lord of the land and towns of Eg, 
 
 He slaughtered the Saxons on the seventh day. 
 
 If his vigour continues, he will become a hero, 
 
 And be remembered by his fair associate. 
 
 When Tudvwlch came, supporter of the country, 
 
 The station of the son of Kilydd became a plain of blood. 
 
 XIV. 
 
 To the same person. 
 
 Men went from Cattraeth with the dawn, 
 
 With their faces to the birthplace of shields ; 
 
 They sought blood, they assembled spears, 
 
 And sounding thunder-like was the din of shields. 
 
 exterminating the entire population of the island. This atrocity was 
 one of the worst instances arising out of the feuds which at that period 
 distracted the whole Highlands, and by which one family rose upon the 
 ruin of another.” 
 
 It appears from Johnson’s Tour that Eigg and Oanna are the only 
 islands where the Roman Catholic religion still continued, and he seems 
 afterwards to have xegretted that he had not visited them, as he says : 
 — “ If we had travelled with more leisure it had not been fit to have 
 neglected the Popish islands. Popery is favourable to ceremony, and 
 among ignorant nations, ceremony is the only preservative of tradition. 
 Since Protestantism was extended to the savage parts of Scotland, it 
 has, perhaps, been one of the chief labours of the ministers to abolish 
 stated observances, because they continued the remembrance of the 
 former religion. We, therefore, who came to hear old traditions and 
 see antiquated manners, should probably have found them amongst the 
 Papists.” (Page 144.) 
 
 In or about 1600, the population is said to have been about 200 ; and 
 by the census of 1841, the island maintained 546 persons. Assuming 
 Ech to be Egg, Tudvwlch’s retinue of men above 21 years old would 
 range between 50 and 136, or one-fourth of the whole population. 
 
 xiv. This, after much consideration, I deem to be the correct rendering 
 of this verse, which, in the last four lines, presents very great difficulties; 
 but they arise less from any obscurity in the words than from the ina- 
 bility of persons with the mental habits of modern times, to follow the 
 
172 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Gwr gorvynt 6 gwr etvynt 7 gwr llawr 125 
 
 Ef rwygei a chethrei a chethrawr 
 
 Od uch 8 lied 9 lladei 10 a 11 llavnawr 
 
 En gystud heyrn dur arbennawr 
 
 E 12 mordei ystyngei a dyledawr 
 
 Eac erthgi 13 erthychei 14 vydinawr. 130 
 
 xv. 
 
 0 vreithell gatraeth pan adrodir 
 Maon dychiorant 1 eu lioet bu hir 
 Edyrn diedyrn amygyn 2 dir 
 A meibion godebawc gwerin enwir 
 Dyforthynt lynwyssawr 3 gelorawr hir 135 
 
 6 Goruynt , 8. 7 Etwynt , 1,2, 3, 5 ; etuynt , 8. 8 0 dduch , 1 ; 
 
 odduch, 2; oeddych , 3. 9 Lie , 1, 2, 3, 5. 10 Lladdes , 1, 2, 3. 11 Y, 6. 
 
 12 A, 3, 5. 13 Erthei, 1, 2, 3, 5. 14 Erthrychei , 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 1 Dychurant, 1, 2, 3, 5; dycharant ( dychiorant ), 6. 2 A mygyn , 1, 2, 
 
 3, 5. 3 Gowyssawr , 1 , 2, 3, 5. 
 
 sudden transitions of the bard, and contemplate the subject from 
 a succession of varying standpoints. Mr. Williams fancies that he 
 detects a proper name in Erthai, and refers to the similar names of the 
 sons of Llywarch Hen, Eithyr, and Erthyr ; but the inversion of 
 thought in that case would be very violent, and I submit that a 
 moment’s inspection will clearly demonstrate the superiority of the 
 above rendering. 
 
 There appears to be no such person as Erthai, nor does the transla- 
 tion require such a personality in the last line. “The steel-clad 
 commander” was most probably the subject of the two preceding and 
 two following verses, viz., the bard’s nephew and favourite, Tudvwlch 
 the son of Kilydd, who appears, in common with the other British 
 chiefs, to have worn a steel helmet, the idea of which was borrowed 
 from the head-armour of the Homan legions. And it further appears 
 from this verse that he was taken prisoner by the Saxons. He was 
 probably liberated afterwards on the payment of a ransom. 
 
XIV-XY. TUDYWLCH. 
 
 173 
 
 The envious, the fickle, and the base 
 Would he tear and pierce with pikes. 
 
 At the place where he slew with the sword 
 The custody of iron fetters befell the chief with the helmet 
 of steel; 
 
 The s^a-houses^ were subdued and made tributary ; 
 
 And before the roarer (Ethelfrith) the army groaned (in 
 flight) . 
 
 xv. 
 
 To the same. 
 
 Of the battle of Cattraeth, when it is related, 
 
 The wailing of the multitude will long continue. 
 
 (There were) dominions without sovereigns and a smoking 
 land ! 
 
 And the descendants of Godeboc, a faithful band, 
 
 (Were) borne on long biers to glut the furrowy grave. 
 
 xv. Mr. W illiams assumes Edyrn in the third line to have been a proper 
 name — that of Edeyrn, the son of Nudd ab Beli ab Rhun ab Maelgwn 
 ab Caswallon Lawhir ab Einiawn Yrth ab Cnnedda ab Edeyrn ab 
 Padarn Beisrudd by Gwawl, the daughter of Coel Godebog. Two 
 difficulties beset this hypothesis : 1st. That he must have died before he 
 was born (upon Probert’s hypothesis) ; Maelgwn himself died in 547, 
 and Edeyrn was four generations removed from him. 2nd. That he 
 belonged to the clan of Cunedda, and not to that of Coel Godebawc. 
 
 The sons or descendants of Godeboc will appear in the following 
 pedigree : — 
 
 Coel Godebog. 
 
 Ceneu. Gwawl, daughter. 1 
 
 Mor. Gwrwst Ledlwm. ( See 
 
 next page.) 
 
 \ i i 
 
 Cynllo. Garth wys. Morydd. 
 
 Madog Morfryn. 
 
 Myrddin Wyllt. 
 
 I a 
 
 1 Married Padarn Beisrudd, whose son, Cunedda Wledig, became the 
 founder of another family. 
 
174 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Bu truan 4 dynghetven anghen gywir 
 A dyngwt y dutvwlcb 5 a chyvwlch hir 
 Ket 6 yvein ved gloyw wrth leu 7 babir 
 Ket 8 vei da e 9 vlas y 10 gas bu bir. 
 
 4 Truan , 1, 2, 3, 5 ; tru a , in Williams’ text. 5 Dulvwlch, 1, 2, 3. 
 6 Cyt, 1, 2, 3. 7 uiw, l, 2, 3, 5. 8 Cyt, 1, 2, 3. 9 Ei, 1, 2, 3. 
 
 10 3. 
 
 Coel Godebog — continued . 
 I a 
 
 Ceidio. 
 
 Pabo Post Prydain. 
 
 I I I 
 
 Gwenddo- Cof. Nudd. 
 lau. 
 
 I I I 
 
 Cynvelyn. Talhaiarn. Eliffer Gos- 
 gorddvawr. 
 
 Tangwn. 
 
 I I 
 
 Dunod. Sawyl Benuchel. 
 
 | Araf. 
 
 i i i 
 
 Deiniol. Cynwyd. Gwarthan. 
 JDeiniolen. 
 
 Car- Arddun, 
 wyd. dr. 
 
 I I 
 
 Peredur. Gwrgi. 
 
 I 
 
 Gwgon Gwron. 
 
 Cedwyn. 
 
 Cynwyd Cynwydion. 
 
 I II I 
 
 Clydno Eiddyn. Cynan. Cynvelyn Drwsgl. Cadrod Calclifynydd. 
 
 I 
 
 I I I 
 
 Eurnaid, dr. Cynon. Euronwy, dr. 
 
 Gwrwst Ledlwm (resumed). 
 
 Meircbion Gal. 
 
 I 
 
 Llyr Merini. 
 
 Cynfarch Oer. 
 
 I 
 
 I III 
 
 Cyndeyrn. Pasgen. Owen. Elffin. 
 
 Gwrfyw. 
 
 I 
 
 Nidan. 
 
 I I 
 
 Elidyr Lydanwyn. Idno. 
 
 I I I I 
 
 Aron. Urien Eurdyl. Llew. 
 
 j Eheged. j 
 
 Ciwg. | Medrod. 
 
 I 
 
 Llywaroh Hen. 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 Pasgen or Ysgwn. 
 
 Meurigr. 
 
 Elaeth. 
 
 Buan. And many other sons. 
 
 Gwaith Hengaer. 
 Grwst. 
 
XV. TUDVWLCH. 
 
 175 
 
 Wretched was the destiny, decreed through just 
 Necessity, to Tudvwlch and to Cyvwlch the Tall, 
 That if they drank clear mead by light of torch, 
 Though sweet its taste, long would be its woe. 
 
 Coel Godebog — continued. 
 
 Caradog Freichfras. 
 
 Cawrdaf. Hyfaidd Hir. Tangwn. Cadfarch. Amaetlilu. 
 
 It is hence evident that Godeboc’s progeny must have been numerous 
 at this time, when there were living the children of Caradoc Vreichvras, 
 the sons and grandsons of Llywarch Hen, Elffin the son of Urien, Cynon 
 the son of Clydno Eiddyn, Gwarthan ab Dunawd ab Pabo, and many 
 others ; but whether any special branch of that family is here alluded 
 to is not easy to determine. 
 
 But who was Cyvwlch the Tall ? He is again mentioned, along with 
 Tutvwlch, in the poem called Gorciian Tudvwlch. In the Mabinogi of 
 Kilhwch and Olwen we find Cyfwlch, along with Bwlch and Sefwlch, 
 named as the three sons of Cleddyf Dyvwlch, and we are also told 
 further that they were the grandsons of Cleddyf Divwlch, and that 
 “Their three shields were three gleaming glitterers; their three spears 
 were three pointed piercers; their three swords were three griding 
 gashers; Glas, Glessic, and Gleisad ; their three dogs. Call, Cuall, and 
 Cavall ; their three horses, Hwyrdyddwg, Drwgdyddwg, and Llwyrdy- 
 ddwg ; their three wives, Och, and Garym, and Diaspad ; their three 
 grandchildren, Lluched, and Neved, and Eissiwed ; their three daughters, 
 Drwg, and Gwaeth, and Gwaethav Oil ; their three handmaids, Eheu- 
 bryd the daughter of Kyfwlch, Gorascwrn the daughter of Nerth, Ewae- 
 den the daughter of Kynvelyn Keudawd Pwyll the half man.” [Mabino- 
 gion , ii, 267.] Much of this is rhapsody ; but we learn from the Scottish 
 and Pictish annals that such names as Sevwlch and Selvach were by no 
 means uncommon in North Britain. The Eheubryd here mentioned was 
 not a daughter but a son, as appears from the verse in Englynion yBeddau. 
 
 Cathan. Clydog. Medrod. 
 
 Elgud. 
 
 Gwynog. Brwyno Hen. Cynhafal. 
 
 I I 
 
 Collen. Cwyfen. 
 
176 
 
 THE GOUODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 XVI. 
 
 Blaen echecliing 1 gaer glaer 2 negei 3 140 
 
 Gwyr gweryd 4 gwanar ae dilynei 
 
 Blaen ar e bludue 5 dy galonnit 6 vual 
 
 Er ewyvnawr 7 vordei 8 
 
 Blaen gwirawt vragawt ef dybydei 
 
 Blaen eur a phorphor kein as 9 mygei 145 
 
 Blaen edystrawr 10 pasc ae gwaredei 
 
 Gwrthlef 11 ac 12 enw 13 bryt ae derllydei 14 
 
 Blaen erwyre 15 gawr buduawr 16 drei 
 
 Artb 17 en llwrw byth hwyr e techei. 18 
 
 1 Ych echinig , 1 ; ych eching, 2, 3, 5. 2 Not in 1, 2, 3, 5. 3 Y 
 
 negei , 1, 2, 3 ; yneglei , 5; ewgei, in Williams’s text. 4 Gweryd, 1, 2, 
 3, 5 ; gweiryd , in Williams’s text. 6 Bluolue , 2 ; vluolve , 5 ; not in 3. 
 6 Dygollouit, in Williams’s; dy galonnit , 1, 2, 5; digalonnit , 3; 
 dygollovid , 4, 6 ; dy gollouit , 6. 7 Ene vwynvawr , Williams ; er 
 
 ewyvnawr , 6 ; ewe wynvawr, 4. 8 Line not in 1, 2, 3. 9 Was, 1, 2, 
 
 3, 5. 10 Eddystlawr, 1, 2, 3. 11 Gwarth lef \ 1, 2, 3 ; gwarthlef, 5, 6. 
 
 12 Ag, 1, 2, 3, 6. 13 Eno, 1, 5 ; enw, 2, 3 ; evo, 6. 14 These lines 
 
 are transposed in 2. 15 Arwyre, 2, 3. 16 Budvaur , 1, 2, 3. 17 ArcA, 
 
 1, 2, 3, 5. 18 F techei , 2 ; etechei, 4. 
 
 There was, however, a Melangell, daughter of Cyvwlch Addwyn, 1 but 
 it is not probable that the two names indicate the same man. Cyvwlch 
 Addwyn was the son of Ceredig ab Ednyved ab Maxen Wledig, and 
 must have been living before this time. In the Iolo MSS., p. 512, 
 however, there is another generation interposed, and he is described as 
 Cyvwlch ab Tudwal ab Ceredig, etc., and this renders the identity 
 more probable. He appears to have met his death from the hand of 
 Twrch ab Arthan, whom we shall notice further on; and his grave 
 appears to be in Pennant Mountain, Montgomeryshire, from the 
 following notice in the Englynion y Beddau : — 
 
 “Piau y bet hwn bet Eilivlch hir — [qy. “Cyfwlch hir”?] 
 
 Ig gwrth tir Pennant Twrch 
 
 Mab Arthan gywlavan gyuulch.” ( Myv ., i, 80 ; Gee’s ed., 67. 
 
 1 Camb. Biog ., 247. 
 
XVI. TUDVWLCH. 
 
 177 
 
 XVI. 
 
 To the same person. 
 
 Before the splendid fort of Echeching he would parade, 
 
 And young men followed their leader. 
 
 Ahead of the wolves 1 was thy inspiring 2 bugle 
 In the presence of the delightful sea-houses. 
 
 Foremost he would be with the liquor and the braggett, 
 Foremost to honour with gold and fine purple. 
 
 The fleetest of stall-fed steeds delivered him (from danger). 
 Reproach 3 and a by-name be his who would slay him ! 
 Foremost to raise the shout at the serviceable ebbing of the 
 tide , 4 
 
 He was a bear in advancing, ’twere long ere he would skulk. 
 
 O' O 
 
 1 By a reference to the original, it will be seen that the text of this 
 word is utterly unintelligible, and very corrupt. There is no word like 
 Undue , but plude, a corruption of bloody , which occurs in Meigant ; but 
 this would be sounded blidie , not bloodwe , and is most probably a cor- 
 ruption of bleiddie wolves, i.e., the warriors. 
 
 2 There are two readings, each about equally well supported by the 
 number of MSS., and each equally appropriate ; the one is “ thy in- 
 spiring bugle”, and the other “ thy care-dispelling bugle”. 
 
 3 Mr. Williams assumes Gwarthlev to be a proper name, but there is 
 no sufficient warrant for so doing, nor any necessity that it should be 
 done. The subject of the verse is, without doubt, “ Tudvwlch ab 
 Kilydd.” 
 
 4 I am not satisfied with my own translation, nor with that of any 
 of my predecessors, of this line. 
 
 There was an Arthan ab Cyvwlch living about 820, when his name 
 appears to a document of gift to Landaff Church. ( Lib . Landav 617.) 
 The verse alluded to respecting Eheubryd is as follows. It occurs in 
 Myv., vol. i, p. 174 ; Gee’s ed., 130 
 
 “ A glyweisti a gant Eheubryd 
 Mab Cyvwlch cyfiawn yspryd 
 Gofal dyn Uuw ai gweryd.” 
 
 12 
 
178 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 XYII. 
 
 Anawr 1 gynhoruan 2 150 
 
 Huan arwyran 3 
 
 Gwledic gyd 4 gyffgein 
 
 Nef enys brydein 
 
 Garw ryt 5 rac rynn 
 
 Aes elwrw 6 budyn 7 155 
 
 Bual oed anvyn 8 
 
 Eg kvnted eidyn 
 
 Ercbyd 9 ryodres 
 
 Eved 10 medwawt 
 
 Yuei win gwirawt 160 
 
 Oed emit 11 uedel 12 
 
 Yuei 13 win gouel 14 
 
 Aerueid 15 en arvel 16 
 
 Aer gennin 17 vedel 
 
 Aer adan 18 glaer 165 
 
 Kenyn keuit 19 aer 
 Aer seirchyawc 20 
 
 1 A naicr, 1, 2 ; yn awr , 3. 2 Gynhornan , 2, 3 ; yynghorvan , 4. 
 
 3 Ar wyran, 2. 4 Gyd , 1, 2, 3, 5; Gwd , 4, 6, 7. 5 Rhed , 3, 5. 
 
 6 0 Iwrw , 3 ; e Iwriv , 4. 7 Byddyn , 3. 8 Arwyn, in AVilliams’ text 
 
 Anvyn , 1, 2, 3, 5. 9 Trihyd, 1, 2, 3, 5. 10 Tfyed, 1, 2; yfed , 3; 
 
 e yec/, in Williams’. 11 Ervid , 1, 2, 3. 12 Vedel, 1, 2, 3. 13 
 
 1, 2 ; yvei, 3, 6. 14 Govcel, 1, 2, 3, 5, 6. 15 Aerveid , 1, 2, 3, 5 ; a erneid , 
 6; a arueid , 4. 16 1, 2, 3, 5. 17 gennyn, 3; aergen- 
 
 nin , 5. 18 ^4 t/an, 6. 19 CeiiiV, 1, 2, 3. 20 Serchiawc , 1, 2, 3. 
 
 xvii. Eidyn, or Eiddyn, or Eiddin, is the name of a town which 
 has survived in “TM/zburgh” to the present day. It is known that Dun- 
 Edin is an older form of the name, Dun being merely the Kymric pre- 
 fix, Din. or town, Din-Eiddin, or Dinas Eiddin, the city of Edin. IIow it 
 came to have that name is uncertain ; but the name is very old, being 
 frequently mentioned by Taliesin, Aneurin and Llywarch, and was given to 
 the place by its Kymric occupants. Some persons suppose that the name is 
 derived from Edwyn, King of Northumbria, who lived about 630 ; but 
 
XVII. MEDEL AND GWItVELING VREISC. 
 
 179 
 
 XVII . 1 
 
 To Medel ab Llywarch Hen and Gwrveling Vreisc. 
 
 1. 
 
 At the hour when the Sun, 
 
 Sovereign of the whole conlucent heaven 
 Of the Isle of Britain, 
 
 Ascends the sky from his entering place, 
 
 Great was the running before the clattering 
 Shields of the advancing army. 
 
 The horn was sent about 
 In the hall of Eidin ; 
 
 And there was ostentatious ordering 
 Of the intoxicating mead. 
 
 2 . 
 
 Drinking mead-toasts 
 He drank spirituous wine . 2 
 Medel was animated ; 
 
 He drank transparent wine, 
 
 Designing to excel in fight. 
 
 Medel the kindler of war, 
 
 Bright wing of battle 
 With us thou obtainedst war, 
 
 Harnessed war, 
 
 1 This verse is here given as it appears in Williams edition and 
 in the Myvyrian ; but as it is very long, and appears to consist of three 
 parts, it is so divided in the translation. 
 
 2 Or, “ Wine beverage”. 
 
 it is clear that the place was so named long before his day. It was, in 
 the sixth century, a place of considerable importance, and appears to 
 have given its name to a district as well — perhaps the Edinburghshire 
 of the present day. By cynted Eidin , here,. I think the bard means the 
 tent of the men of Eiddin, — -the followers of Mynyddog — who appear 
 (verse lx) to have supplied the wine and mead which was used on the 
 occasion. 
 
 12 2 
 
180 
 
 THE GOBODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Aer edenawc 
 
 Nyt oed diryf 21 y 22 ysgwyt 
 Gan waywawr 23 plymnwyt 
 Kwydyn 24 gynoedyon 25 
 Eg cat blymnwyt 
 Diessic 26 e dias 27 
 Divevyl 28 as 29 talas 
 Hudid 30 e wyllyas 31 
 Kyn bu clawr glas 
 Bed gwrveling 32 vreisc . 33 
 
 XYIII. 
 
 Teitlii amgant 1 
 Tri llwry novant 2 
 
 21 Eiryf \ 5. 22 Not in 1, 2, 3, 5. 23 Waeawr , 1, 2, 3. 24 Cnydyn , 
 
 1, 3 ; cnyd yn , 2. 25 Gynfedyon , 2, 3 ; gyvoedyon , 6 ; gynvoedyon, 5. 
 26 Di yssic , 1, 2. 27 Ydias, 1. 28 Diveyl , 1, 2 ; difael , 3. 29 3. 
 
 30 Huddid , 3. 31 Ewyllyas , 1, 2, 5 ; ewyllias, 3. 32 Gwr welling, in 
 
 Williams; gwrveling, 1, 2, 3, 5. 33 This is one with the next verse in 
 6, 7 ; in the ilii/v. there is an hiatus here. 
 
 1 Etmygant, Williams ; amgant , 1, 2, 3, 5. 2 Nouant, 4. 
 
 170 
 
 175 
 
 xvn, 2. Mr. Williams has given a different version of these lines ; he 
 understands medel to mean harvest, as in truth, it often does; and he 
 supports his translation with an interesting note, which makes his version 
 plausible, but no more. The line Cwydyn gyvoedyon , referring to both 
 the subject of this verse, and that of the next, is the key to the proper 
 rendering of these lines ; being plural, the word Cwydyn, or Cwydynt, 
 shows that the verse is not confined to one person ; and the word 
 cyvoedyon, men of equal age, or cynvedyonj mean companions, in a 
 various reading, taken in connection with the next verse, goes far to 
 justify the tripartite division here adopted. 
 
 Medel, the hero, and probably the youthful hero, of this verse, was 
 one of the twenty-four sons of Llywarch Hen ; but very little is known 
 of him besides that fact, and that which is here revealed to us, that he 
 fell at the Battle of Cattraeth. He is thus mentioned by his father : — 
 
XVIII. THREE NOV ANTI AN CHIEFS. 
 
 181 
 
 Winged war. 
 
 His shield was not markless 
 From the spears of conflict ; 
 
 They fell, of equal age, 
 
 In the struggling fight. 
 
 3. 
 
 He was unshaken in the tumult ; 
 
 Keproachlessly he paid (for mead) ; 
 
 Fascinating was his manner 
 
 Before a green covering 
 
 Became the grave of the stout Gwrveling. 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 Three Novantian Chiefs. 
 Travelling around came 
 Three forward Novantians, 
 
 “ Maen a madawg a Medel, dewrwyr 
 Diyssig vroder, 
 
 Selyv, Heiiyn, Llawr, Lliver”. 
 
 “ Maen and Madawg and Medel, valiant men 
 And unflinching brothers, 
 
 Selyv, Heiiyn, Llawr and Lliver.” 
 
 Owen’s Heroic Elegies, p. 142. [ Myv ., i, 118 ; Gee’s 
 
 ed., 95 ; Four Ancient Books, ii, 266.] 
 
 xvn, 3. Of Gwrveling nothing further is known than what is here 
 recorded ; and perhaps the fact that he fell young may be the reason of 
 the silence respecting him. 
 
 The two last lines seem to refer to a tumulus ; and the following 
 extract will justify my translation. Tacitus, describing the funeral 
 usages of the Germans, says that the tomb was merely a mound 
 of turf,— 
 
 “ Sepulcrum cespes erigit”. 
 
 De Morib. Germ., xxvij. 
 
 See also Annals, i, 62. 
 
 xviii. This verse enumerates some of the allies of the men of Gododin, 
 and names two classes of them, being those who came from the greatest 
 distance — the Novantse of South-Western Scotland and the Britons of 
 
182 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Pymwnt a phymcant 
 Trychwn 8 a thrychant 4 
 Tri si 5 chatvarchawc 6 
 Eidyn euruchawc 7 
 Tri llu llurugawc 
 Tri eur deyrn dorchawc 
 Tri marchawc dywal 
 Tri chat 8 gyhaual 
 Tri chysneit 9 kysnar 10 
 Chwerw vysgynt 11 esgar 
 Tri en drin en drwm 
 Llew lledynt blwm 
 Eur e 12 gat gyngrwn 
 
 . 180 
 
 185 
 
 190 
 
 3 Erchwn , 6 ; tn chwn , 3. 4 Thrichant , 3. 5 Chivech , 2, 3 ; 
 
 chant , 6 ; not in 5. 6 Cad farchawg, 1, 2, 3. 7 Eu ruchawc , 4. 
 
 8 Chant , 1, 2, 3, 5. 9 Chyfneit , 1, 2, 3, 5. 10 Kysmar , 4. 
 
 11 Chwerfysgynt , 1, 3, 5 ; chwervys gynt , 2. 12 O gad^ 3 ; ynghat , 5. 
 
 South Wales. In the translation, therefore, I shall divide it into two 
 parts for the convenience of annotation. 
 
 The Novantae occupied in the Roman times the present county 
 of Wigton, in Scotland, and probably a large portion of Galloway, if 
 not the whole. 
 
 They held the south-western district of Scotland from the Dee 
 to the Mull of Galloway ; that is, the west of Kirkcudbright and 
 Wigtown, and part of the Carrick division of Ayr; and in addition 
 to their metropolis of Leucopibia, they had another town named 
 Retigonium (Stranraer) on the banks of the Rerigonius Sinus (Loch 
 Ryan), and as this town is afterwards named by Aneurin, it will be well 
 to bear this in mind. 
 
 It is scarcely necessary for me to state that Novant, in the text, is a 
 proper name, even though Davies has translated the line, “three moving 
 bodies”, and Probert has done the same. Novant is the exact word 
 which occurs in Novantae, the diphthong being only the Latin termina- 
 tion. The description “ travelling round”, confirms this assertion ; and 
 in coming from Wigtonshire to Edinburgh they must have done so. 
 
 2. Who were the Brython mentioned here ? Mr. Williams supposes 
 that they occupied Alban, and adduces in support of his assertion the 
 
XV11I. THREE NOV ANTI AN CHIEFS. 
 
 183 
 
 Five battalions of five hundred men, 
 
 Three chiefs with three hundred, 
 
 Three hundred knights of battle, 
 
 From Eidin came (arrayed) in golden armour 
 Three loricated hosts ; 
 
 Three golden-torqued kings ; 
 
 Three fierce knights, 
 
 Three hundred like them ; 
 
 Three of the same order, mutually jealous ; 
 
 Bitterly they scattered the foe. 
 
 Three who were weighty in the conflict, 
 
 Like the lion, their strokes instantly slew : 
 
 Golden heroes of the circling battle . 2 
 
 1 The word pymwnt, which occurred in verse v, line 49, comes here 
 also. Dr. Pughe says it means 500,000 ; but he cannot have caught 
 the meaning of the word. It is not improbable that Pymwnt and Own 
 are names for military officers. Here, however, I have followed Wil- 
 liams’ version. 
 
 2 “The circling battle” is a common expression. It is used by 
 Llywarch, — 
 
 “ Gorug ar Loegyr lu cyngrwn”, 
 
 [. Myv ., i, 117 ; Gee’s ed., 94 ; Four Ancient Books , 
 ii, 264 ; in which the reading is “ llu kyndr6yn”.] 
 
 and probably indicates a practice of drawing up the Kymric forces in a 
 semicircular form, after the fashion of the Romans. 
 
 fact that Dunbarton, or Dunbritton, was a British post —but this has 
 very little weight — and the authority of the Triads. One of these 
 \Trioedd Ynys Prydain , Cyfres iii, 5; Myv., ii, 58; Gee’s ed., 400] 
 describes the British tribes, thus : — 
 
 i. The Kymry, who came across the Dacian Sea from Denmark to 
 (most probably) the opposite coast of the North of England. 
 
 ii. The Lloegrians, who came from Gascony to the opposite British 
 coast ; and 
 
 hi. The Britons who came from Brittany, and would, probably, have 
 occupied the western and south-western coasts. These, most probably, 
 were the people who occupied Cornwall, Devon and the Principality ; 
 and the facts that Aeron is a district in Cardiganshire, and that a dis- 
 
184 
 
 TIIE GODODIN OF ANEUKIN GWAWDKYDD. 
 
 Tri fcheyrn maon 
 
 A dyvu o 13 vrytlion 
 Kyuric 14 a chenon 15 
 Kynrein o aeron 
 
 195 
 
 Gogyuerchi 16 yn lion 
 Deivyr diuerogion 
 A dyvu 17 o vrython 
 Wr well no chynon 
 
 200 
 
 Sarph seri alon. 
 
 13 Not in 2. 14 Kynri , Williams; cynric , 1, 2, 5; cynfrig , 3, 5. 
 
 15 Cherion , 4. 16 Gogyverth , 1, 2, 3, 5 ; gogyuerthi , 4. 17 Not in 4. 
 
 tinguished warrior of the name of Cenon is buried at Llanbadarn in 
 Cardigan, are strong confirmations of this view. 
 
 Cynon or Cenon has been supposed by Mr. Williams to be the son of 
 Clydno Eiddin ; and he is so far warranted in making the assertion, 
 that Cynon ab Clydno was at the battle of Cattraeth ; but he has over- 
 looked the fact that there are two Cynons named by Aneurin, the one being 
 the son of Clydno, and the other the one here named, by way of dis- 
 tinction, Cynon o Aeron. He is probably the person referred to in the 
 following Englyn : — 
 
 (. Myv ., i, 79 ; Gee’s ed., 66 ; Four Ancient 
 Books , ii, 29.) 
 
 It is probable that this is Llanbadarn in Cardiganshire, and possibly 
 Llan Badarn Fawr ; but, as Llanbadarn Odyn is much nearer Glyn 
 Aeron, some doubt may be entertained upon that point. Of this per- 
 son there does not appear to be any further knowledge than that he 
 was at the battle of Cattraeth, and was one of the few who escaped 
 from that fatal contest. In a subsequent verse [xxi] this deliverance is 
 attributed to his determined bravery ; and we hence infer that he with 
 his Briton companions were sober at the time, and that he is the 
 subject of the following verse among Englynion y Clywed : — 
 
 “ Bet Gwalchmai ym pyton 
 Ir dilif y dyneton 
 In llan Badarn bet Kinon.” 
 
 u A glyweisti a gant Kynon 
 Yn ymoglyt rac meduon 
 Cwrw yw alluyd Calon.” 
 
 (Myv., i, 174 ; Gee’s ed., 129.) 
 
XVIII. THREE BRITISH CHIEFS. 
 
 185 
 
 2 . 
 
 T1 iree British Chiefs. 
 
 Three princes of multitudes 
 Came from among the Brytlion, 
 
 Cynric and Cenon, 
 
 And Cynrein from Aeron, 
 
 To greet with boldness 
 The repentant men of Deivyr. 
 
 Came there from among the Brytlion 
 A better man than Cynon ? 
 
 A sullen serpent to his foes ! 
 
 “ Hast thou heard what Kynon sang, 
 
 When moving from the way of drunkards, 
 
 Beer is the key of the heart ?” 
 
 He is alluded to several times in succeeding verses ; and some lines in 
 Gordian Maelderw also refer to him : — 
 
 “ Pan deg y cyvarchant nyt oed hoedyl dianc 
 Dialgar Arvon cyrchei eur ceinyo arurchyat 
 Urython browys meirch Cynon.” 
 
 (Myr., i, 86 ; Gee’s ed., 71 ; Four And. Bks ., ii, 103.) 
 
 There is a Cynon named as a companion of St. Cadfan, and the 
 founder of Capel Cynon in Cardiganshire (see Rees’s Welsh Saints , p. 
 215) ; but he could scarcely have been the hero of this verse. Did he 
 belong to the Cunedda family ? 
 
 Of Kynri, or lvynric, there is nothing known ; but it is not improbable 
 that this was Cynyr Yarvdrwch or Ceinvarvawg, the son of Gwron ab 
 Cunedda. His name is variously written Cynir and Cynyr ; and that in 
 the poem assumes the various forms of Kynri, Cynric, and Cynfrig. It 
 has already been shown, both here and in the Arch. Cambrensis , 
 that the chronology is no bar to this view ; and if so, that this 
 was not his first achievement in arms, as he assisted in conjunction 
 with his brothers Meilyr and Meigyr, in the reduction of Anglesey. He 
 must, however, have been an old man at this time. 
 
 The editor of the Cambro-Briton , in reviewing Probert’s translation, 
 blamed him for taking Cynrein to be a proper name ; but, though 
 his rendering of Cynrein into “ chief spearman” is plausible, I consider 
 Williams and Probert to have done well in assuming this to be the name 
 of a man. A person of that name is mentioned in the lolo MSS. (p. 
 651) 
 
180 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEUlilN GWAWDKYDD. 
 
 XIX. 
 
 Eveis y * 1 win a med e rnordei 
 Mawr meint e 2 vehyr 3 
 Yg kyuaruot 4 gwyr 
 
 Bwyt e 5 eryr erysmygei 205 
 
 Pan gryssyei gydywal kyfdwyreei 
 Awr gan wyrd wawr kyni 6 dode^ 
 
 Aessawr dellt ambellt 7 a adawei 8 
 Paren rynn rwygyat dygymmynei 
 E gat 9 blaen bragat briwei 210 
 
 Mab Syvno sywedyd ae gwydyei 
 
 1 Not in 2 ; o, 3 ; i o, 5. 2 0, 3 ; not in 2. 3 Uewyr , i.e., wewyr, 
 
 5. 4 Ysqyvarvot , 1, 2, 3. 5 /, 3, 4. 6 Cyn y , 1,2, 3, 5. 7 Am 
 
 bellt , 1, 2, 3. 8 Adaivei , 1, 2, 3, 4 ; a dawei , 8. 9 I gat , 4 ; ynghat i 
 3, 5. 
 
 u Hast thou heard the saying of Kynrain, 
 
 The chief counsellor of the Island of Britain, 
 
 ’Tis better to keep than to pursue?” 
 
 Without him the number of three is not complete. 
 
 Of “ Deivyr diverogion” I have given a novel translation, by as- 
 suming the last word to be edifeirogion , or repentant persons ; and 
 
 I conceive myself to be justified in this view, by the facts stated in one 
 of the Triads [ Myv ., ii, 58 ; Gee’s ed., 400] : — 
 
 “ All the Lloegrians became one people with the Saxons ; those 
 
 only excepted who are found in Cornwall and in the Cominot of Carno- 
 
 ban, in Deira and Beruicia.” 
 
 It is not easy to determine where Carnoban is; but Hughes ( Horse 
 
 Brittanicx , p. 14) thinks it was probably some part of Cumberland. We 
 have here, however, an assertion that the Lloegrians had joined the 
 Angles ; but being Britons, their hearts were with their^ brethren, how- 
 
 ever they might have been compelled to submit to others ; and the pas- 
 sage in the text appears to indicate that they had repented of their alle- 
 giance, and wished to emancipate themselves from the Anglian 
 dominion. 
 
 (The preceding explanation is, to my mind, on subsequent reflection, 
 less conclusive than the interpretation of diferogion given by Mr. 
 
 Meredith Lloyd (Cambro- Briton, i, 414), that it is a compound of a di- 
 or dy-ber-awg , her being a spear, berawg , speared ; diferawg , in that 
 sense, would be short-speared, javelin-bearing or dart-bearing ; and 
 
XIX. CYDYWAL. 
 
 187 
 
 XIX. 
 
 To Cydywal (the son of Syvno). 
 
 He drank the wine and mead of the. sea-houses. 
 How large was the encampment 
 Of the assembly of warriors ! 
 
 Where food for the eagle was smoking (at the fire). 
 When Cydywakwent forth, he joined in raising 
 The shout at th^ green dawn. Before he would £ 
 
 a 
 
 ive (host- , 
 
 ages) 
 
 He would leave his shield in splinters on the ground. 
 He caused a great rent wherever he hewed down. 
 
 In battle he would break the foremost rank. 
 The son of Syvno knew divining, 
 
 Deivyr diferogion would be “ the short-speared Deivyrians”. In the 
 Kerdd am Veib Llyr , falsely attributed to Taliesin, the offensive equip- 
 ments of the Irish are thus described : — 
 
 A Gwyddyl diefyl diferogion”, 
 
 {Myv., i, 67 ; Gee’s ed., 58 ; Four And. BJcs ., ii, 154.) 
 and in the life of Gruffudd ab Cynan , they are called “ Gwyddyl 
 gaflacliawg ” [ Myv ., ii, 593 ; Gee’s ed., 727] ; now if gajlach and difer or 
 dyfer (a compound formed like try-fer ) be the same thing, this inter- 
 pretation is the right one, for gajlach means a short lance or spear, a 
 javelin or a dart.) 1 
 
 xix. Of Cydywal himself, nothing further appears to be known than is 
 here stated ; nor is there anything further known of his father, than 
 that he was possessed of more than the usual amount of knowledge 
 possessed by his contemporaries ; and was hence supposed to have had 
 communication with supernatural beings. He appears to have lived in 
 “ blaen Gwynedd”. On the confines of Montgomery and Denbigh 
 there is a place called Bwlch Cwm Syvno ; and in the same locality, 
 rising out of this pass, and standing between Moel Ferna and Cadeir 
 Ferwyn, is a hill called Moel Sywedydd, which probably derives its 
 name from Syvno the diviner, or astronomer. There is a person named 
 Siavn Syberw, mentioned in the Englynion Beddau. (Myv., i, 82 ; 
 Gee’s ed., 68 ; Four Ancient Books, ii, 34.) 
 
 1 [This paragraph, written in red ink, was added by the author on a 
 later revision of the essay.] 
 
188 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 A wertliws 10 e eneit 11 
 Er 12 wyneb grybwyllyeit 13 
 A llavyn lliveit lladei 
 
 Lledessit ac a thrwys 14 ac affrei 15 215 
 
 Er amot 16 aruot aruaethei 
 Ermygei 17 galaned 18 
 0 wyr gwychyr gwned 
 Em blaen gwyned gwanei 19 . 
 
 xx. 
 
 Eveis y 1 win a med e mordei 220 
 
 Can yneis disgynneis 2 rann tin fawd ut 3 
 
 10 Wertho, 5. 11 Ei, 3. 12 Yr, 1, 2. 13 Grybwieit, 1, 2, 3. 
 
 14 Ag a chrwys , 1, 2, 3, 5 ; ac a thrwys, 4. 15 A phrei , 1, 2, 3, 5 ; affrei 
 
 (a pharei), 6. 16 A mot , 1,2; y mod , 3. 17 Dirmygei , 2, 3, 6 
 
 18 Genaledd , 1, 2, 3. 19 Gwnei, 4 ; this line is one with the next verse 
 
 in 1 and 7. 
 
 1 0, 1, 2, 3. 2 Can , 1, 2, 5, 6. 3 Fanlut , 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 I flatter myself with being the first to apprehend the true meaning of 
 the lines 
 
 “ A werthws e eneit 
 Er wyneb grybwyllieit.’’ 
 
 The fairy mythology of Wales has received but little attention ; but 
 the belief in aerial spirits was very prevalent among the people in 
 former times ; and there are rich materials for an interesting essay upon 
 the subject. These are mentioned in the poems of Merddyn, who 
 professes to give the revelations told him by a chwibleian ; l in the 
 Englynion Misoedd it is said that in the short nights of July the Gwyll- 
 iaid do not love long conversation. 2 Prydydd y Moch r.efers to them 
 frequently. An old poem, attributed to Taliesin, says they sang 
 prophetic songs in the evenings at the Lake of Geirionydd ; 3 and 
 
 1 [ Myv ., i, 135 ; Gee’s ed., 116. See also Four Ancient Books , ii, 20 and 
 336, where there is a note from Rev. T. Price’s Literary Remains , i, 144.] 
 
 2 [Myv., i, 15 ; Gee’s ed., 21.] 
 
 3 [The reference seems to be to G6a6t End y Ma6r , lines 34-37 ; 
 Myv., i, 74 ; Gee’s ed., 63 ; Four Ancient Books, ii, 208.] 
 
XIX. CYDYWAL. 
 
 189 
 
 XX. PRESENT. 
 
 Who had sold his soul 
 To the spirits of the surface . 1 
 He slew with a sharpened blade, 
 
 But would himself be slain with a cross and spears. 
 
 It was his custom to appoint hostile meetings; 
 
 He boasted of the corpses 
 Of brave and strenuous men, 
 
 Whom he llad pierced in the uplands of Gwynedd. 
 
 xx. 
 
 To Present (the son of Pel). 
 
 He 2 drank of the wine and mead of the sea-houses ; 
 ^-And because he drank, he fell by the edge of the sword, 
 
 1 Or, u mountain top”. 
 
 2 This line begins with the word Eveis , which Williams takes to be 
 the first person singular instead of the third. According to this inter- 
 pretation the two first lines would read thus : — 
 
 u I drank of the wine and mead, 
 
 And because I drank, I fell by the edge of the sword.” 
 
 This is scarcely proper language in one whose sacred muse “ saved him 
 from the sword”, and who survived to write the Gododin. Eveis , in the 
 grammar of Aneurin, stood for our yvodd ; the verb was then conju- 
 gated thus : yvais , “ I drank”; yvaist , “ thou drankest”; and yveis or 
 eveis , u he drank”. The same form occurs in these lines : — 
 
 “ Ne llewe.s ef we d,” etc. (v. xiii) 
 
 “ Nyt edewes e lys,” etc. (v. xxv) 
 where the pronoun ef and e indicates the person beyond doubt. 
 
 Davies, in his Mythology of the Druids (p. 153), has given an interesting 
 tale of a similar kind. They also admitted of classification ; Myrddin 
 says, that his wits had been abstracted “ gam wyllion mynydd there 
 were also “ under-earth sprites” and “ above-earth sprites” — the ivyneb 
 gryhwyllyeit of Aneurin ; and, in more recent times, a band of robbers 
 called Gwylliciid Cochion Mawddunj availed themselves of this national 
 belief. 
 
 xx. It may be doubted, from a comparison of the Gododin text with 
 that of Gorchan Maelderw , whether Present is the subject of this verse, 
 but assuming that to be the case, we shall find another reference to him 
 in verse lxi, which furnishes some further information respecting him. 
 
190 
 
 TIIE GODODIN OF AN KURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Nyt didrachywed 4 col wed drut 5 
 
 Pan disgynnei bawb ti disgynnot 6 
 
 Ys deupo gwaeanat 7 gwerth na phechut 8 
 
 Present i drawt 9 oed vreichyawr 10 drut. 225 
 
 XXI. 
 
 Gwyr a aetli gatraeth buant enwawc 
 Gwin a med o 1 eur vu eu gwirawt 
 Blwyddyn en erbyn urdyn 2 deuawt 3 
 Trywyr a thri ugeint a tbrycbant eurdorchawc 4 
 
 4 Didrcichyvet, 1, 2, 3, 5. 5 Cobnet , 1, 2, 3 ; colwed , coined , 5 ; coined , 
 eofned , 6. 6 Disgynnat , 2, 3. 7 Gwaeaned , 5. 8 Phechawd , 3. 
 
 9 Adrawt , 1, 2, 4 ; ciddrawd, 3. 10 Vreichvawr, 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 1 Oc, 6 ; «</, 3. 2 Truly n, 2, 3, 6 ; wrdyn , 5. 3 Deawd , 1, 2, 3 ; 
 
 devawd , 6. 4 Eurdorchawd , 1. 
 
 There is a similar verse given in Gorchan Maelderw , in one copy of 
 which (Myv., i,8 5 ; Gee’s ed., 70 ; Ancient Books , ii, 100) it runs 
 thus : — 
 
 “ Kein guodeo e kelyo ery vyhyr 
 O honaw ar fyscut as eiriangut 
 Pan esgynnei bawb ty disgynnut 
 Cenei gwin gwaet meirw meint a wanut 
 Teir blyned a phedeir 
 Tuted en vawr yt vaer 
 
 Asgym myrr hut ath vodi gwas nym gwerth na thechut 
 Present kyvadraud oed breichyaul glut.” 
 
 And in the other ( Myv ., i, 62 ; Gee’s ed., 55), thus : — 
 
 “ Cein guodeo y celyo ery vyhyr 
 O honaw aryf yscut 
 As eirianghut 
 
 Pan estynnei bawb ti disgymiut 
 Ceneu gwin guaet meiru meint a neint 
 Teir blyned a phedair tudet en vaur 
 Yt vaer asgyni myrr hut 
 Ath uedi guas nym guerth na thechut 
 Present cyn adrawd oed breichyaul glut.” 
 
XX. PRESENT. XXI. THE MEN OF AERON. 191 
 
 Not without displaying the prowess of a hero. 
 
 When all fell, thou didst fall. 
 
 When the conflict comes it were better not to have sinned. 
 Of Present it is related that the hero had a* mighty arm. 
 
 XXI. 
 
 The Men of Aeron. 
 
 The warriors went to Cattraeth ; they were renowned ; 
 
 Wine and mead from golden (horns) was their beverage. 
 
 That year, contrary to their dignified custom, 
 
 (Of) three warriors, three score, and three hundred wearing 
 golden torques, 
 
 xxi. At first sight, the war-dogs of Aeron here mentioned would 
 appear to be the Cynric and Cynrain mentioned in verse xviii ; but 
 another account of this event shows that such an interpretation would 
 be incorrect. 
 
 There is a fuller account of this transaction in the Gorchan 
 Cynvelyn of the same bard : — 
 
 “ Trywyr a thrygeint a thry chant 
 Y vreithyel Gattraeth ydaethant 
 Or saul yt gryssiassant 
 Uch ved venestri 
 
 Namyn tri nyd atcorasant ( atcorsant , 4) 
 
 Cynon a Chadraeth ( chatreith , 4) a Chathleu ( chatlew , 4) 
 a gatuant (o gatnant , 4). 
 
 A minneu om creu”, etc. 
 
 (Myv., i, 61 ; Gee’s ed., 54 ; Four And. £ks. r ii, 96.) 
 
 “ Three warriors, and three score, and three hundred 
 To the conflict of Cattraeth went forth. 
 
 Of those who hastened forth, 
 
 From an excess of the mead of the cupbearers, 
 
 Three alone returned — 
 
 Cynon, and Cadreith, and Cadlew of CacLiaut, — 
 
 And I, whose blood was spared,” etc. 
 
 It thus appears that the two persons named Cadreith and Cadlew were 
 the war-dogs alluded to, the others having probably fallen, or escaped 
 in flight, for be it observed that these lines are to be understood liter- 
 ally. They describe those only who escaped by their own bravery ; 
 
192 
 
 TIIE GODODIN OF ANEU1UN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Or sawl yt gryssyassant uch gormant wirawt 230 
 Ni diengis 5 namyn tri o wrhydri fossawt 
 Deu gatki 6 aeron a chenon dayrawt 7 
 A minheu ont gwaetfreu gwerth vy gwennwawt 8 . 
 
 XXII. 
 
 Uyg car 1 yng wirwar 2 nyn gogyffrawt 3 
 
 0 neb 4 ony 5 bei o gwyn dragon ducawt 6 235 
 
 Ni didolit yng kynted o ved gwirawt 
 
 Ef 7 gwnaei 8 ar beithing 9 perthyng 10 aruodyawc 
 
 Ef 11 disgrein eg cat disgrein en aelawt 
 
 Nens adrawd gododin 12 gwedy ffossawt 
 
 Pan vei 13 no llivyeu 14 llymach nebawt. 15 240 
 
 5 Diengei , 1, 2, 3. 6 Gatei , 2, 3. 7 Daearawt , 2, 3 ; dayarawt , 
 
 1,5. 8 One with the two following verses in 1. 
 
 1 Vygcar , 1, 2, 3 ; llyg car , 4. 2 Yngwirvar , 1, 2, 3. 3 Gogy- 
 
 yhraut , 1 ; gogyrhawd , 2 ; gogongraiod , 3 ; gogyngrliaicd , 5 ; (gogy- 
 ffrawt) , 6. 4 77e5, 1, 2, 3, 5. 5 1, 2, 3. 6 Deu cant , 1, 2, 5 ; 
 
 decant , 3; deueawt (ducawt), 6. 7 Es , 1, 2; ?/s, 3. 8 Gwnei , 1, 2, 
 
 3, 6. 9 Arceithing , 1, 2, 3 ; arcethin , 5 ; arbei thing, 6. 10 Per thin, 
 
 1, 2, 3, 5. 11 Es, 1, 2; ?/.<?, 3. 12 Gwawdodyn , 3. 13 Not in 5. 
 
 14 Llivyeu, 4 ; llivyen (llivyeu), 6. 15 In Gordian Maelderw the two 
 
 last lines occur thus [Myv.,\, 85; Gee’s ed., 55: Four And. Bks., ii, 101]: — 
 “ Ny sathrant gododin ar glawr fossaut 
 Pan vei no llif llymach nebaut.” (See notes to v. ix.) 
 
 In the translation, Williams follows the text, and I the various reading, 
 — llivyeu. 
 
 but, as we shall presently see, many escaped in flight, to which allusion 
 has been already made in verse xiv. 
 
 Of Cadreith, our only information is the following verse in Englynion 
 y Clywedl — 
 
