il- m IRELAND IN PAST TIMES; i»' AN HISTORICAL RETROSPECT, ECCLESIASTICAL AND CIVIL; WITH ILLUSTRATIVE NOTES. -5« "• if Praeterita compellunt nos futurorum rationem habere. IN TWO VOLUMES. >■?« * VOL. I. LONDON: JOHN HATCHARD AND SON, PICCADILLY; B. DUGDALE, AND R. M. TIMS, DUBLIN. 1826. ^■^K :^- '■i.'f >',:> *. rf ""TP, ■; ; " J,- --'^v ■:-'-.# -^.'rV'^'' - ■v*'r^^-#:*e?t**:>rV\;-'*° fi* : r •■.'■;.■■>» I.-: .H»1 PREFACE. The writer of the following pages can, with per- fect integrity, disclaim every interested motive or party feeling in the choice of her subject : the only aim has been, to give a plain and simple narrative of the progress of the Christian religion in Ireland, from the idea that it is always pleasing to the mind to return to times gone by ; to trace to their sources the springs from whence flow the virtues and the errors of men, and to examine the silent operation of those powerful agents in human affairs — religious zeal and moral law. It is confessed, that reflecting how far the sub- ject might lead her, much intimidation ensued ; yet, having frequently experienced the indulgent candour of the public, she has encouraged herself to proceed in her self-imposed task, from a con- viction that the subject is worthy of attention, as it never can be an uninteresting or useless contemplation, to mark the vicissitudes and con- flicts of past ages, whether of a warlike, civil, or ecclesiastical nature, forming, as they have done. *' 4^37371 ■^ V-!- < '^^ £ 1^^ ■•;''"•>•■■'■3S~':f>^'iV''■•'^^™■-^'^^;■?>■^ls4''5;?■-':fi.:"«^•'i V VI / PREFACE. . ■?>_! - the foundation of present manners, habits, and principles. Nor can it be unpleasing to the pa- triot and philanthropist, to find from the faithful records of history, that the Irish certainly have not all been, (what too many deem them,) buried in barbarism and ignorance from the beginning of time, distinguished only by the vices to which human nature is prone, when not corrected by education, or restrained by law — assertions alike rash and uncharitable when universally applied. Deductions thus hastily drawn from the errors or weaknesses of the human mind, under the in- fluence of many combining and unfavourable im- pulses, the following pages, it is diffidently hoped, will prove, are not founded either on reason or justice. It is too much the weakness of our nature to pride ourselves in a fancied superiority to those who had preceded us in the march of existence ; perhaps it may be said, that the pre- sent age is strongly marked by this mental disease of vanity. It may temper it with a por- tion of the mild spirit of humility, to find that many a bright star illumined the cloudy horizon of those dark times, beyond the obscurations of which we think we are for ever removed. • It is not by severity of judgment, or by mark- ing too nicely the perversions of honest, but misguided minds, that we can correct error, or chase superstition ; these desirable effects are PREFACE. V ' VU only to be produced by extending knowledge, and diffusing salutary precepts with candour and mildness ; for by thus gaining the affections of men, we may assuredly hope, and reasonably expect, to influence their opinions, and to regu- late their practice. Persecution and illiberality are not however the spirit of the age, that of indifference rather prevails ; let us be upon our guard against it in religious sentiment, lest in granting too indiscriminate indulgence, and by endeavouring to divest men of bigotry and super- stition, we sap or destroy the foundations of their final hope. Let us remember, no sound opinion, no estimable principle could subsist, if the dif- ferent errors that entwine around it were torn away with an injudicious, rash, or violent hand ; and if the evil which inevitably mingles itself with every terrestrial good becomes the subject of a blind proscription. Such a work as the present must of necessity be confined to the subordinate class and merit of a compilation, and it would rather evidence a foolish and unbecoming pedantry, than true lite- rary integrity, to name the various sources from which illustrations of the subject have been de- rived. It is therefore the hope of the writer, that it will be sufficient generally to observe, that the most approved historians, both civil and ecclesiastical, have been consulted with diligence. ■^s^ff^^if^^'^: ■' «»^p;^s^^::^^ 1 « . '4 !• • • ^111 PREFACE. and made subservient to the design of giving a faithful epitome of the rise and progress of the Hibernian church. { Unaided by literary connection, and removed from that advantageous collision of thought af- forded by intelligent society, the w^riter is per- fectly conscious, that both in expression and arrangement, her composition is open to the utmost severity of criticism ; yet she trusts, that simplicity and fidelity may together Torm the softening veil, through which the keen eye of experienced judgment will view the numerous defects of her unpretending work. 1i ' ■ « CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION. Ireland first peopled by Celtic tribes from Gaul — Their go- vernment, religion, the mysteries attending it — The Druids — their office and power, their superstitions — Their distin- guished habits — Chiefs of the tribes — The Vergobretus — The people question the power of the Druids — Their influence declines — The Druids endeavour to assert their privilege — The effort unsuccessful — ^The limitation of their power a pre- lude to its extinction — The Bards — Their office and influence — Cormac O'Conn, his splendour, his dignity and character — State of society, the progression of improvement — Coun- teracting causes — Introduction of Christianity — It is mingled with Pagan superstition, the mischiefs thence accruing — The corruption of the ministers of religion — Unguarded conduct of the converts — ^The consequences — The introduc- tion of Christianity is a positive national blessing . . I CHAPTER II. Germanus the preceptor of Patrick — Biographic sketch of St. Patrick — Armagh — Doctrines taught by St. Patrick — Va- rious motives produce conversion — Monastic institutions ra- pidly increase — Influence of fear — Miracles — One relating to St. Patrick — Growing influence of the clergy — The im- provement produced by them — Hibernia the seat of learning from the sixth to the close of the seventh century — The ef- fects arising therefrom — Colum-kill — Aidan, his mission to VOL. I. b -A) /• CONTENTS. I ^ Nortlmmbria, and character ; patronized by Oswald — The piety of Oswald ; his laudable endeavours to improve his subjects ; his character — Piety flourished in Northumbria — Desired union between the Roman and British churches re- « specting the observation of Easter, effected — Increasing power j| of the bishops of Rome, gradually freed from the civil restraints *•' it was subject to — Augmentation of the papal power creates * disputes and divisions — Irish missionaries renowned for piety '4 and learning — Irish schools famed for their superiority during the seventh century; Alfi-ed king of Northumbria studied there — Columban, an Irish monk, his missions — Killian, his missions and tragical death — Religion and learning increase in Ireland, but decline in Great Britain during the fifth and sixth centuries ; the probable causes ; the clouds dispersed in the seventh century — Labours of pious men — Anglo-Saxons were ruled by a succession of great men . . .16 CHAPTER III. ■* • General state of Christian religion in Europe — Romish Faith increases — The Irish brought over to Roman Observation of Easter— Ireland distinguished as a prime seat of learning — Success of Irish missionaries — RumoU— Virgilius — Human reasoning displaces simple faith — Image worship — Funereal rites — Temporal power of the popes — Gloom of superstition increases — Accession of papal power — Study of philosophy prevails — Johannes Grigona, his great talent and favour with Charlemagne and Alfred — Devotional spirit prevails in the British isles — Monastic institutions increase, and num- bers dedicate themselves to the cloister — Superstition in- . creases greatly — While a secular spirit arises among the religious orders — Reverence paid to religion and learning among the Irish — Ireland is invaded by the barbarians, is plunged in consequence into disorder and ignorance — Indul- gence of the first- missionaries injudicious, and productive of mischief to true religion — Civil polity of Ireland effected by Christianity in some degree — Low standard of morals — r Mischief and advantages of monastic seclusion — State of the clergy in regard to morals and discipline — Their riches and power continue to increase, and they are encouraged by princes to become statesmen and courtiers — The policy of the papal court — ^Terrors of excommunication — Causes of the depravity of the sacerdotal orders — Ireland invaded by the Danes^Their success, the want of plan and unanimity among the Irish septs favourable to the invaders — Pontifical power continues to augment — This restless and ambitious .V- "IV/:./, CONTENTS. i^» XI spirit resisted by some kings aiwl princes — ^Their incon- sistency negatives their efforts — Great ignorance prevails — The exceptions — Art abd science reviv%; in a degree to be attributed to the Norman Conquest— Some effects «oft the reception of Christianity among the NorMtiis^Invasidn of Ireland by Magnus — His defeat and death^^Epakd decreed to become a conquest — Internal discord favUnrs the success — Ambitious views of the papacy .... 46 ^ CHAPTER IV. Circumstances render Ireland an easy conquest — Motives and designs of Henry not divulged — Obstacles to his invasion — He requires the sanction of the pope — Gains it — The bull au- thorising him to invfide Ireland — Reforms in the Irish church — Cardinal Papanon — Irish supposed to know the intentions of Henry, but mabl^iMirpreparations — Delays of the design — • Domestic factions of Ireland expedite it — Roderick O'Connor — Dermod Mac Murchad — His ferocious character — His so- licitation of foreign aid — Application to Henry — He gives him a letter of credence — Dermod disappointed in its prevail- ing power — He applies to Earl Strongbow — With difficulty succeeds in obtaining a promise of aid — Gains the assistance of Fitzstephens and Fitzgerald — Returns to Ireland privately, but soon avows his designs — Fitzstephens arrives in Ireland, 'sdaims the inhabitants — Attempts the siege of Wexford ; is obliged to retire — Renews hostilities — Influence of the clergy in conciliation — Dermod refreshes the troops at Femes — Mo- nastic luxury — A series of engagements ensue — Roderick de- feated — Strongbow applies to Henry ; receives an implied assent to his design — Terror of the Irish — ^Their expe- dient to avert the anger of heaven — Favourable turn of aflairs — Dermod defeated — Henry, jealous of his nobles, is- sues peremptory orders to withdraw from Ireland — Strongbow despatches a messenger to him, explanatory of his views — Henry's tardiness — Distressed state of the British troops in Ireland — The decease of Dermod increases the perplexity — Spirit of Lawrence, Archbishop of Dublin — The English re- duced to great difficulty — Terms offered them rejected — Act of desperate valour — Dissensions and hostilities renewed — Act of treachery — Henry prepares to pass over to Ireland — His resentment against his nobles propitiated — The Irish ex- hibit no loyalty, but with a selfish and sordid spirit many even meet and submit to the invader — They are received with con- descension by Henry . . . .85 b 2 ft ^■■" ■'^-'■-r Xll ■■«- .,T^'?^-<<-^f^»r«?/w. ^ v^^«;f!9^j^p^ t CONTENTS. CHAPTER V. m >■. Henry the Second invades Ireland — His assurances of protection — No resistance made — Strongbow does homage — Dermod M'Arthy, the first monarch who submitted, and acknowledged the authority of Henry — Interview with the Archbishop of Cashel — Chiefs of Munster all graciously received, and sump- tuously entertained — Fitzstephens liberated from his treache- rous captors — Henry visits Dublin — The astonishment of the Irish at his splendid retinue — Henry receives the ready homage of the chiefs — Treachery of O'Ruare — Roderick's spirit aroused — He collects Kis forces, and determines to dispute the claims of Henry — His efforts vain — The nobles attach them- selves to Henry — Magnificent entertainment given by Henry — The clergy favourable to his invasion — They swear fealty to him — He directs a synod to be held at Cashel, to confer on the subjects recommended by the pope — A rival synod held in Connaught, by the authority of Roderick — Gelasius, pri- mate of Armagh — His simplicity and piety — Proceedings of Henry's synod — Compliments to Henry — He convenes a coun- cil at Lismore — The proceedings of it — The authority of the English laws limited to a certain district, styled the pale — Which was divided into shires or counties — A chief governor appointed — His privileges and powers — Circumstances hasten the departure of Henry from Ireland — His jealousy of Strong- bow, and measures to counteract his ambitious views — Mis- chievous consequences of his imperfect plans — He embarkf^for England — Proceeds to Normandy, and conciliates the Cardi- nals sent by the pope on the affair of Becket — National fail- ings of the Irish exemplified at this period — Tranquillity prevails some time — Nuptials of Strongbow's daughter at Femes — Animosities arise — Domestic perplexities of Henry prevent his return to Ireland — He withdraws several of his garrisons from thence — Strongbow hastens to the aid of Henry in Normandy — The joy of the Irish at Henry's difficulties — Divisions and jealousies arise — Strongbow is sent to Iceland — Is accompanied by Raymond de Gros — Series of hostilities — Roderick attempts the recovery of his throne, but not suc- ceeding, sends deputies to Henry with offers of submission — Treaty concluded — Jealousies of the English lords counteract the beneficial consequences expected to flow from the treaty — Conduct of Raymond — National character injured by these feuds — Religion of the period — Supreme power of the pa- pacy — Instance cf the blind devotion paid to the pope — Wal- denses — Precedency of two archbishops disputed — Know- ledge is disseminated, and the Sciences studied — Encouraged ?f^^ <■•■- ,l!J(»V-* .:•;■« -■ ;'*t;--.^ CONTENTS. . *'■'' • • « . ■ Xlll ', - - -, ■^< by the European monarchs — Learned societies and colleges established — As these increased, episcopal and monastic schools declined — Corruption of the monks — Complaints of the Irish clergy of the depredations of the English — Causes and consequences — Ordinance of Cardinal Vivian — Demo- ralised state of Ireland. 115 CHAPTER VI. Raymond's military successes — Death of Strongbow — Ray- mond's measures — Obsequies of Strongbow — Harsh judgment of the Irish respecting him — Personal description of him — English council at Dublin exercise their delegated power of electing a chief governor — Raymond elected — Henry does not sanction the choice — ^Nominates William Fitz Andelm — His train — Administration of Fitz Andelm — Assumptions of the pope, servility of princes — Obnoxious measures of Fitz Andelm — The consequences — De Courcy, his precipitance — Complaints to Henry of Fitz Andelm — Hugh de Lacy, his administration — Prince John invested with the lordship of Ireland — Remonstrances of the chieftains — Jealousy of Henry in consequence of de Lacy's popularity — He is re- called to England — Conduct of de Lacy ; he is re-invested veith the government with Robert de Shrewsbury — Decease of Laurence O'Toole ; his character — John Comyn succeeds him — Irish chiefs renounce their allegiance to Henry — State of the English lords — Small force sent by Henry — Phillip Barry and Giraldus Cambrensis ; their injudicious conduct — Pernicious instability oC-^enry — De Lacy recalled, and Philip of Worcester appointed ; his vicious administration — Preparations of Prince John to exercise his authority — Henry declines the interference of the pope on the occasion — John sent to Ireland with a splendid train — Irish lords con- gratulate — Want of courtesy in Norman nobility ; the conse- quences — Insurrection — ^Tragical death of de Lacy — De Courcy made governor ; his administration — Death of Henry II. — His conquest of Ireland rendered imperfect by circumstances — Richard Coeur de Lion neglects Ireland ; engages in the crusade — John assumes the title of Earl of Moreton and Lord of Ireland ; grants various privileges — Appoints de- puties to govern Ireland during the reign of Richard — His power but partially acknowledged — A legate sent by the pope to levy contributions for the crusade — Hugh de Lacy made governor — Jealousy of de Courcy — Irish avail them- selves of it ; their disunion favourable to the English — Hamo de Valois succeeds de Courcy — He invades the ecclesiastical 4 ■ i XIV CONTENTS. possessions to supply the necessities of his government- -Re- monstrances vain to effect redress — Conduct of Archbishop Comyn — Oppressions of Hamo — Death of Roderick O'Connor, the last of the Irish monarchs, ciaused little sensation — De- mise of Richard I. — Papal power in its zenith — Increased and supported by the promulgation of the canon law, and other causes — Mendicant orders, their popularity; their, privi- leges—Resisted by the regular clergy — Dispensing power of the popes — Jealousy of sovereigns roused by their encroach- ments, and the foundations of the hierarchy thereby imper- ceptibly undermined — Constitution of Boniface VIII. , 143 CHAPTER VII. John's accession to power — Hamo de Valois dismissed from his government — His successor Miler Fitz Henry possesses poli- tical abilities — These advantages counteracted by dissensions of Irish lords — John de Courcy and Hugh de Lacy assume independence of the crown — English lords engage in local factions — Consequences — Great superstition prevailing — Con- duct of William de Burgo — Conduct and indignant feelings of de Courcy — Is summoned to the presence of John — Obeys not the mandate — Is forcibly conveyed to England and con - fined — Proceedings of John — Policy of Innocent the third — Litigation of John with Irish clergy — Operations of the pope — John determines to make an expedition to Ireland — William de Braosa — Irish chiefs swear allegiance — Facile disposition of the Irish — Proceedings of the king — Politic measure — — Henry de Londres invested "With the government — Ireland in- cluded in the submission of John to Innocent the third — The indignant feelings of Henry de Londres — Innocent writes to the clergy of Ireland — John's quarrel with his barons — Ire- land at least indirectly benefited by the great charter — Superstition greatly prevails — Religious orders abound — Mendicant orders favoured — Useful to the hierarchy — Dis- sensions produced — Increasing arrogance — The evil tends to effect its own remedy — Doctrine of transubstantiation pro- nounced — And auricular confession ranked among the duties prescribed by divine law — Persecutions against heretics — Death of John — Henry the third accedes — Irish lords peti- tion for new graces — Request the queen that the king's brother may reside in Ireland — The king's answer — Dupli- cate of charter sent to Ireland — The good defeated by local rivalship, envy, and disunion — Pernicious consequences — Tranquillity — Geoffry de Maurisco administers the government CONTENTS. XV aided by Henry de Londres — Distinguished by his sovereign — His character — Ireland lost much by the death of Earl of Pembroke— Disorders revived^ — Churchesburned — Priest mas- sacred — State of society not favourable to peace and union — Henry's desire to improve the condition of Ireland — Investi- ture of 'Ireland on Prince Edward on his marriage— He un- dertakes a crusade, and neglects Ireland — State of Ireland similar to that of England, but evils 'aggravated by local cir- cumstances — Exactions of the king and the pope — The con- sequences — Italian clergy encouraged — Remonstrances of Irish clergy — English clergy equally disliked — Arrogance of Irish clergy — Petition illustrative of their general conduct — Pope writes to Irish clergy — Encroachments of the clergy — Excommunication — Instances of it — Statute of Merton — In- sincere policy of Henry — Pride of the clergy — Low state of moral feeling — Assumptions of the pope — They arouse the jealousies of the people — Gregory publishes his decretals . 1 79 CHAPTER VIII. Decease of Henry III. — Accession of Edward I. — Ireland not essentially improved — Maurice Fitz-Maurice governor — Country embroiled with civil dissensions, increased by Scot- tish marauders — Thomas de Clare receives grants of land, passes over to Ireland — Impolicy of such grants — Contests with the new comers — Disadvantageous situation of the Irish — Petition of the Irish — The answer — Non-concurrence of those to whom final decision was submitted — Bitter jealousies and feuds prevail — Richard de Burgo, his oppressive measures — Exactions of the king — The Irish appeal to tlie pope — ^The king Waives his demand — William de Vesey entrusted with the government — Dissensions not easily quieted — Vigorous government of Sir John Wogan — A more regular parliament than hitherto convened — More pacific temper prevails — Severe exactions of Edward, even the pope appears to fear him — Irish nobles join the army against the Scots — Insurrections in Ireland — Edward opposes the presumptions of the papacy — Refuses his homage to the pope — His death a calamity — The partiality of Edward II. to an individual of temporary ser- vice to Ireland — He appoints Gaveston to the government of Ireland — He is received with favour, and admired for his showy qualities — He excites the jealousy of the Irish lords — Earl of Ulster becomes his rival — They hold different courts — Frivolous subjects of dispute — Invasion by Robert Bruce — Distress and suffering occasioned by it — Papacy takes part u:^*< ^' ■>'!t^rf'*^r»" r'v'^T?^ ■■ ?■ J> >^v^;r^v -■'.^ .' XVI CONTENTS. ■ y '-'-i in the contest — Robert and Edward Bruce excommunicated — Irish send emissaries to Rome, stating their distresses and oppressions of the English government — Pope exhorts Edward to leniency — The distress of the country extreme, famine and pestilence desolate it — Two archbishops administer the govern- , ment, and Prelate of Armagh endeavours to rouse the spirit of Tiis country against the invaders — And takes part with the English — Scots defeated — Effects of the war — Insufficiency of law to restrain excesses — English interest declines in Ire- land — Clergy refuse to comply with the king's exactions — Edward endeavours to take refuge in Ireland — Demoralized state of the times — Clergy endeavour to check the vices and disorders of the realm, by encouragement of learning — En- deavour ito establish an university — Conduct of Bishop of Ossory — Charges of heresy — Attempts made to stem the tor- rent of papal corruption — Canons — Statute of provisos — The respect paid to the pontiff diminishes — Literature improves — Rapid march of mind — Richard Fitzraf opposes the preten- sions of the friars — He is cited before the pope, and perse- cuted for his bold opinions — Died in exile — Considerable ar- dour prevails in literary pursuits — Restoration of the civil, and formation of the canon law conducive to it — Scholastic philosophy — Zeal for ancient learning — Science is encou- raged by princes — Public libraries formed — Ecclesiastical corruption — Remarks of Bernard, a proof of the mental energies of men having been roused . . .217 CHAPTER IX. Subject resumed — Disappointmentof the Irish — Consequences — Sir Anthony Lucy nominated governor — His vigorous pro- ceedings — ^The king declares his intention of visiting Ireland — His insincerity, neglect of Ireland — Injudicious measures — Ecclesiastics frequently employed in official affairs, reasons why — Edward's displeasure and severity — Jealousy and dis- sension created — Parliament summoned at Dublin — Did not obey — One convened by the lords at Kilkenny — Prepare a remonstrance to the king — King's answer gracious — Ralph d'Ufford appointed chief governor — His vigorous measures — His death unfortunate — Irritated lords repair to England, two of them appointed to attend the king to France — Pro- ceedings of the parliament in Ireland — Ralph Kelly, bishop of Cashel, refuses to levy a subsidy — Consequences — Tran- quillity at length obtained — Sir Thomas Rokeby's meritorious government — Insurrections renewed — Earl of Desmond made ^ « ':,i>-: CONTENTS. XVll governor, his speedy deaths — Useful ordinances of parliament and salutary regulations — Strong and obnoxious measures against the Irish — Impatience of the king — Sends his second son Lord Lionel to Ireland — Prejudices counteract every ex- pected advantage — Endeavours to repair his error — Created Duke of Clarence — Recalled to England — Things revert to their former state — Clarence again sent — A parliament as- sembled at Kilkenny — Statute of Kilkenny — Clarence again leaves Ireland — Earl of Desmond made governor — Dissen- sion and war — Parliament convened — Repugnance of nobles to repair to Ireland — Sir William Winsore appointed go- vernor — Hires the Irish chieftains to oppose the incursions of their countrymen — The king complains of the deficiences of the Irish revenue — Commands a parliament to be summoned — It refuses supplies — Displeasure of the king — His passion- ate conduct — Controversy with the parliament — The military genius of Edward inimical to Ireland, to be lamented — English interest declines in Ireland — English clergy, their conduct — Religious opinions an interesting study — ^The pro- gress of intellectual improvement uniform — Literature encou- raged — Circumstances progressively favourable to freedom of discussion and mental emancipation — Infallibility of the pope questioned by many — Wickliflfe — Sacerdotal orders quarrel among themselves — Persecution renders men more zealous — Great schism in the church contributes to weaken it — Digres- sion — Death of Edward the third — Accession of Richard the second — Complaints of the English parliament — Those of Irish subjects as to absentees — Objects of the English govern- ment — Parliament convened — De Vere the king's favourite created Marquis of Dublin — He is sent to Ireland with ex- tensive powers — Richard hesitates and withdraws his consent to part from his favourite — Distresses of the Irish — Glouces- ter proposes to pass over to still the disturbances — He is pre- vented by the king, who resolves to go himself — He is assisted by his parliament -Lands at Waterford — Pride of the Eng- lish, and assumption of superiority defeat the good which might have resulted — Narrow minded measures — Irish chiefs do homage — Elation of the king — Chieftains invested with knighthood- — Magnificent display of the king — Writes to his uncle York — The reply — Richard is requested to return to England — ^The Lollards — The king besought to protect the church from this heresy — Richard's proceedings before de- parture from Ireland — Earl of Marche appointed his vicege- rent — War is soon resumed — A pretence for a second royal ex- pedition — Unmindful of the storm brooding in England de- creed to overwhelm him, Richard lands at Waterford — ,"•*;,• ■ yF^^^'W'm ■ ■■•a' XVlll CONTENTS. Distresses the army encountered — Intelligence from England — Panic of the king — His deposition and death — Confusion of Ireland — A subsidy granted by the English parliament for the service of Ireland — Duke of Lancaster appointed vicegerent — Invasion of the Scots — Arrival of the duke — Art Mac Murchad — Little effected by Lancaster — He returns to England — Butler, prior of St. John, left deputy — Proceedings in Ireland — Black rent — Penal acts passed against heresy — The king advised to seize the temporalities of the church — Henry the sixth disregards Ireland — Sir John Stanley, go- vernor, short continuance — Crawley, Archbishop of Dublin, succeeds — War and faction distress Uie kingdom — Lord Fur- nival, governor — Decisive measures, but partial — Prejudices of the English against the Irish — Causes of theni— Narrow policy of the English government on the point — The king memorialized — Jhe chancellor refuses to sanction it with his seal — Indignant feelings roused — Earl of Ormond succeeds Furnival — Petition sent to the king — The prayer of it — Satisfaction of Ormond's government — Litigation of the clergy — Want of amity among the Irish — Accession of Henry the sixth has no effect in Ireland — Earl of March and Ulster appointed to the government — Deputes the Bishop of Meath — Altercations in consequence — State of the church and litera- ture — Learning flourishes — Arts and science cultivated and encouraged — Pontiffs patrons of letters, Nicholas the fifth — Invention of printing — Favouring causes of improvement — The church corrupt — John Huss — ^Jerome of Prague— Coun- cil of Constance — M'onastic orders, their degeneracy — Dimi- nution of the papal power — Causes — Fratercelli, their suffer- ings — Brethren of common life, their rule — Schools of the Lollards — Religion debased — ^Tlie scriptures studied by many — Reflections ... ... 244 CHAPTER X. Weakness and incapacity of Henry- — Richard, Earl of March and Ulster, appointed to the government of Ireland — Accepts it conditionally — His designs — Returns to England — Ormond, his deputy, is summoned to England, appoints the arch- bishop of Armagh — Is remanded to Ireland, does not long survive — Edward Fitz Eustace obtains the government — Re- conciliation of th6 King and Duke of York, he is restored to his Irish government — Obtains possession of the king's person, and determines to strengthen his own interest in Ireland — :S?»:V-1 •;V^S'^V?S^»7^f"^' CONTENTS. XIX Government entrusted to Earl of Kildare — Duke driven for refuge to Ireland, received with ardour — His cause warmly espoused — Is declared Henry's successor — Falls at the Battle of Wakefield — English interest in Ireland declines — Corrupt government — Battle of Wakefield — Earl of Kildare chosen governor — Accession of Edward the fourth — Duke of Cla- rence appointed to the lieutenancy of Ireland for life — Change of parties in conseqxience — Earl of Ormond attainted and executed — Earl of Desmond, governor — Earl of Wor- cester appointed Lord Deputy — Intrigues against Desmond — Is condemned and executed on false and frivolous charges — Kildare appointed lord deputy — Accession of Henry VII. — Earl of Pembroke appointed Lord Lieutenant of Ireland — Kildare appointed his deputy — Receives the king at Dublin — Earl of Warwick — Irish desire to invade England — Poverty of the government — Henry prepares for resistance — Hostile ar- mies meet at Northampton — Defeat of the Pretender — Papal Bull — Henry pursues pacific measures. Extends his royal grace to Kildare and others — Keating, prior of Kilmamham declared unpardonable — Contests among the Irish — Perkin Warbeck- — His proceedings — Consequences — Archbishop of Dublin summoned to attend the king — Received with nigh consideration — Sir Edward Poynings is sent to Ireland— His measures — English Chancellor and other civil officers ap- pointed — Conduct of the Irish — Poyning's Law — Act of at- tainder passed against Earl of Kildare — Interview between the King and Earl of Kildare — Triumph of Kildare — Execution of Warbeck and two of his Irish adherents — Henry has re- course to papal authority — Proceedings of Kildare's govern- ment — English power revives in Ireland — ^The dawn of there- formation — Monastic orders instituted — Jesuits — Attachment of Ireland to Rome ...... 307 CHAPTER XI. Accession of Henry the eighth— Kildare continues in adminis- tration — His sudden death produces commotion — His son Gerald elected — Is obliged to take the field — Hatred of Wolsey towards him — Duke of Norfolk created Lord Lieutenant — Vigorous administration of the Duke — Earl of Ormond suc- ceeds him — Kildare resumes his government — His proceedings on the death of Wolsey — Alan, archbishop of Dublin — Kil- dare receives the royal mandate to repair to the presence — Leaves the government to his son Thomas — Rash conduct of ■■■.'■■■■*•■■ XX CpNTENTS. the young governor — Result of the rebellion is the ruin of Kildare — Dawning of the reformation — Henry desires to ex- tend the Reformation to Ireland — George Browne employed — Is advanced to the see of Dublin — Ireland is considered as a fief of the pope — Prepossession in favour of the ancient establishments — ^The people refuse to acknowledge Henry's supremacy — Browne's life exposed to danger — King declared supreme head of the church in Ireland — Authority of the Bishop of Rome renounced — Refusal of the oath of supremacy declared high treason — Intrigues of the Romish party — Con- duct of Lord Grey — Difficult situation of archbishop Browne - — Emissaries sent to Rome— The intrigues of the Romanists — Letter of Bishop of Metz to the chieftain O'Nial— Con- federacy formed for the suppression of heresy — O'Nial ac- knowledged lord and leader of the Northern Irish — His hostile proceedings — Lord Deputy disperses the insurgents — Lord Grey recalled to England — He suffers — The Irish are defeated by Sir William Brereton — Sir Anthony St. Leger as- sumes the government — Title of Lord of Ireland changed for that of King of Ireland — Parliament assembled to confer the new title on Henry — Conciliatory measures of the king — O'Nial visits the English court — His concessions — Is created a peer of the realm by the title of Earl of Tirowen — Progress of reformation — Irish forces attend Henry to Calais — In- vasions of ecclesiastical privileges — A military force sent to Ireland — Bellingham made governor — Assiduity of the Ro- manists— Bellingham's conduct towards the Earl of Desmond — Anecdote — Barbarous zeal of Somerset — Liturgy to be in- troduced into Ireland — Neglect of moral improvement in Ireland — Pernicious consequences — Proclamation transmitted enjoining the acceptance of the new liturgy — It is opposed — Proceedings of the clergy — Dowdal archbishop of Armagh and his clergy — Sir James Crofts supersedes St. Leger in the government — Writes a conciliatory letter to Dowdal — De- sires a conference — Interview — Superiority of the primacy changed from Armagh to Dublin — John Ball, his conduct — In what injudicious — Earl of Tirowen's ambition — Domestic dissensions in his family — Death of Edward the sixth has a powerful effect on the ecclesiastical system — Accession of Mary — Her proceedings respecting Ireland — Kildare's family restored — Sir Anthony St. Leger governor — Fitzwalter — A papal bull recited — State of religious feeling — Paul the fourth — His policy — Personal sketch of Archbishop Browne — Ex- tract from a sermon of his 339 p 1 '1 ^■'lf^'^-?^7*^'"''?T^' CONTENTS. ' t #-: ... „ . .. ^^ xxi * ■■■-.. 'CHAPTER XII. Accession of Elizabeth — Earl of Sussex governor of Ireland — Commotions — Inflamed by religious antipathy — Severe mea- sures — Rebellion of John O'Nial — -Parliament convened to establish the reformed religion — Ecclesiastical system of Mary reversed — Penal statujtes enacted — Sussex returns to England, appoints Sir William Fitz William — Statutes evaded and neglected — Indulgence of the queen — Difficulties of Sir Henry Sydney's government — Feuds of the houses of Desmond and Ormond — Intrigues of the enemies of the reformed religion — Acts of the parliament — Attaints John O'Nial — Prejudices against Elizabeth — Government of Sir John Perrot — His vigorous government — A colony from Eng- land to people the Ulster lands — Earl of Essex, his expedi- tion to colonise — Unfortunate result — Designs of PhiUp II. upon Ireland — Thomas Stukeley-'^Intrigues with the papists — Pope Gregory XIII. encourages him — James Fitzmaurice a tool of the Romanists — His design of invading Ireland — Catastrophe of Stukeley — Fitzmaurice lands in Kerry — In- sincerity of the Earl of Desmond — Disappointment of the invader — Catastrophe of Fitzmaurice — Lord Grey recalled — Loftus, Archbishop of Dublin, appointed lord justice, in conjunction with Sir Henry Wallop — Miserable* death of Saunders — Sir John Perrot governor — His extensive pians of improvement — His enemies falsely represent him to the queen — Her unjust suspicions — Scheme of re-peopling Munster with an English colony — Rebellion of De Burgho — Hugh O'Nial, his character — He goes to the English court — His insinuating arguments — His petition granted — He returns elated to Ireland — His deep designs — Tirowen repairs to En- gland — His duplicity — He is charged with having entered into treaty with Spain — He artfully evades the charge, and the restrictions he had agreed to — Foundation of the Univer- sity of Dublin — Opposition of Loftus and Sir John Perrot — Tirowen discloses his ambitious designs— Spain sends assist- . ance to the insurgents — The war justly to be regarded as re- ligious — Sir John Norris removed from power — Lord Burgh succeeds him — His vigorous measures — His sudden death — Tirowen recurs to his former dissimulation to gain time — He succeeds in procuring pardon — Unfortunate affair of Black- water, favourable to the rebels — Distresses of the country — Essex accepts the government of Ireland, with the title of Lord Marshal — Resistance of the insurgent Irish — Incaution XXll CONTENTS. of Essex lays him open to his enemies — Oviedo named by the pope archbishop of Dublin — Elevation of Tirowen — Publishes a manifesto-^Makes a pilgrimage — Letters to the pope — BdH granting indulgences to Irish insurgents — Extracts from manifesto — Royalists act on defensive . . . 396 CHAPTER XIII. English power in Ireland reduced — Queen's authority condemned — Tirowen's activity — Mountjoy appointed deputy — His pro- ceedings — Infuses spirit into the queen's authorities — Fickle- ness of the Irish — Tirowen's reputation diminishes — Distress and devastation attending the state of warfare — Ireland, a .^ cause of anxiety to Elizabeth — Impolitic measure — Proceed- ings of Mountjoy — His sentiments — Insurgents encouraged by prospect of Spanish aid — Diligence of the ecclesiastics — Some chiefs sent to England — Arrival of Spaniards under d'Aquilla — Instigates th'e Irish to revolt — Mountjoy acts with determination — Spaniards reduced to difficulties — Disgust of Tirowen — Spirit of dissafiection kept alive — Extreme distress of the country — Proceedings of Mountjoy — Tirowen makes overtures — ^They are listened to — His abject submission — Pro- mised pardon — Death of Elizabeth — Tirowen's behaviour — Restoration of tranquillity— Spirit of party — Hypocrisy of Tirowen*— Romish power diminishing — Artful su^estions of the Romanists — Their success in forming a strong party — On the accession of James it begins to manifest itself openly 447 ■I * CHAPTER XIV. Romanists pretexts for intrigue — Contempt of the penal statutes — Boldness of the Catholics, their violent proceedings — Sedi- tious spirit requires check — Interview of ecclesiastics with Mountjoy — His proceedings against the turbulent — Act of oblivion published — Mountjoy returns to England, is accom- panied by his prisoner Tirowen — Irish present a petition to the king — King becomes more reserved towards them — Ex- tract of letter from Sir John Harrington — Intentions of James respecting Ireland— Sir George Carew, governor — Sagacity of the people-^Sir Arthur Chichester, governor, advances civil reformation, but good effects counteracted by religious animosities — Reasons of encouragement for the Catholics — Objections of James to the politics of the Catholics — Conduct coNTENfs. xxiii of James — His measures not acted upon with a right spirit by his agents — Consequences — Daring spirit of the recusants ■ — Severity towards them — Remonstrances — Coincidence of circumstances creates suspicion, seizure of Lalor — His con- duct — His trial — Chichester — His proceedings — Book of Com- mon Prayer translated into Irish — Seditious spirit prevailing keeps the government on the alert — Suspicious circumstance — Restlessness of the Northern chiefs — Tirowen and Tirconnel flee to the continent — Complaints of Romish agents — James's proclamation — Reception of Irish chiefs on the continent — Colony of Ulster — Chichester' well calculated to bring into effect the designs of his sovereign — Rebel chieftains concili- ated — Lands reclaimed by the clergy — Ecclesiastical institu- tions — Noble plans of James — Towns incorporated . 460 *■« ^n^ wrip^:^^- ^m^^^.x~';^i^^■-■\.^^!^^■,''^:'^:':y•■■■'^: ■- :-> r-- ':■ ^. v'3^?»?:?'pS:.-> ■ ■'^''■^^^■' • T- ;"'^ 'TTV y '■,;•.. "i^T^'ti 'r CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION. ■ t Ireland first peopled by Celtic tribes from Gaul — Their go- vernment, Religion, the mysteries attending it — The Druids — their office and power, their superstitions — their distin- guished habits — Chiefs of the tribes — The Vergobretus — The People question the power of the Druids — Their influence de- clines — The Druids endeavour to assert their privilege-^The effort unsuccessful — The limitation of their power a prelude to its extinction — The Bards — their office arid influence — Cormac O'Conn, his splendour, his dignity and character — State of . society, the progression of improvement — Counteracting causes — Introduction of Christianity — It is mingled with Pagan superstition, the mischiefs thence accruing— The cor- ruption of the ministers of religion — Unguarded otpuiuct of ^ the converts — the consequences — The introduction of Ck^- tianity is a positive national blessing. As these volumes will priicipally treat of the Ec- clesiastical History of Ireland', that of a secular na- fure will be no further adverted to, than as it necessarily tends to the Illustration of the, predo-#^^^ minaivt subject. Hence the vague and uncertain records of Irish history before the introduction the Christian faith will not be explored, nor ^i endeavour made to dispel the obscurity ii^^whin, interpreted to suit the purposes of the artful and deigning agents. "Whoever refused obedience to the mandates of the Druids was declared by them impious and ac- cursed, was forbidden to enjoy the benefits of their sacrifices, and of their worship, and was solemnly classed with the most wicked. The tremendous mysteries of their religion were usually buried m the gloom of the thickest woods, the ^ TKE DRUlbS. 3 sacred branches were too often sprinkled with human gore. We are informed, that it was the custom of the Gallic Druids to set up an immense gigantic figure of a man formed of wicker, in the texture of which they entwined numerous human victims, and then consumed the whole as an ac- ceptable offering to their gods ! They professed a belief in the immortality of the soul and the metempsychosis. The order was divided into six classes, having a chief or arch Druid in every nation. This superior had abso- lute authority over the rest, and was succeeded by the most considerable of his survivors. The arch Druid was distinguished by wearing an oaken crown, and bearing a sceptre. His form was com- pletely draped in flowing robes. The inferior Druids wore no crown, but were habited in a sleeved tunic under a kind of surplice, and bore a crescent the apparent size of the moon when she has passed her first quarter; and as it was at that time they cut the sacred misletoe, perhaps it was the symbol of the class who officiated at that ceremony. The highest religious regard was paid by the Druids both to the^ak and the misletoe: not any of their sacred rites were performed with- out the leaves and branches of the oak ; and when- ever they found the misfetoe*growing on those sa^ cred trees, they announced that it was sent from heaven, and was a sign that the tree was chosen by God. The misletoe, however, being rarely found on the oak, when discovered it was distinguished fey great ceremonies : they called it by a name which signified ** the curer of all ills," and having duly prepared their feasts and sacrifices near the fa- voured tree, they brought to it two white bulls, whose horns were then for the first time tied. The Druid, habited in a white robe, ascended the tree, and with a golden pruning-hook severed the B 2 4 THE DRUIDS. misletoe, which was received in a white sagum or sheet by the attendant Druids ; they then sa- crificed the victims, praying that God would bless his own gift to those on whom he bestowed it. The younger Druids were beardless, but the elder wore theirs very long : they passed through six gradations or classes before they arrived at the summit of their dignity. The first, or plain priest's garment, was distinguished only from that of the laity by the colour and shape, and was without ornament. The second rank had a sash reaching from the right shoulder across the body to the bottom of the garment ; the third was a broad facing like a scarf, crossed with horizontal stripes reaching round the neck and to the bottom of the robe, — the garment so adjusted was loose and without girdle ; the fourth had no ensign of dig- nity, but of place ; the fifth had a broad sash de- pending from his shoulder across the body and the hind part meeting the front : the sixth was the arch Druid, crowned with sacred oak, and bear- ing the sceptre of command. They rose from the office of sacrist to others by interest as well as probation, and the supreme priesthood descended frequently from father to son. Like the tribe of Levi among the Jews, the Druids were, by viftueSfeof their sacred office, exempt from war and from tribute. Youth were instructed by the Druids, retiring with them for that purpose into deep caves and almost inacces- sible forests, where they remained under tuition sometimes twenty years. It may therefore be well imagined how ample were the opportunities possessed by the preceptors to mould their pupils at their will, and to make them subservient to the extension and stability of their power. We are in- formed, that they practised human sacrifices on the remarkable principle that the anger of the ;v «"i«y: THE DRUIDS. immortal gods could be no otherwise appeased than by paying the life of one man for that of another.* Historians, however, are agreed, that although the religion of the Druids was of such a dreadful and terrifying nature, yet, generally speaking, the high and extended power they possessed was not abused by acts of oppression, and that they care- fully 'preserved that sanctity of manners which they were conscious was essential to its stability. The chiefs of the several tribes executed the laws, but the supreme legislative power rested in the Druids. In periods of imminent danger, they possessed the privilege of uniting the several tribes under one head, and at the conclusion of hostili- ties the universal chief thus nominated laid down his office. He received, on entering it, the title of Vergobretus, or " the man to judge." At length various causes combined to shake the su- preme power of the Druids. History is replete with instances to prove how difficult it is to pre- serve the success which ambition has attained ; mankind continually experience new excitements, new agitations, from new scenes, and new events. The march of mind still proceeding, however slowly, opens to view more and more the en- croachments on its freedom, and the obst^Ies which impede its progress. , , As society advanced contentions arose, tKi people engaged in warfare, and becofning attached to Its powerful excitements, the numbers who initiated themselves into the order of the Druids became proportionably diminished, and conse- quently the power vested in them also declined. * The altar of the stupendous coloured stone of a different na- temple of Stonehenge, upon ture from those ofwhich the rest which human victims were of- " of the circle is composed, fered, consists of one large dark- 5» •>. "»<•;'• 6 THE DllUlDS. The people even so far dared to throw off the yoke as to choose the Vergobretus without the concur- rence of the hierarchy, and he, retained his office against their will, hitherto regarded as the su- preme law. The retention of power strengthened the interest of the Vergobretus among the tribes, where private views, from the changes which had taken place in their relative situations, werC hos- tile to the permanence of the druidical authority. The Druids, however, did not passively submit to this innovation on their prerogative^ so mate- rially affecting their general influence. They pro- ceeded to assert their supremacy, and to vindicate the honour of their order by endeavouring to re- sume their privilege of chusing the Vergobretus. A certain number of the order were deputed^ to attend the acting Vergobretus, and to command him in the name of the whole sacred body to lay down his office. This was refused, and the de- nunciations of the offended hierarchy contemned. The limitation of their power was but the prelude to its extinction. The minds of men had received an impulse in direct opposition to that power. The Druids were hurried by the force of opinion to the brink of a rapid and ruinous descent, re- sistance was vain; civil wars precipitated them from their height almost to the extermination of their once resistless order. The few who escaped from the effects of this popular revolution, re- tired to the dark recesses of their consecrated groves, and the deep and solemn caves once the haunts of meditation, to prepare them for worldly action, but now the refuge where they must re- main unheeded by a people, converted from ser- vile devotees into sanguinary foes. A total disregard to the sacred order and to its functions, was the consequence of the scorn and :' '.'^i^7?J?1^ -■■ " . ' ^sr'T'GtTTs?^ THE BARDS. / hatred which had produced this singular revolu- tion, and the religion of the Druids became alto- gether enfeebled, and at length nearly extinct. The Bards, however, an inferior class of them, shared not the ill fortune of their superiors, but were retained by the Chiefs to minister to their vanity, and excite the passions of their followers by reciting their heroic deeds, and by their re- cording songs to give immortality to their fame. These bards preserved society from sinking into a state of utter barbarism ; for originally the disciples of the superior Druids, who were the depositaries of learning, their ideas were in a degree enlarged and their minds expanded. With imaginations vivid, high wrought, and unchecked, with feelings ardent, romantic, and strong, and passions power- fully excited by the plaudits of the listening chiefs these traditionary historians could expressively de- scribe acts of heroic virtue, and in language Row- ing and animated, dwell on the virtues and ex- ploits of those heroes they served, or the high qualities which had ennobled their ancestors. Thus did they infuse a generous ardour and spirit of emulation into the bosoms of those young he- roes who listened to their songs, addressed as they were to their love of fame, and teaching the high moral lesson that it could only be obtained by their virtues and exploits, tempered by mode- ration, humanity, and clemency; so the poet beau- tifully expresses the character of his hero Fingal. '* None ever went sad from Fingal ! O, Oscar ! bend the strong in arms, but spare the feeble hand. Be thou a stream of many tides against the foes of thy people, but like the gale that moves the grass, to those who ask thine aid ; so Frenmor lived ; such Trathal was ; and such has Fingal been. My arm was the support of the injured, the weak rested behind the lightning of my steel." 8 INTRODUCTION OF CriRISTIANITY. Supposing this and other similar characters are pourtrayed in the vivid colouring of poetic praise, yet the very praise denotes the estimation which those moral qualities described bore in society, and hence we shall cease to wonder that naany ' noble passions were excited, cherished and fre- . qnently displayed in multiplied instances of vir- tuous action in peace, and genuine magnanimity in war. ■ -'■' ' ••' • ^ , •*:-''■ ••..r^- We have spoken generally of the Druids, and the decline of their power. In Ireland^ that de- cline is stated to have taken place from the era of Cormac 0*Conn, who was the most renowned ; of all the pagan Irish monarchs. The commence- ment of his reign is fixed about the middle of the third century. ^ - r-j , v The annalists dwell with poetical enthusiasm on the splendour and magnificence of his court, his warlike sons, his ten beauteous daughters, his military appointments, his revision of the laws, en- dowments of learned seminaries, the conquest over his rebellious subjects, the resignation of his dignity, atid philosophical retreat. It was the liberal and penetrating spirit of this highly-gifted monarch, which first led his subjects to regard with jealousy the inordinate power of the Druids, and to him is principally attributed the gradual de- cline of their order in Ireland, although it was not entirely extinct on the arrival of Patrick as mis- sionary, as authentic records mention the name of a Druid who violently opposed the introduction of the Christian faith, warning the monarch of the heavy and oppressive taxations which the people must suffer from the new religious establishment. No correct history however of Ireland can be given-prior to the mission of St. Patrick, (for such in courtesy we shall call him,) all accounts being dubious and uncertain, resting only upon dark ^ ''--^ ^- ' p^':fim.:yi' :-^ INTRODUCTION OF CHEIWIAMITY. #i# and contradictory traditions. U has beeo ob* served there are three stages in human society : the first is the result of consanguinity and the natural affection of the members of a family to one another;, the second begins when property is established^ and men enter into certain imperfect associations for mutual defence against the inva- sions and injustice of neighbours ; mankind sub- mit, in the third, to certain laws and constitutions of government to which they trust for the safety of their persons and properties. As the first is formed on nature, so of courae it is the most disinterested and noble ; men in the last have leisure to cultivate the mind, and to re- store it by reflection to a primaeval dignity of sen- timent ; the intermediate state is the region of bar- barism and ignorance . About the middle of the fifth century the Irish were advanced to the second stage, and were consequently influenced by those circumscribed views and sentiments which distin- guish barbarity. It was about this time that an overruling Providence decreed that the benign ray of Christianity should beam on their darkened hemisphere. But ere we enter upon the detail of that important event, we must observe, that amidst the various and heterogeneous accounts derived from the poetical annals of Ireland pre- vious to the fifth century, though we cannot mark with precision any distinct detail, yet many lively pictures of manners are presented to our con- templation, — of a brave people searching for new settlements, establishing themselves in a fertile land, making division of the territory, and anxiously devising means to give strengtli and stability to the possessions acquired by their valour. Noble instances of courage, generous efiusions of benevolence, ardent resentments, des- perate and vindictive outrages are found in full ■W^: ••'*i!»^'*'^^^fi*^^S?^^ .• -^ 10 INTRODUCTION OF CHRISTIANITY. exercise during the formation and organization of the infant society. > Those who possessed a po^ftion of superior knowledge quickly perceived the power it gave them to influence the fancies and passions of the multitude, and the facilities it opened to obtain the popular confidence and veneration. Such is the' natural homage that mental vigour com- mands ; hence the ministers of religion were re- garded as superior intelligences, were referred t6 by contending parties, and consulted as oracles on every subject, whether of law or policy. The gradual and imperceptible progress oi social order, however, rendered a settled code essentia! to ge- neral well being, by taking cognizancib of, and regulating the actions both of the le^slator and people. These benefits were felt and acknow- ledged, but still in the infancy of society the vio- lence of passion resists the salutary curb, and proves superior to just restraint. Turbulent spirits impatiently avenge their own cause, and authority still recurs to force and to the summary decision of arms, upon any real or fancied inva- sion of its just or assumed rights. i ' Such was the state of the Irish previous to the introduction of that faith which promulgates peace and goodwill towards men, and which has such a tendency to promote both, to ameliorate the condition, to calm the passions, to soften the sentiments and to polish the manners of any com- munity receiving it with sincerity. But these effects were, as might naturally be expected, sadly counteracted by the inveterate and bar- barous superstition of the people, which mingling itself with ill understood Christian principles and the profane and absurd ceremonies of pa- ganism produced that combination of violence, abject devotion, and puerile folly, which deformed i^.r '^^^'■^ti^^^- INTRODUCTION OF CHEISTIANITY. 11 the religion of the age. The object rather thiti the spirit of religion was changed. The people after embracing Christianity ir^tSiii- ed the superstitions of paganism, and such of tfaem as assumed the sacerdotal habit, still cherished their original habits and prejudices, and emerged but very little from the dark clouds of ignorance ; the pure principles of Christianity were lost in the mazes of superstitious external ceremonies — these, rather than the rectifying the wayward will and the purifying the heart, were deemed essen- tial by the professors. The clergy with a ]f)emi- cious emulation of the heathen priests, whose influence had been founded upon the ignorance of their disciples, sought also to extend and esta- blish their authority by confining knowledge to their own order. Those of the ignorant multitude who received the gospel regarded the Bishop of Rome (through whose authority it was conveyed to them) as the successor of their arch Druid or high-priest ; and as the tremendous Druid had enjoyed during the darkness of paganism a boundless pow^r, and had been treated with a veneration which, from its excess, degenerated into terror, so upon their conversion to Christianity they naturally (how- ever absurdly) conferred upon the chief of the bishops the same honours, and a similar authority as had formerly been vested in their arch Dmid; and it will readily be supposed by those who mark the passions of our nature as they are de- veloped and excited by worldly interests, that the Rdlnan pontiffs were not backward to receive these august privileges. ' *r i - m i:,.^?. For at the period of which we speak the arro- gance and pride of the servants of the meek and lowly Jesus were arrived at a great height. The bishops, particularly those of superior rank, occtt- ■ n^" fr^tv^iiTfV - ■ • • 12 INTRODUCTION OF CHRISTIANITY. ft pied in self-indulgence, created delegates or ministers who managed for them the affairs of their dioceses, and a species of «courts were gra- dually formed, where these haughty ecclesiastics gave audience and received the homage of the su- perstitious multitude. The corruption of that order who were appointed to promote by their doctrine and example the sacred interests of piety and virtue, will appear less surprising to us when we consider the multitudes of persons who were every where admitted without examination into the body of the clergy, the largest proportion of whom it is to be feared had no other views than the enjoyment of indolent repose or of obtaining adi^iintages by imposing upon the credulity of the ignorant, for Christianity as it then existed was perverted into a system peculiarly fitted to en- chain the mental energies by sagaciously dis- covering the springs of human action, and con- trolling them so as to render them subservient to selfishness and corrupt passions. The un- guarded conduct of the superstitious favoured and cherished the growth of this spiritual des- potism, which progressively became so command- ing as to enchain and enslave all Europe. Igno- rant and unconscious of the fetters they were forming for themselves, the people by giving the bishop of Rome the same privileges as their heathen high-priest, perpetuated a series of per- nicious consequences, as their infatuation greatly served to inflate the arrogance of the pontiffs, and gave to the see of Rome that high pre-eminence and despotic authority in civil and political ,#s well as ecclesiastical affairs which have produced so much contention and so much misery. It is cer- tainly from such imitation of the pagan super- stitions, we may trace the erroneous and presump- tuous opinion, that such individuals who were by -,•.•:-- ?^;7;^;^;>7?»j|^. .,'^:^^|,-^. INTRODUCTION OF CHRISTIANITY. 13 the fiat of the pontiff, or any of his ministers, ex- ciuded from the communion of the church, for- feited thereby not only their civil rights and ad- vantages as citizens, but even the common claims and privileges of humanity.* Yet great as was the evil we have been contemplating, as tending so lamentably to obstruct the growth of genuine and vital religion, it will be found that many germs of this yet remained uninjured, and though shaded and concealed by the noxious weeds of superstition and the ungenial spirit of the age, were prepared to spring forth when circumstances proved fa- vourable to their expansion. Genuine piety seems evidently to have actuated the first mis^ sionaries to our favoured shores as well as those of Ireland, and their zeal, their perseverance, and withal the excellence of the faith they diffused, made their labours successful. Although the influence of pagan prejudices and the habits it had generated continued long to operate, and produced that mingled character in religion and morals which marked the period, yet the introduction of Christianity could not but be a positive benefit in every degree of its preva- lence. " Wherever it has penetrated" says an interesting historian " it has appeared like the guardian angel of the human race, meliorating the heart and enlightening." It is a system directly tending to soften the asperities of the human character, to remove its selfishness, that bitter foe to happiness, to restrain its malignity, and to animate its virtues. Hence, in that barbarous age its influence must have been most salutary. If it did not eradicate the '-.-..-■ ' '• ■ ■•'■■ •■ "%■■ * Among the ancient Ro- the Gauls, such as obeyed not mans when a man was cursed their priests, were forbidden for any act whoever would, thfe sacrifices or t(^ unite in might kill him ; and among worship. .l!|R!*^.^.TS¥S•':■'. >4' *•-',.> . '.-.^v « ■.'-''■ '• '-»»■ ■• -.^ . -■ ■ -■ • ■ ■ ;■ ■/■""-^ ' ' ..'■,-^.'" -^ --V ■'"■ *-'^- ? • '^ *'"?f^" A^* ■ •' ----■'-" " ■ ■ ' . ,- INTRODUCTION OF CHBI8TIANITY. 1& ' duties of Mfe, to be the governing principle round, which they may all revolve in regular harmony. Its disciplme is that of affection exacting of us to unite our happiness with virtue. ^ i^ a:^ > f But the system wtfich the papal hierarchy established was an attempt to transfer the go- vernment of the world into the hands of eccle- siastics, under the name of Christianity, but it was certainly by a complete departure from its spirit and precepts. The religion of the gospel favours not the gloomy ascetic or the melancholy recluse, consuming life in mortifications and cruel self-discipline ; it breathes love and goodwill to- wards men ; is social, cheerful, benevolent, kind, mingling gracefully with all our innocent plea- sures, and giving dignity to the most trivial pur- suits, forbidding only those which cannot be in- dulged without debasing ourselves and injuring others ; in short, it is the noblest gift of happiness to man. We may imagine every pagan singing with the candour of the convinced Coifi : " For- merly I understood nothing that I was worshipping, and the more industriously I sought the truth the less of it I could find, but in this system (Christ- ianity) the gift of eternal life and happiness is clearly unfolded to us ; therefore, O king, I advise that our useless temples be immediately consigned to flames and execration."* * See the account of the conversion of Edwin king of Nor- thumbrian in various historians. ; :Tl • 1» ft . » f ^ • •pYf;;5'vl>^3(p«Pi^r^ ' .' ■- "v..;.'- ■ r •-,'•;'.■ ■;.-•. ■.''-■r»?5''>j 16 ST. PATRICK. CHAPTER II. Germanus the preceptor of Patrick — Biographic sketch of St. Patrick — Armagh — Doctrines taught by St. Patrick — Va- rious Motives produce conversion — Monastic institutions ra- pidly increase — Influence of fear — Miracles — One relating to St. Patrick — Growing influence of the Clergy- — The im- provement produced by them — Uibemia the seat of learning from the sixth to the close of the seventh century — The effects arising therefrom — Colum-kill — Aidan^ his mission to Nor- thumbria and character; patronized by Oswald — The piety of Oswald; his laudable endeavours to improve his subjects; his character — Piety flourished in Northumbria — Desired Union between the Roman and British churches respecting the observation of Easter^ effected — Increasing power of the bishops of RomCy gradually freed from the civil restraints it was subject to — Augmentation of the papal power creates disputes and divisions — Irish missionaries renowned for piety and learning — Irish schools famed for their superiority during seventh century ; Alfred king of Northumbria studied there — Columban, an Irish monk, his missions — Killian, his mis^ sums and tragical death — Religion and learning increase in Ireland, but decline in Great Britain during the fifth and sixth centuries ; the .probable causes ; the clouds dispersed in thfi seventh century — Labours of pious men — Anglo-Saxons ruled by a succession of great men. FOURTH CENTURY. Ijf sketching the biography of the Irish apostle Patrick, we are naturally led to the reference of the individual who had a considerable share in the formation of his character and mind, as well as the direction of theii^energies. This individual was Germanus, bishop of Aux- erre in Gaul, one of the greatest ornaments of the Christian church at that early period. Endued with a persevering zeal, unblemished integrity, undaunted firmness, unwearied activity, and a ST. PATRICK, 17 versatility of genius which readily adapted itself to the present exigenpe ; this remarkable man was a fit instructor to form the mind and habits of a missionary at that important period of the Christian era. It was at Auxerre, in the exemplary dis- charge of his high duties as a dignitary of the church, that Germanus assisted in forming the mind of Patrick, and was greatly instrumental in effecting the mission of that father of the Hiber- nian church, who, during the period of eighteen years, enjoyed the advantage of being under his tuition. From the judicious and familiar illustra- tions of the inspired writings imparted by the pious Germanus, Patrick derived a large portion of his biblical knowledge. That he was a pupil worthy of such a tutor was sufficiently proved by the subsequent acts of his life, we shall therefore proceed to relate the brief account of it (if divested of legend)which has come down to us, regretting that it has not been transmitted more circum- stantially. Sufficient, however, is recorded to prove beyond all doubt his perseverance, resolu- tion, and patience, as well as his penetration and address in converting a barbarous people, and rendering himself revered and beloved by those whose errors he fearlessly reproved. The Irish people were in some degree prepared for the preaching of their great apostle by the labours of some former missionaries, particularly Pallidius, subsequently first bishop of Scotland, the success of whose mission did not bear any proportion to his laborious and pious endeavours among the rude inhabitants of the island. » St. Patrick was born April 5, 373, of a good family at Kirk Patrick, near Dumbarton, North Britain. His baptismal name Succeath, signifies in the British language " valiant in war." On some incursions of exiles^ from Ireland he was VOL. I. %- c 18 ST. PATRICK. when very young taken prisoner, and carried into that kingdom, where he continued six years in the service of a chief named Milcho, who had bought him of three others, whence Patrick ac- quired the name of Cathraig or Cather-Tigh, namely four families. During this period of cap- tivity he evinced the energy and activity of his mind by making himself master of the Irish lan- guage, and at length with much hazard effected his escape, and returned to Scotland. His mind however had received its impulse, he deeply re- flected upon what he had observed in Ireland, and he formed the design of endeavouring to con- vert the people from their senseless and debasing superstition. " It is beautiful," says the pious Milner, ** to observe the motions of Providence in causing the confusions of war and desolation to be subservient to the propagation of the gospel." This was strikingly displayed in the case of Patrick. The better to qualify himself for the arduous and important labour which he con- templated, and meditated upon with all the in- tensity of an ardent and reflecting mind, he tra- velled to the continent in order to pursue his studies under the direction of his mother's uncle, Martin,* bishop of Tours, who ordained him * Martin was a native of Italy, and, in his youth served in the army under Constantius and Julian, but against his will in obedience to his father, who was a soldier. When only ten years of age he had volun- tarily gone to the church, an,d given his name as a catechu- men or candidate for baptism. At twelve he had a desire to lead a monastic life, but com- pelled to military service, he was remarkable for his exemp- tion from the vices of the pro- fession, his liberality to the poor, and his reservation of nothing for himself out of the pay which he received, except what was just necessary for daily food. At eighteen he was baptized, and two years after left the army. Sometime after falling into the hands of robbers among the Alps, he was de- livered bound to one of them, to be plundered. This robber conducted him to a retired ■^^" ~v'<* -■ Cs.'f' -i- ,*!' ■; '■ ~ .'- " . ^.7■^ ' ■■ • ^- f.:f-—:^i:-/ i^&u^TTv' ST. PATRICK. 19 deacon. Under the discipline and instruction of this prelate he remained several years, and on place and enquired who he vith eighty disciples who fol- was: " I am a Christian," re- lowed his example. They lived plied Martin. '* Are you not in common, With extreme au- afraid," rejoined the bandit? sterity, the celebration of his " I was nevermore at my ease, supposed miracles had a pow- because I know the mercy of erful effect on the ignorant the Lord to be present in all Gauls, eveiy common action trials. I am more concerned being magnified into a pro- for you, who by your course of digy. His integrity and piety life render yourself unfit to par- were unquestionable; disfi- take of the mercy of Christ." gured as was the latter with The robber struck with the he^ monastic superstition, and the roic sincerity of his defenceless former in some instances bor- captive, besought his blessing dering upon a false humility, and instruction. Martin opened His patience and charity were simply the Christian scheme exemplary. Surely we may to his attentive listener ; cou- refer the peculiar bias of St. viction impressed his miud, he Patrick's mind to the influen- professed his belief and en- tial character of his revered treated the continued prayers relative, a character he most of his pious instructor, whom likely had studied ; it was cal- he respectfully conducted to a culated to awaken enthusiasm place of safety. The new con- and excite emulation. Youth vert persevered in godliness contemplating such a character and it is from his testimony naturally would determine like we receive the account. it to " act a noble part." There We follow not the credulous is a circumstance connected tales invented of this esteemed with this brief notice of Martin bishop, for little interesting which displays in a striking can be gathered from accounts manner the peculiar spirit of derived from a period when the times, and the inconsisten- the human mind was clouded cies to which *ven the best men by ignorance and superstition, are liable. While Martin lived We shall only add that Martin with all the austerity and sim- was with difficulty persuaded plicity of an anchorite, he re- to quit his monastery in order garded the office of a presbyter to engage in the arduous du- of the church as of so high ties of the church as bishop of and eminent a nature, that he Tours, to which he was called maintained at a public enter- by the universal voice of thfe tainment that even the Empe- people. He still preserved his ror was inferior in degree to monastic taste, and had a mo-, one of that order. This suffi- nastery two miles only from ciently proves the arrogance the city. Here he resided which had crept into the system c 2 .-'^^Tf^ 20 ST. PATRICK. the decease of the bishop became the pupil of Germanus, who ordained him priest, and gave him his third name, Mawn, or Magninim. " Germa- nus" says an ancient writer, ** considering him alike distinguished in religion, eminent for vir- tue, • and steadfast in doctrine, and regretting that he should remain in a manner inactive in the spiritual vineyard, greatly encouraged his going to Ireland. Thus confirmed in his long meditated design Patrick resorted to the chosen scene of his pious labours, and intent upon accomplishing his object was not discouraged by the ill success he first experienced, the Irish rejecting his doctrines, as they had previously done those of Pallidius, and four other missionaries, who had preceded him.* of the church, and evidences first order ; and Jerome speak- its early departure from the ing of the humility which was humble spirit of its Divine directly opposed by the proud Founder. tenets of the Pelagian heresy, * Pelagianism entered the observes beautifully, " This is church in the fifth century, the only perfection of men, to and in a greater or less degree know themselves imperfect." hascontinuedtoour own times, In avowing his doctrine, its doctrines are subversive of " That man needs not the the foundation of Christianity, Holy Spirit to render him truly as they question the operation pious and holy, but has suffi- of the Holy Spirit. Pelagius cient resources in his own na- denied the doctrine of grace, tore for that end," Pelagius contending that men may ar- mingled much artifice and eva- rive at the height of purity sion speaking with such am- supported by mere human na- biguity of the doctrine of grace ture, exclusive of the operations that it might mean anything, of the Divine Spirit. Pelagius but a positive influence on the was a native of Britain and was heart, imparting a pbwer to in his own time called Brito. will and to act, agreeably to the He had for his coadjutor Ce- pleasure of God, and exalting lestius, an Irishman. The great the soul to communion with the Augustine allows the genius Creator and Redeemer, and capacity of both these in- The heresy of Arius tended to dividuals to have been of the lessen the belief of the Divinity "I^^mv^'v?! ■:>?■■• ■ .. "~ .. ? -*??e- HE VISITS ROME. ^l Patrick in consequence returned to Gaul and passed some time with his enlightened tutor Ger- inanus, whose conversation and example mspired him with renewed zeal. Strongly recommended bv this valuable friend, to Celestme, the then Roman pontiff, as a man worthy of his highest confidence, and as possessing qualification* emi- nently fitting him to become an apostle, Patrick resorted to the papal court. His ecclesiastical merit was not passed over by Celestine, but approved by the judgment and confirmed by the blessing of the apostolic father. of the Son of God, and pro • these were undoubtedly pos- fesses to explain by reason, the sessed by Arius." mysteries which we are re- In his behaviour and man- quired to helmt' on divine ner of life he was severe and testimony alone. . grave. In his person tall and He main taipe4 that the Son venerable, and in his dress al- of God was totally and essen- most monastic. Hewasagree- tially distinct from the God- able and captivating in conver- head ; that he was indeed the sation, and well skilled in logic, first and noblest of those beings and in all the improvements of whom God had created, the the human jnind in estimation instrument by whose subordi- at the period in which he lived, nate operation he tormed the (the 4th Century). Cicero's universe, therefore inferior to words with little variation, in his the Father both in nature and masterly character of Catiline, in dignity. Also that the Holy might be applied to Arius : Ghost was not God, but created " Had he not possessed some by the power of the Son. He apparent virtues he would not owned that the Son was the have been able to form so Word, but denied that Word great a design, nor to have to have been eternal. He also proved so foimidable an adver- maintained that Christ had sary." He who does much nothing of man in him but the mischief in misleading others, flesh, to which the Word was must at least have a fair ap- joined which was the same as pearance of morals. This he- the soul in men. '*^ Arius" resy, assuming perhaps difFer- says Milner " was by nature ent names, is by no means an formed to deceive ; under- exploded doctrine even in our standing and capacity will own times, but may rather be command our respect, and considered as increasing. ^ ~ 22 HE CONVERTS THE IRISH. t Patrick once more proceeded to Ireland, having previously been consecrated bishop by the Pope, who gave him his most familiar name Patricius, expressive of his honourable descent, and to give vvreight and lustre to the commission with which he was charged to convert the Irish. The first fruit of his mission was the conversion of Sinell, eighth in descent from Cormac, King of Leinster, but not meeting with the encouragement of his labours which he wished in the first scene of his mission, the zealous Patrick proceeded to Dublin, and from thence to Ulster, where he founded a church, afterwards the famous abbey of Saul, in the county of Down, remarkable for its position, foi" having originally been a barn, its greatest length reached from north to south. After labouring with indefatigable seal and pa^ tience in his great work during seven years, un- awed by opposition, unchecked by difficulties, undaunted by dangers he extended his zealous labours to the Isle of Man, having engaged the services of several eminent men to assist him in his important work. He met with success in these endeavours to evangelize the rude inhabi- tants of Man^ and founded a bishopric. Having effected this service to the island he returned to Armagh, the see of which he founded three years previous, and there continuing his meritorious and unwearied exertions, he in a few years effected the conversion of Ireland. Armagh was named the metropolitan see^ and Patrick conse- crated archbishop. He also founded there a priory of Augustine canons, dedicated to St. Peter and St. Paul, and a bouse of canonesses of the same order, under the discipline of Serpita his sister. The spirit of the age is exemplified in the name of this religious female establishment, it being called '' Temple na HIS DEATH. 23 firta," or the house of miracles. St. Patrick after his return from the Isle of Man, passed the re- mainder of his eventful and useful life between the monasteries of Armagh and Saul, superin- tending and enforcing the great plan of doctrine and discipline which he had established. In or- der to ensure by every human means within his power the stability of his important work, this great man founded schools for the instruction of youth and ignorance, and at length closed his holy ministry and life at Saul abbey in the 120th year of his age, March 17th, A. D. 493. He was afterwards interred at Down, in the same grave with St. Brigid and St. Columb ; his immediate successor in the see was St. Binen, or Begnus. Armagh was held in the highest estimation and veneration not only by bishops and priests, but also by kings and princes on account of the me- ritorious labours of this great father of the Irish church, who had so largely contributed to the temporal and eternal good of his converts.* * Armagh on the river Ka- entirely destroyed by Tir'Oen, lin gives name to the county, or O'Neal, in the reign of Eli- and is the see of the primate of zabeth. It was however after- Ireland ; here was anciently a wards recovered, rebuilt, and monastery built by St. Columb, garrisoned by the English, about 6 1 0. TTie cathedral has The see of Armagh is valued been often burnt, but as often in the King's books by an ex- rebuilt and enlarged, particu- tent taken anno 30th Henry larly by Patrick Scanlain, about VIII., at £183. 17s. 5|(/. Irish 1 262. His successor Nicholas, money per ann. , which amounts son of Molissa, beside books, to £137. 18s. 0|d., English, ex- rich ecclesiastical vestments, change being then one-fourth, and other things bestowed on But by an extent returned in it an annual pension of twenty the 15th James I. it is valued marks; he appropriated also to #at £400. sterling per annum, his see the manor of .Dromy- and pays so much first fruits to skin. This city was first sub- the present time. It is re- jected to the English by John puted to be worth annually de Courcy, but subsequently £8000. The chapter of Ar- ^'.-'^■' ' -■-■•<-■■. ■■-: -::>--^.-' V ■•■■'-> 7'"W!W: 24 EFFECTS OF HIS LABOURS. It has been asserted by an eminent writer that the doctrines taught by St. Patrick were free from the errors of the church of Rome ; admitting that they were so, we ought not to be surprised that they were not so deeply imbibed nor so blended with the principles of the people as to effect any rapid change of national manners ; for while we speak of the gradual conversion of a people, and award a just praise to the perse- vering agents whose zeal and labours effected it, we must also acknowledge that many combining motives may render conversion more a matter of policy than a real change of heart. Fear of pu- nishment, the prospect of secular advantage, and the desire of obtaining succour against their ene- mies from the countenance and persuasions of the holy men, whose superior knowledge, if not their sanctity of life, made objects of popular reve- rence, added to the supposed miraculous influence of their religion, were doubtless with the many, the prevailing motives to renounce the service of their gods, who had been proved impotent to save.* Accordingly we find that in Ireland as magh is composed of five dig- enlarging the number of the nitaries and four prebendaries, said vicars to eight, and laid who have voices in every capi- out upwards of £4000. on a tular act. The dignitaries are purchase in augmentation of thus ranked, viz. a dean, the estate of the choir. ., .1 chanter, chancellor, treasurer, • Among the many in- and archdeacon ; there are stances of this, is one related also eight vicars choral, and in the English history respect- an organist attendant on the ing Edwin, king of the Nor- service of the cathedral. The thumbrians in the seventh cen- vicars choral were anciently tury, when upon his anxious fewer, and of the number only enquiry as to the truth of that one priest ; primate Marsh religion promulgated by Paul- added another priest, but-with- inus, he held a consultation out increasing the number of with his friends and counsellors, vicars. In 1720 primate Lind- " What is," said he, " this hi- say obtained a new charter for therto unheard of doctrine. t EFFECTS OF HIS LABOURS. 25 well as in other countries which in general terms are said to have received the gospel, many are the instances recorded in which the converts after being initiated by baptism into the church, apos- tatized from their sacred vows, and dishonoured their Christian profession by acts totally inconsist- ent with its spirit. These facts tend but to prove the inherent evil of our nature, and to illustrate in a forcible manner the great coiTuption of manners which powerfully counteracted the pious labourers in the Christian vineyard, even when the doc- trines they had scattered had been received in an apparently genial soil. Yet though yielding little genuine fruit, the principles of Christiknity were not falsified. They must necessarily how- ever imperceptibly refine, harmonize, and elevate the human mind, and in fact they did so at the period of which we speak, even in the imperfect manner in which they were inculcated, by restrain- ing, though they did not eradicate the national vices of the Irish. It was at this early period of the Irish conver- sion that monastic institutions multiplied almost incredibly. Monks, who previously to the fifth century had this new worship V* Cofti, the The result is well known, chief of the pagan priests an- that the king, all his nobles, swered, " See you, O king, and many of his people received what this is which is lately the Christian faith. The whole preached to us ? I declare account is highly interesting most frankly, what I have and affecting as given by the found to be true, that the reli- Venerable Bede, who relates gion we have hitherto followed many instances of the peace, is of no value. If the gods oilfer, and justice which pre- could do anything they would vailed during the reign of more particularly distinguish Edwin, provmg not only his me with their favours who have own sincere reception they succeeded frequently in alarming them into sub- mission by denunciations of the divine vengeance against their excesses. When fear has once gained an entrance into the soul, and that of a mighty but undefined evil, most powerful are its opera- tions upon every faculty. Unskilful must be the hand, that in possessiqn of such an engine can fail to subdue the most daring mind in which there lurks one particle of superstition ; but employed by individuals at once bold and active, frequently also gifted with various other commanding qualities — clear ideas, resolute will, ambitious emulation, and a courage which brings them fearlessly into action, we may easily understand the poweiful influence of %e Komish denunciations on weak ignorant minds, tortured by guilt, conflicting with passion, or enfeebled by superstition. ** The simplicity and ignorance of the many," says Mosheim, " furnished ample oc- casion for the exercise of those pious frauds which REPUTED MIRACLES. 27 early disgraced the Christian church, and the in- genuity of the impostures increased in proportion to the credulity of the multitude, while the saga- cious who perceived them, were constrained to silence, through the dangers that threatened their lives and properties, if they endeavoured to remove the veil which concealed the secret but powerful machinery by which the fears of the many were acted upon." The pretended miracles were regarded with awful silence and deep religious horror. We shall recite only a single instance of this species of craft, as it is an illustration of our subject, aind re- fers to the zealous labours of St. Patrick; though it is utterly inconsistent with every account we have on record of the simple integrity of his character, to suppose that he descended to such means to effectuate his desired and laudable ends. There is in the county of Donnegal, or Tircon- nel, near the source of the Liffy, a cave, called by the modern Irish Elian n' Fradatory, or the island of Purgatory, and Patrick's Purgatory. They affirm with a pious credulity, doubtless derived from father to son during many succeeding ages, that St. Patrick, the apostle of Ireland, or some abbot of that name, they cannot precisely deter- mine which, obtained of God by his earnest pray- ers, that the pains and torments which await the wicked after this life, might be here set forth to view, in order more effectually to recover the Irish from their sinful and heathenish errors. It is easy to trace the invention of this story to the pernicious power gained over the imaginations of the people, and those who attained this ascen- dancy soon learned to derive emolument from the public credulity and veneration, while important privileges and exemptions, were granted to the 28 ANCIENT UNIVERSITIES. administrators of those spiritual benefits to which man naturally clings for support and comfort. In the midst of every provincial conflict, every domes- tic strife, the persons and the property of the clergy were preserved inviolate ; the infant church was every where nobly endowed, and the prayers of the holy conventual inhabitants repaid or bought by large and voluntary donations. The people were taught to dedicate the first-born of all their cattle to the church, as a matter of indis- putable obligation. Many of the clergy, who had acquired riches by the donations and bequests of the pious and superstitious, rose above selfish in- terests, and applied them to the noblest purposes, regarding* themselves strictly but as channels through which the stream of benevolence was to pass in order to fertilize and adorn the country. Many of the monks, say the historians, fixed their habitations in deserts, which they cultivated with their own hands, and rendered the most de- lightful spots. in the kingdom. These deserts be- came well polished cities; and it is worthy of remark, that to the monks may be attributed the forming into one civil community the discordant and rival tribes of Ireland, hence they ought justly to be regarded as national benefactors. In these cities they established schools, in which they educated the youth, not only of the island, but of the neighbouring nations, and under the mild influence of the Christian doctrines Hiber- nia became the seat of learning from the fifth to the close of the seventh century. The justly termed yenerable Bede bears testi- mony, that in the seventh century, during the ecclesiastical power of the revered prelates Finian and Colman, many Anglo Saxons and others re- tired from their own country into Ireland, either to receive superior instruction, or for the oppor- »!5;^...!?r. ■; : ^^?^■'^^i#^^«^|^i«»T: ■ ^i •,;,.:^',;f5F«-"^-'^- ANCIENT UNIVERSITIES. tunity of living in monasteries under stricter dis- cipline ; and that they were maintained, taught, and furnished with books, by their Irish precep- tors and guides without fee or reward. This is a lively instance and honourable testi- mony, not only of the superior learning, but also of the generous hospitality and bounty of the early Irish Christians. It cannot be doubted that the col- lision of minds which such a confluence of foreigners to a retired island in search of instruction must produce, had a powerful eflect, in refining and humanizing the manners of the people, as well as, to enlarge their inental capacity. When the rest of Europe was sunk in ignorance, and torn with contentions, Ireland shone with lustre as a seat of learning; seven thousand students are said to have studied at Armagh alone, although the sefni- nary of that see was but one of many similar eccle- siastical institutions, in different parts of the island ; among which number we may name Innisfallen, Lismore, Kells, Kildare, Kilkenny, Glendalogh, Ardfert, &c. * as distinguished for their higk ec- * Innisfallen is an island on was kept, often cited by anti- the lake of Killamey ; in it are quaries, under th'e title of An- the ruins of a very ancient re- nals of Innisfallen. These an- ligious house founded by St. nals inform us, that in 1180, Finian, the patron saint of that the abbey in which all the gold, part of Ireland. To him the silver, and richest goods of the cathedral of Aghadoe is also whole country were deposited, dedicated. The remains of this as a place of greatest security, abbey are very extensive, the was plundered by Mildwin, son situation highly romantic and ofDanielO'Donoughoe,a8 was recluse. Upon the dissolution also the church at Ardfert, and of religious houses, the posses- many persons were slain in the sions of the abbey were grant- very cemetery by the Macar- ed to Captain R. Callam. St. tfs ; but God, as the chronicle Finian flourished about the says, punished this impiety by middle of the sixth century, theuntimely endof someof the He was descended from the authors of it. kings of Munster. Kells, anciently called Ke- In this abbey a chronicle nanus, and subsequently Ken- "i. • 30 ANCIENT UNIVERSITIES. clesiastical consequence, and important civilizing influence. Nor were the labours and talents of the lis, was one ot the most consi- The prior of this place had the derable cities in the kingdom; title of Lord Spiritual, and as Within a short distance is the such sat in the house of peers -^ church of Seuan, and at the before the Reformation. The south of the church-yard is a ruins only of this abbey now round tower 99 feet in height, remain. A synod was held in the roof ending in a point, and it, 1152, when John Papano, ' near the sumit four windows legate from Rome, made one of facing the cardinal points, the number of bishops that . There was formerly a very ce- were convened at that time to lebrated monastery at this place settle the affairs of the Irish founded in 550 for regular ca- church, nons, dedicated to the Virgin Kildare, capital of the county Mary. It owed its origin to oftbe same name. The church of St. Columb^ to whom the site this place was very early erected of the abbey was granted by into a cathedral with episcopal Dermod Mac'Carval, or Der- jurisdiction, a dignity which it mod, son of Eervail, king of retains. The cathedral is now, Ireland. An episcopal see was however, in decay. St. Brigid *v;^y-y-v »:y3^f;gi«y .^.-y-jitjfr ■■: "y wgiF^^'?^^''Tr^''<^^g^jjf ;?■ •^^'^sips-- • .T«^^ji|p|ij» ■ ANCIENT UNIVERSITIES. * 31 Irish clergy confined to their own country, many resorted to the continent, converted heathens. the fire called inextinguisha in a cell, the remains of which ble, which had been preserred are yet visible— a proof of the from a very early period by the tenacity of the human mind to nuns of St Brigid. This fire early customs and habits, was, however, relighted, and Kilkenny is capital of the continued to burn till the total county of the same name, in the suppression of monasteries, province of Leinster. It derives There was also at Kildare a its name from the church or cell grey abbey, erected for friars of Canie, who was an eminent of the Franciscan order, or, as hermit, and is one of the most they are frequently styled. Grey elegant cities in Ireland. It is Friars, in 1 160, by Lord Wil- the seat of the bishop of Osso- liam de Vesey ; but the build- ry, which was translated from ing was completed by Gerald Agaboe to Ossory, about the Fitzmaurice, Lord Ofl^aley. A end of Henry the Second, by considerable portion of it yet bishop O'Dulhony. That it was remains. A house for White once of the greatest conse- Friars was also founded by W. quence is abundantly evident, de Vesey in 1290. The round from the great variety of vene- tower is 130 feet high, formed rableruins remaining of church- of granite to twelve feet above es, monasteries, and abbeys, ground, and finished with com- which even now in tl^ir dilapi- mon blue stone. Kildare gives dated state exhibit mch spe- title to the family of Fitzge- cimens of exquisite taste in ar- rald. The county of Kildare chitecture, as may vie with any was anciently caUed Chille- modem improvements. Theca- dair, viz. the wood of oaks, thedral, situated in a teqnes- from a lai^e forest which com- tered spot, is a venerable gothic prehended the middle part of pile built about five hundred the county. In the centre of years since. Near it is one of this forest was an extensive those remarkable round towers > plain, sacred to heathen super- which have so much engaged stition : it is at present called the attention of travellers. The the Curragh of Kildare. At bishop's palace is a handsome the extremity of this plain, structure, communicating by a about the commencement of covered way with the church, the sixth century, St. Brigid, The college was originally one of the heathen vestals, on founded by the Ormond fanuly, her conversion to the Christian who also built and endowed a faith,-founded, with the assist- free-school^ » ance of St. Cunleath, a church There are the ruins of tlu^e and monastery , near which,after monasteries, St, John's, St the manner of the Pagans, the Francis, and the Black Abbey, holy sister kept the sacred fire Beloi^ing to the latter are •f '\ .# ™;* *!>A''5i!'l'^^n'Ff«l?^Wiw!!ESf% \^ ..^r.-T^'-^i'-ir-f: ,.■ ?5„ip-^>' .vw*- 32 'ANCIENT UNIVERSITIES. confirmed believers, erected religious houses, and established schools of learning. We are told, many curious monuments al- by the assistance however of the most buried in the ruins ; and Pope, continued lon^ after this the courts of the others are period to elect bishops and ab- now converted into the inap- bots to Glendalogh, they pos- propriate use of baracks. messed neither revenues nor au- Glendalogh, otherwise called thority beyond the district of the Seven Churches, anciently Tuathal, which was the west- a celebrated town ; it is in the ern part of the county of Wick- county of Wicklow, province low. In consequence of this, ofLeinster. The name signi- the city fell into decay, and had fies the valley of the two lakes, become nearly a desert in 1497, In this valley, surrounded by when Denis White, the last ti- lofty and almost inaccessible tular bishop, surrendered his mountains, St. Kevin or Ca- right in the cathedral church of van, called also St. Coungene, St. Patrick, Dublin. From the about the middle of the sixth ruins of this ancient city still century, founded a monastery, remaining, it must have been a which in a short time, from the place of high consequence, con- sanctity of its founder, was taining seven churches and much resorted to. It at length monasteries ; small indeed, but became a bishopric, and a reli built in a neat elegant style, in gious city^St. Kevin died June imitation of the Grecian archi- 618, at die advanced age of tecture. The cathedral, the 120, and on that day annually walls of which are yet stand- numbers of persons flock to the ing, was dedicated to St. Peter seven churches to ceFebrate the and St. Paul. South of it is a festival of the venerated saint, small church nearly entire, and During the middle ages. Glen- roofed with stone ; and in se- dalogh was held in great es- veral parts of the valley are a teem, receiving many donations number of stone crosses, some and privileges, its episcopal ju- of which are curiously carved, risdiction extending to the but without inscriptions, walls of Dublin. In the north-west corner of About the middle of the 12th the cemetery belonging to the century, on some account which cathedral , stands a round tower does -not clearly appear, it was ninety-i&ve feethigh, and fifteen much neglected by the clergy, in diameter ; and in the ceme- and became, instead of a holy tery of a small church, on the city, a resort of banditti ; south side of the river called wherefore Cardinal Papiron, in the Rheafert Church, are some 1214, united it to the see of tombs with Irish inscriptions, Dublin, which union was con- designating them to have been firmed by King John. The in memory of the O'Tools. In O'Tools, chiefs of Ferthuathal, a perpendicular projecting rock COLUMB-KILL. .-;» 33 that some Irish ecclesiastics were settled at Glas- tonbury in the reign of Edwin, king of Northum- bria, and taught the liberal sciences to the chil- dren of the nobility ; also that the eccentric and ambitious Dunstan attached himself to their in- structions, and diligently explored their books. The ecclesiastics of Ireland had also the merit of converting the ferocious Picts by the ministry of Columb-kill, one of their renowned order, who resorted to the northern parts of Scotland for that pious purpose, and met with great success. Columb-kill lived thirty-four years after his passage into Britain, and his disciples were dis- tinguished for the holiness and abstemiousness of their lives. Aidan, also an Irishman, was emi- fiouth of the great lake, thirty - with the bishopric of Limerick yards above the surface of the ever since the restoration. The water, is the celebrated bed of bishops were formerly styled St. Kevin, hewn out of the rock, bishops of Kwry. exceedingly difficult of access, St. Brandon, to whom the and terrible in prospect. A- cathedral is dedicated, had his mongst the ruins have been first rudiments of education at discovered a number of stones, Ardfert under bishop Ert,< but *' curiously carved, and contain* finished his studies in Con- ing inscriptions in the Latin, naught, St. Jarlath, bishop of Greek, and Irish languages. Tuam, being his preceptor. At a small distance from St. The ruins at Ardfert are very Kevin's bed, and on the same extensive. Near the cathedral side of the mountain, are the was what is termed an anchoret ruins of a small stone building tower, the loftiest and finest in called St. Kevin's well. In the kingdom ; it was 120 feet short, there is abundant evi- in height. It fell suddenly in dence that Glendalogh and its 1771. In the several ruined vicinity was sacred ground in churches are numerous inscrip- the estimation of the primitive tions round the mouldings of Irish Christians. the tombstones ; and over an Ardfert was the ancient capi- arch behind the late Earl of tal of Kerry, with an university Glandore's mansion is an in- held in the highest esteem : it cription in relief, executed in a is a bishop's see and borough masterly manner, but charac- by ancient prescription, and ters unknown, has been held in: commendam ■. ^ VOL. I. ^ ■ D ■•i;«<^ 1 J 84 ST. AIDAN. nent as an apostle of Christianity. In the seventh century, Cadwallan, one of the British kings com- posing the octarchy, tyrannized over the subjects of the deceased royal convert, Edwin, king of Northumbria, till at lengtk Oswald his nephew vanquished and slew him, establishing himself in the kingdom. The piety of Oswald was sincere ; he had in his youth lived ^ an exile in Ireland, where he had been baptized. Influenced by the genuine spirit of religion, he earnestly laboured to instruct his rude subjects, and to advance their moral tuition. He accordingly sent for a pastor from the sister kingdom. This ecclesiastic made many fruitless attempts to fulfil the wishes of Oswald ; but at length, wearied with his ill suc- cess, returned to Ireland, complaining of the in- tractable disposition of the Northumbrians. ** It seems to me," remarked Aidan, who was an auditor of these complaints, " that your austere manners and severity of conduct towards them, was unsuitable to their state of extreme ignorance ; they should be treated like infants with milk, till they become capable of stronger meat." Avith all the boasted refinement and candour of the nineteenth century, perhaps we should find it difficult to meet with a sentiment more just, or sagacity more penetrating, than is contained in this simple remark of a monk of the seventh. The consequence of his frankness, was what perhaps Aidan little expected, he was himself deputed by an Irish council to enter on the mission. The character of Aidan would have done honour to the purest and most refined times : he was a shining example of true godliness, and with the active but temperate zeal of a faithful apostle, laboured to convert infidels, to strengthen the weak, to con- firm the wavering. He gave to the indigent what he received from the opulent, and employed him- ':5T^f.-E'^^'*:vS^«?"f^- •- >> OSWALD OF NORTHUMBRIA. 35 self with his pious associates in the continual study of the scriptures. Strictly avoiding every thing luxurious, and every appearance of secular avarice and ambition, he redeemed captives with the money given him by the great and the pious, carefully instructing the emancipated individuals, and fitting many for the ministry. We may the more confidently depend upon the accounts we have of this eminent man, as they are derived from those who regarded him as a schismatic in the observation of Easter, in which the church of Rome differed from the British and Irish churches, excepting only the Saxons. Augustine and his immediate successors, had ineffectually laboured to bring all the British churches into a conformity with that of Rome, in this and other respects. Nor ought we to impute unworthy motives to those pious prelates for seeking an unity they be- lieved favourable to the general interests of the Christian church, for their constancy in labour, steady views of Christian duty, holy and unble- mished lives, seem to prove them to have been actuated by the purest and most exalted senti- ments and desires for the temporal and eternal good of mankind. Oswald, the royal patron of the pious Aidan, was not inferior to him in his endeavours to promote religion. Many interesting instances might be adduced that he strengthened by his own example his recommendation of those great duties which confer dignity on the lowly, and add lustre to the diadem. Uncorrupt a^ humble in the midst of pr<5sperity, he evidenced the beauty of holiness. He was the benefactor of the poor and needy, and zealously and cheerfully encouraged every attempt to spread the knowledge and practice of godliness among men. His early education had rather pre- judiced him in favour of the same schism which D 2 ■^. •, ' '*. ■■■■ 36 THE CHURCH OF NORTHUMBRIA. marked the religious opinions of Aidan, and pro- bably might strengthen t^, bQnd of attachment existing between them. ' ' He bestowed upon his esteemed pastor the episcopal see of Lindesfarn, (now called the Holy Island, near Berwick-upon-Tweed.) One great difficulty attended the ministry of Aidan, he spoke the English language very im- perfectly ; Oswald, therefore, inspired with a holy and honourable zeal, became his interpreter. En- couraged by his countenance and protection, se- veral other Irish missionaries resorted to the north of England, churches were erected, the gospel was preached, and Northumbria enjoyed the high privilege of spiritual instruction, the advantages of piou^ example, and the fertilizing streams of chris- tian charity. Even to the year 716, the princi- ples of evangelical piety flourished in the Irish schools amongst the Northumbrians, at which pe- riod they were led to conform to the Roman com- munion. Oswald had the satisfaction of seeing the bless- ings of Christianity diffused into Wessex. A spirit so lowly and so charitable must have power- fully felt the beauties of its benign morality, and rejoiced in its increase. But whether we regard the labours and simplicity of the Irish mission- aries, or the comparative pomp of the Romish prelates, we. see abundant proof of the zeal, inte- grity and diligence of all. We mark genuine traces of their steps, and observe salutary fruits to arise from the rich see^s which they had assi- duously sown. Tne Irish missionaries Colummin and Aidan, the Roman prelates Augustine, Lau- rentius, Mellitus, Justus, andPaulinus, left whole- some vestiges of their indefatigable labours, which have extended their influence to distant ages. We are told, that in the seventh century, Lauren- "^i^v *'»-^:', :\y CONFORMITY WITH ROME. 37 tius, the successor of Augustine in the see of Can- terbury; in conjuftctiott with Mellitus, bishop of London, and Justus, bishop of Rochester, endea- voured to reduce the Scots, who inhabited Ire- land, to a conformity with the English church ; and that John, bishop of Rome, wrote also letters to Ireland against the Pelagian heresy, which was there reviving. The three prelates above-named wrote upon the subject of conformity to the Irish Christians, declaring themselves to be sent by the Roman see to propagate the gospel among the Pagan nations. Laurentius complained of the bigotry of a certain Irish bishop, who, coming to Canterbury, refused to eat at the same table, or even in the same house with him. Thus sadly do differences of opinion weaken the bonds of Chris- tian charity and humility, and swell the human heart with self-jconceit and pride. The archbishop and his colleagues could not however prevail either on the Irish or the Britons to enter into the desired conformity, and frequent subsequent at- tempts were equally unsuccessful. Egbert, an Englishman, effected this union among many of the Irish in the following century ; and as the Romish church grew more corrupt at that period, of course those that conformed to its communion became in proportion more infected with its increasing superstitions; The power of the Popes had been gradually in- creasing from the third century. At that period they indeed possessed a marked preeminence in the church, though it was much questioned and regarded with jealousy ; it being contended, that it ought to be only that of order and association, not of power and authority. But from the supe- riority which consisted of convening councils, of presidingin them, and collecting voices, soon arose that consequence attached to certain evidences of ;s!5^.?v^-^*^?^^w^?7!'7^;!yr^*i^^^'' ■!T''!^7^ ^^ps^m^ -■:'^ 38 PAPAL SUPREMACY. external grandeur and opulence, which render the possessor an object of admiration in the eyes of the world . The bishop of Rome, from simply pre- siding orer his brethren, was led to surpass them in the magnificence of his ceremonies, in the rich- ness of his revenues, in the number and variety of his ministers, and in his splendid manner of liv- ing. These dazzling evidences of human prosperity drew forth the blind admiration of the ignorant, and excited the passions of the ambitious. Hence arose divisions and endless factions : yet still the Papal power was restricted. Bishops did not ac- knowledge that they derived their authority from the Pope, or were created by favour of the aposto- lic see. These high prerogatives afterwards pos- sessedyand so arbitrarily used, by the Popes, were obtained by the imprudence or incaution of the emperors in whom the power was vested, by the dexterity of prelates, the inconsiderate zeal, and the precipitate judgment of bishops, by which easy steps were formed for the ascent of despotism. From this proud desire of dominion, endless divi- sions arose in the eastern and western churches, the fruitful sources of various schisms that became prevalent among those who severally arrogated the titles of defenders of the church, air which were favourable to the growing authority of the Roman pontiff. ..i ■ ^i , For by taking under his protection those prelates whose rights were invaded, he added to the influence and strength of the Roman see, and established its supremacy. The in- cursions of the barbarians also in the fifth cen- tury, were favourable to the augmentation of the papal power, for the monarchs who pene- trated into the empire, were naturally solicitous to give stability to their respective governments; ■w^-WfS'^'^^'^wmy^^^^^' THE POPES. 39 and perceiving the subjection of the multitude to the bishops, and the dependence of the bishops on the pontiffs, they politically concluded their best course was to reconcile the spiritual ruler to their interests, by loading him with honours and benefits. The Gothic kings, however, set bounds to his power in Italy, permitting none to be raised to the pontificate without their approbation, and reserving to themselves the right of judging of the legality of every election. The supreme dominion over the church and its possessions, we have observed, was vested in the emperors and kings both in the east and west. Nor was the consecration of the Roman pontiff of any validity, unless performed in the presence of the emperor's ambassadors. The Roman pontiffs obeyed the laws of the emperors, received their judicial de- cisions as of indispensable obligation, and ex- ecuted them with submission. The kings of the Franks appointed extraordinary judges, whom they called envoys, to inspect into the lives and manners of the clergy, to take cognizance of their contests, to terminate their disputes, to enact laws concerning the public worship, and to punish the crimes of the sacred order, as well as those of citizens. It is to be observed, however, that the Latin emperors did not assume to themselves the ad- ministration of the church, or the cognizance and decisions of the controversies that were purely of a religious nature. They acknowledged, on the contrary, that these matters belonged to the tribunal of the pontiff and the ecclesiastical coun- cils. But the jurisdiction of the pontiff was con- fined within narrow limits ; he could decide no- thing by his sole authority, but was obliged to convene a council when any religious differences were to be terminated by an authoritative judg- ■■:>« «^:;^??r;v»*v-»\ -i^tj"- -wv^. :^;.^''^,-^;-:st^?f-'j^'3!?!Fi^-;?^?^ 40 . GILDAS. ment. Nor did the provinces, when any con- troversy arose, wait for the decision of the pope, but assembled by virtue of their own authority, their particular councils, in which their bishops disclosed their sentiments with perfect freedom on the subjects in debate, frequently voting in direct opposition to what was known to be the opinion of the pontiff. . i ^ It is further necessary to observe, that the power of convening councils, and the right of presiding in them, were the prerogatives of the emperors and sovereign princes, in whose domi- nions those assemblies were held ; and that no decree, of any council, obtained the force of law, until it was approved and confirmed by the su- preme magistrate. Happy would it have been for the peace of nations and individuals, had the spiritual authority of Rome continued thus wisely bounded by the civil power, but the pontiffs liked not the imperial curb, and left no means untried to break their bonds. They arrogantly claimed a supreme dominion, not only over the church, but also over kings, and aimed to reduce the universe to their spiritual authoiity. However extravagant these pretensions were, perseverance and favourable circumstances, adroitly managed, finally realized them. It was during this gradual augmentation of papal power, and the divisions and animosities it created, as well as the injury it occasioned to genuine religion, that Burgundy, Germany, and other countries received the in- struction of many learned and pious Irishmen, and Europe, with gratitude confessed the superior knowledge, piety, zeal, and purity of the mission- aries from the " Island of Saints" Gildas, sur- named the Wise, a native of Dumbritton, in Scot- Ismd, preached with much success in his own country and in Ireland. In him we perceive the •iflSij;-':.. •;--»;■'. .■.-^■;.. ■■■:-, ?-?^e»--;:-.-!1^--^ -"■ ■ • --a--« .,-i -; v ■ ■■■--::.-'■ -i - MISSIONS FROM IRELAND. 4^h vigorous plant rising from the seed sown by the gifted Gennanus; as Gildas indirectly obtained his religious knowledge from that great man, having been instructed by Hiltut, who was the immediate pupil or disciple of Gennanus. It is pleasing to trace the existing causes of the soul's energies, and the agency which has directed their bias. Dyson also, an Irish monk, taught the gospel in his native land and in France and Germany. His labours were most remarkably crowned with success in the neighbourhood of Mentz, and in regard to the conversion of the northern part& of Europe in the seventh and eighth c^turies, the British, Scots, and Irish were the principal in- struments in the important work. The erection of many convents for the Scots and Irish, may thus easily be accounted for. Many persons travelled from Great Britain and Ireland, with the laudable purpose of preaching the gospel to the benighted heathen, and, how- ever superstition might, in modern estimation, tarnish their labours, yet there must have been noble principles in action, to have induced men thus to undergo dangers, difficulties, and pri- vation, without much probability or prospect of advantage or of fame. Marianus Scotus, speaking of the seventh cen- tury, says, Ireland was filled with saints. Their schools were renowned for ages. Many divisions SLTose, but while such men as Paulinus and Aidan lived, the diversity of sentiment produced no great mischief. It was in the seventh century that Alfred, king of Northumbria, the worthy pre- cursor of his great namesake, devoted himself to piety and literature, and rejected from the throne of his father by a faction of the great, voluntarily retired into Ireland, that he might pursue his un- ambitious studies. For fifteen years, he enjoyed T^ 'rx ■ '7!Vf^J??»p^a^SlP?'T^*^^ •. .T •-^-^.;;."i^;,'J 42 COLUMBAN. a. life of philosophic tranquillity and progressive improvement. The books revered by Christians, engrossed so much of his study, that one of the epithets applied to him was, " most learned in the scripture." It may be interesting to add, that this monarch continued to exhibit to the world this example of contented privacy till called to the throne, and that he governed with the same virtue that had marked his retirement^ de- riving his happiness from the peace and enjoy- ments of his people. Northunibria was blessed with his superintendence for nineteen years. — (See Turn^CTB History of the Anglo-Saxons.) But to return from the digression, which we have committed to illustrate the estimation of Irish instruction. < As depravity increased, and the spirit of faith and love grew colder, hurtful disputes arose, to the scandal of the gospel. The Roman church, however, acquired more and more influence, though it was very far from pervading the whole of the British isles at the end of the century. Let it suffice, that our ancestors saw in this century a blessed time, the fruits of which will abide for ever. Columban, an Irish monk, distinguished from him of the same name before alluded to, (who was called the Ancient,) towards the close of the sixth century had extirpated the remains of the expiring paganism in France. He also passed the Rhine, and evangelized several German states. In fortitude, constancy, and unwearied labour, he was inferior to none of the missionaries of the age. Columban was an author as well as mis- sionary. He wi'ote on monastic rules, and his sentiments, as well as the tenour of his life, were pious and devout. Although, as may be expected, he was infected with the servile genius of the imhristian vineyard, and during the time of Charlemagne, were received at his court, and consecrated bishops in Germany and France. They taught both sacred and profane learning with reputation and success. The; labours and industry of the divines of this age were princi- pally . employed in collecting the opinions and authorities of the fathers, by whom are meant the theological writers of the first six centuries of the Christian era. To these, rather than to the pure Fountain-head of their faith, they resorted to guide their practice, to form their opinions, and to exercise their understzmdings ; no wonder therefore they were " in endless mazes lost ;" for, as has been most justly observed, amongst all the diversities of opinions and modes of Christianity, from what quarter shall the sincere Christian receive that solid satisfaction and wise J 48 WRITINGS OF THE FATHERS. direction, which such multifarious systems are not adapted to administer ? ^ These he will receive, and can only receive by turning his dazzled view and bewildered imagina- tion from the secret decrees of God, w^ich were neither designed to be rules of action nor sources of comfort to mortals here below, and by fixing his mental vision upon the mercy of the Creator, as manifested through the mercy of the Re- deemer, the pure laws and sublime promises of tl^ Gospel, the righteousness of the divine go- vernment, there revealed, and the awful justice of his future tribunal. "When we attempt by our reason to interpret the Scriptures, we must involve ourselves in diffi- culties and error ; for we must all, at one time or other of our lives, have experienced the fact, that we view things according to our various disposi- tions and cast of opinion ; this or that interpreta- tion pleases us and appears indisputable, because perhaps it suits our existing feelings, and capti- vates the dominant passion, and our nature is ever prone to conform our sentiments to the pre- judices of our own minds. We cannot suppose the divines, of the period of which "we now speak, were exempt from these weaknesses and prejudices of humanity, hence their blind and servile veneration for those primi- tive doctors, eminent as they were, for wisdom and piety was most unquestionably unfavourable to genuine religion, and had a decided tendency to exalt the pride of human reasoning above the pure and simple doctrines of the gospel, for the dictates of the fathers were considered infallible, and their writings as the boundaries of truth, beyond which reason was hardly permitted to push its researches, although the scriptures were allowed to be summoned to its bar; and men, not ^m^- ■ ^^fir*"^^ THE HIBERNIAN TEACHERS. 49 content with acknowledging that the Holy Spirit is the true and original author of all that is good in the affections of the heart, and in the actions which emanate from it, scrupled not to dispute about the manner in which it operates upon the mind of man. The Irish or Hibernians, who, in this century, were known by the name of Scots, are re- markably distinguished as the only divines who refused to prostrate their reason by submitting it implicitly to the dictates of authority ; but natu- turally subtle and sagacious, they dared to apply their philosophy, such as it was, to the illustra- tion of the truths and doctrines of religion ; a me- thod which was almost generally contemned and exploded in other nations. That the Hibernians were lovers of learning, and distinguished them- selves in those times of ignorance by the culture of the sciences, beyond all the other European nations ; travelling through the most distant lands, both with a view to individual improvement and to communicate their knowledge, is ascertained by undoubted facts, well authenticated by history ; in the interesting details of which we behold them discharging, with the highest reputation and applause, the functions of doctors, in France, Germany, and Italy, both during the eighth and ninth centuries. Benedict, abbot of Aniane, in the province of Languedoc, who lived in this pe- riod, testifies (says Mosheim) that Hibernians were the first teachers of the scholastic theology in Europe, illustrating the doctrines of religion by the principles of philosophy ; and that so early as the eighth century, Benedict, while he pays a tribute of just praise to the learning and zeal of the Hibernians, gives some examples of their subtlety, which he greatly and justly condemns ; severely animadverting upon its introduction intb VOL. I. E ■j^yf':s'si^!W^y:^:'\>yw^ '^'^'k?^;-m?y:P^F^^ 'st^ 50 VIKGILIUS. theology, as tending to error and pride, wisely recommending in its place that amiable simplicity and plainness which is alone conformable to the nature and genius of the gospel. In this century, Rumold, an Irishman, laboured in the service of religion. He travelled into Lower Germany, also into Brabant, diffused much light in the neigh- bourhood of Mechlin, and was constituted an iti- nerant episcopal missionary. He was finally murdered by two persons, one of whom, with the fidelity of his sacred profession, he had reproved for adultery. Virgilius, also an Irishman, was appointed, in 780, bishop of Saltzburg, by king Pepin. His modesty prevented his entering upon his sacred ofiice for two years ; but he at length consented to the consecration. A misunderstanding once took place between Virgilius and the famous Bo- niface. The latter accused him to the see of Rome, of teaching " that there was another world, and other men under the earth, or another sun and moon." To the pious and ardent spirit of Boniface, a difficulty of solving the great question arose on this view of the tenets of Virgilius ; how such ideas were compatible with the Mosaic ac- count of the origin of all mankind from Adam, and of the redemption of the whole species by Jesus Christ. After all it appears that Boniface was mistaken, and that Virgilius being better ac- quainted with the true figure of the terraqueous globe, than most of his contemporaries, only held the opinion of the antipodes, a notion as sound in philosophy as innocent in theology. As Virgilius was subsequently consecrated bishop, he continued to labour in the same cause as the zealous Boni- face, and to tread in his steps. It is therefore reasonable to conclude, that both Boniface and the Pope were satisfied with the soundness of his ',^lr'^Jl!((i%:""n^^^^ IMAGE-WORSHIP. 51 faith, and accordingly dismissed the accusation against him. One of the mischievous and fatal consequences of that mental departure from the simple reliance on the Redeemer, which was the beautiful and distinguishing principle of the primitive Chris- t tians, to that proud glorying in the strength of human reasoning, of which we have spoken, was % , the dispute respecting image-worship, which arose in this century, and very, very long agitated the church in every part. The knowledge of the gospel had become too generally adulterated, and 1 the faith of men in the Redeemer losing its sta- \ bility, they had recourse to vain refuges for the relief of accusing conscience, " and the mind," says Milner, " no longer under the in- fluence of the Holy Spirit, betook itself to the arts of sculpture and painting, in order to inflame its affections and to kindle a false fire of devotion. Nothing can more strongly prove the neglect of the scriptures, than the progress of this idola- trous practice, as they so decidedly condemn it. It is, however, quite unnecessary to dwell upon the subject here, or to detail the various evasions and sophistical arguments, with which the advocates for image-worship justified their opinions and practice. « We shall merely add, that Gregory the Second, who then filled the papal chair, was an open de- fender of the superstition; and, as it forms a distinguishing feature in the Romish religion to the present day, we may regard him as the advo- cate, the first real Pope of Rome. Many super- stitions and abuses, in the discipline of the church, had been gradually arising; one is worthy of observation, as marking the decline of purity of doctrine. We allude to the practice of E 2 '■V'?^f^r':-$^f«SP^^'^?^^P(?p^g?^^75^^ rfwP'f^S'sP^: 52 DOCTRINE OF PURGATORY. interring the dead in the churchyards, a custom to be dated from the beginning of this century. The dead had previously been buried near the highways, according to the Roman laws, and Christian congregations had followed the practice, at least they had burial places remote from the cities. ■ :. i But during the pontificate of Gregory, the priests and monks began to offer prayers for the deceased, and received gifts from the relations for the performance of those services. On this ac- count, the ecclesiastics requested permission of Gregory that the deceased might be interred near the places of the monks' abode, or in the churches or monasteries, in order that the relatives might have a better opportunity of uniting in the funeral devotions. To this practice, so congenial to the feeling of sorrow, and the dictates of affection, we may trace the doctrine of purgatory, or rather its progress, as well as the avaricioiis advantage taken of it, and the departure from the purity of the church. " While men rested in the Re- deemer," says a pious author, ** and dared to be- hold themselves complete in him, they had no temptation to apply to false refuges of prayers for the deceased. In the article of death, they committed their souls and bodies to their Saviour. That hope of glory being obscured or lost, they struggled in vain through life with doubts and fears, and departing in uncertainty, left to the charity of friends to supply their supposed defi- ciency of merit, and found no end, in wandering mazes lost."* * Cuthbert, Archbishop of doctrine of purgatory is justi- Canterbury, introduced the fied by Papacy are : — " Sorae custom into England in 750. part of- the debt, which the The reasons on which the penitent owes to divine justice. IW^- P' I ^ys^^>'^!?^/<^" ' .'.-^^ THE PAPAL POWER. 53 It was during this century that the Popes ac- quired temporal as well as spiritual dominion; assuming not only infallibility in the latter, but interfering in all secular affairs with ambitious in- trigue. may remain uncancelled. Cer- " The doctrine of purgatory, * tainly some sins are venial, and says an agreeable modem wn- deserve not eternal death ; yet, ter, " is very easily, nay, con- if not effaced by condign pe- sistently embraced by such af nance in this«world, they must believe in the expiatory nature be punished in the next. The of pain and suffering. The smallest sin excludes a soul best feelings of our hearts from heaven, so long as it is are, besides, most ready to as- not blotted out. But no man sist the imagination in devis- will say that a venial sin, ing means to keep up an inter- which destroys not sanctifying course with the invisible world, grace, will be punished with which either possesses already, eternal torments. Hence there or must soon possess, whatever must be a relaxation of some has engaged our affection in sin in the world to come. Ve- this. Grief for a departed nial ^ms of surprise are readily friend loses half its bitterness effaced by penance, as we hope, with a Catholic, who can firmly through divine mercy. Venial believe, that not a day shall sins of malice, or those com- pass without repeated and ef- mitted with full deliberation, fectual proofs of attachment on are of a different nature, far his part, till he join the con- more grievous and fatal. They scious object of his love in bliss, are usually sins of habit, and While other articles of the Ca- lead even to mortal sin." Thus tholic faith are too refined and by the help of certain distinc- abstracted for youth, the ten- tions of sins, conclusions are der and benevolent juvenile drawn no where warranted in mind easily seizes on the idea scripture, and mankind were of purgatory fire. A parent led to regard purgatory as a or a brother, still kind to them relief to a troubled conscience, in another world, yet suffering If they had not effaced their excruciating pains, that may guilt by penance in this life, it be relieved, shortened, or per- was hoped that purgatory, as- haps terminated,, by some pri- sisted by the prayers and dona- vation or prayer, are notions tions in behalf of the deceased, perfectly adapted to youthful would release them afterwards capacity and feelings :" and, it from damnation. How strongly may be added, is one of the men were hence encouraged to most powerful engines to move live in sin all their days, is too the sensibilities and draw forth apparent. sacrifices by human beings. "i ^'i^y^-^:'f-*:^ , ' • ■•■' •■V ■.::«■«' • ■■ .. .-'i-'; t^J?^Tl> :;^^;'- ^■■V"'.';r^^:rm^ ,.r^> ■r.'i^-'-- -^^ .,?;'■■ ■f-';*-(-;.--735p 64 THE PAPAL POWER. The churches, both of the east and west, were deformed with false worship, and those parts which had not yet sunk into the prevailing idola- try were prepared for the gradual admission of it, partly by the increase of superstition and partly by the servile submission of the European churches to the domination of the Roman see. As we enter the ninth century, we appear to be more and more involved in the form of superstition ; for, unlike institutions of human science, which im- prove and become clearer by time. Christian prin- ciples are seen in their greatest perfection on their first display ; for, derived immediately from the simple divine word, and impressed on the hearts of men by the divine grace, pure and unmingled, they appear in full freshness and vigour. Too soon, however, the boasted wisdom of the world, aided by the inherent propensities of a fallen nature, corrupts and deteriorates them; too often leaving them divested of their radiance and despoiled of their purity. The exciting causes of the declen- sion of true religion, which marked this age, were the preference which was given to human writ- ings above the study of the scriptures — the in- creasing domination of the Papacy — the vast accunaulation of external ceremonies, and the at- tention given to the decrees of men rather than the oracles of God. The Roman pontiffs gained great accession of power from the contending in- terests of ambitious princes. Charles the Bald, having obtained the imperial dignity by the good offices of the Pope, returned this eminent service by delivering the succeeding pontiffs from the obligation of waiting for the consent of the em- perors, in order to their being installed into their office, and thus the election of the bishop of Rome was thenceforth carried on with little re- gard to law and propriety, being generally at- '^^yi*i^m^y''Xr:^^~ ' THK PAPAL POWER. 55 tended with much tumult, until the reign of Otho the Great, who exercised his authority to arrest these disgraceful and disorderly proceedings. The power and influence of the pontiffs, how- ever, in civil affairs, arose in a short time to an enormous height, through the favour and protec- tion of the princes, in whose cause they had em- ployed their influence over the minds of the people. The increase of their authority was not less rapid or less considerable in spiritual matters, as it arose from the same causes. The European princes suffered themselves to be divested of the supreme authority in religious matters, which they had enjoyed : the power of the bishops de- clined, and even the authority of councils, both general and provincial, began to be disregarded. The pontiffs, elated with this prosperity, be- came extremely arrogant, and their claims rose in proportion to their success. They were earnest in persuading all, and did succeed in persuading numbers, that the bishop of Rome was appointed and constituted by Jesus Christ supreme legisla- tor and judge of the church universal, and there- fore that the bishops derived all their authority from the Roman pontiff, nor could the councils determine any thing without his permission and consent. Notwithstanding these opinions, incul- cated with zeal and ardour by the pontiffs, were opposed by such as were acquainted with the ancient ecclesiastical constitution and the govern- ment of the church in early ages, they were finally admitted. Thus the church of Rome played a successful game, in the chances of which she had long been engaged, and to effect this auspicious termi- nation she summoned all her forces of intrigue and insinuation. Having at length proclaimed ■"^f^y^^i^f i?"-^?*-' '■^^T^^^ •■^F^jp.-T-- r ?^?.v^^^^!P^^>cfj^''???^;^^^ 56 EUIGENA. the necessity of an abstract creed for salvation, and made herself the infallible framer and ex- pounder of that creed, she left her votaries no alternative of receiving or rejecting her doctrines, and as she suppressed in the bud every attempt to inform the understandings of men, she establish- ed her power upon ignorance, thus depriving her votaries of the power, had they possessed the in- clination, to trace the sources of her doctrines, or to examine her theological system. But, although vital Christian knowledge, and its beautiful fruit practical piety, shone feebly in- deed in this dark season, learning, which had little connexion with the heart, or the great truths of religion, was not unknown or disregarded. The philosophy and logic that were taught in the Eu- ropean schools during this century, scarcely in- deed deserved those honourable titles ; yet there were to be found, especially among the Irish, men of acute perceptions and extensive knowledge, who were perfectly well entitled to the appellation of philosophers. The chief of these was lohannes Scotius Erigena, a native of Ireland, as his name imports. He was the friend and companion of Charles the Bald, who delighted so much in his conversation, as to honour him with a place at his table. Scotius was endowed with an excellent, and truly superior genius, and was considerably versed both in Greek and Latin erudition. He explained to his disciples the doctrines of Aris- totle, for which he was singularly well qualified by his perfect knowledge of the Greek; but, as his genius was too bold and aspiring to confine it- self to the authority and decisions of the Stagirite, he pushed his philosophical researches yet fur- ther, dared to think for himself, and ventured to pursue truth by the efforts of his own reason, the THE CULDEES. 67 result of which is contained in several works yet extant. This celebrated philosopher* formed no particular sect, at least it is not known that he did ; and this will be considered by those who reflect on the spirit of the times in which he lived, as a fair proof that his immense learning was ac- companied with meekness and modesty, a cir- cumstance as rare as it is admirable. In one re- corded instance, he opposed the powers of his mighty mind to the absurd tenet of transubstan- tiation, introduced during his time by an ecclesi- astic named Pascasius Radbert; but however successfully Scotius and his colleague Rabanus, Bishop of Mentz, might plead the cause of com- mon sense in this controversy, it would appear they were lamentably deficient in the one true knowledge, as they united in opposing the doc- trine of grace, concerning which a controversy was raised in this century. In the British Isles, it is pleasing to be autho- rised by history to say, that a devotional spirit prevailed. Monks in Ireland and Scotland, who gave themselves to prayer, preaching, and teach- ing, in the middle ages, were called Culdees, that is, cultores Dei. They were first known in this century by that name at St. Andrew's particu- larly, but had no settlement in England except at St. Peter's, York. During this century also, mo- nastic institutions greatly multiplied, and were held in the highest repute : kings, princes, nobles, abandoned their thrones, and shut themselves up in monasteries, devoting themselves to God. And, * Erigena was a companion in his ready wit and vast men- of our Alfred, admired for the tal resources. He was munifi- acumen of his intellect, and the cently rewarded by Alfred , and expansion of his knowledge, died by violence at Malms- He was in high favour with bury. Charlemagne, who, delighted f^Tlf^^f^^W"^':^^^^^^ -' ^ ■- ' ■" '■ ■'• ', - ■" • ^ '■*.■■ ^*?3>«^^5^ 58 ENCOURAGEMENT OF MONKS. if the allurements of the world opposed their se- paration from society during their lives, such was the absurd and blind superstition that spread it- self over the minds of men, that when death approached, they were accustomed to demand the monastic habit, and actually assumed it be- fore their departure, that they might be regarded as one of the fraternity, and be in consequence entitled to the fervent prayers and other spiritual succours of their brethren. So deeply will falli- ble man sink in mental weakness and debase- ment, when he loses his hold of that anchor which is fixed to support him buoyant above error. But nothing affords a stronger instance of the venera- tion in which these recluses were held, than that princes drew numbers of them from their retired cloisters, and placed them in situations entirely foreign to their vows and their habits, and even in general, of their characters ; placing them even at the head of state affairs, and amidst the splen- dour of courts. Hence we find in the history of those, and sub- sequent times, frequent examples of monks and abbots performing the functions of envoys, am- bassadors, and ministers of state ; and displaying their secular talents with various success in those eminent and important stations, and hence it was that worldly ambition too often usurped the place of that humility which should mark the temper, and adorn the conduct of spiritual guides. During the three centuries, of which we have thus taken a rapid glance, we are informed, that among the Irish, great reverence was paid to re- ligion and learning ; but its insular and exposed situation, leaving the country a prey to the de- vastating incursions of the northern barbarians, the attendant calamities, combined with intestine commotions, banished learning from its shores. ,-v . -*f^v?^^'^^>**-^T?>^ '^'i^r-'J^'Viy 68 EXCOMMUNICATION. dable and hideous, acquired at this period, if possi- ble, new accessions of terror in Europe. Excommu- nicated persons were indeed considered in all places as objects of aversion to God and man, but they were not on that account robbed of their privi- leges as citizens, nor of the rights of humanity. rismos, ** total separation and anathema" consisted in an ab- solute and entire exclusion from the church, and the par- ticipation of all its rites. When any person was thus excommu- nicated, notice was given of it by circular letters to the most emi- nent churches all over Chris- tendom, that they might all confirm this act of discipline, by refusing to admit the de- linquent to their communion. The consequences of this ex- communication were very ter- rible ; the excommunicated person was avoided in civil commerce, and outward con- versation. No one was to re- ceive him into his house^ nor eat at the same table with him, and when dead he was denied the solemn rites of burial. The Roman pontifical takes notice of three kinds of ex- communication : 1st. The mi- nor, incurred by those who have any correspondence with an excommunicated person. 2dly. The major^ which falls upon those who disobey the commands of the holy see, or refuse to submit to certain points of discipline, in conse- quence of which they are ex- cluded from the church mili- tant and triumphant, and de- livered over to the devil and his angels. 3dly. Anathema, which is properly that pro- nounced by the pope against he- retical princes and countries. In former ages the papal ful- minations were most terrible things. The form abounds in dreadful imprecations. It is evident that this assumed power was a terrible engine of oppression and cruelty. This unnatural empire over the mind of men owes its origin to pagan customs. Upon the conversion of bar- barous nations to Christianity, the new and ignorant prose- lytes confounded the excom- munication used among Chris- tians with that which had been practised by the priests of their gods, and considered it of the same nature and effects. This opinion was fa- voured by the injudicious in- dulgence of missionaries, in suffering them to retain many of their pagan institutions. The Roman pontiffs on the other side were sufficiently art- ful to encourage error, so cal- culated to gratify their ambi- tion, to aggrandize the episco- pal order in general, and to ensure to them the influence of fear over the mental ener- gies of the people. ^ W^*!Tnif^. ^ ^ ^^ -*^ • '#T'.'-' "- , ;^.^ ITS SEVERITY. 69 much less were those kings and princes whoni the head of the church thought proper to exclude trom its communion, supposed to forfeit on that account their crown or their territories. But from the eighth century it was different m Europe, excommunication received that hideous power which dissolved all connections, so that those whom the bishops or their chief excluded from the church communion, were degraded to a level with the brutes. Under this horrid sen- tence, the king, the ruler, the husband, the father, nay, even the man forfeited all their rights, all their advantages, the claims of nature, and the privileges of society. History presents to our contemplation a gloomy moral picture during the ninth century. Many circumstances contributed to the general depra- vation. Among them may be reckoned the poli- tical calamities of the times, in which Ireland had her full share, the bloody and perpetual wars, the incursions and conquests of the barbarous nations, the gross and almost incredible ignorance of the nobility, and the affluence which flowed in upon the churches and religious communities from all quarters, encouraging luxury, self-indulgence, and licentiousness amongst those who professed to have renounced the pomps and vanities of the world, and rendering them too generally indif- ferent, and neglectful of their sacred functions. A very corrupt ministry also, we are told, dis- honoured the church ; noblemen, who from indo- lence, want of talent, activity, or courage, were rendered incapable of appearing with dignity in the council, or with honour in the field, imme- diately turned their views to the church, and aimed at a distinguished place among its chiefs and rulers, becoming contagious examples of vi- cious indulgence and stupid neglect, to the infe- rior clergy : while the patrons of churches in whom ":•% W'^^^BW^ ' ■ ^■:^-^': \\ '•,'■-'"'• ■•T:^J^a?r^<^^^' > rS-- Ji- 70 MILITARY SERVICE BY CHURCHMEN. rested die right of election, unwilling to isubmit their ignorance aind disorderly conduct to the keen censure of zealous and upright pastors, industri- ously sought out the most servile and worthless, to whom (to avoid accusation) they committed the important care of souls. But one of the circum- stances which contributed in a particular degree to render at least the higher clergy irreverent and depraved, and to divert their minds from the pe- culiar duties of their sacred station, was the ob- ligation they were under of performing certain military services to their sovereigns, in conse- quence of the possessions they derived from the royal bounty. > - The bishops and heads of monasteries held many possessions by feudal tenure, and being thereby bound to furnish their princes with a cer- tain number of soldiers in time of war, were obliged also to take the field themselves, at die head of their troops, and thus to act in a l^)here utterly inconsistent with the nature and the duties of their sacred character; and we must all know how easily the mind loses her proper dominion, and becomes the slave of those inferior powers which it is her duty to hold in subjection, and the prey of those turbulent passions which follow in the train of ambi- tion. Besides this, it often happened, and Ire- land woefully proved it, that rapacious princes, in order to satisfy the craving wants of their sol- diers and retainers, boldly invaded the possessions of the church, which they distributed among their armies. In consequence of which, the priests and monks, in order to avoid perishing through hunger, abandoned themselveis to the practice of violence and fraud, which were regarded as the only means of procuring themselves a subsist- ence. It was about the close of the eighth century W.