 “ A glyweisti a gant Cadreith 
 
 ~~~ — — — Fab Porthawr filwr areith 
 
 Ni char Dofydd diobeith.” 
 
 (Myv., i, 175 ; Gee’s ed., 130.) 
 
 “ Hast thou heard what was sung by Cadreith 
 Of warlike speech, the son of Porthawr? 
 
 God loves not the despaircr !” 
 
XXI. MEN OF AKRON. XXII. THE SON OF KIAN. 193 
 
 Who hastened forward from excess of liquor, 
 
 Three alone escaped by the vigour of their blows — 
 
 Aeron’s two war-dogs, and the dauntless Cynon, 
 
 And I who escaped from the shedding of my blood by virtue $ 
 of my sacred muse . 1 
 
 jgu 
 
 XXII. 
 
 To the son of Kian. 
 
 My friend ! In real distress no one comforted us, 
 
 Unless the pleasant dragon (chief) was a leader also. 
 
 He did not abstain in the hall from the beverage of mead ; 
 
 He did upon the Piets 1 an appropriate performance. 
 
 He was prostrated in the fight, and his limbs were laid 
 low. 
 
 Does not the Gododin relate, after the gashing, 
 
 That where he was none sawed more keenly ? 
 
 1 Or, less literally, 
 
 “ And I, whose sacred muse spared the streaming of my blood.” 
 
 1 The words in the original are ar beithivg , on the peithing. Now, 
 according to Mr. Owen, ‘‘all words that are common to the Latin and 
 language of the Cymry, that have syllables terminating with ct in 
 the former have always th to correspond in the latter ; hence it seems 
 that Pict and Faith are the same” ( Heroic Elegies , p. 79). Taliesin 
 appears to use it in this sense : “A wnaw peithwyr gorweiddiawc”. 
 
 The speech is in admirable harmony with the character given him in 
 the poem. 
 
 Of Cadlew nothing further is known. The Cynon here is most 
 probably not the son of Clydno, but the lord of Glyn Aeron. 
 
 xxii. 1 have headed this verse “ To the son of Kian”, in the belief 
 that as Aneurin does not apply the term “ my friend” to any other 
 party than the son of Cian named in a former part, this verse must 
 have been addressed to the same person. 
 
 13 
 
194 
 
 TIIE GODODIN OF ANEUR1N GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 Aryf angkynnull 1 
 Agkyman dull 
 
 Anysgoget 
 Tra chywed 2 vawr 
 
 Treiglessyd llawr 3 245 
 
 Lloegrwys giwet 4 
 
 Heissit eis ygkynnor 5 eis yg cat vereu 
 [Pwys 6 blaen rydre ferei y 7 gadeu 
 Dryll 8 kedyr 9 kat 10 
 
 Kein 11 krysgwydyat 12 250 
 
 Bryt am gorlew 18 
 Diechwith lam 14 
 Y orwylam 15 
 
 Nat ry gigleu.] 
 
 1 Agceun null , 2 ; angeu’n null , 3. 2 Trachywed , 4 ; trachiwet , 5. 
 
 3 Llawer , 1, 2, 3. 4 Grivet (?), 7. 5 Ygcynuor , 1, 2 ; ynqhynwr , 3 ; 
 
 yg cynvor , 5. 6 The lines in brackets are interpolated from Gorch. 
 
 Maelderw , Myv ., i, 84 ; Gee, 69 ; and the various readings from 
 another MS. of the same poem in Myv., i, 62 ; Gee, 51 ; Puys, 62. 
 7 Not in 62. 8 Dryl. 9 Cadyr. 10 Cat. 11 Cein. 12 Crysguydyat. 
 
 13 Gorleu. 14 Diechuith lain. 15 Y oruylan. 
 
 xxin. It is not easy to determine who is the hero of this verse. The 
 ordinary copies of the Gododin name him Greit the son of Hoewgi ; 
 and Gordian Maelderw has “ Breint mab Bleidgi”. 
 
 Greit the son of Hoewgi is not named in any of our biographical 
 dictionaries, and the only name of the kind occurs in the Mabinogion , 
 where (Kilhwch and Olwen) mention is made of a conspicuous hero 
 named Graid, the son of Eri. There was, however, a Hywgi living 
 about this period, as appears in Rees’ Saints : — 
 
 “Hywgi, otherwise Bugi, the father of St. Beuno. He gave all his 
 lands to the endowment of his brother’s (Cattwg) college at Llancarfan, 
 where he spent the latter part of his life.” (P. 233.) 
 
 Hywgi was the son of Gwynllyw Filwr, a chieftain of Gwynllwg in 
 Monmouthshire ; and if he was the father of Greit, then that warrior 
 was not at the battle of Cattraeth, and was one of those whose names 
 became familiar to Aneurin, after his retreat into Wales. 
 
XXIII. BIIEINT. 
 
 195 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 To Breint (the son of Bleidgi .) * 1 
 
 Arms collected 
 In perfect order 
 Unshaken ! 
 
 As the mighty army 
 Moved along the ground 
 
 The Lloegrian host was strewn about : 
 Destitute at home and miserable in the fight of spears 
 [Weighty leader of flocking warriors, sturdy were his fights ; 
 Robust breaker of ranks, 
 
 Brilliant obstructor, 
 
 Tradition reports his fame. 
 
 His unflinching sword 
 To the over- diffident, 
 
 Is it not mentioned ?] 
 
 1 [This heading is written in pencil.] 
 
 If we adopt the other name, we shall be equally at a loss to trace his 
 history. There was a Braint Hir living about this period ; but he was 
 alive after the Bard had come to Wales ; and there was a Brain, the son 
 of Aeddan ab Gavran, slain in 596, in fighting against the Saxons. 
 (. Annals of Ulster.) He is called Brendinus by Buchanan in his History 
 of Scotland , and is named as one of the officers of Aeddan, and a near 
 relation. Taking this view of the matter, and assuming him to be 
 a nephew and not a son, then we shall be obliged to conclude that Braint 
 was the son of Eochy, Aeddan’s brother. (See Ritson’s Caledonians , 
 
 1, 37.) 
 
 Probert supposes Ysperi, in the last line but one, to be a proper name; 
 there is an Esperir named in Englynion y Clywed, 1 and two persons 
 called Ysperni and Esperir Ewingath are named in the Mabinogi of 
 Kilhwch and Olwen ; but I have no doubt that he is mistaken in this 
 respect, and that ysperi is only the plural of ysber , a spear. 
 
 The Lloegrwys here named were the same people as the Ligurians of 
 antiquity who occupied Gaul, served under the Carthaginians, and gave 
 their name to the Loire in France. The Triads make mention of three 
 
 13 2 
 
 i [Myv. Arch., i, 173 ; Gee’s ed., 128.] 
 
196 
 
 TIIE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Goruc 16 wyr lludw 17 255 
 
 A gwraged gwydw 18 
 
 Kyn 19 noe angheu 
 Greit vab hoewgir 20 
 Ac ysberi 21 
 
 Y 22 beri creu. 23 260 
 
 XXIV. 
 
 Arwr y 1 dwy ysgwyt adan 
 
 E dalvrith ac eil tith 2 orwydan 3 
 
 Bu trydar en aerure 4 bu tan 
 
 Bu ehut 5 e waewawr 6 bu huan 7 
 
 Bu bwyt brein bu bud e 8 vran 265 
 
 A chyn edewit en rydon 9 
 
 16 Gome , 1, 2, 3, 5 ; gorue , 6. 17 Ef guneei gwyr ludu , Myv. i. 62; Et 
 
 gwneei gwyr lludw , ib. 84. 18 Gwydn , 5; guraged guedu , Gorch. Af., i, 62 ; 
 
 Gorch. A/., i, 84, as in text. 19 Cyn noi , 1, 2, 3; Gorch., 62, cyn; 
 kyn , 84. 20 Breint mab Bleidgi , G. A/., i., 62, 84. 21 Rac ysperi , 
 
 G. Af., i, 62. 22 7, 3 ; y in the G. Af., 62, 84. 23 Greu in G. Af., i, 
 
 62 and 84. 
 
 1 A, 3. 2 Eltith, 1, 2, 3, 5. 3 Prwydan , 1, 2 ; prydan , 3 ; orwyden 
 
 (orwyd an), 6. 4 Arvem, 1, 2, 3, 5. 5 Tfwi, 1, 2, 3. 6 Wawr, 2, 3, 5; 
 
 waawr , 1. 7 Truan , 5. 8 7, 5. 9 Rhydion ,1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 benevolent tribes who came to the Isle of Britain. These were the 
 Cymry who occupied the North of Britain from Glasgow to Chester, the 
 Britons who occupied Wales and the adjoining counties, and the Lloe- 
 grians wno occupied the Eastern counties ; and these were denominated 
 the three peaceful tribes, inasmuch as they came by mutual consent and 
 permission, and the three were of one language and of one speech. The 
 Triads make mention of three usurping tribes also : — thePicts of the High- 
 lands ; the Coranians (Coritani) who settled on the banks of the Humber, 
 and on the shore of the German Ocean; and the Saxons. Of the Cor- 
 anians, it is said that, u on the coming over of the Saxons they united 
 with them, and incorporating themselves with that people they deprived 
 the Lloegrians of their government, by wrong and oppression ; and then 
 they deprived the race of the Cymry of the monarchical crown. All the 
 
XXIV. BUDVAN. 
 
 197 
 
 He made men (turn to) ashes' 
 
 And widowed wives 
 
 Before his death. 
 
 Greit the son of Hoewgi 1 
 With spears 
 
 Causing gore. 
 
 XXIV. 
 
 To Budvan (the son of Bleidvan). 
 
 Warrior of the two shields, and under him 
 A tall, grey, and easy-trotting steed ! 
 
 He was tumultuous in arms ; 2 he was a fire ; 
 
 He was the fleeting dawn f he was a sun ; 
 
 He provided food for ravens ; he was of service to the crow ; 
 And before he was left at the fords 
 
 1 Or, “ Breint the son of Bleidgi.” 
 
 2 Another reading has “ Aervre, the hill of battle”. I have preferred 
 the V. R. to the text. 
 
 3 The text has “ Rash were his missiles”, but the V. R. appears 
 better. 
 
 Lloegrians became one people with the Saxons ; those only excepted, 
 who are found in Cornwall, and in the commot of Carnoban (supposed 
 to be some part of Cumberland — Hughes’ Horae Brit., 1, 14) in Deira 
 and Bernicia ( Myv ., ii, 58; Gee, 401). It is a common error to suppose that 
 the Saxons displaced the native population: the fact was not so ; they allied 
 themselves with them and obtained the ascendancy over them ; but the 
 natives still retained their lands, and form the bulk of the English 
 people of this day. The invaders were but few in number, and have 
 long since so completely disappeared that the question among ethnolo- 
 gists is : In Saxon England where are the Saxons ? By Lloegrians, in 
 the text, is to be understood the native Ligurian Britons in alliance with 
 the Saxons : Lloegr is still the Welsh name for England. 
 
 xxiy. The hero of this verse is also unknown to history ; but he was 
 a Gwyneddian chief, who had become famous just before the arrival of 
 Aneurin in Wales. There was a Bodvan living about the first quarter 
 of the seventh century, and in the very locality here named; but the 
 
198 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Gan wlith eryr titli tiryon 
 Ac o du gwasgar gwanec tu 11 bronn 
 Beird byt barnant wyr o gallon 12 
 Diebyrth 13 e gerth 14 e 15 gyngbyr 
 Diua oed e 16 gynrein 17 gan wyr 
 A chynn e 18 olo a dan 19 eleircli 
 Yre 20 ytoed 21 wryt ene 22 arcli 23 
 Gorgolches 24 e gren y seirch 
 Budvan vab Bleidvan diliavarch . 25 
 
 270 
 
 275 
 
 XXY. 
 
 Cam e adaw 1 lieb gof camb ehelaeth 
 
 Nyt adawei adwy yr adwriaeth 
 
 to the next verse in 1, 7. 
 
 1 Y adaw , 1 ; ydaw , 2, 5 ; y ddau, 3. 
 
 genealogy of this man differs from that of onr hero. That, however, is 
 no insuperable objection. By a reference to the note on the next verse it 
 will be seen that Aneurin has a very common habit of giving the name 
 of the maternal parent ; and it is possible that Budvan here may be a 
 female name. That supposition would reconcile the two genealogies, 
 but it would still leave some chronological discrepancy, and I subjoin all 
 that is known of Bodvan without affirming his identity with Budvan ab 
 Bleidvan : — 
 
 u Bodvan, a saint, the son of Helig ab Glanawg, and brother of Boda. 
 He founded the church of Aber, or Abergwyngregyn, in Caernarvon- 
 shire, which parish immediately adjoins the Lavan Sands, which, before 
 the inundation, formed his father’s territory. His festival is June 2.” 
 (Williams’ Biog. Dictionary .) 
 
 According to the description, Budvan ’s grave and Bodfan’s church are 
 situated near each other, at the foot of Penmaen Mawr, which is pro- 
 bably the eminence named in the text. But what is meant by the words 
 of the text ? Have we here something like the administration of justice 
 
XXIV. BUDVAN. 
 
 XXV. GWENABVVY. 
 
 199 
 
 Beneath the dew of Eryri, gentle was his character . 3 
 Where the wave breaks, near the eminence, 
 
 From which the bards of the world (will) judge the really 
 brave. 
 
 “No surrender !” was his sign in council ; 
 
 His spears were consumed by warriors ; 4 
 And before he was laid under stones of the hill, 
 
 He appeared a hero in his shrine ; 
 
 His harness was soaked in blood — 
 
 Budvan the active son of Bleidvan. 
 
 xxv. 
 
 To Gwenabwy (the son of Gwenn). 
 
 An injury — a great injury — it were to omit his memory. 
 
 He would not leave a pass through cowardice. 
 
 3 “Tith tiryon”, evidently refers to the hero of the verse, and not to 
 n eryr”, by which we are doubtless to understand Eryri or Snowdon, as 
 “ the dew of an eagle” would be a somewhat unusual expression ; but 
 what is tith ? I conjecture it to be the singular of which teitlii is the 
 plural, signifying quality, attribute, or characteristic. 
 
 4 Al. “ Consumed were his kindred by warriors.” 
 
 under the Brehon laws of Ireland, or is there an allusion to the last judg- 
 ment ? There is an evident reference to a belief commonly entertained 
 at that time, and, probably, it formed a part of the Bardic philosophy, 
 that at the last day, the Bards of the world would be assembled together 
 on Penmaen Mawr to distribute the rewards of good and evil, or to 
 adjudicate between the Britons and their enemies. It is a pity that we 
 have no clue to the interpretation of this bardic belief. 
 
 xxv. Who is the subject of this poem ? It is not at all clear whether 
 Gwen, the parent of Gwenabwy, was a male or female name, as it has 
 been used to denote persons of both sexes. It is not improbable that it 
 may be a female name, as this bard frequently names the female parent 
 (see note to verse xxxiv) ; and if we adopt this assumption we shall 
 find several ladies so named. Brychan Brycheiniog had a daughter 
 named Gwen ; but as she lived long anterior to this period, she could 
 
200 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN CWAWDRVDD. 
 
 Nyt edewes e 2 lys les kerdoryon prydein 
 
 Diw calan yonawr ene 3 aruaeth 
 
 Nyt erdit 4 e dir kevei diffeith 280 
 
 Drachas anias dreic ehelaeth 
 
 Dragon yg gwyar gwedy gwinvaetli 
 
 Gwenabwy vab gwenn gynhen gatraeth. 5 
 
 XXVI. 
 
 Bu gwir 1 mal y mend 2 e gatlew 3 
 
 Ny 4 deliis meirch neb marehlew 5 285 
 
 Heessit waywawr 6 y glyw 
 
 Y ar 7 llemenic llwybyr dew 8 
 
 Keny 9 vaket am vyrn am borth 10 
 
 Dywal y 11 gledyual embortli 12 
 
 2 /, 3. 3 Yn y, 1, 2 ; yn i, 3, 5. 4 Erdir , 2, 3, 5. 5 Galltraeth , 1. 
 
 i Gwin, 3. 2 Mead , 1; modd, 3, 5. 3 Gathleu, 1, 2, 3, 5. 4 iW, 3. 
 
 5 Marchleu , 1, 2, 3, 5. 6 Maenor , 1, 2, 3, 5. 7 Far, 1, 2, 3. 
 
 8 This and the preceding line are wanting in 6. 9 Ceneu , 3, 5. 
 
 10 Vym am borth , 1, 2, 3 ; wyrw amborth , 5 ; w/n* w/ wzam feorfA, 6. 
 
 11 /, 3. 12 This line is not in 6. The Gorch. Maelderw has a part of 
 
 this verse : — 
 
 “ Geu ath diwedus tut leo 
 Na deliis meirch neb March lew 
 Keny vaccet am byrth amporth 
 Oed cadarn e gledyval ynyorth 
 Ur rwy ysgeinnyei 
 Yonn o bryholl llaw 
 
 Yar vein erch mygedorth.” ( Myv i, 86 ; Gee, 71.) 
 
 not have been the person. Cywryd ab Crydon, the bard of Dunawd ab 
 Pabo, also had a daughter named Gwen, who is mentioned in the Triads 
 with Creirwy and Arianrod, as one of “the three immaculate ladies of 
 the Isle of Britain” (Williams’ Biog. Diet.) ; but, as her father’s patron 
 was living until 595, she could scarcely have been the mother of one of 
 the heroes of Cattraeth in 603. 
 
 There was a distinguished warrior named Gwen, being no other than 
 the second of the twenty-four sons of Llywarch Hen. It is just probable 
 that he was the father of our hero, who was probably a young man at 
 
XXV. GWENABWY. 
 
 XXVI. MARCHLEU. 
 
 201 
 
 Benefits for the bards of Britain did not leave his Court, 
 According to custom, on the eve of January. 
 
 His land should not be ploughed (by the Saxons) ; rather 
 should it be waste . 1 
 
 Fierce in disposition was the potent chiel 
 Gwenabwy, the son of Gwen, after the wine feast 
 Was a dragon in blood at the strife of Cattraeth. 
 
 XXVI. 
 
 To Marchleu (son of Caradoc Vreichvras). 
 
 It was true as the songs report, 
 
 Marchleu was not overtaken by the steeds of any one. 
 
 The lances of the ruler were strewn 
 Upon Llemenig in the thick path. 
 
 Since he was bred amid ambuscades and defiles, 
 
 Fierce was his sword in the pass. 
 
 1 This is not a literal version, the original is an elliptical expression, 
 and means more than appears at first sight. In the poems of Llywarch, 
 the same words occur in a fuller form 
 
 “ Nid erddid fy nhir i heb waed.” 
 
 “ My land should not have been ploughed without blood.” {Her. Eleg., 47.) 
 We should therefore translate the line thus : — 
 
 “ His land should not be ploughed (by Saxons), it should be a desert”, — 
 that is, he would suffer no encroachment. This line, when taken in 
 connection with that which follows, also admits of another modification 
 of meaning, particularly if we adopt the reading which occurs in the 
 Myv. copy, and substitute cyvei for ceuei, and may be rendered thus : — 
 “His land should not be ploughed by strange 
 And hateful cultivators, without a tumult from the potent chief.” 
 
 (See Richards, sub Cyfar , for an interesting illustration of Brit. Agri- 
 culture.) 
 
 this time ; but, as mention is made in other places of his dexterity, he 
 was probably a brave and skilful chief. He probably fell at Cattraeth, 
 as no subsequent mention is made of his name. 
 
 xxvi. From the naming of Breiddin, a mountain in Radnorshire, and 
 the allusion to Llemenig as his opponent, we can have but little doubt 
 
202 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Heessyt onn o bedryollt 13 y law 290 
 
 Y ar 14 veinnyell 15 vygedorth 16 
 
 Yt 17 rannei 18 rygu 19 e 20 rywin 21 
 
 Yt 22 ladei a llauyn 23 vreith 24 o eithin 
 
 Yal pan vel 25 medel ar vreithin 26 
 
 E gwnaei 27 varchlew 28 waetlin. 295 
 
 13 Bedryolet , 1, 2, 3. 14 Far, 1, 2, 3. 15 Veingel , 1, 2, 3. 16 Fyg- 
 
 dorth , 3. 17 It, 3, 5. 18 Vannoi, 1 , 2, 3; fannei, 5; van oi , 5. 
 
 19 Ryngu , 3, 5 ; vygu , 6. 20 Not in the other MSS. 21 Ryvin, 2, 3, 5 ; 
 
 ryuin, 1. 22 F<?, 2, 3, 5. 23 Allauyn , 1 ; allawyn, 2, 3 ; a llavyn , 4 ; 
 
 a llawyn, 5. 24 Vreich , 1, 2, 3. 25 Z)e/, 1, 2, 3, 5. 26 Vreiddin , 5, 6. 
 
 27 Gwnei, 1,2; gwneu , 3. 28 Varchleu , 1, 2, 3. 
 
 that the hero of this poem is the person called Maethlu or Amaethlu, 
 one of the sons of Caradoc Vreich vras, Lord of Brecknock, of whom we 
 have the following notice : — 
 
 ‘ ‘ Maethlu or Amaethlu was the brother of Cawrdaf , the founder of 
 Llanfaethlu, Anglesey, and possibly of Llandyfalle, Brecknockshire. 
 The syllable dy is introduced into the last name upon the same principle 
 as Llandyfaelog is formed from Maelog ; both the names so formed occur 
 in Brecknockshire, while the corresponding appellations omit it. Festival, 
 Dec. 26.” (Rees’ Saints , p. 270.) 
 
 He was the son of Caradoc by Tegau Eurvron, celebrated as one of 
 the three chaste women of the isle of Britain, and as one of the three 
 exalted ladies of the Court of Arthur. There is but little more known 
 of his life than is here stated ; it appears from the poem that he was a 
 warrior of reputation, and that he was at war with the chieftains of 
 Powys; and if we may judge from the notice in Bonedd y Saint , his 
 carnedd and burial place are in Anglesey. (Myv., ii, 40, 73 ; Gee, 428, 410.) 
 
 Of Llemenig we have fuller information. He was the son of Mawon 
 or Mahawen ab Cyngen ab Cadell Deyrnllwg. His father was the 
 brother of Brochwel Ysgythrog ; and he himself appears to have lived 
 in some part of Powys. He was one of the most distinguished warriors 
 of his day : he is named by the old bard, Lly warch Hen : — 
 
 “ A carcase shall parch by the side of the fire, 
 
 When I hear the murmur of the thundering din 
 Of the host of Llemenig the son of Mahawen. 
 
 “ A sovereign of a throne, in arms 
 In the conspicuous rage of slaughter, conquering, 
 
 See the spreader of flame, the violent Llemenig!” 
 
 (. Heroic Elegies , p. 105.) 
 
XXVI. MARCHLEU. 
 
 203 
 
 Four-sided ashen spears were strewn by his hand 
 Upon a closely confined funeral pile. 
 
 From excessive liberality he would distribute presents to 
 any one. 
 
 He slew with the sword (as one would cut) an armful of 
 furze. 
 
 As it is when reaping time comes on Breiddin, 
 
 So Marchleu was when shedding blood. 
 
 From a poem, which appears to have been written while Cadwallon 
 was in Ireland, it would seem that Llemenig had been acting somewhat 
 conspicuously, and kept the Irishmen of Mon in check : — 
 
 “ Llyminawg will come, 
 
 He will be prone 
 To subjugate Mon, 
 
 And destroy Gwynedd 
 From its extremes to its centre, 
 
 From beginning to end, 
 
 And to take its hostages. 
 
 Bow his head ! 
 
 He will bow to no one, 
 
 Neither Cambrians nor Saxons. 
 
 There will come a hero from concealment, 
 
 Who will cause ruddy stains, 
 
 And battles will excite. 
 
 Another will come 
 With an extensive host 
 
 Giving joy to Britons.” ( Myv ., 1, 72 ; Gee, 61.) 
 
 The name is variously written, Llemenig, Llemynawg, Llwminig, and 
 Llwmhunig; this chief is named in the romantic poem called “Preiddeu 
 Annwn” (Lit. of the Kymry , p. 193 ; 2nd ed., p. 184) : he is recorded in 
 the Triads as one of the three free guests of the Court of Arthur ; and 
 in Can y Meirch mention is made of his war-steed : — 
 
 “ Ysgwyddfrith ysgodig 
 Gorwydd Llemenig.” (Myv., 1, 44 ; Gee, 42.) 
 
 He is usually said to have lived in the early part of the sixth century ; 
 but if we suppose him to have lived about 620, we shall be nearer the 
 mark. Llemenig was buried at Llan Elwy, St. Asaph. (Myv., 1, 81 ; 
 Gee, 67.) 
 
204 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 XXVII. 
 
 Issac annonawc o barth deheu 
 Tebic mor lli ant y deuodeu 1 
 0 wyled a llaryed 
 A 2 chein 3 yuet med 
 
 Men 4 ytli glawd e 5 offer e bwyth madeu 300 
 
 Ny 6 bn hyll 7 dihyll 8 na hen 9 diheu 
 Seinnyessyt e 10 gledyf ym penn mameu 
 Murgreit 11 oed moleit ef mab Gwydneu. 
 
 XXVIII. 
 
 Keredic 1 caradwy e 2 glot 
 
 Achubei gwarchatwei not 305 
 
 1 Y ddevodeu , 1 ; y devo deu, 2 ; ydd efo deu 3 ; y deuadeu , 4. 2 O, 
 1, 2, 3, 5. 3 Chair, 1, 2, 3, 5. 4 Meu, 1, 2, 5 ; mae, 3. 5 Not in 
 
 1, 2, 3, 5. 6 Ni, 1, 2, 3, 6. 7 #*7, 1, 2, 3, 6. 8 j»7, 1, 2, 3, 4. 
 
 9 Hen , 1, 2, 3, 5. 10 I, 3. 11 Mur greit, 4. This verse is joined to 
 
 the preceding in 1 ; in 4 it is one with the following verse. 
 
 1 Caredig , 1, 2, 3. 2 I, 3. 
 
 xxvii. Of this warrior, Isaac, the son of Gwydneu, nothing further 
 is known, than that he appears to have been at the Battle of Cattraeth, 
 that he died young and without issue ; and that he was the son of 
 Gwyddno Garanhir, so well known for his reputed loss of Cantrev y 
 Gwaelod. Mr. Probert falls into the error of concluding the word 
 Molet ef, “praise him”, to be a proper name, Moleddev, the son of 
 Gwyddno ; but that is clearly a mistake. It should, however, be ad- 
 mitted that we have no other account of Gwyddno’s having a son so 
 named ; we read of Rhuvawn and Elphin, the sons of Gwyddno ; but we 
 find no notice of Isaac, although there is no reason to doubt the correct- 
 ness of Aneurin. 
 
 Gwyddno Garanhir was a bard of an inferior class, and the lord of a 
 district in Cardiganshire, which, according to the story, was covered by 
 the sea in consequence of the drunkenness of Seithenin ; but Professor 
 Rees throws much discredit on the tale ; and we must class that with 
 the other romantic incidents which connect Gwyddno with the fabulous 
 Taliesin. 
 
XXVII. ISAAC. 
 
 XXVIII. CEREDIG. 
 
 205 
 
 XXVII. 
 
 To Isaac (the son of Gwyddno). 
 
 Isaac, sent on the part of the South, 
 
 Was in manner like the flowing sea, 
 
 In modesty and mildness 
 And pleasant drinking of mead. 
 
 He would sheath his weapon when the revenge was com- 
 plete ; 
 
 His stock was not unprolific ; he was not old without issue ; 
 His sword sounded in the ears of mothers ; 
 
 He was a mighty spirit ; praised was the son of Gwyddneu. 
 
 XXVIII. 
 
 To Ceredig ab Cunedda. 
 
 Delightful is the praise of Ceredig. 
 
 He preserved — he guarded the country. 
 
 xxvm. The history of this person, whom I have ventured to call the 
 son of Cunedda Wledig, is involved in much difficulty. We are told by 
 Geoffrey of Monmouth, that Maelgwyn Gwynedd was succeeded as 
 Gwledig, King of all the Britons, by a person who was supposed to be 
 sufficiently known by the name of Ceredic ; and Aneurin. whose hero 
 is evidently the same person as the successor of Maelgwyn, in the 
 honorary dignity of “ King of the Kings” of the Britons or Walda, as 
 appears from the insignia of the Gwledig — the golden shield named in 
 the next verse — gives us the single name Ceredic. It is very evident 
 that the person so named was well known in the commencement of the 
 seventh century ; but it is not equally clear who this prince was. 
 
 It appears, from an incidental notice in one of the Triads of the 
 Horses, that, in addition to Ceredic ab Cunedda, there was another 
 Ceredic, the son of Gwalloc ab Lleenog ; and from the position of 
 Gwalloc as a distinguished warrior living in North Britain, and about 
 the time of this appointment, it is quite possible that a son of his would 
 have a good chance to be elected to the dignity of Gwledig, if he had 
 already distinguished himself as a warrior ; but there is no proof that 
 Ceredic ab Gwallawc had so distinguished himself, as the name itself 
 
206 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Lletvegin is 3 tawel kyn 4 dyuot 
 E 5 dyd gowychyd y 6 wybot 
 3 Ys, 3, 5. 4 Hyn , 8. « Not in 1, 2, 3, 5. 6 1 , 3. 
 
 only transpires incidentally ; and it is not improbable that there was 
 no such person. The allusion to this name is here : — 
 
 “The three illegitimate steeds of the Isle of Britain: Ferlas, the 
 steed of Dalldav eil Kynin ; Gwelugan Gohoewgein, the steed of Caredic 
 ab Guallawc; and Gurbrith, the steed of Raawt.” ( Myv ., ii, 19; 
 
 Gee, 398.) 
 
 This is the only place where we meet with this name ; but if there 
 had been no negative evidence, this would have been proof enough of 
 his existence, and proof presumptive of his being also a warrior. It is 
 found, however, in other copies of this Triad, that while the other names 
 remain, this one disappears. 
 
 “The three illegitimate steeds of the Isle of Britain: Ferlas, the 
 steed of Dalldav eil Cunin ; Rhuddfrych, the steed of Rahawt eil 
 Morgant ; and Gwelwgan Gohoy wgein the steed of Morfran eil Tegit.” 
 (Myv., ii, 20 ; Gee, 394.) 
 
 Here Morvran the son of Tegid, a known warrior, takes the place of 
 the unknown son of Gwallog; and a third copy, while making some 
 change in the names of the horses, agrees with the latter in the names 
 of the owners : — 
 
 “The three illegitimate steeds of the Isle of Britain: Ferlas, the 
 steed of Dalldav eil (or ab) Cwjin ; Arwlvrith , the steed of Rahawt eil 
 Morgant; and Cronach Arwch , the steed of Morvran eil Tegid.” (Myv., 
 ii, 80 ; Gee, 414.) 
 
 I have dwelt thus long upon the name of Ceredic ab Gwallog, be- 
 cause there were up to a recent period very great chronological diffi- 
 culties in the way of accepting Ceredic ab Cunedda to be the hero of 
 Aneurin, and the Gwledig of Geoffrey. Cunedda is said to have 
 ascended the throne of Cumberland in 328, and to have died in 389 
 (Owen’s Camb. Biog.) : and Ceredic ab Cunedda is, upon the same autho- 
 rity ( sub voce Cad van ab Iago), said to have died in 613, when, assum- 
 ing him to be born at the first period, he must have been 285 years old ; 
 or 224, if born at the second ! It is, therefore, clear that there is no 
 means of reconciling the two statements of Mr. Owen ; and 
 in my commentary on the Marwnad Cunedda of Taliesin (Arch. 
 Camb. for January 1852), I have endeavoured to show which is to be 
 sacrificed, and that Cunedda was living about a.d. 550. If this 
 view be correct, and I believe it is, there is no longer any difficulty in 
 .accepting Ceredic ab Cunedda as the person we seek ; and adopting 
 
XXVIII. CEREDIG. 
 
 207 
 
 The domesticated prince is silent 
 
 Until the great day (of judgment) comes to pass ; 
 
 that assumption, I shall now proceed to detail such portions of his 
 history as can be gathered from the few records of his acts that we 
 have at our command. 
 
 Ceredic was the son of Cunedda Wledig, Lord of Cumberland ; and 
 he, with his brothers, recovered a large part of North Wales and the 
 western part of South Wales from the Irish who had settled there 
 since the time of Maximus, a.d. 388. It is not easy to determine the 
 time when this took place ; but it could not have been earlier than the 
 close of the fifth or the beginning of the sixth century. After the ex- 
 pulsion of the Gwyddyl, they divided the land which those had 
 possessed among themselves, in accordance with the terms on which 
 their assistance had been sought by the native Britons of the Princi- 
 pality. “ Tibion, the eldest son of Cunedda, dying in the Isle of Man, 
 his son Meirion had Cantrev Meirion (or Merioneth) ; Arwystyl had 
 Arwystli : Dunod had Dunodig ; Edeyrn had Edeyrnion ; Mael had 
 Dinmael ; Coel had Coleion ; Dogvael had Dogveilin ; Rliuvon had 
 Rhuvoniog ; Einion had Caer Einion ; Oswal had Osweilin ; and Ceredig 
 had Ceredigion, or the present County of Cardigan.” (Owen’s Canib. 
 Biog., sub Cunedda .) Soon afterwards, Caswallon Law Hir, the son of 
 Einion Yrth ab Cunedda, with some of his cousins, reduced Anglesey, 
 where the remnants of the Gwyddyl had taken refuge. His son 
 Maelgwn became king of North Wales, and in the course of time, 
 being a man of much energy and valour, he was elected by the other 
 kings of the Britons to be their Dominator or Gwledig. On his death, 
 he was succeeded by a person named Caredig ; and as our hero had the 
 lion’s share of the spoil, and became a man of influence, he had many 
 qualities to recommend him for the office of commander-in-chief of the 
 British Forces. He was a man of known valour, celebrated for his 
 expulsion of the Gwyddyl, a patron of the bards, and a relation to 
 Maelgwn his predecessor : the Gwledig appears to have been at all 
 times taken from one of the kings of Gwynedd, Powys or Deheubarth ; 
 and at this time Ceredic was probably one of the most influential men 
 in all Wales; and therefore we may conclude that Ceredic ab Cunedda 
 was the man. 
 
 It is not easy to ascertain the date of this election, on account of the 
 uncertainty respecting the death of Maelgwn. One authority ( Annales 
 Cambrice ) places it in 547 ; others in 552, 560 (Owen), 564 and 567 
 (Wynne, Cambro -Briton, ii, 521-2); Wendover in 586; Dr. Powel 
 
208 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Ys deupo car kyrd 7 kyvnot 
 Y 8 wlat nef adef atnabot. 
 
 7 Cyredd , 3. * 0, 3. 
 
 after 581 ; and Sir John Price in 590. I incline to take the date as- 
 signed to his death by Wynne, that in 567 ; and therefore the election 
 should be dated about the same period. The history of Cunedda after 
 his elevation to this dignity is only to be found in Geoffrey of Mon- 
 mouth, who introduces Gormund, or Gorthrum, the Dane and contempo- 
 rary of Alfred, to fight against Ceredic, three hundred years before 
 Gormnnd came to the island. I must, therefore, endeavour to detach the 
 anachronisms, and present only as much as has the appearance of truth. 
 
 “ In the year of grace 586 (567), Malgo, King of the Britons, was suc- 
 ceeded by Careticus, who loved civil wars, and was odious to God and to 
 his subjects. The kings of the Angles and of the Saxons, remarking his 
 unsteadiness, attacked him with one consent, and after many battles 
 drove him from city to city, till at last they chased him beyond the 
 Severn into Wales.” ( Wendover , Bohn’s ed., vol. i, 51.) 
 
 “ On the one part were the Saxons, who were perfidious excommu- 
 nicated pagans, without baptism and without belief (in Christ) ; and 
 on the other part were the rightful inhabitants of the island, the 
 Britons and their dependents, who were good Christians. And there 
 was enmity between them and the Saxons. The Saxons made war 
 upon King Careticus, and after several battles fought, drove him from 
 city to city, till at length they chased him to Cirencester, and there 
 besieged him. And they went together all unto Caer Yydau (< qy . Bath), 
 to fight with the city and to seek Ceredig and besiege the citizens, 
 without obtaining any success, except losing their men. And they 
 bethought themselves in counsel to catch a large number of sparrows, 
 and fill nutshells with fire and smoking brimstone ; and at night they 
 tied the nutshells to the wings of the birds, and let them loose to fly to 
 the roofs of the houses in the city, and to the ricks of corn and hay. 
 And the wings of the birds fanned the flames and set the shells on fire, 
 until the city was completely burnt by the next morning. This com- 
 pelled Ceredic to come forth, and give battle to his enemies ; but that 
 availed him nothing, and he was compelled to retreat across the 
 Severn into Wales. The Saxons then made an utter devastation of the 
 country, set fire to the adjacent cities, and continued these outrages, 
 until they had almost burned up the whole surface of the island from 
 the one sea to the other, so that the tillage was everywhere destroyed, 
 and a general destruction made of the husbandmen and clergy with fire 
 
XXVIII. CEREDIG. 
 
 209 
 
 And since the time of the lover of songs has arrived, 
 May he know the promised land of heaven ! 
 
 and sword. This terrible calamity caused the rest to flee whithersoever 
 they had any hopes of safety. ( Giles' Geoffrey; and Myv ., ii, 360 ; Gee’s 
 ed., 471 ; 547.) 
 
 The commander of the Saxons in this war was not “ Gormund, King 
 of Africa”, as is alleged by Geoffrey, but Ceawlin, the King of the 
 West Saxons, whose exploits on this occasion are thus recorded in the 
 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle : — 
 
 “ a.d. 577. — This year Cuthwine and Ceawlin fought against the 
 Britons, and they slew three kings, Comail, Coudidan, and Farinmail, 
 at the place which is called Deorham, and took three cities from them, 
 Gloucester, and Cirencester, and Bath-ceaster.” 
 
 It has been supposed that two of these kings were Cynddylan, Prince 
 of Salop, and Caranmael his brother : the site of Deorham is not deter- 
 mined, but it is supposed to be Derham(?). 
 
 Ceawlin fought against the Britons again, in aid of the Angles, in 584, 
 when the Angles were defeated ; but Ceawlin, coming to their assist- 
 ance, again defeated the British victors; and in 591, he himself was 
 driven out of his country by a coalition of Britons and Angles. He 
 died, or fell in battle, in 593. It does not appear, however, that Ceredic 
 was engaged in these latter conflicts; and after his defeat in 577 he is 
 said to have ceded Lloegria, or the British possessions in the English 
 counties bordering on the Principality, to the Saxons. 
 
 It is not easy to discover why Ceredic should have been spoken of 
 thus harshly by Geoffrey ; nor can we now discern what were the civil 
 wars alluded to ; as he could scarcely have been made answerable for 
 the wars of Iago ab Beli, Cynan Garwyn, and Llemenig. He died in 
 613, according to Owen ; but in the Annales Cambrise, the entry is as 
 follows: — “616 Annus, Ceretic obiit.” The editor of the Monumenta 
 supposes him to be the Ceredic, King of the Britons, named by Bede 
 (Book iv, ch. 23), and the Certic expelled from Elmete by Edwin, son 
 of Alla (Nennius, Genealogical Appendices ). The last cannot be cor- 
 rect, as Ceredic had ceased to reign nearly ten years before Edwin 
 became King of Northumbria ; and the first is only just probable. 
 For the particulars, see the life of St. Hilda (Bede, iv, ch. 23). 
 
 (On reconsideration, the opinion here given does not appear to be 
 sound ; and the discrepancy is easily explained by reference to the 
 different systems of chronology adopted by the Saxon and the Cam- 
 brian annalists, which cause the dates of the former to be three 
 years in advance of those of the latter. In the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle t 
 
 14 
 
210 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 , XXIX. 
 
 Keredic 1 Karadwy gynran 310 
 
 Keimyat 2 yg cat gouaran 3 
 
 Ysgwyt enr crwydyr 4 cadlan 
 
 Grwaewawr 5 uswyd agkyuan 
 
 Kledyual dywal diwan 6 
 
 Mai gwr catwei wyaluan 315 
 
 Kynn kysdud daear kynn 7 affan 
 
 O daffar diffynei e vann 
 
 Ys deivpo kynnwys yg kyman 8 
 
 Can 9 drindawt en undawt gyuan. 10 
 
 XXX. 
 
 Pan gryssyei garadawc y 1 gat 320 
 
 Mai 2 baed eoet 3 trycbwn trycliyat 
 
 1 Caredig , 1, 3. 2 Ceinyat , 1, 2; ceinxad , 3, 5. 3 Gowan , 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 4 Orwydr , 1, 2, 3. 5 Gwaeawr , 1, 2, 3. 6 Divan , 5. 7 Cyn , 1, 2, 3, 4. 
 
 8 Ygcyman , 1 ; agcyman, 2, 3 ; yg cyfan , 5. 9 Gan , 3. 10 Gy van, 
 
 1, 2, 3, 4. 
 
 1 /, 3. 2 Afafc, 1, 2, 3. 3 Cock , 1, 2, 3. 
 
 Edwin is said to have begun his reign in 617 ; and in the Annales 
 Cambriee we are told “ Ceretic obiit, 616.” If we add three years to 
 the latter, Ceretic will have died in the second year of Edwin’s reign ; 
 and in this way it is quite possible that he might have been driven 
 from Elved by the Saxon king, for it would seem that he immediately 
 reduced all Britain to subjection, excepting Kent.) 1 
 
 The Iolo MSS. contain the following saying, which shows the cha- 
 racter of the man, and reveals the cause of the censure : — 
 
 “ Hast thou heard the saying of Ceredic, 
 
 A wise and select king ? 
 
 Every one has his foot on the fallen.” ( Iolo MSS., 664.) 
 
 This was probably the moral drawn from his own experience. Let us 
 rejoice that Aneurin did not swell the crowd of censors, but poured out 
 a graceful tribute to the memory of one who seems to have been an 
 amiable man. 
 
 1 [This paragraph is written on a fly-leaf inserted in the MS. on a 
 revision of the essay by the author.] 
 
XXIX. KEREDIC. XXX. CARADOC VREICHVRAS AND GWRIEN. 211 
 
 XXIX. 
 
 To Keredic ab Cunedda Wledig. 
 
 Cere dig (or Keredic) delightful, foremost 
 Contender in the gashing fight ; 
 
 His golden shield ranged through the battlefield ; 
 
 His spear was in fragments shivered ; 
 
 His sword was fierce and strong ; 
 
 And like a hero he maintained his station , 
 
 Prior to the custody of earth, prior to the grave , 1 
 He defended his post from a sense of duty. 
 
 May he obtain a perfect reception 
 From the Trinity in Unity complete. 
 
 XXX. 
 
 To the Memory of Caradoc Vreichvras and Gwrien. 
 
 'When Caradoc hastened to the battle , 2 
 
 Like the silvan boar was the down-stroke of the hewer ; / 1 
 
 1 The word in the original is apan or affan , though not the same 
 as apJian in verse 1. Translators do not agree respecting it : — 
 
 “Affan, s.m. (pan): conflict, uproar, trouble.” — Pughe. 
 
 “ Affan , s.m. uffern , affan , not high, deep.” — Richards ; whom I 
 prefer. 
 
 2 This verse has been translated by no less than five persons, and 
 as there are minute shades of difference in all, it may be deemed in cum - 
 
 xxix. Mr. Probert appends to this and the preceding verse two long 
 notes ; the one to show that the last line of verse xxviii embodies the 
 bardic theory respecting the transmigration of souls, and the other to 
 deny that the Trinity here alluded to is that of Christianity. The Bardic 
 theory embodied in the preface to Owen’s Heroic Elegies of Llywarch 
 Hen , is not yet established ; and it may rationally be doubted whether 
 much of it is not the invention of the Bardic Chair of Glamorgan. 
 And as to the Trinity of Plato, the note has nought to recommend it 
 but its ingenuity. It is clear enough that the early Britons were 
 worshippers of one God ; but the Trinity of Plato never appears to 
 have been known to them ; and the only Trinity they ever knew was 
 that of Athanasius, and of orthodox Christianity. 
 
 14 2 
 
212 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Tarw bedin en trin gomynyat 4 
 Ef llithyei wydgwn 5 oe angbat 
 Ys vyn tyst 6 ewein 7 vab eulat 
 A gwryen a gwynn a g wry at 325 
 
 4 Gomynyat , 2, 3. 5 Wyd gum , 1, 2. 6 XJy , 1, 2, 3. 7 Owein, 3. 
 
 xxx. Caradoc, the person named in this and the following verse, is by- 
 general consent assumed to be identical with Caradoc Vreichvras, or 
 “ brawny- armed”, the hero of the romances, and the right-hand man of 
 the celebrated Arthur . Lady Charlotte Guest ( Mabinogion , ii, 434) 
 asserts that the subject of this verse was the famous hero ; the Rev. 
 Thomas Price ( Hanes Cymru , p. 270) holds the same view ; and there is 
 no other difficulty in accepting it than the assertion that he was engaged 
 in the wars of Arthur, whose career was closed in 542. If Caradoc 
 was a man in years in 542, it is not probable that he would have gone 
 all the way from Brecon to Yorkshire in 603 ; but we know that 
 Llemenig and Llywarch Hen, who lived until 642, are also said to have 
 been the guests of Arthur ; and as it is possible that the veteran 
 warrior of 603 might have been the companion of Arthur when young, 
 the discrepancy is not very great. 
 
 u Caradawg (Yreichvras) or ‘ with the brawny arm 1 ,’’ say Owen and 
 Williams, “ a distinguished warrior, 'was the son of Llyr Merini, a 
 prince of Cornwall about the end of the fifth century.” Our hero is 
 thus located in Cornwall. Lady Charlotte Guest adopts this assertion, 
 and adds from Triad 64 (Myu., ii, 68 ; Gee’s ed., 407) that he was also chief 
 elder of Gelliwig, the royal residence in that part of the island ; and Pro- 
 fessor Rees appears to assign him the same local habitation, when he states 
 (p. 202) — “ that in consequence of the extermination of the race of 
 Cludwyn ab Brychan by Dyfnwal, a Pictish or Caledonian prince, 
 Caradoc Fraichfras, the son of Gwen, the grand-daughter of Brychan, 
 appears to have marched westward from the Severn , and to have 
 recovered (from the Gwyddelian settlers in North Wales) the principal 
 part of Brecknockshire, which he transmitted to liis descendants.” A 
 much more natural account of his settlement in Brecknock than the 
 bringing of him all the way from Cornwall may be obtained from a 
 glance at his genealogical descent. Caradoc was the son of Llyr 
 Merini, the son of Einion Yrth, and grandson of Cunedda Wledig, and, 
 therefore, was of a Cumberland and not a Cornwall family. Llyr 
 Merini probably came to Wales with, or soon after, his brother Cas- 
 wallon Law Hir, who reduced Anglesey. Indeed, if the conquest of 
 
XXX. CARADOC VREICIIVRAS AND GWRIEN. 
 
 213 
 
 He was the bull of battle in the cutting down of conflict, 
 And allured the wild dogs when he grasped (the spear), 
 
 As is testified to me by Owen the son of Eulad 
 And Gwrien and Gwynn and Gwriat. 
 
 bent upon me to give the reasons for my own version. First in the 
 order of time comes the Rev. Evan Evans (leu an Brydydd Hir), who 
 translated the second line thus : — 
 
 “Filius apri sylvestris,” etc. (Dissert., p. 73), 
 from which it is evident that he had read mab for mal , son for like, 
 which is the better reading. Probert has adopted the same reading, 
 and has also read coch, red, for coed, wood : his version is as follows : — 
 
 “ A young and ruddy boar”, 
 
 which is certainly unwarranted, in addition to being the worse reading. 
 Davies renders it, “ Like a wild boar”, and the Rev. T. Price agrees 
 with me. The remainder of the line — “ trychwn trychyat” — has been 
 variously rendered — he cut his way and burst forward” (Davies), “ he 
 would fiercely tear” (Probert), “ tearing and maiming” (Price), and 
 “ qui truncando mutilavit hostes” (Evans), which is the best of the 
 four ; but neither appears to convey the exact meaning. An elliptical 
 expression in line 4 has also led to variations : — 
 
 Anglesey was the last of the victories over the Irish, the conquest of the 
 Brecknock Gwyddyl by Caradoc must have taken place before, and, 
 consequently, Llyr must have been there at an earlier period. This, 
 however, is only one of the many discrepancies which occur in this part 
 of Cambrian history ; and it is more reasonable to suppose that Llyr 
 came here about the beginning of the sixth century. In Wales * 1 he 
 appears to have become acquainted with Gwen, the grand-daughter of 
 Brychan Brycheiniog, by whom he had Caradog Freichfras, who suc- 
 ceeded to the Lordship of Brecknock in the right of his mother. 
 
 1 The local habitation of Llyr may be inferred from the following 
 notice: — “Llyr Merini, of the line of Coel and father of Caradog 
 Fraichfras, is classed among the saints. Llanllyr, now called Llanyre, 
 a chapel to Nantmel in Radnorshire and Llanllyr, formerly a nunnery 
 in Cardiganshire, are dedicated either to him or another saint of the 
 name of Llyr, a virgin, whose commemoration was held October 21.” 
 (Rees’ Welsh Saints, 169.) Might not the first be named after Llyr, 
 and the second after the virgin ? 
 
214 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEUllIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 0 gattraeth 8 o gymynat 9 
 0 vryn hydwn kynn caffat 
 
 8 Galltraeth , 1 , 2. 9 Gornynyat, 2, 3. 
 
 (Jones’ Hist. Brecknock , i, 53.) There is no sufficient reason to believe 
 that he ever was located anywhere else. His connection with the North 
 would naturally lead him to join in the Cattraeth campaign, from 
 which, having fallen in the fight, he never returned to Breck- 
 nock. 
 
 The character attributed to him in the text is in admirable keeping 
 with that of the hero of romance, who is usually represented to be a 
 perfect Mars. Several of the Triads contain notices of him, in one of 
 which he is called one of the three “ Cadvarchawg”, or knights of 
 battle of the Isle of Britain ; and in an englyn , usually attributed to 
 Arthur himself, he is called u Caradawg Colovn Cymru”, or u the pillar 
 of Wales”. Another Triad celebrates his noble horse Lluagor, “ the 
 opener of the host”. Caradawg is mentioned by Aneurin in the 
 Gododin in terms of high admiration for his exploits at the battle of 
 Cattraeth, where he is supposed to have fallen. So celebrated a hero 
 naturally became a distinguished character in romance; so we find 
 accordingly that he is not forgotten in the Mabinogion , where he is 
 called “ the chief counsellor and cousin of King Arthur ” (Dream of 
 Rhonabwy). As Caradoc Brise Bras he also occurs in Anglo-Norman 
 romance as one of the principal heroes of the Round Table. Another (?) 
 warrior at the same time is mentioned in the Legendary Life of St. 
 Collen , who was called Yreichvras from breaking his arm in the battle 
 of Hiraddug, which injury made that arm larger than the other. 
 (Williams’ Biog. Diet.) 
 
 His wife was the celebrated Tegau Eurvron, who was no less remark- 
 able for her virtue than her beauty. (For some further particulars, see 
 Mabinogion , ii, 434-6.) 
 
 Gwrien was probably one of the younger sons of Caradoc, as we may 
 conclude from the allusion in the poem to his father. I am not aware 
 that there is any positive authority for this assertion, but there is a 
 Llanwrin 1 in the neighbouring county of Montgomery, which seems to 
 connect a person of that name with the dominions of this family, and 
 
 1 Attributed by Williams’ Biog. Diet, to Gwrin ab Cynddillig ab 
 Nwython ab Hildas. 
 
XXX. CARADOC VREICHVRAS AND GWRIEN. 
 
 215 
 
 From Cattraeth, from the cutting down, 
 
 From the hill of Hydwn before it was obtained ; 
 
 “ Is lignum ( i.e ., hastam) ex inanu contorsit.” (Evans.) Bad. 
 
 “ He allured the wild dogs | which were ranging at liberty.” (Probert.) 
 “The wild dogs were allured | by the motion of his hand.” (Davies.) 
 
 “ He drew after him the wild dogs | (to the prey) from his hand.” 
 
 (Price.) 
 
 Evans has failed to elicit the sense of the line. The latter part of each 
 of the other lines is only a translation of the two words oe anghat , 
 “ with,” “ from,” “ or by his hand”. The first part has been correctly 
 rendered by the others, but as there is an ellipse in the last, the varia- 
 tions have arisen from attempts to fill it up. The words, literally trans- 
 lated, would be : — 
 
 ( from ) 
 
 “ He allured wood-dogs ) with ( his hand (or grasp).” 
 
 (by ) 
 
 The fifth translator was the poet Gray, whose spirited version I sub- 
 join 
 
 “ Have ye seen the tusky boar, 
 
 Or the bull with sullen roar, 
 
 On surrounding foes advance? 
 
 So Caradoc bore his lance.” 
 
 the following englyn certainly connects a person of that name with 
 Cefn Digoll in the immediate neighbourhood : — 
 
 “ E Beteu yn nhir uynyt (Cefn Digoll) yn lluyr 
 Y guir lluossit 
 
 Bet Gwrien gurhud enguaut a Lluytawc fab Liwelit.” 
 
 ( Myv., i, 80; Gee’s ed., 67.) 
 
 Before taking leave of this family, it is but fair to remark that the 
 authorities do not agree respecting the paternity of Llyr Merini. A 
 MS. quoted in the Iolo MSS. twice states him to be the son of Meirchion, 
 of the line of Coel Godebog (see Bees, p. 103) ; and twice represents 
 him to be the son of Einion Yrth {Iolo MSS., 523-4, 528) ; and another 
 MS. (“ Bonedd y Saint”, Myv ii, 48 ; Gee, 428) states Caradoc to have 
 been of the line of Cunedda ; Owen (sub Llyr Merini) states him to be 
 the son of Einion Yrth. 
 
 Gwriad. There is only one person of this name known to Cambrian 
 records that was living about this period, but there was another, a 
 
216 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Gwedy med gloew ar anghat 
 M weles wrien 10 e 11 dat . 12 
 
 10 From , 1, 2, 3 ; urun , 4 ; vrun vel uryen , 5 ; uron , 6. The Rev. E. 
 Evans, using the same copy as the No. 6 of Williams, i.e., MS. P.P., 
 reads ivrien here ( Dissertatio de Bardis , p. 73). Williams’ text has 
 vrun. 11 /, 3. 12 In 1 this verse does not end here. 
 
 brother of Rhodri Mawr, who was slain by the Saxons in Anglesey in 
 a.d. 873. Of the other we have the following notice : — 
 
 “ Gwriad, the son of Gwrien, in North Britain, is recorded in the 
 Triads as one of the three princes of foreign origin who were elected 
 to sovereign rule for their prowess in battle. The other two were 
 Cadavael AVyllt, who was made King of North Wales, and Hyvaidd, 
 the son of Bleiddig, who had a principality in South Wales.” Williams 
 further states that he lived in the early part of the sixth century, and 
 fought at the battle of Cattraeth, of which the words of Aneurin are 
 no proof. 
 
 This was probably the Gwriad of the Bard ; but was his father not 
 the Gwrien of the text ? I think not, as it is clear that the following 
 englyn does not relate to the same person as the preceding ; and it is 
 probable that there were two Gwriens : — 
 
 “ E Beteu ae cut gwitwal 
 Ny llesseint heb ymtial 
 Gwrien Morien a Morial.” 
 
 It is also probable that the following verse couples Gwrien and Gwriad 
 with Gwen ab Llywarch : — 
 
 “ Y beteu ae gulich kauad 
 Guir ni llesseint in lladrad 
 Gwen ac Urien ac Uriad.” 
 
 (Myv. r i, 79 ; Gee’s ed., 66.) 
 
 Of Owen ab Eulad there is nothing known in addition to the notice 
 here made of him, nor is anything further known of Eulad the father. 
 Owen and Williams infer that Eulad fought at Cattraeth, but the only 
 authority (Aneurin) does not justify such a conclusion ; and if it did, 
 it would have had reference to the son rather than to the father. 
 
 Of persons named Gwynn, there were three living about this 
 period : — 
 
 i. Gwyn ab Cyndrwyn and brother of Cynddylan, Prince of Powys, 
 named by Llywarch Hen : — 
 
XXX. CARADOC VREICHVEAS AND GWRIEN. 
 
 217 
 
 After the clear mead and the grasping (of spears), 
 Gwrien did not see his father. 
 
 “ The hall of Cynddylan is gloomy this night, 
 
 Bereaved of the sons of Cyndrwyn, 
 
 Cynon, and Gwion, and Gwyn.” {Her. Elegies , p. 81.) 
 
 But it is probable that he is not the person here meant. 
 
 ii. Gwyn, the son of Cynyr Yarvdrwcb, a saint who lived in the 
 sixth century. He and his brothers — Gwynno, Gwynnoro, Celynin, 
 and Ceitho — are said to have been born at one birth ; and they are the 
 five saints to whom Llanpumsaint in Caermarthenshire is dedicated, as 
 well as the chapel- of- ease called Pumsaint, which formerly existed in 
 the parish of Cynwyl Caio. Their festival was held on the day of All 
 Saints. (Rees’ Saints , 213.) 
 
 hi. Gwyn ab Nudd, the grandson of Llyr Merini by Tywynwedd, 
 the daughter of Amlawdd Wledig, and the nephew of Caradoc Vreich- 
 vras. (Iolo MSS. , 523.) He appears to be the person named by 
 Aneurin : — 
 
 “ Gwyn ab Nudd was a chieftain who lived in the early (latter) part 
 of the sixth century, and is recorded in the Triads as one of the three 
 sublime astronomers of Britain, who by their knowledge of the nature 
 and qualities of the stars, could predict whatever was wished to be 
 known to the end of the world. There is also preserved in the Myvyrian 
 Archaiology a dialogue between Gwyn ab Nudd and Gwyddno Garanhir, 
 in which he is represented as a victorious warrior (vols. i, 165 ; ii, 71 ; 
 Gee’s ed., 126, 409). He is, however, more celebrated in Welsh romance 
 as the King of the Fairies, Brenhin y Tylivyth Teg , in which capacity 
 many interesting particulars respecting him have been collected in the 
 notes to Guest’s Mabinogion, ii, 323.” (Williams’ Biog. Diet.) 
 
 Of Bryn Hydwn, i.e., of its locality, nothing is known. There was 
 a Hydwn Dwn, a son of Ceredig ab Cunedda, who might have given 
 his name to some hill ; and it appears that the hall of Cynddylan was 
 situated on the top of the rock of llydwyth. (Owen’s Heroic Elegies 
 of Llywarch Hen , p. 77.) There is a Bryn Hynod at the junction of 
 Merioneth and Montgomery, and an abundance of other Bryns as well, 
 but it is more probable that this is Hodnet in the county of Salop. 
 Edward Lhuyd in his Elucidations of Llywarch Hen , who names Carreg 
 llydwyth , appends to the name these words : “ Hydwyth, nom. loci , an 
 Hodnet apud Salopienses ?” and, sub Carreg Hydwyth, he says : “ Rupes 
 in qua aedes Condolani Uriconi sitae. An Berry quod a colie supra 
 memorato non longe abest? {Arch. Britt., 258, col. 3.) 
 
218 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 XXXI. 
 
 Gwyr a 1 gryssyasant 2 buant gytneit 3 330 
 
 Hoedyl vyrryon 4 medwon 5 uch med hidleit 
 Gosgord mynydawc enwawc 6 en reit 
 Gwerth eu gwled e 7 ved vu eu lieneit 
 
 1 Gwyra , 1. 2 Gryssiast , 3. 3 Gyvneit , 2, 3. 4 Hoedlvyrrion , 
 
 1, 2, 3. 6 Not in 4. 6 Eurawc , 1, 2, 3, 5. 7 0, 1, 2, 3, 4. 
 
 xxxi. The Caradoc of this verse is the hero of the preceding. There 
 were two persons of the name of Madawc living about this period in 
 addition to the son of Brwyn ab Cunedda, who has been already- 
 named. One of these was Madawc the son of Rhun ab Maelgwn, of 
 whom we have the following notice : — 
 
 “ Madog ab Rhun, a chieftain who lived at the close of the sixth 
 century. He served under Brochwel Yscythrog at the battle of Bangor 
 Orchard in 607 a.d., and is recorded in the Triads as one of the three 
 sentinels, 1 tri phorthawr gwaith Perllan Vangor’. The other two 
 were Gwgawn Gleddyvrudd and Gwion the son of Cyndrwyn.” (Wil- 
 liams’ Biog. Diet.) 
 
 The history given in this Triad appears to be inaccurate. The battle 
 of Bangor or Chester (Caer Lleon Gawr) is placed by the Annales Cam- 
 brise in 613, and no notice is taken of the presence of these three ; but 
 if the date here assigned to the battle of Cattraeth be true, they must 
 have been slain ten years before. However, the fact that Madawc ab 
 Rhun is there named with Gwgan and Gwion, who are also named by 
 Aneurin in this verse, makes it probable that the Madawc of this verse 
 was the son of Rhun. But as Madawc is here also named with Pyll, 
 the son of Llywarch Hen, it becomes also probable that Madawc ab 
 Llywarch, the brother of Pyll, may be the man. Between such proba- 
 bilities it is difficult to decide. Some notice of the son of the old bard 
 has been given 4 already, and his name will again appear in the next 
 paragraph. 
 
 Pyll, there need not be much doubt, was the son of Llywarch Hen, 
 and as our whole knowledge of him is embodied in the eloquent words 
 of his father, I shall quote the passage entire : — 
 
 “ When Pyll was slain gashing was the round, 
 
 And the blood on the hair seemed horrible ; 
 
 And on each bank of the Fraw rapid was the stream. 
 
XXXI. CARADOC. 
 
 219 
 
 XXXI. 
 
 To Caradoc and: many other Chiefs. 
 
 The warriors hastened, stepping together, 
 
 Short-lived drunkards from clarified mead ! 
 
 The retinue of Mynyddog, illustrious in the trial j 1 
 Their souls (lives) were the price of their mead feast. 
 
 1 There are two readings' of the original here, both equally good, and 
 each supported by four copies. The other would be : — 
 
 “ abounding with gold whenever need.” 
 
 “ A room might be formed from the wings of shields, 
 
 AVhich would hold one standing upright, 
 
 That were broken on the grasp of Pyll. 
 
 “ The chosen man amongst my sons, 
 
 When each assaulted the foe, 
 
 Was fair Pyll, raging like fire through flax. 
 
 “ Gracefully he placed his thigh over the saddle 
 Of his steed, on the near and the farther side, 
 
 Pyll raging like fire through a chimney. 
 
 “ He was gentle, with a hand eager for battle ; he was music to the 
 mourners ; 
 
 He was a tower of strength on his steed of war ; 
 
 Fair Pyll, fearful in his covering of separation. 
 
 “ Should he be at the door of his tent 
 On the dark grey steed, 
 
 At the sight a hero would be conceived by the wife of Pyll. 
 
 44 There was fractured before Pyll a strong skull. 
 
 Seldom was there before him a coward swindler 
 That would not cry out ; the weak is easily satisfied. 
 
 “Fair Pyll ! widely spread his fame. 
 
 Am I not invigorated since that thou hast existed 
 As my son, and joyful to have known thee ! 
 
 “ The best three men under heaven 
 That guarded their habitation — 
 
 Pyll, and Selyv, and Sanddev. 
 
220 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEUKIN GWAWDEYDD. 
 
 Caradawc a madawc pyll ac yeuan 
 Gwgawn a gwiawn, gwynn a chynvan, 335 
 
 Peredur arveu dur gwawrdur 8 ac aedan 
 Acliubyat eng gawr ysgwydawr angkyman 
 8 Gwawr dur , 1, 2, 3, 8. 
 
 “ I gave a shield to Pyll ; 
 
 But before he slept, was it not broken? 
 
 Conflict to him was welcome. 
 
 “ Should Cymry come, and the predatory host of Lloegr, 
 
 With number on each side, 
 
 Pyll would show them conduct. 
 
 “ Behold my son that was warlike and faultless ; 
 
 The bards will extend his fame where 
 
 Pyll would not have gone had he longer lived. 
 
 “Nor Pyll nor Madawg would be long-lived 
 If, according to custom, there was a calling. 
 
 Would they give hostages? They would not give hostages ; quarter 
 they never asked.” ( Heroic Elegies , pp. 137-140.) 
 
 Of the person named Ieuan there is nothing known ; but it is 
 probable that this is the same person as the Iaen named in the Mabinogi 
 of Kilhwch (p. 260) : — 
 
 “ Teregud the son of Iaen, and Sulyen the son of Iaen, and Bradwen 
 the son of Iaen, and Moren the son of Iaen, and Siawri the son of Iaen, 
 and Caradawc the son of Iaen. They were men of Caerdathal, of 
 Arthur’s kindred on the father’s side.” (Guest’s Mabinogion, ii, 260.) 
 
 Caerdathal is in Caernarvonshire, crowning the summit of an 
 eminence near Llanrwst, and is peculiar for having large stones set 
 upright to guard its entrance. It was the seat of Math ab Mathonwy 
 before the Gwyddelians were expelled from that part of North Wales, 
 then called Gwynedd. Caerdathal is named by Cynddelw. ( Myv ., i, 
 206 ; Gee’s ed., 151 ; Cambro Briton , ii, 3 ; and Guest’s Mabinogion , ii, 234.) 
 
 Gwgan most likely was Gwgan Gleddyvrudd the son of Caradoc 
 Vreichvras. He is recorded in the Triads as one of the “three blocks 
 of battle of the Isle of Britain ”, the others being Gilbert the son of 
 Cadgyffro and Morvran ab Tegid. He is called, in conjunction with 
 Madoc ap Rhun and Gwion ab Cyndrwyn, one of the three sentinels of 
 the battle of Bangor Orchard. Pie had a celebrated horse named 
 Bucheslom. A saying of his, or Gwgon Gwron, is preserved in the lolo 
 MSS. (p. 659) 
 
XXXI. CARADOC. 
 
 221 
 
 Caradoc and Madoc, Pyll and Ieuan, 
 
 Gwgan and Gwion, Gwynn and Cynvan, 
 
 Peledur the steel-armed, Gwawrddur and Aeddan, 
 Who escaped from the fight with a broken shield ; 
 
 “ Hast thou heard the saying of Gwgan 
 After escaping from the turmoil ? 
 
 Great promise and a small gift 
 
 And his grave is mentioned ( Myv ., i, 81 ; Gee’s ed., 67). If he fell at 
 Cattraeth, he was not at the battle of Chester. 
 
 Gwion, Gwyn, and Cynvan (Cynan) were probably the sons of 
 Cyndrwyn, named in the verse quoted from Llywarch Hen , in the notes 
 to the last verse. Respecting the battle of Bangor, or Chester, the 
 same remark will apply to Gwiawn ; but with respect to Cynvan, it 
 may, perhaps, be doubted whether the person intended is not Cynfar 
 Cadgaddug. The Iolo MSS. contain a saying attributed to Gwiawn : — 
 
 “ Hast thou heard the saying of Gwiawn, 
 
 The observer of accurate sight ? 
 
 The mighty God will determine every right.” (P. 658.) 
 
 There was a person named Cynvran the son of Brychan. (See Rees 
 and Owen.) 
 
 Peredur is one of the most distinguished knights in the whole range 
 of romance ; his adventures have found their way over the greater part 
 of Europe ; and the romance of Peredur finds a place in the early 
 literature of Wales, England, France, Germany, and Scandinavia. Of 
 his real history, however, there is but very little known ; and from the 
 description given in the Mabinogi of Peredur ab Evrawc, it would seem 
 that he did not spring from any very distinguished family. u Earl Evrawc 
 owned the earldom of the North, and he had seven sons. And Evrawc 
 maintained himself not so much by his own possessions as by attending 
 tournaments, and wars, and combats. And as it often befalls those 
 who join in encounters and wars, he was slain, and six of his sons like- 
 wise. Now, the name of his seventh son was Peredur, and he was the 
 youngest of them.” ( Mabinogion , v. i, 297.) For further particulars, 
 see the tale itself. Peredur is frequently alluded to by the bards of 
 the Middle Ages in terms illustrative of the high esteem in which his 
 deeds of prowess were then held. Gruffydd ab Meredydd, who 
 flourished about the end of the thirteenth century, in his Elegy on 
 Tudur ab Goronwy , one of the ancestors of the House of Tudor, men- 
 tions him in the following terms : — 
 
222 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 A chet 9 lledessynt 10 wy lladassan 
 Neb y 11 eu tymliyr nyt atcorsan. 12 
 
 XXXII. 
 
 Gwyr a gryssyassant buant gytvaeth 1 340 
 
 Blwydyn od ucli 2 med mawr eu 3 haruaeth 
 Mor dru eu hadrawd wy angawr hiraeth 
 Gwenwyn eu hadlam nyt mab 4 mam ae 5 maetb 
 Mor hir eu hetlit 6 ac 7 eu lietgyllaetli 8 
 En ol gwyr pebyr temyr gwinvaeth 9 345 
 
 Gwlyget gododin 10 en erbyn fraetb 
 Ancwyn 11 mynydawc enwawc e gwnaeth 
 A plrrit er prynu breithyell gatraeth. 12 
 
 9 Achet , 1. 10 Lledesid , 5. 11 1 , 3. 12 This is continuation in 
 
 1 of verse xxx. 
 
 1 Gyhaeth , 1, 2, 3, 5. 2 O dduch , 1 ; oduch , 2. 3 Y, 1, 2, 3. 
 
 4 Not in 1, 6. 6 Am, 6. 6 Hedid , 1, 2 ; hediad , 3. 7 Ay, 1, 2. 
 
 8 Hetgyllaeth ; this and the next are transposed in 1. 9 Gwinsaeth; 
 
 this line is not in 6. 10 Gwawdodyn , 3. 11 Amcwyn , 4. 12 Gall- 
 
 traeth, 1, 2, 3. 
 
 “ O bountiful Creator of the radiant sun and waning moon ! 
 
 Sad is the fall of the chief of valiant deeds ; 
 
 Eagle of the battle- charges, equal to Peredur — 
 
 Tudor, assaulter of the Angles, he who never shunned the fight.” 
 
 (Myv. Arch., i, 438 ; Gee’s ed.) 
 
 In the old romances he is celebrated as one of those engaged in quest 
 of the San-Graal, in which character he is also spoken of in the Triads: 
 
 “ The three knights of the Court of Arthur who obtained the Great 
 — Galath the son of Lawnselot du Lak, and Peredur the son of Earl 
 Evrog, and Bort the son of King Bort. The two first were undefiled 
 in body, and the third had only known a woman once, through tempta- 
 tion at the time when he won . from the daughter of Brangor, 
 
 who was an empress in Constantinople, and from whom came the 
 largest family in the world; and from the race of Joseph of Arimathea 
 were descended the whole three, and from the line of David the prophet, 
 as is testified by the story of the Greal.” ( Myv ii, 14; Gee’s ed., 392). 
 
 “The three knights of the Court of Arthur who kept the Graal — 
 Cadawc the son of Gwynlliw ; and Illtyd, knight and saint ; and 
 Peredur the son of Evrawc.” ( Myv ., ii, 75 ; Gee’s ed., 411.) 
 
XXXI. CARADOC. 
 
 XXXII. GWYLYGET. 
 
 223 
 
 And if they were slain they also slew : 
 
 None returned to their home. 
 
 XXXII. 
 
 To G-wylyget of Gododin. 
 
 The warriors hastened forward : they had feasted together ; 
 And that year, over mead, great was their design. 
 
 How sad it is to relate the grief caused by their covetousness ! 
 Poison was their choice, though their mothers had not 
 indulged their sons ; 
 
 How long the resentment and the sorrow ! 
 
 After the valiant warrior, at the hall of the wine feast, 
 Gwylyget of Gododin for the frank heroes, 
 
 The allowance 1 of Mynyddawc was laudably supplied 
 And dear — as the purchase of the battle of Cattraeth. 
 
 1 Ancwyn , a dainty delicacy or sweetmeat ; the second course or ser- 
 vice ; the dessert ; a customary allowance of meat and drink to officers 
 or attendants at the Court. “ The Penteulu : his allowance is three messes 
 and three hornfulls of the best liquor that shall be in the house.” 
 (Pughe’s Piet.) 
 
 There is a saying in the Iolo MSS. which is attributed to this 
 hero : — 
 
 “ Hast thou heard the saying of Peredur, 
 
 Sovereign of the Isle of Britain ? 
 
 Harder is the brave than a blade of steel.” (P. 662.) 
 
 Of Gwawrddur also there is nothing known save the fact of his 
 existence and a military reputation. He is named among the knights 
 of Arthur in the romance of Kilhwch : — 
 
 “And Duach, and Grathach, and Nerthach, the sons of Gwawrddur 
 Kyruach ; these men came from the confines of hell.” ( [Mabinogion , 
 ii, 259.) 
 
 And there is an allusion made to the war-steed of this hero — “ March 
 Gwarddur” — in the poem called Can y Meirch. ( Myv ., i,44 ; Gee’s ed., 42.) 
 
 The Aeddan of this verse was probably Aeddan ab Gavran, the King 
 of the Scots of Argyle, of whom a long sketch will be appended to 
 verse lxi. 
 
 xxxii. Gwlyget, or Gwylyget of Gododin, is mentioned again in 
 verse lxxxiii ; verses lxxxiv and lxxxv appear to refer to the same per- 
 
 
 / 
 
224 
 
 TIIE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 XXXIII. 
 
 Gwyr a aetli gatraeth 1 yg cat yg gawr 2 
 Nerth meirch a gwrymseirch 3 ac ysgwydawr 350 
 Peleidyr 4 ar gychwyn a llym waewawr 5 
 A llurugeu claer a chledyuawr 
 
 1 Galltraeth , 1, 2, 3. 2 Ygcawr , 1, 2 ; anghawr , 3. 3 Gwrwm 
 
 seirch , 2. 4 Hetydr , 5. 6 IFaeawr, 1, 2, 3, 
 
 son ; and verse Ixxxvi contains a fuller account of this feast, with 
 glimpses of the domestic arrangements of those early times. This feast 
 gave Gwylyget a wide celebrity, and, accordingly, we find tradition 
 assigning him a celebrated horn, which Kilhwch charged to obtain for 
 his wedding with Olwen : — • 
 
 “ Though thou get this, there is yet that which thou wilt not get. 
 The horn of Gwlgawd Gododin to serve us with liquor that night. He 
 will not give of his own free will, and thou wilt not be able to compel 
 him.” ( Mabinogion , v. ii, 283.) 
 
 It is probable that the horn of Gwlgawd formed one of the curiosi- 
 ties of the Isle of Britain ; like ‘ 4 the horn of Bran Galed — what liquor 
 so ever was desired was found therein.” ( Mabinogion , ii, 354.) 
 
 Gwlyget appears to have been the chief of the men of Argoed ; and 
 his name is still preserved in Culgaith, the name of a place to the east 
 of Penrith. 
 
 xxxm. Rhuvawn or Rhuvon Befr, i.e ., Rhuvon the fair, was, 
 according to some authorities, the son of Deorath Wledig, and, 
 according to others, the son of Gwyddno Garan Hir, the Lord of the 
 upper part of Cardiganshire. Rhuvon lived at the close of the sixth 
 century, and was a favourite with both the bards and the romancists. 
 He is named again in this poem, in conjunction with Gwgan, Gwion, and 
 Gwlyget, as men of the manliness of Gwriaf. He was distinguished, with 
 Rhun ab Maelgwn and Owain ab Urien, as one of the three immaculate 
 princes of Britain. After his fall in battle his relations gave his weight 
 in gold for his body ; and on that account, he, and Madog ab Brwyn, 
 and Ceugant Beilliog, were called the three golden corpses of the Isle of 
 Britain. Howel ab Owen Gwynedd speaks of his grave thus : — 
 
 “ A white wave sprays over the grave 
 Where rests Rhuvon Bevyr, chief of princes.” 
 
 ( Myv ., i, 277; Gee’s cd., 198.) 
 
XXXIII. RHUVAWN HIR. 
 
 22 
 
 o 
 
 XXXIII. 
 
 To Rhuvawn Hir ab Gwyddno. 
 
 Warriors hastened to Cattraeth. In the fight, in the shout, 
 The strength of steeds, and harness, and shields (was shown), 
 Flying javelins, and sharp spears, 
 
 Shining armour and swords. 
 
 The bard, Gwilym Ddu, names the river which flows over his grave : — 
 
 44 O dud wed fawr lied hyd for llawn yngwy 
 Hyd Gawrnwy fudd rhwy ar fedd Rhuawn.” 
 
 {Myv., i, 411 ; Gee’s ed., 277.) 
 
 And the grave itself is thus named in Englynion y Beddau 
 
 “Neum due i Elphin 
 Y brovi vy Martin 
 Uch Kinran gessefin 
 Bet Rywawn ry ieuanc daerin.” 
 
 ( Myv ., i, 81 ; Gee’s ed., 67 ; Four Ancient Books, ii, 32.) 
 
 There is also an elegy in the Myv., which is attributed to his father 
 Gwyddno, and which appears to relate to the subject of this notice, 
 though he is not expressly named in it. This also represents his grave 
 to be on the sea-shore ; and from all these indications I conclude that 
 Rhuvon was buried at the extreme west of Anglesey, where a small 
 river falls into the Camlyn Bay to the north of Carnedd Point, and in 
 the region of Gwawrnwy, from whence Llanfair yn Nghornwy derives 
 its name. 
 
 Rhuvon died young, but he has very much interested the present 
 writer ; and perhaps the following description of him, as he appeared 
 to the imagination of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, may afford 
 some interest to others : — 
 
 4 4 Then lo ! they heard a mighty sound which was much louder than 
 that which they had heard before ; and when they looked round towards 
 the sound, behold a ruddy youth, without beard or whiskers, noble of 
 mien, and mounted on a stately courser. And from the shoulders and 
 the front of the knees downwards the horse was bay; and upon the 
 man was a dress of red satin wrought with yellow silk, and yellow 
 were the borders of his scarf. And such parts of his apparel and of 
 the trappings of his horse as were yellow, as yellow were they as the 
 
 15 
 
226 
 
 THE OODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Ragorei tyllei trwy vydinawr 
 Kwydei 6 bym 7 pymwnt 8 rac y lavnawr 
 Ruuawn hir 9 ef rodei 10 eur e 11 allawr 
 A chet a choelvein kein y 12 gerdawr. 
 
 355 
 
 XXXIV. 
 
 Ny wnaetlipwyt neuad mor orchynnan 1 
 Mor vawr 2 mor oruawr 8 y gyvlavan 
 
 8 Cwyd ei, 2, 3. 7 Cym , 1, 2. 8 Pymwynt , 1, 2; sign of omission 
 
 1 Orchyman , 1, 2, 3, 5. 2 Ofawr vel owawr , 5. 3 O wawr , 1,2; 
 
 orvawr , 4, 6 ; wawr, 3. 
 
 blossom of the broom ; and such as were red, were as ruddy as the 
 ruddiest blood in the world.” ( Mabinogion , ii, 398, 399.) 
 
 That is a picture of our hero in undress : here we have him 
 armed : — 
 
 “ They saw a knight coming towards them on a light grey horse, and 
 the left foreleg of the horse was jet black to the centre of his hoof. 
 And the knight and the horse were fully accoutred with huge heavy 
 blue armour. And a robe of honour of yellow diapered satin was upon 
 the knight, and the borders of the robe were blue. And the housings of 
 the horse were jet black, with borders of bright yellow. And on the 
 thigh of the youth was a sword, long, and three- edged, and heavy. 
 And the scabbard was of red cut leather, and the belt of new red 
 deerskin, having upon it many golden slides and a buckle of the bone 
 of the seahorse, the tongue of which was jet black. A golden helmet 
 was upon the head of the knight, wherein were set sapphire stones of 
 great virtue. And at the top of the helmet, was the figure of a flame- 
 coloured lion, with a fiery red tongue, issuing above a foot from his 
 mouth, and with venomous eyes, crimson-red in his head. And the 
 knight came, bearing in his hand a thick ashen lance, the head whereof, 
 which had been newly steeped in blood, was overlaid with silver.” 
 (Ibid., ii, 412, 413.) 
 
 One picture more, and I have done : — 
 
 “ After this they saw a troop coming towards the ford (of Rhyd y 
 Groes on the Severn). ‘ Iddawc’, inquired Rhonabwy, ‘to whom 
 does yonder troop belong?’ They are the fellows of lthuvawn 
 
XXXIII. RHUVAWN H1R. 227 
 
 He excelled ; he pierced through the army, 
 
 And five pymwnts 1 fell before his blade. 
 
 Rhuvawn the Tall, he gave gold to the altar, 
 
 And to the minstrel, gifts and precious tokens. 
 
 xxxiv. 
 
 To Wid the son of Peithan. 
 
 A hall so extensive has not been made, 
 
 So great, so very great was the slaughter : 
 
 1 See ante (p. 183) for note on pymumt. 
 
 Pebyr the son of Prince Deorthach. And these men are honour- 
 ably served with meat and bragget, and are freely beloved by the 
 daughters of the kings of the Island of Britain. And this they 
 merit, for they were ever in the frjnt and the rear in every peril. 
 And he saw but one hue upon the men and the horses of this 
 troop, for they were all as red as blood. And when one of the 
 knights rode forth from the troop, he looked like a pillar of fire 
 glancing athwart the sky. And this troop encamped above the ford.” 
 (Ibid., ii, 401.) 
 
 But was Rhuvawn the son of Deorthach or Gwyddno ? It is very 
 difficult to decide. The romances of Rhonabwy and Kilhwch call him 
 the son of Deorath, or Dewrarth, or Deorthach; and the Triads are 
 equally divided upon the point. The three copies of “Tri Gwyndeyrn 
 Y. P.” call him the son of Deorath (Myv., ii, 3, 6, 62; Gee’s ed., 389, 
 396, 403) ; and the three copies of “ Tri Eurgelein Y. P.” read the 
 son of Gwyddno (Myv., ii, 15, 16, 69 ; Gee’s ed., 392, 397, 408). 
 There is, however, no person known in history as Dewrarth, and it is 
 probable that Dewrarth, “the brave bear”, maybe only an epithet 
 applied to Gwyddno. This supposition would reconcile the discrep- 
 ancy. 
 
 xxxiv. This verse presents several difficulties, the first of which is the 
 occurrence of the three names of Morien, Cenon, and Wid, to whom it is 
 quite clear the last four lines exclusively refer. The first part appears to be 
 prefatory ; and the allusion to Cenon can only be divested of its obscurity 
 by some such explanation as the following. Cenon, we have seen already 
 [v. xviii, p. 184], did not join the mead-drinking warriors, but Morien 
 was intoxicated, and would seem to have been reported to have stated that 
 
 15 2 
 
228 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Dyrllydut 4 medut 5 moryen 6 tan 
 
 Ni thraethei na wnelei 7 kenon kelein 360 
 
 4 Derllyddivyd , 3. 5 Meddwyd , 3, 5. 0 Morien , 1, 2, 3, 4. 
 
 7 Wefef, 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 the abstaining Cenon would not make a corpse, i. e ., that he would not 
 kill any of the enemy on the morrow. Aneurin’s words appear to be a 
 justification of Morien, and a contradiction of that report. The next 
 difficulty is the allusion to the great stone of Cyhadvan, which has been 
 by Davies translated into “the great stone fence of their common sanc- 
 tuary”; but the present writer has recently shown that the allusion here 
 made is to a stone of St. Cadvan at Towyn in Merionethshire ; and as 
 Aneurin was in Wales at the time he composed the Gododin , that fact, 
 taken together with the other fact that the name of the stone is Cuadgan, 
 gives much probability to this speculation. The old bards were more 
 lavish of their vowels than the moderns are ; and as they wrote gredyf 
 for greddf , we need not be surprised at their giving the name Cyadfan 
 with more fulness than it has in its present abbreviated form. Noc ac 
 escyc , which merely mean than moves or veers from its place, as a compa- 
 rative expression, have been taken by Probert and Davies, who have 
 adopted a corrupt reading, to be two proper names, Noe and ~Escye\ of 
 which Probert could make nothing, but Davies has enlisted them in the 
 service of his self- constituted mythology. (See Druids , pp. 114 and 350.) 
 With respect to vit, uid , or wit , I claim the merit of first discovering that 
 it is a proper name. 
 
 Wid, according to Ritson (. Annals of the Caledonians, vol. i, 202), is 
 the same name as Oith, Gwith, and Foith ; and those names frequently 
 occur among the names of the Pictish kings. It is also clear from the 
 Annals of the Piets that there was at this particular time a person 
 named Wid living in North Britain among the Piets of Fife. In those 
 Annals we find the following notices : — . 
 
 “ d.c.xxxyi. Garnard filius Wid quatuor annis regnavit.” 
 
 “ d.c.xl. Mors Gartna, Mac Foith, 
 
 Brudei filius Wid quinque annis regnavit.” 
 
 (The Annals of Ulster place the death of Garthnaith Mac Oith in 635, 
 and Mors Buidi filii Foith in 640, or just five years earlier in each case ; 
 but the Chronica Pictorum is the better authority of the two.) 
 
 “ d.c.xlv. Talorc frater eorum duodecim annis regnavit.” 
 
 ( Ritson , vol. i, 200-201.) 
 
XXXIV. WID. 
 
 229 
 
 The fiery Morien poured out wine and became intoxicated ; 
 (But) he did not say that Cynon would not make a corpse. 
 
 “ d.c.liii. Mors Dolairg Mac Foith regis Pictorum.” 
 
 (Annals of Ulster.) 
 
 Here we have no less than three sons of AVid successively reigning as 
 kings of the Southern Piets : — 
 
 Annals of Chron. 
 
 Ulster. 
 
 Piet. 
 
 
 630 
 
 635 
 
 Garnard the son of Wid, reigning four years. 
 
 635 
 
 640 
 
 Brudei the son of Wid, reigning five years. 
 
 641 
 
 645 
 
 Talorg the son of AVid, reigning twelve years. 
 
 If we look at these dates, we shall very clearly perceive that, as the Piets, 
 like the Cymry, had no child-kings, the father of these princes must have 
 been living about 603 ; and the fact that he fell at Cattraeth supplies a 
 reason why he did not ascend the Pictish throne ; for, on further inquiry, 
 we discover that AVid was one of the fourteen sons of Brudei, the cele- 
 brated king who reigned over the Southern Piets from 556 to 586 
 (Skene’s Highlanders , vol. i, 250). The existence at this time in North 
 Britain of a chief named Wid may be said to be established. 
 
 But why is he called the son of Peithan and not the son of Brudei ? 
 This also admits of an answer. I have already stated that Aneurin fre- 
 quently describes his heroes by the names of the maternal parents ; and 
 the knowledge of this fact clears up many obscurities. Several cases of 
 this kind will occur as we proceed, in the names of 
 
 Gwarthan, the son of Dwywe, da. of Gwallog ; [v. lii] 
 
 Present, the son of Peillan, da. of Caw ; [v. lxi] 
 
 Meryn, the son of Madrun, da. of Gwrthefyr ; [v. lxii] 
 Gwaednerth, the son of Eleri ; [v. Ixiv] 
 
 and here we have 
 
 Wid, the son of Peithan, the daughter of Caw, 
 
 and sister of Aneurin, and probably the wife of Brudei. This regard 
 for the female parents arose both from the respect entertained for 
 women by the ancient Kymry, and from certain legal reasons to be 
 hereafter named. At the court of the romantic Arthur, women were, 
 as is frequently stated, held in great respect ; and from the writings 
 of the early bards we find that this is no fiction ; for in the earJy 
 chivalry of that day we may clearly discern the germs of that which 
 
230 
 
 TIIE GrODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Un 8 seircliyawc saphwyawc 9 son 10 edlydan 11 
 Seinnyessit e 12 gledyf empenn 13 garthan 14 
 Noc 15 ac esgyc 16 carrec 17 vurvawr 18 y chyhadvan 19 
 Ny 20 mwy gysgogit 21 wit 22 uab peithan 23 
 
 XXXY. 
 
 Ny wnaetlipwyt neuad mor an von awe 1 365 
 
 Ony bei voryen 2 eil caradawc 
 
 8 Yn , 1, 2, 3. 9 Saphwryawc , 8. 10 Ton, 1, 2, 3. 11 Llydnan , 
 
 1, 2, 3 ; llydvan , 5 \ elydnan, elydan , 6. 12 /, 3. 13 Em perm, 4. 
 
 14 GorcJian , 1, 2, 3, 5. 15 A'oo, 1, 2, 3. 16 feye, 1, 2 ; esaue, 3 ; 
 
 yscog, 5; escye , 4, 6; esgysc, 8. 17 Canec in Williams’ text ; carrec , 
 
 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6. 18 The word vnr is not in 1, 2, 3, 5 ; vurvawr, 8. 
 
 19 CJiahydvan , 6. 20 Nid, 6. 21 Ysgogit, 1, 2, 3. 22 Vit, 1, 2 ; fyd, 3 ; 
 
 fid, 5 ; uit, 6. 23 Teithan , 1, 2, 3. This verse and the next are one in J . 
 
 1 Annovawc, 1 , 2, 3, 5. 2 Vorgen, 4. 
 
 burst out into full bloom under the auspices of the Normans. The 
 bard Llywarch lien, when he was “ old, decrepid, and triply bent”, 
 mourns it as one of his greatest misfortunes that he was “ destitute 
 of the love of the maidens”, that “young virgins loved him not”, 
 and that he had lost “ the glancing look so loved by the fair young 
 maidens”. In these revelations of his own feelings we have, very clearly 
 portrayed, the spirit of those early times, and we have here evidence 
 enough of a highly chivalrous respect for the female character. In the 
 Mabinogi of Kilhwch, this feeling is still more fully developed ; and the 
 hero adjures Arthur to find him or assist him in finding 01 wen, his 
 lady-love, — 
 
 “ For the sake of the golden-chained daughters of this island. For the 
 sake of Gwenhwyvar its chief lady, and Gwennhwyach her sister ; and 
 Rathtyeu the only daughter of Clemenhill, and Rhelemon the daughter 
 of Kai, and Tannwen the daughter of Gweir Datharweiniddawg. 
 Gwenn Alarch. the daughter of Kynwyl Canbwch. Eurneid the daughter 
 of Clydno Eiddyn. Eneuawc the daughter of Bedwyr. Enrydreg the 
 daughter of Tudvathar. Gwennwledyr the daughter of Gwaledyr 
 Kyrvach. Erddudnid the daughter of Tryffin. Eurolwen the daughter 
 of Gwdolwyn Gorr. Teleri the daughter of Peul. Indeg the daughter 
 of Garwy Hir. Morvudd the daughter of Urien Rheged Gwenllian Deg, 
 the majestic maiden. Creiddylad (Cordelia) the daughter of Lludd 
 Llaw Ereint. Ellylw the daughter of Neol Kynn-Crog. Essyllt 
 
XXXIV. WID. 
 
 XXXV. MORYEN. 
 
 231 
 
 He was a harnessed and speared hero ; and like sonorous brass 
 Sounded his sword at the top of the encampment : 
 
 And Wid the son of Peithan flinched no more 
 Than moves the great pillar-stone of Cadvan. 
 
 xxxv. 
 
 To Moryen (son of Caradawc ?). 
 
 The hall would not have been made so unruly 
 But for Moryen, the son of Caradoc , 1 
 
 1 Or, “ But that Moryen was like Caradoc.” 
 
 Vinwen, and Essyllt Vingul. And all these did Kilhwch, the son of 
 Kilydd, adjure to obtain his boon.” — ( Mabinogion , vol. ii, 268, 269.) 
 
 The legal, or rather political, reason is alluded to in the following 
 passage from Skene ( Highlanders , vol. i, p. 40) — “ We may infer, first, 
 that the Piets elected their monarchs ; and secondly, that the election 
 was not unlimited in its range, but was confined to some specific class 
 of individuals, otherwise it could not come into doubt ; and thirdly, 
 that when there did exist a doubt as to the proper object of the election, 
 they chose that person most nearly related to the former king by the 
 female line.” It was therefore important to preserve the names of the 
 maternal parents ; and this fact proves that the females of North 
 Britain were much esteemed. 
 
 xxxv. It is not easy to determine who this person was ; but a person 
 of that name is also referred to in the Mabinogion , both in Kilhwch and 
 Rhonabwy , l as u Moryen Mynawc”, or the Ruler. In the former he is 
 twice mentioned : — “ Bradwen the son of Moren Mynawc, and Moren 
 Mynawc himself ” (ii, 259) ; and again, in a passage already quoted, 
 there was a “ Morien” called “ the son of Iaen of Caernarvonshire, and 
 Bradwen the son of Iaen his brother” (ii, 260). If these notices refer 
 to the same person, then it is probable that he was lord or ruler of the 
 Gwyddyl of Arvon and Anglesea. There is a person named as “Morien 
 Farfawc”, or the Bearded, mentioned in the Triads ( Myv ., ii, 64) as one 
 of the three stranger monarchs of the Isle of Britain ; and these facts, 
 coupled with the notice of his grave, tend to show that my conjecture is 
 
 1 [In The Dream of Rhonabwy he is called “ Moryen Manawc". — 
 Mab., ii, 416.] 
 
 15 * 
 
THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Ny diengis en 3 trwm elwrw 4 mynawc 
 
 Dywal dywalacli no mab ferawc 5 
 
 Fer y 6 law faglei fowys 7 varchawc 
 
 Glew dias dinas e 8 lu 9 ovnawc 370 
 
 3 TJn, 3, 4 ; yr eu , 6. 4 Y Iwrw , 1, 2, 4 ; o Iwrw , 3, 5. 5 Pheruwc , 
 
 1, 2, 3. 6 /, 1, 2, 3. 7 Towys , 2 ; tywys, 3. 8 O, 3. 9 5m, 2. 
 
 sound. (The englyn has been quoted already in the note on Gwrien, 
 v. xxx, p. 216.) 
 
 In this verse he is called “ eil Caradoc”, and as that word frequently 
 means son of ‘ as well as second and like, I have ventured to suggest that 
 he might be the son of Caradoc ; that, however, is only a conjecture, as 
 the word eil does not always bear that construction. 
 
 The son of Ferawc or Pherawc was Bedwyr the son of Pedrog, one of 
 the favourite knights of King Arthur, of whom that great hero speaks 
 in these terms : “ And as for you, Kai and Bedwyr, I have hope of 
 whatever adventure ye are in quest of, that ye will achieve it. Achieve 
 ye this adventure for me.” ( Mabinogion , ii, p. 297.) 
 
 “ He rendered his master”, says Lady Charlotte Guest, “ essential 
 service in the various wars in which he was engaged. In the king’s 
 household he filled, too, a very important office, that of Chief Butler, 
 and there is no doubt, from the estimation in which he was ever held 
 by his sovereign, that he acquitted himself equally well of the duties 
 which devolved upon him in that capacity. 
 
 His name is often coupled with that of the Seneschal, Sir Kai, and 
 their fortunes in many respects appear to have been very similar. They 
 were the two knights whom Arthur selected as his sole companions in 
 his expedition to St. Michael’s Mount, to avenge the death of Helen, 
 the niece of Howel ab Emyr Llydaw. And he took the same means of 
 recompensing the valour and fidelity of both, by bestowing upon each 
 of them the sovereignty of a valuable French province, which Robert of 
 Gloucester quaintly records in these words : — 
 
 “ He gef hat lond of Normandye Bedwer ys boteler, 
 
 And hat lond of Aungeo Kaxe ys panter.” (i, 187.) 
 
 Finally, they both shared the same fate, being slain side by side while 
 fighting against the Romans in. the last engagement of that war, in 
 which they had so greatly distinguished themselves. Arthur, whose 
 supremacy was established by the event of that glorious encounter, was 
 careful to pay every tribute to the memory of the faithful knights who 
 
XXXV. MORYEN. 
 
 233 
 
 He escaped not, though weighty was the forward sovereign ; 
 He was fierce, yea, fiercer than the son of Ferawc ; 
 
 Eadiant knight ! strong were his hand-brands, 
 
 (And) the hero of tumult was a fortress to a timid army. 
 
 had fallen in his service. He caused Bedwyr to be interred at Bayeux, 
 which he had founded himself, as the capital of his Norman dominions, 
 and Ivai to be buried at Chinon (or Caen), which town, as Wace informs 
 us, derived its name from that circumstance. The etymology, it must 
 be confessed, is not very apparent.” ( Mabipogion , ii, 166.) 
 
 This is a summary of the account given by Geoffrey ; but it is pro- 
 bably altogether untrue ; and it differs very essentially from the account 
 given by Sir Thomas Maelor in his Morte d? Arthur, and from the native 
 accounts. According to Sir Thomas, he survived his master for some 
 time, and is pleasantly connected with the mysterious disappearance of 
 that hero. After he had received his fatal wound at the battle of 
 Camlan, Arthur desired Bedwyr to take his celebrated sword Excalibur 
 (the French of “ Caledfwlch”), and fling it into the centre of an adjoining 
 lake. “ Sir Bedivere departed ; and by the way he beheld that noble 
 sword where the pummell and the haft were all of precious stones, and 
 then hee said to himselfe, ‘ If I throw this rich sword into the water, 
 thereof shall never come good, but harme and losse. 1 ” And then he hid 
 it under a tree. Having returned, Arthur asked him what he had seen, 
 and he said “ nothing but waves and wind”. By this Arthur knew that 
 his command had not been complied with, and he sent him again ; but 
 Bedwyr a second time refrained, thinking it a “ shame to throw away 
 that noble sword”. Again Arthur asked him what he had seen, and 
 received the reply that he had seen “ nothing but the water wap and 
 waves waune”. He was therefore sent a third time. The sword was 
 flung as far as he could, “ and there came an arm above the water and 
 met it, and caught it, and so shooke it thrise and brandished. And then 
 the hand vanished away with the sword in the water.” When Bedwyr 
 had returned and reported what he had seen, Arthur desired his attend- 
 ants to take him to the water. Bedwyr “took King Arthur upon his 
 backe, and so went with him to the waters side. And when they were 
 at the waters side, even fast by the banke hoved a little barge with 
 many faire ladies in it, and among them all was a queene, and all they 
 had blacke . hoods, and they wept and shriked when they saw King 
 Arthur.” The king was put softly into the barge which contained three 
 queens ; and these took him out of Bedwyr’s sight to Avallon (Glaston- 
 
^34 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Kac bedin ododin 10 bu gwasgarawc 
 Y gylchwy 11 dan y 12 gymwy bu adenawc 13 
 Yn dyd gwyth 14 bu ystwyth neu bwyth atveillyawc 
 Dyrllydei 15 vedgyrn edit mynydawc. 
 
 xxxvi. 
 
 Ny wnaethpwyt neuad mor.diessic 375 
 
 No 1 cbynon lary vronn geinnyon 2 wledig 
 
 10 Waicdodyn , 3. 11 Ynghylchwy, 5. 12 0, 3 ; i, 5. 13 Adeuawc , 6. 
 
 14 Gwych , 1, 2, 3, 4. 15 Dysllyddei , 8 ; derUyddei , 3. 
 
 1 iV?/, 1 ; wa, 3. 2 Glinnyon , 1, 2, 3. 
 
 bury), where Bedwyr found his body next day, and where Bedwyr 
 turned hermit and spent the remainder of his days. ( Morte d’ Arthur , 
 vol. ii, 471, et seq.) 
 
 Thus far I have followed , the romances, in the belief that the last 
 extract states some facts not to be found elsewhere, but which may be 
 true, and which Maelor says are stated upon the authority of documents, 
 in the drawing up of which Bedwyr was in some way instrumental, for 
 it is said “ This tale Sir Bedivere, knight of the round table, made it 
 plainly to be written.” ( Ibid ., 475.) 
 
 We get a few notices of him from other sources ; the Triads give us 
 some account of him : — 
 
 “The three diademed chiefs of the Isle of Britain : Trystan, the son 
 of Tallwch ; Huail, the son of Caw of Britain, Lord of Cwm Cawlwyd ; 
 and Kai, the son of Kynyr Keinvarvawc ; and one was made ruler over 
 the three, viz., Bedwyr, the son of Pedrawc.” ( Myv ., ii, p. 5 ; Gee’s ed., 
 389, 407.) 
 
 And the place of his sepulchre is thus recorded in the Graves of the 
 Warriors , together with that of another chieftain, whose name is not 
 given : — 
 
 “ The grave of the son of Ossvran is in Camlan 
 After many a conflict, 
 
 r Ihe grave of Bedwyr is in the hill side of Try van.” 
 
 {Myv. Arch., i, 79 ; Gee’s ed., 66.) 
 
 Lady Charlotte Guest appends to this verse the following comment : — 
 
 “ There is a lofty mountain bearing the name of Trivaen , at the head 
 of the valley of Nantffrancon, in Snowdon. Dunraven Castle, in Gla- 
 
XXXV. MORYEN. 
 
 XXXVI. CYNON. 
 
 235 
 
 Before the army of Gododin lie was a scatterer (of the foe), 
 (And) his fiery shield was winged for affliction. 
 
 In the day of wrath he was nimble, his revenge was irre- 
 parable : 
 
 He deserved the mead horns of the tenants of Mynyddog. 
 
 xxxvi. 
 
 To Cynon ab Clydno Eiddin. 
 
 None made the hall so free from care 
 As Cynon the gentle-hearted, Lord of Clinnion * 1 
 
 1 Or u Ceinion”. 
 
 morganshire, is also, in ancient writings, called Dindryvan, but whether 
 either of these is the place mentioned it is not easy to determine.” 
 ( Mabinog ., ii, 167.) 
 
 I incline to believe the place must be Tryvan in North Wales ; but 
 there is a verse in Llywarch Hen, which connects him with the South: — 
 
 u bluest Cadwallawn ar Fynnawn Yedwyr 
 1th ag milwyr magai dawn ; 
 
 Dangosai Gynon yno haeruiawn.” 
 
 (. Heroic Elegies , p. 112 ; Myv., i, 121 ; Gee’s ed., 97; 
 
 Four Ancient Books , ii, 278.) 
 
 “ Cadwallon encamped by the well of Bedwyr ; 
 
 With soldiers virtue is cherished.; 
 
 There Cynon showed how to assert the right.” 
 
 From a note by Mr. Owen we learn that this well is in the upper part 
 of Gwaunllwg, Monmouthshire. Bedwyr the bold was evidently the 
 pink of Cambrian knighthood ; and the allusion in the text proves both 
 the lateness of the Gododin and the historic reality of the Arthurian 
 romances, to the extent of being based upon a nucleus of truth. 
 
 xxxvi. This appears to be the person alluded to again in v. lvii, 
 where he is expressly said to be the son of Clydno, and is again de- 
 scribed as “ Cynon the gentle-hearted”. He is not the same person as 
 Cynon of Aeron, but, having been profuse of notes already, I will post- 
 pone the notice to verse lvii. 
 
the gododin of aneurin gwawdrydd. 
 
 236 
 
 Nyt ef eistedei en tal lleithic 
 E neb a wanei nyt atwenit 3 
 Raclym e 4 waewawr 5 
 
 Caleh drei 6 tyllei vydinawr 380 
 
 Rac Yuan 7 y 8 veircb rac rygiawr 9 
 En dyd gwyth 10 atwyth oed e 11 lavnawr 
 Pan gryssyei gynon gan wyrd wawr. 
 
 XXXVII. 
 
 Disgynsit en trwm 1 yg kessevin 
 
 Ef diodes gormes of dodes 2 fin 3 385 
 
 Ergyr gwayw rieu ryvel chwerthin 
 
 Hut effyt 4 y 5 wrliyt 6 elwry 7 elfin 8 
 
 Eitbinyn 9 uoleit 10 mur greit tarw trin. 
 
 3 Adweinit , 1, 2, 3, 5. 4 /, 3. 5 Waeaw?\ 1, 2, 3. 6 Calchdei , 
 
 1, 2, 3 ; calchdei vel calcjidei , 5. 7 Racvuan , 1, 2, 3. 8 7, 3. 
 
 9 Rhyngiawr, 3, 5. 10 Gwych, 1, 2, 3. 11 /, 3. 
 
 1 Trwn, 1. 2 Rhoddes , 3. 3 Fjin , 1, 2, 3. 4 .4 2, 3. 5 7, 
 
 3. 6 Wrthyt , 2. 7 Y Iwry, 1, 2, 4 ; o Iwrw, 3 ; y Iwrw, 5, 6. 8 The 
 
 preceding line comes after this in 1. 9 Eithin yn , 1, 2, 3, 5 ; eithynynt , 
 
 4. 10 Nolcit , 1 ; oleit , 2, 3, 5 ; voleit, 3, 4 ; this verse is one with the 
 two following in 1. 
 
 xxxvii. History records the existence of one person named Elffin, 
 who was living about this period ; and if romance is to be credited, there 
 was also another. The latter was Elffin, the son of Gwyddno Garanhir, 
 the patron of the romantic Taliesin, whose history, fabulous or real, is 
 thus given : — 
 
 “ Elffin, the son of Gwyddno ab Gervynion ab Dyvnwal Hen, King of 
 Gwent, was a saint of the college of Illtud, who flourished in the sixth 
 century. It is related of him, that his father Gwyddno had a fishing 
 weir on the shore between the Dyvi and Aberystwyth, the annual profits 
 of which were very considerable. But Elffin was the most unfortunate 
 of men, and nothing prospered in his hands, insomuch that his father 
 was grieved at his ill successes, and feared that he was born in an evil 
 
XXXYI. CYNON. 
 
 XXXVII. ELPHIN. 
 
 He would not sit in the upper seat ; 
 
 Whom he pierced was not repierced ; 
 
 His spear was of excessive sharpness ; 
 
 With enamelled arms he bored through the host ; 
 
 Very swift were his steeds before the gentle hero. 
 
 In the day of wrath, destructive was the sword 
 ( )f Cynon when he hastened with the green dawn. 
 
 XXXVII. 
 
 To Elphin the son of Urien Rheged. 
 
 Thou descendedst heavily at the onset. 
 
 He suffered oppression ; he fixed boundaries ; 
 
 The thrusting of his spear made the chiefs of war to smile ; 
 The forward Elphin was manly as the enchanted Ephid, 1 
 Like flaming furze was the tow’ring spirit of the battle-bull. 
 
 1 [The words “ the enchanted Ephid”, are, in the author’s MS., 
 written in pencil and followed by a (?). — Ed.] 
 
 hour ; wishing, however, to give the fortunes of his son a further trial, he 
 agreed to allow him the profits of the weir for one whole year. On the 
 morrow Elffin visited the weir and found nothing except a leathern bag 
 fastened to one of the poles. He was immediately upbraided for his ill- 
 luck by his companions, for he had ruined the good fortune of the weir, 
 which before was wont to produce the value of a hundred pounds on 
 May eve. ‘Nay,’ replied Elffin, ‘there might be an equivalent 
 to the hundred pounds in this.’ The bag was untied, and the 
 opener of it saw the forehead of a boy, when he exclaimed, ‘ Llyma 
 dal iesin’.' 1 ‘ See, here is a noble forehead ! ’ ‘ Taliesin be his name, 
 
 then,’ replied Elffin ; and taking the child up, he conveyed it care- 
 fully to his wife, who nursed it affectionately, and from that time- 
 forward his wealth increased every day. In return for his humanity, 
 Taliesin composed a poem when a child, entitled The Consolation of 
 Elffin , to rouse him from the contemplation of his misfortunes, and to 
 cheer him with hopes of future prosperity ; and afterwards, when Elffin 
 was imprisoned in the Castle of Dyganwy by Maelgwn Gwynedd, 
 
238 
 
 TIIE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 XXXVIII. 
 
 Disgynsit en trwm yg kesseuin 
 
 Gwerth med yg kynted a gwirawt win 390 
 
 Heyessyt y * 1 lafnawr rwg dwy vydin 
 
 Arderchawc varchawc rac gododin 2 
 
 Eithinyn 3 uoleit 4 mur greit tarw trin. 
 
 1 A, 3. 2 * This line is not in 1, 2, 3. 3 Eithyn yn , 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 4 Noleit , 1 ; oleit , 2, 3, 5. 
 
 Taliesin’s muse obtained the release of his benefactor. (See Mabinogi 
 Taliesin in the Cambrian Quarterly Magazine , v. 200, from Myv. Arch., 
 
 i, 17.)” Williams’ Biog. Diet. Hanes Taliesin is also printed in Guest’s 
 Mabinogion , iii, 321-400. 
 
 Haying given thus much of Elffin’s history, let us complete the sketch 
 with a personal description : — 
 
 “And a tall auburn-haired youth stood before him (Arthur), with his 
 sheathed sword in his hand, and clad in a coat and a cap of jet black 
 satin. And his face was white as ivory, and his eyebrows black as jet, 
 and such part of his wrist as could be seen between his glove and his 
 sleeve was whiter than the lily 7 ", and thicker than a warrior’s ankle. 
 
 ‘Who was the man?’ A youth of froward nature ; Elphin the son 
 
 of Gwyddno.” ( Dream of Rhonabwy, Guest’s Mab., ii, 400, 402.) 
 
 But, though we have treated of this person at some length, our whole 
 knowledge is derived from our romantic literature, and he is not named 
 at all in our soberer records ; and even the former does not attribute to 
 him any such warlike reputation as would justify us in concluding him 
 to be the person named by Aneurin, who appears to have been a dis- 
 tinguished warrior. 
 
 Urien Rheged, also, had a son named Elphin, who was living about 
 that time, and probably in the immediate neighbourhood of the fight of 
 Cattraeth. Rheged appears to be the native form of Rhigodunum, the 
 Roman name of Ribchester in Lancashire ; but th§ dominions of Urien 
 appear also to have extended as far east as the river Swale in Yorkshire, 
 if not further, as Leavington bears a striking resemblance to Llwyfenydd 
 (town), named by Taliesin as his seat ; and in the poems of that bard 
 Urien is expressly called “The Lord of Cattraeth” [Yspeil Taliesin , 1. 9]. 
 
XXXVIII. ELPHIN. 
 
 239 
 
 XXXVIII. 
 
 To the same person. 
 
 Heavy was the descent at the onset, 
 
 The result of mead in the hall and the beverage of wine ; 
 His spears were strewn between two armies, 
 
 Splendid knight in the presence of Grododin, 
 
 Like flame in furze was the tow’ring spirit of the battle-bull. 
 
 It is, therefore^ clear that Elphin was living in that neighbourhood, and 
 the encroachments he might have suffered from his Anglian neighbours 
 were probably the circumstances alluded to in line 2 of verse xxxvii : — 
 “Ef diodes gormes ef dodes fin.” 
 
 “He suffered oppression ; he fixed (or had to fix) a boundary.” 
 
 He is mentioned by Llywarch Hen, in his Elegy on Urien 
 Rheged [Myv., i, 105 ; Gee’s ed., 86 ; Four Ancient Books, ii, 271, 272] : — 
 
 “ Dunawd, the knight of the warring field, would fiercely rage, 
 With a mind determined to make a dead corpse, 
 
 Against the quick onset of Owain.” 
 
 “ Dunawd, the hasty chief, would fiercely rage, 
 
 With mind elated for the battle, 
 
 Against the conflict of Pasgen.” 
 
 “ Gwallawg, the knight of tumult, would violently rave, 
 
 With a mind determined to try the sharpest edge, 
 
 Against the conflict of Elphin.” [Heroic Elegies , 37.) 
 
 “ This hearth, will it not be covered with the green sod ! 
 
 In the lifetime of Owain and Elphin, 
 
 Its ample pot boiled the prey taken from the foe.” [Ibid., 41.) 
 
 The allusions here made are to the contest between Dunawd ab Pabo 
 and Gwalloc ab Lleenog, on the one side, and the sons of Urien, who 
 probably sought to avenge the assassination of their father. Urien had 
 four sons, Owain, Pasgen, Elphin, and Rhiwallawn. Pughe puts them 
 in a different order : — 1, Owain ; 2, Pasgen ; 3, Rhiwallon; 4, Morvudd, 
 a daughter ; 5, Elphin ; 6, Cadell. 
 
240 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 XXXIX (A.) 
 
 (Gorchan Maelderw.) 
 
 Disgynsit in trum in alavoed dwyrem 
 
 Cintebic e celeo erit rriigam 395 
 
 Guanannon guirth med guryt muiham 
 
 Ac guicli fodyauc guichauc inham 
 
 Eithin uoleit mab bodu at am. 
 
 xxxix. 
 
 Disgynsit en trwm rac alauoed 1 wyrein 
 
 Wyre llu llaes 2 ysgwydawr 400 
 
 Ysgwyt vriw rac biw beli bloedfawr 
 
 Nar od neb 3 gwyar fin 4 festinyawr 
 
 An debit 5 kynllwyt y ar 6 gynghorawr 
 
 Gorwyd gwareuffrith 7 rin ycli eurdorchawr 8 
 
 1 Alavvedd , 1 ; alaved , 2, 3. 2 Lliaws , 6. 3 Nar odduch , 1,2; 
 
 na roddych , 3. 4 Fjin, 1, 2, 3. 5 Delut, 1 ; delyd , 3 ; deulat, 5. 
 
 6 Far, 1, 2, 3. 7 Gwareeusrith , 2, 3 ; gwareus rith , 6 ; rifA not in 5. 
 8 Un ytheurdorchawr , 1 ; an ?/£/* eurdorchawg , 2, 3 ; m ych eurdorchawc , 
 4 ; unyth ych eurdorchawg , 5 ; m eurdorchawr, 6. This line is not in 8. 
 
 xxxix (a). We have in this verse a striking example of the fact that 
 the copies of the Gododin which we now have are very imperfect. Verse 
 xxxix begins in these with: — 
 
 “ Disgynsit yn trwm rac alauoed wyrein”; 
 but the eleven lines which follow end in -awr, and not in -en or - ein ; and 
 we must therefore conclude, either that the first line is out of place there, 
 or that according to the usage of the Gododin , its use there is justified 
 by its occurrence before, in the verses preceding. If we adopt either of 
 these conclusions, we are compelled to admit, that in the ordinary copies 
 there must be a verse wanting. This we find to be the case; for, on 
 reference to Gorchan Maelderw [ Myv ., i, 61 ; Gee’s ed., 72; Four 
 Ancient Boots , ii, 104], we there find the missing verse, which is given 
 above. The antiquity of the text renders translation very difficult, and 
 several renderings are conjectural ; but as nearly as I can perceive its 
 meaning, it is as above. 
 
XXXIX (a). 
 
 XXXIX. 
 
 241 
 
 XXXIX (a ). 1 
 
 Heavy was the descent at the rising of the expert ones ; 
 
 Like as ploughs descend into soft ground, 
 
 They pierced ; the result of mead was the manliness of the 
 heroes ; 
 
 Pleased were the brave, and bold was their infliction ; 
 
 Like furze in flames was the progress of the son of Bodu(c)at. 
 
 xxxix. 
 
 Heavy was the descent at the rising of the dexterous ones ; 
 The nost arose, the negligent shield-bearer 
 Would have a broken shield while lived the loud-voiced Beli. 
 When we hastened to where the blood flowed, 
 
 There came to us a grey-headed counsellor, 
 
 Wearing golden torques, upon a playful spotted courser ; 
 
 1 I have here marked this verse xxxix (a) in order not to violate the 
 numbers in Williams’ text. 
 
 xxxix. There were two persons named Beli living about this period. 
 One was “Beli, the son of Benlli Gawr, an eminent warrior in North 
 Wales, towards the end of the fifth century ; allusion is made to his 
 burying place in the Englynion y Beddau , which is supposed to have 
 been in Llanarmon yn lal, Denbighshire: — 
 
 “ ‘ Who owns the grave in the great plain, 
 
 Proud his hand upon his spear ? 
 
 The grave of Beli the son of Benlli Gawr.’ ” 
 
 (Williams’ Biog. Did.) 
 
 “ Pieu y bet yn y maes mawr 
 Balch y law ar i lafnawr, 
 
 Bet Beli vab Benlli Gawr.” 
 
 ( Myv ., i, 82 ; Gee’s ed., 68 ; Four Ancient Books , ii, 35.) 
 
 I incline to believe this person to be the man ; but if Owen, who is 
 followed by Williams, is right in the above date, then the person named 
 by Aneurin was 
 
 “ Beli, the son of Rhun ab Maelgwn Gwynedd, (who) succeeded his 
 
 16 
 
242 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEUKIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Twrch gorutj amot emlaen ystre ystrywawr 405 
 
 Teilingdeith 9 gwrthyat gawr 
 
 An gelwit e nef bit athledhawr 10 
 
 Emyt 11 ef krennit e gat waewawr 
 
 Catvannan 12 er aclut 13 clotvawr 14 
 
 No 15 chynhennit na bei llu idaw 11a wr. 410 
 
 XL. 
 
 Am drynni dry law drylenn 
 Am lwys am diffwys dywarchen 
 Am 1 gwydaw gwallt e ar 2 benn 
 Y 3 am wyr 4 eryr gwydyen 
 
 9 Teiling deith, 4. 19 Achledawr, 1, 2, 3, 5. 11 Y myt, 4. 42 Cat 
 
 nannan , 1, 2, 3; cadvannau , 5; catvanneu (clotvannan), 6. 13 Yra 
 
 elut , 1 ; yr a elut , 2, 3 ; er a dut , 4 ; yr a dut , 5 ; er a clat , 6. 14 Clot 
 
 vawr , 4, 6. 15 Ny, 1, 2, 4; ni } 3. 
 
 1 A, 1, 2, 3. 2 Far, 2 ; i ar, 3 ; y vel i ar, 5 ; «ar e, 6. 3 /, 3, 6. 
 
 4 Awyr, 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 father as sovereign prince of North Wales in 586, and died in 599, 
 when he was succeeded by his son Iago.” (Williams’ Blog. Diet.) 
 
 Cadvannan was the battle of Mannan, fought in 582, and the allusion 
 to Alcluyd (Dunbarton) is probably a reference to the battle of Arderydd, 
 which took place there in 573. See note on Aeddan ab Gavran, 
 verse lxi. 
 
 We learn from various sources that there were several persons of the 