-^^m^^^^'^Wm-iiW^ 'W^^^?*^^^ ^ ■ ':.-^-^v^''^^ DANISH INVADERS. 71 that Ireland experienced a formidable invasion of the Danes, called by the Irish by the general name of Normans, Galls, or foreigners, distin- guishing their particular tribes by those of Daff- galls, Firgalls, and Danfhir, or Danes. By the Englishmen they were stiled Ostmen, or Eastmen collectively. They infested England, they threat- ened France, Charles the Great finding it neces- sary to fit out a navy to secure his coasts from their attacks. We have seen that Ireland was in- ternally weak and disunited, and inferior in the art of war. The country was open and inviting to foreigners roving in search of new settlements. The monarchical power was at this time en- joyed in alternate succession by two branches of the same race ; the power of the monarch was feeble, the inferior dynasties factious and as- suming : but great reverence was paid to religion and learning, correcting in a great degree the evils of the political constitution, the general state of the people being happy, and the country re- spected. The first invasion was made in small places, for the sake of plunder ; they were repelled by the chieftain, whose territory they invaded. Other parties appeared in different parts, terri- fied the inhabitants with the havoc they com- mitted, and were again opposed and repelled. Thus harassed during the long period of twenty years, the Irish yet formed no plan of union to repel the common enemy. The northern pirates encouraged by this apathy and want of co-operation, gradually obtained some small settlements, and at length Tunges, a war- like Norwegian, landed with a powerful armament, dividing his fleet and army in order to strike ter- ror in different quarters. His followers were per- mitted every species of outrage calculated to drive V lW^rf\'M_ , .. ".^■■I'^TT'^'^SMHaK ' 'Wy^^^y-W^^F^. !p^. 72 POWER OF THE DANES. the inhabitants to despair ; they burned,. they mas- sacred -without regard to sex, age, or character, and of all others the clergy, who greatly abounded in Ireland, were persecuted by these ferocious Pagans with especial fury. ' i ' Those Danes who had formed settlements flocked to the standard of Tunges, and the inva- der seated himSelf in Armagh, from which he expelled the numerous clergy, lived on their lands, and acquired riches, with all the state of sovereignty. • The Irish, after some ill concerted and unsuc- cessful efforts, rendered so by their private com- petitions, sunk gradually into a state of abject submission, and Tunges, after a residence of thirty years in Ireland, was at length proclaimed monarch of the kingdom. The government of the usurper was odious to the feelings of the people, and severe in the highest degree. It was marked by opprelS- sion, extortion and insolence, particularly directed against learning and religion. All seminaries and religious institutions, with their books, utens^s, and furniture were destroyed, and their clergy were banished to foreign countries, or to remote and miserable retreats in Ireland. Irish spirit at length revived, the usurper was seized by a prince of Meath; the joyful news quickly spread; the Danes were every where surprised by a sudden insurrection, massacred and dispersed, while their leader was condemned to death, which sentence was executed by precipitating him into a lake. Thus the invaders were subjected, but not ex- terminated. Fiery as are the passions of the Irish, they quickly subside, and give place to indolence. They impolitically suffered the remnant of the Danes to remain as subjects, and tributaries to ■'^wWrn- ' ^ -w^^^^m^^^^^w ■Ui-r WARS WITH THE DANES. 73 particular chieftains. In congSquence, a new colony arrived, professing peaceable intentions, and declaring their views commercial. They were credulously received, and the Irish, as if infatuated, suffered them tO'become masters of Dublin, Limerick, Waterford, and other mari- j| time places, which they secretly enlarged and fortified with works unknown to the Irish, and in which they remained secure, ready to receive reinforcements from their native country. Their ..a power increased imperceptibly, while the Irish, f proud and supine, engaged in national feuds and ' % distractions, left them to extend their territoi^es until they again threatened to dispute the sorVe- % reignty of the whole island. ^ *^ Jt At length roused from their apathy, the Irish i^ "^ ;^ attacked, pursued and defeated them, yet they still subsisted, sometimes acknowledging the su- J periority of the Irish, sometimes boldly asserting ■ their independence, but still not subdued, nor con- ^ I siderably reduced. ; j The Irish annalists detail the actions of Cor- ^^ mac, * the reverend and learned prelate of Mun- ster, during these contests with the Danes. * * * Cormac M'Culinan was a thedral is a large stone, on prince celebrated by the Irish which every new king of Mun- historians for his learning, ster was, says tradition, so- f piety, and valour. He wrote lemnly proclaimed, m his native language a his- The ruins of the cathedral tory of Ireland, commonly testify Cashel to have been a called the Psalter of Cashel, plac^of importance, and the which IS still extant, and con- structure extensive as well as tains the most authentic ac- handsome, boldly towering on count we have of the annals the celebrated rock of Cashel ot the country to that period, forms with it a magnificent ob^ 1^ about the year 900. ject, bearing honourable testi- * -4 ihe royal seat and archbi- mony to the labour and inge- 1 shopric of Ca^el was formerly nuity, as well as zeal and metv I the metropolis of Munster, of its former inhabitants: It ^ I and on the ascent to the ca- is seen at a great distance in Jpf^H r, ^^W'- •v»>,v*.'f?#^i'W«T^-''' *■'■* 74 ■ rK BBIAN BQROMY. It is evident feven from the imperfect history given by the Irish of these foreigners, that they were through the revolutions of some ages a very powerful and distinguished sept of Ireland. They embraced Christianity in the year 948, and their settlement was so well established, and conse- quence so considerable, that they engaged the attention of the neighbouring countries. > The most vigorous enemy whom the northern . foreigners experienced in Ireland was Brian Boromy, a hero celebrated in the annals of his country. He was called by the death of his bro- ther to the throne of Munster, when at an ad- vaiieed age. Brian laboured to support his new dignity with the spirit of a veteran, whose life, spent with honour in the field, had endeared him to his countrymen, and with the prudence and moderation becoming a man, advanced to the age of seventy. Malcontents were subdued, the factious conciliated, those who had suffered in times of commotion were redressed, they who had been ejected from their possessions by the invaders were restored, they who had been re- duced to a state of bondage were emancipated. The havoc caused by the invaders was repaired, the clergy restored to their endowments, churches and religious houses rose from their ruins, learned seminaries were re-established and enlarged, laws % many directions. Adjoining to it are the ruins of a chapel of Cormac M*Culinan, who was at once bishop and king of Cashel, or Munster ; it is sup- posed to be the first stone build- ing in Ireland, and seems by the rude imitation of pillars and capitals to have been copied from the Grecian architecture, and long to have preceded that which is termed Gothic. Mo- dem Cashel is small to what we may suppose it to have been in ancient days. The archbishop's palace is a fine building ; there is a handsome market, sessions-house, county infirmary, and charter school for twenty children of each sex. V*' ■.^r f 1^'r 'WJ^-BW^^T*^%<^^WrM' "W^^^^^'^^^fjlp^ \ -^^i .)• »■ "".1 HIS DEATH. 75 '^ were reviewed, corrected, and «fiictly enforced. The venerable Brian was about to crown all the noble actions of his reign, by building and fitting out a formidable navy, in order to ensure the island from future invasion, when the Danes, inju- diciously left in free possession of the maritime cities, invited their countrymen to their assistance, and the neighbouring Irish, impatient of the anci- ent tribute still exacted by the monarch, ungrate- fully concurred with the foreigners, and even en- couraged and aided them in insurrection. The flame of war was kindled, and Brian at Uie ad- vanced age of eighty-eight was called to the fi^> He lived to be the witness of the bravery of Wis son, Mortagh, and the victory of his troops. * ^ Mortagh fell in the field, and the venerable Brian * was slain by some fugitives as he lay unguarded in his pavilion. The Danes still continued their settlements in^ ^^ the country, they were governed by chiefs bear- ' • , ing the title of kings, and their church was mo- 3^^ delled without the assistance or concurrence of ^^ the Irish, their Bishops being remitted for conse- I oration to the primate of Canterbury. They had ^^ the more leisure to extend and to strengthen their ^* settlements, as the Irish fell into deplorable poli- tical confusion. The country was harassed by competitions for the sovereignty, laws and religion lost their just influence, and licentiousness, vio- lence, and immorality prevailed, j Donehad, the son of Brian, who had esta- * ^ Wished his power in the south, endeavoured to do the samie in the north, but was prevented by * . • Turlogh, his nephew, who vras proclaimed king f >. by his faction. Donehad, after a series of kosti- ' *-1 lities and feuds, at length yielded to the superior power of his rival. Donehad presented an in- j. - ■?r,,; •.!^T='?';-T:'J»;,^'': ■ ■"^.■TT-~ V-'/'lfSW^'^T^K' ^ 76 TURLOGH. stance of the selfish principle of contending princes, proving favourable to the pretensions of the Roman pontiffs, which had now arisen to an exorbitant degree of arrogance. Many bishops maintained, that the pontiff was not only Bishop of Rome, but of the whole world, an assertion they had not hitherto ventured to make. Ac- knowledging this supremacy, Donehad in the first anguish of disappointed ambition fled to Rome, laid his crown at the feet of the pontiff, promis- ing to invest him with the sovereignty of Ireland. But he met with no assistance from the head of the church. Fearful of returning among his enemies, he assumed the habit of a religious, and immured himself in St. Stephen's abbey at Rome. Turlogh thus left without competitor, exercised the monarchical power, although not formally elected or recognized. " But the defects of his title were," says archbishop Lanfranc, " supplied by the merit of his administration." The same prelate attributes the elevation of Turlogh to the gracious interposition of providence in favour of the Irish. Upon his decease, however, the state of things reverted to the confusion from which he had drawn them. The general state of religion was such as might be expected, in times of pre- vailing ignorance and corruption, an age which even the annalist of the Roman church, Baronius, styles ** an iron age, barren of all goodness, a leaden age, abounding in all wickedness, and a dark age, remarkable above all others for the scarcity of writers, and men of learning." In fact the chris- tian world was at this time enveloped in a thick veil of superstition, a heavy cloud which obscured from the sight of the illiterate, the craft and sub- tlety of those who had gained the empire over W:'^^mW-^'^W'^W- •->•„ ADORATION OF THE VIRGIN. 77 their conscience, an empire which was further established by the universal behef of the tinal |^ day of judgment being near. The immense donations made to the cnurcn during the tenth century were drawn forth by the panic which had seized all the European nations. This is evident by the gifts being generally intro- duced with the sentence—" The end of all things being now at hand." Nor did this terror cease to operate on the minds of men till the century had passed away. Saints and ceremonies also greatly multiplied during this century. Towards the close of it, the famous annual festival cele- brated in remembrance of all departed souls was instituted by the authority of Odile, abbot of Cluni, and the worship of the Virgin, which had previously been carried to a high degree of idola- try, received now new accessions of solemnity and superstition. The custom was also intro- duced of celebrating masses, and abstaining from flesh every Sunday, in honour of her. The rosary and crown of the Virgin was also instituted, by which her worshippers were to reckon the num- ber of prayers they were to offer to her ; the rosary consists in fifteen repetitions of the Lord's prayer, and one hundred and fifty repetitions of the salu- tation of the Virgin, while the crown, according to the different opinions of the learned concerning the age of the Virgin, consists in six or seven re- petitions of the Lord's prayer, and six or seven times ten salutations, or Ave Marias ; so abject and senseless had superstition become. The doctrine which exalted the papacy above all human power had gradually diffused itself from the immediate court of Rome, to the utmost limits of Christen- dom,, and the authority and lustre of the Roman pontiffs arose imperceptibly to the highest degree during the tenth and eleventh centuries, although. t--. r-" --•■■■ 78 WILLIAM I. OF ENGLAND. ^ not without much opposition and many obstacles. ^: % Temporal dignities were accumulated every where I upon the clergy, who gave themselves up, says aii ecclesiastical writer, ** to the pursuit of pleasure and ambition, frequenting the courts of princes with splendid retinues, and every mark of exter- W nal magnificence." The pontiffs received the high sounding titles of masters of the world, and popes, viz. universal fathers ; they presided every where in the councils, by their legates assumed the authority of supreme arbiters, of all controver- sies concerning religion and church discipline, and maintained the pretended rights of the church against the encroachments and usurpations of kings and princes. Their authority was yet, however, confined to certain limits restrained by princes from arrogantly aiming at civil dominion, and was opposed by the bishops, that it might not arise to entire spiritual despotism, and destroy the liberty and privileges of synods and councils. But the pontiffs assiduously endeavoured to re- move these limits of their power, and to render their dominion despotic and universal, not only spiritually but politically ; this restless ambition, however, of the aspiring popes was opposed by the emperors, the king of France, and William the Conqueror, who was the boldest assertor against the lofty claims of the apostolic see. It is to be la- mented, that although they did this, they inconsist- ently had recourse to the influence of the pontiffs on the minds of the multitude, in order to accom- plish their individual schemes of ambition, and thereby encouraged and cherished the pride and arrogance they dreaded, and othervnse opposed. While William was projecting the invasion of England, for instance, he sent ambassadors to pope Alexander the second, in order, we are told by Matthew Paris, to have his undertaking justi- ^WW^if^^- r. w,^^?. Trn^?^!^^-^^ POPE GREGORY VII. 79 fied and approved by apostolic authority; and the pope having considered the claims of the con- tending parties, sent a standard to William as the omen of his future royalty. When we reflect upon this, and many other similar instances, it cannot excite our surprise, that the popes aimed at, and finally obtained universal dominion, en- couraged as they were by such submissions and servile homage from European princes.* That the people during this age were sunk m the grossest superstition, is not to be wondered at, when the depravity of their teachers is recol- • Under the pontificate of Hilderbrand, the face of the Latin church was in fact en- tirely changed ; its govern- ment was subverted, and its most important rights and pri- vileges usurped by him. The views of Hilderbrand, or Gre- gory VII. were not confined to an absolute spiritual domi- nion, but aimed at a civil mo- narchy, equally extensive and despotic ; his decided purpose was to engage in the bands of allegiance and fidelity to St. Peter, that is, to the Roman pontiffs, all the kings and princes of the earth, and to establish at Rome an annual assembly of bishops, by whom the contests that might arise between kingdoms and sove- reigns were to be decided, the rights and pretensions of princes to be examined, and the fall of nations and empires to_be determined. In these aspiring projects he was op- posed by France and England, and also by the emperor : his arrogance is exemplified in the address made to Philip I. of France, to whom he recom- mends a humble and obliging carriage, from this considera- tion, •* that both his kingcUmt and his soul were under the dominion of St. Peter; name- ly ^ his vicar the Roman pon- tiffs who had the power to bind or to loose him both in heaven and upon earth." When Gre- gory wrote to William the Conqueror demanding the 'ar- rears of the Peter pence, and at the same time sum* moning him to do homage for the kingdom of England as a fief of the apostolic see, Wil- liam granted the former, but refused the latter, declaring that he held his kingdom of God, and his own sword. It was under the administration of Gregory that the emperors lost the privilege of ratifying by their consent the election of the Roman pontiff, a privilege of no small importance, when we consider it in all its bear- ings, and reflect upon the con- catenation of political events. ■•ff^"mffWr^*^^^^^^^^^l^!?m 80 THE ABBIES REPAIRED. lected. Doubtless there were numberless ju- dicious and pious men in existence, who were able and willing to support declining religion, but the prejudices of a barbarous age rendered all such attempts dangerous, and those elevated spirits who had soared above the general contagion, were too much concealed in the privacy of the cloister, or possessed of too little influence to combat, with any prospect of success, the formi- dable patrons of impiety and superstition, who were found in all ranks and orders, from the throne to the cottage. During the whole of this century, the European nations were, however, employed in rebuilding, repairing, and adorning their churches ; for in the preceding century, the general panic as to the approach of the final day of judgment, had occasioned the churches and mo- nasteries to remain without repair, from a notion that they would soon be inevitably involved in the general fate of all sublunary things. These apprehensions passed over; things immediately put on a new aspect, tottering temples were re- built, and the greatest zeal, with the richest and most liberal donations, were employed in restoring the sacred edifices to their former lustre, or rather, in giving them new degrees of beauty and magni- ficence. Thus while morals and religion might be said to have sunk to the lowest point of depression, men had recourse tcf externals and vain refuges, to still the monitions of conscience, and lay the flattering unction to their souls. The arts and sciences revived, indeed, in a small degree, among the clergy and the monks ; and this, in the British isles, may doubtless be attri- buted to the conquest of the Normans, to whojji is due the praise of restoring letters in England. William possessed sagacity and genius. Though his severity rendered him hateful to his English •X'MSll-:. ^ ^w^: SCHOOLS REESTABLISHED. 81 subjects, he certainly raised the tone of society, by introducing from Normandy and other coun- tries, men of learning and talent, and exerted himself to dispel that ignorance which debased his new subjects, over whom, indeed, he ruled with a rod of iron. The reception of Christianity had, in a remarkable manner, changed the man- ners of the Normans. Under the darkness of paganism, they had evinced the utmost ferocity and aversion from all branches of knowledge, and every kind of instruction. But subsequent to their conversion, they distinguished themselves by an ardent application to the study of religion, and the pursuit of learning. Hence their rugged minds became comparatively polished and civi- lized. This desire of knowledge increased and extended itself rapidly, and became at length the impulsive spirit of the age. To it we must refer the rapid accumulation of schools at this period, and the more judicious choice of eminent and able masters to superintend them than before. Towards the conclusion of the preceding age there were no schools, but those which belonged to monasteries or episcopal residences, each mo- nastery being obliged to have one or two teachers resident, nor were there any other masters than the Benedictine monks to instruct the youth in the principles of sacred and profane erudition.* * Benedictines. This order, which in a manner absorbed every other in the west, was instituted A. D. 529 by Bene- dict Nureia, a man of piety and reputation. The order made a rapid progress, and soon ar- rived at a most flourishing state. Its interest was promoted in Britain by Augustine and Mi- letus, and there were many mo- VOL. I. nasteries of the order in Ire- land. The rules of Benedict were as follows : They were obliged to per- form their devotions seven times in the twenty-four hours, the circle of which had a reference to the passion and death of Christ. 'They, were obliged al- ways to go two and two to- G -'. -;.3.,ur. 82 INSTRUCTION OF YOUTH. But not long after the commencement of the eleventh century, circumstances in this respect were changed. In many places learned men, both among the clergy and laity, undertook the arduous and important charge of instructing the youth, and succeeded much better in this worthy under- taking than the recluses had done, not only by gether, every day in Lent to fast until the evening, and abated their usual time of eat- ing and sleeping, but they were not allowed to practise any vo- luntary austerity without per- mission of their superior. They never conversed in the refec- tory at meals, but were obliged to attend to the reading of the scriptures. They occupied the same dormitory, but slept sing- ly, reposing in their clothes. For small faults they were shut out from meals ; for greater they were debarred religious commerce, and excluded from the chapel; and incorrigible offenders, were expelled from the community. Every monk had two coats, two cowls, a table book, a knife, a needle, and a handkerchief; and the furniture of their couch was a mat, a blanket, a rug, and a pillow. Their habit was a loose black coat or cloak with large wide sleeves, and a capuche or cowl, ending in a point be- hind : they were in the canon law styled Black friars, from their habit. The rule of dis- cipline is obviously not encou- raging either to luxury or am- bition, and it was an obligation of the noviciate to promise not to infringe any rule on the pe- nalty of expulsion. Yet hav- ing acquired immense riches, the order gradually departed from its simplicity, and ex- tended their zeal and attention to worldly affairs, insinuated themselves into the cabinets of princes, and took part in poli- tical cabals and court factions, while they made a great aug- mentation of superstitious rules and ceremonies in their order, to blind the multitude to the departure from their simplicity and virtue. Pope John the Twenty-second, who deceased 1334, made a curious calcu- lation respecting the astonish- ing rise and extent of this order from the time of its institution to the period above. That there had been of it 24 popes, near 200 cardinals, 7000 arch- bishops, 15,000 bishops, 15,000 abbots of renown, above 4000 saints, and upwards of 37,000 monasteries ! There have like- wise been of this order, 20 em- perors, and -ten empresses, 47 kings, and 30 queens, 20 sons of emperors, and 48 sons of kings ; about 1 ,000 princesses, daughters of emperors and kings, besides different degrees of nobility innumerable; the order has produced a vast num- ber of eminent writers and learned men. t , . ■ -i.^, .W ;;,-. ... ;' - y INVASION BY MAGNUS, 83 comprehending in their course of instruction, more branches of knowledge than the monastic doctors were acquainted with, but, perhaps, even more by teaching in a better method and with greater perspicuity, many of the same branches, in the knowledge of which the monks really possessed a superiority. The most eminent of these new masters, were those who had travelled into Spain with a view to study in the schools of the Sa- racens, or had improved their stock of erudition and philosophy by a diligent and attentive pe- rusal of the writings of the Arabians, of which a great number were translated into Latin. The learning indeed, says Milner, was not phi- losophical, like that of modern times, but con- sisted chiefly of grammar, rhetoric, and logic. It was, however, connected with divinity, the scrip- tures were held in veneration, the hardy pre- sumption of subtile theory, and the supercilious negligence concerning piety and public worship were then unknown among' 'men. Amongst the fruits of Christianity, we may remark the forbear- ance of the northern nations, who, towards the close of this century ceased to invade the south- ern. One attempt only was made by Magnus, king of Norway, to invade Ireland. He landed without opposition, and ventured to penetrate the country, but he was suddenly surrounded, for the Irish were accustomed, instead of meeting their enemies with warlike parade, to watch their ad- vantage, and dart unexpectedly upon them. Magnus and his party were cut to pieces. Hume attributes the forbearance of this restless people to disturb their neighbours, to their addicting themselves to agriculture, which occupied them at home: and Milner, with his usual piety, refers the tractable spirit which induced them to submit to domestic labour rather than remain rovers, to g2 84 INVASION BY MAGNUS. the influence of Christianity, which they had re- ceived, it would appear, with sincerity, if it in- duced peace, order, and tranquillity. But, although Magnus thus fell a victim to his temerity, Ireland was decreed to become a conquest, and the do- mestic contentions which continually disquieted it, rendered the conquest no difficult undertaking, aided as it was, by the assumptions of the Roman pontiff, who, it will be seen, strikingly displayed his arrogant pretensions, in attaching, without hazard and expense, an extensive island to his spiritual jurisdiction, under the plea of its im- perfect conversion. 85 CHAPTER IV. Circumstances render Ireland an easy conquest — Motives and designs of Henry not divulged — Obstacles to his invasion — He requires the sanction of the pope — Gains it — The bull au- thorising him to invade Ireland — Reforms in the Irish church — Cardinal Papanon — Irish supposed to know the intentions of Henry y but make no preparations — Delays of the design — Domestic, factions of Ireland expedite it — Roderick O'Connor — Dermod Mac Murchad-^His ferocious character — His so- licitation of foreign aid — Application to Henry — He gives him a letter of credence — Dermod disappointed in its prevailing power — He applies to Earl Strongbow — With difficulty suc- ceeds in obtaining a promise of aid — Gains the assistance of Fitzstephens and Fitzgerald— Returns to Ireland privately ^ but soon avows his designs — Fitzstephens arrives in Ireland, alarms the inhabitants — Attempts the siege of Wexford; is obliged to retire — Renews hostilities — Influence of the clergy in conciliation — Dermod refreshes the troops at Femes — Mo- nastic luxury — A series of engagements ensue — Roderick de- feated — Strongbow applies to Henry; receives an implied assent to his design — Terror of the Irish — Their expe- dient to avert the anger of heaven — Favourable turn of affairs — Dermod defeated — Henry, jealous of his nobles^ is- sues peremptory orders to withdraw from Ireland — Strongbow despatches a messenger to him, explanatory of his views — Henry's tardiness— Distressed state of the British troops in Ireland — The decease of Dermod increases the perplexity Spirit of Lawrence, archbishop of Dublin— The English re- duced to great difficulty-Terms offered them rejected— Act of desperate valour — Dissensions and hostilities renewed Act of treachery— Henry prepares to pass over to Ireland— His resentment against his nobles propitiated— The Irish ex- hibit no loyalty, but with a selfish and sordid spirit many even meet and submit to the invader— They are received with con- descension by Henry. CENTURIES ELEVENTH AND TWELFTH. Many circumstances rendered Ireland an easy conquest to any power, who might have made it an object of acquisition ; but in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, the peculiar state of the neigh- i..^iikj^*^-:i, '-^ ^ '-. : T?*-! 86 THE IRISH LAND IN ENGLAND. bouring kingdoms was by no means favourable to the attempt, although the internal situation of Ireland was not unknown to England and other ^ kingdoms. The Irish chieftains were celebrated for their valour, and we have seen that learning and piety were also eminently displayed amongst them ; but Ireland not only was the retreat of learning, but the refuge sought by distressed nobles or factious leaders. For instance, on the disgrace of Earl Godwin, ' during the reign of Edward the Con- fessor, Harold, his son, retreated to Ireland, and there formed such connections as proved the re- source of his family, when William, his Norman rival, was in the height of his glory and prosperity. His three sons also fled thither immediately after the fatal battle of Hastings, and in the reign of William led an Irish army into England, to assert the liberty of their country and the pretensions of their family. They were however defeated, and obliged to retreat with great loss to Ireland. France is also said to have drawn considerable succours from Ireland in several of her wars, and the Irish annalists even say, that such assistance first excited the jealousy of Henry II. of England, and urged him to the measure of annexing Ireland to his dominions. But the motives and designs of Henry, belong rather to the civil than the ec- clesiastical history of Ireland. It is only neces- sary to say, that such design had been long formed, as a very superficial knowledge of the island was sufficient to awaken the ambition of a powerful and popular sovereign, at a period when it was considered reproachful to any distinguished character, not to be engaged in some gallant or pious exercise, but the disputes of Henry with the hierarchy respecting Becket, the general state of Europe, and the turbulent spirit of the barons and HENRY II. 87 great vassals, had prevented the fulfilment of a measure which he had not, however, lost sight of, amidst his various other domestic and foreign en- gagements. A pretence alone was wanting, to colour with some appearance of justice, a design oRinvading a kingdom, which had confined itself to its own internal affairs, without interfering with those of its neighbours. Such pretences were soon found; royalty is generally surrounded by flatterers, who watch the prince's ambitious designs, and are seldom deficient in plausible arguments to justify them to the mind, that is prepared by previous inclination. Though the sagacity of Henry could not admit many of the reasons ofiered to justify ' his invasion of the sister kingdom, yet the same sagacity, aided by the suggestions of an interested and subtile ecclesiastic, soon supplied the neces- sary pretence for the indulgence of his ambition. This was also in perfect accordance with the spirit of the age, which yielded, in such a pusillanimous manner, to the assumptions of the popes. They had succeeded so well in their ambitious views of authority, that they confined the election to the papacy, to the conclave of cardinals alone; they usurped the privilege of nominating and investing sovereigns with their dignity, even claiming the power of erecting new kingdoms and disposing of territories, thereby imperiously dictating to kings and nations in their secular concerns. Thus we have seen the pontiff decide in favour of the claims of William the Norman, and denounce spiritual vengeance against those who should dispute or resist them. Stephen, although an ungrateful usurper, obtained a rati- fication of his power from the same quarter, a proof, as is justly observed by our elegant histo- rian, that the sentiment of religion corrupted into ^ •^ 'W.^.'Tf^.JX«R^■^•'•'•?.-•■^'r^^• '^^r^^ 88 HE APPLIES TO ADRIAN IV. superstition, has often very little efficacy in for- tifying the duties of civil society. To this power Henry the Second determined to resort, and thus, with a confined and selfish policy, unworthy Jiis character, gave a sanction to claims dangeroiyK to all sovereigns, and this, for what might almost be termed an imaginary advantage, and certainly to aid a design contrary to the prin- ciples of strict justice, however he might seek to gloss it over by pretending an anxious desire to extend the church of God on earth. In the important negociation of obtaining the sanction of a papal decree for his meditated in- vasion of a people who had never given any reason of complaint to neighbouring states, Henry em- ployed John Salisbury, his chaplain, upon whose zeal and diligence he had the greatest dependence ; nor did Salisbury disappoint his expectation ; for, aware that his success would equally recommend him to his royal and spiritual masters, he left no energy pf his sagacious mind unemployed to aid the design. He represented to Adrian the Fourth, who then filled the papal chair, that the inhabit- ants of Ireland were sunk into the most wretched state of corruption, moral and religious ; and that his royal master ever zealous for the furtherance of piety and the honour of God, had conceived the laudable and pious design of ameliorating the abject condition of an unhappy country, situated so near to his own kingdom, and was anxious to de- vote himself and all his power to the meritorious service. With this view, he implored the bene- diction of the holy father, and requested his per- mission and authority to enter Ireland, to reduce the disobedient, to reclaim the corrupt, to era- dicate sin and wickedness, to instruct the ignorant, and to disseminate the blessed influence of the gospel, in its purity and perfection, promising, at ^J.-- ADRIAN FAVOURS HENRY's DESIGNS. 89 the same time, to pay a yearly tribute to St. Peter from the land thus to be reduced to his obedience and that of the holy see . Can we have a stronger instance than the above of the tendency of ava- rice and ambition, to cloud the judgment and to deprave the nobility of the soul ? " Habituated, as we may be," says an elegant historian, *' to the depravity of mankind, we cannot seriously reflect upon the profane hypocrisy of this transaction, without the utmost horror." In the blindness of his ambition, little did the ardent Henry foresee the perplexities he was to experience from the power he thus injudiciously aided to aggrandize, or the weight of the oppression it was to place upon him. Adrian secretly exulting in an appli- cation so favourable to the enormous claims of the Romish see, which so unequivocally recog- nized his supreme authority ; and, moreover, as an Englishman, well pleased to gratify his royal countryman, a prince of exalted character and abilities, easily entered into the political views, and admitted the persuasive arguments of the negociator. And this he was more particularly in- duced to, by the consideration of the imperfect conversion of the Irish, which he inferred from their following the doctrines of their first teachers, never having acknowledged any subjection to the see of Rome, or at least, had not been disposed to acknowledge its supremacy till long after other countries had done so. All ecclesiastical autho- rity having been, till within about four years previous to Henry's accession to the throne of England, exercised by her own prelates, nor had the ceremonies and discipline of the Irish church, points considered of the greatest moment in that age of externals, been comformable to those of Rome. At that period, however, the pontificate, by the indefatigable and interested zeal of its ■'♦» '^'^iW^ 90 THE PAPAL LEGATE RECEIVED. numerous and ever active emissaries, had at length extended its fearful influence even to an island so remote, and alarmed the Irish clergy with hints of the irregularity of their ecclesiastical con- stitution, persuading them to submit to a reform, to be modelled and dictated by Rome. Cardinal Papanon was accordingly, in the year 1152, ad- mitted into Ireland with a legantine commission. Three thousand ecclesiastics assembled ,by his direction in the town of Drogheda; four palls were solemnly received from the pope by the prelates of Armagh, Dublin, Cashel, and Tuam. The celebration of Easter was adjusted according to the Romish decisions ; and for the further re- formation of the church, the celibacy of the clergy was enforced, and their privileges and properties secured by various canons.* Thus, although a passion for intellectual improvement was very strong in this century, and the human mind by ex- ercise recovered a large portion of its lost tone and vigour, yet it did not enable the people to see the folly of enslaving themselves to the popedom, for subtilty of mind, rather than depth of research and close thinking, marked the learning that prevailed ; although the voice of natural conscience and tEe dictates of common sense guided not a few, who felt the temporal oppression of ecclesiastic ty- ranny, and yet with strange inconsistency, aided * The dispute respecting Easter, was not respecting the rife itself, but the particular time when the festival was to be kept. The Asiatic churches celebrated their Easter upon the same days the Jews observ- ed their passover, viz. the 14th day of their first month, chiefly answering to our March, and this they did upon what day of the week soever it fell, and from thence they were styled Quarto Decimans ; keeping Easter upon the 14th day after the appear- ance of the moon. The other churches, especially those of the w^st, kept Easter upon the Lord's day following the Jew- ish passover. These latter pleaded apostolical tradition, the Asiatics the practice of the apostles themselves. .d '■'■3fr^: ■ ^ ft^i^sa^. BULL OF ADRIAN IV. 91 the church of Rome in its aspirings, and were borne forward by the superstitious torrent of the times. " The celibacy of the clergy," says Hume, " was a great object in the politics of the Roman pontiffs, and it cost them infinitely more pains to establish it, than the propagation of any specu- lative absurdity which they had ever attempted to introduce." , It proves, therefore, the influence obtained among the Irish clergy, and that it was agitated and enforced in the numerous assembly called by Cardinal Papanon. A friendly, or per- haps, we should more properly say, a filial cor- respondence was now opened by Ireland with the Romish church, and her supremacy formally acknowledged. It remained, therefore, only for the pope to improve these auspicious openings, to which nothing could more greatly conduce than the application made *to him by the agent of Henry, which at once enabled' him to extend his new dominion in Ireland, and also to conciliate the friendship of a great monarch. A bull was accordingly framed without delay, altogether con- formable to the wishes, and purposes of Henry. We here give it at large as a fair specimen of the arrogant hypocrisy and plausibility of papal usur- pation and pretension. " Adrian, bishop, servant of the servants of God, to his dearest son in Christ, the illustrious king of England, greeting and apostolic bene- diction. Full laudably and profitably hath your magnificence conceived the design of propagating your glorious renown on earth, and completing your reward of eternal happiness in heaven, while, as a catholic prince, you are intent on enlarging the borders of the church, teaching the truth of the Christian faith to the ignorant and rude, ex- terminating the roots of vice from the field of the l^ord, and for the more convenient execution of ''^fm^^,,^^^?^T!mww'*^^^m}^!^^7W 'WfP^^ W^~ 92 BULL OF ADRIAN IV. this purpose requiring the counsel and favour of the apostolic see. In which, the maturer your deliberation and the greater the discretion of your procedure, by so much the happier, we trust, will be your progress, with the assistance of the Lord, as all things are used to come to a pros- perous end and issue which take their beginning from the ardour of faith and the love of religion. There is, indeed, no doubt but that Ireland, and all the islands on which Christ the sun of righte- ousness hath shone, and which have received the doctrines of the Christian faith, do belong to the jurisdiction of St. Peter and of the holy Roman church, as your excellency also doth acknow- ledge. And, therefore, we are the more solicitous to propagate the righteous plantation of faith in this island, and the branch acceptable to God, as we have the secret conviction of conscience that this is more especially our bounden duty. " You then, most dear son in Christ, have sig- nified to us your desire to enter into the island of Ireland, in order to reduce the people to obe- dience unto laws, and to extirpate the plants of vice ; and that you are willing to pay from each house a yearly pension of one penny to Saint Peter, and that you will preserve the rights of the churches of this land whole and inviolate. We, therefore, with that grace and acceptance suited to your pious and laudable design, and favour- ably assenting to your petition, do hold it good and acceptable, that, for the extending the bor- ders of the church, restraining the progress of vice, for the correction of errors, the planting of manners, and the increase of religion, you enter this island, and execute therein whatever shall pertain to the honour of God, and the welfare of the land ; and that the people of this land receive you honourably, and reverence you ;V5> 1«^;T'^" BULL OF ADRIAN IV. W as their lord; the rights of the churches still re- maining sacred and inviolate, and saving to ^>t. Peter the annual pension of one penny from every house. , , , 1 • "If then you be resolved to carry the design you have conceived into effectual execution, study to form this nation to virtuous manners, and labour by .yourself, and others whom you shall judge meet for this work, in faith, word, and life, that the church may be there adorned, that the religion of the Christian faith may be planted and grow up, and that all things pertain- ing to the honour of God and the salvation of souls, be so ordered, that you may be entitled to the fullness of eternal reward from God, and obtain a glorious renown on earth throughout all ages." The Bull, thus artfully framed, was presented to king Henry, who, however his high spirit might revolt from its assumptions, determined to arm himself with the authority, although being engaged on the continent at the time he received it, he could not immediately put his design in execution. There is ground, however, to believe that the Irish ecclesiastics were very soon in- formed of the existence of 'a document, which, virtually at least, charged them with corruption and barbarism; for, from the date of Adrian's Bull, the annalists mention several synods, wherein regulations were repeated and enforced, as it were, in solicitude to remove the imputations against their church ; in their simplicity not re- flecting that such imputations were necessary to the purposes of the Holy See. The annalists state, that they made the most salutary ordinances, not only for the preservation of clerical discipline, but also for the reformation of manners, and carefully providing for the edu- .< -^',.' 94 PETTY IRISH KINGDOMS. cation of their clergy. Armagh was then their most reputed seat of learning ; and, by a solemn ordinance it was provided, that no one should be allowed to profess or teach theology, in any of their churches, who had not been educated in this seminary. But whether their zeal and solicitude were mere- ly accidental, arising from the general impulse the minds of men, had about that period received, or purposely intended to demonstrate that eccle- siastical reformation needed not the interference of foreign aid ; the ambitious conspiracy, afe it may be termed, between the Pope and Henry, was sufficiently alarming ; and, had any political union existed in Ireland, would have roused its inhabitants to have asserted their independence, and armed them with vigour to resist its invasion. The Irish had ample time to have prepared them- selves for this resistance, for a succession of obstacles, arising from various agitating causes, both on the continent and in his English dominions, obliged Henry to suspend his design against Ire- land. It in fact seemed nearly to have passed into oblivion, when the domestic factions in Ire- land itself revived it, and internal dissensions opened a way for the English arms and power to penetrate into that country. It will be necessary to take a cursory view of the civil state of Ireland at this period, in order to illustrate the ecclesias- tical. Besides numerous small tribes, there were five principal sovereignties existing in the island, viz. Munster, Leinster, Meath, Ulster, and Con- naught ; and as it had been usual for the one or the other of these to take the lead in their wars, there was commonly some prince who seemed for a time to act as monarch of Ireland. Roderick O'Connor, king of Connaught, was, in the age of Henry II. advanced to this dignity ; but his DEBMOD MAC MURCHAD. 96 goverament, feebly administered, was ill obeyed even in his own territory, and was quite inade- quate to unite the people in general in any mea- sures, either for the establishment of political order, or for defence against foreign invasion. The province of Leinster was divided into se- veral inferior principalities, governed generally by their own chieftains, but gave the title of royalty to Dermod Mac Murchad, a prince, who, even in an age and country of rudeness ap- pears, from the accounts of his countrymen, to have been distinguished for his vices and his fierce and oppressive spirit. Endowed by nature, however, with a commanding stature and great physical strength, combined with that boisterous valour which commands the popular wonder and admiration, he possessed great influence over the inferior orders of his countrymen, whom, as the useful instruments of his ambition, he was care- ful to protect and favour. His donations and endowments of religious houses, probably arising from the same interested policy, recommended him to the clergy; but his tributary chieftains felt his unmitigated pride and tyranny. We must refer our readers to other histories for a detail of the series of aggressions which at length urged the enemies of Dermod to invade his province with irresistible force, to depose him, as utterly unworthy of his high station, and to compel him to give sureties for his submission and fidelity to the monarch whom he had injured. As is com- monly the case with those who have abused their power, he experienced the desertion of his tribu- taries on his change of fortune, they even united with his enemies. His submission was as ab- ject, and his flattery as servile, as his pride had been lofty and his arrogance inordinate. Defeat- ed, degraded, raging with malignant resentment. 96 DERMOD REPAIRS TO ENGLAND. he desperately resolved to quit the kingdom, and seek in foreign countries the means of regaining his state and grsttifying his revenge. He chose England as his immediate place of refuge from his powerful foes, and, with only sixty followers, hastily embarked for the port of Bristol. In England, the odious traits of his character were unknown, and with that generous credulity which believes well of individuals till proved to be criminal, so peculiarly characterizing Britons, he was considered to be an injured prince, de- serted by his turbulent and rebellious vassals, \ and forced from his rightful dominions by base "^qsurpation and iniquitous violence. He was ac- cordingly, under these favourable impressions, received with every mark of respect and pity, espe- cially by the clergy, who entertained the friend and benefactor of their order, in the monastery of St. Augustine, with the utmost hospitality. * Dermod learned from them that Henry, whom he could not but think his sole resource, was en- gaged in Acquitain; thither he proceeded without • Augustines, an order so called from Augustine, whose rule they observe : they are popularly styled Austin Friars ; were originally hermits. Alex- ander the Fourth first congre- gated them into one body, un- der their general Lanfranc, in 1256. Soon after their insti- tution, this order was intro- duced into England, where they possessed about thirty-two houses at the time of the sup- pression. They are clothed in black, and constitute one of the five orders of mendicants. From these arose a reform, under the denomination of barefoot Augustines, or Mino- rites — friars minor. There are also canons regu- lar of St. Augustine, who are clothed in white, except their cope, which is black : these are known at Paris under the appellation of the religious of Genevieve, that Abbey being the chief of the order. There are also nuns and canonesses^ who observe the rules of Saint Augustine. In England, this order made great progress, in two hundred years. There were thirty kings and queens who preferred the religious habit to their crowns and founded stately monasteries. ,5 1^- e«p^*»-^ 4JE^^^B»*.'y '^f^ps^sr- '"T'^5^^>'>?*5f?W^?T .---■^Jf-TW INTERVIEW OF HENRY AND DERMOD. 97 delay, obtained an immediate interview, and, throwing himself at the feet of the monarch, im- • plored his assistance and protection against his rebellious subjects ; offering, upon his compliance, to acknowledge him as his liege lord, and to hold his dominions (which, by the interposition of so magnanimous a prince, he was confident of regaining) in vassalage to Henry and his heirs. To Henry, whose views had been so long directed .1 towards Ireland, nothing could be more agree- . able than this unexpected petition of Dermod, as it not only revived all the flattering ideas he had conceived respecting the island, but gave him such a just pretence for hostile measures ; yet embarrassed at the time by the rebellions of his French subjects, and involved in a contest with the hierarchy, through the violence and obsti-. nacy of the imperious Becket, he was too busily employed to enter personally into the proposals of Dermod. Still, determined to improve the incident as far as his situation permitted, he treated Dermod with the highest consideration, made him munificent presents, and accepted his tender of allegiance." He proceeded yet further, by giving the Irish prince a letter of credence, addressed to all his subjects, notifying his grace and protection granted to the king of Leinster, J^ and assuring those who were disposed to aid him in the recovery of his rights, of free licence and royal favour. Dermod, supported by this au- thority, and elated by the courtly reception he had experienced from Henry, returned to Bristol with the most confident hopes of deriving im- portant advantages from the credentials of the ^nghsh monarch. At Bristol he published Henrys letter, and with the insinuating art; which he well knew how to assume, lavished his promises on all those who should assist the friend VOL. r. H lir •k^itmti' ' 98 RICHARD, EARL OF PEMBROKE. and vassal of their sovereign. But all this had little effect, either his true character and the de- merits of his cause had become known, or a dis- advantageous idea had been formed of his country ; for, even in those days of enterprize and adven- ture, no one was found to take arms in his cause. Dermod, thus disappointed in his sanguine ex- pectations of Britisn aid, began to despond, but determined to make a desperate effort, he ad- dressed himself to Richard, earl of Chepstow or Strigul, a nobleman of the house of Clare, known by the titles both of Chepstow and Pembroke, and of considerable note and consequence in Wales. This nobleman, who had impaired his fortune by extravagance, was distinguished for military genius, possessed an elevated station and great alliances, was attended by a numerous train of vassals, over whom his courtesy and generosity had given him great influence; but he was estranged from royal favour, he lived retired and diseng-aged, a prey to that gloom which was the natural fruit of self-created distress, dissipated fortune, disappointed ambition, and dark pro- spects. Such a character offeted every hope to Dermod that his overtures would be attended to, and he failed not to press the haughty Earl Richard with the most urgent solicitations. But these were received with coldness and reserve, which ill suited the ardent and violent Dermod. He had to excite to action a man, who, in any affair in which he was to take a leading part, considered every difficulty minutely, and brought forth every objection to bear with full force. Richard could not be persuaded to consider the general licence of Henry sufficient warrant to justify a measure of such consequence, as that of conducting his vassals into a foreign country. Dermod persisted in his arguments and redoubled his promises, and FF w^:'"- "^^^^'^^^w''^ '- '^^^^^ -^ :■ ■ ' - ' • '"---f .- ■^-" ■".•:'■ J??'^ t FITZGERALD. FITZSTEPHENS. 99 at length the earl yielded to the tempting offers of receiving in marriage Eva, the daughter of Dermod, and of being declared the heir of the dominions he was solicited to assist in recovering. He covenanted to assist the crafty Dermod with a considerable force, whicli was appointed to "be transported to Ireland the ensuing spring, pro- vided he could obtain the king's particular licence and approbation. Elevated by the success thus obtained by his perseverance, Dermod retired to St. David's, in South Wales, in order to pass privately over to Ireland, to collect his few adhe- rents, and to prepare for the reception of his ally. The bishop of St. David's received the fugitive with undissembled kindness, and exerted himself to obtain friends to a prince, whose munificence to the clergy had made him every where a fa- vourite of the order, notwithstanding the crimes that disgraced him. Through the intervention and persuasions of the prelate, Robert Fitz- stephens, constable of Abertivi, and Maurice Fitz- gerald were engaged in the cause, and with some other adventurous knights of Wales, promised to take a part in the Irish expedition. Dermod, promising on his part to cede to the principal leaders, Fitz&tephens and Fitzgerald, the entire 4 dominion of the town of Wexford, with a large / * adjoining territory, as soon as he should be rein- stated in his rights. Dermod, being now assured of succour, re- turned privately to his own state, and shelter- mg m the monastery of Femes, which he had founded, he prepared every thing for his British allies. W"e have thus given a rapid sketch of the ori- gmal scheme of an invasion, which in the event, was fraught with so many important conse- quences, connected- with the immediate plan of ^ H 2 WT'' 100 FITZGERALD. FITZSTEPHENS. our work. We shall follow the historian, from whom we have drawn the account, in his inte- resting detail of the progress of the principal agent.* And it is worthy of remark, that an important scheme, which we have seen receiving the sanc- tion of the Holy See, was effected by a discomfited fugitive and a few adventurous spirits, whom pur- suit of fortune and youthful valour led into Ire- land, in hopes of advantageous settlements. Previous to his departure, Dermod had paid his vows, in the church of St. David's, and upon his arrival at Femes, he took care to magnify to the clergy in particular, the gracious reception he had received from Henry, and the disposition of the English in his favour. By this means he well knew he should best ensure the co-operation he required; and, as the secret of his return could not be long concealed, he assumed the air of the utmost confidence. Yet was he secretly distracted and terrified; tor- mented by delay, and dreading disappointment, he dispatched a faithful vassal into England, to hasten the promised succours, and to solicit others, with unbounded promises of rich settle- ments and large rewards to all adventurers. While thus seeking foreign aid, he had recourse to all those superstitions which the pomp of gaudy worship led men to practise, as propitious to their worldly views; for, in vain ceremonies, bodily austerities and exercises, and especially in a blind veneration for their spiritual guides, man- kind seemed to place the whole of religion. Re- lics were . regarded more than redeeming merit, and prayers to saints deemed more acceptable to God, than those offered through the Saviour. * From this historian (Le- ledge our obligations would land) we have so largely ex- justly render our literary inte- tracted, that, not to acknow- grity to be doubted. TOWN OF WEXFORD REDUCED. 101 This was a religion which well suited such cha- racters as Dermod, and was also abundantly calculated to multiply them. The troops of Fitz- stephens were first ready, and, though a small body, being brave men, well acquainted with dis- cipline, and completely armed, they on disem- f barking in Ireland, struck terror into the inha- bitants, as menacing them with some fearful revo- lution. They were withstood, however, with the spirit of undisciplined and undirected valour, and as numbers on each side ' were nearly equal, the Irish courage and conduct was brought to severe trial. Fitzstephens, in the first instance attempt- ed the siege of Wexford; it made an obstinate defence, and obliged him to retire. But the spirit of Fitzstephens was not to be subdued by one repulse ; he drew off his men to the shore, set fire to his transports, and the following day, hav- ing first ordered divine service to be perfomed in his camp, he disposed his forces with greater care, and again led them to the assault, animated by devotion, impatient of their late disgrace, and con- vinced of the necessity of conquering. The garrison were not unobservant of their motions, and accustomed to decide their contests by one vigorous effort, they were astonished at the persevering resolution of their assailants. The clergy in particular were terrified, and made the most pathetic remonstrances against an op- position which must prove fatal to all within the walls. It was at length agreed to treat with, the besiegers, and a deputation of the inhabitants, headed by two bishops, were sent to settle terms of capitulation. The insolence of Dermod pro- tracted this treaty for three days, when the au- thority of his prelates, and the advice of his foreign allies at length prevailed. He accepted the submission of his terrified subjects, and en- i^-.'a^-: -■• . ■,!..■■ . • ' r:^ i02 THE ABBEY OF FERNES. tered Wexford in triumph. Thus, although the religion of the age was debased by superstition, the influence of the clergy was very frequently of great service in checking the excesses and calm- ing the passions of men. It not only united an immense number of men in one body, possessing a great sway over the community, but also kept that community entire, shaken as it was by tne factious and independent power of proud and arrogant chieftains. And what was also of infi- nite importance in a turbulent and unquiet age, it gave a mighty authority to men, who tempered by their mediation, (as in the instance which has drawn forth our remarks), the general disposition towards violence and hostility, and, who from their profession still maintained, even amidst the shock of arms, those secret links without which the chain of society would be utterly deranged and destroyed. After a few days residence at Wexford, Dermod led the British forces to his previous sanctuary at Femes, where three weeks were passed in refresh- ing the soldiers, feasting their commanders, and concerting future operations. That the hospitality they enjoyed in the ^bbey of Femes was of no mean description, may be inferred from the declaration of Bernard, in what he terms his apology. In painting, the pride and vanity of the abbots, their superfluity and magnificence in dress, fur- niture, equipage and buildings, he observes they looked more like governors of provinces than the spiritual fathers of holy and humble communities, whose original profession it was to be dead and crucified to the interests and pleasures, the pomps and vanities of the present world. With a pious concern he adds, ** that he knew several abbots, each of whom had above sixty horses in his stables, and such a prodigious va- TtfE ABBEY OF FERNES. 103 riety of wines in his cellars, that it was scarcely possible to taste the half of them in a single en- tertainment."* - By the accession of the garrison, the army ot Dermod was augmented to three thousand men, and a series of engagements ensued, ultimately terminating in the defeat of Roderick, the chief * ThemonksatSt.Swithin'8, brother, and his sister, with at Winchester, made a formal the emperor of Constantmo- complaint to Henry II. against pie, the sons of the kmgs of their abbot, for taking away Arragon and Castile, the duke three of the thirteen dishes of Burgundy, six counts, and they used to have every day a great number of lords, with at dinner. The monks at Can- all their retinues, were there terbury were still more luxuri- at the same time. Cluny at ous, they had seventeen dishes its first creation was put under every day, besides a desert, the protection of the apostolic and these dishes were dressed see, with express prohibition with spiceries and sauces, to all secular and ecclesiastic which excited the appetite as powers to disturb the monks well as pleased the taste. As in the possessions of their an instance of the splendour effects, or the election of their and hospitality of the monas- abbot. By this they assumed teries, we may cite the cele- to be exempted from the juris- brated abbey of Cluny, com- diction of bishops, which at posed of benedictines, founded length gave the hint to other by William, duke of Berry and abbeys to insist on the same. Aquitain, in the year 910. The Cluniac fraternity was the This abbey was anciently so first congregation of various very spacious and magnificent, monasteries, united under one that in 1254, after holding the chief, so as only to constitute first council at Lyons, pope In- one body, or as it is termed one nocent IV-. went to Cluny, ac- order. companied by the two patri- This order was introduced archs of Antioch and Constan- into England by William, earl tinople, twelve cardinals, three of Warrenne, son in law toWil- archbishops, fifteen bishops, liam the Conqueror, who built and a great number of abbots, a house for them at Lewes, in who were all entertained with- Sussex, about 1077. There out any of the monks being were twenty-seven priories and put out of their place, or in- cells of this order in England, convenienced, though Saint which were governed by fo-^ Louis, queen Blanche his mo- reiguers, afterwards made de- ther, the duke of Artois his nizens. 104 dermod's ambition. monarch of the island,, and the submission of the prince of Ossory, against whom revenge as well as policy had instigated the imperious Dermod : but treachery as well as arms produced the result, and Dermod, not content with being reinstated in his kingdom of Leinster, with that lofty preten- sion usual in tyrannical tempers, when inflated with success, projected the dethroning of the de- feated Roderick, and aspired to sole dominion. It would lead us too far in digression, to detail the plans and operations of Derttiod in the pro- secution of these lofty views, but it is necessary to say, that he dispatched a messenger to earl Richard, challenging the performance of his pro- mise, and displaying the great and certain ad- vantages which might at such a juncture be ob- tained by a reinforcement of troops; but Rich- ard, not satisfied with the general licence of Henry to all his subjects, and perhaps with na- tural sagacity, . foreseeing the important result, determined to apply to his monarch then in Normandy. * Henry, who by no means desired that his subjects should make too considerable a progress in Ireland without his aid, and interposition, was perplexed how to act, as he could not put a negative upon the present application of earl Richard, without dis- avowing his general licence. He therefore evaded direct reply, and under va.rious pretences deferred an explicit answer to his petition, Richard, flat- tered by the promises of Dermod, of wealth and honour, awaiting the fulfilment of his engagements, stung with the neglect of his sovereign, and op- * Richard seems never to country and report its state and have departed from his cau- "circumstances, so as to direct tion, for he sent with Fitzste- him in his intended enterprize. phens his uncle Henry of Henry had no military train. Mountmorris, to survey the FT *° ■^- EFFECTS OF THE INVASION. 105 ^ pressed with his necessities, renewed his applica- tion importunately, till the fiery Henry passion- ately commanded him to begone, with some equi- vocal expressions which might be construed into assent. Richard determined; so to interpret them, and indignant at the violence of his liege lord, departed from his presence, and prepared for his expedition with all imaginable vigour. After many conflicts and enormities committed by all parties, the cause of Dermod and his auxi- liaries prevailed. " Every day," says Leland, ** were now spread through the island fearful accounts of the power, progress, and devastations of these foreigners, the depopulation of whole districts, the miseries of the inhabitants, ravages, massacres, and all the affecting incidents of war, terrible in themselves, and magnified by report. The people were in dismay, their monarch had shrunk from the danger; they who were most exposed or threatened, directed their thoughts to heaven, and besought the clergy to devise some means for deprecating the divine wrath which had thus visited the nation. The clergy, scarcely more enlightened than their ignorant flock, had formed some crude notions of the miraculous in- terpositions of providence, and concluded that the national calamities must be the consequence of such interposition, and ordained as a punish- ment of some particular offence. The laity were corrupt and vicious : the clergy shared too deeply m the depravity of the times. Yet utterly at a • \ ^Z ^^^^^"^i^^ ^^^^ this particular offence might be, which had brought down such a heavy judgment upon their land, they convened a formal synod at Armagh, to inquire into the interest- ing pomt, as if they were to be favoured with some extraordinary communications of the divine 106 ENGLISH OR BRITISH SLAVES. After a long and solemn debate, it was sug- gested, and unanimously agreed by the synod, that the real cause of the divine displeasure, which Ireland now experienced, could be no other than their unchristian practice of purchas- ing and selling Englishmen as slaves, an iniquity which the Almighty now seemed to punish by English invaders, who threatened to reduce all Ireland to slavery. By the spiritual authority of the synod it was ordained, that every English bondsman should be emancipated. This solemn determination served to raise the people from their dejection, as they, upon better ground than usual in such cases, conceived they had now dis- covered and removed the latent cause of the cala- mity. Clouded by superstition as was the subject of debate in this spiritual synod, the result indi- cated a faint notion of union between Christian doctrine and practice : it is pleasing to trace this in any manner during the darkness of the period. It is true the literary improvements of the times ren- dered the intellectual faculties more acute, but while scripture was too generally neglected and the salutary doctrines of the gospel were in a man- ner buried in darkness, learning could produce few benign effects on the manners of mankind. Of course we speak generally, for doubtless there were many individual instances, both among the laity and the recluses, who studied, and who practised something nobler and better than super- stition, though the glare of fictitious holiness which invested the church prevented them from behold- ing their object clearly and perspicuously. But to return to the state of the unfortunate Irish ; their affairs did subsequent to this period assume a more favourable aspect. Dermod, inso- lently venturing to pursue his advantages, was de- feated, and obliged to a precipitate retreat, and f^T^tPSrc-'^^ "'^'■^■r-^^Ti^i^i:^ ■ ■'^s^iSrW'^-^- ■ - 'T'*^ ' ■^' -;; STRONGBOW CONCILIATES HENRY. 107 another unlooked for cause of alleviation occurred to relieve the oppressed people. '' ^ Henry, jealous of the progress made by sub- iects in a design which he appears personally desirous to effect, sent peremptory orders to withdraw the English, and made preparations for an attack in person. He was doubtless jealous of the success, and particularly of the mcreasmg power of earl Richard, who by his alliances in England, his acquisitions, and marriage with Eva, he was aware might be enabled to defy his autho- rity, and soon obtain an independent sovereignty ,of formidable extent, and which with sagacity he [foresaw might become exceedingly injurious to his tranquillity and political interests. He therefore issued his royal edict, strictly prohibiting any English vessel from crossing to Ireland with arms, men, or provisions, and commanding all his sub- jects resident in Ireland, and of every order , and degree, to return to their native country be- Ifore the ensuing feast of Easter, on pain of for- peiting their lands, and being declared traitors. [This measure was a cruel blow to the prosperous ^adventurers. Strongbow, for such was the fami- liar title of earl Richard,, with characteristic calm- ness, maturely revolved the danger, and the means to avert it. Well acquainted with the character of Henry, and as well aware of the secret motives of his present resentment, he determined to send his faithful adherent Raymond de Gross with let- ters to the monarch then resident in Aquitain ; these letters contained the most humble submis- sions from himself and fellow adventurers, declaring that they were fighting only for their sovereign, to reduce the stubborn spirits of the Irish to his obedi- ence, whatever they had gained was for him, and should remain at his disposal, as the natural and rightful lord of the present possessors, whose lives 108 ASSASSINATION OF BECKET. and fortunes were devoted to him, and who were still ready to obey his royal mandate of quitting their acquisitions, should it be again required, or deemed necessary to the interests of the crown. Raymond proceeded to the execution of his com- mission, he was received by Henry with the severe dignity of an offended monarch, not displeased at his representations, yet not disposed to give an explicit, much less a favourable answer. From day to day Raymond attended on the court, while his spirits were harassed at the suspense, and by the consciousness that the affairs of his associates became every day more distressing and alarming. At this critical juncture intelligence was received of the death of Becket. Henry was thrown into the utmost consternation at that fatal catastrophe, and had neither leisure nor inclination to attend to the less interesting affairs of Ireland. While in this state of expectation and anxiety, of difficulty and apprehension, the adventurers were alarmed by another incident, deeply involving the interests of their situation, namely, the death of their ally, the haughty and aspiring Dermod. The Irish annalists in relating this event, show their abhorrence of the man, who, as they em- phatically express it, " first shook the foundations of his country." They represent his de^th as the miraculous effect of divine wrath, poui'ed upon his guilty head at the intercession of every Irish saint. His disease they say was strange and tre- mendous, and rendered him an odious and offen- sive spectacle of misery; they add, that he was deserted in extremity by every friend, and expired without any spiritual comforts, in a state of fright- ful impenitence. The decease of Dermod was followed by an al- most total defection of the Irish from earl Strong- bow and his associates, one or two petty chiefs / STRONGBOW BESIEGED IN DUBLIN. 