 name of Twrch living about this time. Twrch, the son of Anwas Adein- 
 iog, is named in the Mabinogi of Kilhwch and Olwen \_Mab., ii, 260] ; 
 and Twrch the son of Periv is named in that as well as in the Dream 
 of Rhonabwy [i&., ii, 260, 416] ; but it is probable that the person here 
 meant was Twrch ab Arthan, or Arthanad, ab Gwrthmwl Wledig. 
 There is a person of that name commemorated in Englynion y Beddau , 
 as having slain Cyvwlch- the Tall : — 
 
 “ Whose grave is this? The grave of Cyvwlch the Tall : 
 
 In the high lands of Pennant, Twrch the son 
 Of Arthan was the slayer of Cyvwlch.” 
 
 (. Myv ., 1, 80 ; Gee’s ed., 67 ; Four Ancient Books , ii, 31.) 
 
 This person was also opposed to Cynddylan, and then, as now, probably 
 in league with the enemies of the Cymry ; and he appears to have 
 
XXXIX. 
 
 XL. GWENABWY. 
 
 243 
 
 Twrch proposed a reconciliation before the destructive course. 
 Worthy was the journey to oppose the raising of the shout; 
 Since he has been called, may he have refuge in heaven ; 
 
 In this world he loved the fight of spears ; 
 
 At Mannan fight and before Alclwyd he was celebrated, 
 
 And it was not just that he should not have had a host and 
 land. 
 
 XL. 
 
 To Gwenabwy fab Gwen, Brad wen, or Moryen 1 ? 
 
 Where there is ardency, dexterity, and learning, 
 
 Where there is a fair and elevated grassland, 
 
 Where the hair falls down from the head, 
 
 Where the eagle of Gwdion seeks the air, 
 
 1 [This heading is in pencil in the author’s MS. — Ed.] 
 
 been the person who caused the death of the Prince of Pengwern 
 (Powys) : — 
 
 “ Cynddylan, thy heart is like the ice of winter, 
 
 Thou wert pierced by Twrch through the head : 
 
 Thou hast given the ale of Tren. 
 u Cynddylan the hungry boar, a depredator as a lion bold, 
 
 Or like a wolf tracing the fallen carcase : 
 
 Twrch will not restore the patrimony of his sire.” 
 
 ( Heroic Elegies of Llywarch Ben , 71, 73.) 
 Our scanty knowledge of the history of these times prevents us from 
 discovering the relation of Twrch to Cynddylan and Cyvwlch, and 
 leaves in profound obscurity the allusions made to some injustice which 
 was done to him in depriving him of his land, and causing him to 
 take refuge among the Angles. 
 
 xl. It is not easy to determine whether Bradwen in this place is a mas- 
 culine or feminine name ; if it be the former, then the person is the 
 Bradwen named in the Mabinogi of Kilhwch, who was either the 
 brother or the son of Morien, unless there is some mistake there [ Mab ., 
 ii, 259, 260]. To add to our perplexity, Bradwen occurs at subsequent 
 periods as a masculine name. But to the best of my judgment, Brad- 
 wen in this place is a female name, and the person so named is no 
 other than Branwen the daughter of Llyr, the subject of one of the 
 Mabinogion [iii, 79-140], We will return to this topic, but for the 
 present let us proceed. 
 
 16 2 
 
244 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDIIYDD. 
 
 Gwyduc 5 neus amuc ac 6 wayw 7 . 415 
 
 Ardullyat 8 diwyllyat e 9 berchen 
 
 Amuc moryen 10 gwenwawt 11 
 
 Murdyn 12 a chyvrannv penn 
 
 Prif eg weryt 13 ac an nerth 14 ac am hen 15 
 
 Trywyr 16 yr 17 bod bun bratwen 420 
 
 Deudec gwenabwy vab gwen (a). 18 
 
 XLI. 
 
 Am drynni 1 drylaw drylenn 
 Gweinydyawr ysgwydawr yg gweithyen 2 
 En aryal cledyual 3 am benn 
 
 En lloegyr drychyon rac try chant 4 unben 425 
 A dalwy 5 mwng bleid heb prenn 6 
 En e 7 law 8 gnawt gwychnawt eny 9 lenn 
 5 Gwydu , 4. 6 Ae , 1, 2, 3, 6. 7 Waen , 1, 2, 3, 5 ; vaeiv , 6. 
 
 8 Arddwliad , 3. , 9 /, 3. 10 Morgen , 4. 11 Gwennawt, 1, 2, 5. 
 
 12 Nurdyn , 4, 6. 13 Egweryd , 1, 2, 3. 14 Annerth , 3 ; amnerth , 6. 
 
 15 Amhen , 3. 16 Tryvyr , 1, 3. 17 £Jr, 1, 2, 3, 5. 18 This verse is 
 
 one with the four following in 1. 
 
 1 Amdrynni, 1. 2 Yngweithen , 1, 2, 3. 3 Cadval , 2. 4 Racdry- 
 
 chant , 1 ; raedrychant, 2 ; V oedd dry chant, 3 ; rydrychant , 5. 5 Daly, 5. 
 
 6 Percw, 1, 2, 5, 6. 7 Ewo, 4. 8 1, 2, 5 ; gwlaw , 3. 9 Pw ?/, 
 
 1,2; yn i, 3. 
 
 (a) Verse xcyi, in Williams’ text, is a variation of this:- — 
 
 “ Am drynnv 1 dry lav 2 drylen 
 Am lwys am diffwys dywarchen 
 Trihuc 3 baruaut 4 dreis dili plec hen 5 
 Atguuc 6 emorem 7 ae 8 guiau 9 hem 10 
 Hancai 11 ureuer uragdenn 12 
 At 13 gwyr a gwydyl a phrydein 
 
 1 Amdrynni , 1. 2 Drilau , 1. 3 Tri cliue , 1, 2 ; £n cfowe, 3 ; <n‘ 
 
 Amy;, 4; £n hue , £n chive , 5. 4 Barnuant , 1, 2 ; harnwawd , 3 ; barraut 
 
 and barrawd , 5 ; barent , 8. 5 Plynin , 1, 2, 3, 5 ; plycein , 6. 6 
 
 guuc , 1, 2; atgwne , 3; atguue, 4 ; . atgure, 5. 7 Ymorien , 1, 2, 5; 
 
 imorien, 3. 8 d, 3. 9 Gwian , 1, 3,5; guian , 2. 10 Hen , 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 11 E anceu, 2 ; £7’ angeu , 3 ; E anceu , angeu, 5. 12 Fre«^r vracden , 
 
 1,2, 3, 5. 13 d, 3. 
 
XL. GWENABWY. 
 
 XLL 
 
 245 
 
 Where the skilful defend with the spear, 
 
 Where cultivation enriches the owner, 
 
 Morien defended the pleasing muse : 
 
 There were men on ramparts and distribution of heads. 
 He was the prime of the youth, and for strength 
 W as equal to three men ; but the lady Bradwen liked 
 The dexterity of Gwenabwy, the son of Gwen. 
 
 XLI. 
 
 Where there is ardency, dexterity, and learning, 
 
 Where shields are supplied in * 1 conflicts, 
 
 And the sword is waved about the head in mirth, 
 
 (In Lloegria warriors contend before the sovereign), 
 
 And where men hold a wolfs mane without a stick in the 
 hand, 
 
 And customary is hospitality in the cloister 2 , 
 
 1 [“Mimic” (?) supplied in pencil.] 
 
 2 [Or, “ protection from the church”, in pencil.] 
 
 At gu kelein rein rud 14 guen 
 Deheuec gwenauwy 15 mab gwen.” 
 
 14 Veinrudd, 1, 2, 3 ; vein rud , 5. 15 Guenau ung , 1,2; gwenabwy , 3. 
 
 (a) Yerse xcvii, in Williams’ text, is a variation of this: — 
 
 “ Am 1 giniav dry lav 2 drylen 
 Tryrn 3 dwys tra diffwys dywarchen 
 Kemp e 4 lumen arwr 5 baruawt 6 asgell 7 
 Vreith 8 edrych 9 eidyn a breithell 
 Goruchyd 10 y 11 lav loften 12 
 Ar gynt a gwydyl a phryden 
 A chynhyo 13 mwng bleid heb pren 14 
 Eny law gnavt gwychlaut ene lean 
 Prytwyf ny bei marw morem 15 
 Deheuec gwenabwy mab gwen.” 
 
 1 Ar, 1,2,3. 2 Drylawt,2,6. 3 Trum, 2 \ trwm, 3. * Y, 1,2, 3; 
 
 0, 8. 5 Ar ivr, 1, 2, 3, 5. 6 Carwawt, 1, 2, 3, 5. 7 Asget, 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 8 Arreith, 1, 2, 3, 5. 9 Edryth, 4. 10 Gorchudd, 3, 5. 11 Ei, 3. 
 
 12 Lojien , 1, 2, 3, 4. 13 Chyngo, 1, 2, 3, 5. 14 Ben, 5. 15 Moryen, 
 
 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
246 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEUKIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 O 10 gyurang 11 gwyth 12 ac 13 asgen 
 Trenghis ni diengis bratwen. 
 
 XLII. 
 
 Eur 1 ar vur caer krysgrwydyat 2 430 
 
 Aer cret ty na thaer 3 aer vlodyat 4 
 
 Un 5 ara ae 6 leissyar 7 argatwyt 8 
 
 Adar brwydryat 9 
 
 Syll o virein 
 
 Neus adrawd a vo mwy 435 
 
 O damweinnyeit 10 llwy 
 Od amluch lliuanat 11 
 
 XLIII AND XLIY. 
 
 Neus adrawd a vo mwy 
 Enawr 1 blygeint 2 
 
 10 This word is not in 1, 2, 3, 5. 11 Gyvrang, 1, 2, 3, 6 ; gynrang , 8. 
 
 12 Gwych, 4. 13 Ag, 1. 
 
 1 Ac ar , 6. 2 Ysgrwydiat , 1, 2, 3, 5. 3 Chaer } 1, 2, 3, 5. 4 Ae 
 
 vlodyat , 1, 2 ; aejlodiad , 3 ; aer olodiat , 6. 5 F/z, 1, 2, 3, 6. 6 Ai, 6. 
 
 7 Lyssur , 1, 2, 3, 5 ; leissyr (lavurleissyar), 6. 8 Ar gatwyt , 1 , 2. 
 
 9 Crwydryar , 1 ; crwydryat , 2 5 crwydrad , 3 ; brwydryar , 4 ; crwydryar , 
 crwydrad , 5. 10 Ddanwynnyeit , 6; 1, 2, 3 have neither this nor the 
 
 two following lines. 11 Jn Williams’ copy there are three other lines 
 in this verse, but in my opinion they belong to the next. 
 
 1 Ftz llawr, 6 ; ew czwr, 8. 2 Bylgeint , 5, 6. 
 
 xlii. There is another copy of this verse and part of the next : — 
 
 “ Eur ar mur caer crisgwitiat 
 JDair caret na hair air mlodyat 
 IJn S sara secisiar argouuduit 
 Adar bro uual pelloid 
 
 Mirein nis adrawd a uo byv o dam gweinieit 
 
 Lui o dam lan 
 
 Luch livanat nys adrawd 
 
 A vo biw en did pleimieit 
 
 Na bei cinaval cinelveit.” 
 
 ( Gorch . Mael. Myv., i, 86 ; Gee’s ed., 71 ; Four And , Bks., ii, 103.) 
 
 Here, again, we have an illustration of the imperfection of our 
 ordinary copies ; the three lines which are placed here at the beginning 
 of verse xliii, and at the end of verse xlii, did not, it is probable, form 
 
XLII. BRADWEN. 
 
 XLIII AND XLIY. CYNHAVAL. 247 
 
 From the conflict of wrath and injury 
 Bradwen perished and did not escape. 
 
 XLII. 
 
 To Bradwen. 
 
 On the ramparts of the fort lay the golden (corpse), 
 Obstruction of battle : 
 
 Believest thou that they will not have a war-shout ? x 
 Softened were the voices in the brakes 
 Of the wandering birds 
 On seeing the fair body. 
 
 Will there not be relating again 
 Of that which befell the paragon 
 At the stream of Amlwch ? 2 
 
 XLIII AND XLIV. 
 
 To Cynhaval, the Son of Argad. 
 
 Will it not be related hereafter, 
 
 That at the dawn of day 
 
 1 [Or, “ A war-shout will not be had”, in pencil.] 
 
 2 [Or, u At the Lake of Llivon”, in pencil.] 
 
 part of either when originally composed, and it is not improbable that 
 they appear in their proper connection in the following verse from 
 Gorchan Maelderw : — 
 
 “ Hurtrevit clair Cinteiluuad 
 Claer cleu na clair air uener sehic 
 Am sutseic sic sac adleo gogyuurd gogymrat 
 Edili edili ui puillyat 
 Nys adrawd gododin in dit pleigheit 
 Na bei cynhaual citeluat. 
 
 Llavnaur led rud laun ciuachlud 
 Guron guorut y maran laun gur leidyat 
 Laguen utat stadal vleidyat.” 
 
 ( Myv ., i, 87 ; Gee’s ed., 72 ; Four Ancient Books, ii, 105.) 
 
 Without these lines verse xliii would be without a subject ; and it is for 
 the same reason that I have added the concluding four lines, which form 
 part of this verse in the Myvyrian copy, but which Williams has printed 
 separately in verse xliv. 
 
 xliii and xliv. There were two persons living about this period 
 
248 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEUKIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Na bei kynhawal 3 kynheilweing 4 
 Pan vuost di 5 kynnivyn 6 clot 
 Eli amwyn tywyssen gordirot 
 O liaedot en gelwit 7 redyrcli 8 gwyr 
 Oed dor diaclior 9 diaclior din drei 10 
 Oed mynut wrth olut 11 ae kyrchei 
 Oed dinas 12 e vedin ae 13 cretei 
 Ny elwit g win wit men na bei 
 
 Ket 14 bei 15 cann wr 1G en vn ty 
 Atwen ovalon 17 keny 
 Pen gwyr 18 tal being 19 a dely 
 
 XLV. 
 
 ISTyt wyf vynawc blin 
 Ny dialaf vy or din 1 
 
 3 Cynhafal , 1, 2, 3, 5 ; kynawel , 4. 4 Cynheilw, 1, 2, 3, 5. 5 1, 
 
 1, 2, 3, 5. 6 Cynnyvin , 1 ; cynnypin , 2, 3; kynnvssyn , 5. 7 Gelwir 
 
 (gelu'id), 6. 8 Edrycli ( redyrch ), 6. 9 Oedd drei dor ( diaclior oedd 
 
 dor), 6. 10 These two lines are one in 1, 2, 3, 5, thus : — 0 liaedot 
 
 ( haeddod , 3; haedod , b) diaclior ( ddiachor , 3) din drei ( dre , 5 ). 
 11 Wrtholut, 2. 12 Diwas , 1, 2, 3 ; divas (dinas), 6. 13 Ae i, 1, 3 ; 
 
 ac i, 2 , 5. 14 Cyt , 1, 2, 3, 5. 15 Bei , 1, 2, 3, 4. 16 Cann wr, 1 ; 
 
 cannwr , 2, 3. 17 O valon , 2. 18 Pew y gwyr , 1, 2, 3. 19 Talbeing, 
 
 1, 2, 3. 
 
 1 This line is not in 1, 2, 3, 4. 
 
 440 
 
 not 
 
 445 
 
 450 
 
 of the name of Cynhafal. One was Cynhafal ab Elgud ab Cadvarch ab 
 Caradawg Vreichvras, by Tubrawst, the daughter of Tuthlwyniaid, who 
 was a saint living in the seventh century, and the founder of the church 
 of Llangynhafal, in Denbighshire. His commemoration is October 5 
 (Rees’ Saints , 295). He could not have been the hero of Aneurin, as we 
 have no account of any military exploits of his; and, as he was the great- 
 grandson of Cardoc Vreichvras, he lived, it is probable, towards the 
 latter half of the century. 
 
 Cynhaval, the son of Argad, was the other, and most probably the 
 person named by Aneurin. He flourished about the beginning of the 
 
XLIII AND XL1V. CYN11AVAL. 
 
 249 
 
 Cy fill aval was not supported, 
 
 When thou whose praise is familiar 
 Wast protecting the corn of the uplands ? 
 
 On thy account “forward men of mark” were we called. 
 He was an irresistible protector of the brilliant town ; 
 He was a mountain by the wealth of whoever sought him ; 
 He was a fortress to an army who trusted in him. 
 
 There was no sparing of vines where he was ; 
 
 Though there were an hundred men in one house, 
 
 The song should dispel their cares, 
 
 And the chief of men would pay the standard price. 
 
 XLV. 
 
 (The Bard’s Imprisonment.) 
 
 I am not wilfully vexatious, 
 
 I will not avenge the past, 
 
 seventh century (Owen), and was the person named in the following 
 Triad : — 
 
 “ The three bull- chiefs of the Isle of Britain. Elmur the son of Cadegyr 
 [son of Cibddar ; Triads , series iii, 73], Cynhaval the son of Argad, 
 and Avaon the son of Taliesin : and these three were bards (sons of 
 bards in another copy), and they feared nothing in war and battle, but 
 rushed forward without any dread of being slain.” [ Trioedd Ynys 
 Prydain , series i, 13 ; ii, 27 ; iii, 73.] 
 
 This character corresponds with that of Aneurin’s hero ; and the fact 
 that he was either a bard himself, or was the son of a bard, probably 
 gave an additional charm to his military prowess in the eyes of Aneurin ; 
 but there is nothing known to be the literary production of either father 
 or son. 
 
 The two lines referring to the vine and the standard price should 
 merit a moment’s notice. Some doubt that the vine was introduced 
 here by the Romans : here is confirmation of the fact asserted of Probus, 
 who is said to have brought that plant to this country. The existence of 
 a standard price is a proof of civilisation, of the existence of commercial 
 institutions. 
 
 xlv. It is not necessary to make any observation upon the intimacy 
 
250 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Ny cbwardaf y 2 cliwerthin 
 O dan 3 droet 4 ronin 
 
 Ystynnawc vyg glin 5 45 5 
 
 A bundat 6 y 
 En ty 7 deyeryn 
 Cadwyn heyernyn 
 Am ben vyn 8 deulin 
 
 O ved o vuelin 9 460 
 
 0 gatraeth werin 10 
 Mi na 11 vi 12 aneurin 
 Ys gwyr talyessin 
 Oveg kywrenhin 13 
 
 Neu cheing 14 e 15 ododin 465 
 
 Kynn gwawr dyd dilin. 
 
 XLYI. 
 
 Goroled 1 gogled gwr ae goruc 
 Llary vronn haeladon 2 ny essyllut 3 
 
 2 /, 3. 3 Adan , 1, 2. 4 Draed, 1, 2, 3, 5. 5 Fy nglin , 3. 
 
 6 Bun ddad , 3 ; this line is not in 4, 6, 7. 7 Yn y ty } 1, 2, 3. 8 Vy , 
 
 1, 2, 3. 9 This line is not in 1 , 2, 3, 4. 10 Wnin, 1 , 2, 3; line 
 
 not in 6. 11 A na , 1 , 2 ; a wna, 3, 5. 12 /, 5. 13 Cyvrenliin , 1 , 2, 
 
 3, 4 ; vel cyfrennin , 5. 14 Chenig, 1, 2 ; chynig , 3. 15 Not in 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 1 Gwroledd , 3, 5. 2 Haelad , 2 ; Aaefa dow, 6. 3 Yssylluc , 6. 
 
 here displayed between the two chief bards of the sixth century ; on 
 the imprisonment we shall speak in the next note. Davies translates 
 the last two lines thus : — 
 
 u And thus a sonnet of the Gododin 
 Is finished before the break of day.” 
 
 And upon the strength of this very incorrect translation, he asserts 
 that he fiuds “ Aneurin amusing the tedious nights of his imprisonment 
 with the composition of his sonnets” ; but, if these lines prove any- 
 
XLV. THE BARD’S IMPRISONMENT. 
 
 XLYI. KENEU. 251 
 
 I will not forbid laughter. 
 
 With sand under foot, 
 
 Stretched out were my legs 
 And bound, 
 
 In the subterranean house ; 
 
 And an iron chain 
 Bound my knees together. 
 
 Of mead from the buffalo horn, 
 
 And of the host of Cattraeth 
 I Aneurin will do 
 What is known to Taliesin, 
 
 Who participates in my design. 
 
 Will I not sing of Gododin 
 Before and after the break of day ? 
 
 LXYI. 
 
 To Keneu, the Son of Llywarch. 
 
 (The Bard’s Release.) 
 
 The Pride of the North was the man who did the deed. 
 Mild bosomed ! from a generous race he had sprung ; 
 
 thing at all, they prove.that the Gododin was not begun until long after 
 his release, when he was in Wales, and in the enjoyment of intercourse 
 with his senior, the bard Taliesin. For further observations, see Critical 
 Introduction. 
 
 xlyi. In rendering the fifth line, I have here followed Davies, but 
 the line admits of another translation ; and as the present statement of 
 the manner of his release is not consistent with a more explicit state- 
 ment, which is given by the bard in another place, it is probable that 
 we have not given the exact version in the text. As it stands now, it 
 would appear that Aneurin was released through the valour of the son 
 of Llywarch ; but in Gordian Cynvelyn [see p. 18] he says : — 
 
TIIE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 252 
 
 Nyt emcla 4 daer nyt emduc 5 
 
 Mam mor 6 eiryan gadarn haearn gaduc 470 
 
 0 nerth e cledyf claer e 7 hamuc 
 
 0 garchar amwar 8 daear em 9 due 
 
 0 gyvle angheu o anghar dut 
 
 Keneu vab Llywarcli dihauarch drut 10 
 
 XLYII. 
 
 Nyt ef borthi 1 gwarth gorsed 2 475 
 
 Senyllt ae 3 lestri 11a wn med 
 
 Godolei 4 gledyf 5 e 6 gared 
 
 Godolei 7 lemein 8 e 9 ryuel 
 
 Dyfforthsei 10 lynwyssawr 11 oe 12 vreych 
 
 Rac bedin ododin 13 a brennycli 480 
 
 Gnawt ene 14 neuad vyth meirch 
 
 Gwyar a gwrymseircli 
 
 Keingyell 15 liiryell oe law 
 
 Ac en elyd bryssiaw 
 
 4 Am dda , 8. 5 Yon due, 1, 2; ion ddug , 8. 6 Mir, 1, 2, 3. 
 
 7 Ei, 3. 8 Anwar, 1, 2, 3, 5. 9 Ym or im, 5. 10 This and the next 
 
 verse form one in 7, and in 1 it forms one with the five which follow. 
 
 1 Borthei , 1. 2 I gorsedd, 3. 3 Ai, 1,2,3. 4 Goddolevi, 1,2, 3,5. 
 
 5 I gleddy , 6. 6 I, 3, 6. 7 Goddolevi, 1, 2, 3, 5. 8 Lemenei , 1, 2, 3, 5; 
 
 lemein (lemeni), 6. 9 0, 3, 5, 6. 10 Dypliorth seil , 1, 2, 3, 5; dyphorthei, 
 
 4, 6. 11 Yn muyssaur, 1, 2, 3 ; yn mwysawc, 5. 12 0 , 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 13 Gwawdodyn, 3. 14 Yn y, 1,2, 3. 15 Ceyng y el, 1. 
 
 ‘ ‘ Mab coelcerth uyguerth a unaethant 
 O eur pur a dur ac ariant.” 
 
 “ Being a son of the beacon fire, they made up my price, 
 
 Of pure gold and steel and silver.” 
 
 This account differs essentially from that given in this verse, and 
 attributes his release to more persons than one, and no warrantable 
 modification of line 5 will reconcile the two descriptions. I have, . 
 therefore, to leave the line as it is ; but the other version may be sub- 
 mitted as well ; — 
 
XLVI. KENEU. 
 
 XL VI I . HEILYN. 
 
 253 
 
 Earth does not support, nor has mother borne, 
 
 A bright visaged hero so strong when clad in steel. 
 
 By the force of the bright protecting sword, 
 
 He brought me from a cruel prison of earth, 
 
 From an unlovely region, from the place of death, 
 Keneu the bold and active son of Llywarch. 
 
 XLVII. 
 
 To Heilyn . 1 
 
 He would not be stingy in supporting a Gorsedd, 
 
 The seneschal had his vessels full of mead ; 
 
 He would bestow swords on his friends, 
 
 He would endow them with banners for the war, 
 
 And before the army of Gododin and Bryneich 
 He supplied the pools (with blood) by his arm. 
 Habitual in his hall would be steeds 
 And dusky harness and clotted gore. 
 
 Bright flew the javelin from his hand 
 And hastened on its onward path. 
 
 1 [The heading is written in pencil] 
 
 u From the power of the sword, which is brilliant in defence, 
 From a cruel prison of earth he brought me,” etc. 
 
 Cenau, the son of Llywarch, is a character almost wholly unknown 
 in the Cymric annals which have come down to us ; and but that 
 Mr. Owen places him among the twenty-four sons of Llywarch Hen, 
 we might almost doubt that the Llywarch of Aneurin was the old 
 bard. It should also be noted that in the enumeration of his sons by 
 Llywarch himself, Cenau is not mentioned, and Heilyn takes his place; 
 but this is not an insuperable obj%ction, as Pasgen, or Ysgwn, another 
 son of the old bard, is also omitted. There is nothing known respecting 
 him beyond what is here stated. 
 
 XLvn. There is but one Heilyn known to fame who was living at 
 this period ; but there are others named in various places. The Dynevor 
 pedigree attributes a son of that name to Caradoc Yreichvras ; there is 
 a Heilyn named in some verses [Myv., i, 165 ; Gee’s ed., 125 ; Four 
 
254 
 
 TIIE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Gwen ac ymbyrdwen hyrdbleit 
 Disserch a serch ar tro 16 
 Gwyr nyt oedyn drych draet 17 fo 18 
 Heilyn achubyat pob bro. 
 
 485 
 
 XLVI1I. 
 
 Llecli leutu * 1 tut leu 2 leudvre 
 
 Gododin 3 ystre 
 
 490 
 
 Ystre ragno ar y angbat 4 
 Angat gynghor e 5 leuuer cat 
 
 Cangen 6 gaerwys 
 
 Keui 7 drillywys 8 
 
 Tymor dymhestyl 9 tymhestyl dymor 
 E 10 beri restyr rac riallu 
 
 495 
 
 16 Artro , 4. 17 Drychdraet , 4. 18 Dro, 2, 3 ; ffo , 4. 
 
 1 Leucu, 1, 5; leueu , 2, 3. 2 Not in 4, 6, 7. 3 Gwawdodyn , 3. 
 
 4 This line is not in 1, 2, 3. 5 /, 1, 2, 3. 6 Cangeu , 2, 3. 7 Ceny , 
 
 1, 2, 3, 5. 8 Duliwys , 1, 2, 3, 5 ; drillwys , 6. 9 Tymor dymhestyl is 
 
 not in 3. 10 /, 3 ; i et y , 5. 
 
 Ancient Books, ii, 56] attributed to Gwyddno, as a son of his, if the 
 word heilyn in that poem is a proper name, and not an epithet applied 
 to Rhuvawn Bevyr ; and in the poem called “ Kadeir Teyrnon” ( Myv., 
 
 i, 65; Gee’s ed., 56 ; Four Ancient Books , ii, 155), usually, but wrongly, 
 
 attributed to Taliesin, there occur the lines : — 
 
 which clearly refers to the subject of this verse. In the present state 
 
 of our knowledge, we cannot, perhaps, do better than assume Heilyn 
 to have been the son of Lly warch Hen. There is a person of that name 
 named in the pedigree of Llywarch, and the old bard enumerates him 
 among his sons : — 
 
 “Maen and Madawg and Medel, valiant men, 
 
 And brothers not refractory, 
 
 Selyv, Heilyn, Llawr, and Lliver.” ( Heroic Elegies , p. 142.) 
 
 XLvm. Davies supposes these proper names to designate the scenes 
 of hostile encounters, though he was at a loss to determine where they 
 
 “ Teyrnon henwr 
 
 Heilyn pasgadwr” ( i.e ., Heilyn the feeder), 
 
XLVIII. GW ART IIAN. 
 
 255 
 
 His smile became a frown in attack, 
 
 And he was alternately pleasing and disagreeable. 
 His warriors did not show their feet in flight — 
 Heilyn ! the saviour of all the vales ! 
 
 XLVIII. 
 
 To Gwarthan ab Dunawd. 
 
 Llech (the stone or pass of) Lleutu, the land of Lleudvre, 
 The vale of Gododin, 
 
 And the strand of Rhagno was in his grasp ; 
 
 His hand in council was for the splendour of battle ; 
 
 The Caerwys contingent 
 Were placed in order, 
 
 In the season of tempest, in a tempestuous season, 
 
 To form ranks before the leader. 
 
 lay. This was a natural consequence of his false chronology ; but if I 
 held the same views, it would be easy to find not only a plausible, but 
 also a probable historical explanation. For instance, let us take the first 
 line of the original : — 
 
 44 Llech Lleutu (or lleucu) tud leu leudvre.” 
 
 Assuming the Llech Lleucu to be the proper reading (“ the stone of 
 Lleucu”), we find an historical account to correspond : — 
 
 “dlxxvi. The battle of Loco in Kentire,” etc. {Annals of Ulster'). 
 But that was a family feud among the Scots of Argyle. Again, Davies, 
 without warrant, puts Llech as a prefix to Tudleu, making the stone of 
 Titleu. Nennius [ Nennius und Gildas von San-Marte, § 44, p. 57; 
 Monumenta Historica Britannica , p. 694] speaks of a battle between 
 V ortimer and the Saxons, at the 4 4 Lapis Tituli”, on the Gallic 
 shore. This is usually thought to be a mistake for 44 Lapis Populi” — 
 Folkstone ; but most probably Folkstone was The Folk’s town — that is, 
 the Nor(th)folk and the Su(th)folk ; and lapis Tituli had, it is probable, 
 some connection with the second king of the East Anglians of Norfolk 
 and Suffolk, who is variously named Tidil (Nennius), Tytla, Titell, and 
 Titulus (Florence of Worcester), Titilus (H. of Huntingdon), and Tytilus 
 (Bede). This is open to two objections — 1st, the East Anglians were 
 
25G THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 0 dindywyt 11 yn dyvu 
 Wyt 12 yn dywovu 13 
 Dwys yd wodyn 14 
 
 Llym yt wenyn 500 
 
 Llwyr genyn llu 
 Ysgwyt. rugyn 
 Eac tarw trin 
 
 Y dal vriw 15 vu 16 (a) 
 
 11 0 dindovyt, 1 ; odin dovyt , 2, 3, 5. 12 Wyh, 2. 13 Dy uovu, 1 ; 
 
 ' dy uosu, 2 ; dywo dyvu, 4; dyuovu, 6; this line is not in 3, and it is 
 indistinct in 2. 14 Uodyn, 1, 2; foddyn , 5. 15 DaJfirw , 3, 5. 
 
 10 This verse is thus given in another MS : — 
 
 “ Leech leud ud tut leuvre 
 Gododin stre stre 
 Ancat ancat cyngor cyngor 
 Tymestyl trameryn lestyr trameryn lu 
 Heidilyawn lu raeidlyawn let lin lu 
 O dindywyt yn dyowu 
 Scwyt grugyn y ractaryf trun tal briw bu.” 
 
 ( Gorchan Maelderw ; Myv., i, 86; Gee’s ed., 71; 
 Four Ancient Books , ii, 103.) 
 
 (a) Verse xciv in Williams’ Gododin is a second copy of this: — 
 u Llech 1 lief dir aryf gardith tith ragon 2 
 Tec w^re rac gododin 3 ystre anhon 
 Ry due diwyll o win bebyll ar lies tymyr 4 
 Tymor tymestyl tra merin llestyr 
 Tra merin llu llu meithlyon 
 Kein gadrawt rwyd 5 rac riallu 
 O dindywyt 6 en dyuuwyt 7 yn dyvuu 8 
 Ysgwyt 9 rugyn rac doleu trin tal vriw 10 vu.” 
 
 1 Lleth , 4. 2 Tithragon, 1, 2, 3, 5 ; lith ragon, 8. 3 Givawdodyn , 3. 
 
 4 Llestymyr, 4. 5 Rhwyd , 4. 6 Dinguyt , 1 ; drinuyt, 2 ; dringwyd, 3 ; 
 
 dinguyt and ddingwyd, 5. 7 Duynwyt , 1, 2, 5 ; dwynwyd dyvnuyt , 3, 6. 
 
 8 Dyonn, 1, 2, 6; duou , 3; ddyoun, 4. 9 Ys gwyt , 1. 10 Talorin , 
 
 1, 2, 3, 5 ; talvriw , 6. 
 
 too far ; and 2nd, the word leu is a corrupt reading. Lleudvre is more 
 promising, and might be assumed to refer to the following event : — 
 
 “ dxc. The battle of Leithvedh (qy. Leithredh), by Aodan mac 
 Gauran.” An. Ult. (Ritson’s Annals, ii, 36.) 
 
XLVIII. GWARTHAN. 
 
 257 
 
 From the town of Tweed 
 We came marching forward ; 
 
 Ardently they purposed, 
 
 Keenly would they pierce, 
 
 And unanimously sang the host. 
 
 The sportive shields 
 Were shivered in fragments 
 
 In the presence of the bull of battle. 
 
 But, upon careful consideration, I have come to the conclusion that 
 the bard is here simply enumerating the possessions of his chief, Gwar- 
 than, the son of Dunawd, one of the lords of Gododin. Llech Lleutu is 
 probably some pass so named ; and is in all likelihood the pass which 
 was defended by Dunawd, the father of Gwarthan, against the onset 
 of Urien Rheged : — 
 
 “ Dywal dywedud yn nrws Llech 
 Dunawd vab Pabo ni thech.” ( Heroic Elegies , p. 22.) 
 
 “ Fiercely was it said in the passage of Llech, 
 
 Dunawd the son of Pabo will never fly.” 
 
 In a subsequent verse [see note (a), p. 256], Ystre anhon , Annandale, is 
 added to these names ; and in that immediate neighbourhood we find 
 two places which may correspond to tud leudvre , or tud leuvre , the land 
 of Leuvre, which may be either Leversdale, in Cumberland, or the 
 district wherein Caerlaverock stands. Ystre Gododin is probably Tweed- 
 dale ; and Ystre Ragno may probably be recognised as Raesknow, in the 
 upper part of Teviotdale. Dindywyt is literally the town of the Tueda, 
 the Roman name for the Tweed ; and it is possible that the place called 
 Duddo may be the town here named. 
 
 (These names are in the immediate neighbourhood of Annandale : — 
 Ystre Ragno — Storeknow, a tributary to the Esk. 
 
 Tud- leu — qy. Land of Ley, another small stream close by Ley head. 
 Lieu dvre — Leversd ale. 
 
 Llech Leutu — qy. Liddel-dale. 
 
 There is a Leek just within the North Lancaster boundary, which pro- 
 bably was the Llech of Dunawd.) 1 
 
 1 [Note inserted on a separate slip. — Ed.] 
 
 17 
 
THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 258 
 
 XLIX. 
 
 Erkryn 1 e 2 alon ar 3 af (ar) 4 505 
 
 Er y 5 brwydrin trin trachuar 
 
 Kwr e vankeirw 6 
 
 Am gwr e vanncarw 7 
 
 Byssed brych briwant 8 barr 
 
 Am bwyll am disteir am distar 9 510 
 
 Am bwyll am rodic 10 am rycliward 11 
 
 Ys bro ys 12 brys treullyawt rys 
 
 En riwdrec 13 ni 14 hu wy 15 ny gaffo e 10 neges 
 
 Nyt angbwy a wanwy 17 odiwes. 
 
 L. 
 
 Ny mat wanpwyt ysgwyt 
 Ar gynwal 1 carnwyt 
 Ny mat dodes y 2 vordwyt 
 Ar vreichir mein-llwyt 3 
 Gell e baladyr gell 
 Gellach e 4 obeli 5 
 Y mae dy wr ene 6 gell 
 En cnoi angbell 
 Bwch 7 bud oe law 8 idaw 
 Poet 9 ymbell angell. 10 
 
 1 Er kryn , 8. 2 0, 3. 3 Not in 1, 2, 3, 5. 4 Ar af \ 1, 2, 5 ; 
 
 of ar, 3 ; araf 4. 6 Y, 3 ; ery, 4. 6 Van ceirw , 1 ; this line is not in 
 
 2, 3. 7 Van carw , 2, 3. 8 Briwaut, 6. 9 This line is not in 1, 2, 
 
 3, 4. Rhodri, 1, 2, 3, 5. u Rychwedd, 2, 3. 12 Ys broys, 1,2,6; 
 
 ysbroys, 3. 13 Rhin dree, 1, 2, 3; rhindrec , 5; 14 Nid, 3. 15 Not 
 
 in 1, 2, 3, 5. 10 I, 3, 5. 17 O vanny , 1, 2, 3 ; o vann y, vel o fan, 5 ; 
 
 a wa mvy, 6. 
 
 1 Grymal , 1, 2, 3 ; grymal vel grymial , 5. 2 l, 3. 3 The rest of the 
 
 verse is not in 3. 4 Not in 1, 2. 5 0 bell, 1, 2. 6 Yn y, 1, 2, 5. 
 
 7 Bwch aut hwch , 2 ; liwch, 5. 8 Lawr , 2. 9 Poet poet , 1, 2, 6. 
 
 10 Not in 1, 7. 
 
 515 
 
 520 
 
 xlix. If Rhys in this verse is a proper name, the scene is probably in 
 Wales, as the only person of that name at this period was the son of 
 Morial : — 
 
XLIX. RHYS. 
 
 L. ADONWY. 
 
 259 
 
 XLIX. 
 
 To Rhys the son of Morial. 
 
 His enemies tremble wherever he goes ; 
 
 He was active in the conflicting flight ; 
 
 The deer on the hill top are nimble, 
 
 And like a deer on the hill top was he ; 
 
 Freckled fingers broke spears, 
 
 For Pwyll and Disteir and Distar ; 
 
 For Pwyll and Rhodic and Rhychwardd. 
 
 The valley was quickly consumed 1 by Rhys, 
 
 In armour. He is not bold who fails of his purpose ; 
 
 He does not escape who is pierced by a pursuer. 
 
 • 
 
 L. 
 
 To Adonwy. (Query Mathonwy of Caer Dathal.) 
 
 He is not estimable whose shield was pierced 
 Upon the crupper of his steed ; 
 
 He is not estimable who placed his thigh 
 Upon a tall and slender grey steed ; 
 
 His bay spear was bay still, 
 
 And his saddle bayer yet . 2 
 Thy husband 3 is in the pantry, 
 
 Gnawing the foreleg of a buck ; 
 
 Assistance from his hand will come — 
 
 When the foreleg is far away ! 4 
 
 1 Or, “ traversed”. 
 
 2 /.e., not discoloured by blood. 
 
 3 /.e., the husband of Bradwen. 
 
 4 See an amusing version of this verse in Davies’ Druids , p. 360. 
 
 “ The sod of Ercal is on the ashes of fierce men. 
 
 Of the progeny of Morial ; 
 
 And after Rhys there is great murmuring of woe.” 
 
 This verse occurs in Llywarch Hen’s u Elegy on Cynddylan ab 
 Cyndrwyn” ( Heroic Elegies , p. 93 ; Myv ., i, 112 ; Gee’s ed., 90 ; Four 
 Ancient Books , ii, 288), and Pwyll, Disteir, Distar, Rhodri, and 
 
 17 2 
 
260 
 
 TITE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 LI. 
 
 Da y doeth 1 adonwy atwen 525 
 
 Ym adawssut 2 wenn heli brat wen 
 
 Gwnelut lladut 3 llosgut 
 
 No moryen ny waeth 4 wnelut 
 
 Ny delyeist nac eithaf na chynhor 5 
 
 Ysgwn drem 6 dibennor 530 
 
 (Ni weleis or mor bwyr mor 
 
 Marchauc a vei waetb no odgnr) 
 
 Ny weleist e morchwyd mawr marchogion 
 Wynedin 7 ny 8 rodin nawd y Saesson. (a) 
 
 1 Daeth , 1, 2, 5 ; this verse is not in 3. 2 Yin a dawssyt , 1, 2 ; 
 
 ymadawssyt , 5. 3 Leadut , 1. * 4 Naeth , 1, 2 ; vaeth , 5 ; waeth (uaeth), 
 
 6. 6 Chynghor , 1, 2. 6 Drein , 1, 2, 5. 7 iV?/ leddin , 1, 2, 5 ; wy 
 
 nedin, 4, 6. 8 iVy, 2, 4. 
 
 (a) “Da dyvot adonwy adonwy am adaussut 
 A wnelei vratwen gwnelut lladut llosgut 
 Ny chetweist nae eithaf na chynnor ( chyngor , 1) 
 
 Ysgwn tref dy beuwel ( bennel , 1) ny weleis or mor 
 Bwyr mor marchauc a vei waeth no odgur.” 
 
 (Gorch. Madder w.) 
 
 Rhychwardd, in conjunction with Rhys, were probably the persons 
 referred to as the “ fierce men of the progeny of Morial.” 
 
 Morial is frequently named about this period. The bard Meugant 
 speaks of an expedition of his to Caer Lwydcoed (Lincoln), from whence 
 he brought a booty of fifteen hundred head of cattle [Myv., i, 160; 
 Gee’s ed., 122] ; he is alluded to in the Mahinogi of Branwen \Mab ., iii, 
 124], and is named with honour in Englynion y Beddau. (See ante , note 
 on v. xxx, p. 216.) 
 
 li. Adonwy is a name wholly unknown to the Cambrian annals ; but 
 from its resemblance to Daronwy and Mathonwy. it is evidently the name 
 of one of the Irish settlers in Gwynedd, which at this time consisted of 
 Mon and Arvon ; and from that fact, as well as the association of the 
 name with the lamentable fate of Bradwen, the daughter of Llyr, I am 
 led to conclude that Matholwch, the husband of Bradwen, Mathonwy, 
 the father of Math ab Mathonwy of Caer Dathal in Arvon, and the 
 Adonwy of Aneurin are in reality the same person. 
 
 Of Mathonwy there is but little known, as he is only once named else- 
 
LI. ADONWY. 
 
 261 
 
 LI. 
 
 To Adonwy. (Mathonwy ?) 
 
 Well did Adonwy come to the fair ! 
 
 The fair Bradwen thou leftest in the sea I 1 
 Thou wouldst perform, slay, and burn ; 
 
 Thou wouldst not accomplish less than Morien ! 
 
 Thou keptst neither a boundary nor a pass, 
 
 Thou whose uplifted head is helmetless. 
 
 (From sea to sea, I have not seen 
 A worse knight than he was.) 
 
 Thou sawest not the mighty swell of the warriors : 
 
 They hewed and gave no quarter to the Saxons I 
 
 1 Or, according to Gorch. Mael. : 
 
 “Thou promisedst to avenge what he (Morien) had done to Bradwen.” 
 
 where, except in connection with the famous magician and king of 
 Gwynedd — his son Math. In Cerdd Daronwy ( Myv ., i, 63 ; Gee’s ed., 
 p. 55 ; Four Ancient Books , i, 269; ii, 147) Mathonwy himself is said to 
 have been a diviner, probably in mistake for the son, and his magic 
 wand receives complimentary notice ; and in the lolo MSS., p. 471, there 
 is attributed to him the following pedigree : — 
 
 “ Math, the son of Mathonwy, the son of Trathol, the son of Gwydion, 
 the son of Don, King of Mona and Arvon, the Cantred, and of Dublin 
 and Lochlyn, who came to the Isle of Mona one hundred and twenty-nine 
 years before the incarnation of Christ.” 
 
 In the paragraph from which this extract is taken, this Irish invasion 
 is dated at the commencement “ a.d. 267”, and it is said that they were 
 expelled, after a settlement of 129 years, by the sons of Cunedda, whom 
 we have placed at the beginning of the sixth century. There is, there- 
 fore, no dependence whatever to be placed upon the date here given. 
 Mathonwy is here said to be the grandson of Gwdion, but the Mahinogion 
 reverse this order, and make Gwdion to be the contemporary of Math, 
 the son of Mathonwy, his superior lord ; and Math was the contemporary 
 of Manawyddan ab Llyr ab Brochwel Powys, who lived in the seventh 
 century. Mathonwy was, therefore, living contemporaneously with 
 Aneurin. 
 
 So much for the gentleman ; now for the lady. If I am right in my 
 conclusion, the Bradwen of Aneurin is the same person as Branwen, the 
 daughter of Llyr ; and verses xl, xli, xlii, 1, and li present to us the 
 
262 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 LII. 
 
 Gododin * 1 gomynaf 2 dy blegyt 535 
 
 Tynoeu 3 dra thrumein 4 * drum essyth 6 
 
 1 Gwawdodyn, 3. 2 Gofynaf , ’ 5. 3 Tyno eu, J ; ty noeu, 2. 
 
 4 Thrinuein , 1 ; t.hrinyein, 2, 3 ; thrinvein , 5. 6 Drinnessyt , 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 actual facts on which the romance of Branwen was afterwards founded. 
 These facts, it is true, are, after all, but few in number, and those not by 
 any means clearly developed ; but, so far as they can be discerned, they 
 are the following : — 
 
 i. That Bradwen was the wife of Adonwy or Mathonwy. 
 
 n. That (in a passage-at-arms between Morien and Gwenabwy, the 
 son of Gwen ?) the lady Bradwen gave the preference to the dexterity of 
 Gwenabwy over the physical power of Morien. 
 
 in. That “from the conflict of wrath and mischief, Bradwen perished, 
 and did not escape”. 
 
 iy. That the body was placed upon the rampart after, according to 
 some readings, it had lain in the sea. 
 
 v. That Bradwen received her death from Morien. 
 
 vi. That the cowardly Adonwy neglected to avenge her. 
 
 vn. That there would be a war to avenge her death. 
 
 There are two other accounts of this transaction, which agree for the 
 most part with the verses of Aneurin. One of these is the following 
 Triad : — 
 
 “ The three direful blows of the Isle of Britain : the blow given by 
 Matholwch, the Irishman, to Branwen, the daughter of Llyr ; the blow 
 given to Gwenhwyvar by Gwenhwyvach, which caused the battle of 
 Camlan ; and the blow given by Golyddan to Cadwaladr the Blessed.” 
 — Myv ., ii, 11 ; Gee’s ed., 396. 
 
 And the other account is that furnished in the Mabinogi of Branwen, 
 of which the following synopsis will contain all the material facts : — 
 
 Bendigeid Yran, the son of Llyr, was the crowned king of this 
 island, and be was exalted from the crown of London. And one after- 
 noon he was at Harlech in Ardudwy (Merionethshire), looking over the 
 sea, and with him were his brothers by the mother’s side, Nissyen and 
 Evnissyen, and his brother Manawyddan ab Llyr. And they saw thir- 
 teen ships coming towards them from the south of Ireland — Matholwch, 
 the King of Ireland, coming to ask the hand of Branwen, the sister of 
 Bran. She was given to him in marriage, but Evnissyen, who was a 
 quarrelsome man, maimed the horses of Matholwch, and he was depart- 
 ing in auger, when Bran caused the injury to be repaired through the 
 
LII. GODODIN. 
 
 263 
 
 LII. 
 
 To Gododin. 
 
 Gododin ! much I desire thy parts, — 
 
 The dales beyond the ridge of the steep mountain 
 
 good offices of Manawyddan, Hyveidd Hir, and others. After he had 
 retired to Ireland, and Branwen had been with him one year, there arose 
 a tumult in the country, and his relations blamed Matholwch for not 
 avenging the injury done to his horses, notwithstanding that other colts 
 had been given him instead, in the commot since called Talebolion 
 (Anglesey) ; and the vengeance they took was to drive away Branwen 
 from the same chamber with him, and to make her cook for the court, 
 and cause the butcher, after he had cut up the meat, to give her every 
 day a blow on the ear. She was thus treated for three years, and as all 
 communication with the Island of the Mighty (Britain) was cut off, Bran 
 did not hear of his sister’s maltreatment ; but Branwen reared a starling 
 in the cover of the kneading trough, and she taught it to speak, and what 
 kind of man her brother was. She then gave it a letter, which the bird 
 brought to Bran at Caer Seiont in Arvon ; and Bran determined to avenge 
 the injuries of his sister. He went over to Ireland for that purpose, and left 
 Caradoc, his son, at Edeyrnion (a commot in Merionethshire) with seven 
 knights to take charge of the Island of the Mighty ; but he was slain in 
 Ireland, and seven only of his followers returned, bringing with them his 
 head, and Branwen. And they came to land at Aber Alaw in Talebolion, 
 and sat down to rest. And Branwen looked towards Ireland, and to- 
 wards the Island of the Mighty, to see if she could descry them. “ Alas,” 
 said she, “woe is me that I was ever born ; two islands have been destroyed 
 because of me !” Then she uttered a long groan, and there broke her 
 heart. And they made for her a four-sided grave, and buried her upon 
 the banks of the Alaw (Anglesea, where her remains were found in 1813, 
 as here described). The head of Bran was buried at the White Mount, 
 London (probably Bryngwyn in Anglesey, or the Gwynfryn in Merioneth- 
 shire). 
 
 The grandiloquence of this tale will scarcely deceive anyone ; and 
 I need scarcely remark that Bran ab Llyr Llediaith, son of the King of 
 London, was nothing more than a petty lord of Merioneth. The same 
 remark will explain why Anglesey has been exaggerated into Ireland ; 
 and as all the names of places are in Gwynedd , we have not much diffi- 
 culty in coming to the conclusion that Mona was the scene of these 
 events. If proof were wanting, we have it in the fact that Bran, with 
 his provisions on his back, waded across the sea (Menai) to Ireland! 
 
264 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Gwas chwant y 6 ariant heb 7 emwyt 8 
 0 gyssul 9 mab dwywei 10 dy wrhyt 
 Nyt oed 11 gynghor wann 12 
 Wael 13 y 14 rac tan 15 veithin 
 0 lychwr y 16 lychwr luch bin 17 
 Luchdor y 18 borfor 19 beryerin 20 
 Llad gwaws 21 gwan maws mur 22 trin 
 Anysgarat 23 ac 24 vu 25 y nat 26 ac Aneurin. (a) 
 
 540 
 
 6 7, 3. 7 Hem , 8 8 Ymwyt, 1, 2, 3, 5. 9 Gyssu , 4. 10 Dwyre, 
 
 1, 2, 3, 5. 11 Ced, 6. 12 Gyngor uann , 1; ynghoruan , 2; gynghorwan , 3 ; 
 
 gynghorfan , 5. 13 E7aeZ, 1, 2 ; hael, 5. 14 Not in 1, 2, 3, 5. 15 Lan , 
 
 1, 2, 3. 16 7, 3. 17 Luthbin , 1, 5 ; luthvin , 2; luihfin , 3 ; Iwch bin , 6. 
 
 18 7, 3. 19 Bor for , 8. 20 Beryenin, 4. 21 Gnaws, 1, 2, 3 ; graws, 5. 
 
 22 Gwyr , 4. 23 Anys garat , 1. 24 Not in 1, 2, 3. 26 ZTrc, 4, 6. 
 
 26 FrmZ, 1, 2, 5 ; yn ad, 3. 
 
 (a) Verse xcm, in Williams’ copy, is a various reading of this : — 
 
 “ Gododin gomynnaf 1 oth blegyt 
 Yg gwyd 2 cant en aryal en 3 emwyt 4 
 A guarchan 5 mab dwywei da wrhyt 
 Poet yno en vn tyno treissyt 
 Er pan want maws mor trin 6 
 Er pan aeth daear ar aneirin 
 Mi neut 7 ysgaras nat a gododin. 
 
 1 Gofynnaf 5. 2 Yg uydd, 1 ; ygcwyd, 5 ; yngwydd, 2 ; ys gwyd, 8. 
 
 3 Yr, 1, 2, 3, 5. 4 Enuyt, 1, 2 ; enwyd 3 ; enwyt, 5. 5 Gwarthan , 
 
 But the chief difficulty is historical, not geographical. Bran ab Llyr 
 Llediaitli, according to the biographers, was King of the Silures, and 
 father of the world-famous Caractacus ; but according to my researches, 
 he lived not at D unraven in Glamorganshire, but at Harlech in 
 Merionethshire — not in a.d. 51, but about a.d. 620. His father Llyr, 
 the father of Branwen, or Bradwen, and Cordelia, the King Lear of 
 Shakespere, was the son of Brochwel, Prince of Powys ; and the story 
 respecting the introduction of Christianity into this island by Bran 
 ab Llyr Llediaith is wholly unfounded, as the only Bran ab Llyr known 
 to the Cambrian annals, when carefully examined, is this grandson of 
 Brochwel’s and contemporary of Aneurin. 
 
 Let us, therefore, bring these various accounts together. Aneurin 
 
LII. GODODIN. 
 
 265 
 
 Where [the slave to the love of money is without self-control ]. 1 
 From the counsel of the son of Dwywe was thy heroism ; 
 
 He was not weak in advice, 
 
 Nor mean before the banquet fire (of Gwylyget ?). 
 
 From Lucker to Lockerby, Lochmaben, 
 
 There is an open door for the purple- wearing pilgrim (bard). 
 The pitiful slaughter and piercing of the delightful pillar of 
 conflict 
 
 Has been the cause of separating thee from Aneurin. 
 
 1 [The bracketed words are Mr. Silvan Evans’ rendering of the line, 
 which is untranslated in Stephens’ MS. — Ed.] 
 
 and the Triads seem to speak of some single injury. The bard and the 
 romance acquit the husband of being the chief offender. The bard 
 says the event occurred “ Od amlwch llivanat”, at the lake or waters 
 of Llivanat ; and Aber Alaw, where Branwen was buried, is in the 
 commot of Llivon in Anglesey. The bard places the scene where the 
 eagle of Gwydion (King of Mona) hovers in the air ; and the romance 
 does the same. The bard predicts war ; the romance relates that it 
 took place ; and the poem called Cerdd i Veib Llyr ab Brychwel Powys 
 identifies the story with the sons of Brochwel ( Myv ., i, 66 ; Gee’s ed., 
 57 ; Four Ancient Books, ii, 153). The romance connects Evnissyen 
 with the fortunes of Bradwen ; and the Englynion identify him with 
 those of Bradwen : — 
 
 “ Oet ef Kyfnissen y holi galanas 
 
 Guawrut grut aten 
 
 A chen buir but bet Bradwen.” {Myv., i, 82; Gee’s ed., 68.) 
 An interesting account of the opening of her tumulus in 1813 was fur- 
 nished to the Cambro-Briton (vol. ii, p. 71) by Sir R. C. Hoare. The 
 place was still called Ynys Bronwen ; and the name is also preserved 
 in Penrhos Brydwen, in the same immediate locality. Harlech Castle is 
 also called Twr Bronwen. 
 
 lii. The subject of this verse is the country of the Ottadini, which, 
 from this and other authorities, we find to have extended from Lucker 
 in Northumberland, on the coast of the German Ocean, to Lockerby, 
 near Lochmaben in Galloway, near the Frith of Solway; and this 
 verse, in connection with one of the preceding, and two which 
 will presently follow, clearly show that the dominion of the Ottadini 
 stretched right across from Berwick to Annandale, from the German 
 to the Irish Sea. It is usually supposed to have extended north and 
 
266 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 LIII. 
 
 Kywyrein ketwyr kywrennin 1 
 E 2 gatraeth gwerin fraeth fysgyolin 3 
 Gwerth med yg kynted a gwirawt win 
 Heyessit e lavnawr rwng dwy vedin 
 Arderchauc varchawc rac Gododin 4 
 Eithinyn 6 voleit 6 murgreit 7 tarw trin. 
 
 545 
 
 550 
 
 LIY. 
 
 Kywyrein ketwyr kywrenhin 1 
 Gwlat atvel 2 gochlywer 3 eu . 4 dilin 5 
 Dygoglawd 6 ton bevyr beryerin 
 Men 7 yd ynt 8 eilyassaf 9 elein 
 
 1 Cynrennin , 1, 2, 3, 5. 2 7, 3. 3 Wysgiolin , 3. 4 Gwawdodin , 3. 
 
 1 6 Eith iuyn, 1 ; eith iwyn, 2 ; eitkin yn, 3, 6. 6 Uoleit , 4 ; noleit , 6. 
 
 7 Mur greit , 1, 2, 3. 6. 
 
 1 Cynrerihin , 1, 2, 3, 5. 2 Atvet , 1, 5; aftzcg 2; adued , 3. 3 Goch- 
 
 lywet , 1, 2, 3, 5 ; gychlywer , 6. 4 Ei, 2. 6 Dilyn , 4; there is a mark 
 
 of omission between this word and the next in 8. 6 Dy goglawd, 1, 2, 3. 
 
 7 Mein, 2, 3. 8 Ydynt, 1, 2, 3. 9 Heliessynt , 3 ; heliessynt eilyassaf ’4; 
 
 eliassaf, 5. 
 
 south, from Berwick to Edinburgh ; but Nennius describes a part of 
 Cumberland by the name of Manau Guotodin ; and these notices in 
 Aneurin, taken in conjunction with the words of Nennius, point out 
 the true position of the Gododinian district. Lucker and Lockerby 
 were the two boundaries north-west and south-west, and the latter place 
 is situate near Birrenswork Hill, a Roman encampment or station in 
 former periods. 
 
 The hero of the verse was Gwarthan ab Dunawd, to whom reference 
 has been already made. Dunawd, like his son, was Lord of Gododin ; 
 he married a lady named Dwywe, who was the daughter of Gwallog ab 
 Lleenog, and is numbered among the British saints ; and by her he had 
 several sons, amongst others, Gwarthan the son of Dwywe, here named. 
 The fullest notice of him occurs in the Iolo MSS. (p. 556): — 
 
 “ Gwarthan the son of Dunawd, the son of Pabo Post Prydain, was 
 confessor to Cattwg in the College of Germanus, and Cattwg sent him 
 and his brothers, Deiniol and Cynwyl, as instructors to Bangor in 
 
/ 
 
 LIII. GWARTHAN. LIV. MORYAL. 267 
 
 LIII 
 
 To Gwarthan ab Dunawd (?) or Elphin (?) 
 
 The skilful warriors rose together ; 
 
 And to Cattraeth there hastened a loquacious host — 
 
 The result of mead in the hall and the beverage of wine. 
 His spears were strewn between two armies, 
 
 Illustrious knight in the presence of Gododin ! 
 
 Like furze in flames was the towering spirit of the battle- 
 bull. 
 
 LIV. 
 
 To Moryal. (?) 
 
 The skilful warriors rose together 1 ; 
 
 The invader of the country heard their pursuit, 
 
 Where murmurs that radiant pilgrim, the ocean wave, 
 When the fawns are in fullest harmony. 
 
 1 The last word of line 1 is cynrenhin — “foremost” or “front-sharing”,, 
 
 Maelor, on the banks of the Dee; and in consequence of the wisdom 
 and piety of these three brothers it became the most eminent of all the 
 Bangors of the Island of Britain; and it was demolished by the pagan 
 Saxons in the battle of Bangor Orchard, and then were killed many of 
 the saints; and others escaped and became saints in the Bangor of 
 Bardsey, and thence Bardsey became possessed of the most numerous 
 assemblage of saints, and the most celebrated for learning, of all the 
 Bangors of North Wales ; and enjoyed gifts from kings, and nobles, 
 and gentry more than did any other. Gwarthan was slain by the pagan 
 Saxons in their wars in the North (Cattraeth). His church is Llan- 
 warthen in the Yale of Clwyd.” 
 
 In this paragraph it is not easy to distinguish the historic truth from 
 the clerical fiction. The unity of testimony makes it probable that the 
 son of Dunawd could scarcely have been an abbot there, as the A-nnales 
 Cambrix, a much better authority than Achau'r Saint , under the year 
 595, says, “Dunawt rex moritur.” And there is still less reason to 
 believe that Gwarthan was a monk at any part of his life; certain it is, 
 that like many other reputed saints, he lived and died a warrior. 
 
268 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 O brei 10 vrycli ny welych weyelin 11 555 
 
 Ny chemyd 12 haed ud 13 a gordin 
 Ny phyrth meuyl moryal eu dilin 
 Llavyn 14 durawt 15 barawt e 16 waetlin 17 
 
 LV. 
 
 Kywyrein ketwyr kywrenhin 
 
 Gwlat atvel gochlywer eu dilin 1 560 
 
 Ef lladawd a chymawn 2 allain 
 
 A charnedawr tra gogyhwc 3 gwyr triu. 
 
 LVI. 
 
 Kywyrein 1 ketwyr hyuaruuant 2 
 
 Y gyt 3 en vn vryt 4 yt gyrchassant 
 
 Byrr eu hoedyl hir eu hoet ar eu carant 565 
 
 Seith gyineint o loegrwys a ladassant 
 
 0 gyvryssed 5 gwraged gwyth 6 a wnaethant 
 
 Llawer mam ae deigyr ar 7 y 8 hamrant. 
 
 LYII. 
 
 Ni wnaethpwyt neuad mor dianaf 
 
 Lew mor hael baran llew llwybyr vwyhaf 1 570 
 
 10 Bei, 3. 11 Ueyelin , 1 ; lleyelin , 2, 3, 5. 12 Chenyt, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 13 Haedud , 1, 2, 3, 5, 8. 14 Dawn , 5. 15 Durat, 4. 16 I, 3. 
 
 17 TJaeth lin , 1, 2 ; in 4 the last two lines of the succeeding verse have 
 been added to this. 
 
 1 These two lines are not in 2, 3, 4. 2 Chammawn , 3, 5. 3 Gogy- 
 
 hne , 1, 2, 3 ; gogyhue , 5 ; gogyhwe (gogyhwc), 6. 
 
 1 Cywrein , 1, 2, 3. 2 Cyvarvuant, 1, 2, 3, 4. 3 1 5 2 ; 
 
 ynghyd, 3, 5. 4 Unvryt, 1, 2, 3. 5 Gyurysed, 1 ; gywrysed, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 6 Gwych , 1, 2, 3, 5. 7 Not in 4. 8 L’i, 1, 2, 3, 4. 
 
 1 Mwyaf ; 1, 2, 3, 5 ; vwynaf, 8. 
 
 lv. “Ef lladawd”, in the third line, means literally “ he slew”; and if 
 there be any reference to an individual, that person would probably be 
 the hero named in an antecedent verse ; or if we take the rules of 
 
LIV, LV. MORYAL. 
 
 LYI. 
 
 LYII. CYNON. 
 
 269 
 
 From a rugged summit you cannot see a small twig : 
 The placid and the impulsive will not agree. 
 
 Morial 1 in pursuit did not sustain disgrace, 
 
 With his steel blade prone to the shedding of blood. 
 
 LV. 
 
 To Moryal. (?) 
 
 The skilful warriors rose together ; 
 
 The invader of the country heard their pursuit. 
 There was slaying in the battle with blades, 
 
 And heaps (of dead) from the contact of warriors. 
 
 LVI. 
 
 The co-rising warriors met together, 
 
 And all with one accord hastened forward : 
 
 Short were their lives, but long to their friends will be thei; 
 memory. 
 
 Seven times as many Lloegrians were by them 
 There was screaming from the assembling 
 And there were tears on the eyelids of m 
 
 LVII. 
 
 To Cynon ab Clydno Eiddin. 
 
 The hall was not made so free from defect, 
 
 As by that fairest offspring, the mild-bosomed Cynon, 
 
 1 Moryal, translated “the dawn” in Probert, and the “ sea-rovers” in 
 Davies, seems to be a proper name, being the person named by Llywarch 
 Hen and Meugant. (See note to v. xlix.) 
 
 grammar for our guide, the pronoun refers to the invader of the country, 
 i.e ., the Saxon ; but as the practice of Aneurin is frequently at variance 
 with strict grammatical constructions, there is not much dependence to 
 be placed upon it in this case. Upon the whole, the rendering in the 
 text appears to me to be the most correct. 
 
 lyii. The subject of this verse and of verse xxxvi is one of the most 
 
270 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 A chynon laryvronn adon * 2 deccaf 
 Dinas y dias ar llet eitliaf 
 Dor angor bedin bud 3 eilyassaf 
 Or 4 sawl a weleis ac awelav 
 
 2 A don , 1, 2, 5 ; ar don , 3. 3 This word is not in 2. 4 Er, 1, 2, 
 
 3, 5. 
 
 brilliant characters in Welsh romance, and appears at all times to have 
 been held in high estimation. 
 
 From the name by which he is generally distinguished from the other 
 Cynons of Cambrian history, we learn that Clydno Eiddin, or Clydno 
 of Edinburgh, his father, had come originally from the North, and taken 
 up his residence in Wales; and from a comparison of various scattered 
 fragments and unconnected allusions, we are led to conclude that his 
 place of abode was in the Cantrev of Lleyn in Caernarvonshire, on the 
 shore of St. George’s Channel. This conclusion is founded on the fol- 
 lowing data : — 1. Risierdyn, a bard living in the fourteenth century, 
 records the burial of one Hywel ap Gruffuth in the church of St. Beuno, 
 mpares that warrior with Clydno in point of bravery, as will be seen 
 e following translation of the lines : — 
 
 ^caponed chief, the ruler of the golden region of costly wine, 
 ’essed choir now conceals ; 
 
 "d leader, daring as Clydno , 
 within their oaken cell.” 
 
 Mabinogion , i, 97 ; Myv ., i, 432 ; Gee’s ed., 290.) 
 Llan-Beuno is situatTi in the district here named, and is not far from 
 Pwllheli ; and as there appears something more than chance in this 
 association of Clydno with that place, I incline to believe that 
 the residence of the father of Cynon was in that neighbourhood. 
 
 2. In one of the preceding verses (xxxvi) Cynon is described as being 
 “ The gentle bosomed Lord of Clinion”; 
 
 and as Clynog, in the same locality, bears a close resemblance to Clinion, 
 that fact confirms the above conclusion. 3. And, thirdly, we find 
 from Englynion y Beddau that Cynon’s remains were buried in that 
 vicinity : — 
 
 “ Bet gur gwaud urtin 
 In uchel titin in isel gwelitin 
 Bet Cynon mab Clytno Idin. 
 
 u Piau y bet y dann y brinn 
 Bet gur gwrt yng kiuiscin 
 Bet Kinon mab Clytno Idin. 
 
LVII. CYNON. 
 
 271 
 
 Nor a lion so generous as the lion of greatest course. 
 He was the fortress of the tumult along the boundary, 
 The guard anchor of an army, the friend of harmony. 
 Of all I saw, and shall see in the world, 
 
 “ Bet Run mab Pyd yn Ergrid avon 
 In oervel ig guerid 
 Bet Kinon yn Reon Rid.” 
 
 (Myv. } i, 79 ; Gee’s ed., 66 ; Four Ancient Books , ii, 29.) 
 
 “ The grave of a warrior of high renown 
 Is in a lofty region; but lowly is the bed, — 
 
 The grave of Kynon the son of Clydno Eiddin. 
 
 44 Whose is the grave beneath the hill ? 
 
 It is the grave of a warrior valiant in the conflict, 
 
 The grave of Kynon the son of Clydno Eiddin. 
 
 44 The grave of Kinon is in the ford of Rheon.” 
 
 The ford of Rheon is frequently named by the bards, although its site 
 is no longer exactly known ; but we may obtain an approximation. 
 Gwilym Ddu, living about 1350, speaks of the men of 44 Arvon is Reon 
 Ryd” [Myv., i, 409 ; Gee’s ed., 276]. We may, therefore, conclude that 
 this ford was on the boundary line of the two Arvons — Is Arvon, or the 
 northern part, and Uch Arvon, or the southern part. Upper and lower 
 in that neighbourhood have reference to the position of the Snowdon 
 range, and not, as is generally the case, with reference to position north 
 and south. Uch Arvon, in that case, would be south of this ford ; and 
 a line dividing Arvon east and west would leave Clynog just within 
 the southern boundary. We may, therefore, conclude that this was 
 the local habitation of our hero : now for the man himself. 
 
 Cynon figures prominently in the Mabinogion , and particularly in 
 that of Iarlles y Ffynnon, where, contrary to the usages of chivalry, he 
 has the candour to relate an adventure which he failed to achieve. He 
 is frequently named in the Triads : — 
 
 44 Three counselling knights were in the Court of Arthur, which were 
 Cynon the son of Clydno Eiddin, Aron the son of Kynfarch ab 
 Meirchion Gul, and Llywarch Hen ab Elidir Lydanwyn. And these 
 three knights were the counsellors of Arthur, and whatever dangers 
 threatened him in any of his wars, they counselled him, so that none 
 were able to overcome Arthur ; and thus he conquered all nations 
 through three things which followed him; and these were good hope, and 
 the consecrated arms which had been sent him, and the virtue of his 
 
272 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Ymyt 5 en emdwyn 6 aryf gryt gwryt gwryaf 575 
 
 Ef lladei oswyd a llavyn llymaf 
 
 Mai brwyn 7 yt gwydynt rac y 8 adaf 
 
 Mab klytno clot hir 9 canaf 
 
 Yty 10 or clot heb or heb 11 eithaf. 12 
 
 5 Ymmyd , 3 ; y myt , 4. 6 Yn dwyn, 5. 7 0 brwyn , 2. 8 /, 3. 
 
 9 CMiV, 1. 10 F ty, l r 2, 3 ; i ti , 5. 11 Orei, 5. 12 Ertheiaf, 5. 
 
 warriors; and through these he came to wear twelve crowns upon his 
 head, and he became Emperor of Rome.” 
 
 This, be it observed, is not history, but romance. The Court of 
 Arthur is itself a fiction ; and Arthur must have been dead half a 
 century before the era of Cynon. In another place, this Triad has the 
 following addition : — 
 
 “ And he (Arthur) had nothing but success when he acted by the advice 
 which he received from them, and reverses when he did not follow their 
 counsel.” 
 
 Kynon, or Cynon, is also called one of “ the three ardent lovers”, on 
 account of his passion for Morvyth, daughter of Urien Rheged, and 
 sister of Owen, the hero of Iarlles y Ffynnon : — 
 
 “The three ardent lovers of the Island of Britain, Caswallon, the son 
 of Beli, for Flur, the daughter of Mugnach Gorr ; and Trystan, the son 
 of Talluch, for Yseult, the wife of March ab Meirchion, his uncle ; 
 and Kynon, the son of Clydno Eiddin, for Morvyth, the daughter of 
 Urien.” 
 
 Kynon is frequently mentioned by the bards of the Middle Ages, and 
 celebrated both for his bravery and for his devotion as a lover. It is in 
 the latter character that he is alluded to by Gruffudd ab Meredith, in 
 the beginning of the fourteenth century, who compares the force of his 
 own passion to that of Kynon for Morvyth, and that of Uther Pen- 
 dragon for the fair Ygraine : — 
 
 “ O gariad Eigr deg eirian 
 A chariad glwysferch Urien 
 Echwynawdd Bardd ar harddlun 
 
 Uchenaid Uthr a Chynon.” \_Myv ., i, 457; Gee’s ed., 305.] 
 
 Lady Charlotte Guest, to whom I am indebted for the materials of 
 this note, translates these lines thus : — 
 
 “As the sigh of Uther for the love of Ygraine, the fair and splendid ; 
 
 And the sigh of Kynon for the love of the beauteous daughter of Urien; 
 
 Such is the sigh of the bard for the lovely object of his affections.” 
 
 ( Mabinogion , i, 95.) 
 
LVII. CYNON. 
 
 273 
 
 Bearing arms, he who shouted with the manliness of Gwriaf, 
 Slew enemies with the keenest blade : 
 
 They fell like rushes before his arm. 
 
 Son of Clydno ! enduring praise will I sing 
 To thee whose fame is without limit or boundary. 
 
 Cynon, as described by Aneurin, is a very paragon of bravery and 
 amiability. There is, however, a serious imputation cast upon his cha- 
 racter, which deserves to be mentioned, if only for the purpose of con- 
 tradiction : — 
 
 “The three execrable slaughters of the Isle of Britain : — Eiddyn, the son 
 of Einygan, who slew Aneurin of the flowing muse, the King of Bards; 
 Llawgad Trwm Bargawd Eiddyn, who slew Afaon, the son of Taliesin ; 
 and Llofan Llawddino, who slew Uryen ab Cynfarch.” 
 
 Instead of Llovan, one copy of the Triads reads : — “ Cynon, the son 
 of Clydno Eiddin, and Dyvynawl, the son of Mynyddawc Eiddin”; 1 but 
 the testimony of Llywarch Hen is decisive upon this point, and there 
 need be no doubt that the imputation is false, and that Llovan was the 
 assassin [Myv., i, 106 ; Gee’s ed., 86 ; Four Ancient Books , ii, 272]. 
 
 According to the Myv. Arch, (iii, 38; Gee’s ed.,776) Cynon was educated 
 at the College of Llancarvan, and is said to have answered one of the 
 seven questions proposed by Cattwg Ddoeth, the President, as follows : — 
 “ What is man’s fairest quality ? 
 
 Answer: Sincerity.” 
 
 In an antecedent verse (xxi, p. 193), Aneurin states that the only persons 
 who escaped from Cattraeth through their valour were “ Cynon the daunt- 
 less and Aeron’s two dogs of war”; and Lady Guest asserts this Cynon to 
 have been our hero. This verse in my translation has been given 
 already. I now subjoin Gray’s version : — 
 
 “ To Cattraeth’s Yale in glitt’ring row 
 Thrice two hundred warriors go : 
 
 Every warrior’s manly neck 
 Chains of regal honour deck, 
 
 Wreath’d in many a golden link : 
 
 From the golden cup they drink 
 Nectar that the bees produce, 
 
 Or the grape’s extatic juice. 
 
 Flush’d with mirth and hope they burn : 
 
 But none from Cattraeth’s Yale return, 
 
 1 [ Trioedd Ynys Prydain , Cyf. i, 38 ; iii, 47 ; Myv., ii, 9, 65, 77 ; Gee’s 
 ed., 390, 405, 413. See also Four Ancient Books , ii, 462]. 
 
 18 
 
274 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 LVIIT. 
 
 0 winveitli a medweith 1 580 
 
 Dygodolyn 2 gwnlleith 3 
 Mam hwrreith 
 Eidol enyal 
 
 1 Meddveith , 1, 2, 3. 4 Dygoddolyn , 1, 5; dyyodd o Jyn , 3. 3 Gum 
 
 kith , 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 Save Aeron brave and Conan strong 
 (Bursting through the bloody throng), 
 
 And I, the meanest of them all, 
 
 That live to weep and sing their fall.” 
 
 We a*-e not in a position to determine whether this Cynon was the 
 son of Clydno or Cynon of Aeron ; but from the fact that one was 
 buried at Llanbadarn in Cardigan, and the other in Arvon, there 
 can be but little doubt that both escaped with life from that fatal 
 fray. 
 
 In Gorch. Maelderw , Cynon and Arvon are thoroughly identified : — 
 
 “ Pan deg y cyvarchant nyt oed hoedyl dianc 
 Dialgar Arvon cyrchei eur ceinyo arurchyat 
 Urython browys meirch Cynon.” 
 
 ( Myv ., i, 86 ; Gee’s ed., 71 ; Four And. Books , ii, 103.) 
 
 lviii. Of the persons named in this verse our knowledge is very limited 
 indeed ; of Rheiddun all we know is that he is three times named in 
 the Mabinogi of Kilhwch among the knights of Arthur, as Rheidwn 
 Arwy, Rheidwn son of Beli \_Mab ., ii, 261], and Rheidwn the son of Eli 
 Atver \ib., 311] ; for we may conclude these to be only various names for 
 one person. The only Beli whom we know to have died about this period 
 was Beli the son of Rhun ab Maelgwn. He may have left a widow, 
 and Rheiddun may have been his son, for it is evident that this “Ruler of 
 Tumult” was a man of high social as well as military position. Of 
 Hwrreith we know nothing, save that he was the brother of Rheiddun. 
 In a poem professing to be a dialogue between Merddin and Taliesin, 
 we read of two persons named Errith and Currith, who are named in 
 connection with Maelgwn Gwynedd and others ; and it is just probable 
 that they may be different forms of the names of Rheiddun and 
 Hwrreith. — (Myv., i, 48 ; Gee’s ed., 45 ; Four And. Books , ii, 3.) 
 
 Eidol, also, is but little known. In the Mabinogi of Kilhwch we meet 
 him under three designations — Eidiol the son of Ner [p. 263], Eidiol 
 
LV1II. EIDOL. 
 
 275 
 
 LVIIT. 
 
 To Eidol (ab Ner ?) . 
 
 From the wine feast and mead feast, 
 
 Glutted were the slaughtering dogs 1 
 Of the mother of Hwrreith : 
 
 Eidol in the desert 
 
 1 There are two readings of the original here, which very materially 
 alter its signification. I have followed Williams’ text ; but if we adopt 
 the other reading, the translation would run thus : — 
 
 “From the wine and mead feast they were glutted. 
 
 I know that the mother of Hwrreith slew 
 Eidol in the desert.” 
 
 Probert has a modification of this view. 
 
 the son of Aer [p. 296], and Eiddon Yawrvrydig [p. 261], which, it is 
 probable, are only various names for one person ; but we know but 
 little of his history beyond what is here stated, and the facts unfolded 
 by Cuhelyn in his ode to this hero, which we here present entire : — 
 
 “ Vehement as an angry wolf ! 
 
 Of the nature of the law of steel 
 Was his customary judgment. 
 
 Eidiol was a man 
 Of the best conduct, 
 
 And remarkably wise. 
 
 A wrathful fiery leader 
 On the part of the Britons 
 In the work of combustion. 
 
 Customary was much singing, 
 
 Customary was metricity, 
 
 And a mead feast congress. 
 
 The mead and wine were divided 
 By the knight of the battle field 
 In small measures. 
 
 Skilful rampart of the boundary, 
 
 Delightful Peter of the four quarters, 
 
 Wealthy supporter of the choirs (churches). 
 
 The attribute of the brawny chief, 
 
 Ilis attribute with the spear 
 
 Was that of a conquering warrior. 
 
 18 2 
 
276 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Ern^gei rac vre 4 
 Rac bronn budugre 
 Breein 5 dwyre 
 
 Wybyr ysgynnyal 
 Kynrein en kwydaw 6 
 Yal glas heit 7 arnaw 
 
 Heb giliaw gyhaual 8 
 Synnwyr ystwyr y stem el 9 
 Y ar 10 weillyon 11 gwebyl 12 
 Ac ardemyl gledyual 
 Blaen ancwyn 13 anhun 14 
 Hediw 15 an 16 dihun 
 
 Mam 17 reidun 18 rwyf trydar. 
 
 585 
 
 590 
 
 595 
 
 4 Racvre , 1, 2, 3, 4. 5 Brein , 2, 3. 6 Cynydaw , 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 7 GlasJieid , 3. 8 Gyhaual , 4. 9 Ystemet , 1, 2; ystymmeid, 3. 10 Far, 
 
 1, 2, 6 ; yr , 3. 11 Netty on, 1, 2, 3, 5. 12 Gioevyl, 2, 3. 13 Anewyn , 
 
 1. 14 Not in 4. is JMm, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5. 16 Ar, 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 17 iVam, 6. 18 Reiddyn, 1. 
 
 To the Mayor a brilliant verse, 
 
 A pleasing song would be raised 
 In the language of panegyric. 
 
 Death was the hateful lot 
 Of the Mayor of the palace, 
 
 Magnificent and wise. 
 
 An active reaper, (or active in reaping 
 The honey of Bardism 
 
 Was courteous and wrathful. 
 
 In the moment of passion 
 He was like the drunken sea 
 Rolling over the strand. 
 
 The marrow of brilliant songs, 
 
 The study of choirs, (he was) 
 
 A type not easily matched. 
 
 A minister (i.e., distributor of mead) he would be, 
 Possessor of mead, 
 
 Of smooth eulogy. 
 
LVIII. EIDOL. 
 
 277 
 
 Was worshipping before the mount, 
 
 In the presence of Buddugre . 1 / 
 
 Like crows rising 
 
 To ascend the sky, 
 
 The kindred fell 
 
 Like a blue swarm upon him, 
 
 Leaving no semblance of escape. 
 
 From the pallor of the lip 
 And the keenness of the sword, 
 
 They warily surrounded him. 
 
 Watchfulness before 2 enjoyment; 
 
 To-day there awakens us 
 
 The mother of Bheiddun — the Ruler of Tumult. 
 
 1 The goddess of war. “ Buddygre, s.m. pi. t. on (buddyg-rhe). The 
 impeller or hastener to victory ; the demon of war.” (Pughe’s Dictionary . ) 
 
 2 l.e., “ should precede enjoyment”. 
 
 Music he sang 
 Like a golden hymn 
 
 At the place of . 
 
 In the work of lances, rushing, 
 
 In the bursting of valour, destructive, 
 
 W ere the virtues of the lord. 
 
 With an oath he rushed forth, 
 
 With an oath he commanded 
 To bind the (sovereign?). 
 
 Like the bursting of a terrible gale, 
 
 Like the pervading course of fire, 
 
 Was he in war against the sons (of Beli ?). 
 Red gold he deserves, 
 
 Renowned overwhelmer, 
 
 He shall be defended blameless. 
 
 Affluence he provided, 
 
 And shelter he rendered, 
 
 And rewards he gave for song. 
 
 Pre-eminent he was ; 
 
 He gave protection 
 
 From the violence of a foe. 
 
278 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEUR1N GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 LIX. 
 
 () winveitli a medweith 1 yd 2 aetliant 
 E 3 genhyn 4 llurugogyon 
 Nys gwn lleith lletkynt 
 
 Cyn llwyded 5 eu lleas dydaruu 600 
 
 Rac catraeth oed fraeth eu llu 
 0 osgord vyn} T dawc 6 wawr 7 dru 
 0 drychant namen vn gwr ny dyuu. 8 
 
 LX. 
 
 0 winveith 1 a medveith 2 yt gryssyassant 
 
 Gwyr en reit moleit eneit dichwant 605 
 
 Gloew dull y 3 am drull 4 yt gytvaethant 5 
 
 Gwin a med 6 amall 7 a amucsant 8 
 
 O osgord vynydawc 9 am 10 dwyf 11 atveillyawc 12 
 
 A rwyf a golleis om 13 gwir garant 
 
 0 dry chan riallu yt gryssyassant 610 
 
 Gatraeth tru namen vn gwr 14 nyt atcorsant 15 . (a) 
 
 1 Meddveith, 1, 2, 3, 5. 2 Ydd, 1, 3. 3 /, 3. 4 Gynhen, 1, 3, 5. 
 
 6 Lwyred , 2, 3; llivydred ( Uwyred ), 6. 6 Vynyddaicr , 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 7 Vawr , 1, 2, 3, 4. 8 This verse is one with the following four in 1. 
 
 1 Winweith, 5. 2 Medweith , 5. 3 I, 3. 4 Drulyt, 1, 2 ; detrull 
 
 yd , 3. 6 Gyvaethant , 8. 6 Mel, 1, 2, 3, 5. 7 A mat , 1, 2, 3, 6 ; a 
 
 maZ arral, 5. 8 4. muesant , 1 ; mnwesant , 2, 3, 6 ; a amuesant , 4 ; 
 
 « amuscant , 8. 9 Vynydawr , 2, 3, 5. 10 4 ; aw (cm), 6. 11 -Dm/, 1 ; 
 
 dwy, 2, 3, 5. 12 Atvyliawr , 1, 2, 3, 5. 13 .4m, 1, 2, 3. 14 This word 
 
 is not in 4. 15 Atcorasant , 4 ; this verse and the following are one in 8. 
 
 (a) The copy of this verse in Gordian Maelderw has a few variations 
 from the text: — 
 
 “ O osgord mynydawc pan gryssiassant 
 Gloyw dull e am drull yt gynuoethant 
 O ancwyn Vynydawc handit tristlawn vymbryt 
 ltwy e ry golleis y om gwir garant 
 O dry chan eurdorchawc a gryssyws Gatraeth 
 Tru namen un gwr nyt anghassant.” 
 
 ( Myv i, 86 ; Gee's ed., 71 ; Four And. Books , ii, 102.) 
 
 He kept the law ; 
 
 Lamentable was his fate 
 
 Before the residence of Ogyrven. 
 
LIX. LX. THE HETINUE OF MYNYDDOG. 
 
 279 
 
 L1X. 
 
 The Eetinue of Mynyddog. 
 
 From the wine feast and the mead feast they hastened, 
 To the contention of mail-clad warriors ; 
 
 I know of no slaughter so rapid, 
 
 So complete became their destruction. 
 
 Before Cattraeth the host was talkative, 
 
 But of the retinue of Mynyddog, great is the pity, 
 
 Of three hundred warriors, there returned but one. 
 
 LX. 
 
 To the Eetinue of Mynyddog. 
 
 From the wine and mead feast they hastened, 
 
 Heroes entitled to the praise of liberal souls ; 
 
 In bright order round the board they feasted together, 
 Enjoying wine and mirth and mead. 
 
 Because of the retinue of Mynyddog we were undone, 
 And I lost a ruler who was a true friend : 
 
 Of three hundred leaders who hastened to Cattraeth, 
 Alas ! there returned but one warrior. 
 
 Instead of a tear shed over him, 
 
 May his soul be gratified 
 
 With this tribute from Cuhelin.” 
 
 For the original, see iliyv , i, 164 ; Gee’s ed., 124. We have here a few 
 facts for the construction of a biography. Caer Ogyrfan, according to 
 Owen’s map, was in the commot of Cynllaith, near Oswestry, on the 
 borders of Montgomery and Salop ; and therefore we may conclude that 
 Eidol was the lord of that district or of some other in that neighbourhood. 
 The allusion to “rhyfel febin” explains that which is implied by Aneurin, 
 that Eidol had been at war with Hwrreith and Rheiddun ; and that one 
 or both had either fallen in the cooflict or been taken captive and bound. 
 He subsequently fell a victim to the revenge of their mother ; who, having 
 armed her retainers, set upon him when alone, and put him to death. 
 Aneurin again recurs to him in some of the subsequent verses [lxvi, 
 lxxii] ; an 1 both Aneurin and Cuhelin describe him to have been a 
 
280 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEUR1N GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 LXI. 
 
 Hv bydei yg kywyrein 1 pressent mal 2 pel 
 Ar y 3 e hu 4 bydei 5 ene 6 uei atre 
 
 1 Ygcyvrein , 1, 2, 3, 5 ; ynghywrein , 6. 2 Mab , 1, 2, 3, 5. 3 /, 3. 
 
 4 Ehu , 1, 5 ; echu , 2 ; echw , 3, 5. 5 Beddei , 1. 6 Fra y, 1, 2 ; o/zi, 3. 
 
 liberal patron of the bards. The occurrence of Caer Ogyrfan in the 
 comrnot of Cynllaith may perhaps justify another translation of the text 
 in this way : — 
 
 “ From the wine and mead feast they were glutted. 
 
 At Cynllaith 
 The mother of Hwrreitli 
 Was avenged upon Eidol.” 
 
 lxi. Of Pressent himself there appears to be nothing known beyond 
 what is here related, and that is scanty enough ; and of his father we 
 know but little more. Pel is probably another form of Peulan, the 
 second syllable being left out, as was frequently the case ; and it is in 
 this form that the name occurs in one of the Mabinogion , where 
 (Kilhwch, ii, 268) mention is made of “ Teleri the daughter of Peul”. 
 Peulan was one of the children of Pawl Hen (Paulinus), and the founder 
 of Llanbeulan in Anglesey. (Rees’ Saints , 237.) Pressent the son of 
 Pel has been named already in verse xx, where he is also highly 
 extolled for his bravery; and it certainly is no mean compliment to 
 compare him to the victor of Mannan, whom we shall now proceed to 
 notice. 
 
 Aeddan ab Gavran, better known as Aeddan Yradawg, or Aeddan the 
 Treacherous, was the son of Gavran, King of the Scots, who had settled 
 in Argyle, and who, according to the Scottish Chronicle , was the son of 
 Domangart, the son of Fergus, the founder of the Dalriadic, or Scottish 
 kingdom. Gavran, according to the Welsh accounts, was the son of 
 Dyvynwal Hen, and by Lleian, the daughter of Brychan Brycheiniog, 
 who was married to him. He is said to have had several sons, among 
 whom was the subject of this notice ; but this account, though given in 
 the Triads , is scarcely trustworthy — as, among other reasons, the person 
 named Dy.vynwal Hen is also said to have been a King of Gwent ! We 
 must look for the Scottish monarchs further north. This is probably a 
 blunder. Gavran succeeded his brother Comgal as King of the Scots in 
 538, and reigned twenty-two years. On his death, in 560, he was suc- 
 ceeded by Conal, the son of Comgal ; and, on the death of Conal in 574, 
 Aeddan, the son of Gavran, became King of the Dalriad Scots. On 
 succeeding to the throne, “Aidan went over to the Isle of llyona, and 
 
LXI. PRESSENT AND AEDDAN. 
 
 281 
 
 LXI. 
 
 To Pressent, the son of Pel, and Aeddan ab Gavran. 
 Bold at the rising together was Present the son of Pel , * 1 
 And restless, from the time he left home, 
 
 1 Four copies read “Pressent like Pel”, and four read “Pressent 
 the son of Pel”. I have followed the latter. 
 
 was there ordained and inaugurated by the abbot, St. Columba, accord- 
 ing to the ceremonial of the liber vitreus, the cover of which is supposed 
 to have been encrusted with chrystal. F. Martene, a learned Benedictine, 
 says, in his work De Antiquis Ecclesise Ritibus , that this inauguration of 
 Aidan is the most ancient account that, after all his researches, he had found 
 as to the benediction or inauguration of kings. There can be no doubt, 
 however, that the ceremony was practised long before the time of Aidan” 
 (Browne’s History of the Highlands, p. 66). He was not, however, left to 
 enjoy undisputed possession ; for, soon after, Duncan, the son of Conal, 
 took up arms against him, and the issue was decided at the battle of 
 Loco in Kentire, where Duncan fell, and also many of the allies of the 
 sons of Gavran [Annals of Ulster). 1 O’Flaherty calls this the battle of 
 Dealgan ; and it is not improbable that this was the event alluded to in 
 the dialogue between Merddin and Taliesin [ Myv ., i, 48 ; Gee’s ed., 45 ; 
 Four And. Books , ii, 3], as Elgan is there shown to be a con- 
 spicuous actor, and the battle of Arderydd is said to be at hand. 
 It is also very likely that Duncan, on this occasion, was aided by Rhy- 
 dderch Hael, King of Strathclyde, and that Morgan ab Sadurnin and 
 Gwenddolau ab Ceidio took the part of Aeddan ; for we find that St. 
 Kentigern was expelled the country by Morgan, and that Rhydderch, 
 the patron of that saint, the first Bishop of Glasgow, was compelled to 
 suffer the same fate. This was probably the cause which led Aeddan and 
 
 1 [The record of this event in the Annals of Tighernac and in the 
 Annals of Ulster , as given by Skene ( Chronicles of the Pids and Scots , 
 pp. 67, 345), is as follows : — 
 
 Tighernac. Annals of Ulster. 
 
 574. Cath Delgon a Cindtire in 576. Bellum Telocho i Ciunntire, 
 quo Dunchadh mac Conaill mic sintilla leprae et habundantia nu- 
 Comgaill et alii multi de sociis cum, in quo ceciderunt Duncath 
 filiorum Garbain ceciderunt. mac Conail meic Comgaill et alii 
 
 multi de sociis filiorum Gabhrain. 
 
 In the Annals of Ulster “Bellum Telocho” is again given under the 
 following year.] 
 
282 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEUKIN GWAWDKYDD. 
 
 Hut aniuc 7 ododin 8 
 
 0 win a med en dieding 9 615 
 
 7 A mug , 6. 8 Wawdodyn , 3, 5. 9 Diedin , 3 ; ddiedin , 5. 
 
 Gwenddolau to make their hostile visit to the court of Rhydderch (Dum- 
 barton), where “ they destroyed all the men and cattle, meat and drink, 
 that they could lay hold of, without leaving behind as much as would feed 
 a gnat” {Triads ; Myv ., ii, 66 ; Gee’s ed 406). The following year (577) 
 Rhydderch recovered his possessions, with the assistance of the other 
 Kymric kings, by the battle of Arderydd (Airdrie), near Glasgow. This 
 battle was fought on the one side by Rhydderch Hael; Dry won, the son 
 of Nudd Hael, and his tribe, who came at their own cost, without asking 
 for fee or reward from country or sovereign, and guarded the passes of 
 Airdrie ; and by the other Cambrian kings of North Britain, who were 
 favourable to him and to the progress of Christianity. On the other 
 side were Aeddan ab Gavran ; Gwenddolau ab Ceidio, King of the 
 Cymry, who bordered on the forest of Celyddon ; Cynvelyn Drwsgl ; 
 and the cousins of Gwenddolau, Dunawd the son of Pabo, and Gwrgi 
 and Peredur, the sons of Eliffer Gosgorddvawr (Pabo and Eliffer being 
 the brothers of Ceidio). In the Triads this is said to have been a battle 
 fought for a lark’s nest, which is probably a metaphorical description 
 of the rock of Dumbarton ; and eighty thousand men are said to have 
 fallen in the conflict {Myv., ii, p. 66 ; Gee’s ed., 405). This is probably au 
 over-statement ; but the battle was decisive in its results. Aeddan was 
 routed, with much loss ; Gwenddolau was slain ; and the bard Merddin 
 ab Morvryn, who was a man of distinction, and wore the golden torque of 
 nobility, became insane from the defeat and death of his friend and chief, 
 the son of Ceidio. Gwenddolau himself was a pagan, though a man of 
 great bravery and personal prowess. He is called one of “ the three 
 balls of battle”; his retinue, one of “ the three faithful tribes”, number- 
 ing 2,100 persons, continued the contest for six weeks after the fall of 
 the chief ; and Merddin was one of the seven score and seven fugitives 
 who became sprites in the forest of Celyddon {Myv., ii, pp. 69, 70 ; Gee’s 
 ed., 407, 408). 
 
 Three years afterwards (580), we find Aeddan again in arms, but we 
 are not told what was his success, and all that is said is — 
 
 u Expedition to Orkney by Aedan son of Gabran”. 1 
 
 {Annals of Ulster.) 
 
 1 [Fccht ore la haedan ic Gabrain. — Skene’s Chronicles of the Piets and 
 Scots , p. 345.] 
 
LXI. PRESSENT AND AEDDAN. 
 
 283 
 
 Until the enjoyment 
 
 At Gododin of the wine and mead. 
 
 The next great event in the life of Aeddan was the battle of Mann an, 
 fought probably at Clackmannan, on the Firth of Forth, in 582. 
 This is the event three times alluded to by Aneurin [verses iii, 
 xxxix, lxi] ; and as the poem informs us that Twrch ab Arthan 
 and Manawyd were there present, it is probable that his opponent 
 was Brude, King of the Ficts of Fortren, and that Aeddan was 
 indebted in some measure for his victory to his Strathclyde allies. 
 From this time forward there was a close alliance between the King 
 of the Scots and the Cymry of Strathclyde. Two years after this, 
 we find these allied forces in arms against an alliance of the Piets 
 and Saxons, when there took place the bloody battle of Fethanlea, on 
 Stanmore, in the west of Northumberland. This is the battle of Mach- 
 reu of Taliesin, and the Bellum Miathorum of Adomnan ; and there were 
 on the one side Aeddan, the Strathclyde Cymry, Urien Rheged, as 
 commander-in-chief, and Maelgwn Gwynedd (?) ; while on the other 
 hand were Brudei, King of the Piets, the Angles of Northumberland, 
 and the West Saxons, under Ceaulin and his brother Cutha ( Any . 
 Saxon Chron., a.d. 584). The fullest account of this battle is given by 
 Buchanan, in his History of Scotland (London : Fisher, 1840), p. 107, 
 and we here subjoin it : — 
 
 u The Saxons, not satisfied with their large dominions, kindled a new 
 war between the Scots and Piets. The chief author and incendiary in 
 this contest was Ethelfrid, King of Northumberland, a covetous man, 
 who was weary of peace, out of a craving desire to enlarge his territories. 
 He persuaded the Piets — though not very easily, and much against the 
 inclination of Brudeus — to seize cattle in the lands of the Scots, judging 
 that this would produce a new war. Aidanus, being well apprised of 
 the treachery of the Saxons, in order to strengthen himself with foreign 
 aid, renewed the ancient league with Malgo the Briton. He also sent 
 his son Grifinus, and his sister’s son Brendinus, the military chief of 
 Eubonia (qy. Greit vab Hoewgi, and Breint vab Bleidgi), now called the 
 Isle of Man, with troops ; who, joining those of the Britons, entered 
 Northumberland, and, after three days’ march, came up with the 
 enemy. The Northumbrians, however, declined an engagement, because 
 they expected the arrival of Ceulinus, King of the East (West) 
 Saxons, a very warlike man, who was coming with great forces. But the 
 Scots and Britons intercepting Ceulinus, fell upon him in the march, 
 and wholly destroyed the van of his army, which was a long way before 
 the rest, together with his son (brother) Cutha. They durst not, how- 
 
284 
 
 TIIE GODODIN OF ANEUPJN GWAWDKYDD. 
 
 Yng ystryng ystre 
 Ac adan gatvannan 10 cochre 
 Yeirch marchawc godrud e more 11 
 
 10 Catvannau, 5. 11 Ym more , 3 ; emore , 4 ; y more , vel ym more , 5. 
 
 ever, attack those behind, lest they should be circumvented and sur- 
 rounded by Ethelfrid, who was at no great distance. The two kings of 
 the Saxons having joined, renewed the fight, with much slaughter on 
 both sides, and the Scots and Britons were vanquished and put to flight. 
 There were slain of the Scottish nobles, Grifinus, and Brendinus ; while 
 of the opposite army, Ethelfrid lost one of his eyes, and Brudeus was 
 carried wounded out of the field, to the great astonishment and dismay 
 of his party.” And of Ceaulin it is said that “he took many towns and 
 spoils innumerable, and, wrathful, he thence returned to his own.” ( Any . 
 Saxon Chron.) 
 
 This statement embodies the leading facts; but Buchanan is wrong 
 in making Ethelfrid so conspicuous an actor, as he only succeeded 
 to the throne of Northumbria in 593 — nine years afterwards. In 590 
 we find Aeddan again in the field against the Saxons in the battle 
 of Leithredh. In this battle, “ his two sons, Arthur and Eocha-fin, were 
 slain, with upwards of three hundred of his men ; a circumstance which 
 renders the supposition probable that the armies of those times were far 
 from numerous, and that the conflicts partook little of the regular system 
 of modern warfare”. This remark is made by Dr. Browne ; but it is not 
 altogether correct, as the chiefs were probably the only persons included 
 in that number. Adomnan, who is the authority for the three hundred, 
 states that they fell at the battle of the Miathi , or Fethan-lea ; and it 
 is not improbable that the fact has reference to the three hundred that 
 fell at Cattraeth. “ Another battle was fought at Kirkinn in 598, between 
 Aidan and the Saxons, in which he appears to have had the disadvan- 
 tage, and in which he lost Domangart, his son ; and in 603 he was 
 finally defeated” at the battle of Digston, which we assume to be iden- 
 tical with Cattraeth, and from which he fled for his life with but few 
 followers. This was his last military exploit. “ These wars weakened 
 the powers of the Dalriads very considerably ; and it was not till after a 
 long period that they again ventured to meet the Saxons in the field. 
 During a short season of repose, Aidan, attended by St. Columba, went 
 to the celebrated council of Drum-keat in Ulster, in the year 590. In this 
 council he claimed the principality of Dalriada,the land of his fathers, and 
 obtained an exemption from doing homage to the Kings of Ireland, which 
 
LXI. PRESSENT AND AEDDAN. 
 
 285 
 
 In the narrow valley he was resistless 
 
 As Aeddan, owner of the red-stained steeds of Mannan fight : 
 He was an eager rider at the morning dawn. 
 
 his ancestors, it would appear, had been accustomed to pay. Aidan died 
 in 605, at the advanced age of eighty, and was buried in the church of 
 Kil-keran, the ruins of which are still to be seen in the midst of Camp- 
 belton.” (Browne’s Highlands , p. 69.) The Chronic. Regum Scotorum 
 places his death in 608, and O’Flaherty in 606, aged seventy- eight, 
 after a reign of thirty-four years. 
 
 He is called in the Triads [ Cyfres , i, 46 ; iii, 45, 52] Aeddan Vradawg, 
 or the Treacherous ; but the composer of the Triads committed an error 
 in supposing him to have been a Cymro, and in assigning an alliance with 
 the Saxons as the reason of this epithet ; but as Aeddan never was in 
 alliance with the Saxons, the charge is false and the explanation untrue, 
 and probably the real reason was the alliance with Gwenddolaud 
 
 Aeddan had a brother named Eogain or Eochy, whom St. Columba 
 originally wished to have instituted in his place, but, having received a 
 supernatural admonition, he placed Aidan on the Scottish throne. 
 Eogain assisted his brother in his wars, and died in 595. Aeddan had 
 several sons, named Eochy Buidhe, Eochy Finn, Arthur, Bran, Doman- 
 gart, Doman, and Conad. The second and third fell at the battle of 
 Lleithredh. Of two others we have the following notice : — 
 
 “ dxcvi. Iugulatio filiorum Aodhain, Brain et Doman.” {Ann. Ult.) 1 2 
 
 Domangart fell at Kirkinn in 598, and Conad was drowned in the sea 
 in 622 ; and Eochy Buidhe, or the Yellow, alone mounted the throne of 
 
 1 [The epithet Bradawg may have been by misapprehension trans- 
 ferred to Aeddan from his father Gavran, to whom it is applied in one 
 copy, B , of the Annales Cambrise, s.a. 558, “ Gawran Wradouc Alius 
 Dinwarch obiit.”] 
 
 2 [The above is the entry as given by Ritson. In Skene’s Chronicles 
 of the Piets and Scots , p. 346, it is as follows, “ Jugulatio filiorum Aedain 
 .i. Brain et Domangairt”. Tighernac’s account {ib., 68) is fuller, 
 “Jugulacjo filiorum Aedan, .i. Bran et Domangort et Eochach find 
 et Artuir i cath chirchind in quo victus est Aedhan”. Adamnan’s state- 
 ment that Artur and Eochoid Find, two of Aidan’s sons, fell in the helium 
 Miathorum , leads Skene ( Celtic Scotland , i, 161, note 81) to identify the 
 latter with the battle of Kirkinn, which he dates 596.] 
 
286 
 
 TJIE GODODIN OF ANEUKIN GWAWPRYDD. 
 
 LXII. 
 
 Angor dewr daen 
 
 Sarph seri raen 620 
 
 Sengi wrymgaen 1 
 Emlaen bed in 
 
 Arth 2 i arwynawl drussyawr 3 dreissyawr 
 Sengi waewawr 4 
 
 En dyd cadyawr 5 625 
 
 Yg clawd gwernin 
 Eil nedic 6 nar 7 
 Neus due drwy var 
 Gwled y 8 adar 
 
 O 9 drydar drin 630 
 
 1 Urym gaem , 2, 3. 2 Ayth, 1, 2 ; ath, 3 ; aeth , vel ath, 5. 3 Druss- 
 
 yat , 1, 2, 4 ; drwsiad,- 3, 5. 4 Uaenawr , 1 ; vaenawr , 2, 3, 5 ; waywawr, 
 
 6. 5 Cadwynawi 1 , 2, 3, 5. 6 Redic , 2, 3, 5. 7 AaV, 3 ; yn ar , 5. 
 
 « I, 3. 9 Not in 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 Dalriada. The Triads [Cyfres , iii, 10] attribute to Aeddan another son 
 named Gavran ; but this is probably only another bluuder, as the other 
 authorities name no such person. This fiction is, however, pretty enough, 
 and the two little poems of Mrs. Hemans, The Green Isle of the Ocean 
 and The Sea Song of Gavran, tempt me to copy her explanatory note: — 
 “ The Green Islands of Ocean, or Green Spots of the Floods, called in 
 the Triads ‘Gwerddonau Llion’ (respecting which some remarkable super- 
 stitions have been preserved in Wales), were supposed to be the abode of 
 the Fair Family, or souls of the virtuous Druids, who could not enter the 
 Christian heaven, but were permitted to enjoy this paradise of their own. 
 Gafran, a distinguished British chieftain of the fifth century, went on a 
 voyage with his family to discover these islands ; but they were never 
 heard of afterwards. This event, the voyage of Merddin Emrys with his 
 twelve bards, and the expedition of Madog, were called the three losses 
 by disappearance of the Island of Britain.” The historical fact which 
 underlies this tale is probably the following : — 
 
 “ dcxxii. Conangus regis Aidaui Glius mari demersus.” 
 
 ( Tigernach , as quoted in O’ Flaherty .) 
 
 “ 622. Conad, the son of King Aidan, drowned in the sea.” But where 
 he was drowned, or what he sought, is not stated, and perhaps, after all, 
 
LXII. MERIN. 
 
 287 
 
 LXII. 
 
 To Merin, the Son of Madyen, 
 
 Anchor of the scattered brave ! 
 
 A sullen serpent causing grief , * 1 
 Thou tramplest in seamed armour 
 In the van of the army. 
 
 A bear in white garment was the spoiler ! 
 
 Thou trampledst the spears 
 In the day of battle, 
 
 At the camp on the plain. 
 
 Like the mangling Ner, 
 
 Did he not bring in his rage 
 A feast for birds 
 
 From the tumult of conflict ? 
 
 1 Or, “ A serpent furious to cause grief”. 
 
 there may be some truth in the tale about Gwerddonan Llion^ substituting 
 Conan or Conad for Gavran. 1 
 
 lxii. In Gorchan Maelderw this verse is followed by another 
 
 1 [In connection with this interesting suggestion, Tighernac’s account 
 may be worth giving in full: — “ Conaing mac Aedain mic Gabrain 
 dimersus est. Bimudine eiceas cecinit. 
 
 “ Tonda mara morglan 
 Grian rodotoicsitar, 
 
 Ma crach, fleachadh find 
 For Conaing cond coseatar. 
 
 In bean rola a mong find 
 In churac fri Conaing, 
 
 Iacd ro tibhi agen 
 Andiu fri Bili tortan.” 
 
 “ The resplendent billows of the sea, 
 
 The sun that raised them, 
 
 My grief, the pale storms 
 Against Conang with his army ; 
 
 The woman of the fair locks 
 Was in the curach with Conang ; 
 
 Lamentation for mirth with us 
 This day at Bili Tortan.” 
 
 Skene’s Chron. of Piets and Scots , 69.] 
 
288 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Kywir 10 yth elwir oth 11 enwir weithret 
 Eactaf 12 ruyuyadur mur catuilet 13 
 Merin a madyein 14 mat yth anet. (a) 
 
 10 Gwir , 3. 11 Word not in 1, 2, 3. 12 Rhagan , 1 ; rhangaf, 2 ; 
 
 rhyngaf, , 3 ; raccaj ‘ 4 ; ragaf, al. rhyngaf , al. ractaf ’ 5 ; rhagaf \ (rhagor, 
 rhactaf ), 6. 13 Cadwilied , 3 ; cadvilet, vel cadwilied, 5. 14 Madyen , 1, 2. 
 
 (a) This verse also occurs in Gorchan Maelderw [Myv., i, 86 ; Gee’s 
 ed., 71; Four Ancient Books , ii, 101], with some important variations, 
 which, as they are adopted in the translation, are here subjoined : — 
 
 “ Angor deor dain 
 Sarph saffwy graen 
 Blaen bedin 
 
 Enwir yt elwir oth gywir gverit 
 Kywir yth elwir oth gywir weithret 
 Rector rwyvyadur mur pob kiwet 
 Meryn mab madyeith mat yth anet.” 
 
 which appears to refer to the same person, and which we here sub- 
 join 
 
 “ Aches guolouy 
 Glasvleid duuyr 
 Dias dilin 
 Angor deor dain 
 Anyswguaen 
 
 En blaen bedin 
 Ledrud levir 
 A meirch a gwyr 
 Rac Gododin 
 Re cw gyvarch 
 Kywyrein bard 
 Keinre tot tarth 
 
 Rac garth merin.” 
 
 (Myv., i, 86 ; Gee’s ed., 71 ; Four And. Books , ii, 101.) 
 
 There was a person of the name of Merin living about this period, as 
 may be understood from the following notice : — 
 
 “ Merin, or Merini ab SeithenyD, presumed to be the founder of Llan- 
 ferin, or Llanfetherin, Monmouthshire. Bodferin, the signification of 
 which implies the place of his residence, is the name of a chapel under 
 Llaniestin. Festival, January 6th.” (Rees’ Saints , 236.) 
 
LX1I. MERIN. 
 
 289 
 
 Rightly art thou named from thy faithful deed 
 “ Foremost of Leaders”, “ Tower of the Guiders of War”, 
 Merin, son of Madyen, blessed was thy birth ! 
 
 This is most probably the hero of this verse, and Garthmerin is pro- 
 bably identical with the Bodferin here named ; but I cannot establish 
 the identity of the son of Madyen and the son of Seithenin, and I can 
 offer nothing better than a conjecture upon the subject. May not Mad- 
 yen be the name of the mother ? And may not Madrun, the daughter 
 of Gwrthevyr Yendigaid, be the same person as the Madyen here named ? 
 At first sight there will appear several chronological difficulties ; but a 
 little examination will show them to be founded in misconception. First, 
 Professor Rees places (p. 135) Gwrthevyr before 457 a.d. ; but it is to be 
 borne in mind that there were two Gwrthevyrs, and Gwrthevyr Yendi- 
 gaid, the father of Madrun, was the immediate predecessor of Maelgwn 
 in the list of British kings. Madrun was married to Ynyr Gwent, whom 
 Rees, to suit the time of the first Gwrthevyr, places between 464 and 
 500 ; but Ynyr was one of the patriots of Taliesin, and is shown in the 
 poem called Gwaith Dyffryn Gwarant ( Myv ., i, 40 ; Gee’s ed., 39 ; Four 
 Ancient Books , ii, 167) to have been the contemporary of Maelgwn. 
 A son of his would, therefore, be in the prime of life at the time 
 assigned to Merin, and, therefore, there is no chronological diffi- 
 culty in accepting the following hypothesis. After the death of Ynyr, 
 his widow may have married Seithenin, and have given birth to Merin ; 
 and in this way we might be able to understand the reason why the 
 name of Merin should be perpetuated in the two extremes of Wales — 
 within the dominions of Ynyr Gwent, as well as in the county of Seithe- 
 nin in Carnarvon. This, be it observed, is only a conjecture. I have 
 no authority for the assumption further than what is here stated, but I 
 know of nothing to the contrary. Garthmadrun was an old name for a 
 part of Brecknock. 
 
 What was the faithful or perfect deed here alluded to ? The only 
 answer I can give is the following extract from George Buchanan. I 
 must, however, premise that, instead of Ethelfrid, we ought to place his 
 father Ethelric, and of “ in the following summer”, we should read with 
 the Saxon Chronicle , “seven years after the battle of Frethern”, which 
 would be (584+7) 591. 
 
 “ The following summer, Ethelfrid united his forces with those of the 
 Piets, and marched into Galloway, supposing he should find all things 
 in great consternation, on account of their ill-success in the preceding 
 year. But Aidanus (Aeddan ab Gavran), coming with his forces thither 
 
 19 
 
290 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 LXIII. 
 
 Ardyledawc 1 caim kyman 2 caffat 3 
 
 Ketwyr am gatraeth a wnaeth brithret 635 
 
 Brithwy 4 a wyar 5 sathar sanget 
 
 Sengi wit 6 gwned 7 bual am dal med 8 
 
 A clialaned kyuurynged 9 
 
 Nyt 10 adrawd 11 kibno wede kyffro 
 
 Ket 12 bei kymun 13 keui 14 dayret. 15 (a) 640 
 
 1 Ar dyledawr , 1, 2 ; ardyledawr , 5. 2 Cymain , 3 ; cyfan , 5. 
 
 3 Caffed , 3, 5. * Brith, 1, 2, 3, 5. 5 Uyar , 1. 6 Sengiwyd , 3, 5. 
 
 7 Gwynedd , 1, 2, 3, 5. 8 Dalmedd , 1, 5. 9 Cyuyringet , 1 ; cyuiringet , 
 
 2 ; cywiringed, 3 ; kyuirynged , al. cyfringed , 5. 10 iW, 6. 11 Ardrawdd, 
 
 1. 12 Cyffro cad , 1, 2, 3, 5, 6. 13 Cfymam, 3. 14 CWn, 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 15 Daret , 1, 2, 3, 5 ; in 1, 2, 3, 5, wedy cyffro cat comes at the end of 
 the verse. 
 
 (a) This verse also occurs in Gordian Maelderw , and is there followed 
 by another verse to the same person, which is not to be found in the 
 ordinary copies of the Gododin : — 
 
 “ Erdiledaf canu ciman caffa in cetwir 
 Am Gatraeth ri guanaid brit rec 
 Brit gue ad guiar sathar sanget 
 Sengit guit guned 
 Dial am dal med o galanet 
 Gives riget nis cibno guedi cyffro cat 
 Cevei cimwyn idau civi daeret 
 Llithyessit adar ada am edismyccaf 
 Edeuuniat eithunat aruhicat 
 Et guisgus awr ig kinnor gaur 
 Ig cin varan edeiuinieit ballauc 
 Tal gellauc cat tridid engiriawl 
 Etlinaut gaur arth arwynawl 
 Ar grugiat guor vlodyat erigliriat 
 Hir lu cem bu gupno mab gwen gat.” 
 
 ( Myv i, 88 ; Gee’s ed., 72; Skene’s Four Ancient Books , ii, 106.) 
 
 sooner than his enemies thought, set upon the straggling plunderers, 
 and drove them, full of terror, to their camp. Thus, having chastised 
 their rashness, and supposing they would remain quiet during the night, 
 he passed by their camp, and joined the Britons. The allied armies then 
 pitched their tents in a narrow valley of Annandale, and their enemies, as 
 being sure of their destruction, beset the passages entering it. But they, 
 
LXIII. KIBNO. 
 
 291 
 
 LXIII. 
 
 To Kibno, the son of Gwen. 
 
 It is incumbent upon me to sing how much was obtained 
 By the warriors who created a tumult about Cattraeth : 
 There was confusion and gore, treading and trampling ; 
 Valour was trodden upon, the bugle was interrupted, 
 And carnage intervened. 
 
 Cibno does not relate 
 
 That the feasting was so eager 
 
 After the stirring up of battle. 
 
 after fortifying their camp, as if they intended to keep that grouud, 
 took an opportunity in the night, when the tide was out, to pass over a 
 ford, which, though full of dangerous quicksands, was well known to 
 them ; and so they marched into Cumberland, and afterwards into 
 Northumberland, making great havoc in every place to which they 
 came. The enemy followed them closely, and when they came in sight 
 of one another, both armies prepared for the fight. The Scots and 
 Britons made four commanders, in addition to what they had before, 
 who were noble persons of great experience in military affairs, that so the 
 common soldiers might have a greater number of captains to restrain 
 their impetuosity and guide them properly. These superadded officers 
 were Constantine and Mencrinus (Merin ab Madyen ?), both Britons ; 
 and Calenus and Murdacus, who were Scots. By their conduct and 
 encouragement, the soldiers fell upon the enemy with such spirit, 
 that they were presently broken and put to flight. There goes a 
 report that Columba, being then in the Isle of Icolmkill, told his com- 
 panions of this victory at the same hour in which it was obtained. Of 
 the Saxon nobles there were slain in the fight, Ciolinus and Vitellius, 
 both great warriors, and of noble descent.” This appears incorrect with 
 respect to Ceaulin, who survived the defeat, but was expelled his king- 
 dom, and died two years later, in 593. Vitellius was probably Titylus, 
 King of the East Anglians of Norfolk, who had settled themselves in the 
 island about that time ; and if we admit the reading of Llech titleu , in 
 verse xlviii, the stone of Titil would probably be Dilston in the centre 
 of Northumberland. 
 
 This was, therefore, an event which might well reflect credit upon 
 the leading actors, and it is probable that this was the event alluded to 
 in connection with Merin. 
 
 lxiii. Of this person there is nothing known beyond what is stated 
 
 19 2 
 
292 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 LXIV. 
 
 Ardyledawc canu kyman 1 ovri 2 
 Twryf tan atharan aryuerthi 
 Gwrliyt arderchawc varchawc mysgi 
 Ruduedel 3 ryuel a eiduni 
 
 Gwr gwned 4 divudyawc dimyngyei 5 645 
 
 Y gat or 6 meint gwlat yd y klywi 7 
 Ae 8 ysgwyt 9 ar y ysgwyd hut 10 arolli 
 Wayw 11 mal gwin gloew o wydyr lestri 
 Aryant am yued 12 eur dylyi 
 
 Gwinvaeth oed waetnerth 13 vab 14 llywri. 650 
 
 1 Cyfan , 5. 2 0 vri , 1, 2, 3, 4. 3 Rudd vedel, 1 ; rJiudd fedd , 3. 
 
 4 Gwynedd , 3. 5 Dimynygei , 8. 6 Er, 3. 7 Yt glywei , 5. 8 Ac, 
 
 2, 3, 5. 9 Ysgwydd , 3. 10 Hut a roli, 1, 2 ; aro/q vel arholi , 5. 
 
 11 Llaen , 1, 2; ZZam, 3, 5. 12 F vec?, 4, 6. 13 Vaelnerth , 2, 3. 
 
 14 Not in 1, 2, 3. 
 
 in one of the Gorchan Maelderw verses [see note (a), p. 290], that he was 
 the son of Gwen, and consequently the brother of Gwenabwy. He 
 appears to have survived the conflict. 
 
 lxiv. This verse was one of the specimens of Aneurin’s poetry 
 selected by the author of the Dissertatio de Bardis ; and, from the Latin 
 version of the Rev. Evan Evans, the poet Gray has furnished the follow- 
 ing amplification of the first four lines, the name Conan being substi- 
 tuted for Gwaednerth : — 
 
 “ Conan’s name, my lay, rehearse, 
 
 Build to him the lofty verse, 
 
 Sacred tribute of the bard, 
 
 Verse, the hero’s sole reward. 
 
 As the flame’s devouring force ; 
 
 As the whirlwind in its course ; 
 
 As the thunder’s fiery stroke, 
 
 Glancing on the shiver’d oak ; 
 
 Did the sword of Conan mow 
 The crimson harvest of the foe.” 
 
 (Mason’s Gray , p. 424.) 
 
LXIY. GWAEDNERTH. 
 
 293 
 
 LXIV. 
 
 To Gwaednerth ab Llywri. 
 
 It is a duty to sing of the great glory, 
 
 As that of tumultuous fire, thunder and torrents, 
 
 Of the exalted heroism of the knight of contest, 
 
 Who vowed the red harvest of war ! 
 
 Hero, whose toil was destructive ! He loved to have 
 War of a magnitude that the country should hear of it. 
 With his shield upon his shoulder, and his rolling 
 Spear sparkling like clear wine in glass vessels : 
 
 Silver, yea, gold, for drink he would pay, — 
 
 A feaster on wine was Gwaednerth the son of Llywri. 
 
 Gorchan Maelderw also contains an additional verse addressed to this 
 person, of which the ordinary copies of the poems of Aneurin furnish no 
 trace : — 
 
 “ Ardwy nef adef eidun gwalat 
 Gwae ni rac galar ai auar gwastat 
 Pan doethan deon o Dineidin parth 
 Deetholwyd pob doeth wlat 
 Ynghyfryssed a Lloegyr lluyd amhad 
 Naw ugain am un a beithynad 
 Ardemyl meirch a seirch a seric dillad 
 Ardwyei Waetnerth e gerth or gat.” 
 
 ( Myv ., i, 86 ; Gee’s ed., 71 ; Four Ancient Books, ii, 102.) 
 
 And therefore we may infer that Gwaednerth was a man of distinction ; 
 but who the person was, is not so easily determined. * 1 
 
 1 He was the son of Morgan Mwynfawr of Morganwg, by Elivri, or 
 Llywri, the daughter of Urien Rheged. The following references, 
 prepared for the purpose, will serve as guide at some future period: — 
 
 “ Eliwri, daughter of Urien, married to Morgan.” (Iolo MSS., 458.) 
 u Gwaednerth ab Gwallonir”, a different man, apparently, though 
 King of Gwent, is named in Liber Landavensis, 388, 392, 393. 
 
 “ Gwaednerth, son of Morgan.” (Ibid., 425, 430, 431, 432, 433, 441.) 
 “ Gwaednerth.” (Ibid., 427, 447, 463.) 
 
 [Note inserted on revision. — Ed.] 
 
294 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 LXY. 
 
 Ardylecawc canu claer orchyrdon 1 
 A gwedy dyrreith dylleinw aeron 2 
 Dimcones 3 lovlen benn eryron 
 Llwyt 4 ef gorevvwyt y ysgylvyon 5 
 Or a aeth gatraeth o eur dorchogyon 6 655 
 
 Ar neges mynydawc mynawc maon 
 Ny doeth 7 en diwartli o barth 8 vrython 
 Ododin 9 wr bell well no chynon 10 
 LXVI. 
 
 Ardyledawc canu kenian 1 kywreint 2 
 
 Llawen llogell byt 3 bu didichwant 4 660 
 
 1 Orchorddion , 3, 5. 2 Avon , 1, 2, 3, 5. 3 Digones , 5. 4 Clwyt , 
 
 8 ; between this word and the next there is a sign of omission in 1, 2, 3. 
 
 5 Ysgyolyon, 1, 2 ; ysgolion , 3 ; ysglyfyon , 4 ; ysgyjiion , 5. 6 Aurdor- 
 
 chogion , 1, 2, 3 ; eurdorchogyon , 4. 7 Ddaeth , 2, 3, 5. 8 Not in 2, 3. 
 
 9 Wawdodyn , 3 ; from this to the end of the poem the verses are not 
 
 divided in 1. 10 There is another copy of this verse in Gorchan 
 
 Maelderw , which is much fuller than this, and contains several lines not 
 given here : — 
 
 1 ‘ Erdyledam canu i cenon cig ueren 
 In guarth ac cin bu diuant dileit 
 Aeron riuessit i loflen ar pen erirhon luit 
 E ranuit goreu buit i iglivon 
 Ar les minidawc marchawc maon 
 Em dodes itu ar gwasu galon 
 Ar gatraeth oed fraeth eurdorchogyon 
 Wy guenint lledint seivogyon 
 Ond ech eu temyr treis canaon 
 Oed odit i mit o barth vrython 
 Gododin o bell guell no chenon.” 
 
 ( Myv i, 87 ; Gee’s ed., 72 ; Four Ancient Books, ii, 106.) 
 
 1 Cemann , 1 ; ceman, al. cyfan , 5. 2 Cynreint , 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 3 Bu, 5. 4 “ Erdiledaf canu ciman ci guerenit 
 
 Llawen llogell bit budit dit di.” 
 
 ( Gorch . Mael. ; Myv., i, 88.) 
 
 lxv. This was probably the Cynon from Aeron, of whom a long 
 notice has been already given, appended to v. xviii (p. 184). 
 
LXV. CYNON. 
 
 LXVI. KYNDDILICr. 
 
 205 
 
 LXV. 
 
 To Cynon of Aeron. 
 
 It is a duty to sing of the illustrious strangers, 
 
 Who, after the impulsion (of spears), replenished Aeron. 
 His hand satiated the hunger of the grey eagles ; 
 
 He gave the best of food to the beasts of prey. 
 
 Of those who went to Cattraeth wearing golden torques, 
 Upon the business of Mynyddog, the Ruler of Multitudes, 
 There came not without reproach, on the part of 
 The Britons of Gododin, a much better man than Cynon. 
 
 LXVI. 
 
 To Kynddilig of Aeron. 
 
 It is a duty to sing of the skilful songster : 
 
 Depositary of the world’s joys, he was free from greed. 
 
 lxvi. The Eidol whose harmonies or love of song are here extolled was 
 probably the subject of v. lviii, already noticed (p. 274) ; but as the 
 following Englynion Beddau , which probably refer to him, were there 
 omitted, they are given here : — 
 
 u Pieu y bet hun bet hun a hun 
 Gowin ymi mi ae gun 
 Bet ew bet Eitew oet hun 
 A bet Eidal tal ysgun 
 u Eitew ac Eidal diessic Alltudion 
 Kanawon cylchuydrei 
 Meckid meibion Meigen meirch mei.” 
 
 ( Myv ., i, 81 ; Gee’s ed., 67 ; Four Ancient Books, ii, 32.) 
 
 It is not easy to determine who Cynddilig was. There were two 
 persons of that name living about this period. One was Cynddilig ab 
 Caw, and brother of Aneurin ; the other was Cynddilig ab Nwython ab 
 Caw, the nephew of the bard ; and probably the subject of this verse 
 was either the one or the other of these two. 
 
 There was also another person of that name living perhaps about this 
 period, as we learn from Englynion y Beddau : — 
 
296 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Hu mynnei eng kylch byt 5 eidol anant 6 
 Yr eur a meirch mawr a med 7 medweint 
 Nainen ene 8 delei 9 o vyt hoffeint 
 Kyndilic aeron wyr enouant . 10 
 
 6 The words hu mynnei eng kylch byt are not in 2, 3, 4. 6 Eidolanant 
 
 not in 4. 7 Meddw , 2, 3, 5. 8 Yn y , 1, 2, 3, 5. 9 Ddylai , 5. 
 
 10 En o uant , 1 ; en o gant , 2 ; un o gant , 3 \ en e novant , al. wn o 
 5. 
 
 “ Kian a ud diffaith Cnud 
 Draw o tuch pen bet Alltud 
 Bet Cindilic mab Corknud.” (Myv., i, 81.) 
 
 But this person is better known as Eiddilic Cor. Lady Charlotte Guest 
 ( Mabinogion , ii, 428) identifies this person with the treacherous Iddawc 
 Cordd (or Corn) Prydain ; and Williams, yielding too ready an assent to 