109 were the only allies who now adhered to them in their distress when abandoned by their king, de- prived of supplies, and threatened by the storm col- lecting around them. The period which Henry had assigned for their return was expired, Raymond could obtain no explicit answer, and on his return found earl Richard in the utmost dejection, cut off from all supplies, and already considerably straitened to maintain his army. The Irish chief- tains were no strangers to his distress. Laurence, archbishop of Dublin, whose sanc- tity gave weight to his representations, flew with patriotic ardour from province to province, entreat- ing, exhorting, and commanding the chiefs and • the people to seize the present opportunity, to take arms against a common enemy now worn out by their distress, and ready to sink for ever under the first vigorous assault. This politic and inde- fatigable prelate, not satisfied with thus endea- vouring to raise the spirit of indignation and va- lour in his countrymen alone, proceeded in con- junction with Roderick to dispatch emissaries to the king of the island of Man, and to other northern princes, entreating their assistance against enemies who would not confine their ambitious attempts to Ireland, but doubtless would extend their usurpations even to those quarters which seemed the most remote from danger. The af- fecting and passionate representations of Lau- rence prevailed, the islanders consented to assist , their neighbours, and soon blocked up the har- bour of Dublin, while the confederated Irish took their several stations, so as to surround the city, in which were earl Richard and his associates. Even Laurence himself appeared in arms, com- manding his particular troop, an instance of mar- tial spirit not unusual to the prelates of those feu- dal times, but far from being always brought into *v ^>Sl 110 TERMS PROPOSED TO HIM. action in a cause so honourable as that in which it was exerted by Laurence. But their injudicious mode of warfare made this zeal nugatory ; yet, during two months, in which they invested the city, they reduced the earl to the greatest difficul- ties. Oppressed by these individual difficulties, and the intelligence of dangers which threatened to overwhelm his associates Fitzstephens and Fitz- gerald, Strongbow determined to enter into treaty with the Irish monarch Roderick. The prelate of Dublin it was naturally supposed would wil- lingly become the mediator, and to him the appli- cation was made. With the fairest expressions of his readiness and solicitude to prevent the effusion of Christian blood he attended, to receive the overtures of the distressed warriors. Strongbow proposed to acknowledge Roderick as his sove- reign, to hold the province of Leinster from the Irish monarch, provided he raised the siege, and accepted him as his vassal. Laurence engaged to bear this proposal to his sovereign, and soon returned with an answer. He entere^d the council, with the dignified com- posure of a man conscious he was addressing those who must accept his terms ; and with a firm tone and aspect declared, that the only terms that his monarch was disposed, to grant were, that Dublin, Waterford, and Wexford, with all the forts possessed by the Britons, should be immediately surrendered ; and that the earl and all his forces should depart from Ireland by a day assigned, re- nouncing every claim. On these conditions they were to be spared ; but the least reluctance or delay would determine the besiegers to storm the city. As the Britons might be considered abso- lutely in the power of the besiegers, these terms would appear neither severe nor insolent, but per- fectly consistent with the spirit of the prelate, as 5f'?'T5^:-^;?!;:«; FITZSTEPHENS MADE PRISONER. 113 His enemies marked the internal conflict : to re- move his suspicions, they summoned two reverend bishops in their robes of ceremony, bearing the cross, the host, and several relics. Laying their hands on these, they swore a solemn oath, in con- firmation of all that they had asserted. Fitzste- phens, effectually deceived by this solemnity, committed himself and his friends into the hands of his mortal enemies, who, instead of conducting him to the sea, loaded him with chains, disarmed his followers, practising every wanton cruelty upon them that insolent barbarity could devise. In the midst of this triumph of hypocrisy, in- telligence is received that the victorious Britons are on the march to rescue their companions, and must soon arrive. Alarmed at this, they set fire to the town of Wexford, and retire with Fitzste- ,phens, and such other of their prisoners who had survived their cruelty, to an island in the middle of the harbour, called Holy island. In an ensuing engagement, a monk named Nicholas, serving in the British army, decided the fortune of the day in its favour, by killing with an arrow, the Irish leader O'Rian. The period was now approaching, when these competitions for power and barbarous violences were to terminate. Henry, recovered from his consternation at the death of Becket, and having succeeded, at least in suspending the indignation of the offended Papacy, resolved no longer to de- fer his Irish expedition. He summoned earl Richard to his presence at Newnham, near Glou- cester; and expressed in strong terms his dis- pleasure at his presumption and disobedience. His resentment, whether real or feigned, was however, soon allayed by the submissions of the cautious earl, who repeated his professions of allegiance, and yielded all his Irish acquisitions to the royal VOL. I. I 1J4 DISUNION OF THE NATION. disposal. Henry of Mountmonris attended with his nephew, and was his successful advocate with the high-spirited monarch. Strongbow, restored to favour, remained with his sovereign, in a royal progress he made on the borders of Wales, while the forces destined for the expedition, were as- sembling near Milford. Meantime, the Irish re- ceived the intelligence of the intended royal inva- sion in a state of helpless suspense, as if borne down and dispirited by their late contests. The fame of Henry's preparations do not appear to have produced any on their part, or to have effected any union amoi^ the chieftains. A sordid and selfish spirit seems to have pervaded them; and so little of loyalty, that they saw the power of their monarch on the point of dissolution, and saw it with apparent indifference. Some wereevenready to meet the invader, and to submit before he had reached their shore. The men of Wexford in particular, who had possessed themselves of Fitz- stephens in the perfidious way we have related, resolved to avert the probable consequences of their criminal conduct by the forwardness of their submissions. They sent deputies to Henry, en- treating him to accept them as his vassals, ready to resign themselves, their lands, and possessions to his absolute disposal, and adding, that they had already endeavoured to prove their devotion, by seizing Fitzstephens as a traitor to his sovereign. Henry received them with condescension, com- mended their zeal, and declared, he would soon enquire into, and redress the wrongs they had sustained. Thus he inspired them with favoura- ble dispositions to his interests, and effectually rescued Fitzstephens from the immediate effects of their resentment and cruelty. P|IIS!«?«^^^-: '.'X^-t----^;. 115 CHAPTER V. Henry the Second invades Irelandr-^His assurances of protection — No resistance made — Strongbow does homage — Dermod M'Arthy, thejirst Monarch who submittedf and acknowledged the authority of Henry — Interview with the Archbishop of Cashel— Chiefs of Munster all graciously received, and sump- tuously entertained — Fitzstephens liberated from his treache- rous captors — Henry visits Dublin — The astonishment of the Irish at his splendid retinue — Henry receives the ready homage of the Chiefs — Treachery of O'Ruarc — Roderick's spirit aroused — He collects his forces, and determines to dispute the claims of Henry — His efforts vain — The Nobles attach them- selves to Henry — Magnijieent entertainment given by Henry — The Clergy favourable to his invasion — They swear fealtj^^ to him — He directs a Synod to be held at Cashel, to confer on the subjects recommended by the Pope — A rival Synod held in Connaught, by the authority of Roderick — Gelasius, Pri- mate of Armagh — His simplicity and piety — Proceedings of Henry's Synod — Compliments to Henry — He convenes a Coun- cil at Lismore — The proceedings of it — The authority of the English Laws limited to a certain district, styled the Pale — Which was divided into Shires or Counties — A chief Governor appointed — His privileges and powers — Circumstances hasten the departure of Henry from Ireland — His jealousy of Strong- bow, and measures to countercust his ambitious views — Mis- chievous consequences of his imperfect plans — He embarks for England — Proceeds to Normandy, and conciliates the Cardi- nals sent by the Pope on the affair of Becket — National fail- ings of the Irish exemplified at this period — Tranquillity prevails some time — Nuptials of Strongbow s daughter at Femes — Animosities arise — Domestic perplexities of Henry prevent his return to Ireland — He withdraws several of his garrisons from thence — Strongbow haptens to the aid of Henry in Normandy— The joy of the Irish at Hfnry's difficulties — Divisions and jealousies arise — Strongbow is sent to Ireland — Is accompanied by Raymond de Gros — Series of hostilities — Roderick attempts the recovery of his Throne, but not suc- ceeding, sends Deputies to Henry with offers of submission — Treaty concluded— Jealousies of the English Lords counteract the beneficial consequences expected to flow from the treaty — Conduct of Raymond — National character injured by these I 2 V^?S 116 HENRY II. SETS SAIL. feuds — Religion of the period — Supreme power of the Pa- pacy — Instance of the blind devotion paid to the Pope — Wal- denses — Precedency of two Archbishops disputed — Know- ledge is disseminated^ and the Sciences studied — Encouraged by the European Monarchs — Learned Societies and Colleges established — As these increased^ Episcopal and Monastic Schools declined — Corruption of the Monks — Complaints of the Irish Clergy of the depredations of the English — Causes and Consequences — Ordinance of Cardinal Vivian — Demo- ralised state of Ireland. CENTURY THE TWELFTH. As the expedition of Henry to Ireland may be re- garded somewhat in the light of a crusade, or even a mission, if we advert to the sanction he sought and obtained, and as the circumstances we have detailed gave it too little of a military cha- racter to alter its ostensible nature, we may with propriety enter into the particulars which, al- though trivial in themselves, and merely enter- taining, led to important national results both to the country and political interests of the invader, as well as the invaded. Henry the Second, surnamed Fitz-Empress, having completed his preparations for his long- meditated Irish expedition, performed his solemn devotions in the church of St. David's, to implore the blessing of the Almighty upon an enterprize undertaken by the authority and in the cause of the church. The solemnity being concluded, he embarked at Milford, attended by his reconciled noble. Earl Strongbow, William Fitz-Andelm, Humphrey de Bohun, Hugh de Lacy, Robert Fitz- Bernard, and other barons, four hundred knights, and about four thousand soldiers. His fleet, consisting of two hundred and forty ships, presented an awful and formidable object to those on whose coast they appeared. They entered the port of Water- ' '■ <> ■ ■ ■ ■ >■..■'■ ■-.. HENRY II. TAKES POSSESSION. 117 ford, and the forces were landed on the feast of St. Luke, in October 1172. It was immediately published, that the design of the expedition was not to conquer but to take possession of a country granted by the pope, and to exercise a sovereignty which Henry affected to believe would be acknowledged and obeyed, without difficulty or reluctance. In fact, in- stead of resistance, acclamations of joy re- sounded on the arrival of the new sovereign; Earl Strongbow made a formal surrender of Waterford, and did homage to Henry for the principality of Leinster. The men of Wexford presented themselves with their prisoner, repeat- ing their accusations, and imploring justice against their oppressor. Henry received them with affected commiseration, reproached Fitzstephens for his presumption, and remanded him to prison. The perfidious Irish exulted that they had so craftily eluded punishment, and involved their enemy in disgrace ; and Fitzstephens, naturally believing his liberation was certain, was the less mortified at the result, as he well knew the price of his liberty, must be the relinquishment of his Irish acquisitions to the king. Dermod M'Arthy, prince of Desmond, was the first chieftain who submitted and acknowledged the sovereignty of Henry, and that on the very day after his arrival, resigning his city of Cork, stipulating to pay tribute for the rest of his terri- tory, which, on these conditions, he was to enjoy without further restraint. At Cashel, Henry had an interview with the archbishop, who was the first Irish prelate who appeared before him. The monarch professed to him his gracious intentions to the country, and his zeal for the regulation of its church. All the chiefs of Munster followed, each seem- ■■'■' ■■:••'■*; s.' ' " . ■ ■•.■1 118 H£ PROCEEDS TO DUBLIN. ing to vie with the other in the alacrity of 6ub> mission. All were graciously received, assurances of favour and protection given, while they were entertained with magnificence, gratified with pre- sents, and dismissed with deep impressions of the grandeur and condescension of this powerful monarch, who, indeed, historians agree, pos- sessed the most estimable and amiable social qualities ; his '' conversation being affable and entertaining, his elocution easy, persuasive, and ever at command." Henry after these short excursions returned to Wexford, where as it was no longer necessary to dissemble, his barons were permitted to plead for Fitzstephens, who was at their instance libe- rated, and surrendered Wexford and its territory to the king, doing homage for the rest of his acquisitions, which he was allowed to retain, from Henry and his heirs. Having provided for the security of Munster, and stationed several garri- sons, Henry proceeded to Dublin, to take posses- sion in due form. He led his troops through Ossory in slow and stately progress. The rude inhabitants were struck with the splendour and magnificence of the royal army, and the chiefs had every facility of repairing to his camp, and acknowledging his sovereignty, which they were perfectly disposed to do ; for their indifiference to Roderick, and their terror at the English arms, determined them, without delay, to make their peace with Henry. The lords of Leinster, indeed, deemed the royal service more honourable than a subjection to Strongbow, against which their feelings re- volted, for his severity had rendered him obnoxious to the Irish, since the first period of his landing. As Henry, therefore, proceeded towards Dublin, he had ample occupation in receiving the homage Tot's*; -> 1 _,•! ' - i, V" .-I' J,,-'-!' V, -'.a' ^^ : ■■ .S»*"i - .rC HE ENTERS DUBLIN. 119 of his newly acquired vassals, among whom was even the intimate associate of Roderick himself. O'Ruarc of Breffney, who thus abandoned his former friend and ally, and became the voluntary vassal of the new sovereign, leaving to his fate his native monarch, him who had defended his inte^ rests, revenged his personal injuries, and loaded him with benefits 1 With how many instances of a similar ungrateful defection does history abound ! In a state of abandonment by friends, at least those apparently so, a man thrown upon his own internal resources, and resting on his own ener- gies, fi-equently acts with a spirit and dignity, of which he before appeared destitute. So it was with Roderick, who although sensible of the danger of meeting an English army, determined not at once to resign his title to the monarchy of Ireland. He collected his provincial troops, and intrenching himself on the banks of the Shannon, seemed resolved that his own territory should not become a part of the dominions of Henry. Henry deputed Hugh de Lacy and William Fitz Andelm, to confer with Roderick, and either persuade or force him to submission. But the attempt was unavailing. The Irish chieftains who had submitted, at- tended at the court of Henry. Equally proud and inexperienced, they were highly flattered with those conciliating expressions of favour, which flow with such ease from the lips of sove- reigns and their courtiers, when necessary to ad- vance their projects of ambition. * It was the feast of Christmas, a season of great and general festivity, for which Henry pre- pared with such magnificence and liberality as his present situation permitted, and such as was perfectly astonishing to his Irish followers. Crowds from all quarters flocked to Dublin, in the eagerness of surprise and admiration. " As .;v.-.5^ 120 FEAST IN DUBLIN. the city (adds Leland, from whom we draw the account) afforded no building capable of receiving the royal train, and the numerous assembly of guests, a temporary structure was raised with hurdles, after the Irish fashion, in the south- eastern suburbs, of large dimensions, and richly ornamented ; and here the vassal lords of Ireland were admitted freely, and feasted sumptuously. Piles of silver, costly meats, generous wines, dress, music, and attendants, all conspired to possess them with a vulgar admiration of the invader. Dazzled by his grandeur, and intoxi- cated with his condescension, they forgot the baseness of their submission, and fancied them- selves exalted to a degree of consequence, by being allied to such magnificence and splendour."* We now proceed to relate what more immediately concerns the professed object of Henry's invasion. The clergy were, if possible, more ready and more abject in their submissions to the new mo- narch, than the lords and teparchs. This was naturally to be expected, for the Roman pontiffs, by the maxims of worldly wisdom which actuated them, had created great and continual contests and divisions in the church, which had obscured the lustre of religion, by a profane mixture of the inventions and superstitions of designing men. * At this feast, the Irish princes and chieftains were perfectly astonished at the profusion and variety of pro- visions which they beheld, and were, with difficulty, prevailed upon by Henry to eat the flesh of cranes, a kind of food to which they had not been accus- tomed. In the remaining no- tices of these times, we meet with the names of several dishes, as dollegront, manpi- gyrnum, karumpie, &c. the composition of which is now unknown. At these great feasts, besides the ordinary drinks, ale, cyder, and mead, there were great quantities of wines of various kinds. Some of these, as ypoenas, pyment, and claret, were compounded of wine, ho- ney, and spices of different kinds, in different proportions. i^5«S^;*>"r*pRf;^,T^ '-^''^-yilf^^W^^^f^ -J^ ^^?t?^^4-??r- ™ . THE SYNODS. GELASIUS. 121 who shielded themselves under papal protection, and, of course, lost no opportunity of augmenting its power, and conciliating its favour. Doubtless apprised long before of the sanction Henry had received from their spiritual head, the numerous body of the Irish ecclesiastics. waited upon Henry sooii after his arrival, received him as sovereign lord of Ireland, and swore fealty to him and his heirs. Henry received from each prelate a char- ter of their respective submissions, which he transmitted immediately to Rome. This is the statement made by the English his- torians, but it has been deemed not altogether correct. It is asserted upon good authority, that Henry having, as we have seen, been acknow- ledged, without resistance, as sovereign of the greatest part of the island, remaining unmolested by those who had not formally submitted, and pre- vented by the season from commencing hostilities, affected to display his zeal and solicitude to fulfil the conditions of his grant from Adrian, by turn- ing his attention to the state of the Irish church, and to a reformation of its supposed abuses. For this professed purpose he directed a synod to be summoned and assembled at Cashel, to inquire into the prevailing state of morals and religion. Gelasius, however, primate of Armagh, a man highly reverenced by his countrymen, did not attend, pleading his age and infirmities. But it would appear he had other reasons for declining to sanction, by his presence, any decrees of the synod, called in the name of the king, for he held another synod, convenedsoon after in Connaught by the authority of Roderick, probably in opposition to that summoned by Henry. Gelasius, from the sanctity of his character, had considerable in- fluence, which he directed to the laudable pur- poses of regulating the ecclesiastical affairs in the western and northern parts of the island, and 'r^"-^^ 122 SYNOD OF CASHEL. in a sedulous attention to iiis sacerdotal duties. The Irish writers record, that this venerable pre- late, in every progress through the kingdom, was constantly attended by a white cow, a particular favourite, which supplied him with milk, the chief sustenance of the pious and abstemious primate. The prelates of Ulster followed the example of their metropolitan : and although the bishop of Tuam, and Laurence of Dublin, who had so zea- lously contended against the English, obeyed the summons of Henry, candour may suppose they deemed their presence necessary to preserve the honour of their church from injurious representa- tion, and by showing a readiness to correct what might be found wrong, to deprive the invader of the grand plea for extending his hostilities. Christian, bishop of Lismore, presided as the pope's legate at the assembly. In this character, about twenty years antecedent, he had presided in the grand assembly of kings, prelates, and no- bility, convened by order of Cardinal Papanon. The Abbot of Buldwais, the archdeacon of Landaff, and some other of the English clergy, attended on the part of Henry, to forward the purposes of their royal master, and to observe the conduct of the Irish prelates. The synod was professed to be summoned, in direct obedience to the sovereign pontiff, in order to consult upon and devise remedies for ignorance and wickedness, to eradicate every fibre of depravity and iniquity, and to restore the purity of their ecclesiastical con- stitution, now contaminated and disgraced. Hav- ing thus boldly assumed that all these evils existed, the ordinances which were to answer^the important purposes of correcting and removing them, we find to be, forbidding marriages within the pro- hibited degrees of consanguinity, directing that baptism should be publicly administered, youth instructed, tythes regularly paid, the lands of the SY!(O0 or CAf H£P. 123 clergy exempted from 'secular exactions,* and that all true sons of the church should have power by will to distribute their effects in due Eroportion between their wives and children, and e decently interred in hallowed ground. This plan of reformation was unquestionably good and judicious, but it is obvious that it required not the interposition of the pope, nor obliged him in order to effect it, to transfer the sovereignty of Ireland to a foreign prince at the hazard of filling the island with contention and bloodshed. Nor did it demand the presence of the English monarch and a royal army to enforce ordinances which had been repeatedly enacted, and which the pro- gress of knowledge could alone render effective. The imposing scene was closed by a declaration highly flattering to Henry, expressed in terms of abject servility, which, however they might please his vanity, his judgment must have rejected with disdain. It directs that the divine service of the church of Ireland shall in future be in all things conformable to that of the church of England. " For it is very meet and very just, that as Ire- land hath by providence received a lord and king * This ordinance was as fol- booring lords shall not, for the lows ; ** All the ecclesiastical future, be demanded from the lands and possesions shall be ecclesiastical towns. And more- entirely free from every ex- over, in all cases of homicide action of secular men. And committed by the laity, as often especially no petty kings or as they shall compound for the lords, or any potentates of Ire- same with their adversaries, land, nor their children or fa- the clergy, who are their re- milies shall, for the future, ex- lations, shall pay nothing* on act maintenance or entertain- this account ; but as they had ment, according to custom, in no part in the perpetration of the ecclesiastical territor ies, or the homicide, so shall they be presume to extort them by vio- free horn contributing to the lence. And that detestable fine.** In exempting the clergy, entertainment which is four however, the laws were not ab- timeg a year required by neigh- rogated, as will appear. 124 THE BREHON LAW. from England, so she may receive from the same a better form of living. For to his royal grandeur are both the church and realm of Ireland indebted for whatever they have hitherto obtained, either of the benefits of peace or the increase of religion. Since before his coming into Ireland, evils of various kinds had, from old times, gradually over- spread the nation, which by his power and good- ness are now abolished." The reverend adulators seem to imply that Henry had been endued with a power of working miracles! Other acts of government exercised by Henry in Ireland, must be adverted to, as as- sisting to effect the grand object of reformation and civilization. He convened a council at Lis- more, in which the laws of England were ac- cepted and established by the sanction of a solemn oath. By this we are not to understand that the Irish abolished their own laws, and sub- mitted entirely to the English. In fact, the old Irish polity was not only still to subsist, but was warranted, secured, and regulated by compact between Henry and his new subjects. They stipulated to become his tributaries and vassals ; he was to protect them in the administration of their governments according to their own model. " They governed their people," saith Sir John Davies, ** by the Brehon law, they made their own magistrates and officers, they pardoned and punished all malefactors within their several countries, they made warre and peace one with another, without controulment, and this they did not only during the raigne of Henry the Second, but afterwards in all times, even untill the raigne of Queen Elizabeth."* * Brehon laws denote the having force throughout the general maxims or rules of law provinces of Ireland. By the observed by the Brehons, and statute of Kilkenny, made r^''y?^ ''^ '^ ■,-■• . THE ENGLISH PALE. 125 The concessions of the Irish lords were uni- formly made to Henry and his heirs ; and thus the kings of England were for ever to become paramount lords of the territories which these lords retained, and inheritors of those they re- signed, which were inseparable from the crown annexed to the kingdom, and appendent on its dignity. Henry having acquired a considerable territory, and a number of subjects in the island, granted to them the English laws as stated, not, however, as a model by which they might govern themselves, and frame their own polity, but as they resigned their Irish acquisitions, and re- newed their allegiance, he, on his part, consented and declared they should still be considered as the subjects of his realm, and still retain the ad- vantages of that constitution, which as subjects they formerly enjoyed, and which he graciously declared, that they should retain, in the same ca- pacity, without any diminution of their rights or any change in their relation to the king. ** Hence," adds Leland, ** the necessity of a new oath, whereby they were bound in due allegiance to Henry and his heirs, and to a faithful observance of the laws of his realm in their new settlements, thus made a part and member of this realm, in- separably connected and intimately consolidated with it." Thus, notwithstanding the nominal conquest of Ireland, the authority of the English was limited to a certain district, which received the designation of the pale, comprising Dublin, Kildare, Meath, with the cities of Waterford, Cork, under Edward the Third, it is still under the necessity of enacted that no English sub- being concluded by the Irish ject shall submit to atrial by laws and customs, till the whole the Brehon law on the pe- kingdom was settled on an nalty of high treason. Not- English basis by James the withstanding which, many were First. ' .klf. 126 ENGLISH LAWS INTRODUCED. and Limerick, and the lands in their immediate vicinity. The benefit of these laws was granted and considered as an act of special grace, and not in general to all those who submitted, much less obtruded on any as an evidence of conquest. For the better execution of these laws, Henry made a division of the districts subject to him into shires and counties. Sheriffs were appointed, itinerant judges, and other ministers of justice, officers of state, and every appendage of English government and English law. To complete the system, a chief governor or representative of the king was appointed to exercise the royal authority in &e king's absence, and it was enacted in order to preserve the peace of the country, that should this chief governor die, the chancellor and other officers of state should be empowered with the consent of the nobles, to elect a successor, who was to exercise the full power and authority of this office until the royal pleasure could be known. Henry had ample leisure to form his Irish govern- ment, for the winter was remarkably severe and tempestuous, totally preventing any hostile at- tempts against those who had not submitted to his authority. The same cause had precluded all possibility of intelligence either from England or Normandy, till at length on his arrival at Wex- ford, after three months residence at Dublin, he was met by couriers, who brought the intelligence that Cardinals Albert and Theodine, delegated by the pope, had arrived in Normandy, to make in- quisition respecting the death of Becket; that having remained there waiting Henry's return, till their patience was exhausted, they now peremp- torily summoned him to appear without delay, if he would avert the sentence of excommunication, and preserve his dominions from a general inter- dict. T^'i*.™T"?Sw';'''* - ■* '• ^■v-^z '-' ' .^i''-^ " v^i^ yw" .. ■- ■ '\':^ff?^7'3»^j; s^ssi?'^ -•' .-'^'-^ :-".■»>. ^vsv.'%s«r. -"Jim.' HUGH DE LACY, GOVERNOR. 127 A circumstance so important to his interests and safety, obliged Henry to make hasty prepa- rations for his departure. His ambition was mor- tified in being thus compelled to quit a country which afforded every prospect of advantage, but of which a very considerable part he had not even visited, still less reduced. But papal denunci- ations were of too much consequence to be dis- regarded. He was sensible he left an imperfect conquest, and his jealousy suggested that Strong- bow waited only his absence to improve the ad- vantages he had acquired, and assume the sove- reignty. In this perplexing situation, he took every means to conciliate the other English adventurers, and executed an important grant to Hugh de Lacy of all the territory of M eath, constituting him also his governor of Dublin, with a guard of twenty knights. Fitzstephens and Fitzgerald were made his coadjutors, with an equal train; and these, with other of the first adventurers, under the cover of an honourable appointment, were thus obliged to reside in Dublin, under the immediate in- spection of Hugh de Lacy, who appears to have possessed the entire confidence oi his sovereign. Lands were assigned for the maintenance of the knights and soldiers ; a castle was directed to be built at Dublin ; and, at the request of John de Courcy, a baron of distinguished genius and mi- litary abilities, the entire province of Ulster was granted to him, provided he could reduce it by force of arms. Was this to do justly, and to love mercy ? But such was the custom of the times, and certainly it was a method admirably calculated to make conquests without expense to the crown, but fraught with danger and oppression. To this sys- tem may be imputed the miseries which Ireland kffl 128 FIRST ENGLISH SETTLERS. felt for ages ; but, in all probability, had Henry not been interrupted in his engagement, the gradual subjection of the country to his power would have been attended by the most auspicious consequences. The political state of nations at this period of history, rendered princes unable to maintain their conquests by regular armies. The only mode they had to make their work durable, and to establish their acquisitions, was by making settle- ments in the conquered country, dividing among them the possessions of the vanquished, giving them the authority, and thus gradually trans- forming the ancient occupiers into a new people. But it appears that the state of Ireland was so little inviting to the English, that only a few of desperate fortunes could be persuaded, from time to time, to transport themselves into it, who in- stead of reclaiming the inhabitants from their uncultivated manners, were gradually assimilated to them, degenerating from the customs of their own nation. Such is the opinion of our histo- rian, Hume ; but when it is recollected that arbitrary military leaders were the first settlers, we are not to be surprised at the repugnance of the Irish, nor can we suppose much refinement was introduced. The same historian judiciously remarks : " the natives, never wholly subdued, still retained their animosities against the con- querors ; their hatred was retaliated by the like injuries, and from these causes, during the course of four centuries, remained still savage and intrac- table." " Henry," says an old historian, " obliged Strongbow to return to Ireland, being likely for his own wealth, and assurance to procure all pos- sible means of bridling and annoying the Irish ;" much is comprehended in this remark. . Henry having as effectually as the short time ■<- ■ ^^HHtt.' ' ■ ' j« IIENIIV II. REPAIRS TO NORMANDV. 129 permitted made his dispositions relative to his new conquest, or rather acquisitions, embarked at Wexford, on the feast of Easter. He landed in Pembrokeshire, and without delay proceeded on foot to the cathedral of St. David, where he performed his devotions with that appearance of piety and humility, which became an individual ^ under the displeasure of the church. He pro- ceeded on with all possible speed to Normandy, to meet the indignant cardinals. He had a con- ference with them at Savigny, but their first requisitions were so haughty and unreasonable, that he broke up the negociations, declaring he would return to Ireland, where he had much to do, and leave them to execute their legaiitine commission as they might. The legates found they must lower their terms with the indig- nant and high-spirited Henry ; another congress took place, terms less injurious and unreasonable were proposed, and Henry at length succeeded in concluding an accommodation. When these were adjusted, the king's submissions accepted, his absolution pronounced. Pope Alexander con- sented to seal the reconciliation, by confirming the grant of Ireland, made by his predecessor Adrian. His brieve recites the propriety of allowing the just acts of his predecessors, and the gifts made by the late pope to Henry of the dominion of Ireland, ratifying the same, with/the reservation of Peter- pence, and on the former condition, of reforming the barbarous natives, and regulating their disordered church.* * Peter-pence, so called Rome, and afterwards extend- from being collected on the ed, in 794, by Offa, over all festival of St. Peter in Vin- Mercia and East Anglia. In culis. It was an ancient tax process of time, it became a of a penny on each house, general and standing tax first granted, a. d. 725, by throughout all England, and Ina, king of the West Saxons, though it was sometime ap- for the establishment and sup- plied to the support of the port of an English college at English college, according to VOL. I. j^ 130 DISSENSIONS IN LEINSTER. The national failings of the Irish, a sanguine credulity, mingled with personal pride and vanity, fickleness of purpose, and reckless impetuosity, with an impatience of suffering, inducing the belief that any change must be relief, were all exemplified at the period when they were, as we have seen partially, placed under the dominion of Henry. As they became his vassals with apparent in- difference and levity, they were as little solicitous or disposed to adhere to their submissions. Yet as the impressions in favour of their new sovereign, while fresh were lively, and the English settlers did not appear desirous of extending their, ac- quisitions, every thing for a time wore the appear- jance of security and peace. Strongbow, in the con- fidence of it, retired to Femes, which he possessed in right of his consort Eva; to celebrate the nup- tials of his daughter with Robert de Quiny, one of the nobles who had engaged in the Irish war. This state of tranquillity was, however, soon interrupted, and aggressions seem to have begun soon after the celebration of these nuptials. Strongbow had created De Quiny constable and standard bearer of Leinster, which principality he enjoyed by homage to Henry. Being obliged to march into Offally, to exact his tribute from a refractory vassal, his forces on their return were attacked in the rear, and De Quiny, as standard bearer, with some others, fell in the fury of the first sudden assault. Subsequently to this, De Lacy was near falling a victim to the treachery and violence of O'Ruarc, the perfidious deserter of his friend and monarch. But he was, in his- attack on De Lacy, himself killed, and being con- the original design, the popes Edward the Confessor, William found means to appropriate it the Conqueror, and never to- to themselves. It was con- tally abolished till the reign of firmed by the laws of Canute, Henry VIII. ^^. '%» GENERAL REVOI.T. 131 sidered as a rfebel and a traitor, his head was sent to Henry. Thus mutual animosities increased, complaints of oppression, treachery, injustice, and cruelty, were made by both parties, equally perhaps founded in truth, while the critical circumstances of the monarch, who alone could heal the dissensions and restore tranquillity, by the justice, firmness, and vigour of his government, gave opportunity and encouragement for all parties to avow and act upon their animosities. It was at this period that the unnatural combination of his sons involved Henry in all the miseries and difficulties of domes- tic strife, and produced the most dangerous fac- tions among his nobles, raising the storm of rebel- lion and war in ev^ry quarter of his extensive do- minions. To aid in forming a sufficient force to intimidate and resist his foes, the king found it necessary to withdraw several of his garrisons from Ireland, as well as to claim the attendance of some of his barons and commanders from thence. This summons was obeyed with such promptness and evident zeal by Earl Strongbow in particular, that Henry's jealousy of him was dispelled, he became convinced of his attached loyalty, and immediately entrusted him with the important government of Gisors. The intelligence of Henry's distress was received with joy by the Irish chieftains. On Earl Richard's departure, they openly disavowed their submissions, and denounced the vengeance of an injured people against their invaders. ^ Jealousies and divisions among the English lords prevented proper resistance to this turbu- lent spirit of the Irish, and the royal interests might have received irreparable injury, had not Henry despatched Earl Strongbow to take upon him the sole direction of Irish affairs, consenting K 2 132 PACIFICATION WITH o'cONNOR. to the request of Richard that he should employ Raymond de Gros, who was much beloved by the army, as his assistant in the arduous duties of governing a violent and refractory people. To quicken the zeal, and reward the services of the earl, Henry granted him the town of Wex- ford, and a fort erected at Wicklow, dismissing him with gracious assurances of favour. A long series of hostilities, and all the attend- ant violences and horrors of civil war succeeded, during which Roderick endeavoured to recover dominion. But at length, having repeatedly ex- perienced the instability and perfidy of his chief- tains, and the inefficiency of a mere vassal army, he determined to save his own province from the depredations of a victorious enemy by a submis- sion. A proud consciousness of dignity, truly admir- able, made him however resolve to treat only with the royal Henry, who had happily eluded the at- tempts of his continental enemies, and was at this period in England. After due notice given, Henry accordingly received at Windsor three deputies from Roderick, viz. Catholicus, archbishop of Tuam, the abbot of St. Brander, and Master Laurence, as he is stiled, chancellor to the king of Connaught. The terms were easy, and the treaty was ratified in a grand council of prelates and temporal barons, among whom the archbishop of Dublin was one of the subscribing witnesses. As metropolitan of Leinster he was become an English subject, and was doubtless summoned on the occasion, as obliged by his oath to attend ; and having been made a participator of. the Eng- lish legal rights, assisted by virtue of them in the king's great council. It is worthy of note, that Henry treated with Roderick not merely as a pro- vincial prince, but as monarch of Ireland ; for al- ACCUSATION AGAINST RAYMOND. 133 though invested himself with the complete sove- reignty, the marks of this sovereignty were no more than homage and tribute, in every other particular the regal rights of Roderick are left in- violate by the treaty ; the English laws and go- vernment, only to be enforced within the English pale. At the same time that this treaty was con- cluded, Henry, as an evidence of his sovereignty, in- vested Augustin, an Irish ecclesiastic, with the bi- shopric of Waterford then vacant, and directed him to be consecrated by the archbishops of Dublin and Cashel.* This submission of Roderick, and re- cognition of Henry's sovereignty, were circum- stances which certainly appeared to promise peace and tranquillity ; but the disunion, jea- lousies, and envy of the English lords, counter- acted all the beneficial consequences which might have been produced by the circumstances. Her- vey of Mountmorris, the uncle of Strongbow, had long been the bitter enemy of Raymond, and either upon some just cause which does not ap- pear, or urged by malice, he dispatched emis- . saries to Henry with unfavourable representa- tions of Raymond's conduct. These representa- tions, urged with plausible professions of loyalty by a baron of distinguished character high in the estimation of his sovereign, made the intended impression on the mind of the hasty Henry, whose jealousy was ever alive to the increasing power and success of his nobles in Ireland, more espe- * That the Irish regarded royal sovereignty of all Ireland this treaty as acknowledging the to Rory O'Connor, and his own supremacy of Roderick, appears loigedh (province) to each pro- by an extract from their an- vincial king of Ireland, and nals, anno 1175. Catholicus their rents to Rory. Ann. O'Dubhy came out of England Lagen, M.S. (See Lelands from the empress's son, with History.) the peace of Ireland and the 134 O'BRIEN BESIEGES LIMERICK. cially as the delation was countenanced by recent tumultuous declarations of the army in favour of Raymond. The king, with his confidence thus shaken in the fidelity of Raymond, immediately sent four commissioners to Dublin, two of whom were to conduct the suspected noble to his pre- sence, and two to remain in order to inspect the national affairs, watch the conduct of the chief governor Strongbow, who, from having solicited the assistance of Raymond, shared with him the royal suspicions. Raymond, conscious of integrity, and suspect- ing the machinations of his secret enemy, declared his perfect readiness to obey the summons of his liege lord. He prepared without delay for his de- parture, but was detained by contrary winds. In the interval. Limerick was besieged by the Irish chief O'Brien of Thomond, a declared enemy to the English power. The garrison was in the utmost distress, and must inevitably have become a prey to the besieger, unless relieved without delay. Earl Strongbow, although labouring under severe indisposition, and deprived of his able commander, prepared for the relief of the be- sieged place, but the soldiers refused to march, unless under the command of their favourite ge- neral Raymond. The king's commissioners were consulted, and urged by necessity, they consented that Raymond should conduct the expedition. Thomond had abandoned the siege of Lime- rick, and entrenched himself in a defile through which the English were to pass ; Raymond evinced his military talent on the occasion, O'Brien was driven from his entrenchments, and seeing no prospect of regaining his position, pro- posed an interview with the English general to offer terms of pacification. At the same time n^»- ■ '- - ■■ ■:,- --.- . ''-.: .. --. - ' ^■- v^^n^^sm- * SUCCESS OF RAYMOND DE GROS. 135 Roderick, in pursuance of the recent treaty, re- paired to Raymond, delivered his hostages, and took the oaths of fealty ; so that this noble, at the instant of being under the displeasure of his sovereign, had the honour of receiving the sub- missions of the King of Connaught and the Prince of Thomond, w^ho renewed his engagements to Henry and his heirs, and gave hostages as secu- rities for his future allegiance. To this victory succeeded another, in which Raymond avenged the cause of an injured prince, and by the service obtained a valuable grant of land in the county of Kerry, which he enjoyed unmolested, and trans- mitted to his heirs. We have related these in- stances of anarchy, to prove that the national cha- racter must receive injury from such a state of lawless violence and constant excitement. Edu- cation must, under such circumstances, be ne- cessarily neglected and disregarded : youths, in- stead of pursuing their studies, were engaged in the open conflicts of the field or the baser pursuit of private revenge ; of course, personal vices and political crimes deformed the aspect of that society which, under a steady, wise, and judicious go- vernment, would have been rendered beautiful and peaceful. ' '] ■ .;*' The vital interests of religion and morals, are necessarily connected with those political ; hence in the state of anarchy which now prevailed in Ireland, little attention was paid either to the sanctions of the one, or the obligations of the other. *^ • The religion of the period, indeed, possessed little that could counteract the violence of human passion, or oppose the torrent of human depravity The power of the papacy was supreme, and no ])ublic profession of the gospel which asserted in- dependence of its domination was tolerated in ■^.^F*--.; • • I, - . ' ^•>-T^ 13G TRANSUliSTANTlATION. Europe, although there were several bold opposi- tions made to the errors of popery. The general spirit of the times we are cursorily reviewing was to weigh human merits and demerits in opposite balance, and hence determining the question of a man's salvation or destruction as resulting from the comparison of his good actions and his crimes. It is manifest what a fruitful harvest was derived by the priesthood from this system, as well as the total impossibility of receiving from it that conso- lation which is only to be drawn from the Christian doctrine of vicarious sacrifice, that doctrine which is " wholesome and so full of comfort," as is beau- tifully expressed by the pious Anselm. Practical godliness appears to have been lost amongst a thousand senseless opinions and absurd ceremonies. Taught to believe that self inflicted pain is acceptable to the Deity, both as an atone- ment for crime and as a token of thankfulness, it is evident that such an opinion of the Almighty can oifer no check to depravity, must tend to harden still more the unfeeling, and can prove no corrective to the thoughtless. About the pe- riod of which we now speak, the doctrine of tran- substantiation was required by the court of Rome to be acknowledged by all men; this tend- ed still more to separate men from the sub- lime simplicity of the gospel. Men fell down be- fore the consecrated host, and worshipped it as God. Thus the sublimest mysteries of religion were corrupted by the exuberance of imagina- tion, and the overwrought excitements of the lat- ter were mistaken for the genuine fervours of the former, leaving the heart uncorrected and the passions unsubdued ; while the noblest faculties of the soul were prostrated at the shrine of de- ception and crafty avarice. The true Jove of God and our neighbour consti- w • ;■: -N '■ :■■'''. '■ ■■•^■•- SECOND CRUSADE. THE WALDENSES. 137 tuting true holiness, must necessarily be subverted when such human inventions are resorted to as ». principles of faith and rules of practice ; and if ecclesiastical authority asserts its supremacy - over the mild and comprehensive precepts and discipline of the gospel, it is equally evident that the minds of men must either be debased to the lowest standard, or be for ever fluctuating in danger- ous speculations and demoralizing subtilties. . - Such was now the mighty power of the pope- dom, that the great ones of the earth, even kings and princes, as well as the To display the genius of the age we shall add to our detached notices the quarrel between two ecclesiastics, which sufficiently proves how little influence the mild spirit of the gospel had over the turbulent passions of those who were its mi- nisters; we derive the account from Hume. Cardinal Haqueren being sent, 1176, as legate into Britain, summoned an assembly of the clergy at London, and as both the archbishops pretended to sit on his right hand, this question of prece- dency begat a controversy between them. The monks and retainers of archbishop Richard fell upon Roger in the presence of the cardinal and the synod, and so bruised him with blows that he was taken up half dead, and his life was with difficulty saved from their violence. .The arch- bishop of Canterbury was obliged to pay a large sum of money to the legate, to suppress all com- plaints with regard to this enormity. The demon of avarice having thus entered the church, and commutation for offences being established, it is sufficiently obvious that the fountain thus pol- luted, the streams issuing from it must more or less partake of the pollution. Processions of saints, and granting indulgences, were the inge- nious means resorted to by the priests to impose upon the people and to enrich themselves. Al- though the lives and manners of the clergy were not improved in this century, circumstances were however preparing the way ; the pursuit of know- ledge was great, and the sciences were studied with application, industry, and ardour. • ^ This literary enthusiasm was encouraged and cherished by the influence and liberality of cer- tain of the European monarchs, who could not but perceive the happy tendency of the sciences to soften the manners and thereby to afford an PfT'. SF^ ■ i* THE CISTERTIAN ORDER. 139 additional support to civil government, as well as to ornament society. Hence were established in various places learned societies and colleges, in which were publicly taught all the liberal arts and sciences. The prodigious number of students who resorted to these seminaries, in process of time rendered their enlargement necessary, and the consequence was the establishment of uni- versities in the succeeding age ; in proportion as* these arose into repute, the episcopal and mo- nastic schools declined. The advantages at- tending these establishments were many and important ; as they not only rendered knowledge more universal, by facilitating the means of in- struction, but they were also the occasion of forming a new circle of sciences, better digested and more comprehensive than any taught hereto- fore. Mosheim, speaking of the monks at this period, ' says " they gave themselves up to pleasure, and lived carelessly. The Cistertian or Bernardine monks surpassed all others in the external regu- larity of their lives and manners and a certain air of innocence and sanctity, which in others was degenerated or lost." The censures of this his- torian are generally too unqualified, but it is to be feared that his picture is too true a likeness in jthis instance, as it is fully substantiated by other historians.* The regular canons, an order * Cistertians, tbis order was founded in the eleventh cen- tury, by St. Robert, a Bene- dictine. They became so powerful that they governed almost all Europe. Their dis- cipline was severe ; they ab- stained from flesh except in sickness, also from fish, eggs, milk, and cheese, reposed u]K>n straw beds in tunics and cowls, rose at midnight . to prayers, and spent the day in labour, reading and prayer, and in all their exercises observed a con- tinual silence. The habit of 140 . THE REGULAR CANONS. between that of monks and secular clergy, are said to have employed themselves far more use- fully than the monks ; they kept public schools for the education of youth, and exercised a variety of ecclesiastical functions, which rendered them extremely useful to the 6hurch. Hence they rose greatly in general estimation, and in conse- quence incurred the jealousy of the monks, which %oon degenerated into hatred ; disputes of pre- eminence arose,and pretensions were carried so high that, as is usual, moderation and temper were lost in the contest. Amongst all these causes of spiritual jealousy and contending worldly interests, it is not surprising that genuine religion was obscured, and that its pure and sublime doc- trines were disregarded or misunderstood. Our remarks have necessarily been general, because upon the immediate* subject nothing peculiarly affecting, or relating to, the state of Irish clergy appears. The monkish annalists of Ireland in- deed make affecting complaints of the destruction of churches by the English in their expeditions ; with an asperity which we perhaps ought candidly to pardon, when we reflect upon the circumstances, they represent the new settlers as a race of savage barbarians, destitute of any principle of veneration for things sacred and holy, or even possessed of an aversion bordering on that of heathens to Re- ligious edifices. Without attempting to justify the sacrilegious spirit here complained of, we may however ven- ture to assert it had its origin in the pressing physical wants, rather than in the moral and reli- the Cistertian monks was a girdle confined it. The nuns white robe, in the nature of a of the order wore a white tu- cassock, with a black scapu- nic and black scapulary and lary and hood ; a woollen girdle. < CHURCHES DESPOILED, 141 gious insensibilities of our ancestors. Ireland had, long been the unhappy scene of hostility and violence, it had therefore become a custom for the insecure inhabitants to deposit provisions and effects of greater value in the churches, where they were secure amidst all their domestic feuds, as in a kind of sanctuary, which it would be deemed the height of impiety to violate. The English settlers however had no scruple of the kind, and if they had, their necessities were too pressing not easily to stifle it when a supply of provisions was to be found. The churches therefore were always visited as a sure resource, the sacrilege was in many instances with a laudable spirit resisted, but this opposition, however justifiable, frequently occasioned a destruction far greater than would otherwise have occurred. To prevent these destructive effects however. Cardinal Vivian, the pope's legate, procured an ordinance in a synod held in Dublin, that the English, when engaged in any expedition, should have free liberty to take provisions deposited in the churches provided they paid their just value. But this ordinance proved of little avail, so violent were the animosities and rooted the hatred of the Irish, that in order to deprive the invaders of re- source they burnt down their own churches,, as is expressed in their annals, " in ^spite of tbe fo- \ reigners," and did in fact reduce them by this * means to the greatest distresses. . The local dissensions and continual contests which filled this unhappy country form the me- lancholy picture of the times, treachery and mur- der were revenged by similar horrid means, and outrages tHe most disgraceful marked each pass- ing day. A spirit of irrational, unmanly supersti- tion pervaded the land, debasing the mind so that all were nearly equally strangers to the nobler ^ '"? i 142 EXPEDIENCY OF THE CONQUEST. virtues of humanity. Religion, in the form it then assumed^ was altogether inefficient to restrain or to subdue the brutal passions of the people. '' An effectual conquest and general subjection of the whole island to one reasonable and equitable government," observes Leland ** must have proved a singular blessing to these unhappy people. But Providence was pleased to ordain that their enormities should continue much longer to prove their own severe punishment." - A i '^' ^' *^' . " ■ "-'.-. t.\- ., *. . 143 , ^ * ■ . ■ . i" ■ ^- ^ ■/'■-■■ ' .^* - - ' .^ - : • '■ A' - ^.■ - ' ' ■ ■ CHAPTER VI. ^ ^ Raymond's military successes — Death of Sfrongbow — Ray- mond's measures — Obsequies of Strongbow — Harsh judgment of the Irish respecting aim — Personal description of him — English council at Dublin exercise their delegated power of electing a chief governor — Raymond elected — Henry does not sanction the choice — Nominates William Fitz Andelm — His train — Administration of Fitz Andelm — Assumptions of the Pope, servility of Princes — Obnoxious mea,sttre8 of Fitz Andelm — The consequences — De Courcy, his precipitance — Complaints to Henry of Fitz Andelm — Hugh de Lacy^ his V administration — Prince John invested with the Lordship of Ireland — Remonstrances of the Chieftains — Jealousy of Henry in consequence of de Lacy's popularity — He is re- called to England — Conduct of de Lacy ; he is reinvested with the government with Robert de Shrewsbury — Decease of Laurence 0* Toole ; his character — John Comyn succeeds , » him—rlrish chiefs renounce their allegiance to Henry — State ** of the English LordS'-^Small force sent by Henry — PhilUp Barry and Giraldus Cambrensis ; their injudicious conduct — Pernicious instability of Henry — De Lacy recalled, and Philip of Worcester appointed ; his vicious administration — Preparations of Prince John to exercise his authority — Henry declines the interference of the Pope on the occasion — John sent to Ireland with a splendid train — Irish Lords con- gratulate — Want of courtesy in Norman nobility ; the conse- quences — Insurrection — Tragical death ofde Lacy — De Cour- cy made Governor ; his Administration— Death of Henry II. — His Conquest of Ireland rendered imperfect by circumstances — Richard Caeur de Lion neglects Ireland; engages in the ^ Crusade — John assumes the title of Earl of Moreton and I Lord of Ireland; grants various privileges — Appoints de- ; puties to govern Ireland during the reign of Richard — His power but partially acknowledged — A Legate sent by the Pope to levy contributions for the Crusade — Hugh de I^icy made Governor — Jealousy of de Courcy — Irish avail them- selves of it; their disunion favourable to the English — Homo de Valois succeeds de Courcy — He invades the Ecclesiastical possessions to supply the necessities of his government — Re- monstrances vain to effect redress — Conduct of Archbishop Comyn — Oppressions ofHamo — Death of Roderick O'Connor, "ty 144 DEATH OF EARL STRONGBOW. * ♦' .«• the last oftJie Irish monarchSy caused little sensation — Demise of Richard I. — Papal power in its zenith — Increased and sup- ported by the promulgation of the Canon law, ja.nd oilier causes — Mendicant Orders^ their popularity: their privi- leges — Resisted by the Regular Clergy — Dispensing power of the Popes — Jealousy of Sovereigns roused by their encroach- mentSf and the foundations of the hierarchy thereby imper- ceptibly undermined — Constitution of Boniface the Eighth. THE TWELFTH CENTURY. » It is necessary that we should revert to the situa- tion of Raymond, who in the midst of his military success received the intelligence of the decease of Earl Strongbow. Well knowing the fickleness of the Irish ; their real hatred of the foreign sway to which circumstances had induced them to sub- mit ; their readiness to revolt, and eagerness to embrace every plea of assuming arms ; Raymond, as next in command, was aware how important it was to keep the event concealed till some measures of security could be fixed upon. To do this he held a secret consultation with some select friends, and took the necessary precautions to preserve the peace of the English provinces. The obsequies of Earl Strongbow were per- formed under the direction of Raymond (who had married Basilica, the sister of the earl) and Arch- bishop Laurence, with all due solemnity and magnificence. In the true superstitious spirit of the times, the Irish clergy imputed the death of the earl to the divine vengeance judicially in- flicted on his enormities, particularly those de- vastations of the churches which he had permitted. The rigorous exertion of his power which Earl Richard was obliged to in order to support the interests of hip sovereign, and what he considered his rightful inljeritance, renders the harsh language of the Irish respecting him perfectly natural. " Since the day of Tungesious, the savage Dane," CHARACTER OF STROXOBOW. 145 say the annalists, ** Ireland never knew so cruel and .unrelenting an oppressor. Remorse and horror attended his dissolution, and in the awful moment of his departure he confessed he had been smitten by the saints of Ireland." ^ We have however a fairer picture of the earl given us by Giraldus : ** Earl Strongbow," says that historian, " was of a complexion somewh^^t sanguine and spotted, his eyes grey, his countenance feminine, his voice small, his* neck slender, but in most other particulars he was well formed and tali ; liberal and courteous in his manners, and what he could not gain by power, he frequently obtained by an insinuating address. In peace he was more disposed to obey than to govern ; his state and authority were reserved for the camp, and here supported with the utmost dignity. He was diffident of his own judgment, cautious of pro- posing his own plans of operation, but in executing those of other§ undaunted and vigorous. In battle he was the standard on which the soldier* fixed their eyes, and by whose 'motions they were determined either to advance or to retreat. His temper was composed and uniform, not dejected by misfortune nor elated by success." By the decease of Strongbow the English council at Dublin had to exercise their delegated authority of electing a chief governor. The office was con- ferred on the gallanf Raymond,* and the king s commissioners concurred in the choice, believing that they best consulted and provided for the in- teresits of their royal master by leaving them under the conduct of this 'favourite of the army. The favourable report Henry received of Ray- mond from his appointed commissioners by no means allayed his jealousy of him. He therefore did not sanction their concurrence in conferring upon him the viceregal dignity, but determined VOL. I. L .-■■■~y%. 146 henry's soverkignty confirmed. to nominate to that responsible situation, a tiobl]^:. man allied to him by blood, and of approved^alle- giance. Accordingly William Fitz Andelm.^was sent to Ireland with a train of twenty knights. At the same time John de Courcy, Robert Fitz- stephens, and Milo de Cogan were appointed, with each a suitable train, to attend the new governor. With these embarked Vivian, the pope's legate^, and Nicholas Wallingford, an English ecclesiastic, with the brieve of Alexander, granted to Henry in confirmation of hi^ title to the kingdom of Ireland. The new governor and suite landed at Wexford, where they were received by Raymond witjij due reverence. He resigned his state to Fitz Andelm with all inferior trusts held by virtue of his tem- porary commission. Fitz Andelm began his administration by a state- ly progress along the coast in order to inspect the forts and cities, and the ecclesiastics were also active in their peculiar vocation. An assembly of the Irish clergy was convened at Waterford, when the bull of Adrian and the confirmatory brieve of Alexaijder the Third were solemnly promulged ; ; the .king's title to the sovereign dominion of Ire- laud asserted and declared in form, with dreadful denunciations of the severest censures of the churejK against all those who should impeach the grant made by the holy see, or resist the sove- reign authority of Henry, thus constituted rightful lord of Ireland. From the time of Gregory the Seventh, the pontiffs claimed the privilege of erecting kingdoms, and it was in many other in- stancies, besides that of Ireland, assumed ; even two. years subsequent to the period we are now reviewing, viz. in 1179, Alexander conferred the title of king, with the ensigns of royalty, upon Alphonso, the first Duke of Portugal, who had previously rendered his province tributary to the r^^^^-'T^'^'^ *■■ ..'-:■ ■ - -.;,;- t henry's sovereignty confirmed. 147 f RolAish see. Alphonso had been declared king 6f Portugal so long antecedent as 1136, in the midst of his exploits against the Moors, so that in fact Alexander did no more than confirm this title, although in an arrogant bull, he treats the prince as his vassal, and makes himself the donor of his royal dignity. It is hardly necessary to have "given this instance of the encroaching nature of ambition, only as it evinces the advantage taken of the incautious concessions of princes, in sacri- ficing to future uncertain goo(i» their present inde- pendence, and by an impolitic submissio» to Rome to ^tain some temporary aim. The consequences of this submission were, thaf all disputes between princes were to be referred to the pope as rightful lord, and if either party refused the reference, he was to be excommunicated and deposed. Every Christian sovereign was to assert the violated dig- nity of Rome, under pain of a similar forfeiture of his royal power. On every side the thunder ^of the papal resentment burst over the heads of the royal vassals ; nations were subjected to a general interdict, during the exiistence of which tfie living were deprived of the offices and consolations of religion, and the dead remained unburied. ^he too general tyranny, and oppression, and' cgpidity- ^ of princes rendered this scheme of spirirSal su-^< premacy as onerous to the distressed, as it tended- to shed lustre upon the head of the church, yet • in some instances the interference was undoubt- edly favourable to social order and human happi- ness.* Invested thus nominally at least with the * As a specimen of the Ian- sacrifice every object to amlM- guage of the papacy in assert- tion. An extensive learning ing the supremacy, we cite a in ecclesiastical law, a close passage from a bull of Inno- observation of whatever was cent III. a man possessing a passing in the world, an un- ,- great mind, though prone to wearied diligence sustained his ^ l2 . -■■ -^.» i». :w^ 148 FITZ ANDELM. executive power over Ireland, Henry was yet far from having adopted either judicious or adeq^uate means to effect his political designs beneficially to his* new subjects or profitably for himself. Nothing short of his personal administration of a well ordered political system, could have power to conciliate the invaded or to unite the invaders. The new governor possessed neither the ability nor thfe disposition to sustain a government, re- quiring a vigilant and martial spirit to organize the people into a tranquil and well ordered community. A jealousy of the original adventurers, infused into him by his royal relative Henry, marked every act of Fitz Andelm, and he possessed little temper and policy, or too much haughtiness to conceal it. On the gallant Raymond especially, he" looked with a malignstnt envy, even at the first interview, upon observing the numbers and ap- pearance of his train. Destitute of true patriotic feeling, and of a generous sympathy with the mortified feelings of those he was delegated to govern, the sole object of his administration was mercenary, and to accomplish his object, he scrupled not to descend to craft, fraud, and cir- cumvention. To conciliate the favour of the Irish chieftains, he had recourse to mean flattery, and affected courtesy; but so little judgment did he possess in the management of these fcouttly en- gines, that his insincerity was easily discovered even by the Irish, and by them despised, while fearless ambition. Impetuous in temper, and with such ad- vantages, he was formidable beyond all his predecessors, and, perhaps, beyond all his successors. '* As the sun and the moon are placed in the fir- mament, (says Innocent^) the greater as the light of the day, and the lesser of the night, thus are the two powers.iii the church ; the pontifical, which, as having the charge of soul, is the greater, and the royal, which is the less, and to which the bodies of men only are en< trusted." •>-: V^l PE COUHCY OCCUPIES DOWN. 149 % he rendered himself in y^ifous ways detestable to his own countrymen. Uuhappy, thte people subjected to the government of s.uch atimdiyidual, equally corrupt in manners ajid rapacious ^prinf ciple. It IS obvious, that the reformation which was the ostensible reason of invasion, (Wa&>UQ^ likely to be, effected under such an inauspicious sway. Jt was impossible that the advantages of moral civilization could result from corrupt official despotism, and a state of society destitute of those ties and combinations which unite man to man in consistent and strong cohesion. The English lords who had formed the first settlements in the country could ill brook the unjust encroachments and the haughty assuming mannA*s of Fitz Aadelm and his dependants. Among the first who be- trayed their impatieuce* was the bold and enter- prising John de Courcy. Availing himself of the discontents of the army, he prevailed upon» a few of the most adventurous to assert their independ- ence^ and to penetrate into 'parts of the country not yet visited by the EngUsh. In this expedition is involved an instance of superstition in perfect consistency with the generally prevailing spirit, also one of laudable interference of a Christian dignitary to arrest the violence of a desperati^ chief. Several circumstances favoured the design of Die Courcy, and his own superstition confirmed his hopes of conquest. He had discovered in the prophecies of Merlin, that the acquisition of Ulster was reserved for his valour, and his Irish adherents supplied him with another prophet, who declared that Down (the object of his enter- prise) was to be subdued by a stranger mounted on a white horse, with a shield charged with painted birds. De Courcy accoutred himself ac- cording to this description, and marched in full ♦ ' . DRCOUHCY OCCUPIES DOWN. coofidence to his destined conquest.* This in- enrsion involved the country in devastation and distress. The prince of Uloah had recourse, 'in the emergency, to the interposition of Vivian the legate, who, in his spiritual progress through the island, nqw chanced to reside at Down. He in- stantly addressed hiniself to the fiery De Courcy, boldly represented to him •the injustice of his conduct, reminded him of the royal treaty, and by every argument his religion so abundantly supplied, in treated the baughty baron to spare an unoffending people^; who; had a claim upon his protection rather th«n to become the victims of his violent ambition. But the Christian argu- ments of Vivian made w^io impression upon the indurated heart nor {H^vjAiled over the impetuous passions of De Courcy, ^kb continued his hos- tilities undismayed by the probable consequences which, his disregard of the monitions of the pope's representative might provoke. It does not appear, however, that any fulminations were issued against him. But Vivian, indignant at the contempt shown to his exhortations, and affected by the sufferings of the people, exercised his spiritual influence to urge the oppressed to take up arms and resist the incursions of an unjust enemy. Thus was he provoked by circumstances to depart from the original principal object of his legantine commission, which was to exercise that influence to attach the Irish to the interests of Henry. A • Downpatrick, in the county of Down, is one of the most ancient towns in Ireland. Th& bishopric was erected in the fifth century by St. Patrick, is now united with that of Con- nor. Near the town, on the ascent of a hill, are the ruins of the old cathedral, remark- able for the tomb of tfc(lfounder, and about a mile distant is St. Patrick's well, which is fre- quented either to drink the water, or to perform a penance enjoined by the priests. -i.