 an unfounded implication, has adopted her statement ( Eminent Welsh- 
 men, p. 92) ; but Owen exercised a sounder discretion in keeping Iddawc 
 and Eiddilic apart, as I cannot find any warrant for assuming their 
 identity. Eiddilic is twice named in the Triads : — 
 
 “ The three stubborn men of the Isle of Britain, who could not be 
 diverted from their purposes : Trystan the son of Tallwch, Gweirwerydd 
 Yawr, and Eiddilic Cor.” (Myv., ii, 19, 69 ; Gee’s ed., 393, 408.) 
 
 “ The three Illusion and Phantasm men of the Isle of Britain : Math 
 ab Mathonwy, who showed his art to Gwdion, the son of Don ; Menw 
 vab Teirgwaedd, who taught his magic to Uther Pendragon ; and 
 Bhuddlwm Gawr, who learnt his art from Eiddic Gorr”, or Eiddilic the 
 Dwarf. (Myv., ii, 7, 71 ; Gee’s ed., 390, 409.) 
 
 It is in the latter character of magician that Davydd ab Gwilym refers 
 to him : — 
 
 “ Tri milwyr gynt, trem olud, 
 
 A wyddyn’ cyn no hyn hud ; 
 
 Cad brofiad ceidw brif enw, 
 
 Cyntaf, addfwynaf, oedd Fenw. 
 
 Ar ail fydd dydd da ddeall, 
 
 Eiddilic Cor, Wyddel call ; 
 
 Try dydd oedd ger muroedd Mon, 
 
 Maeth, rhwy’ arfaeth rhi Arfon.” 
 
 (Poems, p. 207.) 
 
LXVI. KYNDDILIG. 
 
 297 
 
 Boldly he demanded about the world, with the harmonies of 
 Eidol, 
 
 Gold, and tall steeds, and intoxicating mead. 
 
 Wherever he came he was world-beloved, 
 
 Kynddilig of Aeron, the grandson of Novant . 1 
 
 1 Or Enovant. 
 
 Williams ( Eminent Welshmen , s.v. Cynddilig) states (after Owen) that 
 Cynddilig Cor Cnud is the person named by Aneurin ; but as the dis- 
 tinctive epithet Cor Cnud is not appended to the person named by the 
 bard, the assertion is not entitled to implicit credence. 
 
 Llywarch Hen had a son named Cynddilig, of whom he speaks rather 
 slightingly : — 
 
 “ Thou art no scholar, thou art no hermit, 
 
 A prince thou wilt not be called in the day of conflict, — 
 
 Oh ! Cynddilig, why wert thou not a woman ? ” 
 
 (Afyv., i, 119 ; Gee’s ed., 95 ; Four Ancient Books , ii, 61.) 
 
 But the person who appears to me to satisfy the required conditions is 
 not one of those already named. We have no sufficient authority for 
 identifying the son of Caw or the son of Noethon or Nwython with the 
 district of Aeron. Eiddilic Cor appears to have been an Irishman, and 
 the son of Llywarch is disqualified. Upon the whole, the person named 
 in the following notice appears to me to be the man we seek : — 
 
 “ Cynddilig, a son of Cennydd ab Gildas (the brother of Aneurin) ; 
 his memory has been celebrated in the parish of Llanrhystud, in Car- 
 diganshire, on the 1st of November.” (Rees’ Saints , p. 281.) 
 
 W e are able to identify this man with Aeron, and as the country of 
 the Novantse was the residence of the Caw family, u wyr e novant” is 
 probably a delicate way of saying that Cynddilig was the great-grandson 
 of Aneurin’s father. Caw, Lord of Cwm Cawlwyd and of some portion 
 of the Novantian people. The Rev. P. Roberts ( Popular Antiquities of 
 the Cymry , p. 244) says : — u This saint’s day is kept in the parish of 
 Rhystud, where, from midday to midnight on the eve of the winter 
 kalends (first of November), the offering of a cock, as a preservative 
 against the whooping-cough, is permitted.” This was copied by Mr. 
 Roberts from an old Welsh account of Saints’ Days. 
 
298 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 LXVII. 
 
 Ardyledawc canu claer orchyrdon 1 665 
 
 Ar neges mynydawc mynawc maon 
 A merch Eudaf hir dreis 2 gwananhon 3 
 Oed porfor gwisgyadur dir amdrychyon 
 
 1 Orchorddion , 3, 5. 2 Dieis , 1, 2, 3, 5; dreit ( dreis ), 6 . 3 Gwanau 
 
 hon , 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 lxvii. Here, again, is one more of the many illustrations afforded by 
 the poems of Aneurin — that we have in the Gododin the first forms of 
 many of the legends which in subsequent centuries received the embel- 
 lishments of fiction. The daughter of Eudav the Tall, mentioned in 
 this verse, is very probably the lady who has figured so prominently 
 in the hands of monkish chroniclers and in the pages of Cambrian 
 romance. 
 
 Eudav, according to The Dream of Maxen Wledig , a romance which 
 places Maximus two centuries before his time, was King of Arvon in 
 North Wales ; but, according to Geoffrey of Monmouth, Eudav was 
 Earl of Cornwall. According to one authority, Ellen married Maximus, 
 but, according to the other (Geoffrey), Helen married Constantius, and 
 became the mother of Constantine the Great. The lady who married 
 Maximus, according to Geoffrey, was another person not named, the 
 daughter of Eudav, Earl of Cornwall. According to the romance, Elen 
 Luyddawc was the daughter of Eudav of Arvon, and Cynan Meiriadoc 
 was her brother ; but, according to Geoffrey, Helen Luyddawg was the 
 daughter of “ old King Coel”, and Cynan was no relation of hers, nor 
 was he the brother of the unnamed daughter of Eudav, but only her 
 cousin, the son of Eudav’ s brother. The pedigree of Eudav affords us 
 no satisfactory explanation, as may be seen from Rees’ dissection of it 
 (p. 92), and the Triads are simply echoes of the romance. It is, there- 
 fore, a hopeless task to determine what is truth and what is error here ; 
 but it appears to me clear that Triads , romance, and the history of 
 Geoffrey are misconceptions and misrepresentations of the actual facts. 
 Professor Rees has already exploded the assertion that Helen was the 
 mother of Constantine ( Saints , p. 97), and I must now endeavour to 
 complete what he has left undone. There need be no doubt that in Eudav 
 the Tall and his daughter, the contemporaries of Aneurin, we have the 
 original subjects of the tale ; as it is highly improbable that there could 
 
LXVII. MYNYDDOG. 
 
 299 
 
 LXVII. 
 
 To Mynyddog (and his Wife ?). 
 
 It is a duty to sing of the splendid retinues 
 Which went on the business of Mynyddog, the Ruler of Mul- 
 titudes, 
 
 And the daughter of Eudav the Tall. Graceful were the 
 movements of this lady ; 
 
 And her purple robes were splendid to the sight. 
 
 have been two Eudavs and two beautiful daughters within a period of 
 220 years, in a.d. 380 and a.d. 600. I am, therefore, of opinion that 
 Eudav of the tale was the Eudav (or Octavius) of Aneurin, who lived 
 about 600 ; but whether he was living in Arvon or in North Britain is 
 uncertain. Perhaps we may on that point trust to romance. Helen, or 
 Elen, was probably the daughter of the Eudav here named, and Myny- 
 ddog Eiddin may take the place of Maximus as the husband of this 
 paragon of beauty. 
 
 Let us, therefore, treat the lady in accordance with that assumption. 
 Aneurin was much struck with her personal appearance, as well as with 
 the magnificence of her dress ; and the following description of her in 
 the Mabinogi of Maxen Wledig may not be uninteresting. Maximus 
 fell asleep, and in a dream — 
 
 “ Beside a pillar in the hall, he saw a hoary-headed man in a chair of 
 ivory, with the figures of two eagles of ruddy gold thereon. Bracelets 
 of gold were upon his arms, and many rings upon his hands, and a golden 
 torquis about his neck ; and his hair was bound with a golden diadem. 
 He was of powerful aspect. A chessboard of gold was before him, and a 
 rod of gold, and a steel file in his hand. And he was carving out chess- 
 men.” That was Eudav. 
 
 “ And he saw a maiden sitting before him in a chair of ruddy gold. 
 Not more easy than to gaze upon the sun when brightest, was it to look 
 upon her by reason of her beauty. A vest of white silk was upon the 
 maiden, with clasps of red gold at the breast ; and a surcoat of gold 
 tissue was upon her, and a frontlet of red gold upon her head, and rubies 
 and gems were in the frontlet, alternating with pearls and imperial 
 stones. And a girdle of ruddy gold was around her. She was the fairest 
 sight that man ever beheld.” (Guest’s Mabinogion , vol. iii, p. 279.) 
 
300 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 LXVIII. 
 
 Dyffortlies 1 meiwyr 2 molut nyuet 
 
 Baran tan teryd ban gynneuet G70 
 
 Duw mawrth gwisgyassant 3 eu 4 gwrym 5 duclet 
 
 Diw merchyr perideint 6 en calch doet 7 
 
 Divyeu bu diheu eu diuoet 
 
 Diw gwener calaned amdyget 8 
 
 Diw sadwrn bu divwrn en kyt weitbret 675 
 
 Diw sul eu llavneu rud amdyget 9 
 
 Diw llun byt benn clun gwaetlun gwelet 
 
 Neus adrawd gododin 10 gwedy lludet 
 
 Eac pebyll madawc pan atcoryet 11 
 
 Namen vn gwr o gant ene 12 delbet. 13 680 
 
 LXIX. 
 
 Mocli dwyreawc y 1 more 
 Kynnif aber rac ystre 
 
 1 Dyphorthyt , 2. 2 Meinir , 1, 2, 3, 5. 3 Gryssyassant , 4. 4 F, 
 
 1, 2, 3. 5 Gwrm , 5. 6 Priddeint , 3. 7 Calchdoet , 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 8 Amddygied, 3. 9 Amdygied, 3. 10 Gwawdodyn , 3. 11 Atgored , 3. 
 
 12 Fra 1,2, 3, 5. 13 There is another copy of this verse in Gorchan 
 
 Maelderw : — 
 
 “ Ni forthint, ueiri (rco£ 1) molut muet 
 Rac trin riallu trin orthoret 
 Tebihic tan teryd trui cinneuet 
 Diu mawrth gwisgassant eu cein duhet 
 Diu merchyr bu guero eu cit unet 
 Divyei cennadeu amodet 
 Diu gwener calanet a civrivet 
 Diu sadwrn bu didwrn eu cit gueithret 
 Diu sul laveneu rud a at ranhet 
 Diu llun hyt benn clun guaet lun guelet 
 Nys adraud gododin guedy lludet 
 Hir rac pebyll madauc pan atcorhet.” 
 
 ( Alyv ., i, 87 ; Gee’s ed., 71 ; Four Ancient Books, ii, 104.) 
 
 4 Ym, 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
LXVIII. DETAILS OF THE WAR. 
 
 LXIX. EIDOL. 
 
 301 
 
 LXVIII. 
 
 Details of the War. 
 
 The warriors bore the praise of purity, 
 
 Resembling the refiner’s fire when ignited . 1 
 On Tuesday they put on their seamed garments ; 
 Wednesday they burnished their enameU’d armour ; 
 Thursday their destruction became evident; 
 
 Friday corpses were brought about ; 
 
 Saturday their joint labour was suspended ; 
 
 Sunday their blades were brought ruddy ; 
 
 Monday blood was seen up to the knee. 
 
 Does not the Gododin relate, after the fatigue, 
 
 That before the tents of Madoc, on their return, 
 
 There came but one man in a hundred ? 
 
 LXIX. 
 
 To Eidol. 
 
 Early rising in the morning, 
 
 In the conflict at the confluence before the course, 
 
 1 Four copies read meinir , a slender woman. If that be correct, these 
 two lines belong to v. lxvii ; but the rhyme is in favour of the copies 
 which read meivoyr , warriors. 
 
 lxviii. This verse does not call for any special remark further than 
 that the day of the feast is not stated ; but there can be little doubt that 
 it took place the night before the chief battle, i.e., Sunday. In Gorchan 
 Maelderw , there is a different statement respecting Thursday, on which 
 it appears that there were “ messengers of peace offering terms”; and, 
 from an antecedent verse (xxxix), we learn that these messages came from 
 Ethelfrid, and that Twrch ab Arthan was the messenger. The terms 
 were rejected, and hence Aneurin’s remark that “ On Thursday their 
 destruction became evident”. It is probable that Friday was the day of 
 the defeat of Teodbald and his division, or, perhaps, Sunday. 
 
302 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Bu bwlch bu twlch tande 
 
 Mai twrch y 2 tywysseist vre 
 
 Bu golut mynut bu lie 685 
 
 Bu gwyar gweilch gwrymde. 3 (a) 
 
 LXX. 
 
 Moch dwyreawc y meityn 1 
 
 O gynnu aber rac fin 
 
 0 dywys yn tywys yn dylin 2 
 
 Kac cant ef gwant gesseuin 690 
 
 Oed garw y 3 gwnaewcli cbwi waetlin 
 
 Mai yuet med drwy chwerthin 
 
 Oed llew 4 y lladewcb cbwi dynin 5 
 
 Cledyual dywal fysgyolin 
 
 Oed mor diaehor yt ladei 695 
 
 Esgar gwr haual 6 en y 7 bei. (b) 
 
 2 Not in 5. 3 Gwrwnde , 1,2; gwrwmdde , 3, 5. 
 
 1 Ym eilin , 1, 2, 3. 2 Yn lyuys dylin , 1, 2, 3 ; yn lywys yn dilin , 5. 
 
 3 Not in 2, 3. 4 Lew , 1, 2, 3. 5 Dyvin , 1, 2, 3, 5. 6 Gyhafel 
 
 and gwr havel, 5. 7 Yn 3. 
 
 (a) u Moch aruireit i more 
 
 Icinim apherym rac stre 
 Bu ciuarch gueir guiat 
 Igcin or or cat 
 Civeillt ar garat 
 Init gene 
 
 Buguolut minut bu le 
 Bu guanar gueilgin gwrymde.” 
 
 ( Gorch . Mael. ; Myv., i, 87 ; Gee’s ed., 72 ; Four 
 Ancient Books , ii, 105.) 
 
 (b) “ Moch aruireith i meitit pan cis 
 
 Cinerein i midin o douis 
 
LXIX. LXX. EIDOL. 
 
 303 
 
 There was a breach, there was a flaming pile : 
 
 Like a boar thou ledst to the mount. 
 
 There was a mountain of wealth ; there was a cry ; 
 There was the blood of hawks in armour. 
 
 LXX. 
 
 To Eidol. 
 
 Early rising at matin, 
 
 At the bonfire by the confluence on the boundary, 
 He led, and the leader was followed : 
 
 Before a hundred he thrust forward. 
 
 Fiercely you caused bloodshed, 
 
 Like drinking mead through laughter; 
 
 Boldly you slew the little man, 
 
 With the fierce and ardent sword. 
 
 Since the hero’s death there is no one like him, 
 
 So irresistibly did he slay. 
 
 In towys enilin 
 
 Rac cant em guant ceseuin 
 
 Oed mor guanauc idinin 
 
 Mai ivet med neu win 
 
 Oed mor diachar 
 
 Yt wanei esgar 
 
 Uid alt guanar gurthyn.” 
 
 (Myv., i, 87 ; Gee’e ed., 72 ; Four Ancient Books , ii, 104.) 
 
 lxx. I have placed Eidol at the head of these two verses, in the belief 
 that they, as well as several others which follow, are dedicated to that 
 chief. If this supposition proves correct, the dynin , little man, or young 
 man, here alluded to would probably be the person named Hwrreith 
 who was mentioned in the note to v. lviii (p. 274). 
 
304 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 LXXI. 
 
 Disgynnwys en affwys dra phenn 
 Ny deliit kywyt 1 kywrennin benn 
 Disgiawr breint vn 2 e lad ar gangen 3 
 Kynnedyf y ewein esgynnv 4 ar ystre 
 Ystwng kyn gorot goreu gangen 
 Dilud dyleyn cathleu 5 dilen 
 Llywy llyvroded rwych 6 ac asgen 
 Anglas 7 asswydeu 8 lovlen 
 Dyffortbes ae law lnric webyn 
 Dymgwallaw 9 gwledic dal 10 
 Oe brid 11 brennyal. 
 
 LXXII. 
 
 Eidol adoer 1 crei grannawr 2 gwynn 
 Dysgiawr pan vei bun barn benn 
 Percben meircb a gwrymseircb 3 7 1 0 
 
 Ac ysgwydawr yaen 4 
 Gyuoet a gynergyr esgyn disgyn. 
 
 LXXIII. 
 
 Aer dywys ry 1 dywys ryvel 
 Gwlat gord garei 2 gwrd uedel 
 Gwrdweryt 3 gwaet am iroed 4 715 
 
 Seircliyawr 5 am y rud 6 yt ned 
 
 1 Cynyt , 1, 2, 3, 5 ; cyuyd, 6 ; I have adopted the first of these read- 
 ings. 2 Ou, 8. 3 Gagen , 1, 2, 3. 4 Esgynias , 3, 5. 5 Rathleu, 
 
 1 2, 3. 6 Vraych , 2, 3. 7 Angas , 8. 8 Assunyden , 8; asswydden , 3 ; 
 
 a swyddeu, 5. 9 Dymualau , 1, 2 ; dymivalaw , 3 ; dywaUaw , 5. 10 Not 
 
 in 3. 11 Bridd, 3 ; brit, al. 6ncfd, 5. 
 
 1 4<Zrer, 8. 2 Grannawr , 1,2; graenawr, 3 ; graianfawr , al. tfran- 
 
 5. 3 Gwymseirch , 1. 4 Not in 5. 
 
 1 F, 2 ; i, 3. 2 Gar et, 5. 3 weryt, 1, 2, 3. 4 Iruedd, 1, 
 
 2, 3 ; wwi, 4. 5 Seirchiawc , 1, 2, 3, 5. 6 Ain grudd, 1, 2, 3, 5 ; this 
 
 line conies after the succeeding one in 1. 
 
 700 
 
 705 
 
LXXl. LXXI1. EIDOL. 
 
 LXXII1. GWARTHAN. 
 
 305 
 
 LXXI. 
 
 To Eidol. 
 
 He descended into the pit head foremost ; 
 
 The huntsman never caught so skilful a head : 
 
 It was a breach of privilege to kill him on a branch. 
 
 Like unto Owen he ascended the course (vale) 
 
 Before his forcible subjection — best of branches. 
 
 There ought to be, and we ought to make him, secular songs ; 
 In a fair book let there be placed his ravage and hurtfulness. 
 When his sword was to the left of his grasp, 
 
 He held with his armed hand the outpouring cup. 
 
 The sovereign supplied payment 
 From his earthen shrine. 
 
 LXXII. 
 
 To the same person. 
 
 Chill is the blood and white the cheek of Eidol. 
 
 It was a breach (of privilege) when a woman’s sentence 
 Condemned the owner of steeds and strong harness, 
 
 And shields glittering like ice. 
 
 Coeval with the encounter was the ascent and descent. 
 
 LXXIII. 
 
 To Gwakthan ab Dunawd. 
 
 The war leader led the way to battle ; 
 
 The mallet of the country loved vigorous reaping, 
 
 Vigorous youth, and blood upon the greensward ; 
 
 He possessed armour for the face ; 
 
 20 
 
THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 30G 
 
 Seingyat am seirch 7 seirch seingyat 
 
 Ardelw lleith dygiawr 8 lludet 
 
 Peleidyr en eis en dechreu cat 
 
 Hynt am oleu bu godeu beleidryal. 9 720 
 
 LXXIV. 
 
 Keint 1 amnat 2 am dina 3 dy gell 
 Ac ystauell ytuydei dyrllydei 4 
 Med melys maglawr 
 Gwrys aergynlys 5 gan wawr 6 
 Ket 7 lwys lloegrwys lliwedawr 
 Ey benyt ar hyt yd 8 allawr 
 Edit wyned ldywer e arderched 9 
 Gwananbon 10 byt ved 
 Savwy 11 cadavwy 12 gwyned 
 Tarw bedin treis trin teyrned 
 Kyn kywesc 13 daear kyn gorwed 
 But orfun 14 gododin bed. 
 
 LXXY. 
 
 Bedin 1 ordyvnat en agerw 
 Mynawc lluydawc 2 llaw chwerw 
 Bu doeth a choeth a syberw 735 
 
 ISTyt oed ef wrth gyued gochwerw 
 Mudyn geinnyon ar 3 y helw 
 Nyt oed ar lies 4 bro pob delw. 
 
 7 Veirch , 6. 8 Drygiawr , 1, 2, 3, 5. 9 Beleidryat , 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 1 Seint, 1, 2, 3, 5. 2 Amnant , 1, 2, 3, 5; et amnawdd , 5. 3 Diva , 
 
 ], 2, 5 ; difei , 3 ; 4 Dyrlyd ei, 1 ; ( derllyddei ), 3. 6 Aer yynglys , 1 , 2, 
 
 3; aergynglwys , 4. 6 Vawr , 2. 7 Cad , 3, 5. 8 Y, 1,2] i, 3, 5. 
 
 9 Y ardderchedd, 1 , 2, 4 ; i ardderchedd , 3 ; 10 Guan an lion , 1 ; gwan 
 
 anhon, 2, 3, 5. 11 Et saw/, 5. 12 Radanwy , 1, 2, 3 ; rodanwy , 5 } 
 
 radanwy (radenny, cadauuy), 6. 13 Cynnest , 1, 2, 3, 5; cyuest ( cywest ), 
 
 6. 14 1, 2, 3 ; et 5 ; on/w, 4 ; orfun, 6. 
 
 1 Byddin, 1. 2 Luyddauc, 1, 2, 4, 5. 3 Jr ew, 1, 2, 3 ; y ar y , 4. 
 
 4 Zes, 1. 
 
 725 
 
 730 
 
LXXIV. LXXV. GWARTHAN. 
 
 307 
 
 And, trampling in harness, the harness trampler 
 Like the demon of death produced desolation. 
 
 His spear was at his side at the first onset : 
 
 As soon as there was light, there was suffering from the 
 pushing of spears. 
 
 LXXIY. 
 
 To Gwarthan ab Dunawd. 
 
 They had retribution (?) for consuming thy cell, 
 
 And the hall that was filled 
 With sweet intoxicating mead. 
 
 Ardent was the conflict by the palace at the dawn ; 
 Delightful the battle — the Lloegrian host 
 Did penance stretched about the ground ; 
 
 The free men of Gwynedd heard of his glory, 
 
 And weak is Annandale, since he is in the grave, 
 Who held the spear in the conflict of Gwynedd. 
 
 The bull of battle was violent in the conflict of princes 
 Before lying in the consociation of earth, 
 
 In his grave on the confines of Gododin. 
 
 LXXV. 
 
 To the same person. 
 
 His army was habituated to mists ; 
 Bitterhanded was the bellicose sovereign : 
 
 He was wise, animated, and high minded : 
 
 He was not harsh at the drinking feast. 
 
 They removed treasures for their own profit : 
 Every image was not for the good of the vale. 
 
 20 2 
 
308 
 
 THE GOPOPIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 LXXVI. 
 
 An gelwir raor a chynnwr ym plymnwyt 1 
 
 Yn tryvrwyt 2 peleidyr peleidyr gogymwyt 740 
 
 Goglyssur heyrn lliveit llawr 3 en assed 
 
 Sychyn 4 yg gorun 5 en trydar 6 
 
 Gwr frwythlawn flamdur rac esgar. 7 
 
 LXXVII. 
 
 Dyfforthes cat veirch 1 a ctiatseircli 2 
 
 Grenlet 3 ar gatraeth cochre 745 
 
 Mae 4 blaenwyd bedin dinus 5 
 
 Aergi gwytli 6 gwarth vre 7 
 
 An 8 gelwir ny 9 faw 10 glaer fwyre 11 
 
 Echadaf heidyn 12 haearnde. 13 
 
 LXXYIII. 
 
 Mynawc gododin traetli e annor 1 750 
 
 Mynawc am rann kwynliyator 2 
 
 1 Plymnuyt, 1 ; plymuyt , 2, 3 ; plymlwyt , 4. 2 Tryvruyt , 1 ; nhryour- 
 
 wyd , 5. 3 Llaun, 1; llavn, 2, 3 ; llafn et Uavn , 5. 4 Syrchyn , 1, 2, 3 ; 
 
 syrthyn , 5; iyrchyn , (sychyn), 6. 5 Ygcorun, 1. 6 Yn trydar, 1 ; al. 
 
 ynrhydar , 5. 7 Ysgar, 1. 
 
 1 Catveirch , 1, 2, 3. 2 Chadveirch , 3 ; chat seirch, 4. 3 Greulyd , 3. 
 
 4 Mac , 4. 6 Dinas , 2, 3, 5. 6 Gwych, 1, 2, 3, 5. 7 Guarthvre, 
 
 1, 2, 3, 5. 8 Au, 5. 9 Wy, 5 ; ni, 3. 10 Fan, 1, 2, 3, 5 ; flaw, 6. 
 
 11 Vwyre, 1 ; ffwyre, 6. 12 Heydyn, 1 ; treuddyn , 2, 3, 5. 13 Haearn dc, 1. 
 
 1 Traeth y annor, 1,2; traetli i annor, 3 ; traethyannor, velti'aethiannor, 
 
 5 ; traetheannor, 6. 2 Cuyn liyator, 2. 
 
 lxxvii. If Heiddyn in this last line be not a proper name, the subject 
 of the verse would probably be Gwarthan ; bat on carefully considering 
 this and the two following verses, I have come to the conclusion that 
 Heiddyn is a proper name. 
 
LXXVf. GWARTHAN. 
 
 LXXVII. LXXVIII. HEIDI) YN HIE. 309 
 
 LXXVI. 
 
 To the same person. 
 
 We are called “a sea and a tumult” in conflict, 
 
 In the darting of lances — “ the lances of destruction”, 
 Impelling sharpened iron and casting to the ground : 
 
 Like a horned stag in the tumult. 
 
 Was the hero whose flaming steel was fruitful before 1 the foe. 
 
 LXXVII. 
 
 To Heiddyn Hir. 
 
 His war-horses and war-harness 
 
 Fed with blood the crimson streams of Cattraetli ; 
 
 In the front thou wert the fortress of the army, 
 
 And a bold war dog at the disgraceful mount . 2 
 We were called “the bright radiance of the assault”, 
 
 By Heiddyn the iron-clad protector. 
 
 LXXVIII. 
 
 To Heiddyn Hir. 
 
 The sovereign who protected the strand of Gododin, 
 
 Was a sovereign whose lot we have to bewail. 
 
 1 Or, “Among”. 2 Bryn Ilydwn (?). 
 
 The person here named was probably Heiddyn Hir, the person named 
 in the following Triad : — 
 
 u Tri thrwyddedawg hanfodawg llys Arthur: Llywarch Hen ab 
 Elidir Lydanwyn, Llemmennig, a Heiddyn Hir ; sef meib beirdd 
 oeddynt .” — [Trioedd Ynys Prydain : Cyfres , i, 71 ; ii, 46 ; iii, 112; Myv 
 ii, 16, 17, 73; Gee’s ed., 392, 398, 410. Cyf i and ii have “ Heledd” 
 for “ Heiddyn”.] 
 
 He also appears to be the subject of the two following verses, and was, 
 it is probable, the sovereign of the east coast of Gododin. 
 
310 
 
 TIIE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDI). 
 
 Rac eidyn aryal flam nyt atcor 
 Ef dodes e dilis 3 yg kynhor 4 
 Ef dodes rac trin 5 tewdor 
 
 En aryal ar dywal 6 disgynnwys 755 
 
 Can llewes porthes mawrbwys 7 
 0 osgord vynydawc ny diangwys 
 Namen vn 8 aryf 9 amdiffryf 10 amdiffwys. 11 
 
 LXX1X. 
 
 0 gollet 1 inoryet ny 2 bu aessawr 
 
 Dyfforthyn traeth y ennyn 3 llawr 760 
 
 Ry due 4 oe lovlen glas lavnawr 
 
 Peleidyr pwys preiglyn 5 benn periglawr 
 
 Y ar 6 orwyd erchlas pen wedawr 7 
 
 Trindygwyd 8 trweb 9 trach y 10 lavnawr 
 
 Pan 11 orvyd 12 oe gat 13 ny 14 bu foawr 15 765 
 
 An dyrllys 16 molet med melys maglawr. 
 
 LXXX. 
 
 Gweleis y 1 dull 2 o benn tir adoun 3 
 Aberth am goelkerth a disgynnyn 
 
 3 Ef dilys , 1, 2, 3, 5. 4 Y geyrihor , 1, 2 ; i geinhor , 3. 6 Trusi , 
 
 1, 2, 3, 5 ; ractrisi ( rhagtrin ), 6. 6 Drywal , 1, 2, 3; arddywal , 5. 
 
 7 Mam bwys , 1, 2 ; mammwys , 3 ; mambwys , and mammwys , 5. 8 Fn, 1. 
 
 9 Arf 3. 10 Amddiffyrf , , 3. 11 Amdiffurf 5. 
 
 1 Golet , 1,5; goledd , 2, 3. 2 1W, 3. 3 Traethiennyn , 5. 4 c/mc, 1 ; 
 
 rhyduc , 2 ; rhyddug , 3. 5 Periglyn , 3. 6 Par, 2 ; 7 ar, 3. 7 Penife- 
 
 ddawr , 1 ; penivadawr , 2 ; penufuddawr , 3 ; pencuedawr , 5 ; penweddawr , 6. 
 
 8 Trin digwydd , 1, 2, 3, 5. 9 Not in 4. 10 /, 3. 11 Par, 1, 2, 3. 
 
 12 Orwydd , 1, 3, 5 ; oruyd, 2. 13 Ca7, 1. 14 M, 1, 3. 15 P/oawr, 1. 
 
 16 Ztyrfys, 1. 
 
 1 /, 3. 2 1,3; <M, al. e7 c/M, 5. 3 Odren, 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 lxxx. This verse is very interesting on several accounts ; and I shall 
 have occasion to treat of the various points which it embodies at con- 
 siderable length. First, then, in passing, I may call attention to the 
 second line, which has an evident reference to some Druidic rites ; and 
 
LXXX. NWYTHOJST AND DONALD BREC. 
 
 311 
 
 Before Eicldyn the ardent flame did not recede; 
 
 He placed determined men in the pass ; 
 
 He placed a stout guard before the conflict. 
 
 Ardently did he descend upon the fierce : 
 
 And when feeding he eat a great quantity. 
 
 Of the retinue of Mynyddawc there escaped 
 Only one weak and tottering weapon. 
 
 f 
 
 LXXIX. 
 
 To Heiddyn Hie. 
 
 From having followed the sea, the defender of the strand 
 Bore no shield in the kindling of the land : 
 
 A blue blade he bore in his grasp, 
 
 And a heavy blade endangering the head of the adventurous. 
 He rode upon a neat-headed grey steed, 
 
 And in conflict men fell thickly before his blade. 
 
 When vanquished he did not fly from the field : 
 
 He deserved eulogy and the sweet intoxicating mead. 
 
 LXXX. 
 
 To Nwython and Donald Brec. 
 
 1 saw the marshalling from the uplands of Doon, 
 While we placed sacrifice upon the beacon fire ; 
 
 this is the more remarkable, as the country is generally supposed to have 
 been by this time thoroughly Christianised. But, on examination, we 
 find it recorded in Jocelyn’s Life of St. Kentigern that Galloway, after 
 renouncing Druidism and adopting Christianity, had subsequently re- 
 lapsed into heathenism, and Kentigern (Cyndeyrn) was sent to reclaim 
 the people of that country ; and, therefore, we are led to conclude that 
 some portion of the old Druidic usages maintained a hold upon the 
 people of Scotland even as late as the middle of the seventh century, for 
 it will presently be discovered that one of the events here named occurred 
 in the year 642. 
 
312 
 
 THE GODOUIN OF ANEIJKIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Gweleis oed 4 kenevin 5 ar dref redegein 6 
 A gwyr nwythyon 7 ry gollesyn 8 770 
 
 4 Oedd, 1. 5 Cynevin , 1. 6 FJiedegein , 1, 2, 3, 5. 7 Unythion , 1, 
 
 2 ; ivnythyon , 3 ; mwythyon , 4 ; unythyon , al. ufuddion , 5 ; nwython 
 ( mwythion ), 6. 8 Golessyn , 1, 2, 3. 
 
 In the next place, it becomes necessary to fix the site of the town of 
 Rhedegein, which it is probable was the British form of the Roman 
 Retigon-ium, or Stranraer, in the county of Wigton, Scotland, the chief 
 city of the Novantse. The name is variously given as Redegein, Fle- 
 degein, Rygwyddyn, and Rerygwyddyn, in the several copies of the 
 Gododin , and on inquiry we find that here again there is a close resem- 
 blance to the Roman names. Redegein and Retigon-ium , the name of the 
 town which stood on or near the site of Stranraer, are evidently only two 
 forms of the same word ; Rerigwyddyn is in all probability the British 
 form of Rerigonius (Sinus), the Roman name for Loch Ryan, on the banks 
 of which that town now stands ; and the last syllable of Stranraer is 
 probably a portion of the old name jRmgwyddyn or ifen'gonium. 
 
 The third point of importance is to ascertain the history of the person 
 named Dyvynwal. My translation is not strictly in accordance with the 
 original. The text reads : — 
 
 “ Aphenn dyvynwal a breych brein ae cnoyn.” 
 
 Seven copies support this reading so far as to read breych (three copies) 
 and breich (four copies), and one only reads vrych. u Breich”, or “ breych,” 
 is an arm, and u a breych ” is “and an arm”; and, therefore, the trans- 
 lation would be : — 
 
 “ And the head of Donald and an arm, ravens gnawed them,” 
 
 but one copy reads vrych or speckled ; and another copy, by omitting 
 the conjunction, and thereby making breych an adjective to the noun 
 Dyvynwal, favours the same conclusion ; for breych, an arm, cannot be so 
 used, and, therefore, it would seem that breych is an error for brych , or 
 vrych , speckled. In point of authority there are, therefore, two copies 
 in my favour and six against me ; but the scale is turned the other way 
 when we find another copy of this verse in verse xcii, wherein the read- 
 ing Dyvynwal Vrych is supported by all the copies extant. If to this I 
 add that there was a person so named living at the place and time, the 
 
TiXXX. NWYTHON AND DONALD BREC. 
 
 313 
 
 I saw the vicinity of the town of Redegein, 
 And the men of Nwython lost the day. 
 
 proof will be complete. The word brych , by mutation vrych in Welsh, 
 has the same signification as Brecc in Erse and Gaelic, and is, in fact, 
 the same word ; and it is, therefore, clear that the Dyvynwal Vrych of 
 Aneurin is the same person as Donald Brecc, the King of the Scots of 
 Argyle. This person was the grandson of Aeddan ab Gavran, and, 
 unlike his father, was frequently at war with the Britons of Strathclyde 
 and Galloway. Aeddan died in 606, 607, or 608, and was succeeded by 
 his son Eochy, who, after a reign of twenty- one years, fell in battle in 
 629, and gave place to his son Donald Brecc, or the Freckled. This 
 monarch was remarkable for his turbulence, and, after a reign of four- 
 teen years, met his death from the Lowland Britons : — 
 
 “629. Donald Brecc, the son of Eochy, (became king and) reigned 
 fourteen years. 
 
 “ 637. The battle of Rath (Ireland) and the battle of Saltire in one 
 day were fought. Caol Mac Maolcova, the ally of Donald, was con- 
 quered by the Sept of Ewen (Owen). 
 
 “ 638. The battle of Gl0n Morison, in which the army of Donald 
 Brecc was put to flight, and Etain (or Edin-burgh) was besieged. 
 
 “ 642. Donald Brecc, in the end of the year, in the month of Decem- 
 ber, at the battle of Fraithe Cairvin (Straith Cairmaic), was killed by 
 Owen, King of the Britons.” — (Ritson’s Annals of the Caledonians.') 
 
 Strath Cormac is in Ireland, and, therefore, we have here to do with 
 Straith Cairvin, 1 which, as Strath is the Gaelic or Erse form of the Welsh 
 Ystrad , a vale, probably refers to the vale of the river Girvan,in the county 
 of Ayr, which, flowing westward from the hills of Doon, falls into the sea 
 at the town of Girvan, now a fishing station of some importance. This 
 supposition falls in admirably with the requirements of the case, and 
 corresponds with the position of the parties engaged. Donald had pro- 
 bably invaded that district, and King Owen of the Strathclyde Kymry, 
 
 1 [In the Annals of Tighernac as given by Skene ( Chron . of the Piets 
 and Scots , p. 70), Donald Brecc is said to have fallen in “ cath Sratha- 
 cauin”, the battle of Strathcauin. In the Annals of Ulster ( ib ., 348) the 
 name appears as Sraith Cairinn , for which the Trin. Coll. MS. reads 
 Smith Cairuin. Skene takes it to be the vale of Carron. — Celtic Scot- 
 land, i, 250.] 
 
314 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Gweleis gwyr dullyawr gan awr 9 adevyn 10 
 A phenn dyvynwal 11 a 12 breych 13 brein ae cnoyii. (a) 
 
 0 Aur , 1, 2, 3. 10 Addeuyn , 1, 2 ; addewyn , 3 ; a ddeuyn , 5. 11 Dyf- 
 
 nual , 1. 12 Not in 4. 13 Breich , 1, 2, 3, 4 ; rn/c7«, 5. 
 
 (a) Verse xcii in Williams’ copy is only another copy of this, and 
 should, therefore, be placed among the various readings, and not made a 
 distinct verse : — 
 
 “ Gueleys 1 y dull 2 o bentir a doyn 3 
 Aberthach coelcerth 4 a emdygyn 5 
 Gueleys 6 y deu 7 oc 8 eu tre re 9 ry gwydyn 10 
 O eir nwython 11 ry godesyn 12 
 Gueleys 13 y wyr 14 tylluawr 15 gan waur 16 a doyn 17 
 A phen dyuynwal 18 vrych brein ae knoyn. 19 ” 
 
 1 Gweloys , 1. 2 Ddtdl , 1; not in 5. 3 Adoen , 1, 2; addoen , 3; 
 
 adoen fort, adoyn , 5. 4 Goal certh , 1 , 2, 4. 6 Ymddygyn , 1 . 
 
 6 Gweleis , 1. 7 Bdeu, 1. 8 He, 2, 3. 9 Not in 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 10 Gwyuydyn , 2. 11 Nunython , 1, 2, 3 ; nynython et vanython , 5. 
 
 12 Goddessyn , 1. 13 Gweleis , 1. 14 77?/r, 1 ; w?yr, 2, 3. 16 
 
 vawr, 1, 2. 16 Uaur, 1. 17 Adoen , 1, 2, 5 ; addoen , 3. 18 Dyvynaid. 
 
 1 ; dyvynual , 6. 19 Cnoyn , 1 ; enovyn , 2, 3. 
 
 having taken up arms to defend his country, made him pay for his 
 temerity with his life. 
 
 Here, then, have we two angles of a triangle to find a third. The 
 place of Donald’s defeat and the town of Rhedegein are now given, but 
 where stood the Bard when he viewed the town of Stranraer and the 
 vale of Girvan ? Where were the uplands of Doon ? There need not 
 be a moment’s hesitation. Running north and south, the whole length 
 of the county of Ayr, and close to the back of Stranraer and Girvan, are 
 the range of the hills of Doon, and at the foot are Loch Doon and a 
 river of that name ; and a glance at the map will show that the 
 uplands of Adoun, Adoen, Adoyn, or Odren, can be no other than 
 “the banks and braes of bonny Doon”, since rendered so famous by the 
 poet Burns, and from which the two stations here named could easily 
 have been seen. 
 
 Nwython, whose men suffered defeat at the town of Stranraer, was 
 the near relative of Aneurin, and probably the person so named who 
 appears in the list of the Saints of Britain, lie is said to have been a 
 member of the society of Cattwg, Glamorganshire ; and it is also stated 
 
LXXX. NWYTIION AND DONALD BREC. 
 
 315 
 
 I saw marshalled men by the dawn of Doon, 
 
 And the head of Donald Brec was gnawed by ravens. 
 
 “ that there were formerly chapels dedicated to him and his brother, 
 Gwynnog, under Llangwm Dinmael, Denbighshire” (Rees’ Saints , 257). 
 According to the Iolo MSS. (p. 540), he was the son of Gildas ab Caw, 
 and had three sons named Cynddilig, Teilo Vyrwallt, and Rhun. The 
 following notice of one of the sons of Nwython occurs in another verse 
 of Aneurin’s not included in the usual copies : — 
 
 “ Dim guoiu ediu o adam neinim 
 Un hue an guoloet guoreu edlinet 
 Em ladaut lu mawr i guert 
 I adrawd ladaud map Nuithon 
 
 0 eurdorchogyon cant o deyrnet 
 Hyt pan grimbuillet 
 
 Bu guell prid pan aeth canwyr y Gatraeth 
 Oid eilth gur gwinvaeth callon ehelaeth 
 Oid gur luid einym oed luric ceinim 
 Oid girth oed cuall ar gevin e gavall 
 Ni wisguis i mil i mil luit heinim 
 
 1 guaiw ae ysgwit nae gledyf nae gyllell 
 No neim ab Nuithon gur a vei well.” 
 
 ( Gorch . Maelderw.; Myv i, 86 ; Gee’s ed., 71 ; 
 
 Four Ancient Books, ii, 103.) 
 
 If Neim is here a proper name, Nuithon had a son so called ; but in 
 all probability we ought to read Nei mab Nwython , i.e., “ my nephew 
 (Aneurin’s), the son of Nwython”. The reference is probably to Rhun, 
 the son of Nwython, who is named with honour as a Northern warrior, 
 and who, according to the Mdbinogion [ii, 263], had two other brothers 
 named Llwyddeu and Kyledyr Wyllt ; but in the same tale there is a 
 Kynedyr Wyllt called the son of Hettwn Talaryant [p. 267], and also 
 the son of Hettwn Glafyrawc [p. 289], who was probably the same 
 person. Nwython himself is honourably. named in one of the poems 
 of Taliesin [Myv., i, 58 ; Gee’s ed., 52 ; Four Ancient Books, ii, 193], 
 but what was the contest alluded to in the text is unknown. There is 
 no notice of the incident in the Scottish annals of that period ; and 
 the fact that it does not seem to have been a war with strangers, con- 
 firms a conclusion, which seems to be justified by another copy of this 
 verse, that it was a party feud. In that verse the expressions are : — 
 
 “ I saw both (armies) at their town of Rerigwyddyn.” 
 
316 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEUltIN GWAWDKYDD. 
 
 LXXXI. 
 
 Mat vudic 1 ysgavynwyn 2 asgwrn 3 aduaon 4 * 
 Aelussawc 5 tebedawc tra mordwy 6 alon 
 Gwrawl amdyvrwys goruawr y 7 lu 
 Gwryt vronn gwrvan 8 gwanan arnaw 9 
 Y 10 gynnedyf disgynnu rac naw riallu 
 Yg gwyd gwaed a gwlat a gordiynaw 11 
 Caraf vy 12 vudic lleitliic a vu anaw 13 
 Kyndilic aeron 14 kenhan 15 lew. 
 
 775 
 
 780 
 
 1 Mudic , 1 , 2, 3, 5. 2 Ysgafnuyn , 1 . 3 Asgwm , 4. 4 Addfaon , 5. 
 
 5 de lassawc , 1, 2, 3, 4. 6 Tramordwy , 5. 7 /, 2, 3. 8 Gurvan , 6. 
 
 9 A ruciu, 6 ; this line is not in 1, 2, 3. 10 0, 2, 3. 11 Gordiynau, 1, 
 
 2, 3 ; gordiynau , gorddineu , et gorddyfnu,h. 12 Dy, 1, 2, 3. 13 Arcem, 
 
 1, 2, 3. 14 drcm, 1. 15 Cynon, 3, 5; cenhan, 1. 
 
 But this throws no additional light respecting the other combatants. 
 That such an event took place admits of but little doubt, as an apparent 
 confirmation of the fact was singularly afforded about twenty years ago, 
 when the Town Council of Stranraer, in ploughing up the High Street 
 with a view to its improvement, turned up a large quantity of human 
 bones, which were afterwards deposited in a large pit dug in the street 
 and covered over. And the event itself might possibly have been that 
 which is hereafter related : — 
 
 “ A little while before this (i.e., the period when Arthur and his knights 
 went to hunt the Twrch Trwyth), Creiddylad (Cordelia), the daughter 
 of Lludd Llaw Ereint,and Gwythyr, the son of Greidawl, were betrothed. 
 And before she had become his bride, Gwyn ap Nudd (North Britain) 
 came and carru d her away by force ; and Gwythyr, the son of Greidawl, 
 gathered his host together, and went to fight with Gwyn ap Nudd. 
 But Gwyn overcame him, arid captured Greid, the son of Eri, and 
 Glinneu, the son of Taran, and Gwrgwst Ledlwm, and Dynvarth, his 
 son. And he captured Penn, the son of Nethawg, and Nwython, and 
 Kyledyr Wyllt, his son. And they slew Nwython , and took out his heart, 
 and constrained Kyledyr to eat the heart of his father. And therefrom 
 Kyledyr became mad. When Arthur heard of this, he went to the 
 north, and summoned Gwyn ap Nudd before him, and set free the nobles 
 whom he had put in prison, and made peace between Gwyn ap Nudd and 
 Gwythyr, the son of Greidawl. And this was the peace that was made : — 
 
LXXXI. KYNDDILLIG. 
 
 317 
 
 LXXXI. 
 
 To Kynddillig. 
 
 Delightful, fair, and active victor ! Bone of the people, 
 
 With his blue banner for sea-faring foes ; 
 
 Numerous was the host of the brave sailor, 
 
 Who was manly-bosom’d as Gwrvan in the piercing of 
 arms : 
 
 His custom was to descend before the leader of ships 
 In the presence of blood, the country, and the impelling (of 
 spears). 
 
 I love the victorious slayer, who was destructive, 
 
 Kynddilic of Aeron — the lion’s whelp. 
 
 that the maiden should remain in her father’s house, without advantage 
 to either of them, and that Gwvn ap Nudd and Gwythyr, the son of 
 Greidawl, should fight for her every first of May, from thenceforth 
 until the day of doom, and that whichever of them should then be con- 
 queror should have the maiden .” — ( Mabinogi of Kilhwch and Olwen , 
 ii, 305.) 
 
 Should this conjecture be correct, this event must have taken place 
 prior to the battle of Cattraeth, as Nwython and the sons of Nudd 
 flourished during the last quarter of the sixth century. Nwython was 
 the contemporary of Gwallawc and Taliesin, and Drywon, the son of 
 Nudd, was a leading actor in the battle of Arderydd in 577. We must, 
 therefore, place this event somewhere about 590 ; and Aneurin has pro- 
 bably included in this verse the events of two distant periods of his life 
 — the one from 580 to 590, and the other in 642 : the one prior to his 
 departure from North Britain, the other during a subsequent visit to the 
 land of his birth. Respecting the latter event, we may also remark that, 
 being slain in winter, the body of Donald may have been left in snow ; 
 and the fact that ravens abound in this locality and at Carnsmuir is 
 interesting. 
 
 lxxxi. The history of Gwrvan, which formerly appears to have been 
 well known, and to have been of some significance, is to us unknown. 
 There is a Gwrvan Gwallt Avwyn mentioned in the Mabinogi of Kilhwch 
 [p. 265], and Cynddelw compares Owen Gwynedd to him : — 
 
 “ Gorfaran gwrfan gorfydai.” 
 
 The magnificent Gwrvan overcame. 
 
 [Mijv., i, 208 ; Gee’s ed., 153.] 
 
318 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 LXXXII. 
 
 Carasswn disgynnu 1 yg 2 catraeth gessevin 
 Gwert med yg kynted a gwirawt win 3 
 Carasswn neu chablwys ar llain 
 Kyn bu e 4 leas oe 5 las uffin 6 
 
 Carasswn eil clot dyfforthes gwaetlin 785 
 
 Ef dodes e 7 gledyf yg goethin 
 Neus adrawd gwrhyt 8 rac gododyn 
 Na bei mab keidyaw clot vn gwr trin. 9 
 
 1 Ddeigynnu , 1, 2, 3. 2 Y, 1, 2 ; o, 3 ; y vel i, 5. 3 In Myv. this 
 
 line reads Gwerth medd ygcuntedd a gwirawd gwin. 4 Y, 1, 2, 3. 6 Ae, 
 
 1, 2, 3. 6 Wphin et upliin , 5. 7 Y, 1, 2, 4 ; 7, 3. 8 Gwrtryd , 3. 
 
 9 Gwrtrin , 2, 8 ; this line is not in 6. 
 
 Kynddilig of Aeron, the hero of the verse, has been noticed already in 
 connection with verse lxvi. He is probably the person called Kynddelig 
 Kyvarwydd, or Kynddelig the Guide, in the Mabinogi of Kilhwch, and 
 of whom it is said, “ As good a guide was he in a land which he had 
 never seen as he was in his own.” [Mab ., ii, 214, 270.] 
 
 lxxxii. There were living about this period three persons bearing 
 names resembling Uphin. The first in point of time was Iffi, Yffi, Iff, 
 or Yffa, who appears to have been an Anglian chief, of distinction, and 
 one of the companions of Ida. Of himself there is but little known, and 
 he is named in history only as the father of Alla or Ella, the first King 
 Deira, who began his reign in 560. If, therefore, the person here named 
 be Iffi, his death had probably taken place after 547 and before 560, and 
 the translation should be, — 
 
 Before he was himself slain, he had slain Uffin 
 
 and I am inclined to believe that such was the case, from the lines of 
 Taliesin [Myv., i, 40 ; Gees ed., 39 ; Four Ancient Books , ii, 167] : — 
 
 “ I have been in the sea-houses of Uffin, 
 
 In the seas of Gododin.” {Ode to Ynyr Givent.) 
 
 The Iffi of the Angles and the Uffin of Taliesin are clearly the same 
 person, as the lines here quoted cannot apply to either of the other two, 
 who are also a little too late in point of time to have been visited by 
 Taliesin. 
 
 We may, however, for the sake of removing all doubt, indicate the 
 
LXXXII. NUDD. 
 
 319 
 
 LXXXII. 
 
 To Nudd (?) the son of Keidiaw. 
 
 1 had loved him who fell at the onset at Cattraeth, 
 
 The result of mead in the hall and the beverage of wine ; 
 
 I had loved him who blasphemed not upon the blade, 
 
 Before he was slain he had slain Uffin d 
 I had loved to praise him who fed the bloodstreams: 2 
 He used his sword with animation : 
 
 We do not speak of heroism before Gododin 
 Without praising the son of Keidiaw, as one of the heroes of 
 conflict. 
 
 1 Or, “ Being slain by Uffin”. 
 
 2 Or, u I should have loved praise like his who supported the blood- 
 shed”. 
 
 names and habitations of the others. Uffa, the first King of the East 
 Angles of Norfolk, began to reign in 571 ; but he was somewhat from the 
 Gododinian frontier. The other was a King of the Mercians, who 
 began to rule in 593, and who is variously named Pybba, Wippa, and 
 Wipha ; but his kingdom was in the centre of the island, and had no 
 connection with the “ seas of Gododin”. 
 
 The hero of the verse is not so easily determined. There were several 
 Ceidios living about this time, viz., Ceidio ab Caw, Ceidio ab Ynyr 
 Gwent, and Ceidio or Ceidiaw ab Garthwys of the line of Coel Gode- 
 bog ; and, to my thinking, the latter is the person here named. His sons 
 flourished during the period of the Anglian settlement in Bernicia 
 (Northumberland). They were three in number, Gwenddolau, Cof, and 
 Nudd. Gwenddolau fell at the battle of Airdrie in 577, but of the 
 other two we have only the following collective notice : — 
 
 “ Gwenddolau, Cof, and Nudd were the sons of Ceidio ab Garthwys, 
 a chieftain of North Britain. They were all instructed in the Christian 
 faith in the college of Iltutus, but no other reason is alleged why they 
 should be enumerated among the saints. Gwenddolau was the patron 
 of the bard Myrddin the Caledonian, and was slain at the battle of 
 Arderydd, a.d. 577.” (Rees’ Saints, p. 208.) 
 
 Like many others of the assertions made by the Achau'r Saint , this 
 story respecting the education of the sons of Ceidio appears to be false. 
 
320 
 
 TITE GODODIN OF ANEURIN OWAWDRYDD. 
 
 LXXXIII. 
 
 Truan yw gennyf vy 1 gwedy 2 lludet 
 
 Godef gloes angheu. trwy angkyffret 3 790 
 
 Ac eil trwm truan 4 gennyf vy gwelet 
 
 Dygwydaw 5 an gwyr ny penn o draet 
 
 Ac ucheneit Mr ac eilywet 6 
 
 En ol gwyr pebyr 7 temyr 8 tudwet 9 
 
 Euvawn a gwgawn gwiawn a 10 gwlyget 795 
 
 Gwyr gorsaf gwryaf gwrd 11 yg calet 
 
 Ys deupo eu heneit wy wedy trinet 
 
 Kynnwys yg wlat nef adef avneuet. 12 
 
 LXXXIV. 
 
 Ef gwrthodes tres tra gwyar llynn 
 
 Ef lladei val 1 dewrdull 2 nyt 3 echyn 4 800 
 
 Tavloyw ac ysgeth tavlet wydrin 5 
 
 A med rac teyrned tavlei vedin 6 
 
 Menit 7 y gyngbor 8 men na lleveri 9 
 
 Lliaws ac vei anwaws 10 nyt odewyt 11 
 
 Eac rutliyr bwyllyadeu 12 a chledyvawr 805 
 
 Lliveit handit gwelir llavar 13 lleir. 14 
 
 1 This word is not in 1, 2, 3. 2 This word is not in 5. 3 Amkyffret , 
 
 4 ; agcyffret , 1. 4 Trinau , 1, 2, 3. 5 Dygwyddai , 1, 2 ; digwyddai , 3. 
 6 Eilyuet , 1 ; a'i clywed , 3 ; eilyvet , 8. 7 Pybyr , 1, 2, 3, 6. 8 Tymyr , 
 
 3. 9 Tutuet , 1. 10 Not in 5. 11 Gwidd , 1 ; gwrdd , 6. 12 Anneuet , 
 
 1, 2, 3 ; arneuet , 8. 
 
 1 Not in 6. 2 1 ; dewr dull , 2, 3, 4, 6. 3 AW, 6. 
 
 4 Ethyn , 4 ; erchyn, 1, 6; echyn et erchyn , 5. 5 Vrwydrin , 5. 6 F?/- 
 
 ddin r 1 ; line not in 2, 3. 7 Meint , 6. 8 The words meW y gynghor 
 
 are not in 1, 2, 3. 9 Lauarei , 1. 10 Annaws , 1, 2, 3, 5. 11 Edeint , 1, 2 ; 
 
 2 /cft/w’, 3 ; edewyt , 4, 6 ; edeint et 5. 12 yaddeu, 1 ; ?/ 
 
 2; fon/s ’« arfgM, 4. 13 Lavar , 1 ; fomr, 5. 14 Zeb?, 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 Gwenddolau was a pagan ; and one of the other two fell in arms at 
 Cattraeth. 
 
LXXXIII. RHUYAWN, GWION, GWGAN, AND GWLYGET. 321 
 
 LXXXIII. 
 
 To Rhuvawn, Gwion, Gwgan, and Gwlyget. 
 
 Wretched am I, after the exhaustion, 
 
 Suffering the pangs of death in anticipation ; 
 
 And doubly heavy is my grief to have seen 
 Our warriors falling headforemost to the ground; 
 
 And long is the sigh and the reproach 
 After the brave heroes of our native land— 
 
 Rhuvawn and Gwgan, Gwion and Gwlyget, 
 
 Men most valiant in their stations and vehement in the 
 conflict : 
 
 And may their souls after the contest 
 
 Be contained in the celestial abode, and own its tranquillity. 
 
 LXXXIV. 
 
 To Gwlyget, 
 
 He despised pain, while blood was flowing ; 
 
 He slew like a brave man ; his custom was not to elevate 
 The dart and spear ; and as he would toss the glass 
 With mead, so would he overthrow an army in the presence 
 of princes. 
 
 So great was he in counsel, that where he spoke, 
 
 Many indifferent speakers were not permitted ; 
 
 Before the rush of hatchets and swords, 
 
 His sounding blade would be seen in a sharpened state. 
 
 lxxxiii. The persons here named have all been already noticed, 
 Rhuvawn in the note to verse xxxiii ; Gwgan and Gwion, verse xxxi ; 
 and Gwlyget in the note to verse xxxii. 
 
 lxxxiv. I have placed the name of Gwlyget at the head of this verse, 
 because it appears to me that he is the subject of this as well as the two 
 following verses. 
 
 21 
 
THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 322 
 
 LXXXV. 
 
 Porthloed 1 Yedin 2 
 Porthloed 1 lain 
 A llu racwed 3 
 
 En ragyrwed 810 
 
 En dyd gwned 
 
 Yg kyvryssed 
 
 Buant gwychawc 4 
 
 Gwede meddawt 5 
 
 A med yuet 815 
 
 Ny bu waret 6 
 An gorwylam 7 
 Enyd frwythlam 8 
 Pan adroder torret ergyr 9 
 0 veirch a gwyr tyngir tynget 10 820 
 
 LXXXYI. 
 
 Pan 1 ym dyvyd 2 lliaws pryder 
 Pryderaf fun 3 
 
 1 Porthloedd , 1. 2 Vyddin , 1. 3 Racnedd, 1, 2, 3. 4 Gwychawd , 
 
 1, 2, 3, 5. 5 Medddawt, 1 ; medd-daivd, 3. 6 Uaret , 1, 2. 7 Gorny- 
 
 lam vel goruylam , 1 ; gormylan, 2, 3 ; gorwylam , 4 ; gornylan , 5. 
 8 Plirwythlam , 1 ; ffrwythlawn , 5. 9 This word is not in 5 ; and the 
 
 line altogether is wanting in 1, 2, 3. 10 Tyngir tynget , are not in 5 ; 
 
 tyngyr, 1. 
 
 1 Pam, 1, 2, 3, 4. 2 Ymddyvydd , 1, 2, 3. 3 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 lxxxyi. This verse furnishes us with several domestic details, and 
 also with fuller details of the feast. It also adds to the other facts 
 already given respecting Gwlyget, the district in which he lived. He 
 was, it appears, the lord of the men of Argoed. Mr. Probert has the 
 following vague note upon this line : — 
 
 “ Argoed was included within the ancient kingdom of Cumbria. By 
 Cumbria, the reader must understand the present Cumberland, and a 
 considerable part of Scotland. Argoed 4 lay west of the forest of 
 Celyddon, and was bordered by that wood to the east, as the name im- 
 plies’. The brave, the generous, and unfortunate Llywarch Hen, their 
 chief, bears ample testimony to the fidelity and attachment of the inha- 
 bitants of Argoed to him in all his misfortunes. 
 
LXXXV. GWLYGET. 
 
 LXXXVI. 
 
 323 
 
 LXXXV. 
 
 To Gwlyget. 
 
 The feeder of the army 
 
 Supported the blade 
 
 (While there was an opposing army, 
 
 In a hostile attitude), 
 
 In the conflict 
 On the day of valour. 
 
 They were valorous 
 After the mead-feast ; 
 
 (But) the drinkers of mead 
 Had no deliverance. 
 
 There will be excessive weeping (even) 
 
 In a fruitful period, 
 
 When it will be related that the onset was broken 
 Of the steeds, and of the warriors who had taken the 
 oath . 1 
 
 LXXXVI. 
 
 When the host of Pryder were approaching, 
 
 I hastened the veil : 
 
 1 Or, “ Whose fate had been sworn.” (See v. xv.) 
 
 “ 1 Before I appeared with crutches, I was eloquent in my complaint, 
 
 It will be extolled, what is not wonderful, 
 
 The men of Argoed have ever supported me.’ ” 
 
 This note does not add much to our own knowledge of the geography 
 of Argoed ; but it is possible to come much nearer. The patrimony of 
 Gwlyget could not have lain very far from the scene of contest. His 
 name is preserved in that of a place called “ Culgaith”, on the northern 
 boundary of Westmoreland ; and if we assume Argoed to have been the 
 eastern half of that country, we cannot be very far wrong. 
 
 Of Pryder, who appears on this occasion to have been in alliance with 
 Ethelfrith, we have the following account 
 
 “Pryder, the son of Dolor, chief of the people of Deivyr and Bry- 
 neicli was distinguished with Tinwaed and Rhineri, under the appel- 
 lation of the three strong cripples of the Isle of Britain. He lived in 
 the close of the sixth century.” (Owen’s Cambrian Biography .) 
 
 21 2 
 
324 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Fun en ardec 4 
 Aryal redec 5 
 
 Ar hynt 6 wylaw 
 Ku 7 kystudywn 8 
 Ku 7 carasswn 9 
 
 Kelleic 10 faw 11 
 Ac argoedwys 
 Gwae 12 gordyvnwys 
 Y 13 emdullyaw 14 
 
 Ef dadodes 15 arlluyd 16 pwys ar lies 17 rieu 
 Ar dilyvyn 18 goet 
 Ar diliw 19 hoet 
 
 Yr 20 kyvedeu 21 
 
 Kyvedwogant 22 ef an dyduc ar 23 dan adloyw 24 
 Ac ar groen gwynn goscroyw. 25 
 
 LXXXVII. 
 
 Gereint rac deheu 1 gawr a dodet 2 
 Lluch 3 gwynn 4 gwynn 5 dwll 6 ar ysgwyt 
 Yor yspar llary 7 yor 8 840 
 
 Molut mynnt 9 mor 
 
 Gogwneif heissyllut 10 gwgynei 11 gereint 
 Hael mynawc oedut. 12 
 
 4 En ar dec , 1 ; un ar deg , 2, 3, 5. 6 Rodec , 1. 6 Kynt, 4. 
 
 7 Cm, 1. 8 Cystyiun , 1 ; cystiun , 2 ; gwestiwn , 3 ; cystwywn , 5. 
 
 9 Carassun , 1. 10 Celeic , 1, 2, 3, 5. 11 Fau, 1, 2, 3; ffaw , 5, 6. 
 
 12 Gwal , 1, 2, 3 ; gwall, 5. 13 /, 3. 14 dulyaw , 1, 2; ymdduliaw , 3. 
 
 16 Dyddodes , 3. 16 Iwydd , 1, 2, 3 ; ar 4 ; ar Zm^cZ, 5. 
 
 17 Zes, 1. 18 Ardulywn , 5; ar dilion , 6. 19 Zh'ZZM, 1. 20 Or, 3. 
 
 21 Cyveddeu , 1. 22 Cyueduogant , 1. 23 .4/, 4. 24 Advoyu , 1 ; 
 
 adfoyvo , 5. 26 Gosgroyw , 1 . This verse is one with the following in 1 , 4. 
 
 1 ^.c^eM, 8. 2 Ddodet , 1. 3 Llwch , 1. 4 Gwyn } 1. 6 This is not 
 
 in 1, 2, 3, 5. 6 Z>mZZ, 2, 5. 7 Larylw , 5. 8 F or, 4 ; this is not in 
 
 2, 3, 5. 9 Mynyt , 1. 10 Heissylut , 1 ; heislyd, 3. 11 Gugyvei , 1, 2, 3, 5 ; 
 
 gogwnei , 6. 12 Oeddnt , 1 ; Ednt , 4. 
 
 825 
 
 830 
 
 835 
 
LXXXVII. GEREINT. 
 
 325 
 
 With veiled countenance, 
 
 I ran with speed, 
 
 And went weeping on my way. 
 
 Affectionately was I afflicted, 
 
 Affectionately did I love 
 
 The glorious retired 1 hero ; 
 
 And the men of Argoed, 
 
 Sad are they who were accustomed 
 To the martial array. 
 
 The chief provided largely for the benefit of the chiefs: 
 Upon uneven timber 
 And upon transparent wine 
 They feasted . 2 
 
 After they had feasted, he brought us to fires rebrightened, 
 And placed us (to sleep) on white skins unshorn. 
 
 LXXXVII. 
 
 To Gereint (ab Erbin ?). 
 
 Gereint raised the war-shout before the south. 
 
 And at the White Lake, the shield was pierced ; 
 
 Old is the spear, and gentle was the ancient chief 
 Who is praised on mountain and sea. 
 
 The offspring of Gereint, who was a generous ruler, 
 
 Grew up together, and were equally maintained. 
 
 1 /.e., buried (?). 
 
 2 Or, “ In transparent vessels was the banquet (provided).” 
 
 lxxxvii. The hero of this verse appears to have been Gereint ab 
 Erbin, famous for being one of the heroes of Cambrian romance, and a 
 subject of an elegy by Llywarch Hen. He was, as is generally known, the 
 Prince of the Britons of Damnonia, Dyvneint, or Devonshire, and was 
 distinguished for his determined resistance to the progress of the West 
 Saxons. It will, therefore, be seen that this locality corresponds with 
 
326 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 LXXXVIII. 
 
 Diannot 1 e 2 glot e glutvan 3 
 
 Diachor angor 4 ygkyman 5 845 
 
 1 Di annot, 4. 2 Y, 1 ; o , 3. 3 Vnglhytvan, 5 ; y glutvan , 1. 
 
 4 Anghor , 1. 5 Gagman, 1 ; anghyman et anghyvein, 5. 
 
 the statement in the text: Scotland and the North of England were 
 the Gogledd of the Kymry of the Principality; and Devon and Cornwall, 
 the south-west of Britain, was also the Deheu of the people of Wales ; 