--.'^?> FITZ ANDELM RECALLED. 151 tumultuary army of considerable force was ac- cordingly collected to dispossess the foreigners, an action ensued, but discipline prevailed over numerical force, De Courcy, by the overthrow of his opponents made good his conquest. A second effort was made by the Irish, defeat again suc- ceeded, and several brave Chieftains fell in the noblest of causes, that of maintaining their native independence. > .■ ^J'^'A^'^^:,..m^-h:'§£^»^^:'^^y: A spirit of enterprise, awakened by courtly dissension, now seized others of the English lead- ers, and the domestic feuds of the Irish gave them ample field for the exercise of their military talents. It cannot be a subject of surprise, that ifl the midst of this anti-social chaos, every act of the delegated government served but to render the principles of the system- more jarring and dis- cordant, and less likely to effect those great objects, which candour obliges us to suppose Henry was sincere in his wisi to accomplish. In fact, complaints so strong ^nd serious were made- to him respecting the inefSbient and corrupt go- vernment of his relative Fif^ Andelm, that Henry resolved to remove him. ?^ Historians agree with tiie Irish monks (whose single testimony might be suspected of prejudice) in condemning the conduct of this governor. The monks attribute b^t one commendable act to him during the period of his administration, how far it may serve to redeem his character from obloquy, we pretend not to pronounce. The act thus dis- tinguish^, was the removal of what the monks call the staff of Jesus, a relique held in the highest estimation, from the cathedral of Armagh to that of Dublia. The peculiar reason for this removal deemed «o meritorious, is not distinctly explained ;* perhap^^ it might be to secure it from martial violatioir, M Ulster was the seat of war. One y v:^ 152 JOHN, LORD OF IRELAND. Other act of Fitz Andelm, however, the clerical historians have omitted, that of founding and en- dow^ing the monastery of St. Thomas the Martyr in the wrestern suburbs of Dublin, still known by the name of Donore. It was thus titled, from the recently canonized archbishop of Canterbury, and Henry, with a zeal or affected reverence for the memory of a man who bad caused him so much trouble, immediately confirmed the endow- ment of Fitz Andelm by his own royal charter. The care of reliques and the founding of monas- teries were, however, quite insufficient exercises for a governor of Ireland, requiring the full action of every political talent, every intellectual energy, and every moral principle, to reduce chaos to order, and to connect the dissevered links of the social system into a firm and beautiful chain. Such an individual was found in Hugh de Lacy, who was appointed by the sovereign will. We detail not the wise and salutary regulations he made, but content ourselves with saying, that he acted upon the principles of a just and generous spirited administration. Henry also, to assist in some regulations he projected in the kingdom, summoned some of the principal lords to attend him in England ; at the same time, he made a formal and solemn appointment of his son John to the lordship of Ireland. He also granted to several of the barons, territory as a reward for their faithful services, to be held by feudal te- nure of himself and his son John. By these grants Henry certainly invaded the rights of Roderick, which he had stipulated to preserve, but this violation of equity and good faith was ona of the poisonous fruits of that debased religion which substituted outward formalities for inward prin- ciples ; whilst the doctrine that attention to saints, and a due liberality to their servants, could save - » , yi:T^ DE lacy's wise administration. 153 the most culpable and even the most atrocious, could not fail to encourage crime and pervert the moral sense. But although Henry thus disre- garded his engagements, the Irish chiefs were not prepared to yield to his demand, territories, the quiet possession of which they had not forfeited by any act of rebellion or disregard of the con- ditions upon which they were retained. Upon the claim of the English lords, remonstrances of intrusion were therefore naturally made ; hosti- lities succeeded, but were suspended by a treaty by which each party conceded a portion of their rights, and tranquillity was in a degree restored. In the meantime, the judicious Hugh de Lacy continued to administer justice with impartiality and lenity, setting an example of politic union between the contending parties, by espousing the daughter of Roderick O'Connor. The influence and government of such a mind, must have proved beneficial, but Henry, with all the high qualities he possessed, was frequently led by his jealousy of power and quick feeling, into great inconsist- encies, and measures injurious to his interests as well as dishonourable to the nobleness of his cha- racter. The popularity of De Lacy had produced its invariable consequence, the envy and malignity of narrow minds. The doubts and suspicions in- fused into the mind of Henry by these insidious slanderers, were received with a readiness which indicated the proneness of his disposition to jea- lousy, and how little his feelings were under the controul of his judgment. Urged by feelings so unworthy of his high station and good sense, he liastily recalled De Lacy to England, and John, constable of Cheshire, and Richard de Peach, bishop of Coventry, were appointed to govern a country to which they were entire strangers, and 154 DE LACY REINSTATED. who were otherwise but imperfectly qualified for a trust so important. ^' f . r,*.i .,^^^ i*->r;.T?iVj This error in the political judgment of Henry must inevitably have been prejudicial to his interests as well as unhappy in its consequences to Ireland, had not the better feelings ot the monarch been roused by the candour of Hugh de Lacy. The proofs he gave of his zeal and loyalty, dissipated in a moment the too readily formed suspicions of his royal master, who, with a facility equal to that which produced his removal, now remanded De Lacy to his government. Lacy, however, re- quested that Robert de Shrewsbury, a domestic chaplain to the king, and in whom he placed the greatest confidence, should attend him as co- adjutor, or rather, as 'the inspector of his actions, that the king might be assured that his interests were properly regarded, and the designs of idle or malignant rumour might be frustrated. Though the incursions of John de Courcy, and those of the turbulent Irish lords, still disturbed the peace and devastated the country, they rather favoured than prevented the immediate object of De Lacy's government, that of improving and defending the province of Leinster, and the effects of his wise and strenuous administration were felt and ac- knowledged as most honourable to him. This immediate period (1 181) is marked by the decease of Laurence O 'Toole, the prelate of Dublin. He was held in the highest estimation by his country- men, and although his political conduct is less dwelt upon than the numerous miracles he per- formed, .yet sufficient is detailed by the Irish his- torians to prove that he took a considerable part in those contests, which attended the first esta- blishment of the English in his country, of this we have already cited one instance to which others if necessary might be added. The father Ly ..Pl.- r.-l V ■ . - ■ -''-:,: .-:- '• !v . - . .- ji-i'WK, - ' > ~ ' ' V^^^^W?^-<^r^!?W^'' ARCHBISHOP LAURENCE o'tOOLE. 155 of Laurence was a chieftain of consequence in Leinster, and while Laurence was very young had been obliged to deliver him to king Dermod, as a hostage, and by that monarch he was as- signed to the care and custody of the Abbot of Glendalogh. In this deep solitude, surrounded by the awful and grand in nature, his mind rose into vigour, and he acquired a high devo- tional and retired taste ; of course a monastic life was the choice of his heart. The virtues he displayed in seclusion, were however so su- perior, that he was drawn from the quiet scene where they were practised, in order to be placed in the high station for which his abilities fitted him. In the fulfilment of its duties, the sanctity of his manners, and the nobility of his birth, engaged the attention and respect of all the higher orders of his countrymen, while his comprehensive mind and shining abilities neces- sarily gave weight to his opinions, and involved him in the political affairs of his distressed country. In him we see the pious ecclesiastic employing his spiritual influence, not for his own aggrandizement but for the good of his country, a pure patriotism animated his soul, possessing a full conviction that" to preserve a state from dilapidation and decay, each individual must support his own virtue in order to give strength and consistency to that of the commu- nity of which he forms a part. The temperance and purity of Laurence,- was unmingled with austerity, they were softened by a boundless hos- pitality, dispensed with that free good will, which evidenced it was not a vain display which he sought, but the genuine emanation of a spirit that delighted to do good, and to contribute to the innocent gratification of others. His guests, while entertained with liberality, saw the pre- ■'"-Ci£* V* 166 HIS GREAT CHARACTER. late himself adhering to his monastic rules of abstinence and self-denial, yet without affectation or severity. The influence he thus justly ac- quired over the minds of his countrymen, he not only employed in the wise regulation of his church, and governing his clergy with the strictest though affectionate. discipline, but in that beautiful exer- cise of christian charity, the moderating and com- posing the dissensions of those irritable chief- tains whose barbarous ambition spread anarchy and misery through their country. His patriotic fervour rendered his opposition to the English interest strenuous and determined as long as he thought there was any prospect of success, and even after he found it necessary to submit to Henry, his attachment to his own country re- mained undiminished; the warmth of his pa- triotism unchilled. Deeply affected with the arbitrary and corrrupt conduct of some of the English governors, he resorted to England pur- posely to lay before Henry the unprovoked in- juries and oppressions his unhappy countrymen sustained. On this occasion Laurence was, by a singular incident, in imminent danger of losing his life. He was officiating in the cathedral of Canterbury, when a man of unsound mind, struck suddenly by the circumstances of the place, the appearance and occupation of the prelate, con- ceived the thought of honouring him with the crown of martyrdom, and immediately assaulted the astonished Laurence with the utmost vio- lence, nor was he rescued from the attack of the Tuaniac till he had received a desperate wound in the head. The unhappy wretch was seized, and would have suffered capitally for this act of madness had not the prelate interceded and pre- vailed upon the king to pardon him. Whilst Laurence was in England he was summoned to ''m-^^H^^-^i"!^:^'- '^»fWiW?^P«:^3^^ppPi!5?^: V HIS DEATH IN BANISHMENT. 157 the ccitincil of Lateran, in the year 1179, and by Henry's permi«ision he obeyed the mandate. It is asserted t^t^ he was bound by a solemn oath not to attempt any thing on this occasion, dero- gatory to the king's dignity and authority, but by this he did not consider himself bound to silence, respecting th6 injustice of the English governors in Ireland, and accordingly he made the most powerful and affecting representations of the wrongs and calamities of his countrymen, and is stated to have pleaded so effectually, that some decrees were made in favour of the Irish nation ; and at the same time he procured a confirmation from Pope Alexander, of all his rights and pos- sessions to him and his successors by a brieve. This zeal for the interests of his see and his country was, however, so displeasing to Henry, that he sent the prelate a mandate, forbidding him to return to his pastoral charge ; so that the estimable Laurence died an exile in Normandy. This exercise of royal power appears as injudi- cious as cruel, when we reflect upon the noble and patriotic spirit of Laurence, and the salutary influence of his high character among his coun- trymen. In him Roderick lost not only a wise counsellor, and faithful friend, but also an active and diligent minister, whose acts were tempered with the moderation befitting his ecclesiastical character, and free from the treachery, chicane, and art, which disgraced too many of his coun- trymen. « Laurence was succeeded in his episcopacy by John Comyn, an Englishman, whom Henry no- minated to the clergy of Dublin, and whose elec- tion was ratified by Pope Lucien, with a confir- mation of the grants made by Alexander, of the rights and possessions of the see. This prelate was chosen by Henry as being attached to his W^ r'- m 158 JOHN COMYN. PHILIP BARRY. interests, and as one whose character promised vigour and abilities no less in temporal affairs, than in those of his spiritual function. Indeed, the king found it necessary to send men of abih- ties both in war and politics, in order to repair the losses which the continual state of warfare had caused amongst some of the bravest and most distinguished of the original settlers ; who, when they began to have a prospect of peaceable repose, and confidence with the Irish appeared increasing, were attacked in the midst of their security, in the most treacherous manner^ the chiefs with characteristic levity renouncing alle- giance to Henry, and spreading war and devasta- tion in attempts to expel the foreigners. The spirit which had upheld the warriors in their youth, grief, disappointment, and age had nearly quenched. Fitzstephens' spirit had been subdued by the death of a beloved son ; and the violent attack of the Irish proved too heavy for his years and his debilitated mind — the once ardent and fearless veteran became an unconscious maniac ! Hervey of Mountmorris, turning his view from the unsatisfying acquisitions of ambition, em- braced a religious life, and immured himself in a monastery, at that time the usual retreat of dis- appointment and adversity. To supplythe losses sustained, Henry sent a small force into Ireland, which was shortly followed by a reinforcement, under the command of the brave Philip Barry. Girald Barry, an ecclesiastic, better known by the name of Giraldus Cambrensis, attend- ed his brother Philip in this expedition. Henry had such a reliance on the abilities of this ecclesias- tic, that he had intrusted to him the education of his son John, and his reason for uniting him to the expedition was, that he might give such informa- tion, and aid in such dispositio'ns, as might fur- l^'^T^^ \-''''>^ i^^-' -!' ■ ■-" ■ "^ r^^fl^Sv^SiW' GIRALDUS CAMBREX'SIS. 159 ther the interests of the prince destined to assume the |:eins of government in Ireland. For the . %ame reason^ the Archbishop was commanded to » yepair to his diocese. But whatever might be the abilities of these men, and however qua- lified Henry might think them to effect his pur- poses, they appear to have entered upon their new and important scene of action, with ideas, and sentiments ill calculated to conciliate the proud people with whom they were to associate, and little likely to gain that influence over their affections and opinions, which alone could recon- cile them to foreign administration. A sovereign contempt of those with whom they condescended to inverse, and a vain display of their own su- periority, marked the demeanour of the English- men, equally proving their contracted minds and selfish hearts. Few are the mindshthat do not spurn at such assumptions, and wh6 are not led to betray the mortification it produces, by acri- mony, while prejudices are held with an increased tenacity, in proportion as they are attacked with invidious observations, or insulting contempt. Thus while Cambrensis endeavoured to inform himself from the Irish clergy of the state of their ecclesiastical constitution, he could not refrain, in the vanity of his mind, from drawing mortify- ing comparisons. For instance, the \1brish natur- ally recorded with pious veneration the illustrious ^ actions of those Jioly men, whose piety and learn- ing had adorned the church of Ireland, and in their zeal for its honour they were not silent respect- ing the long catalogue of saints it had produced. ** Saints !" said Girald, wjfh a tone of the utmost self-sufficiency, " yes, you have your saints, but where are your martyrs ? I cannot find one Irish martyr in your calendar." "Alas!" replied the prelate of Cashel, " it must be acknowledged ■'V 160 PHILIP OF WORCESTKR. that as yet our people have not learned such enormous guilt as to murder God's servants ; ' but now the Englishmen have settled in our island,^ and that Henry is our sovereign, we may soon; expect enough of martyrs to take away this re- proach from our church." This severe, though mdirect allusion to the murder of Becket, proved the bitter feeling of the speaker, as did the readi- ness of the application his acuteness and ability. Contemptible as altercations of this sort may appear, they had a powerful and pernicious in- fluence in keeping alive animosities, and fo- menting divisions between two nations, whose mutual interests could only be promoted by close and friendly union. Arrogance naturally begets hatred, and recrimination will follow invective. • But lamentable ' indeed is it when this is found among the professors of a religion of peace, and when those meetings wherein the good of others should be dispassionately discussed, are dislfenoured by language of mutual reproach ; yet such w^ the case of the synodical meetings of Ireland, to the prejudice 4>f the interests of religion and morality. Perhaps, had Henry studied the means most likely to disgust and irritate the Irish, he could not more effectually have done it, than he did by his culpable and extraordinary instability in re- spect to the individuals chosen as chief governors. Listening once more to the artful suggestions of those, who infused doubts of the official integrity of Hugh de Lacy, he recalled him from his go- vernment, and appointed as his successor Philip of Worcester, a man whose sole object was to enrich himself, even if it were by plunder and oppression. The first act of his administration was one of fraud and injustice. He enforced his exactions with the utmost rigour, and to the great *;'v- ?■';''■'. 1G2 HIS COURT, and gallant Nofmans. These were followed by a number of Englishmen, who were induced to follow in the young prince's train, to a country which, although unknown to them, they concluded possessed some advantages by which they might better their condition, having dissipated, their fortunes by extravagance and profligacy. This gay train could assimilate little with the hardy Welshmen, who were the original settlers, and who attended on the young prince, to do him homage on his arrival. Glanville, an eminent lawyer, had been ap- pointed by the king to assist and direct his son. Several ecclesiastics also attended him, and Cam- brensis, who had acquired some knowledge of the country, was in attendance on his pupil. The Irish chieftains reconciled to submission by the dignity of John's birth and station, felt their re- fractory spirits softened, and determined to do homage to the king's son. The native lords of Leinster, who had ever been first, hastened to Waterford to congratulate the arrival of the new prince ; but neither the Prince, or his Norman courtiers, had sufficient judgment, discretion, or experience, to treat them with due attention and respect. The beautiful virtue of courtesy, the elements of which are modesty, a generous sym- pathy in the feelings of, and respect for others, was unknown to the youthful and glittering circle which surrounded the English prince. To them, the uncouth dress, and unfashionable figures of the Irish chieftains, appeared proper and fair ob- jects of contempt and derision, and these feelings were betrayed generally and insultingly. Spi- rited and proud, tenacious of their state, and of all men most impatient of the slightest mark of contempt, with tempers rendered irritable by oppression, the Irish lords could not but keenly HOSTILITIES RECOMMENCE. 163 feel the ill-timed ridicule of the new comers, who, had they possessed either understanding or policy, might have easily conciliated the un- friendly, and, in all probability, reduced the dis- obedient, by less objectionable methods than by arms. As it was, however, the Leinster chiefs quitted the court, fired with indignation, and resolved on revenge. They repaired to other chiefs, related their insulting reception, and all the probable consequences of yielding to a peo- ple whom no concessions could induce to depart from a system of contempt and outrage. The flame of proud resentment was readily caught, for the materials were combustible to which the spark was applied. The chiefs agreed, that in- stead of proceeding to do homage to the prince, they would waive every private animosity, and unite to assert their independency, and exert their utmost combined endeavours to free their country from the insulting and imperious fo- reigners. The storm of war was on all sides collecting ; but John indulged in idle pomp and dissolute excesses. The clergy solicited for grants to the church, while soldiers urged the necessity of defence. The religious house of Thomas the Martyr, founded by Fitz Andelm, received addi- tional donations., But the tumult of insurrection soon reached the prince and his luxurious de- pendents. Hostility and disaster marked each succeeding hour. The land was laid waste, carnage and commotion deluged and shook the unhappy country ; and to add to the horror of the time, the improvident John had lavished the sums appointed to pay his army, so that a dread- ful scarcity threatened to follow close upon pro- fuseness, luxury, and war. *- > Eight months of disorder and misery had M 2 I*- " .'.f-T'^- - T^y-..\» v.^r,--r^-\.^'«->^7:fSv^Qjsr^'-<:v--'^':' ' n; ^aT--?'-"" ' .r . «^v:T^"^ ;.-«;.-r^^. ■'•; :'>^^5r^^^.'«rif*^v-;''': ■ 'r^-^jti^-'-ir;: \^7-:v ]G4 MURDER OF DE LACY. elapsed before Henry became fully acquainted with the wretched situation of Ireland, and the weak and wanton administration of his son, whom he determined to recall. Unfortunately, he was about this period deprived of the valuable services of Hiigh de Lacy. The circumstances attending the death of this noble are so aflfecting, and so strongly indicate the blind superstition which pervaded society, that we shall relate them in the words of an historical writer, of whose highly interesting work we have amply availed ourselves in collecting illustrations of our subject. In the recent predatory incursions into Meath, the land of De Lacy had received considerable damage, which upon the restoration of some tranquillity, he was indefatigable in repairing. Earnestly intent upon accomplishing these im- portant works, he was accustomed to superintend his labourers, among whom were many of his Irish tenants. He would also frequently, for their encouragement, himself unite in their labours. He was proceeding to erect a small fort at Den- worth, upon the site of a venerable abbey. The Irish were shocked at such profanation of this ancient seat of devotion, a residence of one of their most renowned saints; and the hatred of their invader, inflamed by this superstition, operated upon one of the workmen even to a degree of frenzy. He seized the moment when De Lacy was employed in the trenches, and as he stooped down to receive his orders, drew out his battle-axe, which he had concealed under his mantle, and with one vigorous blow smote off the head of the unsuspecting and unguarded De Lacy. The assassin was too much favoured by his own countrymen not to escape. The flame of insurrection was instantly rekindled in Meath. The news' of Lacy's death was eagerly spread. ■ 'ISjPf'-, -■'^;^|gK3d^«»,'*^;^«: - 'i;?.'" "' GOVERNMENT OF DE COURCY. 165 and joyfully reci^ived. The clergy represented it as an act of vengeance executed by the holy Co- lumb-kill on the sacrilegious usurper of his abbey and ravager of Irish churches. Thus were the people taught that the act of an assassin was me- ritorious, and the hostile purposes of the Irish insurgents were confirmed and encouraged. Thus had religion lost almost every quality which ren- ders it conducive to the good of society ; it is not, therefore, a subject of surprise, that the restric- tions of human law were contemned and in- sulted, and that violence, rapine, and crime de- solated and disgraced the country. In this cri- tical situation of affairs, the rude and inflexible i^our of John de Courcy, appeared to Henry best suited for the government, he was therefore en- • trusted with it, and John, with his frivolous train, returned to England, well pleased to leave a country of turbulence and danger. De Courcy entered upon his martial administration with in- defatigable vigour, and, in conjunction with the son of the murdered De Lacy, took severe ven- geance for the act. His forces were in continual action, and though confined to defensive ope- rations, he succeeded in preserving from ex- tinction that power whose extirpation had been threatened. The native Irish act from sudden fits of passion and violence, but the ebullition quickly passes off. This characteristic disposition was manifested at the period we now speak of. Factions and local feuds consumed that energy all had vowed to exert against the common foe ; their jealousy of the English progress diniinished, and in the rage of domestic jealousy and revenge, the weaker party not unfrequently sought assistance in the English, settlements. To govern a people whose national pride was so strong^. whose dis- positions were sa versatile, and temper so irritable. y^ ^ ^'Tlp'f^^ .^?*t-'-.V,';.?;"' ^.i; ' - ■■■'■*• . , : *- ■" ■-,'. > ' -••.*" ^'^r-^^:-.\:'r/-i--'^i^^'^^^Vf^31^^^^^^ '^v :^J.". *, ■'^ ?•:',- 166 HENRY 11. DIES. was certainly no easy task. De Courcy might have been enabled by this fluctuating spirit of the Irish to have maintained his government ; but he was of a temper too bold and enterprising to be contented with acting upon the defensive ; he re- solved, therefore, to make an attempt upon the disordered province of Connaught, but the result was not honourable to his arms, he was compelled to retreat, the merit of which could not be pro- perly appreciated by his tumultuary enemy, there- fore they exulted in having driven their foe from the province. Amidst the anarchy and slaughter in which a considerable part of the island was involved by the fierce and unnatural ambition of the chieftains, John de Courcy was enabled to maintain his au- thority, and to support the English acquisitions, though he failed to extend them either by recon- ciling the sullen, or subduing the more bold and open contemners of the English power. Such was the state of Ireland, when Henry the Second paid the debt of nature, 1189. Though ranking among the first characters of history, the deli- neation of the distinguishing traits which rendered this monarch such, enters not into the plan of this work, only so far as relates to his Irish ex- pedition; for, from the cursory view we have given, it evidently cannot be termed a conquest. When we reflect upon the general character of Henry, and contemplate the vigorous mind and correct judgment which had induced him to re- press the clerical usurpations of his time, and to penetrate into the mischief of that superstition which held society in subjection; we cannot sup- pose that in his reference to the pope respecting Ireland, he was actuated by any other motive than to give the enterprise some colour of fair pretence, and to reconcile to the vulgar, the pre- ^''_'y!!^^!^^:^s^^^l^7:w^ / ^''-r:^ v^ -•?3^-777S^-'?P^^ -• ' • ^- TW^fSlt HIS POLICY AND JEALOUSIES. 167 judiced, and the superstitious, an extension of power, which would otherwise appear in their es- timation, base and unwarrantable. Had Ireland enjoyed the personal benefits of his sway, the greatest good might have resulted, but the unfortunate incidents of his reign, per- mitted not Henry to make that most important of all conquests, that of the affections of his new subjects, and through that kindly medium to have influenced their opinions, and regulated their stormy and irascible passions. The measures Henry was compelled to pursue were those of necessity ; they were certainly not always guided by good policy, that being too often forgotten in the irritable moments of his jealousy, of the grow- ing power of his vassals, a jealousy, perhaps, in- creased, if not actually produced by the expe- rience of the infidelity and ingratitude of men, imposing upon, and outraging, as they too often do, the finest sensibilities of our nature. Be this as it may, the plans pursued, we have seen, were both injudicious and totally insufficient to effect what we must, in common justice to Henry sup- pose were his intentions, which must certainly have been to obtain something of greater value than a sovereignty of mere formal homage and inconsiderable tribute. Richard, surnamed Coeur de Lion, succeeded to the English throne without opposition, but im- bued with a large share of the prevailing passions of the times, a romantic desire for strange adven- tures, and an excess of zeal for the external rites of religion, Richard seemed to think the principal design of his government must be the attempt to re- cover the Holy Land from the infidels, and he united with the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa and Philip Augustus of France, in the third and last crusade. In the enthusiasm of this expedition, he was in- ■"^; - • ' ^■i^fi-- ■k:''^mK!WT^f^!^Wy^'^'^^r^^ - *■ '^■'py't''r:-w^'T 168 POWER OF PRINCE JOHN. different to his claims as sovereign in Ireland, and left his brother John to assert the power and au- thority derived from his father's grant. i ^ John now assumed the title of Earl of Moreton and Lord of Ireland.* By the latter, he had formerly granted lands to St. Thomas the Martyr, and one of the first acts he now exercised was, to grant to this religious house a tenth of the re- venue of his city of Dublin. By another charter it is also invested with several privileges and pos- sessions, with immunities from all exactions and secular services, excepting only in hiis qua ad regiam coronarn pertinent with the power of holding a court for all pleas and complaints nisi de hiis quce ad regiam coronarn spectaverint, John also granted franchises and liberties to the city ot Dublin, to be held of him and his heirs. He granted lands to be held by knight's service of him and his heirs, with liberties and free customs, and with a reservation of church lands, donations of bishoprics and abbeys, and pleas belonging to the crown. He confirmed a grant of land to the abbot of Glendalogh, and united the see of Glen- dalogh to that of Dublin. He appointed the deputies to govern Ireland during the reign of his brother Richard. These were the essential acts of power exercised by John during the reigns of his father and brother, by virtue of his pompous title of Lord of Ireland, which appears to have given him no higher authority than other gover- nors. In those parts of Ireland not possessed by the English, his authority was not acknowledged even by foreigners. And when Richard had pre- * The title of earl or eorl, was used as synonimous to al- ineant originally a man of noble derman, for a governor of a birth, as opposed to the ceorl. country or a province. After It was not a title of office till the conquest it superseded al- the eleventh century, when it together the ancient title. 'W^W!^^^i^'i'y?^^l^?.W'^^^ ''^^F^F" ."^■StSv!" » '■ POWER OF PRINCE JOHN. 169 ^ vailed on the pope to send his legate t6 solicit contributions for his expedition to the Holy Land, this spiritual mendicant was commissioned to ex- ercise his jurisdiction in those parts of Ireland in which John, Earl of Moreton, had power and do- minion. John himself speaks of his limited au- thority, and Eva, heiress of king Dermod, with still more precision, establishes the fact. But while John reserved the exercise of these powers, the administration of affairs and the support of fiis authority were entrusted to the British de- puties. Hugh de Lacy had so conciliated the good- will of John, that he supplanted the rough De Courcy, and obtained the government. The uncourtly soldier could not conceal his indignation, to find his long services so slighted, and he retired in disgust. After his secession, the real weakness of the government was betrayed. The Irish were not insensible of the advantages to be derived from the discovery, and were ready to prove that their national spirit was not extinct, should fair oppor- tunity be given for its action. This spirit was soon displayed in insurrections and confederacies, to the confusion and distress of the kingdom, to add to which, Dublin was nearly destroyed by accidental fire, and the country was infested by robbers, who practised their violence without restraint or correction. Yet in the midst of this disregard of all laws human and divine, an abbey was founded by Cathal, surnamed the Bloody-handed, a fierce Irish chieftain, to mark the spot where he ob- tained a victory over the English. This victory raised to excess the dangerous spirit of the chiefs, urging them to hostilities against the detested borderers, occasioning continual distractions, and fraught with misery to both parties, of whom it is '^i- H'^v^'r.f'^^ir^rqj^rfipfj^^^. j^''"^- 170 HAMO DE VALOIS. hard to say which was the most barbarous. Again domestic jealousy and dissension saved the En- glish from destruction, but the country was laid waste and ravaged, without any acquisition of real or permanent advantage. Such were the unfor- tunate events during the administration of the Earl Marshal, when Hamo de Valois was ap- pointed to succeed him in the year 1197, a period of the utmost confusion and distress, when John de Courcy and Hugh de Lacy were employed in their respective provinces, independent of the English government, all Munster evacuated, and the province of Leinster with difficulty maintained. We avoid as much as possible secular history, but it will be found that a brief attention to the pro- gress of political events is absolutely necessary, to illustrate those immediately connected with the Irish church. To supply the necessities which he found pressed heavily on the enfeebled government, Hamo could devise no more speedy, and he thought effectual expedient, than the invasion of the ecclesiastical possessions. He therefore com- menced his administration (instructed, it is pro- bable, by John, being in perfect accordance with his exacting spirit) by seizing various lands, which had been granted to the see of Dublin. This act of violence was the more offensive and re- volting, as the ecclesiastical rights were at that period deemed infinitely more sacred than those of other subjects. The archbishop, John Comyn, personally interested in the prosperity of the see, inveighed bitterly against the unwarrantable usur^ pation. Remonstrances, expostulations, and de- nunciations of the vengeance of heaven against the abominable sacrilege were abundantly em- ployed, but without effecting redress. Comyn pro- '^.r^^^P>m^'*>~f^:K-:-' - '■ ■} V . • •.■■'^^"■^■.??75?^i9^?^^»^::fl!!^f ARCHBISHOP COMYN. 171 fessed to consider this obstinacy as a persecuting expulsion from his pastoral charge, and resolved to abandon his diocese rather than appear to ac- quiesce in the profane usurpation of ecclesiastical rights. He accordingly repaired to his cathedral with every solemn indication of a holy confessor, weighed down by the hand of persecution. All the attractive and gaudy appendages of Romish ceremonies were removed. No books, chalices, or images, were visible. He ordered the cru- cifixes to be crowned with thorns, and laid pros- trate on the ground, and laying a tremendous sen- tence of interdict upon his diocese, departed from the kingdom. A miracle was devised more deeply to affect the minds of the ignorant and super- stitious on this memorable occasion. One of these prostrate crucifixes was shown with all the marks of agony impressed upon it, the face inflamed, the eyes dropping tears, the body covered with sweat, and blood and water issuing from its side ! The exiled prelate received this wonderful declaration of heaven in his favour, solemnly attested by his clergy, to be laid before the Roman pontiff. Yet were his enemies still obdurate, and though the devotional horror of the multitude was exalted to feverish excess by this deliberate and impious fraud, which their credulity and fanaticism con- strued into an evidence of divine wrath against the profane usurpers of sacred property, yet the suf- fragans of the archbishop were too much interested in the preservation of their own individual pro- perties to hazard the displeasing the civil govern- ment by espousing the cause of their metropolitan. Hamo in fact did not confine his depredations to the see of Dublin. When that of Leighlin became vacant, he would not allow the abbot of Rosseval, who had been elected bishop by the clergy, to be consecrated, but seized the temporalities for his a v-yar^P': .'?^<^ v • • .•■•TB*S'i^''i- 172 DEATH OF RODERICK O CONNOR. own use and that of the state.* The exiled arch- bishop made the most earnest applications to Earl John, as well as to Richard, but neglect fol- lowed both. We are informed by Leiand, that it was not till some years after, that Hamo, struck with compunction for his offence, granted to the see of Dublin twenty carucates of land, in a,tone- ment for the depredations he had committed in the course of his government. This was in perfect conformity to the principles of the age, in regard to ecclesiastical property, in which we may ob- serve a species of moral compensation ; for great as were the acquisitions of the church, they were frequently torn from her, as in this instance, by lawless power. Men who perhaps passed their lives in sacrilegious plunder, left their acquisitions as expiatory offerings. Rapacity frequently in- vaded ecclesiastical possessions with a daring vio- lence not to be resisted, while, with a strange inconsistency, the utmost apparent reverence was paid to religious institutions and its ministers. During these disorders, Roderick O'Connor, last of the Irish monarchs, died in extreme old age in the monastery of Cong, where he had passed twelve years of profound quiet, unaffected, and * Leighlin, in county Carlow, and province of Leinster. The bishopric was united to Ferns. At the east end of the church of old Leighlin is a famous well covered with great ash-trees, and dedicated to St. Lasarian. This place was formerly a city though now a mean village. It was a sole bishopric, founded in 632, and united to Ferns 1600. It is said, Germundus, a Danish prince, lies buried in this church. The last bishop of Leighlin, before the union with Ferns, was Robert Grave , who, coming by sea to be in- stalled, suffered shipwreck in the harbour of Dublin, and pe- rished in the waves. The ca- thedral was burnt to the ground in consequence of lightning, and rebuilt in 1232; then de- dicated to St. Lasarian or La- zarinus. Since the sees were united, it is used as a parish church, and is kept in good repair. There are also the re- mains of an old abbey. # ACCESSION OF JOHN. 173 undisturbed by the contending factions of his province, and unnoticed by his subjects. Like his contemporary Henry the Second, he suffered from the defection of his sons, which unnatural act deprived him of his throne. As Roderick had long ceased to exercise the regal power, his deat^ occasioned no changes, and was an incident which soon passed into oblivion. By the demise of Richard the First the succeeding year, the rights transferred to John as Lord of Ireland reverted with the tit[e to the crown of England. From this period to the close of the thirteenth century we may regard the papal dominion as in the zenith. Rome had resumed all the terrors of her ancient name among the nations, her empire was even greater, for it extended over the minds as well as called into action the physical energies of men, in the contests in which she involved her royal vassals, in order to effect the purposes of her tem- poral ambition. The general supremacy affected by the Roman church over mankind in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, derived considerable support from the promulgation of the canon law. As the jurisdiction of the spiritual tribunals in- creased and extended, it was found necessary to establish an uniform system for the regulation of their decisions. After several minor compilations had appeared, Gratian, an Italian monk, published about 1140, his Decretum, or general collection of canons. The canon law was almost entirely founded upon the legislative power of the pope. The superiority of ecclesiastical to temporal pow- er, or at least the absolute dependence of the former, strongly marks every passage in the canon law. It expressly declares that subjects owe no allegiance to an excommunicated lord, if after admonition he is not reconciled to the church. By means of her new jurisprudence, Rome ac- 174 THE DOMINICANS AND FRANCISCANS. quired in every country a powerful body of ad- vocates, who, although many of them were lay- men, would of course defend every pretension of the papacy. The institution also of the men- dicant orders contributed powerfully to the ag- grandizement of the papacy. The luxury and ostentation of the old monastic orders, had in a considerable degree brought them into disrepute. Their accumulated wealth had- produced a de- plorable relaxation of that discipline which had rendered them the object of public reverence. To counteract this alienation from the hierarchy, no means seemed so apparently efficacious as the institution of religious societies strictly debarred from the insidious temptations of wealth. Upon this principle was founded the order of mendicant friars, rendered incapable by the rules of their foundation of possessing estates, being maintained only by alms and pious remunerations. Of these, says our historian (Hallam), the two most cele- brated were formed by St. Dominic and St. Fran- cis of Assisa, and established by the authority of Honorius the Third, in 1216, and 1223.* * The Dominicans first came Kilmalloch, county Limerick, into England 1221 at Oxford, which from the many re- Franci^pans at Canterbury, mains of ancient grandeur has 1234. Both orders being con- been called the Irish Balbec fidential agents of the pope, In 1296, Sir William de Burgh they under various pretences founded a monastery for Fran- exacted large sums of money ciscans at Galway, county Gal- through the kingdom, and drew way, province of Connaught. even from the abbots of the In 138 1^ at the period when monasteries. They early settled there were two popes, the peo- in Ireland also. An abbey of pie of Ireland were doubtful the Franciscans was founded to which they should pay obe- 1460, at Innisherhan, county dience; pope Urban, to fix Cork, by Florence O'Driscoll, them entirely to his interest, and an abbey of Dominicans empowered the guardian of was founded by the sovereign this monastery to excommuni- brethren and commonalty at cate every person in the pro- \.-..^^ MENDICANT FRIARS. 175 Various other mendicant orders were instituted in the thirteenth century, but most of them de- chned or were suppressed, and besides the two principal none remain, except the Augustins and the Carmelites. These preachers were received by the people with enthusiasm not in the smallest degree deviating from the faith of the church, they professed only to teach it with greater purity, and to observe her ordinances with greater regu- larity. The supineness and the corruption of the secular clergy gave them every advantage over them ; by preaching in public ways and adminis- tering the communion at a portable altar, they drew around them multitudes of such listeners as in all ages are easily attracted by similar means. The parish churches were deserted, none confessed but to these friars, and the regular discipline ap- peared to be subverted. The privilege of perform- ing the sacerdotal functions in this manner was conceded to the mendicant orders by the favour of Rome ; for aware of the powerful support they might receive from these orders, the pontiflfs ac- cumulated privileges and benefits upon them. They were exempt from episcopal authority, per- mitted to preach or hear confessions without leave of the ordinary, to accept of legacies, and to inter in their churches. Such privileges were natu- rally resisted by the other clergy, the bishops remonstrated, but it was all in vain, the privileges and the communities of the mendicant orders were vince of Connaught who ^ould adhere'to Clement the seventh who he assured them was anti pope. A Dominican friary was founded at Clonmell in 1269, dedicated to St. Dominic. In the same year Otho de Gran- dison created a Franciscan fri- ary, the church of which was esteemed the most magnificent in Ireland ; in it was kept an image of St. Francis, of the mi- racles wrought by which, mar- vellous stories are related. These are sufficient to prove that the mendicant influence early prevailed in Ireland. 17G PAPAL POWER. "■ ■" VaJS'v' ■ ■* . * t\ .1"- . '?.ai,' peremptorily established. The bishops and secular clergy thus saw themselves excluded from the confidence of the laity; for in auricular confes- sions and other superstitions of the times, the friars, armed with the authority of the Pope, arro- gated to themselves the power which had here- tofore been possessed by the clergy. The Fran- ciscans especially undermined the secular eccle- siastics. As a proof of the overweening pride of these professors of poverty, we may name a book published in the thirteenth century by a Fran- ciscan under the title of ** Introduction to the Everlasting Gospel," in which the author exalts St. Francis above Jesus Christ, and arrogates to his order the glory and the merit of reforming mankind by a new gospel, substituted in the room of that of Jesus Christ, thus to raise the mendicant tribe to the height of divine estimation in the eyes of mankind. This impious book was however, universally condemned, and the pope, mighty as he was, was obliged to decree it to the flames. It was perfectly natural that the favour bestowed upon these orders by the popes, should render them the obsequious servants of the holy see; and they sedulously exerted themselves in exalting its merits and maintaining its supre- macy, and as many of these monks became emi- nent, both in canon law and scholastic theology, their influence was great and extended. The dispensing power of the popes also created much trouble and incalculable mischiefs in de- stroying confidence between man and man in the observance of promissory oaths. Two dangerous principles are laid down in the decretals, that an oath disadvantageous to the church is not binding, and that one extorted by force was of slight obli- gation, and might be annulled upon ecclesiastical authority. It has been remarked, that if the pe- BONIFACE THE EIGHTH. 177 riod we are reviewing ivas distinguished by greater ecclesiastical pretensions than any preceding ; it was also one in which the disposition to resist them, quickly required greater consistence and determination. In fact, ecclesiastical jurisdiction so encroached upon secular tribunals that the evil was working its own remedy. The incoherent medley of laws and magistrates which these inno- vations brought in their train, could not fail to produce a violent collision of interests and end- less confusions while it tended to subvert all tem- poral government, till at length it powerfully ex- cited the jealousy of sovereigns ; and thus at the very period when the papal structure appeared most stately and magnificent to the beholder, its foundation was secretly undermined and ready to give way, by the imperceptible but sure operation of mutable human opinion, naturally alarmed at the Babel pride which sought to rear an earthly temple to the skies, and to grasp all temporal as well as spiritual dominion. We shall close our cursory view of ecclesiastical innovation and pre- tension, with the substance of the famous con- stitution of Boniface the eighth.* It is denomi- nated Unam Sanctam ; the language is — The church is one body, and has one head. Under its command are two swords, the one spiritual, the other temporal ; that to be used by the supreme pontiff himself, this by kings and soldiers by his licence and at his will. But the lesser sword must be subject to the greater, and the temporal to the spiritual authority. It concludes with the declaration that the subjection of every human being to the see of Rome, is an article of neces- * This pope excommunicated before him, put two crowns Philip the Fair, assumed the on his head and instituted the title of " Master of all Kings," J^ubilee. caused two swords to be borne VOL. I. N m'- 178 PRETENSIONS OF HOME. sary faith. Another similar document pronoun- ces all persons of whatever rank obliged to ap- pear when personally cited before the audience or apostolical tribunal at Rome ; " since such is our pleasure who by divine permission rule the world." It will appear evident that the jealousy of sovereigns was not excited without cause when we reflect upon the important consequences which this high self-constituted authority involved. 4. . vTggT^t^v'jT?!; .gyy*^ ' 'T^y '.yWrJ* ■ •^ - ^s^py^ !^cr-j:-'fisr^^-^' ■ y " ■■^■"■^f;,.f • • ^*^*^ 179 CHAPTER VII. Johns accession to power — Hamo de Valois dismissed from his ^ government — His successor Meiler Fitz Henry possesses poli- tical abilities — These advantages counteracted by dissensions of Irish lords — John de Courcy and Hugh de Lacy assume independence of the crown — English lords engage in local factions — Consequences — Great superstition prevailing — Con- duct of William de Burgo — Conduct and indignant feelings of de Courcy — Is summoned to the presence of John — Obeys not the mandate — Is forcibly conveyed to England and con- fined — Proceedings of John — Policy of Innocent the third-- ■ Litigation of John with Irish clergy — Operations of the Pope — John determines to make an expedition to Ireland- — William de Braosa — Irish chiefs swear allegiance — Facile disposition of the Irish — Proceedings of the king — Politic measure — Henry de Londres invested with the government — Ireland in- cluded in the submission of John to Innocent the third — The . indignant feelings of Henry de Londres — Innocent writes to the clergy of Ireland — Johns quarrel with his barons — Ire- land at least indirectly benefited by the great charter — Superstition greatly prevails — Religious orders abound—— Mendicant orders favoured — Useful to the hierarchy — Dis- sensions produced — Increasing arrogance — The evil tends to effect its own remedy — Doctrine of transubstantiation pronounced — and auricular confession ranked among the duties prescribed by divine law. — Persecutions against here- tics — Death of John — Henry the third accedes — Irish lords petition for new graces — Request the queen or the king's brother may reside in Ireland — The king's answer — Dupli- cate of charter sent to Ireland — The good defeated by local rivalship envy and disunion — Pernicious consequences — Tran- quillity — Geoffry de Maurisco administers the government aided by Henry de Londres — Distinguished by his sovereign — His character — Ireland lost much by the death of earl of Pembroke— Disorders revived— Churches burned— Priests mas- sacred — State of Society not favourable to peace and union — Henry's desire to iinprove the condition of Ireland — Investi- ture of Ireland on Prince Edward on his marriage — He un- dertakes a crusade and neglects Ireland — State of Ireland similar to that of England, but evils aggravated by local cir- cumstances — Exactions of the king and the pope — The con- N 2 '■^'WPi'^A 180 MElLKIl FITZ-HENRY. sequences — Italian clergy encouraged — Remonstrances of Irish clergy — English clergy equally disliked — Arrogance of Irish clergy — Petition illustrative of their general conduct — Pojte writes to Irish clergy — Encroachments of the clergy — Excommunication — Instances of it — Statute of Merton — In- sincere policy of Henry — Pride of the clergy — Low state of moral feeling — Assumptions of the pope — They arouse the jealousies of the people — Gregory publishes his decretals. THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY. Perhaps Ireland had not much reason to regret that although John had obtained full royal power, yet at the very commencement of his inglorious reign he was involved in such difficulties, that he had neither leisure nor probably any inclination to attend to the settlement of an island, so op- pressed and harassed by continual contests, and so torn by faction as it then was. Hamo de Valois, whose mercenary spirit had led him not only to harass the church with his exactions, but also to commit great depredations on the laity, whereby he had amassed great riches at the ex- pence of the crown as well as of the people, was in consequence removed with disgrace, being obliged to pay the king one thousand marcs as a dis- charge from his accounts. His successor was Meiler Fitz-Henry, natural son of Henry the first, and one of the bravest barons who had first ad- ventured into Ireland. This nobleman possessed abilities to have made his government effective and useful, but a want of co-operation both in the king and great lords, obliged him to confine him- self to the seat of government, as he was destitute of sufficient force to make any attempt to extend the English influence. The barbarous quarrels of rival chiefs still continued to distract the coun- try, and both John de Courcy and Hugh de Lacy entered into treaties with the neighbouring lords, and assisted in their local and provincial contests. .^f^-lSTT^-. -•'■ r- --?^T* ^WJ^^^SfM'f^'''^-^^-?fl^' T^f^TC "--;" ■ ™^' l 'WS*"-- ,: ■ ■«^*'?P5Sf SPIRIT OF THE ENGLISH BARONS. 181 both of them assuming independeiice of the crown, and even openly impeaching the title of John to the royal dignity. The English lords thus en- gaging in the local factions and contentions of the natives, could not fail to produce the most mis- chievous consequences, as instead of softening and civilizing them, it rather tended to keep alive their fierceness of spirit, and to increase the anarchy they ought to have tranquillized. From the shocking detail of factions, usurpa- tions, and massacres given by the Irish annalists, they appear not to have been produced so much by any natural defect of sensibility, as a base su- perstition, the certain and fatal corruptor of every generous and humane affection. Thus no chief was ever slain either in war or otherwise, but was found by some means to have offended one of their renowned saints : his death was imputed to the just vengeance of heaven, and was to be distinctly noted in order to display the power of the offended saint. William de Burgo, an Englishl o rd, encouraged by the weakness of the government,, and ambitious to obtain new acquisitions, forgot his allegiance to the crown, and made war as a sovereign and independent chief, proceeding to alarm the chiefs of Desmond by a vigorous incursion. After some hostilities the authority of the clergy together with that of the pope's legate residing in Desmond, prevented the calamities of war. By their in- terposition a treaty was entered into, and con- cluded, between the Desmondians and de Burgo, who had the honour of receiving hostages from the Irish lords as a security for the due per- formance of their stipulations. Meiler Fitz-Henry having with difficulty raised a sufficient force, con- ceiving it his duty to support the authority of his royal master against his revolted English subjects. y,'"^- ■: . : ^-r-,-.' • ■-"•m'-' -"■>• '-■v-'^T^tj^; ■^■■'"?;*T^^^ ''■- :y-^ '/■^WT^^'^ 182 IRISH AUXILIARY FORCE. bent his course towards Limerick, of which place de Burgo was governor, with a resolution to chas- tise his disloyalty. The Irish chiefs who had provoked the English government, fearing the effects of the revenge they merited, with their usual mutability offered their assistance to Meiler Fitz Henry, who accepted the welcome rein- forcement. Thus for the first time was seen an English governor at the head of native Irish troops. De Burgo could not resist the force, capitulation was therefore his only course. His submission - was accepted, and homage renewed. Meiler en- tered into a regular and formal treaty with his new associates in arms, who harassed by faction and contention, readily took shelter beneath the protection of the English government. The spirit of disaffection which had arisen among the Eng- lish barons, had been excited not only by their local power, but also by that generous spirit of innate integrity which ennobles man. It was im- possible to reconcile with this spirit the conduct and the character of John, the unworthy son of the high-souled Henry, the imbecile and cow- ardly deserter of his own cause in France ; the oppressor of his country, the murderer of his ne- phew. The ardent and artless de Courcy was more especially unable to conceal his sentiments of abhorrence, and expressed his strong feelings in terms suitable to his unrefined integrity. Hugh de Lacy of more flexible and temporising character, and jealous of the increasing power of the rough soldier, took instant advantage of his honest but indiscrete frankness, by delating him to the king as a dangerous and powerful sub- ject, who not only had abjured his allegiance, but boldly and unequivocally accused his sovereign as the assassin of his nephew, the rightful heir of the throne. The unworthy John was naturally »J?- ? f '^■^ ■T^.^^^^^S^'^i^^ *,^^^ •i^^'>^- - ^^»^!p RUIN OF DE COURCy. 183 stung by this well merited reproach, and incensed at the revolt of his baron. [1203.] He summoned him to his presence to do him homage, De Courcy treated the mandate with contempt. Upon which, De Lacy and his brother had commission to con- vey the refractory noble to his enraged sovereign. These rivals of John de Courcy proceeded with alacrity to the execution of their commission, we pass over the detail of their operations to effect this service, as although highly interesting yet quite irrelevant to our subject, and content our- selves with saying that De Courcy was conveyed to England and condemned to perpetual imprison- ment. Upon his death, which appears to have taken place soon after this event, the earldom of Ulster was granted to De Lacy in prejudice to the right of Milo the son of De Courcy ; thus it seems he was not reconciled to the king or received into favour, but on the contrary, his possessions were transferred to the family of his rival. The dis- tress of John obliged him to summon to his as- sistance his most favourite barons : Hugh de Lacy and Meiler Fitz Henry were called into England, and Walter de Lacy the brother of Hugh, together with the archdeacon of Stafford were entrusted with the government. The latter was deemed a proper agent to solicit the subsidy which John demanded from the clergy of Ireland, in order to enable him to recover Normandy, and oppose the progress of Philip of France. This was the usual pretence of the mercenary and improvident John which served him to harass his subjects with continual oppressive demands exacted with mer- ciless rapacity, and lavished without honour or advantage till roused from his scandalous apathy by the aspiring ambition of Innocent the third. This great political pontiff had a short time pre- vious to the accession of John, been openly and -tiS^r- •^V'^'> . • ;^, •■ . ■,.'>. - -•v.Tfi'j'^-r:--. /■.•- ■•-,;■",. ' : : -. -= •Tvir>' 184 DISPUTES WITH INNOCENT III. boldly opposed by a prince of Desmond, in his attempt to confer the bishopric of Ross ; yet not discouraged, he with his characteristic vigilance watched his opportunity of making experiment of his power in Ireland, before he declared his designs against the church and state of England. In the grants made to the English adventurers in Ireland, for the most part there was an express reservation of the donations of bishoprics and abbies to the lord of Ireland. Accordingly, on the decease of Thomas O'Connor, prelate of Ar- magh, John asserted this privilege, and in virtue of it nominated Humphrey de Tickhull, an Eng- lishman, to the see. The suffragan bishops, how- ever, and some of the clergy of the diocese, urged most probably by the legate residing in Ireland, proceeded, in disregard to the royal mandate, to elect Eugene, a countryman of their own. John, indignant at this contempt of his au- thority, addressed an appeal to the Irish legate against this irregular election ; but Eugene in the meantime repaired to Rome, and his nomi- nation was confirmed by the pope. The king, still more indignant at this usurpation of his au- thority, issued a peremptory mandate to the clergy of Armagh, strictly forbidding them to receive Eugene, or to acknowledge him as their prelate ; and, with a resolution to defend his rights which redeems his character from utter obloquy, on the death of Tickhull, he nominated the archdeacon of Meath as his successor. _ ' Thus was the contest protracted for a consider- able time, the clergy of Armagh adhering to the pope, and receiving Eugene; the king insisting on his privileges, and withholding the temporali- ties of the See. The reader of history will know, that this is but one of numerous instances of papal as- sumption. The pretext to justify these arbitrary IrS^af.J-r- :;*.;/•-'' ^ '^''^(l.-i ■ -■. - .• ■ <-bv^>v;-;;5V^; -■ ; Ig^';.-^-'-' ;T~;"J^=^' ? y« DISPUTE CONCERNING ARMAGH. 185 proceedings was, an ardent zeal for the welfare of the church, and a paternal concern lest dangerous heresies should get a footing into the flock of Christ. The innovation was keenly opposed by the bishops, who had hitherto enjoyed the privi- leges of nominating to the smaller benefices ; and still more by several sovereigns, who employed the force of warm remonstrance and vigorous edicts, to arrest the progress of this new preten- sion. None felt more the despotism of the pontiff than John of England, in which, whatever might be the unworthy character of the monarch, the conduct of Innocent III. was unjust, imperious, and cruel. But this aspiring pontiff was not content with his usurpations of the civil power. He aimed at a substantial and real dominion over the princes of the earth, and for this end he knew it to be necessary to reduce the ecclesiastics themselves into an entire dependence on their spiritual leader. Innocent began his operations by imposing taxes, at pleasure, on the clergy. The crusades offered him a pretext. He sent collectors all over Europe, who levied, by his authority, the fortieth of all ecclesiastical revenues for the relief of the Holy Land. Many other gross invasions of ecclesias- tical property followed ; and although necessity obliged to submission, they produced a very na- tural disaffection towards the court of Rome. The character of John and the detestation in which he was held, gave the advantage of popular favour and opinion, however, to the clergy in this dispute respecting the primacy of Armagh ; and this must ever be regarded as an important advan- tage. The English competitors solely relied on court favours; they possessed little individual merit, and depended upon fortunate incidents or connections, to obtain preferment. Eugene, on "•-"»>, ■■.^■v r^l^T'4\*W^ 186 EUGENE ARCHBISHOP OF ARMAGH. the contrary, had recommended himself by a long course of exemplary conduct ; which raised a pre- judice at the pretensions of his rivals, and affixed* odium on the opposition of John. But the length of the dispute, and the intervention of other affairs, operated in favour of Eugene, more than the supe- riority of his character, which, perhaps, would not have been so highly appreciated, had not his nomination been opposed by a hated power. But above all, we may attribute influence to three hundred marks of silver, and one hundred marks of gold, presented to the mercenary John in his necessities, without the apparent interference of the prelate. By the persuasive eloquence of this gift, the violence of the incensed monarch was softened. He was prevailed upon to invest Eu- gene with all the rights of the see. So that In- nocent thus gained an advantage, which the reader of English history will see he took good care to improve and establish, in his contest re- specting the see of Canterbury, in 1205. On that memorable occasion, when the Bishop of Exeter and others of his brethren declared for the pope, and abandoned his diocese, the Irish prelate of Armagh, whose election, as we have related, the king opposed, was entrusted with his pastoral charge. But the dreadful sentence of excommunication, the disaffectioji of his sub- jects, and fears of a conspiracy among his nobles, at length so far prevailed over the supineness of John, as to determine him, in order to give lustre to his government, and to intimidate his enemies, to engage in some military enterprize. Scotland and Wales, which were first threatened, averted the evil by timely submission, and there was little real occasion to carry hostilities into Ireland, the vigorous government of Meiler Fitz Henry having reduced it into some order. But a pre- ,jpi,-^;- ••■-.r.',- .•- , >.... r; ;--^,rasj.;i7^.. .' :' •■ ■"' JlfflBWy'-r^S?' ATTACK ON DE BRAOSA. 187 text is never wanting to justify the obstinate acts of self-will, and even the tyranny of John furnished him with one. Conscious of the gene- ral hatred with which he was regarded, he re- quired hostages from his nobility as security for their allegiance. Amongst these noblemen was William de Braosa, who had received considerable grants in Thomond. To the king's messenger, who came for this purpose, the wife of Braosa replied with indiscreet severity, that her children should never be entrusted to a man who had murdered his own nephew. William, though innocent of the insult, was pursued by the ven- geance of John ; he fled with his wife and chil- dren to Ireland, where they were generously protected by de Lacy. The king, however, made this the pretext for his expedition into Ireland. The tragedy of Braosa was soon completed ; his retreat was discovered, his unhappy wife and children were seized, imprisoned, and finally there starved ; and the baron himself narrowly escaped by flying into France.* On the arrival of John, we are told, upwards of twenty of the Irish chieftains swore allegiance to him, engaging to establish the English laws and customs in the kingdom : and in the same year, 1210, courts of judicature were instituted. The readiness of the Irish to enter into solemn engagements, and with the same facility to depart from them, is well known. It is probable that their consciences were quieted by penances, or some services rendered to the priesthood ; for unless the taint of false principles * The wife of Braosa is her Irish demesnes, of four said to have addressed herself hundred kine, all milk white, to the queen, and attempted except the ears, which were to purchase her mediation by red. an extraordinary present from 188 KING John's visit. in religion had entered deep, and spread wide in the social body, it is hardly to be conceived that the moral sense should be so deadened. The name of king seems to have acted like a prostrating spell upon the fierce and haughty chieftains, and to have brought them crouching to the feet of the base-minded John. John, however, seems to have projected some schemes of improvement and legislation, for the more effectual information of his Irish subjects than they had hitherto obtained ; he took with him some individuals versed in the laws of their country, by whose counsel and assistance a regu- lar code and charter was ordained and appointed. The king's lands were also divided into counties, with sheriffs ^nd other officers. John rertiained three months in Ireland, and on his departure the government was entrusted to John de Grey, Bishop of Norwich. This prelate is said to have administered the government with so much wisdom and vigour, that he was enabled, when England was threatened with a French invasion, in order to execute the pope's sentence of deposition, to send a company of knights, with three hundred well appointed infantry, from Ireland^ to the assistance of the king. This is an honourable testimony to his loyalty and courage, as Ireland was still disturbed by local factions, which kept the English in a state of insecurity, and obliged them ever to be on the defensive. We shall now mention an act of sound policy, which, whether it emanated from John or his> ministers, is worthy of record ; and as a prelate was the appointed agent, we may be excused the digression. It appears from the period of John's visit to Ireland, to have been considered as a point of sound policy, to take every method of ^^"^^^^Wf^^W^^p =^. » HENRY DE LONDRES. 189 conciliating the affections of those chiefs who had become feudatories to the king. Together with a patent of protection to Cathal, a chieftain who had appealed to the justice of the English to support his local claims, was an order to Henry de Londres, Archbishop of Dublin, to purchase such a quantity of scarlets as he should judge sufficient to make robes, to be presented to the kings of Ireland, and others of the king's liege men, natives of the kingdom. " It is very probable," says Leland, " these robes were made after the English fashion. If so, it was by no means a contemptible device to endeavour to habituate these chiefs to the En- glish garb, and by their example to render it fashionable in their territories." "Men's apparel," saith Spencer, speaking of Ireland and its manners, " is commonly made according to their conditions, and their conditions are oftentimes governed by their garments ; for the person that is gowned, is by his gowne put in mind of gravitie, and also restrained from lightness by the very unaptnesse of his weed." And the gentler and less offensive method of introducing an advantageous change of apparel under the appearance of grace and favour, had it been pursued with steadiness and address, might have proved more effectual than the penal laws of later times, which by an avowed and violent opposition to the manners of the Irish, proved too odious to be reconciled." Henry de Londres, who succeeded to John Comyn in 1213, was now, 1214, invested with the government, although it was, for the most part, administered by Geoffry Morris, an eminent English settler in Munster. Henry himself was summoned to attend his royal master in England, ^^•■«"- '■■.(*JHIB|*"vi'T^i.; ~. * " » ■', ■ ■ 'I '-yRS.^ 190 THE LEGATE PANDOLF. the first instance recorded of a prelate of the Irish church being admitted to the councils of his sovereign, and acting as a spiritual baron of the realm. When the contest of John with Innocent III. ended in his shameful submission, the prelate of Dublin is named first of those lords, who were present at the execution of the deed, in which he barely declared, that not con- strained by fear, but by his own free-will, he did for the remission of his sins and those of his family, resign England and Ireland to God, to St. Peter, and St. Paul, and to Pope Innocent, and his successors in the apostolic chair, agreeing to hold those dominions as feudatory to the see of Rome, for himself and successors, by the annual payment of seven hundred marks for England, and three hundred for Ireland, in ac- knowledgment of the pope's supremacy and jurisdiction. He further stipulated, that if he or his successors should presume to revoke or in- fringe this charter, they should instantly forfeit all right to their dominion. These were the con- ditions for restoring to him the privilege of com- munion, and the return of his regalia. Every spectator of this humiliating scene glowed with indignation, and Henry de Londres exclaimed aloud against the intolerant insolence of the le- gate trampling the tribute-money under his feet, in token of the utter subjection of the king. Henry is honourably distinguished on this occa- sion, as the only person who ventured to ex- press indignation at the shameful transaction, and * the overweening haughtiness of Pandolf. But although this legate had brought John to these base submissions, he refused to remove the ex- communication and interdict, till an estimation could be taken of the losses of the clergy, whose r,s»'-'---f.. -'-'s-'',-- _ . ' ■ -• :, W'^a^pRC^; ■ ■?■■■ ^ --»;■•: • '— .r;'.-/: .- .'*^."'.aii^?s?''*fl?y.;*7 THE INTERDICT. 