 for at the time when Aneurin lived, the Britons had not been insulated 
 in the Principality, but kept up a regular intercourse with their brethren 
 north and south. 
 
 We may, therefore, safely assume “the south” of the text to have 
 been the district here named, and Gereint ab Erbin to have been the 
 hero ; but as this conclusion does not at first sight appear to be sound, 
 we will dwell a little upon the subject. There were three Gereints ruling 
 in Devon and Cornwall, within a century before and after the period 
 when Aneurin lived. One of these is named \_Anglo-Sax. Chron. ] in 
 710 as being in arms against the Saxons ; but as the Gereint of the 
 text had been dead long before the days of Aneurin, this cannot have 
 been the man. Another, according to the Liber Landavensis [pp. 345, 
 349, 350], was living in 566, when St. Teilo fled to Brittany from 
 the yellow fever, and on the point of death when he returned seven 
 years afterwards. This is all we know respecting him, unless he be 
 identical with the person named in the following Triad : — 
 
 “ The three undescended knights of the Court of Arthur : Eithew 
 the son of Gwrgan, Coleddawg the son of Gwynn, and Geraint Hirthe 
 son of Cymmannon Hen ; and they were the sons of tenants ; but so 
 good was their fame and their qualities for honesty, kindness, gentleness, 
 wisdom, manliness, justice, and mercy, and knowledge of all games 
 and praiseworthy knowledge, in peace and in war, that there was no 
 place suited to them but the Court of Arthur, the privileges of, and 
 the ingress to which they obtained.” ( Myv ., ii, 74 ; Gee’s ed., 411.) 
 
 The third person named Gereint, who was connected with the district 
 of Devon and Cornwall, was the son of Erbin, whose biography, as 
 given by Williams, is as follows : — 
 
 “ Gereint, the son of Erbin ab Cystennyn Gorneu, was a prince of 
 the Britons, who inhabited Dyvnaint or Devon. He is recorded in the 
 Triads as one of the three ‘ llyngesawg’, or naval commander^' of the 
 
LXXXVIII. 
 
 327 
 
 LXXXVIII. 
 
 Undisputed was his extending fame, 
 Unsurroundable anchor in battle ; 
 
 Isle of Britain, the other two being Gwenwynwyn the son of Nav, and 
 March the son of Meirchion. Each of these had six score ships, and six 
 score men in each ship ( Myv ii, 68). He fell fighting valiantly under 
 Arthur against the Saxons at the battle of Llongborth in a.d. 530 ; and 
 we have a beautiful Elegy on him composed by Llywarch Hen, which is 
 printed in the Myvyrian Archaiology , and also in Owen’s Heroic Elegies 
 of Llywarch Hen, 8vo., London, 1792. He is mentioned by Aneurin in 
 terms of high praise in the Gododin {Myv., i, 13). Gereint ab Erbin 
 is also considered one of the Welsh saints, and it is said that there 
 was a church dedicated to him at Caer Fawydd, or Hereford. His sons 
 Cyngar, Selyv, Iestyn, and Cado, were also saints and members of the 
 college of St. Garmon. Gereint is the hero of the second Mahinogi 
 published by Lady Charlotte Guest.” 
 
 Of the three persons now named, I believe the son of Erbin to have 
 been the hero of Aneurin. The Gereint of the poem had sons ; and in 
 addition to those already named, the son of Erbin had one named 
 Gadwy or Garwy Hir. The allusion to the swiftness of his steed shows 
 that the bard had in his mind the Elegy by Llywarch, who also extols 
 the personal beauty of the hero, and begins nine of his verses with the 
 words : — 
 
 u Swift racers were under the thigh of Gereint” (ab Erbin). 
 
 That point may, therefore, be said to require no further proof. 
 
 The allusion to the White Lake also demands a word of explanation. 
 It is evident that this lake was famous in the days of Aneurin, and it is 
 probable that its celebrity was in some way connected with the fol- 
 lowing legend : — 
 
 u The History of the Three Birds of Llwch Gwyn. 
 
 ‘‘Drutwas, the son of Trephin, received from his wife three birds of 
 Llwch Gwyn, 1 (or the White Lake), and they would do whatsoever their 
 master bid them ; and a combat was appointed between Arthur and 
 
 1 “ Adar Llwch Gwyn”, according to Puglie, sub voce 11 Llwch”, “ is 
 a mythological epithet for vultures”. 
 
328 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Diechyr eryr gwyr govaran 6 
 
 Trin odef eidef oed 7 eiryan 
 
 Ragorei veirch racvuan 8 
 
 En 9 trin lletvegin 10 gwin o bann 
 
 Kyn 11 glasved 12 a glassu en 13 rann 14 850 
 
 Bu gwr gwled 15 od 16 ucb 17 med 18 mygyr 19 o bann. 
 
 LXXXIX, 
 
 Dienhyt 1 y 2 bob llawr llanwet 3 
 E 4 hual amhanal 5 afneuet 
 Twll 6 tall 7 e 8 rodawr 
 
 Cas o hir 9 gwythawc 855 
 
 Rywonyawc 10 diffreidyeit 11 
 Eil gweith gelwideint 12 a mallet 13 
 Yg catveircb 14 a seirch greulet 
 
 6 Gouaran, 1 ; gonaran , 2, 3. 7 Oddef eiddef oedd , 1. 8 Rac 
 
 vuan , 8. 9 Fn, 1. 10 Lledvegin , 1. 11 Cyn , 1 ; yn ) 5 . 12 Glas 
 
 vedd , 1, 2, 3. 13 Yn, 1, 2, 3. 14 Rhann , 1 ; this line is not in 5. 
 
 15 GwUdd , 1. 16 Not in 1. 17 Uch, 1, 2, 3, 5 ; oduch , 8. 18 Bu 
 
 gwr o uch gwledd medd , 6. 19 Mygr , 1. 
 
 1 Dihenyt , 1, 4 ; dihenydd , 2, 3, 5. 2 /, 1, 2, 3 ; not in 4. 3 Llan- 
 
 net, 1, 2, 3, 5. 4 F, 1, 2 ; «, 3. 5 ^4m hafal , 3. 6 FuZ, 1. 7 FaZ, 
 
 1, 2, 3. 8 /, 3. 0 OAZr, 4. 10 Rhyvonyauc , 1, 2, 3, 5. 11 Diphry- 
 
 dyeit, 1 ; diphrueidyeit, 2, 3. 12 Gelwident , 1 ; gelwiddent , 2, 3, 5. 
 
 13 vl wmZeZ, 1, 2, 3, 5 ; amalet , 4. 14 Ygcatveirch , 1, 2; yg cat 
 
 veirch , 4. 
 
 Drutwas ; and Drutwas sent his birds forth, saying to them, ‘ Slay the 
 first that comes into the field’; and as Arthur went into the field, the 
 sister of Drutwas, who was Arthur’s friend, came and prevented Arthur 
 going into the field, out of affection to each of them ; and at last Drut- 
 was came into the field, thinking the birds had slain Arthur, and the 
 birds caught him up, and killed him, and when high in the air, they 
 knew him, and fell to the ground with most doleful lamentations for 
 
LXXXIX. CAS. 
 
 329 
 
 Unflinching eagle of forward warriors ; 
 
 He shared in the suffering of conflict ; he was handsome ; 
 He excelled for the swiftness of his steeds. 
 
 The domesticated hero loved wine from the bowl ; 
 
 And before his lot became pallor and the green grave, 
 
 He was a feast-man where mead sparkled in the bowl. 
 
 LXXXIX. 
 
 To Cas the son of Saidi. 
 
 The destroyer of all church lands 
 Was regardless of parallel fetters ; 
 
 Pierced in front was the shield of Cas the Tall, 
 
 And furious were the defenders of Rhuvoniog ; 
 
 A second time they called out, and the war horses 
 Were spread forth, and the harness drenched in gore. 
 
 having slain Drutwas, their master ; and the song of the birds of Llwch 
 Gwyn still exists on the strings, which was made at that time to 
 record the event. And from that, Llywarch Hen had the subject, 
 on which he composed the following Englyn : — 
 
 “ ‘ Drutwas the son of Trephin, on the day of combat, 
 
 With toil and exertion, 
 
 A breach of contract committed, formerly, 
 
 And was slain by the birds of Llwch Gwyn. 5 ” 
 
 ( Iolo MSS., p. 600.) 
 
 We cannot now ascertain what the truth was which underlies this 
 fiction ; the story in its present form is not ancient, and this species of 
 Englyn is not as old as the days of Llywarch ; but there is probably 
 some fact at the base of the story. We learn from another poem 
 called “ Mic Dinbych, 1 or The Prospect from Tenby” (verse' ii), that 
 
 1 \_Myv. Arch., i, 67; Gee’s ed., 58; Four Ancient Books , ii, 168; 
 translation, i, 304. For the elegy attributed to Llywarch Hen see 
 Myv ., i, 101 ; Gee’s ed., 83 ; Four Ancient Books , ii, 37, 274.] 
 
THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 330 
 
 Bedin 15 agkysgoget 16 yt vyd 17 cat voryon 
 
 Cochro llann bann 18 ry godhet. 19 (a) 860 
 
 15 Byddinagcusgoget,l. 16 It, 3. 17 Vyt , 1. 18 Pan , 1, 2, 3, 4. 
 
 19 Rygoddet , 1, 2, 3. 
 
 (a) Verse xcv, in Williams’ text, is a varied copy of this and the 
 next verse : — 
 
 “ Dihenyd y 1 bop 2 llaur llan wet 3 
 Y haual 4 amhal 5 afneuet 
 Twll tal y 6 rodauc 
 Caso o hir 7 gwychauc 
 Rywynyauc diffret 
 Eil with 8 gwelydeint amallet 9 
 Y 10 gat veirch 11 ae seirch 12 greulet 
 Bit en anysgoget bit get 
 Uoron 13 gwychyrolyon pan ry 14 godet 15 
 Trwm 16 en trin a llain yt ladei 17 
 Gwaro 18 rybud o gat dydygei 19 
 Gant can 20 yg ca^n darmerthei 21 
 Ef gwenit 22 a dan 23 vab uruei 24 
 Ef gwenit 25 a dan 26 dwrch trahauc 
 Un riein 27 a morwyn a menauc 
 A chan oed mab brenhin teithiaug 
 Ud 28 gwyndyt gwaet kilyd gwaredawc 29 
 Kyn golo gweryt ar grud 30 hael etvynt 31 
 Doeth dygyrchet y 32 get 33 ae glot ae echiaue 34 
 Uot 35 bed gorthyn hir o 36 orthir rywynauc.” 37 
 
 1 /, 3. 2 Bob , 1 ; bawb, 4. 3 Llanet , 1, 2, 3, 5. 4 Haval , 
 
 2, 3. 6 Ami , 3 ; amhaval , 5. 6 /, 3. 7 Ohir, 4. 8 Nith, 
 
 1, 2, 3, 5. 9 A malet, 1, 2, 3, 5. 10 /, 3. 11 Gatveirch, 
 
 1, 2, 3, 4; gatseirchy 5. 12 Birch , 1, 2, 3 ; serch , 5. 13 Woron, 3 ; 
 
 voron , 5. 44 Not in 1, 2, 3. 15 Goddet, 1, 3. 16 Trum, 1, 2. 
 
 47 y Had&i, 1, 2, 3, 5. 48 Gwaew, 1, 2, 3, 5. 49 Dyddyges , 1. 
 
 20 Not in 5. 24 Darmerthiy 2, 3, 5. 22 Gweint , 1, 3 ; guneint , 2. 
 
 23 Daw, 1, 2, 3, 4. 24 TJrvei , 1, 2; 3; lor/eu et wrm, 5. 
 
 25 1, 2, 3, 5. 26 A dan, 1, 2, 3, 4. 27 t/nen, 1, 2, 5. 
 
 28 Yd, 2 ; 1,3,5. 29 Gwareawc, 5. 30 2M7, 3 ; grud et radtf, 5. 
 
 34 Etuynt, 1, 2; cdwynt , 3; etwynt , 5. 32 /, 3 . 33 1. 
 
 34 EichiaivCy 1, 2, 3, 5. 35 AH 1, 2, 3, 5. 36 Not in 3. 37 A%- 
 
 vynyaivc , 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
LXXXIX. CAS. 
 
 331 
 
 Unshaken legion ! There will be a reddening 
 Of the land, as at the battle of Morion, when they are 
 insulted. 
 
 the dominions of Gereint were associated with some celebrated 
 lake : — 
 
 “ A holy sanctuary there is on a wide lake, 
 
 An impregnable fortress, surrounded by the sea. 
 
 Demandest thou, Britain, to what is this appropriate ? 
 
 At the lake of the Son of Erbin , fat were the cattle, 
 
 There was a retinue and song after meat, 
 
 And an eagle in the sky and a path through pallid faces, 
 
 Before a governing Lord, and flying enemies, 
 
 And extending fame, and a Lord of marshalled warriors.” 
 
 And we learn from the verses of Aneurin that this lake was the Llwcli 
 Gwyn of the preceding tale. 
 
 lxxxix. This was Cas the son of Saidi, “ one of the heroes in the 
 dramatic tales of Arthur”, says Owen, who designates the Mabinogion 
 by that term ; but nothing more is known respecting him than that he 
 is named in the Mabinogi of Kilhwch [ Mab ., ii, 265] among the knights 
 of Arthur. 
 
 Rhuvoniog is a territorial division in North Wales, and it is probable 
 that the scene of the battle of Moryon is in that country, though I can- 
 not point it out. The place is twice mentioned by the bards in other 
 places [ Myv ., i, 60, 134 ; Gee’s ed., 53, 105 ; Four Ancient Books , ii, 
 95, 236]:— 
 
 “ Cyrreith grad voryon 
 Adan vorduyt haelon.” 
 
 (Aneurin, Gorchan Cynvelyn.) 
 
 “ Yn Aber Avon y byd llu Mon, 
 
 Eingl guedy hinuedon 
 Hir veryt arwyt Voryon. 55 
 
 ( Givasgargerdd Vyrddin.) 
 
 Hendrev Vorion is the name of a farm (valued at £40 a year in 1795), 
 in the parish of Llanaber, above Barmouth, Merionethshire. 
 
332 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEUKIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 XC. 
 
 Trwm 1 en 2 trin a 11a vyn 3 yt lladei 4 
 Garw rybud o gat dydygei 
 Cann 5 calan a darmerthei 6 
 Ef gwenit 7 adan 8 vab ervei 9 
 
 Ef gwenit 10 adan dwrch traliawc 11 865 
 
 Un riein 12 a morwyn a mynawc 13 
 A phan oed 14 mab teyrn teithyawc 15 
 Yng gwyndyt gwaed glyt 16 gwaredawc 
 Kyn 17 golo gweryt ar 18 rud 19 
 
 Llary 20 hael etvynt 21 digythrud 870 
 
 0 glot a cbet echiawc 22 
 
 Neut bed garth wys hir o dir rywonyawc. 23 
 
 xci. 
 
 Peis dinogat e vreith vreith 
 O grwyn balaot ban 1 wreith 2 
 
 1 Trim, 1, 2. * Yn, 1. 3 Llavynt , 4. 4 Laddei , 1. 5 Can, 
 
 1, 2, 3, 4 ; canr , 8. 6 Ddarmerihei , 1, 2, 3, 4. 7 Gweinit , 
 
 1, 2, 3, 4; gweint , 5. 8 .A Aaw, 4. 9 Erfei, 1. 10 Gweint , 1, 5; 
 
 gweinit, 2, 3. 11 Line not in 4. 12 Rhiein , 1. 13 Mynauc , 1. 
 
 14 Oedd , 1. 15 Teithiauc , 1. 16 Gwaetglyt , 4; gwaedlyd , 6. 17 Cyra, 1. 
 
 18 ,4*, 1, 2, 3. 19 itodtf, 1. 29 Lary, 1. 21 Ptayn*, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 22 Eichiawg , 3 ; eichiwawc , 5. 23 Rhyvonyawc , 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 1 Paw, 4. 2 Ureith , 1 ; vreith, 2, 3. 
 
 xc. The hero of this verse is Garthwys the Tall ; but beyond the 
 statements of the text there is nothing known respecting him. There 
 is a Garthwys, the son of Mor ab Ceneu ab Coel Godebog, named in 
 the pedigrees ; and Mor is known to have settled in the neighbourhood 
 of Rhuvoniog ; but, according to the chronology usually assigned to 
 Coel Godebog, his great-grandson could not have been the contemporary 
 of our bard. This objection, however, has but little force, as I have 
 already shown that the chronology of Coel, Cunedda, and others, is very 
 incorrect ; and, therefore, until some cause be shown to the contrary, I 
 shall adopt this assumption. [See Myv., ii, 23 ; Gee’s ed., 415 ; Iolo 
 MSS., 528 ; Rees’ Welsh Saints, 103.] 
 
XC. AEDDAN. 
 
 XCI. DINOGAD. 
 
 333 
 
 XC. 
 
 To Aeddan ab Ervei and Garthwys Hir. 
 
 Heavily in battle he slew with his sword, 
 
 And brought away severe indications from battle ; 
 
 A hundred new year’s feasts he had provided, 
 
 (When) he served Addan the son of Ervei : 
 
 There served Aeddan, the presuming boar, 
 
 One lady, a maid, and a nobleman ; 
 
 And when the son 1 of a prince was in his glory 
 
 There was among the Gwyneddians a blood-stained protector ; 
 
 Before the sod was placed upon his cheek, 
 
 The gentle and generous departed was a perturbator : 
 
 Retired from pride and glory, is not this the grave 
 Of Garthwys the Tall from the land of Rhuvoniog ? 
 
 XCI. 
 
 To Dinogad ab Cynan Garwyn. 
 
 Dinogad’s kilt was very stripy , 2 
 
 Made from the skins of front-streaked wolf-cubs ; 
 
 1 Garthwys? 2 Lit., “ Stripy, stripy”. 
 
 Aeddan, the son of Ervei, the person introduced parenthetically into 
 this verse, was probably the same person as Aeddan o V6n, to whom there 
 is an elegy composed by Taliesin [ Myv ., i, 70; Gee’s ed., 60; Four 
 Ancient Books , ii, 199]. The present writer has made that poem 
 the subject of an article in the Archseologia Cambrensis for October 
 1851, to which the reader is referred for full particulars. Aeddan, it is 
 thought, was Lord of the Irish settlers in Anglesey, and is supposed to 
 have been engaged in the turmoil which cost the life of Iago ab Beli, 
 the King of North Wales. This is supposed by Mr. Basil Jones 
 to be an Irish rebellion, *'.e., a rebellion of the Gaels of Anglesea, but 
 we have only the sagacity of that gentleman to defend the supposition ; 
 and all that history relates is the fall of Iago ab Beli, and the temporary 
 elevation of a strange monarch in the person of Cadavael Wyllt, the 
 son of Cynvedw, who was not a native Kyrnro. 
 
 xci. Cynan Garwyn, the father of Dinogad, was the son of Brochwel, 
 
THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 334 
 
 (Jliwit chwit 3 chwidogeith 875 
 
 Gochanwn 4 gochenyn wyth geitli 
 
 Pan elei dy dat ty e 5 helya 
 
 Llath ar 6 y 7 ysgwyd 8 llory 9 eny llaw 
 
 Ef gelwi 10 gwn gogyhwch 11 
 
 Giff gaff dhaly dhaly dhwc dhwc 12 880 
 
 Ef 13 lledi by sc yng corwc 14 
 Mai ban 15 Had 16 llew 17 llywywc 18 
 Pan elei dy dat ty 19 e 20 vynyd 
 
 Dydygei ef 21 penn 22 ywrch 23 pen gwythwcb 24 penn 22 hyd 25 
 
 3 Chwnt , 1 ; chuent, 2, 3 ; chwant , 3 ; chwint ( chwant ), 6. 4 Gochan- 
 
 un , 2, 5. 5 7, 1, 2, 3 ; ?/, 4. 6 Or, 5. 7 This is not in 1, 2, 3. 
 
 8 Ysgwyt , 1. 9 Llwry , 3, 5 ; llury, 1, 2. 10 Gelui , 1 ; gelwei , 4. 
 
 11 Gogyhuc, 1, 2, 3 ; gogyhwc , 4. 12 Giph gaph ddaly ddaly dducdduc , 1. 
 
 13 Leddi , 1. 14 Ygcoruc , 1, 2. 15 Rar, 1, 2, 3, 5. 16 Ladd , 1. 
 
 17 Lew , 1. 18 Llyuiuc , 1, 2, 3 ; llywiog , 5. 19 T 7 *, 3. 20 /, 1, 2, 3. 
 
 21 Not in 4. 22 Pen , 1. 23 F uarch , 1 ; y varch , 2 ; «' varch, 3, 5. 
 
 24 Gwdd hwch , 1 ; guyd hucJi , 2 ; gwydd-hwch , 3. 25 Hydd , 1. 
 
 Prince of Powys, who commanded at the battle of Bangor in 607 ; but 
 that command must have been little else than nominal, for the “ military 
 affairs of the province were already administered by his son Cynan, who 
 shared largely in the feuds of the times”. Aneurin makes him a distin- 
 guished hunter ; and a poem \Trawsganu Cynan Gai*wyn , Myv., i, 168 ; 
 Gee’s ed., 80; Four Ancient Books , ii, 172] attributed to Taliesin 
 44 describes his victorious career along the banks of the Wye, in the 
 Isle of Anglesey, on the hills of Dimetia, and in the region of Brychan ; 
 chieftains trembled and fled at his approach, and he slaughtered his 
 enemies with the gory blade” (Rees’ Saints , 277). He was also engaged 
 in the wars of Cadwallon, and particularly in that series of defeats 
 which took place about 629 ; and he is thus named by Llywarch Hen 
 ( Elegy on Cadwallon , Myv ., i, 121 ; Gee’s ed., 97 ; Four Ancient Books , 
 ii, 278) : — 
 
 44 The army of Cadwallon encamped by the well of Bedwyr. 
 
 With soldiers virtue is cherished. 
 
 There Cynon showed how to assert the right.” 
 
 The name of his horse is given in the Triads , where Du hir tynnedig is 
 
XCI. DINOGAD. 
 
 335 
 
 The tricks of a sly pilferer I would ridicule, 
 
 Eight such slaves I would lampoon. 
 
 When thy father went out hunting, 
 
 With his spear staff on his shoulder, and the haft in his hand, 
 He would call to the well-trained dogs : 
 
 Mark, grasp, catch catch, bring bring. 
 
 He killed fish from a coracle 
 As a lion would kill the steersman. 
 
 When thy father went to a mountain, 
 
 He brought away the chief of the roebucks, the largest boar, 
 the finest stag, 
 
 classified among the chief steeds of the Isle of Britain \_Myv., ii, J9, 20 ; 
 Gee’s ed., 394, 398]. 
 
 Dinogad was his son, or, rather, one of his sons, for he had one son 
 besides, if not more, and that was the person named Selyv ab Cynan 
 Garwyn, who fell in the battle of Bangor, with the reputation of a great 
 warrior. Dinogad appears to have been a man of a different stamp ; 
 Cambrian history names him but twice, and he is then named in dis- 
 praise. He is first named in connection with the battle of Arderydd, in 
 577, in the following Triad (Myv., ii, pp. 7, 20 ; Gee’s ed., 394, 396) : — 
 
 “The three horse loads of the Isle of Britain : — The second horse 
 load was borne by Cornan, the horse of the sons of Eliffer Gosgorddvawr, 
 which carried Gwrgi and Peredur, sons of Eliffer, Dunawd Ffur, the 
 son of Pabo and Cynvelyn Drwsgl, to inspect the funeral pile of Gwen- 
 ddolau at Arderydd ; and no one attempted to pursue them except 
 Dinogad, the son of Cynan Garwyn, upon his horse, Kethin the Swift, 
 and he has been censured for the act from that day to this.” 
 
 The second notice is that in the text, where he is satirically contrasted 
 with his father, and treated very scornfully indeed, in consequence, 
 perhaps, of having offended the bard, or been stingy in his allowances 
 to the sons of song ; but it is probable that the force of the satire has 
 not been conveyed in the translation. The practice of wearing the skins 
 of animals is very ancient. Tacitus, speaking of the Germans, says : — 
 “ They also wear the skins of beasts, which the people near the borders 
 are less curious in selecting or preparing than the more remote inhabi- 
 tants, who cannot by commerce procure other clothing. These make 
 choice of particular furs, which they variegate with spots and pieces of 
 the skins of marine animals” ( De Morib. Germ.). Wolf-skins were thus 
 worn by Cambrian warriors as proof of their valour in having slain the 
 
336 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Penn 22 grugyar 26 vreith o 27 venyd 28 885 
 
 Penn 22 pysc o rayadyr derwennyd 29 
 
 Or sawl yt 30 gyrhaedei 31 dy dat ty ae 32 gicwein 33 
 
 O wythwch 34 a 35 llewyn a llwyuein 
 
 Nyt anghei oil 36 ny uei 37 oradein. 
 
 xcn. 
 
 Peum 1 dodyw angkyvrwng 2 o angkyuarch 3 890 
 
 Nym daw nym dyvyd 4 a uo trymach 5 
 Ky magwyt yn neuad 6 a vei lewach 
 Noc 7 ef nac yng cat 8 a vei wastadach 
 Ac ar ryt 9 benclwyt 10 pennawt 11 oed 12 e 13 veirch 
 Pellynic 14 e 15 glot pellws 16 e 17 galch 895 
 
 A chyn golo 18 gweir 19 liir a dan 20 dywarch 
 Dyrllydei 21 vedgyrn 22 un mab feruarch. 23 
 
 26 Gruciar , 1. 27 Ar, 3. 28 Vynydd , 1. 29 Deruenydd, 1 ; der- 
 
 fenydd, 3. 30 A, 1, 2, 3. 31 Gyrchaeddei , 1, 2, 3 ; gyrchhaeddai , 5. 
 
 32 Ar, 1, 2, 3. 33 Gieuein, 1, 2, 3. 34 Wyth wch, 1, 2, 3. 35 Leuyn 
 
 a hiyvein , 1. 36 Anghei ol, 1 ; angheiol , 2 ; angheuol , 3 ; anghei o, 5. 
 
 37 Vei, 1. 
 
 1 Pan , 1, 2, 3, 5. 2 Agcyvung , 1, 2, 3, 5. 3 Angcyvarch , 1. 
 
 4 Dovydd, 1, 2, 3. 5 Trymmach, 1. 6 Neuadd , 1. 7 Nog, 1. 
 
 8 Ygcat, 1. 9 Aryt, 1, 2 ; ar hyd, 3, 5. 10 clwyd , 1, 2, 3, 5. 
 
 ii Pennant , 1, 2, 3, 5. 12 Oedd, 1. 1 3 0 , 2, 3, 5. u Pellynnig , 1. 
 
 u Y, 1, 2; ci, 3. 1 « Pellus, 1, 2, 3, 5. 1 7 Y, 1, 2; i, 3, 
 
 i8 Cholo, 8. 1 9 Gueir , 1. 20 Adan, 1 ; 0 dan, 3. 21 Dyr llydei, 1. 
 
 22 Vedd gym, 1. 23 Veruarch , 1 ; Vervarch and Ferwarch , 5 ; 
 
 ferwarch , 3. 
 
 animals from which the skins were taken. Dinogad also hung wolf- 
 skins “on his recreant limbs”; but the bard tauntingly imputes cowardice 
 by calling him a sly pilferer, and by saying that they were skins of young 
 cubs captured while the parent animals were away. We may infer 
 from thence that the kilt, or pais, was a garb of very ancient date ; the 
 father of Cunedda was surnamed Padarn Beisrudd, or red-kilted ; and 
 here is an instance of the variegated kilt worn by Dinogad. The dress 
 worn by old men and domestics were the skins of tame animals, the 
 sheep and the hardy goat. (Llywarch Hen, Flegies, p. 90.) 
 
XCI. DINOGAD. XCII. GWAIR. 337 
 
 The fattest spotted mountain grouse, 
 
 And the noblest fish from the falls of the Derwent. 
 
 Of the boars which thy father reached with the 
 Flesh-hook on the point of his elm (spear staff), 
 
 Did not all die ? Did not their swiftness cease ? 
 
 XCII. 
 
 To Gwair, the son of Verwarch. 
 
 When non-salutation led to a cessation of intercourse, 
 
 There came not, nor will there come, one more formidable ; 
 In the hall there was not nursed a bolder man, 
 
 Nor in battle was there one less unshaken ; 
 
 His steeds were upon the heights of Pennant, 
 
 His armour was compact, and his fame far extended ; 
 
 And before Gwair the Tall lay beneath the sod, 
 
 Mead-horns were replenished bv the only son of Ferwarch . 1 
 
 1 Or, “Mervarch”. 
 
 xci. Pennant is the name of a mountain in Montgomeryshire ; Ver- 
 warch, Ferwarch, or Merwarch, was probably the person who at subse- 
 quent periods was better known as Morach Morvran, who lived in that 
 locality, and is named by Owen Cyveiliog in connection with a cele- 
 brated feast designated cyfeddach morach by that bard as well as by 
 Cynddelw [ Myv ., ii, 237, 265 ; Gee’s ed., 172, 191] : — 
 
 Kigleu ym Maela6r ga6r va6r vuan 
 A gar6 disgyrr g 6yr a g6yth er6an ; 
 
 Ac ymgynnull am drull am dram6yan 
 Fal i bu ym Mangor am ongyr dan » 
 
 Pan 6naeth dau deyrn uch cyrn cyvrdan, 
 
 Pan fu gyfetach Vorach Vorvran.” (O. Cyveiliog.) 
 
 “ In Maelor a great shout was suddenly heard, 
 
 And dreadful were the shrieks of men, and wrathful piercing, 
 And collecting round the server of liquor, and journeying about, 
 Like there was at Bangor, mid the flash of spears, 
 
 When two princes created discord over drinking-horns, 
 
 At the feast of Morach Morvran.” 
 
 *29 
 
338 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 XCIII. 
 
 Trycan 1 eurdorch a gryssyassant 2 
 
 En amwyn breithell bu edrywant 
 
 Ket rylade 3 hwy wy ladassant 900 
 
 Ahyt 4 orfen byt etmyc 5 vydant 
 
 Ac or sawl a aytham o gyt garant 
 
 Tru namyn un gur nyt englyssant. 
 
 XCIY. 
 
 Trycant 1 eurdorchauc 2 
 
 Gwned gar 3 guaenauc 4 905 
 
 Tryclian trahaavc 5 
 Kyuun 6 kyuarvavc 7 
 
 1 Try can , 6. 2 Gryssiassant , 6. 3 Ry ladei, 6. 4 A liyt , 6. 
 
 6 Edmyc , 6. 
 
 1 Trychant , 1 ; try cant, 6. 2 Eurdorchawc, 6. 3 Gyuedgar, 1 ; 
 
 gwnedgar , 6. 4 Guaenawc , 6. 5 Traliauc , 1 ; trdhaauc , 6. 6 Cy- 
 
 vwn, 1. 7 Cyuarclnauc , 1 ; kyvarvawc , 6 ; in 6 this line is one with the 
 preceding. 
 
 What this quarrel was is now unknown. May it not have been the 
 quarrel between Rheidwn and Eidol ? 
 
 Gwair the Tall was the only son of Mervarch or Morach, and was 
 probably the subject of the following notice : — “ Gwair Gwryd Yawr, 
 or Geirwerydd Yawr, was distinguished as one of the three obstinate 
 chiefs, whom nobody could divert from their design ; the other two were 
 Eiddilig and Trystan” (Owen’s Camb. Biog.). There is nothing further 
 known respecting him [ Trioedd Ynys Prydain : Cyf , i, 88 ; iii, 78; 
 Myv., ii, 19, 69; Gee’s ed., 393, 408]. 
 
 Here, according to the usual copies, the Gododin ends, being 92 verses 
 and 878 lines: at the end are usually placed six more verses of 59 lines, 
 making altogether 937 lines and 97 verses, according to Williams’ com- 
 putation ; but these additional verses are only variations of some of the 
 others, and should be placed among the various readings, rather than as 
 distinct verses. I have divided verse lxxxix of Williams’ into two ; 
 
GORCHAN MAELDERW. 
 
 339 
 
 xcm. 
 
 Three hundred golden-torqued ones hastened along 
 To engage in the conflict ; a sally ensued ; 
 
 Although they were killed, they also killed ; 
 
 And unto the end of the world honoured they shall be ; 
 And of those who went in mutual amity, 
 
 Alas ! except one man none escaped. 
 
 xciv. 
 
 Three hundred wearing the golden torques, 
 
 Fond of valorous toil, and headlong in the course ; 
 Three hundred haughty ones, 
 
 Unanimous, and equally armed. 
 
 and thus my computation of verses gives one more than he has, being 92 
 in place of 91. 
 
 But Gorchan Maelderw contains a number of verses evidently belong- 
 ing to the Gododin, which find no place in any of the ordinary copies of 
 that poem; and here they follow in the original ; but as the text is very 
 corrupt, no attempt can now be made to accompany them with transla- 
 tions. 
 
 [In Mr. Stephens’ MS. the text of what follows is simply copied from 
 the Myv ., and divided into verses. When a verse has been already 
 quoted in some of the notes in former parts of the Essay, the author 
 has only written down the first line, indicating, however, the number of 
 lines intended to be included in the verse, and referring to the note in 
 which the remainder has been quoted. 
 
 For the text as it is here printed the editor is responsible. It is prac- 
 tically that given by Skene in his Four Ancient Books of Wales , but 
 slightly modified by the help of the Myv. copies. The variations in the 
 copies are noticed throughout. The translation is borrowed from the 
 Four Ancient Books without any alteration. The headings to the verses 
 are Mr. Stephens’ own.] 
 
 Verses xciii-xcv. For the original text of these verses, see Myvyrian 
 Archaiology , i, pp. 62, 85; Gee’s ed., 54, 70; Four Ancient Books, ii, 
 99, 100. The translation is from Four Ancient Books , i, 417. 
 
 22 2 
 
340 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Trychan meirch 8 godrud 9 
 A gryssyws 10 ganthud 11 
 
 Trychwn 12 a thrychant 910 
 
 Tru 13 nyt atcorsant. 14 
 
 xcv. 
 
 Dywal 1 yg cat 2 kyniwng 3 ygkeni 4 
 Yg kyvrang 5 nyt oed 6 dang as gwnehei 
 Yn dyd gwyth nyt ef weith gocheli 
 Baran baed oed bleidic mab eli 915 
 
 Ervessit 7 gwin 8 gwydyr 9 lestri 11a wn 10 
 Ac en 11 dyd camavn 12 camp a} 3 wneei 14 
 Y ar aruul 15 cann 16 kynn oe 17 dregbi 18 
 Calaned cochwed 19 ae deni. 20 
 
 XCYI. 
 
 Angor deor dain 1 920 
 
 Sarff 2 saffwy 3 graen 
 Anysgoget vaen 4 blaen bedin 5 
 Arall arlwy 6 
 
 Treis tra cliynnivyn 7 rwy 8 
 
 Gobrwy 9 gordwylain 10 925 
 
 8 Mant, 1. 9 Godrut , 1. 10 Gryssius, 1, 11 Ganthut, 1. 12 Try- 
 
 chun , 1. 13 Try , 1. 14 Atcorasant, 1. 
 
 1 Dyual, 1. 2 Ygcat , 1, 6. 3 Cyrunug , 1. 4 Ygcyni, 1 ; yg keni , 6. 
 
 6 Yscyvrang, 1. 6 In 1 the line ends oed bleidic mab eli , all the interven- 
 ing words being omitted. 7 Eruyssit , 1. 8 Guin , 1. 9 Guydyr , 1. 
 
 10 Lawn , 1. 11 Yn, 1. 12 Camaun, 1 ; camawn, 6. 13 Campa, 1. 
 
 14 Wnehei, 6. 15 Awyl, 1. 16 Can , 1. 17 Cynn y, 1 ; kyn noe, 6. 
 
 18 Drenghi, 1, 6. 19 Cochued, 1. 20 Deui, 6, F. A. B.; in 6 this line 
 
 is one with the preceding. 
 
 1 Daen , 6. 2 Sarph, 6. 3 Saffuy, 1; saplncy, 6 ; sarffwy, F. A. B. 
 
 4 Uaen, 1. 5 By din, 1. 6 Aral arcluy, 1. 7 Tracbyniuyn , 1. 
 
 8 Ruy, 1. 9 Gobwry, F. A. B. ; gobruy , 1. 10 Gordwy lain , 6 ; 
 
 gorduylam , 1. 
 
GORCHAN MAELDERW. 
 
 341 
 
 Three hundred prancing horses 
 Did with them hasten. 
 
 Three chiefs and three hundred, 
 Alas ! none returned. 
 
 xcv. 
 
 To Bleiddig, the son of Eli. 
 
 Furious in the battle, unreceding in distress ; 
 
 In the conflict there was no peace if he acted vigor- 
 ously ; 
 
 In the day of wrath, shunning was no part of his 
 work; 
 
 The aspect of a boar had Bleiddig son of Eli ; 
 
 Wine was quaffed in brimful vessels of glass ; 
 
 And the day of battle exploits did he achieve 
 On Arvwl Cann, before he died. 
 
 Ruddy-tinted carnage used to attract him. 
 
 xcvi. 
 
 To Tudvwlch, the son of Kilydd. 
 
 Angor, the scatterer of the brave, 
 
 Serpent with the piercing pike, 
 
 An immovable stone in front of the army ; 
 Accustomed to the preparation of attacks, 
 And greatly to reward the assaulting lance. 
 
 xcvi. Text — Myv . Arch., i, 62, 85; Gee’s ed., 55, 70 ; Four Ancient 
 Boobs , ii, 101. Translation — Four Ancient Books, i, 419. 
 
342 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Enwir yt elwir oth gywir weithret 11 
 Bettor 12 rwyfyadur 13 mvr pob kyvyeith 14 
 Tutvwlch 15 treissic 16 aer caer o dileith. 
 
 XCVII. 
 
 Aches guolouy 
 
 Glasvleid duuyr 930 
 
 Dias dilin 1 
 Angor deor dain 
 Anysgoc vaen 2 
 Em 3 blaen bedin 
 
 Letrud 4 leuir 5 935 
 
 A meirch a gwyr 
 Bac gododin 
 Be cw gyuarch 6 
 Kywyrein bard 
 
 Kemre 7 tot tartli 940 
 
 Bac garth merin. 
 
 XCVIII. 
 
 Scwyt dan wodef ny ystyngei 
 
 Bac neb wyneb cared erythuaccei 1 
 
 Diryeit o eirch meirch yg kyndor 
 
 Aur 2 gwryavr 3 hein 945 
 
 u Werthrety F. A. B.; in 1 the line is Enuir ith eluir oth gyuir 
 ueithret. 12 Restor , F. A. B. ; rector , 1 . 13 Rhuyvyadur , 1 . 
 
 14 Kynyeith , F. A. B. ; cyvyeith , 1. 15 Tutvulch , 1. 16 Treissir , 1. 
 
 In the note to verse xiii, p. 167, Mr. Stephens has divided this verse 
 into eleven lines ; here he makes it nine. 
 
 1 Dully F. A. B. 2 Anyswguaen , 6. 3 En , C; m, F. A. B. 
 
 4 Ledrud , 6 ; let rud , F. A. B. 5 Levir , 6. 0 Gyvarch , 6. 7 Keinre, 6. 
 
 1 Erythuaccei , 6. 2 Awr, 6. 3 Gwryaivr, 6. 
 
GORCHAN MAELDERW. 
 
 343 
 
 Perfect art thou called from thy just deed, 
 
 Leader, director, and bulwark of all that are of the same 
 language ; 
 
 Tudvwlch, the subduer in battle, the destroyer of Caers. 
 
 XCVIL 
 
 To Merin ab Madyen. 
 
 Gwolowy secured 
 A grey wolf, whose roaring was 
 As that of water . 1 
 Angor, the scatterer of the brave, 
 
 An immovable stone 
 
 In the front of the army. 
 
 Ruddy radiance, 
 
 And horses, and men were 
 In front of Gododin, 
 
 Whence so rapidly ascends the 
 Address of the bard 
 Of the Cymry, Tottarth, 
 
 In front of Garth Merin. 
 
 XCVIII. 
 
 To Kyhuran ab Cian. 
 
 His shield, with endurance, he would not lower 
 
 Before the face of anyone ; wrong he would not encourage : 
 
 Urgent were the requests for horses in the entrance. 
 
 The gold of the heroes, 
 
 1 Mr. Silvan Evans translates dull, the reading of the Four Ancient 
 Books. 
 
 xcvii, xcviii. Text — Myv., i, 86 ; Gee’s ed., 71 ; Four Ancient Books , 
 ii, 101. Translation — Four Ancient Books , i, 419, 420. 
 
344 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDKYDD. 
 
 Gwaewawr kelin creudei 
 
 Pan wanet yg kyueillt 4 ef gwanei 
 
 Ereill nyt oed amevyl yt a dyccei 
 
 Dyvit en cad wry t 5 kein asmyccei 
 
 Pan dyduc 6 Kyhuran clotvan Mordei. 950 
 
 XCIX. 
 
 Pan gyrchei yg kywlat 1 e glot oed anvonavc 2 
 
 Ef dilydei 3 win 4 gwr 5 eurdorchauc 6 
 
 Ef rodei gloywdull 7 glan y gwychiauc 8 
 
 Ardwyei 9 cann 10 wr 11 arwr 12 mynauc 13 
 
 Anvonavc 14 eissyllut alltut 15 marchauc 16 955 
 
 Un maban e 17 gian o dra bannauc. 18 
 
 0 . 
 
 Ardwynef 1 adef eidun gwalat 
 
 Gwae ni rac galar ac 2 avar 3 gwastat 
 
 Pan doethan deon o dineidin partli 
 
 Deetholwyd 4 pob doeth wlat 960 
 
 Yg kywryssed 5 a lloegyr lluyd ainliat 6 
 
 Nav 7 ugeint 8 am bob 9 vn am 10 beithynat 11 
 
 Ardemyl meircb a seirch a seric dillat 12 
 
 Ardwyei waetnerth 13 e gertli or gat. 
 
 4 Kyveillt , 6. 5 Kadw ryt , 6. 15 Dydut , F. A. B. 
 
 1 Ygcywlat , 1. 2 Annodauc , 1 \ anvonawc, 6. 3 Edilydei , 1. 4 Run, 1. 
 
 6 Our, 1. 6 Eurderchauc, 1 ; eurdorchawc , 6. 7 Gloyu dul , 1. 
 
 8 Gwychauc , 1 ; gwychiawc , 6. 9 Arduyei, 1. 10 Can , 1. 11 Ur, 1. 
 
 12 Arur, 1. 13 Mynawc , 6. In 1, this line and the preceding are 
 
 transposed. 14 Anvonawc , 6. 15 Alltud, 6. 16 Marchmoc , 6. 
 
 17 Y, 1. 18 Ban naive, 6. 
 
 1 Ardwy nef, 6. 2 Ai, 6. 3 Anar, 6. 4 Deetholwyl , F. A. B. 
 
 Ynghyfryssed, 6. 6 Amhad , 6. 7 Naiv, 6. s Ugain , 6. 9 Not 
 
 in 6. 10 A, 6. 11 Beithynad, 6. 12 Dillad, 6. 13 Waet ncrlli, 6. 
 
GORCHAN MAELDERW. 
 
 345 
 
 The crowd of holly lances covered it with gore. 
 
 When his comrade was pierced, he pierced others ; 
 
 Disgrace to thee he would not bring : 
 
 Active in martial valour, he made a noble display, 
 
 When he carried away the famous Cyhuran of Mordei. 
 
 XCIXt 
 
 To the same person. 
 
 When he repaired to his native country, his fame was spread 
 abroad ; 
 
 He poured out the wine, the golden-torqued man ! 
 
 He would give a gorgeously fine suit to a brave person, 
 
 And check a hundred men, courteous hero ! 
 
 And send away the progeny of a foreign knight; — 
 
 The only son of Cian from beyond Bannawg. 
 
 c. 
 
 To Gwaednerth ab Eleri. 
 
 Direct us to heaven, the wished-for home of order ! 
 
 Woe to us on account of constant lamentation and grief ! 
 When the strangers came from Dineiddyn, 
 
 Every wise man was banished the country. 
 
 In the contention with Lloegyr of various conflicts, 
 
 Nine score for every one were made prostrate. 
 
 An array of horses, harness, and silken robes, 
 
 Gwaednerth arranged conspicuously from the battle. 
 
 xcix. Text — Myv., i, 62, 85 ; Gee’s ed., 55, 70 ; Four Ancient Books , 
 ii, 100, 101. Translation — Four Ancient Books , i, 418. 
 
 c. Text — Myv., i, 86; Gee’s ed., 71 ; Four Ancient Books , ii, 102. 
 Translation — Four Ancient Books , i, 420. 
 
346 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 CL 
 
 Gosgord gododin e ar ravn 1 rin 965 
 
 Meirch eiliv 2 eleirch a seirch gwehin 
 Ac yg kynnor llu lliwet disgin 
 En amwyn called a med eidin 
 O gnssyl mynydawc trossassei ysgwydawr 
 Kwydassei lafnavr 3 ar grannaur gwin 970 
 
 Wy ceri gon gwylaes disgin 
 Ny phorthassan warth wyr ny thechyn. 
 
 CII. 
 
 Neut eryueis 1 y ued 2 ar yg kerdet 3 
 
 Gwinuaeth 4 rac catraeth yn un gwaret 
 
 Pan ladei 5 ae 6 lavnawr ynysgoget 975 
 
 Yn dayr nyt oed wael men yt welet 
 
 Nyt oed hyll ydellyll en emwaret 
 
 Atwythic 7 scyndauc 8 madauc 9 eluet 10 . 
 
 Pan dec 11 y cyuarchant 12 nyt oed hoedyl dianc 
 Dialgur 13 aruon 14 cyrchei eur ceinyo arurchyat 980 
 Urython browys meirch cynon. 
 
 cm. 
 
 Dim guoru 1 ediu o adam neimin 2 
 
 Un hue an guoloet guoreu edlinet 3 
 
 Em ladaut lu maur 4 i guert i adraut 5 
 
 Ladaut 6 map nuithon 7 o eurdorchogyon 985 
 
 Cant o deyrnet hit 8 pan grimbuiller 9 
 
 1 Return, 6. 2 Eiliw , 6. 3 Lavnawr , 6. 
 
 1 Ergveis , 6. 2 Win , 5. 3 Herdet , 6. 4 Gwinvaeth , 6. 6 Ladhei , 
 
 F. A. B. 6 Ac, F. A. B. 7 Adwythic , 6. 8 Scyndawc , 6. 9 Mad- 
 
 awc , 6. 10 Elvet , 6. 11 Deg, 6. 12 Cyvar chant, 6. 13 Dialgar , 6. 
 
 14 Arvon , 6. 
 
 1 Gitoiu , 6. 2 Neinim, 6. 3 Edlinet, 6. 4 Mater t 6. 6 Adrawd, 
 
 6. 6 Ladaud, 6. 7 Niuthon, F. A. B. 8 Ilyt, 6. 9 GrimbuiUet , C. 
 
GOKCHAN maeldekw. 
 
 347 
 
 CI. 
 
 The retinue of Gododin rode on 
 
 Swan-coloured horses with quivering manes and drooping 
 harness, 
 
 And in front of the host the throng descended, 
 
 In defence of his generalship and the mead of Eiddyn, 
 
 By the advice of Mynyddawg. The shields were moved about, 
 The lances fell upon fair brows, 
 
 While the men were languidly dropping like fruit from the tree. 
 They bore no reproach, men that did not skulk. 
 
 CIJ. 
 
 To Madoc of Elved. 
 
 Have I not drunk mead on the march, 
 
 A banquet of wine before Catraetli as a preservative ? 
 
 When he made slaughter with his unyielding lance 
 In the conflict, it was no inglorious sight to see where thou 
 wert. 
 
 A monster was no frightful object to thee while effecting 
 deliverance, 
 
 Terrible and shielded Madawg Elved. 
 
 When they fairly met, there was no escaping for life. 
 
 Dialgur of Arvon fetched bright gold at the request 
 Of the Brython. High-mettled were the horses of Cynon. 
 
 cm. 
 
 To the Son of Nwython. 
 
 No achievement to-day around Neimyn ! 
 
 The same covering envelopes men of the noblest descent. 
 
 A numerous host engaged in battle which is worth relating, 
 The son of Nwython killed of the golden-torqued ones 
 A hundred chieftains ; as far as it is related, the vehemence 
 
 ci-ciii. Text — Myv ., i, 86; Gee’s ed., 71; Four Ancient Books , ii, 
 102, 103. Translation — Four Ancient Books, i, 421, 422. 
 
348 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURJN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Bu guell prit 10 pan aeth canwyr y gatraeth 
 Oid 11 eilth gur guinuaeth 12 callon ehelaeth 
 Oed 13 gur luit 14 einim 15 oed luric teiniin 16 
 Oid 11 girth oed cuall ar geuin 17 e gauall 18 990 
 
 Ny wisguis imil 19 i mil luit heinim 
 I guaiu 20 ae yscuit 21 nae 22 gledyf nae gyllell 
 No neim ab nuithon gur auei 23 well. 
 
 civ. 
 
 Tra merin iodeo 1 trileo 
 
 Yg caat tri guaid franc 2 fraidus leo 995 
 
 Bribon 3 a guoreu bar deo 
 
 Gnaut 4 iar 5 hsiolin am diffin 6 gododin 
 
 Im blain trin terhid 7 rei 
 
 Gnaut 8 i lluru 9 alan buan bithei 10 
 
 Gnaut 8 rac teulu deor em discinhei 1000 
 
 Gnaut 8 mab golistan cen nei 11 bei 
 
 Guledic 12 i tat indeuit a lauarei 
 
 Gnaut 13 ar les minidauc scuitaur trei 
 
 Guaurud rac ut eidin uruei. 14 
 
 cv. 
 
 Disgynsit in trum in alauoed 1 dwyrern 1005 
 
 Cintebic e celeo erit migam 
 Guannannon 2 guirth med guryt muiham 3 
 Ac guich fodiauc 4 guichauc 5 inham 
 Eithinin 6 uoleit map 7 bodu at am. 
 
 10 Prid, 6. 11 Ord , F. A. B. 12 Gwinvaeth , 6. 13 Oid , 6. 14 Luid, 6. 
 15 Einym, 6. 16 Ceinim, 6. 17 Gevin , 6. 18 Gavalt , 6. 19 1 mil , 6. 
 
 20 Guaiw , 6. 21 Ysgwit , 6. 22 Nac , F. A. B. 23 A vei , 6. 
 
 1 Sodeo , 6. 2 This word is in brackets in F. A. B. 3 Bubon , 6. 
 
 4 Guaut , 6. 5 / or, 6. 6 Fisiolin i amdeffin , 6. 7 Terhit , 6. 
 
 8 Gnawd, 6. 9 Llwrw , 6. 10 Brithei , 6. 11 Cennei , 6. 12 Guletic , 6. 
 
 13 Ganut , F. A. B. 14 Urvei, 6. 
 
 1 Alavoed , 6. 2 Gwanannon , 6. 3 jVfm F. A. B. 1 Fodyauc , 6. 
 6 Gwichawc , 6. 6 EitJiin , 6. 7 6. 
 
gorchAn maelderw. 
 
 349 
 
 Was greater than when a hundred men went to Cattraeth. 
 
 He was like a mead-fed hero with a large heart ; 
 
 He was a man of hosts ; energetic was he in his coat of mail; 
 He was a man of conflict, fierce was he on the ridge of Cavall. 
 Ho man among a thousand brave warriors 
 Handled a spear, or a shield, or a sword, or a dagger, 
 
 Who was a braver man than Heim, the son of Hwython. 
 
 civ. 
 
 While there was a drop they were like three lions in purpose ; 
 In the battle, three brave, prompt, active lions. 
 
 Bribon, who wielded the thick lance, 
 
 Accustomed was he to defend Gododin against a hero, 
 
 In the van of battle, against vehement ones, . 
 
 Accustomed was he, in the manner of Alan, to be swift ; 
 Accustomed was he before a horde of depredators to make a 
 descent ; 
 
 Accustomed was the son of Golystan, though he was 
 A sovereign, to listen to what his father said ; 
 
 Accustomed was he, in the interest of Mynyddawg, to have 
 a perforated shield, 
 
 And a ruddy lance before the vigorous chief of Eiddyn. 
 
 CV. 
 
 A grievous descent was made in front of the hoarded riches ; 
 The first to chase them was a person renowned for activity ; — 
 Gwannannon, honoured in the mead banquet, whose prowess 
 I will extol ; 
 
 And next to him the brave-minded and heroic 
 Eithinyn the renowned, the son of Bodw. 
 
 civ, cv. Text — Myv., i, 86, 87; Gee’s ed., 71, 72; Four Ancient 
 Looks , ii, 103, l(-4. Translation — Four Ancient Books, i, 422, 423. 
 
350 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 CYI. 
 
 Guir gormant aetliant cennin 1010 
 
 Gwinweith a medweith oedyn 
 0 ancwyn mynydauc 
 Anthuem 1 cim mruinauc 2 
 0 goll gur gunet 3 rin 
 
 Mai taran nem tarhei scuytaur 4 1015 
 
 Eac rynnaud eitliinin. 
 
 CYII. 
 
 Guelet e lauanaur 1 en liwet 
 
 In ciuamuin 2 gal galet 
 
 Eac goduryf 3 y aessaur 4 godecliet 
 
 Techin rac 5 eidin vre uruiet 6 1020 
 
 Meint a gaffeilau nyt atcoryet 7 
 
 O hanau 8 cuir oed arnav 9 ac canet 
 
 Cindinnya'uc 10 calc drei pan griniec griniei 11 
 
 Nit atwanei 12 ri guanei ri guanet 13 
 
 Oed menych gwedy cuin 14 i escar i cimluin 15 1025 
 
 Oed guennin hie 16 carantet 17 
 
 A cliin 18 i olo atan 19 tutguet 20 daiar 
 
 Dirlishei etar 21 med met. 
 
 CVIII. 
 
 Huitreuit 1 clair cinteilnuat 
 
 Claer cleu na clair 1030 
 
 Air uener sehic am snt 
 
 Seic sic sac adleo gogyuurd gogymrat 
 
 1 Anthuim , 6. 2 Mncynawc , 6 ; mruinauc , F. A. B. 3 Gwned , 6. 
 Yscwytaur , 6. 
 
 Lavanaur , 6. 2 Ciuamwin , 6. 3 Godwryf, 6. 4 Aessawr, 6. 
 
 Rai , 6. 6 TJiriet , 6. 7 AtJcorei , 6. 8 Honau , 6. 9 Arnaw, 6. 
 
 10 Cindy nnyauc, 6 ; Cin dinnyauc , F. A. B. 11 Grivei , 6. 12 Ad- 
 
 wanei , 6. 13 Riguanet , 6. 14 Cwyn , F. A. B. 16 Icimlian , F. A. B. 
 
 16 Guenwin hu , 6. 17 Caraitet , F. A. B. 18 6. 19 A tan, C. 
 
 20 Titguet, F. A. B. ; tut guet, 6. 21 Efar, 6. 
 
 1 Hurtrevit. 
 
GORCHAN MAELDERW. 
 
 351 
 
 CVI. 
 
 Men of excess went with them, 
 
 Who had been revelling in wine and mead 
 In the banquet of Mynyddawg. 
 
 We are greatly grieved at the loss 
 Of a man of such terrible energy ; 
 
 Like thunder from heaven was the clashing of his shield, 
 From the agitation caused by Eithinyn. 
 
 evil. 
 
 His lances were seen among the hosts 
 Vigorously employed for mutual defence against the foe 
 Before the din of his shields they concealed themselves, 
 They lay hid before Eiddyn, the lofty hill ; 
 
 And of as many as he found none returned ; 
 
 Of him the truth is related and sung : 
 
 Obstinately would he pierce armour, when he caused a 
 trembling ; 
 
 And he whom he pierced would not be pierced again. 
 Repeated are the lamentations that his presents are gone ; 
 His friends were as numerous as bees ; 
 
 And before he was covered under the sward of the earth, 
 
 He caused the mead' to flow. 
 
 cvm. 
 
 To. Cynhaval. 
 
 cvi, evil. Text — Myv., i, 87 ; Gee’s ed., 72 ; Four Ancient Books , ii, 
 104, 105. Translation — Four Ancient Books , i, 424, 425. 
 
 Under verse evil, Mr. Stephens, adopting the reading of the Myv., 
 writes: — “The proper name in this verse appears to be that of Efar, 
 or Evar, in the last line ; but we have no account of any person of that 
 
 name. 
 
THE GODODTN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 352 
 
 Edili edili ni 2 puillyat 
 
 Nys adraud 3 gododin in dit pleigheit 4 
 
 Na bei cinhaual 5 citeluat 1035 
 
 Llafnaur 6 let 7 rud laun 8 cin achlud 9 
 
 Guron gnorut y maran laun 8 gur leidyat 
 
 Laguen udat 10 stadal vleidiat. 11 
 
 cix. 
 
 Kyuaruu 1 ac ac erodu leidiat 2 In 
 
 Hero 3 ny bu ac cihoit ac i hero ni bn 1040 
 
 Hero ciued guec guero 
 
 Gnissint gueuilon 4 ar e belo 
 
 Nit oed ar les bro bot ero 
 
 Ni cilias 5 taro trin let nn ero 
 
 Traus 6 y acliaus liuir delo 7 1045 
 
 Ef guant tra trigant echassaf 
 
 Ef ladei 8 auet ac eithaf 
 
 Oid guiu e mlaen llu llarahaf 
 
 Godolei o heit meirch e gayaf 
 
 Gocbore brein du ar uur 1050 
 
 Caer cein bei 9 ef arthur 
 
 Eng ciuin uertbi ig disur 
 
 Ig kunnor 10 guernor guaur. 
 
 cx. 
 
 Edeuuniat eithuuat aruhicat 
 
 Ef 1 guisgus aur 2 ig cinnor 3 gam* 1055 
 
 Tg cin uaran 4 odeiuiniet 5 ballauc- 
 
 2 Ui , 6. 3 Adrawd , 6. 4 Pleigheit , F. A. B. 5 Cynhaual , 6. 
 
 6 Llcivnaur , 6. 7 Zee/, 6. 8 Laim , F. A. B. 9 Ciuachlud , 6 ; cinacli 
 
 hid, F. A. B. 10 IJtat, 6. 11 Vleidyat , 6. 
 
 1 Kyvarvu, 6. 2 Leidyat, 6. 3 — ero, F. A. B. 4 Guevilon , 6. 
 
 5 Cilius, 6. 6 Traws, 6. 7 Liuir delo, 6. 8 Ladhei, F. A. B. 9 Not 
 
 in 6. 10 Kynnor, 6. 
 
 1 Fa, 6. 2 Awr, 6. 
 
 3 Kin nor. 
 
 4 Varan, 6. 
 
 • r > Edei ninieit , 6. 
 
GORCHAN MAELDERW. 
 
 353 
 
 The Gododin will not relate at the early dawn 
 Of any to whom Cy naval was not equal. 
 
 Blade weapons, broad and ruddy, were abundant before he 
 was covered, 
 
 The hero who filled the plain with slaughtered men. 
 
 He was a joyous chief, an unflinching wolf -like hero. 
 
 clx. 
 
 To Gwarthan ab Dunawd (?). 
 
 The slayer of hosts is gone to the black glebe : 
 
 A piece of earth has made 
 Sweet bitter to the people. 
 
 Withered leaves are driven to and fro on his patrimony ; 
 
 It was not for the advantage of the country that the sod 
 (should cover him) ; 
 
 The bull of conflict never retreated the width of an acre. 
 
 Sad is the fate that it should thus be ! 
 
 He pierced upwards of three hundred of the foe, 
 
 He slaughtered the centre and the extreme ; 
 
 He was worthy to be at the head of an army, most gentle ; 
 He fed his horses upon barley in winter. 
 
 Black ravens croaked on the wall 
 Of the beautiful Caer. He was an Arthur 
 In the midst of the exhausting conflict, 
 
 In the assault in the pass, like Gwernor the hero. 
 
 cx. 
 
 To Gupno, the son of Gwen. 
 
 He put on gold before the battle-shout, 
 
 In the front rank of the accomplished heroes. 
 
 cvm, cix. Text— Myv., i, 87 ; Gee’s ed., 72 ; Four Ancient Books , 
 ii, 105-6. Translation — Four Ancient Books , i, 425-6. 
 
 23 
 
354 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Tal gellauc cat tridid engiriaul 6 
 
 Erlinaut 7 gaur arth arwynaul 8 
 
 Ar guigiat 9 guor vlodiat 10 erigliriat 
 
 Hir lu cein 11 bu gipno 12 mab guengat. 13 1060 
 
 6 Engiriawl, 6 . 7 Etlinaut , 6. 8 Arwynawl , 6 . 9 Grugiat , 6 . 
 
 10 Vlodyat , 6 . 11 Ce?n } 6 . 12 Gupno, 6 . 13 Gwen gat , 6 . 
 
 According to Williams’ computation, which, however, differs 
 in no way from that in the Myvyrian, and is ordinarily 
 adopted, the Gododin consists of 937 lines. 
 
 That total includes 59 lines, which I throw into the notes 
 or various readings ; but it will be seen that my proposed 
 Gododin will have rescued for Aneurin no less than 163 
 lines now lumped together with Gordian Madderw, but which 
 undoubtedly belonged and belong to the Gododin of Aneurin. 
 And thus, instead of 937 lines, the Gododin will include no 
 less than 1060 lines. 
 
GORCHAN MAELDERW. 
 
 355 
 
 Cibno, the son of Gwengad, had a long and splendid retinue. 
 
 cx. Text — Myv., i, 88 ; Gee’s ed., 72 ; Four Ancient Books, ii, 107. 
 Translation — Four Ancient Books , i, 427. 
 
 THE END OF THE GODODIN. 
 
356 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 THE POEMS OF TALIESIN: 
 
 Extracts from a Series of Papers by Mr. Stephens, published in the * 
 “ Archxologia Cambrensis ”, reprinted by permission of the Editorial 
 Committee. 
 
 Marwnad Cunedda . 1 . 
 
 (Arch. Carnb ., Second Series, vol. iii, pp. 47-64, Jan. 1852.) 
 
 This poem has been a great stumbling-block in the way of 
 all rational accounts of Taliesin and his poems. Is it an 
 ancient or a modern poem ? If read without any mis- 
 givings as to the chronology, the poem carries with it all 
 
 the marks of antiquity ; there is an utter absence of any 
 romantic or fictitious element ; it has all the appearance of 
 an historical poem, and possesses all the attributes which 
 belong to the other poems of Taliesin. It has the same 
 
 vigour which marks his best poems to Urien Rheged; the 
 
 same bold and forcible expression, and the same descriptive 
 excellence. Further, it specifies several historical facts 
 without any exaggeration ; relates the transactions of an 
 early period in the precise order that we may expect to find 
 them ; and claims, on the part of the hard, a close personal 
 acquaintance with the subject of his elegy. These evidences 
 of genuineness are quite irresistible when considered alone ; 
 and it is only when we look at the biography of Cunedda, 
 that we begin to' doubt the authenticity of the poem, or seek 
 some hypothesis by which to reconcile the chronology with 
 the assumption that the poem was the work of a person 
 1 [Referred to on p. 206.] 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 357 
 
 living contemporaneously with Cunedda, and that that person 
 was the bard of Urien Rheged — Taliesin. In order to 
 exhibit the nature of this discrepancy, I will here quote a 
 portion of the article Cunedda Wledig in Owen’s Cambrian 
 Biography : — 
 
 “ Cunedda Wledig, son of Edeyrn ab Padarn with the crimson coat, 
 by Gwawl, daughter of Coel Gobedog. His original patrimony was in 
 Cumberland, and some neighbouring districts, where he began to reign 
 about a d. 328, and died in 389.” 
 
 Professor Rees places him between 400 and 433. We 
 will not now make any comment upon this chronology ; but 
 assuming it to be correct, we at once perceive that Taliesin, 
 who was living in 610, could not have written the elegy of 
 a man who is supposed to have lived 220 years before. 
 Henry Jenkins lived to be 169, old Parr to be 142, and 
 Llywarch Hen lived to about the same age ; but assuming 
 the bard to have been thirty yea'rs of age when he composed 
 this elegy, he would have been (30 + 610 — 389 = ) no less 
 than 251 years old at the death of Iago ab Beli in 610 ; and 
 that is a longer lease of life than men usually obtain. We 
 have therefore to take our choice of three hypotheses : — 
 
 i. That the poem is not an ancient composition. This 
 we have rejected. 
 
 ii. That the author was an earlier Taliesin than the bard 
 of Urien Rheged. 
 
 ill. That the chronology is incorrect, and that the age of 
 Cunedda has been very much antedated. 
 
 The Rev. Edward Davies, in his work on the Claims of 
 Ossian , adopts the 'second alternative, and asserts that 
 Taliesin was not a proper name, but the title of several 
 British bards. (P. 28, Note.) 
 
 This assumption that Taliesin was a myth, is a natural 
 result of the critical principles adopted by the author of the 
 
358 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Celtic Researches ; but it has no foundation in truth. The 
 existence of this early Taliesin is not proved ; and the poems 
 of the pseudo-Taliesin profess to he those of the contem- 
 porary of Urien and Maelgwn Gwynedd ; and therefore 
 there is no warrant for assuming that there ever was more 
 than one Taliesin. It is quite clear that the Taliesin of this 
 poem was a proper name ; for he tells us so in the first 
 line — 
 
 “ Mydwyf Taliessin derydd.” 
 
 It therefore becomes our duty to see what can be done 
 with the third hypothesis ; as it is quite manifest that none 
 of the usual explanations can be deemed to be at all satis- 
 factory. It will be well, however, to peruse the poem first, 
 and then advance our argument respecting it. 
 
 Marwnad Cunedda. 
 
 Mydwyf Taliessin derydd 
 Gwawd goddolaf fedydd 
 Bedydd rhwyf rhifeddan eiddolydd 
 Cyfranc allt a gallt ac Echwydd 
 Ergrynaw Cuneddaf creisserydd 
 Ynghaer Weir a chaer Liwelydd 
 Ergrynawd cyfatwt cyfergyr 
 Cyfanwaneg tan tra myr ton 
 Llupawt glew i gilydd 
 Can cafas ei wliel uch elfydd 
 Mai uchercid 1 gwynt wrtli onwydd 
 Hefynderrhyn y gwn ei gyfyl 
 Kyfachedwyn a choelyn cerenydd 
 Gwisgan feirdd cywrein canonhydd 
 Marw Cuneddaf agwynaf a gwynid 
 Cwynitor tewdor tavdun diarchar 
 
 1 Uchenaid.— LI. E. D. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 359 
 
 Dycliyfal dychyfun dyfnveis 
 
 Dyfyngleis dychyfun 
 
 Ymadrawdd cwddedawdd caledlwm 
 
 Caletach wrth elyn nog asgwrn 
 
 Ys cynyal Cuneddaf cyn cywys a thydwed 
 
 Ei wyneb a gadwed 
 
 Ganwaith cyn bu lleith dorglwyd 
 
 Duchludent wys bryneich ymmhlymnwyd 
 
 Ef caned rhag Ei ofn ai arswyd oergerdd 
 
 Cyn bu dayr dogyn ei dwed 
 
 Haid hafal am wydwal gwnebrwyd 
 
 Gweineu gwaith llyfredd nog addwyd 
 
 Addoed hun dimyaw a gwynaf 
 
 Am lys am grys Cuneddaf 
 
 Am ryaflaw hallt am hydyrfer mor 
 
 Am breidd aswrn a ballaf 1 
 
 Gwawd feirdd a ogon a ogaf 2 
 
 Ac ereill a refon a rifaf 
 
 Bhyfeddawr yn erflawdd a naw cant gorwydd 
 
 Cyn cymun Cunedda 
 
 Bym afei biw blith yr Haf 
 
 Rym a fei eddystrawd y gayaf 
 
 Bym a fei win gloyw ag olew 
 
 Bym a fei toraf 3 Keith rhag untrew 
 
 Ef dyfal o gressur o gyflew gweladur 
 
 Pennadur pryd llew lludwy uedes 4 gywlad 
 