191 estates he had confiscated in consequence of their obeying the interdict,* and of those who had exiled themselves in consequence of the sen- tences of excommunication. The issue of the whole was, after the most abject concessions on the part of John, that the bishops got reparation beyond what they had any title to demand, and the inferior clergy were not so fortunate. After the interdict, in consequence was taken off, the * The sentence of interdict on the ground. Mass cele- was at this time the great in- brated with closed doors, and stniment of papal vengeance none but priests admitted to and policy. It was denounced the holy institution. The laity without mercy on offending partaking of no religious rite, sovereigns, and made the guilt except baptism to new born of one person involve the ruin infants, and the communion to of millions even in their spi- the dying. The dead refused ritual and eternal welfare, burial in consecrated grounds, The execution of it was art- but thrown into ditches, or in- fully calculated to strike the terred in common fields, their senses and imagination in the obsequies unattended by any highest degree, and to operate ceremony. Marriage celebrated with irresistible force on the in the church-yards ; the peo- superstitious minds of the peo- pie prohibited the use of meat, pie. Indeed, few minds pos- as in times of deepest penance; sess strength sufiicient to repel debarred from all pleasures and the appalling and paralizing entertainments, and forbid even effect of a whole nation being to salute each other, or to give suddenly deprived of all ex- any decent attention to their terior exercise of its religion, persons or dress. To view altars despoiled of Every circumstance indi- their ornaments, crosses, re- cated the deepest distress, and liques, images, and statues of the most immediate apprehen^ saints prostrated on the earth ; sion of divine vengeance and and, as if the air itself was indignation. — See Hume's His- profaned, and might pollute tory. Reign of John. them by its contact, the priests Our nature is too prone to covering them up, even from be affected by externals, not their own approach and vene- to be powerfully influenced by ration. The use of bells for- such a dreadful state of society, bidden, the bells being re- and few we the minds suffi- moved from their places, and ciently powerful to resist its with other sacred things laid terrifying effects. 192 MAGNA CHARTA. king renewed in the most solemn manner, and by a new charter, sealed with gold, his professions of homage and obedience to the Romish see. A new legate, Nicholas, Bishop of Frescati, succeeded Pandolf. He came with a letter of credence from the pope, conceived in term's of deep hypocrisy ; and when John had made the second resignation of his kingdoms we have adverted to. Innocent, with an ostentation of favour and condescension to his royal vassal, addressed a letter to the prelates, princes, lords, and people of Ireland, notifying the total recon- ciliation made hf the blessing of Heaven between the royal state of England and the holy see, ex- pressing the tenderest concern for his beloved son in Christ, the illustrious King John, whose realms, by his grant, were rightfully invested in the Roman church. It concluded with commands ing and directing them, by his apostolic mandate, to persevere in their allegiance to the king and his heirs, who were now the objects of his pa- ternal care and favour. This transaction was succeeded by the contest between John and his barons ; Henry de Londres again appears in the councils of his monarch, attending the congress of Rupnemede, taking place immediately after the Archbishop of Can- terbury. In the preamble to the great Charter, he is also mentioned as one of those prelates and barons, by whose counsel it is alleged to have been granted. With other prelates, he protested on occasion of a clause of this charter, by which it was apprehended that the being of all forests would be endangered, and joined in declaring the intention of both parties. We find him like- wise united with the English prelates, in a pro- test against the refusal of the barons to certify their submission and allegiance, by an instrument ■.■■'■■'.". * ■ -'* MAGNA CHARTA. . IQ^ under their seals. Yet, although this prelate, and also William, Earl Marshall, a baron of great wealth and influence in Ireland, were thus attend- ant on the king, it does not appear on this im- portant occasion that any particular requisitions were made in behalf of his Irish subjects, or any measures were taken for including them spe- cifically in the grants of the crown. It is true, no immediate changes were made by the concession of the great charter, as far as re- lates to Ireland, yet doubtless it would give rise by degrees to more order and justice in the admi- nistration of government. For although, as our great historian observes, the great charter con- tained no establishment of new courts, magis- trates, or senates, nor abolished the old — though it introduced no new distribution of the powers of the commonwealth, and no innovation in the political or public law of the kingdom, it yet guarded, by verbal clauses, against such tyrannical practices as are incompatible with civilised go- vernment. The barbarous license of kings, and of the nobles, was thereby restrained ; men ac- quired, of course, more security for their pro- perties and their liberties; and government approximated nearer to that end for which it was originally instituted — the distribution of justice, and the equal protection of the citizens. Acts of violence and iniquity in the crown, which be- fore were deemed merely injurious to individuals, were now regarded, in some degree, as public injuries, and as infringements of a charter calcu- lated to promote general security. Hence the establishment of the great charter, without seem- ing otherwise to innovate in the distribution of political power, became a kind of epoch in the constitution; and we may add, gradually and VOL. I. o 194 STATE OF THE CHURCH. imperceptibly extended its influence to the re- motest parts subjected to English sway. The superstition of this period was excessive ; multitudes of religious orders abounded every where, and were not only tolerated, but were distin- guished and enriched with various privileges and prerogatives. The number of convents increased in proportion to monasteries. The circumstances of the church had produced the mendicant orders. Innocent III. with the sagacity that distinguished him, perceived the necessity of their institution, and accordingly gave them his most cordial pro- tection, and indications of favour. Too many of the monastic orders, beneath the corrupting in- fluence of opulence, had lost sight of their origi- nal obligations ; and on the other hand, the ene- mies of the church, the various • sects who had left its communion, followed certain austere modes, of life and conduct, which formed a strong con- trast between them and the religious, not much to the credit of the latter in the public estimation. These sects maintained, with justice, that volun- tary poverty was the leading and essential quality in a servant of Christ. They obliged their doc- tors to imitate the simplicity of the apostles — re- proached the church with its overgrown opulence, and the vices and corruptions of the members of it flowing from this source. They gained so much credit from this profession of their princi- ples, that it was deemed indispensable by the hierarchy to introduce into the church a set of men, who, by the austerity of their manners, contempt of riches, and external gravity and sanctity, might resemble those doctors who had gained such reputation to the heretical sects, and who might be so far above the allurements of worldly profit and pleasure, as not to be sedqced STATE OF THE CHURCH. 195 from the performance of their sacred duties, or from persevering in their subordination to the pontiffs. • . * ' M * v.~.ij, i ■) ;i^r*7'; - . Experience proved the policy of these societies, they proved highly useful, they were indeed the very soul of the hierarchy, the engines of state, the secret springs of the motions of the one and the other, and the authors and directors of every great and important event, both in the religious and political world. They restored the church from the decline which threatened her previous to their institution, by their zeal and activity against heretics in negociations and embassies for the interest of the hierarchy, and in confirming the wavering multitude in their implicit obedience to the pontiff. These benefits were rewarded by privileges which soon however rendered them ob- jects of envy, and in many instances the discipline of the church was invaded and injured in their favour, so that the most bitter dissensions were produced between them and the bishops. When it became more generally known that they pos- sessed such a peculiar place in the esteem and protection of the church, the number of them multiplied so exorbitantly all over Europe, that they at length became a burden not only to soci- ety but even to the church itself. Supported by the pontiffs, the pride and arrogance of the Do- minicans and Franciscans, the two principal of these orders increased daily. Their impious pre- sumptions deluded and captivated the ignorant multitude by whom they were well nigh deified, ' divisions even between the two orders were bitter, and their mutual schemes to gain ascendancy disturbed the tranquillity of the church which fostered them. Good however certainly sprang out of those evils, for if we trace the events that occurred in the church from this period, we shall o 2 196 AURICULAR CONFESSION. be convinced that the mendicant orders by their assumptions gave several mortal blows to the authority of the church of Rome, 'and excited in the minds of the people those desires for a refor- mation vsrhich produced in after times such glo- rious and substantial effects . The pope assumed a despotic power over all the churches, their par- ticular customs, privileges and immunities being treated with disdain ; even the canons of general councils were set aside by dispensing power, and the whole administration of the church cen- tered in the papacy. Innocent the third published new articles of faith, and amongst other opinions, pronounced that which is held to this day, and known by the term transubstantiation. The same pontiff placed by his own authority, among the duties prescribed by the divine laws, that of auricular confession to a priest, a confession that implied not only a general acknowledgement, but a particular enu- meration of the sins and follies of the penitent. By this a powerful influence was obtained over the minds of men by becoming acquainted with their secrets. At the same time the faith of the penitent received no increase of vigour, nor their hearts substantial amendment. It served rather to instil into their minds a persuasion that by a private confession of sin, and a consequent sub- mission to penances, or to the injunctions of the clergy, the greatest crimes might be expiated, though the commission was frequent and notorious. " Absolution," says a forcible modern writer, *\ which adds boldness to the resolute and the pro- fligate, becomes a fresh source of disquietude to a timid and sickly mind. Doubts innumerable disturb the unhappy sufferer, not as to the priest in granting pardon, but respecting its own fulfil- ment of the required conditions, without which. .■^ THE EUCHARIST. 197 to receive absolution is sacrilege." How different are tliese superstitions and morbid feelings to those of firm reliance and animating hope, resting on a Saviour's merits, and that grateful love which excites to good works for his sake ! The doctrine of transubstantiation we shall see produced a long series of contention and trouble in the church, and brought with it a train of ce- remonies and institutions respecting the eucharist which still exist in full power to dazzle the com- municants in the Romish ritual. During the pe- riod we now review, the Roman pontiffs carried on dreadful persecutions against those they branded with the denomination of heretics, that is, against all those who called in question their authority, or taught doctrines different from those adopted and propagated by the see of Rome, while the hierarchy rejected every thing that tended to re- move the evil they threw over the lustre of genur- ine Christianity, well knowing that its authority must decline in proportion, as the mind is opened and enlarged ; and that its reserve and dissimu- lation must give way to the piercing glance of truth directed by enlightened intellect. Although it is equally unjust and inconclusive to pass a general censure on any principles from their indi- vidual abuse, yet we may cite the character of John, so conspicuous at this period, as an in- stance of the inefiicacy of the religion of the age to purify the heart or correct the passions. The progress of his life was marked by the display of complicated vices, ruinous to himself, destructive to his people, and odious to all. His death, in the forty-ninth year of his age, freed the nation from his corrupt example, and the dangers to which his crimes and his follies combined to expose it. On the accession of his infant son Henry, it ap- pears that the Irish lords who had derived no 198 MAGNA CHARTA CONFIRMED. individual advantage from the great charter, thought it a favourable period for explaining their grievances, and petitioning the throne for new graces ; for this purpose they made use of the in- tervention of Ralph, bishop of Norwi(A, one of the king's chaplains. Their complaints related to the violences of John, and among their requi- sitions was one of infinite consequence, and which if obtained might have proved of incalculable ad- vantage to the English interest as well as that of Ireland. It was that either the queen dowager Isabella of Angoulesme or the king's brother should take up their residence in Ireland, ** The people of this land" saith Davyes **both English and Irish, out of natural pride, did ever love and de- sire to be governed by great persons." The an- swer of king Henry the third was very gracious, but the above requisition was vvaived in the fol- lowing clause of it. ** As to sending our lady mother or our brother into Ireland, our answer is, that taking the advice and assent of our faithful subjects, we shall do that which shall be expedi- ent to our interest, and the interest of our realm." The great charter conceded by John was renewed by Henry, with such alterations and amendments as the circumstances of the times made necessary, and a duplicate of it was transmitted to Ireland under the seal of the legate and the protector ; William earl of Pembroke, for the benefit of the king's faithful subjects in the kingdom, and with those alterations only which the local necessities of Ireland required. Thus were the rights and privileges of the English settlers ascertained and established, and good opportunity for rising" in the scale of nations was given them. They were put upon an equality of rights and privileges with their fellow subjects of England, and obtained the same grants which are to this day revered as the TH£ EARL OF PEMBROKE. 199 l^^3is of English liberty. But the same spirit which had hitherto disturbed still possessed them, and they i^n consequence still lived in a state of rivalship, envy, and dissension, and as their claims were to be supported by force of arms, their own vassials as well as the native Irish felt the sever- est consequences of their pride and oppression. Hence those calamities under which the nation . groaned for so long a period may be traced not to the inequitable and oppressive principles in the English government, but to the vicious and impo- litic conduct of individuals' The gradual progress, of the English power had by the period we are now arrived at, considerably weakened that of the old Irish chieftains. It was only a very few that their annalists could extol as the terror of the Gauls (so they styled the English), and destroyers of their castles, whenever they once had paid tribute or submission to the foreigners. The earl of Pembroke, who administered the government of the young king with ability and vigour, had large possessions in Ireland, and was in consequence attached to their interests. They were encouraged by the expectation of his sup- port, and at the same time restrained by the au- thority of his station and character from all irre- gularities, which they were sensible he would be informed of and punish. These causes produced tranquillity throughout the island. Geoffry de Maurisco continued in the administration, and Henry de Londres was sent under the pretence of resuming his pastoral charge, but really as co- adjutor to Geoffry. The king's letter, addressed fo his liege barons of Ireland, expresses the reluc- tance with which he parted with this prelate, and how necessary his presence and counsels were to him and the realm of England, directing them to consult him and the chief governor in every thing -•^z- "X.^ 2D0 CONDUCT OF THE ARCHBISHOP. pertaining to the regulation of the kingdom. But ^although this prelate was so highly distinguished by his political conduct, yet in his ecclesiastical chajracter he was no less eminent. Soon after his arrival he held a synod at Dublin, the consti- tutions of which are extant, and do honour to the principles and temper of De Londres. But the * Irish relaters give a repulsive picture of his pri- vate manners and his insolence towards his de- pendants. They inform us that he summoned the tenants of his see to produce the instruments by which they held their lands, which he had no sooner received under pretence of examining their titles, than in an affected passion he committed them to the flames. A violent tumult succeeded the first astonishment at this treacherous act. Several of the bishop's domestics were grievously wounded, and he narrowly escaped. To allay the commotion he had raised, he found it neces- sary to confirm their tenures to the aggrieved parties ; but he could not efface the just odium of his attempt. He was branded with the name of Burn Bill, and ever after known by. that dis- graceful appellation. It is mortifying to see this prelate thus departing from his principles as a man and spiritual guide, to observe the favourite and counsellor of his sovereign descehding to an act which would have disgraced the most vile mercenary, but it is a striking instance of the con- tempt with which the rights of the subjects in Ireland were in these times treated by the more powerful of the neighbouring kingdom. Ireland, by the decease of the great earl of Pembroke in 1219, lost a powerful and useful patron, and from that period disorders again revived. English claims and Irish rivalry again filled the kingdom with confusion. Ever the secret enemies, and often the avowed adversaries of each other, the ' 'V^^Sff'' DEFIANCE OF THE LAWS. 201 English frequently drove the Irish into insur- rections, and then punished them with redoubled cruelty for their resistance. Amongst the vio- lences committed, disgraceful mention is made of the burning of churches and the massaci^ of priests. -^ ^*^ « -* -^-- t^^^-u^:: ^.'^i-^^' ■> ^ .'to muMXid ' The mixture of Irish tributaries and English subjects, which formed the omimunity, was highly inimical both to the peace and welfare of the nation. In this state of jealousy and outn^, it will readily be imagined that the salutary insti- tutions of law were little regarded. Equity suid justice were scorned by those imperious lords, whose sole pursuit was rapine and ambitioBy^and so entirely were they contemned, that a r^iion- s trance appears to have been made in 1 228 against this dangerous neglect and suspension of the laws, Henry finding it necessary to transmit his man- date to the chief governor for suppressing the in- novation. But this would appear to have availed little or nothing, as another similar mandate was issued in 1246. The Irish who did not enjoy the privileges of English laws were particularly liable to oppression, for harassed on every side by their native chiefs, and the more powerful English lords, without enjoying the security of subjects, they felt sensibly their inferiority, and several in- stances occur in this reign of some of the most peaceable suing for a royal patent by which they might enjoy the privileges of English subjects, and on their plea of fidelity and good services were admitted by the king to a participation of the rights they desired. Henry indeed appears to have been sincerely interested in the amelio- ration and improvement of Ireland, but some counteracting cause continually opposed his views. In the year 1253 for instance, a measure was pursued which might have been attended with ^Q2 .^ PRINCE EDWARD. , " D^ost important results, had England herself been composed, or the advantages of a regular and peaceable establishment in Ireland duly consi- dered, this was the investiture of Ireland upon the gallant Prince Edward, on his union with the Infanta of Spain. So that the lands possessed or claim^ by the king'^ subjects in Ireland, were oajled. the lands of Lord Edward, the officers and mipisters of government were styled the officers of Edward Lord of Ireland, and the writs ran in that prince's name. Some time subsequent to these grants, Edward was directed by Henry to repair to his Irish government for the more ef- fectual Settlement and reformation of the state. U^ppy in all probability would it have been for Ireland, had her government been administered by a prince of such distinguished abilities. But he found elsewhere ample employment for his active spirit, and the affairs of Ireland were con- ducted by deputies under every disadvantage of being narrowly watched by the envious and jea- lous eyes of those who ruled in the king's name, and were not withqut alarm at the bold and pene- trating spirit of his son. By this means the acts of his government were in a great measure ren- dered nugatory. When general affairs became more composed, the passion for crusades inter- posed, and Edward in pursuing the shadows of honour in far distant climes, neglected that in which he might have gained it in permanent reality, by civilizing a disordered people, by re- lieving them from the weight of oppression, and converting intestine tumult into peaceful concord. But while we remark upon the violent spirit of oppression and anarchy which pervaded Ireland, we must not be supposed to assert that it was peculiarly confined to that nation. The barons who exercised the one and produced the other .yS.'^i EXACTIONS OF HENRY III. 203 did but follow the example of those of England^ as a glance at the^ history of the period will con* vince the reader. Ireland, exposed to the fatal mischiefs of a feeble government, an ambitious and daring nobility, laws suspended, controuledor contemned, torn by factions the offspring of pride, domestic anarchy, injustice of invaders, local feuds and barbarous massacres, presents at this period a melancholy study for the historian, reflecting equal disgrace on all parties. Natural evils ac- companied these moral disorders, dearth and disease were the consequences of national con- fusion, and seasons remarkably severe are stated to have aggravated the heavy misfortunes of the kingdom, but without suspending those ireful animosities which had produced the former of the evils. To heighten still more these calamities, the severest exactions were made on Ireland by the weak and irresolute Henry in his real or pre- tended necessities, and by the pope in prosecu- tion of his avaricious and ambitious schemes. In the year 1226, a fifteenth of all cathedral churches and religious houses, and a sixteenth of all other ecclesiastical revenues were demanded by the king with the concurrence of the pope. In many respects amiable, Henry was yet totally unfitted to sway the sceptre in the disorderly times in which he lived ; his temper was too facile and his mind too feeble. The one led him to impolitic changes, the other prevented him from duly appreciating the necessity of vigour, ability, and virtue in his ministers* His quarrels with the Scots, Welsh, French, and the king of Cas- tile, in which he equally betrayed his weakness and ill-judged liberality, if such it might be called, that was exercised at the cost of others, were severally made the occasions of his demands both on the clergy and laity. But oppressive as were 204 EXTORTION OF THE POPE. these exactions, those of the see of Rome were even more so. In England they were carried to great excess, in Ireland they were intolerable, which was less able in its distressed state to answer the demands. The wretched laity were stripped of even the necessaries of life, the churches of their ornaments, to supply the rapa- cious demands of legates and nuncios. The papal ministers, finding a vast stock of power amassed by their predecessors, were desirous of converting it to immediate profit, to be enjoyed at home rather than of enlarging their authority in foreign countries where they never intended to reside. Every thing was now become venal in the Roman tribunals, simony was openly and shamefully practised, no favours, and even no justice could be obtained without a bribe. The merit of an individual, or a cause, were light in the balance against the highest bidder. The pope openly assumed an absolute authority of setting aside, in all the plenitude of his apostolic power, all par- ticular rules, and privileges of patrons, churches and convents. r .; * On pretence of remedying the abuses that had crept into the church, and upon the plea of the poverty of the Roman see having produced the grievances. Pope Honorius in 1226, demanded from every cathedral two of the best prebend's, and from every convent, two monk's portions to be set apart as a perpetual and settled revenue of the papal crown. This however was too glaring an imposition to be conceded. About three years after he however demanded, and obtained the tenth of all ecclesiastical revenues, which was levied in a very oppressive manner ; payment being re- quired before the clergy had drawn their rents and tythes, at the same time sending about usu- rers, who in the exigence of this premature de- -'•«liF»»''r''^^5*^ AVARICE or THE LEGATES. 205 mand, advanced the money at exorbitant inter- est. These usurers took up the trade of agents for the pope, and it is asserted that in a few years he through their means, partly by levies of money, partly by the revenues of benefices, had drawn from the kingdom nine hundred and fifty thou- sand marks, a sum equivalent to fifteen millions of present currency.* The legates also were ac- tive agents in this avaricious exaction ; one is stated, after having in vain attempted the clergy as a body, to have obtained individually, by the aid of menace and intrigue, large sums from the prelates and convents, and on his departure, to have taken more money out of the kingdom than he left in it. The experiment was so successful, that it was renewed by a nuncio, who was vest- ed with pow.ers from Rome of suspending and ex- communicating all clergymen who refused to com- ply with his demands. The king, who relied on the pope for the support of his tottering authority, never failed to countenance these exactions, in- deed he sometimes shared the booty, and was indulged with the produce of taxes imposed upon his own clergy to defray the costs of his projected war against Sicily. While these exactions were taking place, all the chief benefices of the kingdom were conferred upon Italians, great numbers of whom were sent over to be provided for. The evils of non resi- dence and pluralities followed to an exorbitant and pernicious extent. As an instance, Mansel, the king's chaplain, is stated to have held at one time seven hundred ecclesiastical livings ! Abuses of this kind became so glaring as to penetrate through the darkness of superstition itself. The * See Hallam's Middle Ages. ^ 206 LKGATES TN IRELAI«^D. people entered into associations, rose against the Italian clergy, and with the usual impetuosity of an indignant and undiscriminating mob, pillaged the barns, wasted the lands, and insulted the Eersons of those foreign ecclesiastics found in the ingdom, and when the legal authorities pro- ceeded to the investigation of these acts of vio- lence, the agents of them were found so numerous, and thoi^e of high rank, that they passed unpu- nished. The public feeling was clearly indicated by these circumstances, it evidently appears that the papal power had passed its meridian, and was beginning at least, however insensibly, to decline in consequence of the inordinate avarice and unblushing extortions of the court of Rome. To the clergy it was oppressive and disgusting, and would have been resisted and resented, had not their own immunities and authority been so inseparably involved. In the laity, however, it produced an inveterate spirit, not only in reference to papal tyranny, but towards the whole system of ecclesiastical independence. These feelings were universal, and the king, however solicitous to countenance those exactions, yet sometimes found it necessary to yield to the general clamour, and to controul them, not only in England but in Ireland. Legates were sometimes refused admit- tance into Ireland without the royal licence. They pleaded the necessity of repairing thither, to confer absolution on those who in the public commotions had laid violent hands upon the clergy ; a spiritual power not to be entrusted but to the immediate delegates of the sovereign pon- tiff. This pretence in that age of superstition could not be entirely rejected, but the strictest injunctions were sent to the government, that the •legantine authority should be confined to this sin- ENGLISH AND ITALIAN CLERGY. 207 gle 6bject; but rapacious demands, that coulcP not be openly avowed, were successfully obtained by private and clandestine management. - ; - ;! ; , In the same manner as in England, 'attentpts \*rere made to introduce numbers of ecclesiastics into Ireland. Strong remonstrances were made to Henry against this abuse, in thus investing proud and licentious foreigners with the dignities and revenues of the Irish church, whilst they Te- fused to engage in the duties of their function, or to reside in the country which they pillaged by their extortion. Henry m consequence, by letter to the chief governor, directed that the pope's agents should not only be prevented from extorting money from the ecclesiastics, but from making such shameful dispositions of the benefices. But the clergy had not only the partialities of the pope, but those of Henry himself to contend with. The neglected, the worthless, or the de- pressed among their English brethren, sought re- fuge in the church of Ireland, to the utter mortifi- cation and discontent of the whole body of eccle- siastics, both of the Irish and English race, who regarded them as aliens, and deemed the invasion of what they called their own rights equally op- pressive, whether Italy or England furnished the influx of emigrants. Though compelled to sub- mit to the royal authority, strengthened by that of the pope, they yet determined to exert all the power they had left against the invasions of the foreign clergy. The Irish clergy were indeed possessed with exalted ideas of the dignity and glory of their own church. They triumphed in their long catalogue of saints, and the legendary histories of their piety, purity, rigid discipline, and stupendous miracles ; affecting to scorn these new intruders and to dread their contamination. To further inflate this spiritual pride, Laurence prw" 208 AFFECTING PETITION. OToole, the famous archbishop of Dublin, had been canonized by pope Honorius. But how little reason they had to arrogate to themselves superi* ority in the peculiar graces of their function will appear in the following curious petition of a widow who had suffered from their violence and injustice, by which it is evident they were by no means ex- empt from the popular vices of the times, ** Margaret le Blunde, of Cashel, petitions our lord the king*s grace, that she may have her inhe- ritance which she recovered at Clonmell before the king's judges, &c. against David Macmacher- wayt, bishop of Cashel. Item. The said Marga- ret petitions redress on account that her father was killed by the said bishop. Item, For the imprisonment of her grandfather and mother whom he shut up and detained in prison untill they pe- rished by famine, because they attempted to seek redress for the death of their son, father of your petitioner, who had been killed by the said bishop, because he had their inheritance in his hand at the tireie he killed their father. And it is to be note(!l|:that the said bishop had built an abbey in the city of Cashel on the king's lands granted for this purpose, which he hath filled with robbers, who murder the English and depopulate the country, and that when the council of our lord the king attempts to take cognizance of the of- fence, he fulminates the sentence of excommuni- cation against them. It is to be noted also, that the aforesaid Margaret has five times crossed the Irish sea. Wherefore she petitions for God's sake that the king's grace will have compassion, and that she may be permitted to take possession of her inheritance. It is further to be noted, that the aforesaid bishop hath been guilty of the death of many other Englishmen besides that of her father. And that the aforesaid Margaret hath H'W >-^/. •••-■■'*- »••;'-- i^*;* •■■ < !»?>'*';■'•'' ^'i .'■■■':* THE IRISH ECCLESIASTICS. • SIQ^ , ••■■: ..■■ ■■-•-;^-:^ been guilty of the death of many other English- -J* men besides that of her father. And that the < aforesaid Margaret hath many times obtained writs of our lord the king, but to no effect, by reason of the influence and bribery of the said bishop. She further petitions for God's sake that she may have costs and damages, &c." From men of this description, even supposing the picture highly drawn, violent measures might be expected. It is not a subject of wonder therefore that irri- tated by the invasion of their rights by Italian and English ecclesiastics, they passed a bold and violent ordinance deciding that no man of the English nation should be admitted or received into a canonciate in any one of the Irish churches, nor could Henry repress this spirit but by his usual application to the pope, who in his bull addressed in consequence to the prelates and chapters of Ireland, represents their ordinance as the effect of envy and unchristian partiality, and a design to establish hereditary right in God's sanc- tuary, commanding that it should be formally re- scinded within the space of one month, and in case of a refusal threatening to rescind it by the pleni- tude of his authority, and to commission the prelates of Dublin and Ossory to declare it in his name ab- solutely null and void. But this is not the only instance in which the daring spirit of the Irish ecclesiastics was displayed. Indefatigable in their encroachments on the civil power in strict con- sistency with the spirit pervading the hierarchy, and zealous in their attempts to extend their ju- risdiction, they were sedulous in seeking occasions of dispute and litigation instead of promoting peace and smoothing asperities, artfully contriving to draw every suit into their own tribunals, but where the character of the litigant parties could vo^. 1. p 210 ECCLESIASTICAL TRIBUNALS. not Upon the broadest construction be brought within their pale, the bishops found a pretext for their jurisdiction in the nature of the dispute. Spiritual causes alone it was agreed could apper- tain to the spiritual tribunal. But the word was indefinite, and according to the interpreters of the age, the church was always bound to prevent or chastise the commission of sin. By this compre- hensive maxim the common differences of indi- viduals generally involving some charge of wilful injury, devolved into the hands of a clerical judge. ** Ecclesiastical tribunals took cognizance," says Hallam, " of breaches of contract, at least where an oath had been pledged, and of personal trusts, they had not only an exclusive jurisdiction' over questions immediately matrimonial, but also took the execution of testaments into their hands, on account of the legacies to pious uses which tes- tators were advised to bequeath. They pretended a right to supply the defects, the doubts, or the negligence of temporal judges, and invented a class of mixed causes whereof the lay or ecclesi- astical jurisdiction took possession according to priority. Besides this extensive authority in civil disputes, they judged of some offences which naturally belong to the criminal law as well as of some others which participate of a civil and criminal nature. Such were perjury, sacrilege, usury, &c. from the punishment of all which the secular magistrate refrained, at least in England and Ireland, after they had become the province of a separate j urisdiction. Excommunication still continued the only chastisement which the church could directly inflict. But the bishops acquired a right of having their own prisons for lay offenders, and monasteries were the appropriate prisons of clerks. Their sentences of excommunication were W' '■nr-CT.jB'T *^F^ THE SENTENCE OF EXCOMMUNICATION. 211 r enforced of necessity by the temporal magistrate with imprisonment or sequestration of effects, in some cases with confiscation or death." An instance of the assertion of this self consti- tuted power, presents itself in the historical annals of this reign occurring in Ireland. Stephen Songspee, the king's own natural brother, was ex- communicated with all his train by an archbishop of Dublin, and another instance is also recorded of the assumption of a bishop of Ferns, who ex- communicated the great and good earl of Pem- broke on the pretence that he had disseized his church of two manors. On the decease of this earl the bishop appeared before the king to claim those* manors. Henry ordered him to free the remains of the earl from the sentence and to pro- nounce that of absolution at his tomb. The pre- late attended the king thither, and in his presence had the audacity to pronounce with affected dig- nity and solemnity, '* O William, thou that here liest wrapped in the bonds of excommunication, if what thou hast injuriously taken away be re- stored by the king, or thy heir, or thy friends, with competent satisfaction, I absolve thee. Otherwise, I ratify the sentence, that being wrapped in thy sins thou mayest remain damned in hell for ever." As the heir would not give up the manors in dispute, the bishop confirmed his curse ! and the superstitious vulgar were taught to believe that the earl and his four brothers died without issue by the immediate sentence of hea- ven, in confirmation of that pronounced by its minister. What a strong and affecting instance is this of the power of superstition to prostrate in the soul of man all that is rational, and noble and liberal ! It is well known to the readers of English history that the contest respecting bastardy took placei|bout the eighteenth year of this reign. By ' 'JS^W%/^- :'^i|^nT?'-^~. f^^-r:- '^-'-r^sr--^- ^ .-; -* .^- T--^ '■■^^TPrrr'^ OBLATIONS. ; 213 turbulence and presumption. To keep them in any degree of temper while he ^extorted sums from them, Henry found it necessary to profess the greatest zeal for the defence of their rights and liberties. With this insincere policy the civil power was directed to gr\^e the same support to their sentence of excommunication as was allowed to the clergy in England. Accordingly, this dire instrument of ecclesiastical vengeance was levelled without mercy against all who pre- sumed to dispute their authority, or oppose their pretensions. They even carried this mordinMe abuse of spiritual authority to such lengths, that the pope, probably anticipating the disgust it must occasion, was obliged to interpose to restrict it. But the oppressions they endured drove them to make reprisals on the laity, and under the spe- cious names of oblations of the faithful, extra- vagant impositions were exacted. Tfie magis- trates and citizens of Dublin presumed to remon- strate, and ventured to circumscribe the revenues of their cathedral. The interference roused the indignation of the clergy, and the archbishop immediately fulminated a solemn excommunica- tion against the sacrilegious invaders of his church, and also laid the city under an interdict ; Cardinal Ottoben confirming the tremendous seh- tence. The citizens again remonstrated, and the cause received a formal hearing before the lord deputy and council. The clergy, however, proved triumphant, and the citizens were reduced to an abject and mortifying compromise. It was settled, that in case of any open or notorious offence, in which that of opposition to the church was of course included, a commutation for the first time should be made in money, for the second, that # the offenders should be (the relater hesitates to namefcthe humiliation) cudgelled round the church. 214 ma(;na charta confirmed. for the third, that the same discipline should be repeated publicly, at the head of a procession, and that in case of further obstinacy, they should be either disfranchised, or cudgelled round the city ! What are we to think of that community, one portion of which could propose, and another submit to such a compromise ? Nothing can show in a stronger point of view the mischief of the perverted political and moral principles of the age, which made light of the validity of oaths, and allowed that a papal dis- pensation might auruul any prior engagement, than the conduct of Henry himself on several occa- sions, although he was deemed a devout. man, and was punctual in his observances of public worship. His well known solemn ratification of the great charter is a memorable instance of in- sincerity, and of the presumption to which a cer- tainty of priestly absolution will lead an indivi- dual, as well as the inefficacy of outward cere- monies, however solemn, to produce any perma- nent or salutaiy effect upon the heart; and surely we may infer from the little influence of the Komish religion on the conduct, (of course, we speak generally,) although its splendid or solemn forms may powerfully raise and exalt the imagination, it is far from taking a strong hold of it. What can be imagined more impressive than the occurrence to which we have alluded. "All the prelates and abbots," says Hume, ** were assembled, they held burning tapers in their hands ; Magna Charta was read before them ; they denounced sentence of excommunication against every one who should thenceforth violate that fundamental law. They threw their tapers on the ground, and exclaimed, * May the soul of every one who incurs this sentence so stink and corrupt in hell.' The king bore a part iB this •-pr^jfp^r^-T^ -^^^^-^I'^^miW^- FIRST PARLIAMENT. 215 ceremony, and subjoined, * So help me God, I will keep all these articles inviolate, as I am a man, as I am a Christian, as I am a knight, and as I am a king crowned and anointed.*" Yet was this tremendous ceremony no sooner finished, than the favourites of the irresolute and facile Henry made him return to the same arbitrary and irregular administration he had thus virtually renounced, and the reasonglble expectations of his people were perpetually eluded and disap- pointed. It was in the miserable condition to which this disregard of true faith reduced the kingdom, that the aid of the commons of the realm was required. It was on January 20, 1265, that this parliament was called, forming the first outline of our present House of Commons, justly deemed the bulwark of British liberty. While the most important transactions were taking place in the political world, the papal power yet supported itself. The pope exacted the revenues of all vacant benefices, the twen- tieth of all ecclesiastical revenues without excep- tion, and the third of such as exceeded one hun- dred marks per annum, as well as the half of such as were possessed by non-residents. He claimed the goods of all intestate clergymen, and pretended a title to all monies obtained by usury ;* benevolences were also levied upon the people. Although sunk in the deepest abyss of supersti- tion and ignorance, these evils were so felt and considered, that it would appear serious thoughts began to be entertained by society to relieve it- * Interest had mounted to money, that they were tempted, such an enormous height, in- by the exorbitant interest al- stances occur offifty per cent. lowed, to remain where they paid for money. The suJBTer- were, the victims of the most ings of the Jews were dread- grievous oppressions, ful, ^t such was their love of ?«,^^5?w^'WK1^~'v^^'''y^S^V^"■■^X^ 216 THE decretaLs. self of the yoke of papal despotism ; and the Roman pontiff was obliged to devise new expe- dients, to fix it securely upon the Christian world. For this purpose it was that Gregory VII. published what are called his decretals. These consisted of a collection of forgeries, favourable to the usurpations of the court of Rome, a com- pilation of supposed decrees of popes in the first centuries. Absurd and contradictory as they were, they passed for authentic in the dark period of the thirteenth century, and men, entangled in the mazes of false literature, and the philosophy equally false then prevailing, had no internal armour to defend themselves, except some feeble rays of common sense among a few, which, however, passed for profaneness and impiety among the votaries of a religion of mere form and convenience, calling itself Christian, but destitute of the spirit which alone could entitle it to that high distinction. 217 Tl ■Tri." : ,-■ .4J CHAPTER VIII. Decease of Henry III. — Accession of Edward I.— Ireland not essentially improved — Maurice Fitz-Maurice governor — Country embroiled with civil dissensions^ increased by Scot- tish marauders — Thomas de Clare receives grants of land, passes over to Ireland — Impolicy of such grants — Contests with the new comers — Disadvantageous situation of the Irish — Petition of the Irish — The answer — Non-concurrence of those to whom final decision was submitted — Bitter jealousies and feuds prevail — Richard de Burgo, his oppressive measures — Exactions of the king — The Irish appeal to the pope — The king waives his demand — William de Vesey entrusted with the government — Dissensions not easily quieted — Vigorous government of Sir John Wogan — A more regular parliament than hitherto convened — More pacific temper prevails — Severe exactions of Edward, even the pope appears to fear him — Irish nobles join the army against the Scots — Insurrections in Ireland — Edward opposes the presumptions of the papacy — Refuses his homage to the pope — His death a calamity — The partiality of Edward II. to an individual of temporary ser- vice to Ireland — He appoints Gaveston to the government of Ireland — He is received with favour, and admired for his showy qualities — He excites the jealousy of the Irish lords — Earl of Ulster becomes his rival — They hold different courts — Frivolous subjects of dispute — Invasion by Robert Bruce — Distress and suffering occasioned by it. — Papacy takes part in the contest — Robert and Edward Bruce excommunicated — Irish send emissaries to Rome stating their distresses and oppressions of the English government — Pope exhorts Edward to leniency- — The distress of the country extreme, famine and pestilence desolate it — Two archbishops administer the govern- ment, and Prelate of Armagh endeavours to rouse the spirit of his country against the invaders — And takes part with the English — -Scots defeated — Effects of the war — Insufficiency of law to restrain excesses — English interest declines in Ireland — Clergy refuse to comply with the king^s exactions — Edward endeavours to take refuge in Ireland — Demoralized state of the times — Clergy endeavour to check the vices and disorders of the realm, by encouragement of learning — Endeavour to establish an university-^Conduct of Bishop of Ossory — p[y^i; k\' ^ ■^'^~^": ;yiljl^^ .- , ■■' - -'■ ''arf'- r"'^^J!RR" 218 ACCESSION OF EDWARD I. Charges of heresy — Attempts made to stem the torrent of papal corruption — Canons — Statute of provisos — The respect paid to the pontiff diminishes — Literature improves — Rapid march of mind — Richard Fitzraf opposes the pretensions of the friars — -He is cited before the pope y and persecuted for his bold opinions — Died in exile — Considerable ardour prevails in literary pursuits — Restoration of the civile and formation of the canon law conducive to it — Scholastic philosophy- — Zeal for ancient learning — Science is encouraged by princes — Pub- lic libraries formed — Ecclesiastical corruption — Remarks of Bernardy a proof of the mental energies of men having been roused. At the period when Henry III., worn out by the cares of his reign, and the infirmities ^f age, paid the debt of nature, his gallant son, Edward, was absent in the Holy Land ; and on his acces- sion to the throne, 1272, we do not find the state of Ireland essentially improved, for he appears to have considered other arenas for the display of his political and military talents more worthy his attention, sll though, as lord of Ireland, he ought, at least, to have been aware of the disorders and grievances that pervaded the land, to rectify which would have been a worthy exercise of his discern- ment, and other eminent qualities. The administration of the government had, some time previous to the death of Henry, been vested in Maurice Fitz-Maurice ; on the demise of Henry, Fitz-Maurice received a formal letter from his successor, notifying his accession, and con- taining the usual commands to preserve the peace, &c., and requiring the usual oaths from the liege subjects. But these formal acts had no power to controul, or to intimidate the violent and disaf- fected ; the very seat of government was insulted ; the country was embroiled in civil dissensions, while petty factions, composed of English as well as Irish, pursued their individual schemes of in- THOMAS DE CLARE. 219 terest or reveftge, m utter defiance to all legal restraint ; and to add to the general confusion, the nation was infegted by marauders from the Scottish isles, who, in the state of domestic anarchy, carried on their depredations with impunity. In this state of things, Thomas de Clare, son of the Earl of Gloucester, who had married a daughter of the Geraldines, a young lord of mar- tial spirit, received from Edward grants of land in Thomond, and led a powerful train of followers into Ireland to support his claim. Such grants, in the unquiet and jealous state of Ireland, were impolilic, as they greatly provoked the pride, and roused the resentment of the native Irish, who were, by these colonists, driven from their pos- sessions. Contests followed the arrival of de Clare and his warlike train, and the result of fierce hostilities was the defeat and overthrow of De Clare. This young noble represented his situation, and Edward issued his mandate to the prelates of Ireland, to interpose their spiritual authority to allay and compose the animosities which existed. He had scarcely done this, when intelligence of civil war in Munster, and insur- rections in Connaught reached him. Provoked by these multiplied aggressions, he indignantly recalled to England the chief governor, who had succeeded Fitz-Maurice. The government was entrusted, during his absence, to the inefficient hands of a friar ; the disaffected took advantage of it to renew their outrages. Having succeeded, however, in satisfying the king, who, intent upon what he deemed more important designs, readily listened to any thing which tended to divest his mind of Irish disturbances, the recalled governor was again remanded to his post, to repress the commotions created by his absence. 220 ENGLISH J.AWS PLSIUED. This unhappy state of affairs was most sensibly felt by those Irish, who by their local situation held constant intercourse with the English, as they laboured under the manifold disadvantages of being confined to their ancient legal institu- tions, and hence the security of their lives and properties was more precarious than that of their English neighbours, while at the same time they were destitute of similar remedies. All hope of expelling the invaders had been long resigned, and the only alternative of security against their lawless oppressions appeared to be the acqui- sition of the rights and privileges, enjoyed by those with whom they were necessarily con- nected ; and to convert their state of vassals and tributaries to the King of England, into that of subjects, amenable to his laws, and claimants of its privileges. An application was accordingly made to Ufford, the chief governor, and eight thousand marks were offered to the king, provided he would grant the enjoyment of the laws of England to the Irish inhabitants, (meaning those within what is called the English pale.) A peti- tion thus drawn from an oppressed people was favourably received by Edward, who, where his aspiring ambition did not fatally interpose, was a friend to justice. ^ We extract the answer to this petition from the pages of Leland. " Edward, by the grace of God, King of Eng- ■ land. Lord of Ireland, and Duke of Aquitain, to our trusty and well-beloved Robert de Ufford, Justiciary of Ireland, greeting. The improve- ment of the state and peace of our land of Ire- land, signified to us by your letter, gives us ex- ceeding joy and pleasure. We entirely commend your diligence in this matter, hoping (by the di- vine assistance) that the things there so happily rW^^*!^^*^s^j-r ■.fT^!^^^jjj!i?<^^^^^ "^-IsJr-' --'V' ;'■- °^^'^mP7p''^f^'^-'-'''^^>^ KING EDWARD CONSENTS. 221 begun by you, shall, as far as in you lieth, be prosecuted with the greater vigour and success. " And whereas the community of Ireland hath made a tender to us of eight thousand marks, on condition that we grant to them the laws of Eng- land, to be used in the aforesaid land ; we will you to know, that inasmuch as the laws used by the Irish are hateful to God, and repugnant to justice, and having held diligent conference, and full deliberation with our council on this matter ; it seems sufficiently expedient to us and our council to grant to them the English laws ; pro- vided always that the general consent of our people, or at least of the prelates and nobles of that land well affected to us, shall uniformly con- cur in this behalf. " We therefore commtind you, that having entered into treaty with these Irish people, and examined diligently into the wills of our com- mons, prelates, and nobles, well affected to us in this behalf, and having agreed between you and them, on the highest fine of money that you can obtain, to be paid us on this account, you do with the consent of all, at least of the greater and sounder part thereof, make such composition with the said people in the premises, as you shall judge in your diligence to be most expedient for our honour and interest. Provided however, that these people should hold in readiness a body of good and stout footmen, amounting to such a number as you shall agree upon with them for one turn, only to repair to us when we shall think fit to demand them." We may remark upon the first clause of this document, how difficult it is for a monarch to learn a correct state of affairs, through the me- dium of official channels ; and in the last, we have an evidence of the oppressive nature of 222 THE MEASURE FRUSTRATED, ambition, and the facility with which it renders circumstances subservient to its desires. The Irish were to pay dear for their privileges. Still, however, the rectitude and policy of Edward appear in his grEmting the prayer of the petition, and had his permission been seconded by those to whom he left the decision, the benefits resulting might, in all probability, have been great and permanent. Yet, notwithstanding the applica- tion was renewed, and the king used every just means to effect it ; his royal mandate was evaded by the more insidious artifices and mean subter- fuges of those, who should have eagerly seconded a measure obviously calculated to effect the most pacific ends. But the selfish principle interposed. The measure, if carried into effect, would have circumscribed their rapacious views, and con- trouled their violence and oppression; hence it was denounced as visionary and impracticable. Thus disappointed in their wishes of becoming peaceable and useful British subjects, it was natu- ral that the Irish should become irritated to a high degree, that their resentments should become more bitter, their jealousies and contests more fierce. They assumed arms, but destitute of power, union, and discretion, to form any effectual confederacy, their insurrections only served to ravage the districts exposed, to raise direful but temporary confusion, or to cover some act of individual revenge. In the lust of power and possessions, the En- glish lords and principal settlers had become bitter enemies to each other, evidenced by con- tinual acts of bloodshed. These civil broils were multiplied, and for some years remained even unnoticed by the government. The death of three great English lords, however, nearly at the same period, 1286, left Richard de Burgo, Earl of :, . ■ ■- - ■ ' ' ■ ■ ■ ' ■ • '_*'^r AIDS DEMANDED BY EDWARD. 223 Ulster, in an undisputed rank of eminence. The power, thus devolved as it were upon one who could have exercised it for good, produced no salutary effect, as it was fatally employed in oppressing and destroying all those who stood in the way of an insatiable ambition, and presuming upon the various engagements of his royal master, he pursued his aspiring course uncontrolled. The confusion in Ireland little corresponded with the good intentions in which we will believe Edward sincere towards that disturbed country, still less were they favourable to the necessities produced by his love of power, and extended dominion. He had already, by the assistance and interposition of the pope, obtained a tenth of their revenues from the Irish clergy, on the fashionable pretence of providing for an expedition to the Holy Land. But he now resolved, by his own sole authority, to try raising a further supply, before he ventured the experiment in England. In his own name, therefore, he demanded an addi- tional fifteenth of all the spiritualities in Ireland. The clergy were neither disposed to meet this demand, nor indeed were they able to comply. They appealed to Rome for protection, pleading to the pontiff against this royal encroachment on his supreme authority. At the same time, they humbly represented to Edward their total inability to meet his demand ; peremptorily refusing com- pliance with the requisition. The king did not go to the extremities he subsequently did with his English clergy ; he waived for the present his demand, and applied to the Irish laity of Ireland, and from them, after some altercation and delay, obtained a fifteenth of their effects. Upon the pretext of quieting the commotions of the kingdom, but really to enforce these de- mands, William de Vesey, an English lord, was .,,;. '■ . ■■ ^ . ': ^ .'■ ■ ^.. ■ .j. . ::;' ., - ■ .-,..- I * 224 WILLIAM DE VESEY. entrusted with the government of Ireland. En- dowed with a fearless spirit, and great activity, united with an inflexible and rigid temper, this noble seemed admirably fitted to administer the government of such a disordered state. He suc- ceeded in composing the fierce spirits of the Irish insurgents; but when he attempted to strike at the root of the public evils, by endeavouring to repress the violences of the great English lords, he provoked their animosity, which was followed by accusation and recrimination, one party alleg- ing that the other had departed from allegiance, and the other accusing his adversary of sedition and disloyalty. According to the martial spirit of the age, the combat was demanded and accepted, the day appointed ; but before it arrived, the king, informed of the contest, summoned the parties to appear before him at Westminster, where, after various pleadings and adjournments, the whole process was annulled as informal, and Vesey resigned his possessions to the king. Thus was the public interest disregarded in the asperities of individual jealousies, and malignant quarrels. Had not the violence of passion and the corrup- tion of manners been at this time irresistibly ad- verse to wise and judicious institutions, advan- tages of a high nature must have been derived to Ireland by the government of Sir John Wogan, who was appointed 1295. Possessing a temper and discretion, of which his predecessors had been destitute, his first care was to endeavour to compose the dissensions which existed, by con- ciliation and leniency. Two of the principal contending nobles consented, by his earnest con- ciliation, and powerful arguments, to enter into a truce during two years. This gave the governor some little time to attend to the general disorders. For this purpose, a parliament was more regularly PREDATORY INCURSIONS. 225 and efFectually summoned than had hitherto been convened in Ireland. Many salutary ordinances of this assembly were devised with equity and propriety, tending to promote peace, unanimity, and concord. Just and proper as they were, they had but a partial influence on a people so degene- rate and depraved, yet they undoubtedly gave a check to many disorders of the nation, and a more generally pacific disposition prevailed. The king, encouraged by this national improvement, ventured to repeat his application to the Irish clergy for a subsidy, but history is silent as to the result. The tenths formerly granted for the service of the Holy Land, and which the pope took upon him to collect, were seized by order of the king, in the hands of the Romish agents ; and without scruple applied to the purposes of his government. This however, was not the first or only instance in which the lofty and enterprising Boniface had experiences the peremptory and inflexible temper of Edward. He attempted not to resist his reso- lution in the present case, venturing no further than a gentle expostulation, and declaring he made him a free present of the revenue of the tenths of which the king had possessed himself. The renewed Scotch war obliged the aspiring Edward to have recourse to every expedient to strengthen and support himself; and in conse- quence of his Irish subjects being enjoined to assist him, several Irish nobles and their followers joined his standard, and distinguished themselves in the field. But the absence of these lords pro- duced a bad effect in their fickle countrymen ; a licentious spirit of insurrection again manifested itself, and some of the finest and most valuable of the English settlements were desolated by in- cursions. The disorder reached even the seat of VOL. I. o .,1 . ■ j- I". 22G GOVERNMENT OF GAVESTON. government, and the most vigorous measures could scarcely preserve its security. Although Edward oppressed the church with grievous extortions, he was resolute in his opposi- tion to the usurpations of the Romish see, and even the lofty minded Boniface seems to have stood in awe of him. Edward had always paid with re- luctance the tribute of one thousand marks, sti- pulated by John for himself and successors, suf- fering the arrears to run on for several successive years ; but the stipulated homage he never would yield, and the pope, it would appear, somewhat afraid to contend the point with his spirited vas- sal, did not insist upon the performance of this humiliating ceremony. There were many occa- sions during the reign of Edward I., in which his arbitrary principles and impetuous temper pushed him to the brink of danger, but he likewise saw his error in time to retrieve it, and by his vigour and abilities saved himself and the nation, and kept every one in awe ; converting materials which, perhaps, under any other monarch, would have ignited the beacon of war, into measures of indi- vidual and national advantage. The loss, therefore, of this prince was sensibly felt, and men looked anxiously towards his suc- cessor, that he might be found possessed of some of the popular qualities of his father. But weak in understanding, and infirm in will, Edvsrard II. was equally incapable of giving honour to his throne, or to promote or secure The welfare and prosperity of his dominions. The partiality how- ever of the young king to an individual, who proved unworthy of the distinction, proved of some momentary service to Ireland. When a powerful combination of the nobility peremptorily required the banishment of the unworthy Gaves- # RICHARD EARL OF ULSTER. 227 ton, a demand even enforced by parliament, the king, obliged to yield, instead of dismissing his minion to France, his native land, gave dignity to his exile, by appointing him vicegerent of Ireland, vested with power to give eclat to his govern- ment. The exterior graces of Gaveston attracted the attention and won the regards of a people, among whom his native pride had as yet made no personal enemies. The princely port and mag- nificent retinue of the new governor, captivated the eyes of those who loved display, and the vigour and high spirit of his actions, his gallant appearance, and engaging manners, seconded by his liberalities, perfectly won the hearts of the soldiers, and he proceeded successfully in the affairs of his high station. But the consequence and dignity he thus gave to his government, ex- cited the jealousy of the Irish lords ; Gaveston, therefore, soon found he was surrounded by rivals, amongst the proudestof whom was Richard, Earl of Ulster. The insolent pride which had rendered Gaveston so hateful to the English barons, was instantly aroused, when he found an individual affecting a state equal to his own. Each with a paltry rivalry, unworthy of men, and particularly statesmen, attempted to excel the other in parade and splendour. The earl held a court a.t Trim with great ostentation, and even so far affected royalty, as to confer knighthood on two young noblemen, and it is asserted that he even threatened Gaveston with open hostilities. However, before these ill-timed jealousies could produce any serious effects, the favourite was recalled, and the government was again left in imbecility and confusion. Sir John Wogan suc- ceeded to- the administration, but the laws he ordained he had no power to enforce upon a peo- ple become so corrupt. We may form some q2 ;»,T"- : ^¥^': 228 INVASION IJY EDWARD BRUCE. judgment of the perverted principles of the times, and the frivolous things which they digni- fied as essentials in religion, by the fact, that the Irish parliaments judged it a subject of great moment to agitate seriously, a contest for pre- cedence between the prelates of Armagh and Dublin, and to deliberate whether a bishop should have his crosier borne erect or depressed in some particular districts. This affair had been deemed of such importance, that it was contested in the usual manner, with violence and bloodshed ; nor was it determined till the King of England mode- rated between the parties. It is not the province of this work to enter into the detail of the invasion of Ireland by Robert Bruce, which, at a period when some degree of tranquillity was restored to the nation, by the union of two illustrious hostile families, again reduced it to the extremities of distress and suffering. It is necessary, however, to state, that the success which had attended the arms of Bruce in Scotland, had by no means passed un- noticed by those Irish, who considered themselves allied to the Albanian Scots. Despising and hating the sovereign power in England, they felt mortified that the Scots should have anticipated them in throwing off the yoke, and that they had not availed themselves of the weakness and indo- lence of Edward the second, as a period fit for self emancipation. They applied to Robert Bruce, and the result was his sending to Ireland his brother Edward, who found many of the Irish toparchs ready to welcome him. Treachery and revolt pervaded the army, even among the En- glish, and destruction marked the course of the invader, while secret disloyalty weakened the re- sisting power. In this state of things, the go- vernor had ample employ to repress the Irish i'T^sw!*.*^/' ■ THE BRUGES EXCOMMUNICATED. 229 insurgents in the very seat of government, and to apply the most effectual remedies in his power to the manifold distresses which the English had so long experienced as well as the Irish natives. His administration at this critical period was spirited, and so far effective, that the fortune of the invaders appeared to have received a check. The papacy took part in the contest, and a sen- tence of excommunication was thundered from Rome, against all the enemies of King Edward, in which sentence Robert and Edward Bruce were severally excommunicated by name. The same tremendous sentence was denounced against the Irish clergy of every order, who had preached with zeal to excite their countrymen to insurrec- tion. This interposition of the pontiff had been anti- cipated, and to guard against it, those Irish who had united with the invaders had taken the pre- caution to send emissaries to Rome with an affect- ing statement of the distress of their nation, and the oppressions of the English government. They recited the conditions on which Adrian had first permitted Henry the second to enter Ireland, but far from their having been fulfilled, they alleged that both Henry and his successors had loaded the unhappy victims of their power with continual oppressions and reduced them into such a miser- able state of slavery that they were no longer able to endure their sufferings, and had been forced to withdraw themselves from such a cruel dominion, to invite another power to redress their wrongs and take the government of the kingdom. This remonstrance had so powerful an effect upon the holy father, that soon after his sentence of ex- communication was promulged he transmitted it to king Edward accompanied with an earnest ex- hortation to weigh well the complaint and to re- . 230 THE SCOTS ROUTED. dress the grievances which had urged it. This application however, whatever might be the in- clination of the king could not be attended with any immediate change. The distresses of the country and the invaders were horrible, famine pestilence and war raged throughout the wretched country : these calamities resulting from the evil passions of men, and forming their punish- ment, were with the true spirit of the times imputed as a judgment for the heinous sin of eating flesh in lent! At this period two arch- bishops namely of Cashel and of Dublin, succes- sively administered the government, and when the English, well provided and appointed, and con- ducted by an able general, were sent to extermi- nate the invaders who had so severely harassed and distressed the nation, we find the prelate of Ar- magh a zealous partizan of the English interests, going through the ranks exhorting the men to be- have valourously against the enemies of their nation, distributing his benedictions, and pro- nouncing absolution on all those who should fall in a cause so just and honourable. This zeal animated to fresh vigour the fearless bravery of the English, the conflict was tremendous and sus- tained by both parties with equal valour, it ter- minated in the defeat of the Scots whose leader fell. The English leader Sir John Birmingham first expelled from his territory the chief Irish support of the Scots, and led back his victorious troops receiving for the reward of his high services the earldom of Louth and manor of Athendee. But unhappily for Ireland, although the invader had thus fallen a victim to his rash enterprize, the effects of the war he had enkindled died not with him. In periods of such general commotion, however wisely laws may be framed or equitably administered, they are little effective to restrain -^!5^l^??B^f?S^;T^-?^;-j^p,.v ■V.,-^r;^.,u>.;-;.:.«, "• --<-mJgp^i|f^7-^ EVIL OF CIVIL DISPARITIES. 