 Bhag mab edern cyn edyrn anaelew 
 
 Ef dywal diarchar dieding 
 
 Am ryfreu angeu dychyfing 
 
 Ef goborthi aes yman ragorawl 
 
 Gwir gwrawl oedd ei unbyn 
 
 1 Am beirdd a swrn a ballaf. — LI. E. D. 
 
 2 Cyn y rhagjlaenol yn. — Ibid. 
 
 4 Uedei. — Ibid. 
 
 3 Torof. — Ibid. 
 
360 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Dymhun a cliyfatcun a thal gwin Kamda 
 Difa bun o Goeling. — Myv ., i, 71. 
 
 This poem does not call for much critical comment. Its 
 orthography, tested by the occurrence of the dd , introduced 
 by Dr. Davies against all rule and reason, shows this copy 
 to have been made in, or subsequent to, the sixteenth cen- 
 tury ; but its language and composition indicate a high 
 antiquity ; and, indeed, it requires but a careful comparison 
 between it and the Gododin to show that both poems belong 
 to the same period. It has the same alliteration of initial 
 consonants, the same terseness of expression, and the same 
 phraseological forms as the poems of Aneurin. For in- 
 stance, — 
 
 resemble, 
 
 and, 
 
 And, 
 
 “ Dychyfal, dychyfun, dyfnveis 
 Dyfyngleis dychyfun,” 
 
 “ Meirch mwth myngfras”; 
 
 “ Gwefrawr godrwyawr torchawr am ran 
 Bu guefraur guerthfawr guertli gwinvan.” 
 
 u Rhag mab Edern cyn edyrn anaelew 
 Ef dywal diarcliar dieding” 
 
 bear such a close resemblance to the 
 
 “ Edyrn diedyrn a mygyn dir” 
 
 and other lines in Aneurin, that one is almost induced to 
 conclude that Taliesin had shown him his Marwnad 
 Cunedda , or that he had seen it before composing the 
 Gododin. 
 
 One other remark seems called for by the opening lines. 
 The prominence here given to the rite of baptism appears 
 to indicate the progress which Christianity had made in 
 Britain ; but the transition from Druidism to Christianity 
 has never yet been treated with the minuteness which it 
 deserves. Mr. Williams, the careful author of the Ecclcsicis- 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 361 
 
 tical Antiquities of the Cymry , is the only writer who has 
 attempted to bridge over the chasm ; and even his treatment 
 of it has been more sketchy than it should have been ; but 
 his conclusion is certainly sound — that in some instances 
 the bards of the old worship became the ministers of the 
 new. I have arrived at the same result, but by a different 
 process ; and when the poems of the bards have been sub- 
 jected to a searching criticism, we shall obtain materials not 
 only for a convincing demonstration of the early Christianity 
 of Britain, but also for an interesting history of the pro- 
 gress which the Gospel made among the inhabitants of this 
 island long prior to the arrival of Augustine. Mr. Hallam 
 some time ago attempted to deny the existence of an early 
 British Church ; but I am convinced that, when the bardic 
 poems have been made to unfold their meaning, this truth 
 will be no longer doubtful. This is scarcely the proper 
 place for a dissertation upon that subject ; but from time to 
 time I shall call attention to such passages as bear upon this 
 point ; and at some future time I may present the whole of 
 them in a collective form. I have stated that the Druids 
 and bards became the ministers of Christianity ; and it 
 should be observed that the bitter antagonism supposed to 
 have existed between them was rather an exception than 
 the rule ; but the Christianity of the bards was not remark- 
 able for purity, as much of the old leaven was still allowed 
 to remain, and instances of apostacy are 1 not unknown. 
 Cuhelyn, and after him Aneurin, appear to have acted in 
 this double capacity. In No. II of this series it was shown 
 that Taliesin did so ; and the prominent place here assigned 
 to the Christian rite of baptism is confirmation strong of 
 the same position. It is now time for us to return to the 
 poem, of which the following is offered as a fair trans- 
 lation : — 
 
362 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 The Elegy of Cunedda. 
 
 I am Taliesin the Ardent ! 
 
 In song I will extol Baptism : 
 
 At the baptism of the Euler, his dales were astonished ; 
 
 In conflict on hill, in wood, or on plain, 
 
 Cuneddaf the burner was the cause of tremor. 
 
 In Lancaster and Carlisle, 
 
 There is trepidation on account of the mutual encounter ; 
 Just as fire surges through the rushes of the field, 
 
 So appeared the brave in pulling down each other. 
 
 When he had his day above the soil, 
 
 He was like the roaring wind, with the ashen spear ; 
 
 And it became summer-time for dogs, when he was 
 near . 1 
 
 He was the protector and friend of the believer, 
 
 And skilful bards he clothed in canonicals ; 
 
 The death of Cuneddaf has been mourned, and I mourn it. 
 Mourned be the thick door and fearless hurler ; 
 
 He could coincide with and agree to a deep design ; 
 
 With deep wounding he was accordant. 
 
 His discourse cheered up the poverty stricken ; 
 
 But (he was) harder than bone to an enemy. 
 
 In ascending, before (he was placed in) the furrow and 
 (under) the sod, 
 
 He kept his face aloft (in battle) : 
 
 A hundred times before the guard-gate was slain, 
 
 The inhabitants of Bryneich were borne away from 
 conflict. 
 
 There was sung a cold song, from fear and terror of him, 
 Before a spot of earth became his dwelling, 
 
 I.c., they had abundance of prey. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 363 
 
 And before there was a swarm (of beasts of prey) about 
 the lowly bed of his countenance, 
 
 Doing a more cowardly work than death. 
 
 I grieve for the wakeless sleep of destiny, 
 
 For the palace, and the shroud of Cuneddaf, 
 
 For the salt tears, for the freely dropping sea, 
 
 And for the prey and the gifts I lose : 
 
 Bards of song will glorify, where I glorify, 
 
 And others will reckon, where I reckon now. 
 
 "Wonderful he was in the nimble slaughter with nine 
 hundred steeds ; 
 
 Before the cutting down of Cunedda 1 
 There was for me a milch cow in summer, 
 
 There was for me a horse in winter, 
 
 There was for me clear wine and oil, 
 
 There was a close door to prevent sneezing. 
 
 They would be slow in starving who ate together in his 
 sight. 
 
 A sovereign with the countenance of an excited lion 
 possessed the confederated country 
 Of the son of Edern. Before the ruler became incurable 
 He was fierce, dauntless, and irresistible ; 
 
 His life streams are in the confinement of death. 
 
 He supported the buckler in the celebrated place, 
 
 And truly valorous was his supremacy. 
 
 (But now) there is wakelessness, mutual condolence, and 
 a pale forehead : 
 
 A wrong it is, that sleep should consume the Believer. 
 
 1 This may be translated, and, perhaps, more properly — 
 
 “ Before Cunedda took the (last) communion.” 
 
 (See Williams’ Eccles. Antiq., p. 284, for remarks illustrative of this 
 practice.) 
 
364 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Such, to the best of my judgment, is a correct English 
 version of this ancient poem. Mr. Davies, in his Essay on 
 Ossian, has also given a translation of this poem ; and the 
 Rev. J. Williams ( Eccles . Antiq.) has given his sanction 
 thereto ; but I have seldom been able to agree with the 
 renderings of Mr. Davies ; and there is scarcely a single 
 line translated in the same way. By way of illustrating 
 this assertion, and of vindicating my own version, I will 
 cite the opening line : — 
 
 “ Mydwyf Taliessin derydd.” 
 
 This has been rendered thus by Davies : — 
 
 u I, who am Taliesin, a man of the oaks”; 
 
 but the plural of derwen , an oak, is deri , not derydd , which 
 means ardent, vehement, quick, or nimble. In this instance 
 Mr. Williams has improved upon the translation, which he 
 follows in other cases, and he renders the line thus : — 
 
 “ I, who am Taliesin the Druid.” 
 
 Yet the word in the original is not derwydd , but derydd ; and 
 as this word has a meaning sufficiently appropriate, and is 
 in perfect accordance with the bardic practice of eulogising 
 themselves, there is no sufficient reason for substituting 
 another word in its place. What has here been urged 
 respecting the first line will apply to all the others ; in all 
 cases I have some reason satisfactory to myself for departing 
 from the other translation; but in no instance have I so 
 departed for the mere sake of creating a difference. Indeed, 
 when beset with a difficulty— and there are several in this 
 p 0em _I have once or twice thought of sheltering myself 
 under the authority of my predecessor, even while unsatisfied 
 with his views; but further research has generally ridden me 
 of my perplexities ; and it is believed that the preceding is a 
 tolerably accurate translation. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 365 
 
 Let us therefore proceed to consider the chronological 
 difficulty already shown to exist. Cunedda Wledig is placed 
 by Owen, Eees, and Williams at the close of the fourth 
 century. Are they justified in so doing ? After a very 
 careful consideration of the subject, I have come to the con- 
 clusion that they are not ; and for this assertion I assign the 
 following reasons : — 
 
 I. — The evidence on which so great an antiquity is assigned 
 to Cunedda, is in the highest degree unsatisfactory. We 
 have already cited a passage from Owen’s Cambrian Bio- 
 graphy ; and let us now quote the article Cunedda Wledig, 
 as it stands in Williams’ Biographical Dictionary : — 
 
 “ Cunedda (Wledig) was the son of Edeyrn ab Padarn 
 Beisrudd (Padarn the red-kilted), by Gwawl, the daughter 
 of Coel Coedhebawg. He was sovereign of the Strathclyde 
 Britons, where he began to reign about A.D. 328, and he 
 inherited from his mother extensive possessions in Wales. 
 When these were invaded and held in possession by the 
 Irish, Cunedda, having a large family, sent many of his sons 
 to Wales for the purpose of expelling them, in which object 
 they were successful, and they themselves settled in the 
 country. His eldest son, Tybiawn, died in the Isle of Man, 
 but his son, Meirion ab Tybiawn, possessed and gave his 
 name to the cantrev of Meirion, or Merionethshire ; Arwystl 
 ab Cunedda had Arwystli, and Einion had Caer Einion, in 
 Montgomeryshire ; Ceredig had Ceredigon, or Cardiganshire ; 
 Dunod had Dunodig, in Caernarvonshire ; Edeyrn had 
 Edeyrnion in Merionethshire ; Mael had. Dinmael ; Coel had 
 Coleion ; Eogvael had Dogvaelin ; Bhuvon had Rhuvoniog, 
 which are all in Denbighshire ; and Oswal had Osweilin, or 
 Oswaldstree, in Shropshire. Several others of his sons and 
 grandsons devoted themselves to religion, when deprived of 
 their territories by the Piets and Saxons. Whence the 
 family of Cunedda is recorded in the Triads with those of 
 
366 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Bran and Brychan, as the three ‘ gwelygordd sanctaidd’, or 
 holy families of the isle of Britain, and Cunedda is stated to 
 have been the first who bestowed lands and privileges on the 
 Church in Britain. Cunedda died in a.d. 389.” 
 
 For this heap of assertions no other authority is cited than 
 Myv ., ii, 61, where we shall simply find an account of “The 
 Three Blessed Families,” and not a word about the death in 
 a.d. 389. The only authority is Owen, whom the two learned 
 Williamses take for their guide, and he gives no authority 
 at all. Professor Rees, who is generally a most careful and 
 trustworthy writer, rejects Owen’s positive and precise 
 dates of 328 and 389 ; he places the expulsion of the Irish 
 by the sons of Cunedda between 420 and 430 ; and he 
 assigns as his authorities the Silurian Achau y Saint , and 
 Nennius. On referring to Achau y Saint ( Iolo MSS., p. 122), 
 we find no dates at all ; and, so far as these documents are 
 concerned, there is no evidence for placing the expulsion of 
 the Irish in 420. Indeed, if the Silurian documents prove 
 anything at all, they prove that this assertion is incorrect. 
 It is stated ( Iolo MSS., 123) that the Irish came hither in 
 the time of Maximus, from 383 to 388 ; and in other places 
 we are repeatedly told that they remained here 129 years. 
 This brings the date of their expulsion to about a.d. 517. 
 It is, however, to be borne in mind that this is the date 
 when Caswallon Law Hir, the grandson of Cunedda, expelled 
 the Irish from Anglesey. Some allowance must be made — - 
 i.e., assuming the truth of the asserted expulsion — for the 
 difference in age between Cunedda’s eldest (?) son and his 
 grandson ; but a hundred years is a little too much ; and 
 even then it should be borne in mind that Brochwel Powys 
 was living when his grandson, Selyv ab Cynan Garwyn, fell 
 in mature age, and as a distinguished warrior, at the battle 
 of Bangor, about 613. Let us, therefore, place the exploit of 
 Caswallon Law Hir about 517, and then the expulsion of 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 367 
 
 the Irish from South Wales would fall somewhat earlier, 
 but certainly not much before 500. 
 
 Let us proceed in the next place to consider the passages 
 from Nennius which bear upon this question, and which I 
 will quote from the Monumenta Historica : — 
 
 “Filii autem Liethan obtinuerunt regionem Dimectorum, 
 ubi civitas est qute vocatur Mineu, et in aliis regionibus se 
 dilataverunt, id est Guhier, Cetgueli, donee expulsi sunt a 
 Cuneda, et a filiis ejus, ah omnibus regionibus Britannicis.” — 
 (Cap. viii.) 
 
 “ Mailcunus magnus rex apud Britones regnabat, id est in 
 regione Gwenedotse, quia atavus illius, id est Cunedag, cum 
 filiis sijis, quorum numerus octo erat, venerat prius de parte 
 sinistrali, id est de regione quae vocatur Manau Guotodin, 
 cxlvi. annis ante quam Mailcun regnaret ; et Scottos cum 
 ingentissima clade expulerunt ab istis regionibus, et nusquam 
 reversi sunt iterum ad habitandum.” — (P. 75.) 
 
 These passages are thus translated by Dr. Giles : — 
 
 § 14. — “ The sons of Liethali (Liethan, Bethan, or Yethan) 
 obtained the country of the Dimetae, where is a city called 
 Menavia (St. David’s), and the province of Guiher (Gower), 
 and Cetgueli, which they held till they were expelled from 
 every part of Britain by Cunedda and his sons.” 
 
 § 62. — “ The great king, Mailcun, reigned among the 
 Britons, i.e., in the district of Gwenedota, because his great- 
 great-grandfather 1 Cunedda, with his twelve sons, 2 had come 
 before from the left hand, i.e., from the country which is 
 called Manau Guotodin (Gododin), 146 years before Mailcun 
 reigned, and expelled the Scots with much slaughter from 
 
 1 Dr. Giles has one generation too many here ; both the meaning of 
 atavus , great-grandfather, and the genealogy of Maelgwn, convict him 
 of being in error. 
 
 2 Octo, eight, in the original, of which there is no various reading in 
 the Monumenta. Cunedda had twelve sons, notwithstanding. 
 
368 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 those countries, and they never returned again to inhabit 
 them.” 
 
 At first sight the date here given appears fatal to all 
 attempts to bring down Cunedda from the fourth to the 
 sixth century ; but upon close examination even this obstacle 
 gives way. All the accounts agree in fixing the conquest of 
 Gwynedd in the time of Maelgwn’s father, Caswallon Law 
 Hir ; and he could not have lived very long, inasmuch as we 
 find his son and successor, Maelgwn, charged by Gildas 
 with defrauding his father’s brother 1 of his just rights. 
 Nennius is therefore wrong in asserting that the conquest 
 of Gwynedd was due to Cunedda ; and these considerations 
 tend to show that this event could not have taken place 
 many years before the accession of Maelgwn himself. It 
 is not easy to ascertain the exact date of his death ; Sir 
 John Price places it in 590 ; Mr. Wynne ( Cambrian 
 Register, ii, p. 521), about 564 ; Mr. Owen, in 560 ; an old 
 document quoted in Wynne’s • letter, 552 ; the Annates 
 Cambrige, in 547 ; and others in 546. This last was probably 
 the date which Nennius had in view ; 146 years deducted 
 from that gives us a.d. 400, the date generally assigned to 
 the arrival of the Irish — not of their expulsion ! The docu- 
 ments which relate the expulsion of the Gwyddel are, 
 generally speaking, not very good authorities ; but there is 
 a striking unanimity in referring the Irish settlement to 
 this period ; and the reason assigned, i.e., the weakness 
 induced by the levies of Maximus, stamps the assertion 
 with probability, particularly when coupled with the fact 
 that in 409 the Romans withdrew from the island. During 
 the Roman occupation such a colonisation could not have 
 taken place, and the people who were too weak to prevent 
 
 1 Probably his uncle, Owain Danwyn, or Einion frenhin, who is by 
 the Iolo MSS. said to be the son of Einion Yrth, and by Rees to be 
 the son of Owain Danwyn. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 369 
 
 their settlement could scarcely have been strong enough 
 twenty years after to expel them from the island. Indeed, 
 we have the best reasons to believe that they were not in a 
 position to do any such thing, for the Cymry of Strathclyde 
 were unable even to keep the Piets in check without foreign 
 assistance. In 418 Stilicho came over to assist the whining 
 Britons ; and in 435, after much petitioning, iEtius sent them 
 Roman assistance a second time ; and as there is no doubt 
 of their incapacity at that time, the Irish could not have 
 been expelled until the internal strength of the country 
 had become more fully developed. Let us add to this, that 
 as Einion Yrth is only known in pedigrees, and Caswallon 
 Law Hir occupies but a small place in history, it is not 
 unlikely that Maelgwn may have been reigning during the 
 lifetime of Cunedda. 
 
 This is borne out in a subsequent passage by Professor 
 Rees. At page 110 he places the conquest by the sons of 
 Cunedda between 420 and 430 ; but at p. 166, speaking of 
 the conquest of Anglesey by the grandson, Caswallon, who 
 was assisted by his cousin, he places it full seventy years 
 later. His words are : — “ Though the precise time of the 
 event is not mentioned, there are reasons for supposing that 
 it took place near the close of the (fifth) century.” And if 
 so, there are reasons for believing that the lapse of time 
 between the two conquests was nearer seventeen than seventy 
 years. 
 
 II. — Such appears to be a fair conclusion from these 
 premises ; and the evidence supplied by the poem accords 
 well with this supposition. We are told that Cunedda was 
 Lord of Carlisle and Lancaster, that he was an Unben or 
 Gwledig, i.e., King of the Kings of North Britain, and that 
 he warred against the inhabitants of Berenicia, who, in the 
 poems of Llywarch, Taliesin, and Aneurin, are always found 
 to be the Anglian settlers in Northumbria. And thus at one 
 
 24 
 
370 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 swoop Cunedda descends into the Saxon era ! The lines are 
 these : — 
 
 “ Before the guard-gate was slain, 
 
 A hundred times were the inhabitants of Bryneich borne away from 
 conflict. 
 
 From fear and terror of him, cold was the song they sung, 
 
 Before a spot of earth became his share.” 
 
 We may safely assume that the Bryneich here mentioned 
 were the Angles of Northumbria ; and it therefore becomes 
 of importance for us to determine the date of this Anglian 
 settlement. This we shall do in the words of Palgrave : — 
 
 “ The British kingdoms of Deyfyr and Bryneich (Latinised 
 into Deira and Bernicia), extending from the Humber to the 
 Firth of Forth, were divided from each other by a forest, 
 occupying the tract between the Tyne and the Tees ; and 
 which, unreclaimed by man, was abandoned to the wild deer. 
 Properly speaking, this borderland (now the bishopric of 
 Durham) does not seem originally to have belonged to either 
 kingdom ; but, in subsequent times, the boundary between 
 Deira and Bernicia was usually fixed at the Tyne. The 
 trans-Humbrane countries were exposed at an early period to 
 the attacks of the Jutes and Saxons. Some chroniclers say 
 that Octa and Ebusa, sons of Hengist, conquered a portion of 
 the country. At the onset the invaders made little progress. 
 The Britons of the neighbouring Eeged and Strathclyde, 
 governed by valiant princes, the descendants of the Roman 
 Maximus, appear to have possessed more unity than their 
 brethren in the south ; and their efforts supported the popu- 
 lation of Deira and Bernicia in resisting their enemies. The 
 scale was evenly poised until the English Ida (before a.d. 
 547) landed at the promontory called Flamborough Head, 
 with forty vessels, all manned with chosen warriors. Urien, 
 the hero of the bards, opposed a strenuous resistance, but the 
 Angles had strengthened themselves on the coast. Fresh 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 371 
 
 reinforcements poured in ; and Ida, the ' Bearer of Flame’, 
 as he was termed by the Britons, became the master and 
 sovereign of the land which he had assailed. Ida erected a 
 tower or fortress, which was at once his castle and his palace ; 
 and so deeply were the Britons humiliated by this token of 
 his power, that they gave the name of ‘ Gwarth Bryneich’, 
 or the Shame of Bernicia , to the structure which he had 
 raised. Ida afterwards bestowed this building upon his 
 queen, Bebba, from whom it was, or rather is, denominated 
 Bebbanburgh, the burgh or fortress of Bebba, commonly 
 abbreviated into Bamborough. The keep yet stands ; and the 
 voyager, following the course of the abbess of St. Hilda, may 
 yet see 
 
 “ ‘ King Ida’s castle huge and square 
 From its tall rock look grimly down, 
 
 And on the swelling ocean frown.’ 
 
 Ida’s dominions were intersected by tracts still belonging to 
 the Britons, who ultimately yielded to the invaders.” — Anglo- 
 Saxons, pp. 43, 44. 
 
 Ida reigned twelve years, and fell, about 560, before the 
 victorious blade of Owen ab Urien Rheged. It is therefore 
 all but certain that Cunedda was engaged in the early part of 
 this struggle, and that he fell in one of the great battles 
 fought at that time. It is not improbable that Cunedda may 
 have fallen in the battle of Argoed Llwyvain, described by 
 Taliesin in another poem : — 
 
 “ Dygrysowys Fflamddwyn yn bedwarllu 
 Goddeu a Rheged i ymdyllu 
 Dyfwy o Argoed i Arfynydd.” 
 
 “ The flamebearer (Ida) approached in four divisions ; 
 
 Goddeu (Cumberland) and Rheged (Lancaster) to array themselves 
 Came from Argoed to Arfynydd.” 
 
 It is therefore clear that both the forces of the Cunedda 
 family and those of Urien were engaged in that fight ; and 
 
 24 2 
 
372 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 those districts are both said to have suffered trepidation from 
 the encounter in which Cunedda fell. Further, the battle- 
 field is called in the one poem “the excellent place”; and the 
 battle itself is described in the other to have been one of 
 great magnitude — 
 
 “ On the morning of Saturday there was a great battle, 
 
 From the rising to the setting of the sun.” 
 
 From these facts, and the allusion to the Bryneich, I conclude 
 the two poems refer to the same event, which was subsequent 
 to 547 ; but this is only conjecture. 
 
 This brings the close of his life down to 550 ; and we can 
 now understand the assertion that Urien Rheged co-operated 
 with the sons of Cunedda in expelling the Irish from Gower 
 and South Wales. Prior to the arrival of Ida, the chiefs of 
 the north of England were in a position to accomplish such 
 an undertaking ; afterwards the Angles found them employ- 
 ment ; and, therefore, we have here another reason for fixing 
 that event about a.d. 500. 
 
 The same conclusion is supported by some passages in 
 Llywarch Hen : — 
 
 “ Trust not Bran, trust not Dunawd, 
 
 That thou shalt not find wounded by them 
 
 The pastor of the flock of Llanfor, who guides our path.” 
 
 (Rees.) 
 
 The bard spent the latter part of his life at Llanfor, on the 
 Dee, in Merionethshire ; and if Rees is right in his trans- 
 lation, Dunod, the son of Cunedda, and lord of the adjoining 
 cantrev of Dunoding, was Llywarch’s contemporary, even in 
 his old age. But, in truth, neither Owen nor Rees has given 
 a correct translation. The lines should be read thus : — 
 
 “ Believe not Bran, believe not Dunawd, 
 
 Thou shalt not have from them one blow (in thy cause), 
 Herdsman of the calves of the paths of Llanvor.” 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 373 
 
 Llywarch lived to about A.D. 642 ; and as this was composed 
 in the latter part of his life, this Dunawd would prabably be 
 the son of Pabo Post Prydain. Gwenaseth, the daughter of 
 Rhuvon ab Cunedda, married either Pabo ( Cambrian Bio- 
 graphy , sub. “ Gwenaseth”) or Sawyl his son (Bonedd y Saint , 
 Myv., ii, 27). Adopting the latter authority (which is of 
 course the best), the granddaughter of Cunedda must have 
 lived in the latter half of the sixth century, as Sawyl was 
 the brother of Dunawd; and “Dunaut rex moritur” in A.D. 
 595, according to the Annates Cambrise. 
 
 This explanation is in accordance with other events. Pro- 
 fessor Eees (p. 136) relates a dispute between a prince named 
 Coroticus and St. Patrick, who denounces him and his fol- 
 lowers as pirates and marauders, in a long letter, which is 
 admitted to be the genuine production of that saint. Upon 
 the assumption that Patrick died in 457, the letter is some- 
 times supposed to have been composed in 450 ; but if we 
 take the date given for his death in the Annals of Tigernach , 
 viz., 491, and allow a margin of eleven years, we should, by 
 the same rule, date it in 480. If we take Mr. Owen’s figures, 
 and assume Ceredig to be bom when his father began to reign, 
 i.e. y in 328, this prince, who, though a Christian, was still a 
 pirate, had in 450 attained the respectable age of 122. We 
 must, therefore, either abandon Mr. Ow T en’s figures, or deny 
 the identity of Coroticus and Ceredig ab Cunedda. The 
 second date falls in more naturally with the other events; 
 and the adventurous pirate of 480 might very well have 
 become sobered down into the conqueror of Cardigan at the 
 beginning of the following century. 
 
 Other incidental proofs are supplied by the Gododin, which 
 shows a grandson and great-grandson of Cunedda to have 
 been present at the battle of Cattraetli, the date of which, or 
 at all events an approximation thereto, is obtained in this 
 way. In verse third, Manawyd ab Llyr ab Brochwel, gene- 
 
374 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 rally but erroneously called Manawyddan ab Llyr Llediaith, 
 is said to have been “ preserved from the blows of Mannan- 
 fight”, and afterwards to have been at the battle of Cattraeth. 
 The battle of Mannan took place in 582 ; ergo , the battle of 
 Cattraeth was some time afterwards, i.e., according to my 
 hypothesis, in 603. In verse second we find the following 
 lines : — 
 
 “ Mab Brwyn gommynai gwyr nytelhei 
 Nys adrawdd Gododin ar lawr mordei 
 Rac pebyll Madawc pan atcorei 
 Namyn un o gant yn y delei.’ 5 
 
 Some MSS. read “ Mai brwyn” ; but the next word would 
 have been “cymmynai”, if that had been the proper reading. 
 Brwyn is not named in the pedigrees of Cunedda, though 
 that monarch is well known to have had a son so named. 
 Brwyn ab Cunedda distinguished himself as a warrior against 
 the Saxons (Williams’ Biographical Dictionary), and Madoc 
 ab Brwyn, mentioned in the Triads , was probably Cunedda’s 
 grandson. Again, in verse fourth, we have the lines — 
 
 “ O gyssul mab Ysgyran 
 Ysgwyd wr angcyfan.” 
 
 This word cyssul is usually translated “ counsel” ; but that 
 does not make very good sense, and I suspect it to be a 
 proper name, that of — 
 
 Tyssul ab (Ys or St.) Corun ab Ceredig ab Cunedda. 
 When the time comes, I shall have a word to say respecting 
 the antedating of Coel Godebog, Brychan, and others ; but 
 for the present this will suffice. 
 
 From these researches we are enabled to obtain the fol- 
 lowing facts for the biography of Cunedda. He was king of 
 Cumberland. This was the Manau Gododin of Nennius ; 
 and we are enabled, from the poems of Aneurin, to determine 
 that the dominions of the Ottadini lay east and south-west, 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 375 
 
 and not south and north, from Berwick to Edinburgh, as is 
 generally supposed. The poem places his dominions in 
 Cumberland, while Urien had Lancaster ; and the Iolo MSS. 
 (p. 552) state that he held his court in Carlisle. Erom the 
 notices of Ceredig and Tybiawn, we learn that his sons were 
 expert sailors, and fond of the sea. He was a man of consider- 
 able influence in his own district, and for his military attain- 
 ments, he was made the G-wledig, or Commander-in-Chief, of 
 the North British forces during the latter part of his lifetime. 
 He could bring into the field 900 horsemen ; and this, accord- 
 ing to Davies ( Note to his Ossian, p. 30), was precisely the 
 force assigned to that officer under the Romans, who was 
 styled Dux Britannia (see Camden’s Introduction). He took 
 an active part in repelling the Anglian invaders of North- 
 umbria, and fell bravely fighting on the field of battle, in 
 .one of those great contests which obtained celebrity from 
 the fact that the Britons came off victorious. Humphrey 
 Lluyd conjectures that he had been driven from his posses- 
 sions by the Saxons, and Professor Rees supposes that he took 
 refuge among his mother’s kindred in Wales. Eor these con- 
 jectures there is no foundation in fact, as this poem repre- 
 sents him to have fallen in the arms of victory in his own 
 country, and Carlisle and Lancaster are said to have mourned 
 the result of his hostile encounter with the Angles. His 
 elder sons appear to have emigrated into Wales; but Brwyn 
 appears to have inherited his possessions, and after him his 
 grandson, Madoc ab Brwyn. 
 
 No difficulty will now be experienced in attributing this 
 poem to Taliesin. It is, perhaps, one of his earliest produc- 
 tions ; its composition indicates a mind in full vigour ; and 
 the opening lines are clear evidences that the bard felt him- 
 self to be in the full possession of his mental powers. The 
 bard attached himself to the family of his hero ; he was a 
 frequent visitor at the court of the heir of Ceredig, at Bangor 
 
376 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Teivy ; and the following notice shows him to have drawn 
 his last breath under the hospitable roof of the grandson of 
 Cunedda : — 
 
 “ Taliesin, in his old age, returned to Caer-gwyroswydd, to Riwallon 
 the son of Urien ; after which he visited Cedig the son of Ceredig, the 
 son of Cuneddav Wledig, where he died, and was buried with high 
 honours, such as should always be shown to a man who ranked high 
 among the principal wise men of the Cimbric nation ; and Taliesin, chief 
 of bards, was the highest of the most exalted class, either in literature, 
 wisdom, the science of vocal song, or any other attainment, whether 
 sacred or profane .” — Iolo MSS,, p. 467. 
 
 No doubts need now exist that Ceredig was the successor 
 of Maelgwn, and the person named by Aneurin. He died, 
 according to the Annates Cambrise, in a.d. 615, when he 
 must have been an old man. 
 
 Marwnad Aeddon o Von . 1 
 (Arch. Camh., Second Series, vol. ii, pp. 263-274, Oct. 1851.) 
 
 Let us now proceed to discuss another poem. The one 
 selected for this occasion is the elegy of Aeddon of Mona, 
 which, though referring to, and illustrative of, the existence 
 of “ the Gael in Gwynedd”, appears to have escaped the 
 notice of the very able and acute author of that essay. 
 The poem occurs in the Myvyrian Archaiology (i, p. 70), 
 and runs thus : — 
 
 Marwnad Aeddon o Von. 
 
 i. 
 
 Echrys Ynyt 2 
 Gwaut hu Ynys 
 Gwrys gwobretor 
 
 1 [Referred to on p. 333.] 
 
 2 Ynyt is the word in the original, but Ynys is the proper reading. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 377 
 
 Mon mad gogei 
 Gwrhyd Erfei 
 Menai ei dor. 
 
 Lleweis wirawd 
 Gwin a bragawd 
 Gan frawd esgor 
 Teyrn wofrwy 
 Diwedd pob rhwy 
 Ebwyf rewinetor . 1 
 Tristlawn ddeon 
 Yr Arch Aeddon 
 Can rychior 
 Nid fu nid fi 
 Ynghemelrhi 
 Ei gyfeissor. 
 
 Pan ddaeth Aeddon 
 O wlad Wydion 
 Seon tewdor 
 Gwenwyn pur ddoeth 
 Pedair pennoeth 
 Meinoeth tymhor 
 Cwyddynt gytoed 
 Ni bu clyd coed 
 Gwynt yngoror 2 
 Math ag Eunydd 
 Hudwyd gelfydd 
 Eydd elfinor 
 Ym myw 3 Gwydion 
 Ac Amaethon 
 Atoedd cynghor 
 
 1 This reading is from the MSS. of the Rev. E. Davies ; the word in 
 the Myv. is rewintor. 
 
 2 YngoJior. — MSS. E. D. 
 
 3 Mwy. — Ibid. 
 
378 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 Twll tal y rodawg 
 Ffyrf ffodiawg 
 Ffyrf diachor 
 Cadarn gyfedd 
 Ymhob gorsedd 
 Gwnelid ei fodd 
 Cu Cynaetliwy 
 Hyd tra fyw fwy 
 Crybwylletor 
 Cadarn gyngres 
 Ei faranrhes 
 Ni bu werthfor. 
 [Am bwyf gan Grist 
 Hyd na bwyf trist 
 Pan ebostol 
 Hael Arch Aeddon 
 Gan Engylion 
 Cynwysetter.] 
 
 II. 
 
 Echrys Ynys 
 Gwawd hwynys 
 Gwrys gochwymma 
 Yrhag buddwas 
 Cymry ddinas 
 Aros ara 
 Dragon awl ben 
 Priodawr perchen 
 Ym Mretonia 
 Difa gwledig 
 Or bendefig 
 Ae tu terra 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 379 
 
 Pedeir morwyn 
 Wedy eu cwyn 
 Dygnawd eu tra 
 Erddygnawd wir 
 Ar for heb dir 
 Hir eu trefra 
 Oi wironyn 
 Na ddigonyn 
 Dim gofetra 
 Ceryddus wyf 
 Na chrybwyllwyf 
 Am rywnel da 
 I lwrw lywy 
 Pwy gwaharddwy 
 Pwy attrefna 
 I lwrw Aeddon 
 Pwy gyneil Mon 
 Mwyn gywala 
 [Am bwyf gan Grist 
 Hyd na bwyf trist 
 O ddrwg o dda 
 Rhan trugaredd 
 I wlad rhiedd 
 Buchedd gyfa.] 
 
 Taliesin. 
 
 Like Anrheg Urien , this poem has lost its original simpli- 
 city. The verses here placed in brackets do not occur in 
 the Rev. Edward Davies’ copy ; and it is quite probable that 
 these are monkish additions. Excepting the two concluding 
 verses, the first part appears to be tolerably pure ; but the 
 Latin terminations of one or two verses in the second part 
 excite my suspicion. Of themselves, these would not be 
 sufficient to invalidate the antiquity and genuineness of the 
 
380 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 poem ; but, in truth, the verses, as they stand here, have 
 evidently suffered much from copyists ; and their present 
 orthography is very modern. This is easily proved by the 
 occurrence of the letter dd, the history of which is given by 
 Lhuyd with his usual accuracy and minuteness : — 
 
 “ D in old manuscripts, whether Welsh or Cornish, has two pronun- 
 ciations ; for, besides the common reading, as in the English and other 
 languages, it serves in the midst and terminations for dh , or the English 
 th , in this, that , etc. So medal (soft) is to be read medhal , etc. The dd 
 was introduced to express this sound about the year 1400, and in the 
 time of Henry VIII, etc., d, pointed at the top or underneath, by H. 
 Lluyd and W. Salisbury, at home ; and by Dr. Gryffydh Roberts and 
 Roger Smith in the Welsh books they printed beyond sea. In the reign 
 of Queen Elizabeth, Dr. J. D. Rhys, Dr. D. Powel, and others, used dh, 
 which was afterwards rejected by Dr. Davies, and dd restored.” — Arch. 
 Britan., p. 227. 
 
 Another feature provocative of philological comment is 
 the word Lleweis , in the third verse of the first part. Probert 
 met with it in translating the Gododin, and straightway 
 converted a British chief into a lioness ; many Welshmen 
 would probably have done the same; but the meaning of 
 the word is to eat or drink. No doubt the term is borrowed 
 from the practices of lions and other animals. But, asks 
 some reader, where did the Kymry become acquainted with 
 the lion? I know not, unless the Romans brought those 
 animals with them for their gladiatorial shows ; but this is 
 certain, the Kymry knew the animal well. Aneurin looks 
 upon it as the lord of the forest ; and our countrymen, con- 
 templating that animal as the beau Mol of a feeder, applied 
 the term “lionize” as a metaphorical description of eating 
 and drinking. The word is obsolete in Wales ; 1 but the 
 
 1 Our learned correspondent is not quite correct in his statement ; 
 the word might be obsolete in South Y Yales, but certainly it is still 
 very current in the northern portion of the Principality. — Ed. Arch. 
 Camb. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 381 
 
 term is used in England for an object which is made a show 
 of, as “ the lion of a party”. See, for instance, the character 
 of Mrs. Leo Hunter, in the Pickwick Papers. Another recent 
 instance of word-forming is the name chick-a-poppo, given 
 by the Ojibbeways to champagne, in consequence of the 
 chicking and popping sound attendant upon the opening of 
 bottles of that wine. 
 
 One other feature I must notice before laying the trans- 
 lation before the reader, and that is the intense love of 
 nature which is shown in this as well as in all the older 
 poetry of Wales. The author, in this poem, whom we may 
 conclude to have been Taliesin, describes Mona with a 
 devotion worthy of Wordsworth, Tennyson, or the bard who 
 turned up the daisy, as — 
 
 “ Mona (land of) charming cuckoos.” 
 
 Our modern bards, almost to a man, have left nature, 
 with all her cuckoos, to sing their own praises. Puritanism 
 has no affection for such simple joys; and but few Cambrian 
 bards would now venture to say they were such lovers of 
 nature, as to have a kind word for the cuckoo. The old 
 bards, however, had more of the milk of human kindness ; 
 the cuckoo’s note was sweet to the ears of Llywarch Hen ; 
 Gwalchmai held communion with it often, as also did 
 Davydd ab Gwilym ; and we all respect the genial bard 
 who sang — 
 
 “Pwy feddylsai cansai’r go g 
 Mewn mawnog ar y mynydd ?” 
 
 It is true that gogei may mean cooks , and the bards were 
 rather fond of good living ; but the other reading is pre- 
 ferable. 
 
 The poem, rendered into English, reads somewhat as 
 follows : — 
 
382 
 
 TIIE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 The Elegy of Aeddon of Mona, 
 
 i. 
 
 Terrible island ! 
 
 Boldly praised island 
 Of the severe rewarder ! 
 
 Mona ! (land of) charming cuckoos, 
 
 Of the manliness of Ervei ; 
 
 Menai is its portal 
 (There) I drank liquor, 
 
 Wine and braggett. 
 
 With a brother — now departed. 
 
 The universal ruler, 
 
 The end of all emulation, 
 
 The ruinator of sovereignty, 
 
 Rueful Destiny ! 
 
 Demanded Aeddon, 
 
 For the grave. 
 
 There has not been, 
 
 There will not be, his equal 
 In tribulation. 
 
 When Aeddon came 
 From the land of Gwydion , 1 
 The strong door of Seon ; 2 
 He was an acute afllictor ; 
 
 In four nocturnal (attacks), 
 
 In the serene season, 
 
 His contemporaries fell ; 
 
 The words afforded no protection, 
 
 1 This was Mona. 
 
 2 Caer Seiont in Caernarvonshire. The Segontium of the Romans. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 383 
 
 The wind was on their skirts, 
 
 Math and Eunydd , 1 
 Skilful with the magic wand, 
 
 Set the elements at large ; 
 
 In the time of G-wydion 2 
 And Amaethon, 
 
 There was counsel. 
 
 Pierced was the front of his shield ; 
 
 He was strong and fortunate, 
 
 Strong and irresistible. 
 
 He was mighty in the carouse ; 
 
 In every congress 
 His will was done. 
 
 Kind forerunner, 
 
 While I am living, 
 
 He shall be celebrated. 
 
 The powerful combination 
 Of his front rank 
 
 Was not serviceable (to his enemies). 
 [May I be with Christ (i.e. dead), 
 
 If I am not sorrowful, 
 
 That the generous apostle, 
 
 Demanded Aeddon, 
 
 To be contained 
 Among the angels]. 
 
 1 This is Math ab Mathonwy, a celebrated character in Welsh 
 romance, who was considered to have excelled all in his power of enchant- 
 ment. Eunydd, also an enchanter, was the brother of Gwdion ab 
 Don. — See Williams’ Biographical Dictionary for further particulars of 
 both. 
 
 2 Gwdion and Amaethon belonged to the Gaelic settlers in Anglesey. 
 — See Williams’ Dictionary for full particulars respecting them. 
 
384 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEUIilN GWAWDEYDD. 
 
 II. 
 
 Terrible island ! 
 
 Boldly praised island 
 Of the ardent ruler ! 
 
 In the presence of the victor youth, 
 The fortress of the Kymry 
 Remained tranquil. 
 
 The dragon chief, 
 
 Was a rightful owner 
 In Britannia ; 
 
 Consuming dominator, 
 
 Lord of a coast 
 Facing land ! 
 
 Four damsels , 1 
 After their lamentation, 
 
 Will suffer misery. 
 
 In affliction dire, 
 
 On sea without land, 
 
 Tedious will be their existence. 
 On account of his integrity, 
 
 There is no cessation 
 Of their sorrow. 
 
 I am blameable 
 That I do not mention 
 The good he did to me. 
 
 For the impetuous paragon, 
 
 Who will prohibit, 
 
 Who will put in order ? 
 
 For the impetuous Aeddon, 
 
 What benign associate 
 Will support Mon ? 
 
 1 Sisters of our hero, it is probable. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 385 
 
 [May I be with Christ, 
 
 If I am not sorrowful 
 For the evil, of the good 
 Share of mercy, 
 
 In the land of renown 
 
 And perfect life.] Taliesin. 
 
 It now becomes our duty to give some account of our 
 hero ; but this is no easy matter, for our historians and 
 biographers are silent upon the point. Not a scrap of his 
 history is ready made'; and therefore we must endeavour 
 to construct it. Aeddon is certainly a Gaelic, and not a 
 Kymric name. There are but three other persons of that 
 name known to Cambrian history, and of these, two were 
 Irish ; while the third occurs as a singular exception among 
 Kymric names, viz., that of Aeddan ab Blegored, a Glamorgan 
 man. Of the two others, Aeddan Yoeddog, a saint, was 
 connected with Ireland ; and Aeddan Vradawg, viz., Aeddan 
 ab Gafran, was king of the Irish-Scots of Argyleshire. 
 Furthermore, the termination on is not Cambrian, and has a 
 suspicious affinity with Don, Gwdion, Amaethon, etc. All 
 this, coupled with the association of Aeddon with the names 
 of these Gaelic settlers, lead me to conclude that he was a 
 man of Irish origin, and that as he (probably) lived about 
 610, the Gael of Anglesey could not have been extirpated 
 by Caswallon Law Hir ; for, in addition to the contents of 
 this poem, I shall presently adduce other evidence to prove 
 that Aeddan was a man of some influence, power, and 
 authority. I was at one time of opinion that the verse — 
 
 “ When Aeddon came 
 From the land of Gwydion 
 The strong door of Seon,” 
 
 would serve for a peg whereon to hang a pro-Gaelic argu- 
 ment, the land of Gwydion being interpreted to mean Ireland ; 
 
 25 
 
386 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 but from the turn which I have now given to the words, it 
 will be seen that that view is no longer considered tenable 
 yet, though this is one argument less in favour of that con- 
 clusion, I consider the view to be still quite sound. 
 
 In connexion with this, and the verses which follow it, 
 there is a question of grave import. Coming from Mona, 
 the land of Gwydion, who was King of Anglesey, and 
 the bulwark of Caer Seon, against whom did Aeddon 
 make war? Against whom were these four nocturnal 
 enterprises directed ? Surely against the King of Gwynedd. 
 But history is silent upon this point, and speaks of no such 
 war. Quite true : such history as we have is silent ; but 
 the history of Wales is written in its poetry ; and there, as 
 yet, it has never been sought. Let us now see if we cannot 
 make a little history of this matter. The kings of North 
 Wales, in the time of Taliesin, were Maelgwn Gwynedd, 
 Rhun, Beli, and Iago ab Beli. The latter was killed by one 
 of his own subjects ; and the notices respecting his death are 
 as follows. One Triad records the manner of his death : — 
 
 u The three evil axe-blows of the isle of Britain: the axe-blow of 
 Eiddyn in the head of Aneurin ; the axe-blow in the head of Golyddan 
 the bard; and the axe-blow in the head of Iago ab Beli.” 
 
 Another Triad states the political position of the striker : — 
 
 “ And, thirdly, Iago, the son of Beli, who was struck in the head by 
 his own man (or subject).” 
 
 And a third names the person : — 
 
 u The axe-blow that Cadafael the Wild struck in the head of Iago ab 
 Beli.” 
 
 Again, we are further informed that this assassin was 
 made king, in consequence, perhaps, of the death of the 
 monarch he slew : — 
 
 “ The three vassal-born kings of Britain : Gwiriad, the son of Gwrien, 
 in the North; Hyvaidd, the son of Bleiddig, in South Wales ; and 
 Cadafael, the son of Cynfedw, in Gwynedd.” 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 387 
 
 Why were these men made kings ? Two out of three 
 copies are silent ; the third answers — for their good deeds. 
 I incline to a less Utopian view of this matter. Cadafael 
 is named a wild man — a curious preface to good conduct ; 
 a vassal and subject of Iago ab Beli, and the slayer of his 
 king — a still stranger kind of good conduct. And this 
 man becomes king in Gwynedd. Mark the time, too : — 
 
 “ 613. Gueith Cair Legion : et ibi cecidit Selim filii Cinan. Et Iacob 
 filii Beli dormitatio.” 1 
 
 Again, in a blundering form : — - 
 
 “ Cath Cairelegion, ubi sancti occisi sunt ; et cecidit Solon M‘Conian 
 rex Bretannorum ; et Cetula rex cecidit ibi.” 2 
 
 Let us now put these facts together, connect them with 
 the expeditions of Aeddon, and endeavour to discern their 
 true significance. 
 
 We have here assumed that the Irish were not extirpated 
 from Anglesey ; and, in fact, there is no reason to think they 
 were. Mr. Jones has omitted one very important point in 
 favour of his argument. Extirpation of races is an idea 
 which has no foundation in fact, and only finds a local 
 habitation in the minds of historians. To subdue a people 
 is possible and conceivable ; but extirpation is a thing un- 
 known. The Eomans subdued, but did not destroy ; they 
 did not drive the Gauls from France, nor the Britons from 
 this island ; and the Saxons did not drive the Britons from 
 Lloegria. Conquerors want subjects, not dead bodies ; 
 tillers of the soil, not a soil untilled ; men to do their work 
 for them, not a place to work themselves. In like manner 
 the Kymry wished to cripple the power of the Gael, but not 
 to expel them ; they defeated the Gael in Anglesey, but did 
 not drive them out of it ; the history speaks of conquest and 
 subjugation ; but expulsion is not upon the record : extir- 
 
 1 Monumenta Brit., p. 832. 
 
 2 Annal. Tigernach , anno 613. 
 
388 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 pation is not nominated in the bond. By abstaining from 
 putting into the documents that which is not therein stated, 
 we reconcile many seeming discrepancies, and arrive at a 
 clearer conception of what may have been the actual facts. 
 If this be a correct view — if the Kymry scotched the snake, 
 not killed it — we may easily conceive that the people so 
 subdued might have grown in power in the lapse of time, and 
 have panted for an opportunity to emancipate themselves 
 from vassalage and to regain their independence. 
 
 Such I conceive to be a true view of the condition of the 
 Gael in Gwynedd in 613. In that year the defeat of 
 Brochwel by Ethelfrid, at the battle of Chester, broke the 
 power of North Wales, and presented the Gael with the 
 wished-for opportunity to rise in rebellion. Cadavael, after 
 the death of Iago, might have been elected king, (for Tiger- 
 nach calls him Bex ), not of Gwynedd, but of the Gael in 
 Gwynedd ; these vassals probably rose in rebellion, and it is 
 probable that in checking this rebellion Iago ab Beli lost his 
 life, for the Latin extracts above given clearly place his 
 death posterior to, though in the same year as, the battle of 
 Chester. 
 
 ***** 
 
 There is a passage in Nennius which seems to be incon- 
 sistent with these views : — 
 
 “ Osguid Alius Eadlfrid regnavit xxviii annis et sex mensibus. Dum 
 ipse regnabat, venit mortalita hominum, Catgualart regnante apud 
 Brittones post patrem suum, et in etb periit. Et ipse (i.e., Oswy ) occidit 
 Pantha in Campo Gai ; et nunc facta est strages Gai Campi, et reges 
 Brittonum interfecti sunt, qui exierant cum rege Pantha in expeditione 
 usque ad urbem quae vocatur Iudeu. Tunc reddidit Osguid omnes 
 divitias quae erant cum eo in urbe usque in Manau Pendae, et Penda 
 distribuit ea regibus Brittonum ; id est Atbret Iudeu. Solus autem 
 Catgabail, rex Guenedotse regionis , cum exercitu suo evasit, de nocte 
 consurgens ; quapropter vocatus est Catgabail Catguommed.” 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 389 
 
 Now, if this Catgabail be the same person as Cadavael 
 Wyllt, we shall have two kings of Gwynedd at the same 
 time, viz., Cadavael, King of the Gael of Anglesey and Caer- 
 narvon, and Cadwaladr, King of the North Welsh ; for it is 
 quite clear that at this time (657) Cadwaladr was living ; 
 and as he is usually considered to have been King of all the 
 Britons, it is possible that Cadavael must have been a vassal 
 king of his. If so, Cadavael must have been at this time a 
 man in years, for we find him a distinguished character forty- 
 four years previously, when he had probably succeeded 
 Aeddon as lord of Gwynedd, i.e., Mon and Arvon. But 
 there are reasons for doubting that Cadavael was king for 
 any long period ; and it is possible that the Catgabail of 
 Nennius may be another person. The poem called “Kyvoesi 
 Myrddin a Gwenddydd ei chwaer”, contains a fuller account 
 of this period than any other document ; and in that poem 
 we find the following verses : — 
 
 “ G. — Who will reign after Kadwallon ? 
 
 M. — A tall man holding council, 
 
 And Britain under one sceptre , 
 
 The best son of a Kymro, Kadwaladr. 
 
 G. — Who will reign after Kadwaladr ? 
 
 M. — After Kadwaladr, Idwal (his son). 
 
 G. — Who will reign after Idwal? 
 
 M. — Howel the son of Kadwal.” 
 
 This may have been the person named by Nennius ; but 
 nothing more is known of him. But without further inquiry 
 it is difficult to arrive at any satisfactory conclusion. 
 
 In this supposed rebellion Aeddon may have taken part, 
 for the night expeditions referred to were clearly directed 
 against Gwynedd ; and the poem shows that Mon had cause 
 to dread hostilities from thence, since the bard asks — 
 
 “For the impetuous Aeddon, 
 
 What benign associate 
 Will maintain Mon ? ” 
 
390 
 
 THE GODODIN OF ANEURIN GWAWDRYDD. 
 
 However this may have been, the success of the rebels was 
 only temporary, for Cadvan, the son of Iago, restored the 
 authority of the kings of North Wales over the subject Gael. 
 Indeed, we may, if necessary, assume these expeditions to 
 have taken place afterwards, as it is probable that much bad 
 feeling existed between the two districts; and it is quite 
 evident that a considerable share of independence was enjoyed 
 by Aeddan, possibly as the result of the rebellion, for he is 
 designated as a rightful ruler in Britannia. 
 
 But leaving hypothesis, let us see if we can find any 
 more biographical matter. The bard describes Mona to 
 possess the manliness of Ervei. This Ervei was probably 
 the father of Dillus ab Ervei, the greatest thief in Wales, 
 according to the Mabinogi of Kilwch and Olwen ; and we 
 are told by Aneurin that Ervei, or Urvei, was at the battle 
 of Cattraeth : — 
 
 “ Gnaut ar les Minidauc scuitaur trei 
 Guaurut rac ut Eidin Urvei.” 
 
 “ Customary for the sake of Mynyddawg was a perforated shield ; 
 
 Red-speared was Urvei before the Lord of Eiddin.” 
 
 And Aeddon was the son of Ervei. He is thus spoken 
 of by Aneurin, not in the Gododin , but in some of the later 
 verses of that bard : — 
 
 “ Trum yn trin a llavyn yt laddei 
 Garw rybydd o gat dydygei 
 Cant Can Calan a ddarmerthei 
 Ef gweinit Adan vab Erfei 
 Ef gweint Adan dwrch trahawc 
 Un Rhiein a morwyn a mynawc 
 A phan oedd mab teyrn teithiawc 
 Udd Gwyndyt gwaedlyd gwaredawc.” 
 
 These lines may be thus translated : — 
 
 “ Heavily in conflict he slew with the sword ; 
 
 Severe indications he brought from battle ; 
 
 A hundred new year songs be prepared. 
 
 There served Adan the son of Ervei, 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 391 
 
 There served Adan the presumptuous boar, 
 
 A lady, a maid, and a nobleman ; 
 
 And when the son of a sovereign was a Ruler, 
 
 The Lord of the Gwyndyd was a blood-stained protector.” 
 
 They appear to connect Aeddon with the death of Iago 
 ab Beli ; but most probably “ the Lord of the Gwyndyd” 
 was Aeddon himself, as Gwynedd was not used at that time 
 in its present extended sense, and only included Anglesey 
 and Caernarvonshire, instead of the whole of North Wales, 
 as is now the case.