231 the violences or viudicate the injuries of society. But even could they have this salutary power in periods of anarchy like that we have noticed, Ireland enjoyed it not, the very source of public justice was poisoned by the distinction maintained between the Irish feudary and the English sub- ject. The diflferent modes of jurisdiction by which each was governed, every succeeding day lamentably demonstrated (by the most miserable effects), as well as the baseness and wickedness of those who had favoured this evil and infatuated policy. The evil was most severely felt during the Scottish invasion, and an ordinance was made to relieve it in some degree, as it was enacted that all the Irish who had received, or should re- ceive charters of denization were for the future to be strictly obedient to, and protected by, the English laws which ordained felony to be punished capitally. The English interest however from various con- curring causes, into an explanation of which we cannot enter, sensibly declined in Ireland during the disorderly reign of Edward the second, and in the state of distress to which the nation was reduced, it may be imagined few resources could be found, or would have been sought, to minister to the necessities of England. Yet the attempt on Scotland in 1322, was made the pretext for calling off those forces from Ireland, for which there was there so much need against domestic enemies. The pope also apparently forgetful of the pathetic remonstrances of his Irish children, granted to the king a tenth of all the English revenues in Ireland for two years. To the first order the laity were obedient, and the troops proceeded to Scotland. But the clergy were refractory yet well knowing that they had to contend with those who were not to be influenced by reasons of 232 CANON LAW IN REPUTE. equity and humanity, they neither pleaded dis- tress nor inability, they had recourse to evasion, demanding the pope's original bull, and as this was not produced they refused to pay the subsidy. This act of disobedience however would not have been ventured upon, had not the wretched state of England at the time encouraged the refusers. The horrible scenes that passed there we know ended in the ruin and barbarous death of the unhappy Edward ; to whom was unjustly imputed the misfortunes which afflicted his kingdom. Edward in the extremity of his distress made a fruitless effort to throw himself into the arms of his Irish subjects. But the triumph of his enemies was complete. Among the articles of accusation urged against the king, they insulted him with the loss of his dominions in Ireland. In delineating the manners of this unhappy period of history we must be sensible that the odious vices and lawless violences which disgraced Ire- land also equally disgraced England. They were in fact vices of the times, not mere individual ex- cesses. Perhaps of the two the Irish state of morals was the more pardonable, as temptations were frequent and government less respectable. The church was not inactive in this deplorable order of things. Some prelates of Ireland la- boured with a spirit perfectly consistent with their sacred function, to give a check to the vices and disorders of the realm, by the encouragement of learning. Two successive archbishops of Dub- lin, had in the reign of Edward the second, laboured to establish an university in Dublin, not only for the study of theology, but that of the civil and canon law, the then fashionable part of literature in Eu- rope. The pontificate, to which they applied, readily granted its sanction, and in 1320 archbishop Brick- "^^SfS^fW^^l^''-:' . ?v- COLLEGE OF DUBLIN. 233 nor proceeded to erect and model an academical body in Dublin, in which degrees were conferred and studies so long continued that Edward the third enlarged the original endowment, and by spe- cial writ granted his protection and safe conduct to the students thirty eight years after the first establishment of this seminary. The period of distress and anarchy however was most unfavour- able to the laudable undertaking. The institution languished for some years in the midst of dis- sension and disorder and at length expired. " And at the very time " says the historian of whose pages we so largely avail ourselves " when this upright and ingenuous prelate was exerting himself for the improvement and refinement of his country, the cause of ignorance and barbarism was not without its abettors, and that even among his own order." Richard Ledred Bishop of Ossory, an individual possessing violent passions, and a proud vindictive spirit raised by an extraordinary act of persecution a scene of confusion in his dio- cese which soon created a great sensation through- out the Island. A person of some distinction called Alice Ketler, with her son and some of her dependents were accused of witchcraft in the spiritual court of Osi^ory . One of these dependents was condemned and executed, the son imprisoned, and Alice her- self though no charge could be clearly established against her, yet on an accusation of heresy, was tried convicted and condemned to the flames. Arnold de la Poer one of the magistrates of Kil- kenny who espoused the cause of these unhappy culprits was also charged with heresy by the •Bishop, he appealed to the chief justice, the prior of Kilmainham who countenanced and pro- tected him. The prelate instantly extended his accusation to the justice who now found it diffi- ppi , !BLf^*,tVfrr:^^T^^''?Pf'?r»> i-'*''"^ , ■" - ■' ; lui.n.j iii , . .[. i .'.'I' ,'H'MKf.i.,, I 1^' .*''\ :;;•* 234 BURNING FOR HKRESY. cult to secure himself, and left his wretched client de la Poer to expire in prison. Thus was a new weapon found to execute the private revenge of individuals, a new and horrid evil added to those already experienced in unhappy Ireland. He- 4"esy that undefined term of horror involving every sin, struck awe even into -the hearts of those who were continually breaking through every sacred bond of honour, outraging every feeling of hu- manity. The oppressor, the ravager, the murderer, each were zealous to approve themselves true sons of the church, and ready to execute her vengeance on all her enemies. A person of con- siderable family in Leinster named Adam Duff was violently seized and burnt for heresy. His offence was aggravated by a charge of horrid and senseless blasphemy : just as Ketler had her sa- cramental wafer impressed with the devil's name, and an ointment to convert Ker staff into a witch's vehicle. At length the mischief thus spread abroad, reverted upon its author. The bishop of Ossory himself was by his metropolitan formally accused of heresy and obliged to make a precipi- tate retreat. He appealed to the apostolic see, and freed his country from the consequences of his folly and superstition, called into operation to fa- vour personal animosity and revenge, but it is to be feared that he had awakened a spark which was ready to flame when circumstances afforded fuel to cherish it. ^ Many attempts were made at the period of which we now speak to stem the torrent of papal corruption, even so early as the conclusion of the thirteenth century a national synod had been held at London which undertook to reform the ecclesiastical abuses which pre- vailed. This synod in which the Welsh, Scotch and Irish clergymen were present as well as those of England was regarded as a great authority for -: ^^sP?!^'>?ffW?^ff5f|»fflif^ ; ■ •i~j?3s.«"^'^!5rffi-.^'^.: : ;• s- _-' .-^.^ '•» "fg^.'.'^V STATUTE OF PIliEBIUNlRE. 235 subsequent measures, and for a just rule of dis- cipline in the church. Several of its canons are even still in use forming part of the canon law. The ninth canon provides against the evil of non- residence, obliging the incumbent presented to a benefice to resign other preferment and to reside. The twentieth provides against commutations for offences, and forbids the archdeacon even to re- ceive money on such accounts ; for ** such prac- tices," say the synod, " amount in effect to the grant of a licence for sin." The principal Euro- pean nations indeed appeared although with dif- ferent degrees of energy to make a stand against the despotism of Rome. In this resistance Eng- land was not only the first engaged but the most consistent. Edward the third by his statute of provisos secured the rights of patrons and electors of livings against the claims of the papal see, and with his usual vigour outlawed those who should dare to appeal to Rome ; further measures tending to repress the interference of Rome were also adopted, especially the great statute of praemunire, which subjects all persons bringing papal bulls for translation of bishops and other enumerated purposes into the kingdom, to the penalties of forfeiture and perpetual imprisonment. This act combined with the statute of provisos put a stop to the pope's usurpation of patronage, which had impoverished the church and state for the space of two centuries. The laity appear at this time greatly prejudiced against the papal power, this growing dislike, and opening conviction, was evidenced in endless complaints. " The parliament pretended" says Hume, " that the usurpations of the pope were the cause of all the plagues, inju- ries, famine and poverty of the realm, were more destructive to it than all the wars, and were the reason why it contained not a third of the inhabi- 236 RESISTANCE TO ROME. tants and commodities which it formerly pos- sessed. That the taxes paid to him exceeded five times those which were paid to the king, that every thing was venal in that sinful city of Rome, and that even the patrons in England had thence learned to practice simony without remorse or scruple. At another time they petition the king to employ no churchman in any office of state, and they even speak in plain ternis of expelling by force the papal authority and thereby provid- ing against oppressions which they neither could nor would any longer endure." Men in fact be- gan to despise the pontiffs on account of their disputes about dominion, and thought of com- mitting the keeping of their souls to God alone, and even to admit it as a maxim that the prospe- rity of the church and the interests of religion might be maintained, secured and promoted without a visible head, crowned with spiritual supremacy. This was effecting a great march in mental decision, in that dark age, and here we may clearly trace the germs of reformation Be- ginning to vegetate. That they appeared perhaps more vigorous in England than elsewhere may be attributed to the hostility to the clergy, arising from the dissemination of the principles of Wick- liffe. Some of the popes sensible of the depravity of the monks endeavoured to reform them, but disorders were become too inveterate to admit of much remedy. The two principal orders of the mendicants, viz. the Dominicans and Franciscans were at the head of the monastic orders and were indeed become the heads of the church, so exten- sive was the influence they had acquired that all matters of consequence, both in the court of Rome and in the cabinets of princes, were carried on under their influence and dominion. The multi- tude over whom they sedulously used every art ^mw7^-' ■ STATE OF THE CHURCH. 237 to fix their empire had such an exalted notion of these monks, and of their credit with the Supreme Being that numbers of both sexes, some in health, others infirm, earnestly desired to be admitted into the mendicant order, which they regarded as a sure and infallible method of rendering them ac- ceptable to Heaven. They suffered therefore ap- parently but little from these various attacks, being resolutely protected against all opposition whether secret or open by the pontiffs, who justly regarded them as their best friends and most ef- fectual supports. But while that ardent desire for temporal sway which prompted the papal measures of usurpation, seemed for a time to reap its gratification, it insensibly but surely im- paired the essential constituents of papal autho- rity. The overweening anxiety of the popes re- specting the mere politics of the world and their own territory degraded, their dignity in the eyes of men. The veil woven by religious awe was gra- dually removed, and the common features of or- dinary ambition appeared without disguise. And as the cupidity of the clergy in regard to worldly estate, had lessened every where the reverence in which they had been held, so the similar conduct of their head undermined the respect felt for him, and that even in the immediate seat of his power. The censures of the church, those direful excom- munications and tremendous interdicts which had kept Europe in trembling awe, became gradually little regarded when they were found to be ful- minated in every ipJl0tf contention for territory. " The papal interdicts of the fourteenth century" observes Hallam, " wore a different complexion from those of former times." Though tremendous to the imagination they had hitherto been confined to spiritual effects, or to such as were connected with religion, such as the prohibition of marriage 238 ARDOUR FOR LEARNING. and sepulture, but were now extended to secular things. Literature, long the passive handmaid of spiritual despotism began to assert her nobler energies by ministering to truth : mankind were taught to investigate and scrutinize what had hitherto been received with implicit respect; and such was the ardour for study, that we are informed the universities were crowded with stu- dents ; thirty thousand are stated in that of Oxford alone. " What was the occupation of all these young men ? " enquires Hume, ** to learn very bad Latin and still worse logic," but that there were very many exceptions to this sweeping assertion, no candid mind can doubt. Among the most eminent professors of this age was Richard Fitz- raf, an Irishman. He was educated at Oxford, and promoted by Edward the third to the see of Armagh. He greatly distinguished himself by opposing the pretensions of the mendicant orders, who armed with papal authority encroached on the rites observed by the secular clergy, and gg- vented them from the exercise of godly discipl^|pw ** I have " this eminent prelate observes " in my diocese of Armagh about two thousand persons who stand condemned by the censures of the church, denounced every year against murderers, thieves, and such like malefactors, of all which number scarcely fourteen have applied to me or my clergy for absolution, yet all receive the sa- craments as others do, because they are absolved or pretend to be absolved by friars.'' Nor was this the only point in which Fitzraf opposed the men- dicants, he condemned and withstood their prac- tice of begging, and maintained it was every man's duty to support himself by honest labour, that it forms no part of Christian wisdom and ho- liness for men to profess themselves mendicants. That to subsist by begging ought to be matter of ''"''-~'5^'^^»^ t?*^?''-^***'^** ,^r " ■ '^"^ '^^TK5^?WT^PI5BPf*8R "^ "^ FITZRAF ARCHBISHOP OF ARMAGH. 239 necessity, not choice. That the Son of God as he never taught such doctrines, so he never prac- tised them in his own person, and that although he was always poor when on earth, he never was a beggar. Do we not see in these sentiments vigorous germs of that reformation, which was silently ma- turing itself in the hearts and opinions of men ? Striking as they did at the very root of the pre- tended sanctity of the friars, they aroused every vindictive feeling against the bold individual who dared to promulgate them. Enraged to find the very practice they gloried in as exemplifying their extraordinary virtue, represented as in its own nature even unlawful, the prelate who had dared to utter such opinions was cited by the friars to appear before Innocent the sixth, and to give an account of his doctrine. The archbishop obeyed the summons, and in the presence of the pope defended at large, and with ability, the rights of >chial ministers against the intrusions of the licants, exposing the various enormities of the What effect his defence and arguments had upon the mind of the pontiff, we are not in- formed. It is certain, however, that this bold professor of a doctrine so unpalatable to the holy see, was persecuted both by the civil and eccle- siastical powers, and underwent a variety of hard- ships. In a certain meditation or prayer Fitzraf de- scribes the outline of his own life, and particu- larly declares how the Lord had instructed him, and brought him out of the vain subtilties of Aristotle to the study of the holy scriptures. The beginning of this prayer is given by Fox, and is as follows: "To thee be praise, glory and thanksgiving, O Jesus, most holy, most powerful, most amiable, who hast said, * I am the way ^.i**»'?«UV»'Wspf^!^«^,v;^4^^ 240 HE DIES IN EXILE. the truth and the life/ a way without observation, truth without a cloud, and a life without end. For thou hast shewn me the way, thou hast taught me thy truth, and thou hast promised me life. Thou wast my way in exile, thou wast my truth in council, and thou wilt be my life in re- ward." This eminent Irish prelate was seven or eight years in exile and died in that state, having defended his tenets with fidelity and firmness, both by his discourses and writings, till the period which robbed the world of his virtuous example. Of his refutation of the reigning abuses the ac- count is ample, of his Christian spirit, doctrine and sufferings the account is brief, but sufficiently diffuse to prove that the materials were ample, had it been consistent with the religious preju- dices and genius of the age to have moulded them into form. In regard to the literature of this period a con- siderable ardour prevailed : from the latter part of the eleventh century, intellectual pursuits sc gradually to have acquired estimation. Iri| reign of our second Henry, Oxford became a rishing university, and we have seen that Dublin was also a seat of learning which under happier national auspices might have rivalled its English sister. A large proportion of the students in most of these institutions were drawn from foreign countries by the love of science, the universi- ties being each distinguished for their pecu- liar line of study. Endowments and privileges were liberally bestowed upon these institutions particularly in the three last of the middle ages, hence the spirit which had first led to their es- tablishment was kept alive and gained continual accession of ardour. ** This almost sudden (in the first instance) transition from an almost total indifference to all intellectual pursuits cannot ' THE SCHOLASTIC THEOLOGY. 241 says Hallam, "be ascribed to any general causes. Yet the restoration of the civil, and the formation of the canon law, were certainly eminently con- ducive to it, and a large proportion of the students confined themselves to jurisprudence. But the chief attraction was the scholastic theology." The love of disputation is natural to an acute un- derstanding. Mystery and speculation seem con- genial to the human mind, and are an evidence of its eternal essence. It is foreign to our plan, and far beyond our ability to enter into a dis- cussion of this philosophy, or even to name those distinguished scholars who professed and taught it. It was ultimately proved really to be a waste of the faculties which were " in endless mazes lost;" wisdom was promised to reward the re- search but it eluded the eager inquirer. " After three or four hundred years," says the interesting historian we have quoted above, ** the scholastics had not untied a single knot, nor added one une- quivocal truth to the domain of philosophy. As tyjibecame evident the enthusiasm for that kind oflRrning declined, and after the middle of the fourteenth century few distinguished teachers arose among the schoolmen, and at the revival of letters, their pretended science had few advocates left, but among the prejudiced or ignorant adhe- rents of established systems." It cannot be doubted however that the exercise of the under- standing necessary in these researches after truth, however futile the attempt to arrive at it by that intricate path, strengthened the intellectual pow- ers of men and prepared them for a wider range, the very futility of their attempts stimulated the intellect to search for a more secure anchorage, and about the period which we now review, that anchorage appears at least to be in some degree found. An ardent zeal for the restoration of VOL. I. 11 7ir'«^- - -^^ .' V ■y.'^J.^J^ri'- - . •;•. ■^■■■. ■ /v; «^ .-"..vV^y;^ ;•• ••■^-.tJ'y^'^'^W^^lf^- 242 REVIVAL OF LEARNING. ancient learning began to display itself. Princes and nobles became more attentive and attached to literature as it became less confined to meta- physical theories, and dry canons of jurisprudence. Public libraries began to be formed on a more ex- tended plan. A diligent search for manuscripts occupied the time and attention of eminent scho- lars, and Grecian learning revived. In fact, al- though the sun of science was not yet above the horizon, his refracted beams were becoming visi- ble, promising to appear in radiance above the hovering clouds which yet concealed its glorious orb. We shall see it did appear, and by its genial warmth cherished into existence those pure gems of truth which were bursting their way through the indurated soil of ignorance and superstition, but while we thus gratefully and joyfully anticipate the fruition of the hopes raised by the circum- stances we have so cursorily remarked upon, let us not too severely judge the corruptions both civil and ecclesiastical, which history, with due faithful- ness records. Amongst those who only config^d with their lips^ there were doubtless many^mo also felt in the heart. Let us recollect that while our judgment is shocked and our minds revolt from a religion of mere ceremony and parade, that they detract not from the loveliness and purity of true religion., and that many a vital spring of real godliness probably wound its peaceful and quiet way, fertilizing many a soul, though hidden from observation by the rocks of error. The excess of ecclesiastical corruption, and the bold spirit it originated in the observers may be inferred from the remarks of Bernard a French Abbot in a sermon preached before a council. He told the great assembly, that with very few exceptions they were an assembly of Pharisees who made a farce of religion and the church un- ^"^S!???^r • - y REPROOFS OF BERNARD. 243 der the mask of processions and other external marks of devotion. " I am sorry to say " he added " that in our days the Catholic faith is reduced to nothing, hope is turned into a rash presumption, and the love of God and our neighbour is extinct. Among the laity falsehood bears the chief sway, and avarice predominates among the clergy. Among the prelates there is nothing but malice and iniquity. At the pope's court there is no sanctity, lawsuits and quarrels being the felicity of that court, and imposture its delight." When men dared to utter such sentiments in open coun- cil, the papal power must be thought tottering beneath the weight of its own corruptions. They breathe a spirit of inflexible truth and strong good sense, not the fruit of scholastic theology, but derived from the purer fountain of Christian study and that firm bearing of soul which it in- duces when truth is the object to be attained. R 2 •i-i'. ■•". ■•i-f.-\--_ -'ir r. ■-.- . - r,---Y:\:'—^r^jr^ys^^^gwfrt:j>"ls^ 244 CHAPTER IX. Subject resumed — Disappointment of the Irish — Consequences — Sir Anthony Lucy nominated governor — His vigorous pro* ceedings — The king declares his intention of visiting Ireland — His insincerity y neglect of Ireland — Injudicious measures — Ecclesiastics frequently employed in official affairs^ reasons why — Edward's displeasure and severity — Jealousy and dis- sension created — Parliament summoned at Dublin — Did not obey — One convened by the Lords at Kilkenny — Prepare a remonstrance to the king — King's answer gracious — Ralph d' Ufford appointed chief governor — His vigorous measures — His death unfortunate — Irritated lords repair to England^ two of them appointed to attend the king to France — Pro- ceedings of the parliament in Ireland — Ralph Kelly, bishop ofCashel refuses to levy a subsidy — Consequences — Tran- quillity at length obtained — Sir Thomas Rokeby's meritorious government — Insurrections renewed — Earl of Desmond made governor, his speedy death — Useful ordinances of parliament and salutary regulations — Strong and obnoxious measures against the Irish — Impatience of the king — Sends his second S071 Lord Lionel to Ireland — Prejudices counteract every ex- pected advantage — Endeavours to repair his error — Created Duke of Clarence — Recalled to England — Things revert to their former state — Clarence again sent — A parliament as- sembled at Kilkenny — Statute of Kilkenny — Clarence again leaves Ireland — Earl of Desmond made governor — Dissen- sion and war — Parliament convened — Repugnance of nobles to repair to Ireland — Sir William Winsore appointed go- vernor — Hires the Irish chieftains to oppose the incursions of their country meit — The king complains of the defciences of the Irish revenue — Commands a parliament to be summoned — It refuses supplies — Displeasure of the king — His passion- ate conduct — Controversy with the parliament — The jnilitary genius of Edward inimical^ to Ireland, to be lamented — English interest declines in^reland — English clergy, their conduct — Religious opinions on interesting study — The pro- gress of intellectual improvement uniform — Literature encou- raged — Circumstances progressively favourable to freedom of discussion and mental emancipation — Infallibility of the pope questioned by many — Wickliffe — Sacerdotal orders quarrel f^-- -^^Pf '^^^^^^r»?? -??^~^'' vf!l!4" • ■ : - ; • . V ■-'^: ?"T ' ■-•<^<-: -^*' t "S*^ ■ -^. --•'^■T^^ 245 I among themselves — Persecution renders men m^re zealous — Great schism in the church contributes to weaken it — Digres- sion — Death of Edward the third — Accession of Richard the second — Complaints of the English parliament — Those of Irish subjects as to absentees — Objects of the English govern- ment — Parliament convened — De Vere the king's favourite created Marquis of Dublin — He is sent to Ireland with ex- tensive powers — Richard hesitates and withdraws his consent to part from his favourite — Distresses of the Irish — Gloux:es- ter proposes to pass over to still the disturbances — He is pre- vented by the kitig, who resolves to go himself — He is assisted by his parliament — Lands at Waterford — Pride of the Eng- Ashy and assumption of superiority defeat the good which ynight have resulted — Narrow minded measures — Irish chiefs do homage — Elation of the king — Chieftains invested with knighthood — Magnificent display of the king — Writes to his uncle York — The reply — Richard is requested to return to England — The Lollards — The king besought to protect the church from this heresy — Richard's proceedings before de- parture from Ireland — Earl of Marche appointed his vicege- rent — War is soon resumed — A pretence for a second royal ex- pedition — Unmindful of the storm brooding in England de- creed to overwhelm him, Richard lands at Waterford — Distresses the army encountered — Intelligence from England — Panic of the king — His deposition arid death — Confusion of Ireland — A subsidy granted by the English parliament for the service of Ireland — Duke of Lancaster appointed vicegerent — Invasion of the Scots — Arrival of the duke — Art Mac Murchad — Little effected by Lancaster — He returns to England — Butler prior of St. John left deputy — Proceedings in Ireland — Black rent — Penal acts passed against heresy The king advised to seize the temporalities of the church — Henry the sixth disregards Ireland — Sir John Stanley, go- vernor, short continuance — Crawley, archbishop of Dublin succeeds — War arid faction distress the kingdom — Lord Fur- nival, governor — Decisive measures, but partial — Prejudices of the English against the Irish — causes of them — Narrow policy of the English government on the point — The king memorialized — The chancellor refuses to sanction it with his seal — Indignant feelings roused — Earl of Ormond succeeds Furnival — Petition sent to the king — The prayer of it — Satisfaction of Ormondes government — Litigation of the clergy — Want of amity among the Irish — Accession of Henry thfi fourth has no effect in Ireland — Earl of March and Ulster appointed to the government — Deputes the bishop of Meat h — Altercations in consequence — State of the church and litera- ture — Learning flourishes — Arts and science cultivated (ind 246 CIVIL DISQUALIFICATIONS. encouraged — Pontiffs patrons of letters, Nicholas thejifth-^ Invention of printing — Favouring causes of itnprovement— The church corrupt — John Huss — Jerome of Prague — Coun- cil of Constance — Monastic orders, their degeneracy — Dimi- nution of the papal power — Causes — Fratercelli, their suffer- ings — Brethren of common life^ their rule — Schools of the Lollards — Religion debased — The scriptures studied by many — Reflections. We now return to the period from which the foregoing general observations have in some de- gree led us, as referring to Ireland, after having related the execution of Alice Ketler on a charge of heresy. The prior of Kilmainham appears in that unfeeling affair as an unsuccessful mediator. He subsequently became Lord Chancellor, and finally the government was entrusted to him. His administration was honourably distinguished by an office peculiarly consistent with his sacred function, as well as that justice which should ever mark the conduct of a chief magistrate. He effected by his mediation a reconciliation between several great contending lords, which greatly strengthened the English interest and consequent- ly tended to awe the Irish insurgents, who smart- ing under the effects of their own turbulence, and dreading the existing state of union among the English, again addressed themselves to the throne of England petitioning for a removal of those legal distinctions which increased so much the anarchy of the land, praying that they might be abolished, and the Irish be admitted to the state and privileges of English subjects, without obliging individuals to sue for special charters. (There are many instances recorded of this having been done during the reign of Henry the third.) The petition as on former occasions was remitted to the chief governor Darcy, who had succeeded to the prior. He was directed to refer it to the ^'.^"^^m^- '^^,-,-;^r.j.,. . .V,- .. . . ■ ;■ , - •;;.?>^;--V ...-_,;-. ^(S^F- NAllROW POLICY. 247 Irish parliament ; and it was with the same nar- row and iniquitous policy, which had operated in former instances, either clandestinely defeated, or openly rejected. Thus did pride and self interest prevail over that generous conciliating system which might have effected the greatest national changes, have composed the turbulence of faction, struck at the root of pernicious prejudices, and diffused with the enjoyment of equal rights and privileges an union of action, and connection of interests, which would have equally promoted the happiness and prosperity* of all. Their reason- able petition thus contemned, the naturally violent and impetuous spirit of the Irish again burst forth in an insurrection more simultaneous than had hitherto occurred. The flame of war soon raged in Meath, in Munster, and the fairest of the Eng- lish settlements. The first successes of the in- surgents encouraged them to proceed in their devastating course. We are told that in their triumphant and impetuous progress they sur- rounded a church, in which there were about eighty persons of English race, assembled at their devotions. These unhappy persons, well aware they had no mercy to expect from a furious and cruel enemy, petitioned only that their priest might be suffered to depart unmolested. This generous and affecting supplication, however, only urged the merciless ravagers to make the priest the first object of their vengeance. He held the host elevated before them, in the hope that the view of that awful object might have some in- fluence upon their minds ; but so far from the sacred image having this desired effect, the sight of it seemed to render them more furious. They tore it from the enfeebled grasp of the terrified priest, and spurning it to the ground, trampled upon it in impious mockery. They then plunged ■.^. ■ ■-,,^^ . '■■ ' . - y^^w^^vm ^48 sill ANTHONY LUGY. their weapons into the body of the holy man, who had endeavoured to deprecate their fury, and the church, together with all the miserable people within it, was destroyed by fire. The horror conceived by these desperate acts demanded the most prompt and vigprous measures to arrest them. Deliberations were held, and armaments prepared; but their leaders were divided, and their troops employed with little honour or ad- vantage. . . , In this state of anarchy and inefficiency. Sir Anthony Lucy, an English knight, was appointed to the government. Astonished and indignant at the insolence of the Irish, he justly suspected they were secretly instigated and abetted by some factious nobles. He entered on his administra- tion with a determined purpose to support the interests of his king, by a vigorous opposition to the Irish insurgents, and a spirited investigation of the insidious practices of his insincere adhe- rents. With this view he summoned a parliament at Dublin, but his order was little regarded, and the assembly was inconsiderable. It was ad- journed to Kilkenny, and the numbers were still less. Disaffection, the governor supposed to be the cause of this disregard of his authority ; and he determined to strike at the root of the evil, which he believed to be the disloyalty of some English lords. He caused six of them to be seized ; the evidence against one of them, named William Bermingham, was conclusive and forci- ble ; he was condemned and executed, and his brother escaped only by his privilege as an eccle- siastic. But even the activity and power of Sir Anthony Lucy oould not have proved equal to the vigorous opposition required, had ,not Edward at this period discovered an unusual attention to Ireland, MEASURES OF EDWARD III. 249 even to declaring his design of visiting that por- tion of his realm. He summoned some Irish lords to his court, and also all those barons of the realm of England, who enjoyed lands in Ireland. This and many other preparative measures seemed to indicate a settled purpose of complying with the desire^ of his parliament, and engaging in the effectual reduction of Ireland, where the English power, we have amply seen, had as yet obtained but a precarious and disputed settlement. ' Still Ireland was fated to be but the secondary concern of its monarchs. All the preparations of Edward proved but^ a specious pretence for de- manding supplies from his parliament, a veil to con- ceal those designs, which, though less honourable and justifiable, were better suited to the ambitious spirit of the young monarch. To recover the kingdom of Scotland was his aim, therefore when every thing was prepared for the pretended ex- pedition to Ireland, the king removed the mask, and ordered the forces to march to the frontiers of Scotland. The only course, therefore, now left for the regulation of Ireland, was that of treating with the adversaries of the government. Accordingly, the prior of Kilmainham was com missioned to enter into such conventions with all the insurgents, both Irish and of English race, as he should judge most expedient. ** Thus," remarks Leland, " were the turbulent and dis- affected taught their own power, and the weak- ness and inefficiency of the government which attempted to controul them. Insidious accommo- dations were readily concluded, and a number of secret enemies admitted to the royal grace and favour, whose perverse dispositions were; thus cherished, instead of being broken by a steady, firm, and vigorous authority.'' 250 ADVANCEMENT OF PRELATES. We frequently find that ecclesiastics were em- ployed in state affairs, several instances of which we have related, strong as were the reasons against this custom, entrenched as they were in privileges and immunities, exempted from secular jurisdiction, so as to escape with impunity upon any malversation in office, treason itself not being deemed a canonical offence — in fact, unbound by any political law or statute. Yet, on the contrary, there were many strong and peculiar causes, which rendered their employment desirable, and favoured their promotion to the highest political offices. Possessing almost all the learning of the age, and those qualities essential to the due dis- charge of civil responsibilities; the prelates enjoyed an equal degree of dignity with the barons, and gave weight, by their individual autho- rity, to the powers entrusted to them, while at the same time, they were restrained by the proprie- ties of their character, from the practice of that open rapine and violence, too often practised by the nobles. Nor, from their celibacy, were they so likely to endanger the crown, by accumulating wealth, and with it influence in their families. These reason§ induced the English monarchs generally to employ ecclesiastics in official affairs, and thus was their influence every way ex- tended. But the evils of a distracted, discontented state, were not to be remedied or removed by an inju- dicious condescension to the enemies of the En- glish interest. Feuds, insurrections, violence, ravage, revolt, could not but produce a deficient revenue, and therefore proved extremely displeas- ing to the ambitious Edward, meditating his vast designs against France. Obliged to seek every resource to supply his finances, he depended upon Ireland as one channel from which he might draw. i:-' ^TisfT^-:,' ARBITRARY ORDINANCES. 251 But here he was altogether disappointed. For- getting that the. causes of this disappointment originated in his own neglect of Ireland, he ac- cused his servants and ministers of neglect and corruption, and passionately denounced the ter- rors of his resentment against the government in that kingdom, and he at once determined on the most arbitrary and offensive measures. After the most oppressive ordinances, the king, with a want of just feeling, and an intemperance unwor- thy of him, concluded his requisitions, or rather peremptory commands, with one which could not fail further to irritate a people conscious of their own merits, and those of their ancestors. The ordinance we here insert at large from Le- land, as a proof of the absorbing nature of am- bition, and the facility with which it prostrates to its purposes every sentiment of justice and humanity, and even of generous and wise policy. ** The king, to his trusty and well-beloved John Darcy, Justiciary of Ireland, greeting : Whereas it appeareth to us and our council, for many rea- sons, that our service shall be better and more profitably conducted in the said land by English officers, having revenues and possessions in Eng- land, than by Irishmen, or Englishmen married and estated in Ireland, and without any posses- sions in our realm of England, we enjoin you, that you diligently inform yourself of all our officers, greater or lesser, within our land of Ire- land aforesaid, and that all such officers beneficed, married, or estated in the said land, and having nothing in England, be removed from their offices ; that you place and substitute in their room other fit Englishmen, having lands, tenements, and be- nefices in England, and that you cause the said offices in future to be executed by such English- 262 IRRITATION WHICH ENSUES. men, and none other, any ord,er of ours to you made in contrariwise notwithstanding." The liberal and just mind will at once see the iniquitous and impolitic severity of this ordi- nance, which, by one general sentence of dis- qualification, pronounces the descendants of those who had originally gained the English posses- sions in Ireland —who had endured so much to establish and maintain them — who had shed their blood in the service of their king — to be indis- criminately dangerous to the state, and to be de- clared incapable of filling any of its offices ; shut^ ting them out even from the meanest department of that government they were bound to obey, and introducing those who, without local interests or attachments, were too likely to oppress others, and attend only to their own narrow and selfijsh interests ; drawing their incomes from a country, which they gladly left, to enjoy them in their na- tive land ; and laying the foundation for all those multiplied evils of absenteeism , felt with so much force even af.this very day. Thus essentially injured, and even wantonly insulted, the old En- glish inhabitants determined not to yield their rights with an abject resignation. The new comers insolently triumphed. Jealousy and dis- sension pervaded every part of the government, and soon proved the impolicy of the measures taken. A common cause was made, and a formidable combination of the different classes was* formed, to resist the fulfilment of an ordinance so un- just. So great was the irritation, that the chief governor deemed it necessary to summon a par- liament at Dublin, on the critical emergence. This governor was of no higher rank than an En- glish knight, nor was he distinguished either by ASSEMBLY AT KILKENNY. 253 fortune or abilities. It was considered not the least of the insults which the great lords he was to govern had to sustain, that the royal authority should be vested in an individual so inferior in rank. They determined not to obey his sum- mons, but when the parliament was to meet at Dublin, the governor received intelligence that another assembly, far more numterous and re- spectable, had been convened by the lords at Kilkenny, styling themselves the prelates, nobles^, and commons of the land. They might be deemed more truly formidable t6 the royal authority, as they affected to assemble peaceably, in order to prepare a remonstrance to be trans- mitted to the king. This remonstrance urged plainly and forcibly the just ground of the peti- tioners' complaints, as to the various instances of corruption, oppression, and extortion, which'dis- graced the government, and with particular energy represented to the king, that his Irish sub- jects had been traduced and vilified to the throne, by those sent to govern them— men who came into the kingdom without any knowledge of its state, circumstances, or interests, whose sole in- tent was to repair their shattered fortunes ; who were unable from their poverty to support their state, and minister to their passions, until they had supplied themselves by extortion, at the expense of the people for whom they had no kindred feeling, or national sympathy. Yet; notwith- standing this great oppression and continual evil, the English subjects of Ireland had ever adhered with loyalty and due allegiance to the crown of England, &c. To the several grievances alleged, the answers of the king were now gracious and condescending, which he found necessary, as he was preparing for his grand expedition to France. He dccord- 264 SIR RALPH d'uFFORD. ingly, having promised to the petitioners that the grants of his progenitors should be restored to them without diminution, and that those made in his own reign should also be ratified, on suffi- cient surety that they should be again surrendered if found to have been granted without just cause, — sent his letters to the officers of state in Ireland, intimating that he had already applied to the principal lords, and directing them immediately to treat with those lords, in order to prevail upon them to send their respective vassals into Bri- tanny with all possible expedition. It does not appear whether the royal intentions for the redress of grievances were defeated, but it is certain that jealousies and dissensions still continued. Sir Ralph d'Ufford possessing an active and vigorous Sipifit, was appointed chief governor, and not only executed his delegated power with zeal, but rigour, he ordained that the king's lands should have but one war and one peace, that wherever the attack was made, whether a large or small por- tion, it should be considered as an universal in- jury, and that all were to unite, as in common cause, to repel one common danger. He took the most vigorous measures against the turbulent and disaffected lords, and compelled them to. submit to his authority ; and although the principle of fear and terror is the most objectionable engine of a generous government, yet it is probable the sy%r tem might have proved useful in the then state of Ireland, had not the sudden death of the go- vernor left the result in doubt, his work unful- filled, and deprived his sovereign of an active and meritorious servant. His successor. Sir John Morris, acted with greater leniency and condescension. Several of the irritated lords were advised to repair to Eng- land, and seek redress from the throne. Their ■m':fWr- ■■ ■^^y-' SUBSIDY GRANTED. 255 visit was well-timed. Two of them, Desmond and Kildare, were appointed to attend Edward in his glorious expedition to France. The king was well pleased to engage Desmond in his ser- rice ; his complaints were listened to with the most gracious attention, redress of all wrongs promised, and he was in the meantinie taken into the king's pay, to attend him with a considerable train into France. Kildare, won by the gracious reception of the monarch, also joined the royal standard, and was so distinguished by his valour at the siege of Calais, that he received the honour of knighthood from the king, and returned to his country with that consequence derived from being the object of royal favour, and from the brilliancy of high military service. ^^ Ireland had in the meantime two chief go- vernors, who were employed as usual in the means of defence against the perpetual incursions of the Irish, In order to remedy the abuse of coyne and livery, and to relieve the subject from the heavy pressure of such demands, a parlia- ment resolved to grant a subsidy for mainte- nance of the Irish war, of two shillings from every carucate of land, and two shillings in the pound from every person whose fortune amounted to six pounds. We mention this grant, as out of it arose an incident which marks the state of the country, and in which the conduct of an eccle- siastic is involved. The see of Cashel was at the time occupied by Ralph Kelly, an Irishman, who though he had sworn allegiance, and received his temporalities from the king, yet was so strongly imbued with the prejudices of his country against the English government, that to impede its ope- rations, and to question and resist its acts, was deemed by him even meritorious. He therefore resolved vigorously to oppose the levying of the '".'•^S 256 ARCHBISHOP RALPH KELLY. above-named Subsidy through his province. By which, it wouid appear, that the grant extended to ecclesiastical persons, and the tenants of eccle- siastical lands. His suffragans of Limerick, Emly, and Lismore were summoned to confer with him, and with the;ir concurrence, he issued an ordinance, that all bealeficed clergymen who should presume to pay their allotted share of the subsidy, should immediately be deprived, and declared to be incapable of holding any eccle- siastical benefice within the province ; and that all lay tenants who should comply with the re- quisition were to be excommunicated, and their children disqualified for any ecclesiastical prefer- ment, even to the third generation. Even this bold and severe edict did not satisfy the indignant feelings and violent zeal of the archbishop. He repaired to Clonmel in all the state of his high sacerdotal office, robed in the habit and with the attendance suited to the most solemn exercise of his holy function, so as to strike the minds of the populace with awe and reverence. He publicly and solemnly denounced the sentence of excommunication on all those who paid, imposed, procured, or in any manner contributed to the exacting of this subsidy from any of the persons or lands belonging to his church, and on William Epworth, by name, the king's commissioner, in the county of Tipperary^, for receiving it from the different collectors. An information was exhibited against the prelate for this offence, and resistance of the laws. He denied the charge, pleading, that by the great charter, granted by the crown to England and Ireland, it was provided, that the church, both of England and Ireland, should be free ; that by the same charter it was ordained, that those who infringed the immunities of the church should be y^^0W{Fm^-S '^f-'-v^w^^^^^'^- -■■'■-;■'■.-■■ - -iq . -r . ''i^^^fm/ff^-rfT-f^^' MODERATION OF ROKEBY. 257 ipso facto excommunicated, therefore he had but exercised his just spiritual power against those who violated the king's peace, or levied money on the subject without his knowledge and con- sent; and that Epworth in particular had been excommunicated, for refusing canonical obedience to his ordinary. Notwithstanding these argu- ments, the arclii)ishop and his suffragans were found guilty ; but though they repeatedly refused to appear in arrest of judgment, their cause was too popular, and their influence too powerful f6r punishment to be awarded for the offence, in which, however objectionable may be deemed the means he resorted to, he seems to have been actuated by a just sense of right, and a lawful resistance of its violation. By the favour which had been shown to the Earls of Desmond and Kildare, and by several judicious regulations, the peace of the English territories appears to have been preserved for a longer period than had before occurred. 1353. Sir Thomas Ro^eby, an English knight, conducted the government with an equity and in- tegrity which too seldom had distinguished his pre- decessors, and by his own noble and disinterested moderation, set the laudable example to those lords who had ministered to their luxurious pas- sions by pillage and extortion. " I am served," said this genuine Englishman, *' without parade or splendour, but let my dishes be wooden rather than my creditors unpaid." A sentiment which should immortalize his memory, and raise the suffusion of shame on the front of many, his equals in power and rank, but destitute of his noble spirit of independence. Unhappy was it for Ireland, that his integrity and disinterested zeal, eminent as they were, could not give weight and due consequence to his authority in a coim- vol., I. s »••"«& ■ ■ "^n^MF" • ' ' :;■•■ ■fflKT •".•■. ."tf-J^ip ^' 258 ADMINISTRATION OF ROKEBY. try, to the local situation of which he was a stranger, and where the interests and passions of those he was to govern were in continual, violent, and pernicious collision. Insurrections of the Irish were renewed, and the king determined to appoint the Earl of Des- mond (now in perfect reconciliation to the crown) to the government of the disoisdered kingdom, rightly judging, that his warlike qualities, exten- sive connexions and dependencies, rendered him peculiarly calculated for the dignity. What ef- fects might have resulted from his administration were not, however, proved, as the earl died soon after his appointment. Rokeby resumed the reins, and some useful ordinances of parliament distinguish the period. Amongst them may be ranked the privilege of Irish subjects to refer to their own parliaments to obtain redress, in any erroneous proceedings of their courts, which they had hitherto been obliged to seek in England at a great expense and trouble. Some salutary regulations respecting the instruction of the peo- ple, also mark the increasing expansion of mind distinguishing the period. An ordinance, to pre- vent the evil and inconvenience arising from the non-residence of pastors, was followed by one for the due regulation both of church and state, and the more effectual execution of the English laws. They begin with a declaration, that the liberties and immunities of the church shall be preserved inviolate, and then proceed to point out the re- gular and legal method for adjusting the general interests and concerns of the state. Among several provisions for the execution of justice, and the protection of the subject, according to the great charter, one which evidences the temper of the English subjects in Ireland deserves men- tion. " Item. Although the English born in Ire- -jSvTt, '-r ORDINANCE RESPECTING THE ENGMSII. 259 land, as well as those born in England, be true Englishmen, living under our dominion and sove- reignty, and bound by the same rights, customs, and laws, yet various dissensions have arisen among those of both races, on account of national distinction, from whence some evils have arisen, and greater are to be apprehended, unless a remedy be speedily applied. Our pleasure is, and we strictly enjoin that our Lord Justice, call- ing unto him our chancellor and treasurer of Ire- land, and such nobles as he shall think proper from the districts in which such dissensions have arisen, shall frequently as need may be, dili- gently inquire into such dissensions, maintain- ances, and factions, and the names of those by whom they are supported, and causing due pro- cess to be made against the delinquents, shall, when convicted, punish them by fine, imprison- ment, or any just method, as such dissensions manifestly tend to lead our liege people into sedition and treason." Thus while legal inflic- tions were ordained for overt acts, of which, in- deed, they could only take cognizance, the origin of the streams of error and of guilt from which they inevitably flowed, were disregarded or not appreciated. The governors of Ireland appear to have for- gotten thaf it constitutes the very essence of crime, to be unmindful of its consequences. Few culprits who violate and suffer the vengeance of the law, are the dupes of their own ignorance, they are rather the slaves of passion, the victims of inveterate habit, or of a supposed or real ne- cessity. In a divided and discontented popula- tion, circumstances must be of continual recur- rence, which would rouse the passions, outrage the habits, and make the necessity of dissension, and faction, and competition, as a remedy was s 2 2G0 OPPRESSION OF THE IRISH. applied to one evil, another presented itself eluding every endeavour of even a vigilant govern- ment to ensure any permanency of tranquillity. Thus to guard against the treacherous subtilty of the Irish, and to discover that pernicious cor- respondence which the increasing degeneracy of the English had encouraged, it was enjoined by royal mandate, that no mere Irishman should be admitted into any office or trust, in any city, borough, or castle, in the king's land ; that no bishop or prior, under the king's dominion and allegiance, should admit any of this race to an ecclesiastical benefice, or into any religious house, on account of consanguinity, or other pre- tence whatever. This severe deprivation of com- patriot privileges, malice, and self-interest, were ready to extend far beyond its original intention. The denized Irish were excluded from ecclesias- tical preferments, by virtue of the clause which directed that these should be bestowed upon English clerks. Thus one evil produced many. The clergy, however, with becoming spirit, applied to parliament for relief, and succeeded in obtain- ing an explanation in favour of their rights. It certainly would appear, by the strong and obnoxious measures against the Irish, that they were regarded in a very degraded light — even a race irreclaimable. The resistance bf the op- pressed, and the irritations of national pride, were imputed as natural defects to cruelty and barbarism. No measures seem to have been taken to conciliate the affections, but all seemed ready in endeavours to subdue the persons, and invade the possessions of the Irish. The English appear not to us as the protectors and benefactors of the people whose land they invaded, but anxious to prove themselves their lords. We, perhaps, should expect too much in the then LIONEL, DUKE OF CLARENCE. 261 state of society, to observe those who considered themselves conquerors of a barbarous " people, following up that conquest, by a generous zeal for general happiness, and by liberal sentiments and extensive views of national welfare, gradually converting *' the rudeness, the disorders, and distresses of anarchy, into the peace, dignity, and the multifarious advantages and comforts of social and civil life." Our third Edward, whose course had been that of success and glory, impatiently regarded the . complicated and continued "disorders of Ire- land, and once more directed his attention to that portion of his dominions. Lord Lionel, his second son, had in his very childhood been affianced to Elizabeth, daughter to the deceased Earl of Ulster, and inherited that earldom in right of his wife, as well as the lordship of Con- naught, and extensive annexed domains. The interest of his son, and the welfare of his Irish dominions, combined to determine Edward to consign the government to him, with the highest powers to give weight and authority to it. After various formalities and exertions, indicating great designs, about fifteen hundred men were collected, headed by Lord Lionel, and attended by several knights and leaders of distinction. Much might have been effected with this in- considerable force, if duly supported by the great lords of Ireland. But unfortunately for that ill- fated land, the royal governor passed to his high station fraught with all those unhappy prejudices and false ideas, which had prevailed respecting the character of those he was appointed to govern. Hence, with a folly which only his youth could excuse, he regarded the whole race, without dis- crimination, as utterly beneath his regard, unwor- r -•■r^'ll'7■■ '^ "''■■. - CLEMENT VI. UKBAX VII. SCHISM. 273 spiritual guides, and it was more safe fot the pon- tifical power to command Christians to add to their prayers the salutation of the angel Gabriel to the holy Mary, than to teach them to search the scriptures, and to trace from beginning to end man's primeval dignity, unhappy fall, and means for final restoration. There can be little doubt that the papacy was considerably weakened by the schism which took place in this century respecting the election of Urban the sixth, and Clement the seventh,* of which we have made mention in our illustrative note, a dispute which distracted Europe during a long period, the different kingdoms being di- vided, as was Galway, according to their several interests between the two pontiffs. Each party condemned the other as schismatics, and as rebels to the true vicar of Christ. Thus the appellation of Clementines and Urbanists were respective terms of reproach, and each regarded the other with all the bitterness of party spirit. Two or three of the pontiffs who flourished in this century, offer such strong moral contrasts that we may be permitted to digress a little by sketching some circumstances relating to them. The most pleas- ing and remarkable was Clement the sixth, who not only was one of the most profound scholars of the age, but a wise and beneficent prince, for the ten years of his pontificate were iparked by many brilliant and glorious actions. The most generous of men, nothing was so painful to him as to be obliged to a refusal. Not content with bestowing the treasures of the church in great profusion, he expended considerable sums in the foundation of useful establishments, in giving marriage portions to orphans, and in relieving * This schism continued from 1378 — 1417. VOL. I. T 274 CIIAllACTER OF CLEMENT VI. noble faiiilies who had fallen into indigence. Petrarch observes " none ever better merited the name of Clement, which was well deserved by his actions." An instance most honourable to his heart is related. A person who had very deeply offended him ventured to ask a favour from him. He was tempted to seize this fair opportunity of revenging himself, but he resisted the impulse and granted the favour. Endued with a com- manding and natural eloquence, he spoke with energy and without premeditation, with equal dig- nity and fluency. Possessed of the essential re- quisites for a true orator, he transfused with sin- gular facility his own sentiments into the minds of others, directing the impulses of the heart as he chose, but ever breathing peace and union; wherever he saw the sparks of war, he hastened with the true spirit of a minister of peace to smother them ere they could rise into a flame. Avignon, which was the seat of the papal court during his pontificate, 1342, presented at that time a mixture of splendour and poverty, very striking and indicative of the manners and character of the age. The houses of the native inhabitants were low and ill built, and in manv instances in a state of dilapidation caused by the w^r against the Albigenses, when the place was devastated by orders of the papal legate sent on a crusade against the Count of Toulouse, in 1226. It is at all times a delightful exercise of the rational and pious mind to trace in the circumstances of life, the moral compensations of an overruling provi- dence. The long continued residence of the papal court at Avignon, was, as it were, an involuntary reparation for the cruel and unjust vengeance it had exercised within its walls, and that residence was one of the most efficient causes of the abase- ?^i!?>^y'^^7^~ff^~^-^-^^ ' ■. ^w^.^'^ .*:-rV. ' ■ . ", 'ftr-^W^^V^^' HIS COURT AT AVIGNON. 275 ment of a power then so cruelly abused. What- ever might have been the poverty of the original inhabitants, the pope and the cardinals vied vv^ith each other in erecting stately towers and palaces, not only within the city, but beyond its precincts, on the delightful banks of the Rhone. During the pontificate of Clement VI. the papal court at Avignon assumed a splendour and magnificence till then unknown. Clement, born of an illustrious race, was affable, noble, and ge- nerous, having from his birth acquired the habits and manners of a man of rank, who had lived only in the courts of princes, amidst regal mag- nificence and state. No sovereign exceeded him in expenditure, nor bestowed his favours with more generous grace. The sumptuousness of his furniture, the delicacy of his table, the splendour of his court, filled with knights and esquires of the ancient nobility, was unequalled. Delighting in the chase and in horses, his stud consisted of the finest that could be procured. Accustomed to the society of ladies, he continued to associate with them when pope. But here our praise must cease on this point. JNIorality must condemn his attachment to the Viscountess de Turenne, who, as is usual when the affections are thus engaged by an illicit object, was the channel of favour, and possessed a pernicious influence over his mind. This circumstance, however, proved no obstacle to other ladies resorting to the papal court of Avignon ; the rival beauties of every country formed the circle there, some to follow the fortunes of their husbands, some to partake of the pleasures and fetes which a bril- liant court afforded, and others to procure alliances for their daughters. Avignon was, also, at this period, the residence of ambassadors- from every state in Europe, and was frequently visited by T 2 -^•, t:--'>7 276 MENDTCAXT FRIARS. their respective sovereigns, many of whom had even fixed residences there. It was also the resort of people of talent and learning, whom the urbanity and munificence of Clement at- tracted to his court. He had, immediately on his accession, promulgated a bull, inviting all the scholars of Europe to his court. It is said that more than a hundred thousand obeyed the wel- come call, and that of the number not one of them departed without some favour. But it was not only in regal state and splen- dour, nor as a patron of learning, that Clement VI. was eminent. His charities were equally upon a broad and princely scale. At the period of the dreadful plague that desolated Europe during the pontificate of Cle- ment, and from which Avignon suffered so terri- bly, he adopted the wisest and most humane measures, in order not only to relieve the suffer- ers, but to prevent the spreading of the infection. Many during the plague left their estates to the mendicant friars, who attended the sick while others deserted them. The parish priests and other clergy, envying the riches thus honourably acquired, applied to Clement to suppress the order, or at least to prevent the members from preaching, hearing confession, or burying the dead. The petition for this purpose was presented in full consistory, supported by cardinals and bishops. The answer of Clement illustrates in a lively manner the character of the speaker, and the manners of the generality of the clergy at this period ; hence we deem -it not inconsistent with this portion of our worked introduce it. ** The mendicants," he observed with his usual easy dignity, " have exposed their lives by attend- ing dying persons, and administering the sacra- ments to them, whilst you, consulting your own •»i^'?^??5'P?^%^^f5^,;^^s^ ■, '.•.-^:^;' CHARACTER OF URBAN VII. 277 safety, fled from the danger and abandoned your flocks. You have therefore no reason to complain of what they have got by performing the duty which you have neglected, though incumbent upon you. They employ the little they have gained in new building, repairing, and embellishing their churches, but you perhaps would have applied it to very difl'erent uses. You advise me to silence them, and leave the preaching of the word entirely to you. And what would you preach ? surely not humility, as you are known to be the most haughty and proud set of men on earth, and the most pom- pous in your attendants and equipages. Would you recommend poverty and contempt of worldly wealth, you whom no benefices can satisfy how- ever accumulated ! Would you urge fasting, ab- stinence and a mortified life, while you fare sump- tuously, and indulge yourselves in the most deli- cate meats? As for your charity, I leave it to yourselves to consider whether you could with a good grace recommend that virtue to others. The mendicants preach nothing but what by their example they prove practicable, whereas many among you preach one thing and practise the con- trary." — See Bower's History of the Popes, The popular faction which placed Urban in the papal chair, and caused the great schism in the western church had soon reason to repent their credulity. He was a lively instance of the cor- rupting nature of power, and the influence of cir- cumstances in drawing forth the latent depravity of the heart. This pontiff* was of a noble Neapo- litan family, and at the period of his elevation was about sixty years of ^ge, of gigantic stature, strong and robust of frame, saturnine complexion, and his eyes bright, with fiery expression. Such was the exterior of this vicar of the God of peace and love. His conduct previous to his elevation <^'^«:p: ■" ';>:■■»•,.• ■ I • ■/■■^■"■^ s^'^'^^^^^t^''- n--r ■ V^'- ^tj^ffvf-^f^^^l^'^,^^ 278 TliE RIVAL POPES. had not accorded with the impression that un- pleasing exterior was calculated to make on the beholder, for he had appeared humble, modest, devout, and prudent ; of austere manners, punc- tual in the ceremonies of his vocation, rarely ap- pearing in public, and then riding upon a .mule attended only by one servant on horseback, al- though holding the high dignity of archbishop of Bari. He was eminent in all the scholastic learn- ing of the time, and had shown himself a patron of men of worth and genius, but from the moment of his elevation, his nature seemed changed. Ar- rogant, imprudent, inexorable and vindictive, his excesses were too open, his actions too furious, even to allow those who espoused his cause in the schism with all the violence of religious zeal, to deny or palliate them. Immediately on his accession he wrote to all the princes of Europe that his election had been caused by an immedi- ate inspiration of the Holy Ghost, which had prompted the cardinals to choose a pope not even a member of the sacred college. Such was the intemperate folly of his conduct, his insulting manners, his inordinate ambition, that the sacred college elected the count and cardinal of Geneva, who took the name of Clement the seventh, who was enthroned at Fondi 1379. This pontiff was chosen by the French cardinals because allied to many of the crowned heads in Europe, and highly distinguished for his various accomplish- ments, but unfortunately his abilities were by no means adapted to the exigencies of the perilous situation he was called to fill. He was eminent as a profound and elegant scholar, endued with a commanding eloquence, speaking fluently the French, Italian, German and Latin languages, but deficient in that political sagacity so essen- tially indispensable in his critical situation. W ;-'«5f^Tl»^'pS*-1",;r5 - ? ; ■!<»B^^^ URBAN VII. CLEMENT VII. 270 Princely in his habits and disposition, generous, magnificent and prodigal, he greatly resembled Clement the sixth. He was in the prime of man- hood w^hen he was elected pope, being in his thirty-sixth year, and in person as unlike his rival as his character was dissimilar. His height scarcely rose to the middle stature, yet his air was majestic. The rival popes soon "divided Europe between them. The emperor, the kings of England, Den- mark, Sweden, Hungary, Bohemia, and most of the states of Italy and Flanders espoused the cause of the ferocious Urban. Whilst France, Spain, Naples, Scotland, Cyprus, Savoy, the dukedom of Austria, some of the Italian and German states adhered to Clement. Each pub- lished crusades and fulminated anathemas against the other, and under pretence of punishing schis- matics and heretics, all Europe was disturbed by the cruelties, the quarrels, and the oppressions of their adherents, and the plains of Romagna soon witnessed what never before had been beheld in the various schisms which had split the church, rival armies bearing the banner and the keys of St. Peter. The final result would have been favourable to Clement had he not with a culpable timidity abandoned his own cause. Destitute of decision of character and political sagacity, he re- solved to retire to Avignon and leave Italy to his rival. In the meantime the licentious populace of Rome were become weary of the fierce idol they had raised, and considered that it would be better to have a pope at Avignon than to endure the tyranny of the furious Urban, whose death they determined to accomplish either by secret poison or open violence. The first not succeeding, they surrounded the pontifical palace to effect the latter, but were prevented accomplishing their ^ ■« ■ .■ ^ Z-T^^ V--- ■■•'':^.-i'^'f'i'~r^t- .fJt^ '■•'STi;Vr^^^?!j?riK^^^''Wff Wf^ ■•^Y Pfti ^Hf^^.Tif*^ 28G THE KING S STATE. the haughty chieftains witli such questions as argued the meanest opinion of their understand- ings and manners, and were answered with indig- nation and affected dignity. Four of the chief- tains were made especial objects of favour. They were told that the king was willing to confer the honour of knighthood upon them. They declared themselves astonished that this should be con- sidered as any accession to their dignity. It was an honour they had received in their earliest years, and now stood in no need of a new crea- tion. The ceremonial, however, was described minutely to the chiefs, with the honours it con- ferred, and they consented to submit to its for- malities. Accordingly, they with some others received knighthood in the cathedral of Dublin. The ceremony was succeeded by a magnificent feast, at which the four Irish princes appeared in robes of state, seated at the king's table.* The degenerate English, who had united with the enemy, kept at a distance from the court, employing agents to effect their pardon. Oppres- sion, they said, had driven them from their alle- giance, and as their other extenuating allegations were not entirely destitute of ground, Richard, in his present state of elated vanity and luxurious ease and gaiety, was well disposed to admit their excuses. He hastily granted them a truce for some months, and continued his magnificent dis- play of sovereign power and dignity in the capi- tal. In the meantime, vain of what he considered * Richard lived in a more sumptuous manner than, per- haps, any of his predecessors. His household consisted of 10,000 persons. He had 300 in his kitchen, and other offices were in proportion. This enormous train had tables sup- plied them at the king's ex- pense, according to the mode of the Uge. Such prodigality was doubtless the fruitful source of popular discontents, as exactions must have been made to supply the wants of these court retaisiers. 'f*^»I^^J:^^■^'T>'^"■ ' ' "^pp^^'T^^ :>^ ' ■ '^ : ■ ;. ■ ■■ -• ';•: - :• ■ >^B?l ^ 1 THE LOLLARDS. 287 the almost perfect success of his expedition, he communicated his achievements in due form to his uncle of York, whom he had left regent in England. He pointed out three distinctive classes in Ireland : the Irish enemies, the rebels of both races, and the English subjects. The first, he declared had submitted — the rebels, he appre- hended, had received just provocation, and he was therefore disposed to grant them a general pardon ; but in this point he desired the advice of his uncle. York, although far from possessing an active spirit, or comprehensive understanding, plainly discovered the vanity of his royal nephew, and the indolence which had caused him, with a precipitant facility, to wish to conclude a deceit- ful and precarious accommodation with those, who, to be completely subdued to a peaceable and dutiful obedience, required a vigorous prose- cution. He qualified his reply, however, by at- tributing the incautious ease of Richard to the superior opportunities he had of judging of the circumstances and affairs of Ireland, merely re- commending the exaction of proper fines from all those to whom the royal mercy was extended. Soon after this, Richard was earnestly requested to return to England. This request was enforced by the presence of the Archbishop of York, and Bishop of London, who were deputed to attend the king in Ireland, to represent to him the danger of the church, from the increasing influence of the Lollards, or followers of Wickliffe. The late queen had greatly favoured these reformers, and they were secretly, not avowedly countenanced, by many of the nobility, excepting the Duke of Lancaster, who scrupled not to avow his encou- ragement of the new principles, even appearing openly in court, in order to give countenance to Wickliffe during-^his trial. The prelates of York v^\*^mr^^Wy-'^ 288 MORTIMER, EARL OF MARCH, and London earnestly besought the king to defend their church from the dangerous innovations of this heresy, affecting to place their reliance on his piety and authority, as the only human means of preserving the purity of the faith from ruin, concluding their arguments by pathetically en- treating his return to England without delay. The king vv^as not deficient in zeal for the established religion, nor insensible of the honour of extirpating heretical depravity. He hastened some regulations relative to Ireland, revived and ratified ordinances deemed salutary, appointed Roger Mortimer, Earl of March, his vicegerent, and embarked for England, after a residence of nine months in Ireland, where he had, in fact, effected nothing. The only stipulation of any real consequence which had been made, was that whereby the Irish of Leinster were bound to evacuate the province ; when the royal army withdrew, an infraction of this treaty quickly followed. In consequence, the flame of war, smothered for a while, once more broke out ; into the details of which we shall not enter, though it was deemed a sufficient pretence for Richard to propose a second Irish expedition. The dis- contents in England flowing from a vicious go- vernment, had prepared the way for a violent revolution ; and in that moment of apparent tranquillity, which, like the awful stillness that precedes a conflict of the elements in the natural world, is the usual portent of a dangerous hurri- cane in the moral or political system : — in that deceitful moment of calm, Richard, vainly relying on an established power, formed his resolution of revisiting Ireland. In the spring of the year, 1399, his prepara- tions were completed, the sums extorted to raise which, afforded a fair pretence for inflaming the •^gg^^» ^:.« Wl ^jj i" "? . i f fif f : . • WJ^T-fm^ ^ ':-'-^-- RICHARD MARCHES TO DUBLIN. 289 irritated passions of his people. York was left regent, and the Duke of Aumerle, his son, was instructed to follow Richard with a reinforcement. When arrived at Bristol, reports of secret con-, spiracies and intended insurrections were afloat. They reached the king, and determined him to send a peremptory mandate to the Earl of North- umberland, instantly to join his standard. This suspected noble refused to obey, but in gentle and dutiful terms, pleading various plausible rea- sons. Richard, with infatuated credulity, felt little alarm at the evasion, and contenting himself with proclaiming the earl a traitor, and declaring his lands forfeited, proceeded in his embarkation, and shortly arrived with his train at Waterford. Six days were here wasted in vain parade. Four- teen more in Kilkenny, expecting the Duke of Aumerle. The inconsiderate Richard recollected not that Leinster, which was to be the seat of war, was already wasted by hostilities, and was utterly incapable of supporting the army he brought. The enemy, well aware of the diffi- culties into which he was hurrying himself, se- cretly exulted and affected to rejoice that the period was quickly approaching, when English usurpation should be overthrown. The whole process of this futile expedition demonstrated the weakness of the leader, and the treachery and ill faith of those he could not conquer. After enduring great hardships he arrived at Dublin with a suffering and enfeebled army. He was here joined by Aumerle, in whom he placed a blind confidence, and whose excuses for delay he readily admitted. Richard resided six weeks at Dublin, while a part of his forces were detached against the enemy. Tempestuous weather and contrary winds had cut off intelligence fron^l^, England during this period of rest, when a^ VOL. I. u 1- - ppxsp^ .'", ••;» . ,, •■■■< .' '"' '-■ '-~T^W-- 290 USURPATION OF HENRY IV. length a bark arrived, bearing the tremendous intelligence of his utter ruin. Dismayed at the news of the invasion and successful progress of his rival, Richard became nearly paralyzed with the magnitude of the shock. His council advised that he should instantly return to England ; Au- merle prevailed on him to stay until his whole army could be at once transported ; Salisbury was dispatched to collect the Welshmen, who hastened to his standard, impatient for Richard's arrival; but disappointed at the delay, and shocked at his infatuated apathy, dispersed. When the king did arrive, the desperation of his affairs was complete. He was abandoned by his friends, and deserted by his subjects. Artifice was employed to prevent his seeking refuge, either by returning to Ireland or passing to France. But betrayed into the power of his rival, the result was his deposition and death. Many insuperable obstacles arose to the settle- ment and reformation of Ireland, from the bloody factions, the foundation of which was laid by the accession of Henry of Lancaster to the throne of England. A reign of security there, could alone render it probable that the monarch could attend to the distant part of his dominions, or give him leisure to appreciate its importance, or be mindful of its improvement. Among the fair professions of Henry, however, on his accession, the affairs of Ireland were declared to be the particular ob- ject of his attention. A subsidy was granted by the English parliament for its service, and an order was issued for reviving and enforcing the statute against absentees. The archbishops of Armagh and Dublin, deputed by the Irish parlia- ment to repair to the king, were graciously re- ceived. Thomas, Duke of Lancaster, Henry's second son, was appointed vicegerent of Ireland, THOMAS, DUKE OF LANCASTKR. 291 where the domestic disorders had been aggravated by invasions of the Scots, who were welcomed by the native Irish as auxiliaries against the English. 1402. The arrival of the duke promised relief. Complaints were graciously received, and redress promised. Every thing seemed to augur well of the government ; but one fierce Irish insurgent, Art M'Murchad, effectually disturbed the re- turning tranquillity ; and although many salutary provisions were made to avert the consequences of a state of rebellion and warfare, the adminis- tration of Lancaster was not marked by any im- portant results. When he endeavoured to con- tend with the insurgents, he was vigorously opposed. Even under the very walls of Dublin he was wounded, his forces repelled, and although many preparations were made to retrieve his fortune, he soon after returned to England, leav- ing the public defence to his deputy, Butler, prior of St. John of Jerusalem. The English thus in effect abandoned to their own resources and expedients, were subjected to the perpetual incursions of the Irish, who daily advanced their power, and enlarged their borders, while the restless factions of the English lords deprived the government of its necessary support. The active prior of Kilmainham marched against the enemies of the public peace, at the head of some Irish who professed themselves well affected, but in a moment of peril abandoned their leader, and exposed his life to imminent danger. The borderers were at length driven to secure them- selves against the Irish by bribes and pensions. This dishonourable concession was subsequently reduced into an annual stipend, known by the name of Black Rent, payable to the powerful Irish chieftains, to ensure their protection. This u 2 % . *r^"'' • 5^-if • "T*:':;? .?T!''w*- .s*P"5^~ 292 RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION. was a high gratification of their pride, as it seemed like a recognition of their ancient sove- reignty. Such was the wretched state of Ireland, dur- ing the turbulent and distracted reign of Henry IV., during which penal acts were for the first time enacted against heresy. It was enacted, that when any heretic who relapsed, or refused to abjure his opinions, was delivered over to the secular arm by the bishop or his commissaries, he should be committed to the flames by the civil magistrate, before the whole people. It will readily be believed that this law did not re- main a dead letter among the clergy. The com- mons who had been required to grant supplies, proposed in an early part of this reign, and that in very plain terms to the king, that he should seize all the temporalities of the church, and employ them as a perpetual fund for the exigen- cies of the state. The king, however, discou- raged the suggestion, but the commons returned to the charge a few years after. They insisted that the clergy possessed a third of the lands of the kingdom, and that their riches disqualified them for performing their ministerial functions with proper zeal and attention. This bold appli- cation was accompanied with an address for miti- gating the statutes against the Lollards, a plain indication from what source the application ema- nated. The commons were answered with seve- rity by the king ; and further to approve his zeal for the church, which his policy dictated, he ordered a Lollard to be burned before the disso- lution of the parliament. These transactions certainly breathe a portion of the struggling spirit which suddenly burst forth in the Reformation. If the care which Henry found necessary in defending a crown, which he had obtained by WW^^!^^!^^'^^ '^'^'^^^^^^'''': PREJUDICES AGAINST THE IRISH. 293 very equivocal means, gave him little opportunity to look beyond the immediate seat of his govern- ment, the military genius and the circumstances of France calling them into action, equally pre- vented his high-spirited successor from attending to unhappy Ireland. Amidst the dazzling ob- jects of his ambition, Henry totally disregarded a part of his dominions, which might have fur- nished objects worthy a patriot king to pursue. Sir John Stanley was appointed governor, and the period of his power was marked with cruel exac- tions, extorted with obdurate violence during its short continuance ; it began in October, 1413, and ended in January ensuing, by his decease. The election of the Irish council appointed Crawley, Archbishop of Dublin, as his successor. Eminent for piety and knowledge, this virtuous prelate was neither by his disposition nor profes- sion fitted to govern a discontented people, ren- dered irritable by sufferings, or to repel a violent and proud enemy. The realm seemed at the point of sinking into ruin, under the complicated pressure of war and faction, when Lord Furnival, distinguished for military abilities, assumed the reins of government. His measures were deci- sive, and in a degree successful. The English pale was not enlarged, but it was defended ; yet he seems, like too many of his predecessors, to have governed with partiality^ — injustice, and oppression ; evils which the English vicegerents were aware could not be closely investigated, and which their remoteness from the supreme seat of government enabled them to impose with impunity on those subjected to their temporary sway. The prejudices of the English against the Irish, appear at this period to have assumed a highly mischievous excess, so as totally to preclude all idea of conciliation or improvement. To in- ■% .l!V!fpf^^J^m'!^^''^ .■ ;'.^««r?T* ''^' ■ 294 CJKIEVANCES. crease the prejudices, we find several causes con- tributed, amongst which may be ranked the prac- tice of the meanest and most degraded of the Irish resorting to England, in order to seek relief from their wants, or a refuge from the conse- quences of their crimes. From the conduct of these outcasts, a judgment equally marked by folly and cruelty was formed of the whole race. So great was the number of these emigrants, that the English parliament enacted that all such should be obliged to depart, and this law was executed with such severity and folly, that the most reputable of English race were included in the dishonour of the prohibition. Students re- sorting to England for education, though expressly exempted from the penalties of the statute, were disdainfully excluded from the inns of court, a narrow and cruel policy, which effectually pre- cluded them from such intercourse as would have removed prejudices, and conciliated interests and affections, and also most flagrantly unjust, as denying them the opportunity of studying those laws to which they were expected to pay obe- dience. An accumulation of these oppressive and unjust causes at length determined the old English race in Ireland to lay their grievances at the feet of the sovereign ; and on his return from the glorious victory of Agincourt they determined to do so. Their petition, fully prepared, was presented to the chancellor, in order to have the great seal of Ireland affixed to it. The chancel- lor, however, refused to do so, and, of course, the petition could not be transmitted. The re- fusal naturally tended to inflame that spirit which had given occasion for such a display of contempt. The resentment of the disappointed party brooded in secret, though the governor kept the Irish in awe, and the English province appeared so free from danger, that Botteler, the warlike prior of '^HK^.^^-f^^- - -iKr^^^^w^^Sg!^;- v**. ormond's administration. 295 Kilmainham, marched into France to the assist- ance of the king, with fifteen hundred men ; but whether he performed this incongruous service voluntarily or as a vassal does not appear. The oppressive and unj-ust Furnival was succeeded in the government by the Earl of Ormond, who was invested with such ample powers as indicated the confidence of the crown, and promised to be highly acceptable to the English race. The answer of the new governor to the address of his parliament, was fraught with assurances of a just, equitable, and impartial administration. The petition to the throne was revived, and con- ducted through the requisite forms without ques- tion. The archbishop of Armagh was one of the appointed agents to present it to the king. This petition is extaiit, and contains a strong and pa- thetic representation of the miserable state of the petitioners, entreats the presence of the king, to save his people from destruction, as the Irish who had done homage to King Richard, had long since taken up arms against the English ; notwithstand- ing their recognizances to the apostolic see, they beseech his highness to lay their conduct before the pope, and prevail on the holy father to pub- lish a crusade against them. While they freely condemn the conduct of many, they make honour- able mention of Crawley, Archbishop of Dublin, as well as their then governor. They pray that their churches may be supplied with faithful pas- tors, without such delays as they had experienced from selfish and designing governors. It does not appear what particular attention was paid to the several prayers preferred in this petition, but we infer that it was not left unnoticed by the king, as soon after, Merbury, the odious chancellor, of whom it had strongly complained, was removed, and Fitz-Thomas, w^F^mw!wW^r^-T'^<'^^ ■ ' ' -xi f 296 DISSENSIONS. HENllY VI. 1 prior of the hospital of St. John of Jerusalem, substituted in his place. The Earl of Ormond continued in his govern- ment, and gave satisfaction, which, in the exist- ing state of society, was attended with no little difficulty. The infection of party and jealousy pervaded all ranks and degrees, even the clergy, who should have allayed its virulence, and arrested its extension, themselves caught the infection. An English bishop of Lismore accused O'Hedian of Cashel of heinous offences, of which while he accused him, he discovered the true source of his zeal, by adding, that O'Hedian was an enemy to the English na|ion, never conferred a benefice on any Englishman, and always recommended his brethren to observe the same conduct. On a like ill-grounded or aggravated charge was a bishop of Cork prosecuted by the neighbouring prelate of Cloyne. These ecclesiastic conten- tions afforded too much encouragement to the narrow-minded jealousies of the laity. Had there been any unity or concert among the Irish race, such was the weakness of the English that they might easily have destroyed them. But as it was, although surrounded by enemies on all sides, yet these enemies were so divided amongst themselves, that they had no idea of being bound by one general permanent interest, and their ha- tred and jealousy of the English was not superior to that with which they regarded a rival sept. The accession of the infant Henry VI., and the affairs of France occupying the full attention of his guardians, necessarily prevented any pro- gress of reformation in Ireland, its disorders, on the contrary, if possible, increased. To remedy, if possible, the insufferable evils which pressed upon that unhappy country, the regency of Eng- land appointed Edmond, Earl of March and frf , ym>^': ■i-,'^. - . 'si^^^mf^*-~7 deputy's power questioned. 297 Ulster, to the government. This earl disdained to administer in his own person, but entertaining the most degraded ideas of the Irish, thought he sufficiently discharged his duty towards such in- ferior beings, by deputing the Bishop of Meath to govern. This prelate, respectable and vener- able in his peculiar station, was yet, both in con- sequence and rank, inferior to the lords of the old English race. But what was deemed more objectionable by those he was to govern, he was of English race, and strongly imbued with the anti-Irish prejudices of his countrymen. The nobles provoked at this appointment assembled in council, when it was discovered that the pre- late's commission was sealed only with his patron's private seal. They demanded a commission un- der the great seal of either England or Ireland, and great altercations ensued between the English and Irish members of the council. The deputy peremptorily demanded his seat; the archbishop of Dublin, then chancellor, protested against the mode of his appointment, and refused to admi- nister the oaths, or receive him as governor. The nomination of the earl was as warmly supported by some Englishmen of consequence recently arrived. To one of those who demanded that the bishop should be admitted to the exercise of his office, in a haughty and peremptory tone, the archbishop replied with dignity and temper, '* Sir, you are a soldier ; the borders are harassed, go and repel the enemy ; you will thus serve the state more effectually than in this place." After some delay, the council consented to receive the deputy, but with the express declaration that they did so receive him, not from any conviction of the legality of his commission, but from the necessity of public affairs, and to prevent the manifold evils of the suspension of government. '^Hyfrrrvfm sT^pr^' ■ . ^'T'P'- ^".Tggfjg!<^?gy^'-'^? W^^ ■■/->• 298 EARL OF ORMONd's SUCCESS. Some idea may be formed of the violence of fac- tion, and the odium which fell unjustly upon the Bishop of Meath, whose private character and conduct were exemplary, that some time subse- quent, by infamous confederacy and bribery, he was accused of purloining a chalice from a church in his diocese. A bill of indictment found against him was removed to parliament by cer- tiorari, and the bishop, with a spirit and dignity worthy his high station and sacred function, pleaded his innocence, but demanded that his privileges as an ecclesiastic and lord of parlia- ment should be preserved inviolate. He was re- ferred to his metropolitan, who received his com- purgation, and pronounced him innocent. Yet his enemies might still have dared to question it, had not his triumph been made complete by one of the party in the robbery, being seized with remorse, discovered the real perpetrators, and confessed his participation in the crime. This clerical governor summoned a parliament, which enacted severe penalties against defacers of the king's coin, and other laws. [1423.] The Earl of Ormond, however, soon succeeded him as lord deputy, on account of some alarming com- motions. It was during the administration of this nobleman, and of Talbot, Lord Furnival, that the Irish enemy appears to have had a considera- ble check, and many submissions were made to the English power. It would appear that no- thing liberal or refined, nothing virtuous and honourable, could be tolerated in the corrupted society of Ireland, for Ormond, whose character was of that high grade as to have the most bene- ficial consequences from his example and influence found envy and malevolence surrounded him, and the representations dictated by those hateful pas- sions had so great an effect on the king, that .?JW^-- ■-^^■?5p5# . ■■. ■•-■■"• ■■--"•_ .-. ^•'<.^^'!?^?P^ TALBOT, EARL OF SHREWSBURY. 299 Ormond was summoned to his presence to answer to charges reflecting severely on his government. Ormond, indignant at the injurious malice of his enemies, like Samuel of old, summoned the no- bility and gentry of the pale to attend him at Drogheda, when he boldly appealed to them to point out one single instance in which he had de- parted from his integrity. " The magnanimity of conscious innocence," says Leland, ** could not fail of its effect ; honourable testimonies were given of his integrity, the king was addressed in his favour, and his removal was suspended." But his enemies had laid deep their plans, and finally brought them to bear. The virtuous Ormond was removed, and Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, constituted Earl of Waterford, was sent to assume the reins of government, attended by a troop of seven hundred chosen men, [1445.] The first care of the new vicegerent was to suppress the prevailing commotions. The Irish chieftains were reduced, the degenerate English intimidated, and some of the most daring seized, condemned, and executed. Having quieted the public disorders, the Earl convened a parliament at Trim, to deliberate on the reformation of the state, and the due regulation of the executive govern- ment. The government of Talbot was conducted in direct opposition to that of Ormond, as he re- signed himself entirely to the faction which had removed that nobleman. At this period, the jealousies and factions existing in England, pro- duced an appointment to the government of Ire- land, which had an important and permanent influence upon the affairs of the nation. Ere we enter upon this, however, we will take a rapid and general view of the state of the church and of literature; — nothing specifically referring to Ireland is recorded. ■y^j^f^:- ■-:^'\'---^'"'y^^g^^^^m^p -m 300 REVIVAL OF LITERATURE. Learning which had gradually extended itself for the three last centuries flourished during the fifteenth with considerable luxuriance. Arts and sciences were cultivated with ardour, under the most auspicious encouragements, and recovered a portion of that lustre which had appeared dimmed , for ever-, Several of the pontiffs became the zea- lous patrons and protectors of the arts, among whom Nicholas the fifth ranks eminent. The munificence and authority of kings, princes and nobles were also liberally exercised in the civilizing cause, and men of genius were animated to the exercise of their talents, by the honours and rewards promised to the aspirings of genius or the labours of industry. To these happy circum- stances the invention of the incomparable art of printing, powerfully contributed, for by it the trea- sures of wisdom were laid open to the enquiring, and many noble compositions purified the taste, excited the emulation, and animated with a lively and noble ambition men of genius and learning. Amongst the favouring causes of the advancement of literature throughout the western world, we may rank the downfal of the Grecian empire, which lay prostrate beneath Mohammedan igno- rance ; many exiles were driven from that land of genius and elegance, and bore with them to dis- tant lands the love of learning, and the advantages of true and elegant taste. Tl\e precious remains of Grecian antiquity were displayed and illus- trated by commentaries possessing degrees of ex- cellence, which perhaps will be rarely surpassed or even equalled. The study of oriental learning and antiquities in general was pursued with ar- dour and success. But while learning thus rose from its ruins, the Christian church by the cor- ruption, art, and ignorance of its ministers was in a deplorable state, apparently portentous of its !?'#-*iSr,^^*.''^- ■• . ^ ' ■ ■ : ••^?ffs '. ^^w? ■ ■■ - ■■-"/ • -,-^nr-----. • ..r-fTjpr-* ^-^ COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. 301 ruin. The most eminent writers of the age, se- vere as they are, seem not to have exaggerated the causes of their censures, nor had the corrupt advocates of the clergy the courage to call them to account for the boldness of those censures, or even to question the justice and truth of their complaints. Nay, they even virtually acknow- ledged the justice of their assertions that there was nothing sound even in the visible head or in its members, and that the aid of the secular arm was imperiously demanded to sever the infected parts from those that were more sound, adding that those were justly deemed the best Christians and most useful members of society, who braving the terrors of persecution, and triumphing over the fear of man, boldly inveighed against the Roman pontiff, his venal court, and the whole train of his followers and votaries. These remon- strances and the abuses which called thefti forth agitated Europe, John Huss and his friend Jerome of Prague were evidences of zeal on one part, and of cruel persecution on the other. The former of these eminent men declaimed against the vices that had corrupted all the orders and ranks of the clergy, nor was he singular, such remonstrances were become common, and were generally ap- proved by the thinking and the wise. Although the famous council of Constance met with the declared intention of devising means for the reformation of the church, yet did the indivi- dual and selfish passions and interests of the se- veral members of the great assembly so clash, and prove obstacles to the salutary work, that the assembly after deliberating three years and a half broke up without effecting any thing. Five years elapsed before another council was assembled at Basle, when someplati~of reform was again in vain attempted. The pope sought much to dis- ^'i'-'i'^'^'i '■ ' ■: - . "-^'^-'^^ 302 EUGEKIUS. NICHOLAS V. solve this council but was ultimately obliged t6 submit to its decisions, and when he persevered in opposition, was pronounced by it in a state of contumacy, for having refused the summons to appear before the assembly. Thejndig^ant^p^- tiif opened a rival council and "from thence thun- dered out his sentence ol^excommunication against that held at Basle, which, exasperated in its turn, solemnly deposed the daring Eugenius from the papacy. Again the furious pope retorted, devot- mg all the members of this inflexible council to eternal condemnation, declaring all the acts of it null, and proceedings unlawful. These fulmina- tions were derided by the council, the members persisting in their purpose, elected a new pope. This election produced a deplora&le schism be- tween two rival pontiffs and councils, and of course all Europe felt the effects of the bitter party spi- rif created, nor were the dissensions composed until the decease of Eugenius in 1447. A house thus divided against itself, indicated its ap- proaching ruin. It received a temporary appa- rent stability during the pontificate of Nicholas the fifth who succeeded, eminently qualified as he was for his elevated station, ^ Equally distin- guished by his erudition and genius, he was a zealous patron of learned men. Remarkable for his moderation and for the meek and pacific spirit which adorned his conduct and actions, this pon- tiff" evinced to the world a beautiful example of what the head of the church should be. Under his auspicious pontificate the European princes sanctioned and aided by him exerted all their en- deavours to restore peace and tranquillity to the divided church.* (He made the concordat with the Empire.) * Nicholas the fifth. This fell the victim of his own keen eminent and virtuous pontiff' sensibility and sincere religious 'r-^^W THE MINOR FRANCISCANS. 303 The monastic orders were at this period sunk into deplorable degeneracy, and while the more opulent monks drew upon themselves the public odium by unblushing depravity, the mendicants were chargeable with irregularities of another kind. Arrogance, a quarrelsome and litigious spirit, an ambitious desire of encroaching upon the rights and privileges of others ; and a dispu- tatious spirit perpetuating the controversies that subsisted between them ?ihd the sacerdotal orders ; these were among the faults which rendered them very troublesome to society, while their inordinate passion for innovation and novelty caused them to introduce many dangerous and destructive er- rors into religion. But what contributed ^eatly to the diminution of the papal power was the se- paration of these mendicant orders from the church of which they had been such zealous supporters. The more austere and rebellious Franciscans who thus separated themselves, and at the same time renounced their allegiance to the pontifF> were distinguished by the appellation of the fratercelli or minorites, and as misguided zeal generally passes to extremes, they carried on open war against the court of Rome. They were persecuted with severe excess, but remained unmoved under all the violent means of conversion which madj^ the spirit of the times. Hunted by inquisitM^I many parties of these wretched men took refuge in England, and especially in Ireland. But the series of calamities and persecutions which pur- sued the miserable sect, did not extirpate it en- tirely. A few of its votaries remained in Ger- feelings. The principal cause This melancholy event preyed of his death was the fatal revo- upon his spirits and at length lution in the Grecian empire, ended his valuable life, March which placed Constantinople 1455. in the hands of the Infidels. / ■•?^ ' ' . • ■'■ ■ ' -'^^ ' '-?^ 'T-T^-^;;-=f,.'^^TBi!P!? ■' ., • ]y-:.y.. ■ ,.* x-*''T p'j>r 304 BRETHREN OF THE COMMON LIFE. many untill the reformation, the cause of which they were prepared to adopt, and readily em- braced the doctrines and discipline of Luther. Among the religious fraternities founded in the fifteenth century, we must not omit to mention that of the brethren of the common life who de- serve honourable notice from their eminent use- fulness. They lived under the rule of St. Au- gustine, and greatly contributed to promote the cause of religion, learning, and virtue. This so- ciety had been formed during the preceding cen- tury by Gerade de Groote, a man eminent for his fervent piety, and extensive erudition, but it was not until the fifteenth century that it was com- pletely organized. It was divided into two classes, the lettered brethren, and the illiterate, who though they occupied separate habitations, lived in the firmest bonds of fraternal union. The clerks applied themselves with zeal and ardour to the study of polite literature, and the education of youth. They composed learned works for the instruction of their contemporaries, and erected seminaries of learning wherever they resided. The illiterate brethren on the other hand were employed in manual labour, and exercised with success the mechanic arts. Neither were under the restraint of religious vows, yet they had all things in common, this community forming the bond of their union. The sisters of this virtuous society lived much in the same manner, employ- ing the hours not consecrated to prayer and read- ing, in the education of female youth, and in branches of industry suitable to their sex. The schools erected by this fraternity acquired a great and illustrious reputation in this century. From them issued many great men, those immortal re- storers of learning and taste, such as Erasmus, Alexander Hegius, and many others. From the ^^mW^-i^'^'^'-^ ■■..''■ '■-■'": -:W:"'. 'IIIE LOLLARDS. 305 period of the institution of the Jesuits these admi- rable schools began to decline, so prone are men to change and so caught by novelty. The bre- thren of the common life were greatly hated by the clergy, who opposed every thing which possessed any tendency to promote learning and taste. We find mention in this century of schools erected by the Lollards ; that term was given to '^ the members of the fraternity we speak of, as a general one of reproach, similar to that of Metho- dist among us, and to which the prejudiced can affix no definite ideas, though it is used in a tone of contempt or derision. The brethren of the common life were however so distinguished for their industry, virtue, and learning, that they were invited by the authorities of many towns to reside amongst them and to undertake the edu- cation of their youth. Religion, generally speak- ing, was so debased that it was destitute of any thing that could attract the esteem of the virtuous or the wise, those only were called true sons of the church, those only were thought worthy the reputation of possessing Christian knowledge, who professed a profound veneration for the pontiff and his ministers, who studied to render each propitious by frequent and rich donations, who were regular and exact in the use of appointed ceremonies, and who had wealth sufficient to pay the fines of omission, or which were annexed to the commission of different degrees of transgres- sion. Such were the necessary constituents of an ordinary piety ; but when was added to those a certain degree of austerity and bodily mortifi- cation, such were placed in the higher order of worthies, and considered as the peculiar favourites of heaven. In regard to the ceremonials of re- ligion, it is only necessary to say that it was re- duced to a mere show, composed of pompous ab- VOL. I. X ■y.',^»-:y;'r-'.- ' -\''^\-'^'Wf^^!if^m. 306 INSTANir.S OK Pli-.TY. surdities and splendid trifles. But if this view of religion, appears as it must, unpleasing and unat- tractive, it cannot be destitute of instruction, it w^ill teach us to draw a grateful comparison, and to rejoice that the mists have cleared away and left the illuminating glory open to our view. If we but fix our steadfast view upon it, will but '^- open our souls to its heavenly beam, it will con- sole and enlive^r^ur^nward path, and ensure our eternal felicity. Many were the individuals who, losing their long accustomed dependence upon human writings, took the Bible in their hands, and studied its divine precepts until fervour pos- sessed their whole souls, and the majesty of the divine word was revered and acknowledged as the only guide in all cases of doubt. Thus while the supporters of ecclesiastical domination at- tained a height of wickedness in theory, and an audaciousness of practice which justly called forth the voice of censure and abhorrence from the reflecting, a light was beginning to beam on the nations of Europe which disclosed to men the lustre of scripture truths, and their vital import- ance to the well being of man, leading the way to* a revolution in religion, the consequences of which reached, and shall continue to affect mil- y lions of rational and immortal beings till time shall be no more. f^--^,.--y- .■ ■ . . . :. . ■ • . .- r -, '■;,-•—-. ' ^^f^W'---^^^ **l\'^ 30 CHAPTER X Weakness and incapacity of Henry — Richard, Earl of March and Ulster appointed to the government of Ireland — Accepts it conditionally — His designs — Returns to England — Or- mond his deputy is summoned to England, appoints the archbishop of Armagh — Is remanded to Ireland, does not long survive — Edward Fitz Eustace obtains the government — Reconciliation of the King and Duke of York, he is re- stored to his Irish government — Obtains possession of the king's person, and determines to strengthen his own interest in Ireland — Government entrusted to Earl of Kildare — Duke driven for refuge to Ireland, received with ardour — His cause warmly espoused — Is declared Henry's successor — Falls at the Battle of Wakefield — English interest in Ireland de- clines — Corrupt government — Battle of Wakefield — Earl of Kildare chosen governor — Accession of Edward the fourth — Duke of Clarence appointed to the lieutenancy of Ireland for life — Change of parties in consequence — Earl of Ormond attainted and executed — Earl of Desmond, governor — Eart of Worcester appointed Lord deputy — Intrigues against Desmond — Is condemned and executed on false and frivo- lous charges — Kildare appointed lord deputy — Accession of Henry VII. — Earl of -Pembroke appointed Lord Lieutenant of Ireland — Kildare appointed his deputy — Receives the king at Dublin — Earl of Warwick — Irish desire to invade England — Poverty of the gpvernmeyit — Henry prepares for resistance — Hostile armies meet at Northampton — Defeat of the Pretender — Papal Bull — Henry pursues pacific measures. Extends his royal grace to Kildare and others — Keating, prior of Kilmainham declared unpardonable — Contests among the Irish — Per kin Warbeck — His proceedings — Consequences — Archbishop of Dublin summoned to attend the king — Re- ceived with high consideration — Sir Edward Poynings is sent to Ireland — His measures — English Chancellor and ot/ter civil oncers appointed — Conduct of the Irish — Poyning's Law — Act of attainder passed against Earl of Kildare — Interview between the King and Earl of Kildare — Triumph of Kildare — Execution of Warbeck and two of his Irish ad~ herents — Henry has recourse to papal authority — Proceed- X 2 » :U)8 IIOI'SK 01- VOKK. ings of Kildures government — English potver revives in he- land — The dawn of the reformation — Monastic orders insti- tuted — Jesuits — Attachment of Ireland to Rome. The weakness and incapacity of Henry the sixth rendered him a mere cypher under the con- troul of those by whom he was surrounded, and awakened the ambition of the House of York, whose claims to the throne had not been for- gotten during the reign of two Lancastrian prin- ces. Edmund, Earl of March and Ulster, who died suddenly in Ireland, was descended by the female line from Lionel Duke of Clarence, second son of Edward the third, and of course possessed a superior right to the throne, to that of the descendants of the Duke of Lancaster, the third son of that monarch. On the decease of Edmund, the rights of the family devolved on his brother Richard, who was endowed with all the qualities necessary to support them. Valour and great abilities, prudence in conduct, and benignity of disposition distinguished this nobleman. On the death of the Duke of Bedford he had been ap- pointed regent in France, and there for some years supported the interests of England. He had en- joyed an opportunity of displaying his talents for government and the virtues of his character, dur- ing the period of his regency in France, and al- though recalled from that command by intrigue, he was soon sent to suppress a rebellion in Ire- land. He accepted the appointment but made his conditions, which he determined should be such as to confer honour and authority most ample upon himself. He stipulated to hold the government for ten years, to receive the entire revenue of Ire- land without obligation of accounting for disburse- ment, with an immediate advance of two thousand '^^^r'^i^j^'r ■'■,-■.: ' ^ "::!:■; •,■■"-:-■'. -■ n^ : > -^'='-' - ■' *" 1- 'v -■ " ;. ""-"f^w^F'v^^ RICHARD DUKK OF YORK. 309 marks, and an annual pension of two thousand more from England, to be empowered to let the king's lands, to dispose of all offices, to levy such forces as he should judge necessary, to name his deputy, and to return at his pleasure. His go- vernment opened with all the splendour which these conditions indicated, and in such a manner as to recommend him to popular favour, and to increase the number of his adherents in the design he meditated, to assert his claim to the crown of England. In the meantime the parti- zans of his family in that kingdom were vigilant in watching opportunities to favour his interests. The insurrection of Cade was supposed to have originated in the duke, who is said to have em- ployed and encouraged him to excite the discon- tents of the people. It was so strongly rumoured that York had raised this insurrection, that he was forming designs against the king, and in- tended to conduct an Irish army into England, that orders were dispatched along the coasts intimating his traitorous designs, and directing that his landing should be opposed. The an- nouncement of these fears injured the royal cause, as it led people to examine into the claims of the duke. They also formed a fair pretence for him to return to England to justify his conduct and to guard against the designs of his enemies. He accordingly embarked, eluded the opposition on the coast of Wales, and soon made his appearance in London, but without any army, and with such a train as could give no fair or plausible cause of complaint. The pretensions of this nobleman it is unnecessary to add led to the bloody civil wars between the rival houses of York and Lancaster, which during forty years deluged the unhappy kingdom in blood, and occasioned the ruin of most of the ancient nobility, who perished either 310 ORMOND. 1- ITZ EIJSTACK. on the scaffold or in the field. It does not dis- tinctly appear what particular provisions this prince made at his departure, for the adminis- tration of Ireland, where he had succeeded in at- taching to his person the whole of the nation. But it appears singular that he should constitute th*e duke of Ormond, a zealous Lancastrian, his deputy. Ormond summoned a parliament at ' Drogheda under the title of deputy to the duke, and was soon after created Lord Lieutenant of Ireland by the king, but his presence being ne- cessary in England he appointed the archbishop of Armagh his deputy. The appointment of an Ecclesiastic to a government which required military abilities, either encouraged disorders or awakened apprehensions of them, and the earl was remanded to Ireland. He did not long sur- vive the resumption of his power, and the ad- ministration devolved on Sir Edward Fitz Eustace a martial character well fitted for the station. On the apparent reconciliation of the king and Duke of York, and the retiring of the latter into Wales, he was restored to his Irish government, or at least acknowledged as vicegerent. The ab- sence of the Duke of York had encouraged the native Irish to several petty quarrels. Innume- rable incursions and expeditions in different quar- ters of the island took place, but are unworthy of notice or detail. In the meantime, the victory of St. Albans giving the duke possession of the king's person, and the whole authority of the crown, he determined to strengthen his interest in Ireland. Fitz Eustace was removed and the government entrusted to' the earl of Kildare, whose family had formed a strict connection with the Duke of York during his residence in Ire- land. Various causes contributed to render the period of his power more tranquil than usual. ,J|K'»'^r- -f ■•'¥-•..• ■■• -"■»¥ '"^'W---; .^<'^*«~»:'-r-'^??'"r?''^^fl^''' . V' ■•■^f^^WI^'WIIfHl'U'.f THE CIVIL WAR. 311 The spirit of Margaret in 1452;, renewed the contests with the Yorkists, and the duke was be- trayed, defeated, and driven for refuge into Ire- land. He was received with ardour and affection, and notwithstanding his adherents were deemed rebels and traitors, and he himself attainted, the Irish espoused his cause and resolved to support it with their lives, and although it would lead us too* far to detail them, numerous instances occur to prove that this zeal was genuine, and mani- fested in essential acts of service to the duke. Some attempts made by the royal party to seize the person of the duke, and some of his adherents only served to rouse the indignation of his par- tizans in the Irish parliament, and to expose the agents to their vengeance. By thus mingling in the contests of England, the Irish were flattered into an opinion of their own consequence, and even their vanity seemed to increase their zeal. Edward, the son of Duke Richard, had accom- panied his father to Ireland, and to him the at- tachment of the people was also displayed. When the victory gained at Northampton by the York- ists, once more called the duke from Ireland, his adherents attended him in great numbers with the strongest professions of resolution and fidelity. The district of Meath in particular was almost ex- hausted of its inhabitants, enabling the duke to appear at the head of a gallant and formidable troop. After having been declared Henry's suc- cessor by a parliament surrounded and intimidated by his forces, he with five thousand followers, mostly Irish, was encountered at Wakefield by the queen's forces amounting to twenty thousand men. Unable to resist a force so superior, the termination was fatal to the duke, who with num- bers of his adherents fell in the bloody contest. The diminution of the English interest in Ireland, '- '. ' ■,'''' j^ 312 KDWAKD IV. CLARENCK. the result of these aiFairs, was quickly perceived by the vigilant eyes of the old natives, and the usual disturbances were renewed. The contest for the crown of England principally affected Ireland by giving the opportunity to those en- trusted with the government to exercise their authority severely and intemperately, for amidst the national disorders in England, little attention was given to the conduct of those to whom au- thority was delegated in Ireland. The fatal action of Wakefield created a great sensation, however, in a country to which the Duke of York was much endeared. When the feelings of public sorrow for his loss had somewhat sub- sided, the council proceeded to exercise their ancient rights of electing a governor until the royal pleasure should be known, and on this oc- casion demonstrated their attachment to the house of York, for Thomas Earl of Kildare was chosen. He summoned a parliament, and it was prorogued when intelligence arrived of the deposition of Henry the sixth, and that Edward the fourth was seated on the throne. Kildare was confirmed in his appointment, but was quickly superseded by the appointment of George Duke of Clarence to the lieutenancy of Ireland for life, and of course parties changed. The Earl of Ormond, who had been one of the first victims to the revenge of the triumphant Yorkists, was attainted and executed upon a scaffold. We cannot enter into the various circumstances which marked the government of the Earl of Desmond, who had marched against the insurgents; after many fluctuations in his power it appeared to be gaining stability, when the affairs in England once more shook his authority, by giving free course to the virulence of his ene- mies, and thereby precipitating his ruin. In con- sequence of the union of Edwiird with Elizabeth r^\ *j«Ui «.' ''r~ '." f..' ' ' ^^^'S'-f^Sri^^3^^^ ' '^1 DESMOND EXi:CUTKD. 313 Grey, the interests of her family were objects of his attention. He created her father Earl of Rivers, and further dignified him with the appointment of lord high constable of England. Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, had filled that eminent station, but resigned it in favour of Rivers, and to compensate for the relinquishment, the office of lord deputy of Ireland was conferred upon him, with honour- able and extensive powers. This appointment created much satisfaction to the enemies of the Geraldine family. All those who had, or ima- gined they had been oppressed by their power, or insulted by their pride, crowded to the new go- vernor with various malicious and false charges against Desmond, whom they accused of an in- tention of renouncing his allegiance, and to make himself independent sovereign of Ireland. It is stated that the queen had been offended at some disrespectful expression of Desmond in regard to her family, and that the new governor was di- rected by her, to execute the most severe mea- sures towards him should any thing be found against him to justify the penalties of the law. Tiptoft was disposed to treat with rigour and se- verity the individual thus marked for his vindic- tive attention, and to second the designs of Des- mond's enemies. He with some others were charged with ** alliance, fostering and alterage with the king's Irish enemies, for furnishing them with horses, harness and arms, and supporting them against the king's subjects, declaring their goods and lands forfeit, and that whoever shall not dis- cover their goods to the Earl of Worcester within fourteen days after the rising of the parliament shall be attainted of felony." Desmond W3s con- demned and executed on these charges. The laws on which he was condemned had neither been uniformly obeyed nor strictly executed, and i%"^'^^\-^~'- ■ '. •'•-■f -^^ 314 EARL OF KILDARE. he doubtless fell the victim of a factious animo- sity. Some ineffectual attempts were made to revenge his death by a surviving branch of the family, but an attainder followed the manifesta- tion of zeal. Yet the triumph of the enemies of this illustrious house was short lived. The earl of Kildare hastened to the king, related the inju- ries done to his family, was favourably heard, and received his pardon. His attainder was re- versed and his estate and dignity restored. To complete his triumph he was constituted lord deputy in the place of Tiptoft, who was called away by the disorders of England, and by a just retribution suffered by a similar sentence to that which he had executed upon Desmond. It is evident from even the single incident we have named, that the most violent and worst passions of the human heart were continually kept alive and exasperated in this state of fluctu- ating and jealous government. It would be tedi- ous to follow the changes of this distempered state, it must be sufficient to say that such alarm- ing accounts were communicated to Edward of the situation of his Irish dominions, that he deemed it necessary to summon to his presence the earl of Kildare, the archbishop of Dublin, and others, in order to be distinctly informed of the nature and causes of such disorders, and to de- vise means whereby they might be obviated, or removed. The result was the government being vested in Kildare during the space of four years, many privileges being conferred to favour its tran- quility and just authority. Kildare enjoyed his administration, unrivalled and prosecuted the usual authority without any considerable difficulty or interruption. To increase his influence and im- prove the friendly dispositions of the Irish, the sister of Kildare was united to Con O'Nial, son to ^.■55i^^ipr.--^ V"?, ' '"■» ' ' y nr =", "'■ ' ''!'^?^sn^m^0>J^'^:0-" -r-^'^^^SSS^^fi^^ ^ POLICY Of HENRY VTI. 315 the chieftain of the north, distinguished as the first in pride and power of the Hibernian lords. The earl continued to exercise his power during the remainder of Edward's reign, the succession of Edward the fifth and the usurpation of Richard ; a period in which Ireland presented no new aspect. The contests of the old natives with each other, and the necessary provisions for the defence and security of the English settlements, still continu- ing as heretofore. Some Irish septs lived peace- ably in the English countries, and some even re- ceived pensions in reward of their services in repelling invaders. Others maintained an inde- pendent state even in the neighbourhood of Dub- lin, so that the earl deputy found it expedient to relax the severity of former statutes, and to em- power the Archbishop of Dublin to present Irish clerks to benefices within their respective districts for the space of two years. The Irish so zea- lously attached to the house of York, heard the intelligence of the revolution which placed Henry the seventh on the throne with great discontent, naturally expecting great changes in the govern- ment. The new king elevated his uncle Jasper Earl of Pembroke, to the dukedom of Bedford, and appointed him lord lieutenant of Ireland. But as this station had been for a considerable time conferred on princes of the blood royal, who acted by deputy, it continued to be so in the pre- sent instance, and to the astonishment of all, Kildare was appointed, and the other offices of state also continued without change or addition. Whatever might be the motives of Henry for this measure, whether a generous confidence, or a fear of sudden changes in a political state, already weak and disordered, it certainly gave his enemies a dangerous power, the disquieting effects of which, he subsequently too amply experienced. W^r- T-W-f'Wv^^-^^ • ' ' J - -..W*^ .'••, ■.■.'r,i.vv^,-'.*j. ■ • .| _~, ,-.y.|,i«»^.-^^T(r,j.-,-:-s», . 31G PRIOR KEATING. The influence of the deputy, and his firm attach- ment to his party very soon appeared* in the vio- lence of one of his adherents. An individual named Keating, who was prior of Kilmainham, having much intermeddled in the political contests of Ireland, had in the assurance of party support, alienated the revenues, and even had the audacity to sell the ornaments and re- liques of his house. He was for this sacrilegious often ce deprived by his principal, the grand mas- ter of Rhodes, and an Englishman of distinguished family named Lomley, was appointed to succeed him. Immediately on his landing, however, to take possession, he was assailed by the furious Keating with a band of armed men, and com- pelled to resign the instruments of his election. Lomley in consequence appealed both to the king and the grand master ; the result was the excom- munication of Keating, which so highly exasper- ated him, that he caused his rival once more to be seized, cast him into prison, where he lan- guished without redress, and at length died, nor could Keating be dispossessed, notwithstanding his great and repeated offences. This instance ofiers but a gloomy picture of oppression, and the utter degeneracy of religion. ^ Although nothing appears during the period we are now reviewing, which is pertinent to the de- sign of this work, yet in order to preserve its con- nection, we must take a cursory glance at the political events which agitated the government of our sevei^ith Henry, in which Ireland bore no in- considerable share, and in which it will be ap- parent that although the rival houses of York and Lancaster were united under one head, yet that the revenge which had influenced the pas- sions of the opposite faction was by no means ex- tinct. The severe and impolitic severity which '•■ V^^'^.-r-^' LAMBERT SIMXEL. 317 Henry betrayed for every individual of the house of York, the attention he ;gave to exalt the Lan- castrian party, and to depress the opponents of it, very naturally fomented discontents, and rendered him extremely unpopular, which was increased by the reserve and stateliness of his demeanour, tending as it did to promote fear rather than af- fection and good- will. The effects of this want of popularity soon appeared by incidents of a cu- rious nature. The jealousy of the king respect- ing the family of York, was evinced by his retain- ing a prisoner, Edward Plantagenet Earl of War- wick, son of the Duke of Clarence. A rumour of this young prince's escape filled the nation with joy, and betrayed the latent disaffection towards the king. This manifestation of public feeling induced a designing priest in Oxford named Richard Simon to take the extraordinary measure of raising up a pretender to the throne. For this purpose he fixed upon Lambert Simnel, a baker's son, about fifteen years of age, and endowed with a capacity and superior manners which well cal- culated him for the part he was to perform, Simon determined to try the effect of his imposture first in Ireland, knowing that country was zealously attached to the house of York, and bore an af- fectionate regard to the memory of Clarence. In his designs, Simon was zealously, though se- cretly encouraged and abetted by the queen dowager, the widow of Edward, whose spirit, restless and enterprising, could not well brook the insignificance into which she had fallen, while it was constantly irritated by perceiving her daughter treated with coldness and contempt by her royal consort, all her friends objects of his suspicion and kept in subjection. A hatred deep and powerful filled her breast against the king, and she was active in any means likely to disturb ■^^•.■^'ifn^.ff-^^^^flTUVfPT^^t'^;. ^y- ■y^i^'i^'PV^f^r^ " ' p , ' ■ . •• V ^ --KpsrT' ^ 318 KIIJ)ARE SUPPORTS SJMM-.L. his government, or to occasion popular discon- tents, hence the scheme of Simon met with her ready concurrence and zealous assistance. Sim- nel and his subtle tutor arived in Dublin, was in- troduced to Kildare in all the dignity of the cha- racter he assumed, claiming his protection as the unfortunate Warwick ; Kildare, who was perhaps prepared for the application, communicated the circumstances to his brother and some other zea- lous Yorkists, they received the adventurer with every mark of respect and affection, and at once resolved to devote themselves to his service. But in order to make experiment of the popular feeling before they publicly declared themselves, they contrived to have the report circulated, that the Earl of Warwick was arrived in Dublin, with- out any other circumstance or hint of the inten- tions of the chief governor. The citizens however quickly caught the flame of party zeal, they unanimously declared in favour of Warwick. In a frenzy of faction, and fond of novelty which flat- tered their vanity, they overlooked the daughters of Edward the fourth, who stood before Warwick in the right of succession, paid the pretended prince attendance as their sovereign, lodged him in the castle of Dublin, crow^ned him with a diadem taken from the statue of the virgin, and publicly proclaimed him king under the appellation of Edward the sixth. The whole island followed the example of the capital, and not a sword was any where unsheathed in Henry's quarrel. Oc- tavian de Palatio, primate of Armagh, though a foreigner and unconnected with the Irish factions, seems first to have joined in the confederacy, but to have speedily repented and receded. The citizens of Waterford, the prelates of Cashel, Tuam, Clogher, and Ossory, the family of Butler and the Baron of Hoath were the only persons •■.;. ■'■- ■-■•Jf-';?^.fl-''5v^^^-^-5PS^^;~:'T*'''- REBKLLIOX. 319 who joined not in the popular credulity, but ut- terly unable to defend the interests of their so- vereign, they could but dispatch their emissaries to inform him of the commotions that had been excited. Henry's fears were ever ready to take alarm, and the events in Ireland were impor- tant enough to justify them. The queen dowager, who was believed to be a considerable agent in the conspiracy, was seized and confined in a nunnery, while to prove the falsity of the pre- tender in Ireland, Warwick was taken from the tower, and exhibited in a procession to St. Paul's cross. This produced the effect designed in London, but the Yorkists of Ireland had gone too far to be restrained by such devices. The charge of artifice and imposture was retorted upon the king, and the Warwick who had been exhibited was stated to be an impostor, whom the king had tricked out, and profanely abused the awful cere- mony of a religious procession in order to give colour to his traitorous falsehood. Emissaries were sent to England, and it soon became known that notwithstanding all the precautions of Henry, the cause of the pretender was likely to receive pow- erful support, and it was espoused in a quarter little expected. Margaret of York, aunt to War- wick, and widow of Charles, Duke of Burgundy, a princess of ardent and sanguine spirit, detesting Henry as the oppressor of her family, gave her zealous support to the supposed Warwick. After consulting with Richard, Lord Lovel, and John, Earl of Lincoln, who had both engaged in the insurrection, the dutchess hired a body of two thousand veteran Germans and sent them to Ire- land, headed by a brave and experienced officer named Martin Swart, and accompanied by these two noblemen. The countenance given by per- sons of such high rank, and the accession of this 320 KXPEDITION TO ENGLAXa. military force flattered the vanity and raised the courage of the Irish. Uncontrolled in Ireland, except by the impotent dissent of some indivi- duals, they imagined that no great difficulties could be experienced in England, and fancied themselves already possessed of sovereign autho- rity, and invested with all the advantages to be expected from a revolution. The pretender hav- ing been crowned as we have related, issued his writs of summons, convened a parliament, in which laws were enacted, and subsidies granted, vengeance denounced against those who presumed to resist him, and particularly against Waterford, whose possessions and franchises were declared forfeit, on account of perverse opposition. The clergy voted a subsidy to the pope to soften his resentme?itf and to procure absolution from the sentence denounced against the opposers of Henry. In short, the whole machinery of government moved under the name of Edward the sixth. When men of sanguine tempers enter on the career of ambition and enterprise, they easily pos- sess their imaginations with the vast advan- tages they shall derive from success. The im- pulse thus given to a few, soon extends itself to many who are too inexperienced or too unthinking to reflect upon obstacles. Thus was it with the adherents of the pageant king in Ireland, they pressed clamorously to be led into England. The resolution suited the necessities of the state, for all the resources which 'could be extorted from the new king's Irish subjects, were unequal to the support of his establishment, and the main- tenance of his household. Necessity thus according with the excited passions of the people, the measure was soon adopted, and the embarkation for England pre- pared. Heiiry, not ignorant of the motions of his DEFEAT OF SIMNEL. 321 enemies, prepared himself for defence ; and to gratify the people by an appearance of piety, he visited the shrine of our Lady of Walsingham, a great scene of popular devotion, where he offered his prayers and vows for deliverance. On his return to London, he was informed that Sim- nel was landed at Foudrey in Lancashire. The hostile armies met at Stoke, in the county of Northampton, a bloody battle ensued ; the king's victory, although purchased by loss, was entirely decisive ; Lincoln, Lovel, Broughton, and Sw^rt perished in the field of battle, with four thousand of their followers. Simnel, with his tutor Simon, was taken prisoner. Simon, being a priest, was not tried at law, but was committed to close custody. Simnel was pardoned, made a scullion in the king's kitchen, and subsequently advanced to the rank of falconer. Kildare remained in Ire- land, but his brothers. Lords Thomas and Mau- rice Fitz Gerald, followed the fortunes of Simnel, and fell in his cause. Thus passed away the golden dreams of the credulous Irish; nothing now was reserved to them but the resentment of the severe monarch they had offended. Letters arrived from Henry to the citizens of Waterford, commending their conduct, and encouraging them to persevere in a brave and loyal opposition to the Earl of Kildare and the citizens of Dublin. A papal bull was directed to those prelates who had not been accused of the rebellion, the Arch- bishops of Cashel and Tuam, the Bishops of Clogher and Ossory, to inflict the usual eccle- siastical censures on the delinquent clergy, in which number were involved the primate of Ar- magh, though he had refused to assist at the coro- nation of Simnel, the Archbishop of Dublin, and the prelates of Meath and Kildare. The storm of vengeance thus collecting, to avert its violence VOL. I. Y .;■-:'• -i^ii^Y'^^^ "^^^^^^^ 322 IRISH LORDS SUKMIT. the lord governor and other lords hastened to ac- knowledge their error, and to propitiate by pro- mises the anger of Henry. Many circumstances rendered pacific measures the best course of policy. Henry, therefore, contented himself for the present with answering the submissions of his subjects by declarations of pardon, attended, however, with severe reflections on their folly and disloyalty. Kildare, in particular, was assured that the royal grace must entirely depend upon his future loyal and dutiful conduct, was strictly enjoined to support the king's interest, and under these conditions was not removed from his govern- ment. To ensure the fulfilment of the pledged promises, an officer of Henry's household, in whom he placed great confidence, was sent into Ireland with a troop of five hundred men, to oblige the subjects to renew their oaths of allegiance, and to tender the royal pardon upon such condi- tions as might assure the king of their future loyalty. After some hesitation on the part of the high- spirited Kildare, who persisted in dictating the terms on which he would accept his pardon, ho- mage and fealty were performed in a solemn and public manner by all the nobles who had joined the insurrection, they were absolved from the pope's anathema. The prelates of Dublin, Meath, and Kildare, with many abbots and priors sub- mitted in like manner, and received a similar ab- solution ; and such were the general prevarica- tions respecting- promises and obligations, and so various were the devices for violating the most awful sanctions, that the oaths were administered with every circumstance that could strike the mind with terror and veneration. Many of these circumstances would appear perfectly ridiculous to us, and strongly mark the height of supersti- EARL OF KILDARE PARDONED. 323 tion, which was dignified with the name of reli- gion. For instance. Sir R. Edgcombe, the king s commissioner, in his account of the ceremony, is exact in specifying, that the host on which the Irish lords were sworn, had, by stipulation, been consecrated by a chaplain of his own, on whom he had particular reliance. With his patent of pardon, Kildare was presented with a chain of gold, in tolcen of grace and reconciliation from the king. The citizens of Dublin, Drogheda, and Trim, the primate of Armagh, and other offending clergy, were received into favour, and swore alle- giance. The royal favour, however, was denied to Plunket» chief justice, and to the infamous prior of Kilmainham, who had warmly espoused the cause of Simnel. Plunket was subsequently pardoned at the intercession of many, but Keat- ing was declared unpardonable. He was ejected from his office of constable of Dublin castle, obliged to save himself by flight, and ended a life disgraced by faction, contention, and crime, in the most abject poverty and contempt. Historians have not always the pleasure thus to mark moral retribution, as it is not always to be expected to take place in the present state of human existence, but when it does occur, how much it heightens the interest of the narrative, and satisfies the indignant feelings which have been aroused by the detail of criminal conduct. But this general pardon did not at once allay the jealousies and animosities of rival lords, or ex- tinguish the heated spirit of party. Those few who had remained loyal, rating their services highly, incessantly solicited for favours and preferments, inveighed against their recent op- pressors, and represented to the king that they themselves were alone worthy of his confidence. Octavian, the primate of Armagh, was assiduous v2 324 KILDARE RESTORED. in his efforts to supplant Kildare, representing the necessity of being appointed chancellor, in order to form a balance against the enormous power of the deputy. Kildare was equally vigilant to de- feat the purposes of the primate, and employed Payne, the Bishop of Meath, to represent the state of things to the king. Henry, with his characteristic caution and reserve, listened to these representations. He rejected the petition of Octavian, deeming it dangerous to make any present innovations in the Irish government, yet suspicion and fear were excited in his mind, and he summoned Kildare and other lords to his pre- sence. They attended him at Greenwich, and after explanations and expostulations, received a confirmation of the royal grace ; all were dis- missed with marks of confidence, and gracious assurances of being honoured and distinguished according to their future loyal services. Kildare accordingly resumed his government with full power and consequence, and for some time exercised it in peace and splendour, although the Irish chieftains still continued their usual quar- rels. In one of these contests between the kins- man of the deputy and a neighbouring chief- tain, Kildare attempted to mediate, but with- out effect, as it continued till the death of O'Nial, who demanded that his adversary should recog- nise his superiority by paying him tribute. We name this contest, in order to introduce the laconic determination with which the demand was made and rejected, as it strikingly illustrates the proud and daring spirits of the Irish chief- tains. " Send me tribute, or else — ," was the message of O'Nial : " I owe you none ; and if — ," was the brief reply. These continual contests among themselves kept the English free from any serious incursion. PERkIN WARBEC. 325 but the affairs of England were preparing new occasion for the revival of faction. The restless resentment of the Duchess of Burgundy raised up another pretender, one Perkin Warbec, whom she acknowledged as her nephew, Richard Plan- tagenet, youngest son of Edward IV. The real cjiaracter, progress, and fortunes of this youth do not properly belong to the present retrospect, but the whole forms a lively instance of the rest- less nature of resentment, when it gains posses- sion of an ardent heart, and of its dangerous in- fluence on the principles of even the most virtuous. All that is necessary for us to refer to, respecting this adventurer, is that Ireland was fixed upon as the first scene of his pretensions. He landed on the southern coast, without troops or revenue, [1493,] appeared at Cork, in the character of Richard Plantagenet, who had escaped from the Tower, and was received and entertained by the chief magistrate with due honour. Hence he sent letters to the Earls of Kildare and Desmond, acknowledging their loyal attachment to the family of York, notifying his arrival in their coun- try, and entreating their assistance for the recovery of his rights. But before his appearance could produce any effect in Ireland, he was recalled into France, to answer some political purposes of the French monarch, in forcing Henry VII. to a peace. His short residence in Ireland, was, how- ever, sufficient to inflame the combustible spirit of faction, which generally existed there, to excite rumours and jealousies, and to afford occasion for interested reports and accusations at the court of England, ever ready to listen. Henry, harassed by the perpetual complaints, and impa- tient of the contradictory reports that reached him respecting his Irish dominions, suddenly re- quired the Archbishop of Dublin to attend him. ^■»-, :1 326 WALTER, ARCHBISHO:^ OF DUBLIN. and to lay before him a full and clear detail of all the circumstances of his Irish government, which he had administered since the removal of Kildare, effected by the intrigues of his enemies. Lord Gormanston was appointed deputy, during the absence of the archbishop in England, where he was received with favour by the king. The aspect of the venerable Walter commanded respect, but his piety and gravity were more conspicuous than his penetration and abilities. Henry was not deceived by the superficial political knowledge of the archbishop ; but his apparent goodness of heart, sincerity, and unaffected integrity, attracted him and won his attention. Walter was enter- tained at his court in a manner to prove the high consideration with which the monarch regarded him. The interesting historian, Leland, has given us a pleasing anecdote respecting this venerable ecclesiastic, equally marking his simplicity and the king's familiar respect. Walter being present when a foreign ambassador was introduced to Henry, and in a florid harangue expatiated on the glory and renown of the English monarch, Henry turning to the archbishop, desired his opinion of this oration, which his courtiers so applauded. "It pleaseth me well," said Walter, with an un- designing ease and sincerity, ** but methinks it flattered your highness too much." ** In sooth," replied the king, with great composure, " the very same fault, good father of Dublin, occurred to us, and we were minded to observe it." Kildare dreaded the representations of this estimable prelate, and on learning his favourable reception, he resolved also to repair to England. The king, who had become convinced of his tur- bulent disposition, if not absolute disaffection, caused him to be informed, that the articles of accusation brought against him could only be 'W SIR EDWARD POYNINGS. 327 properly discussed in Ireland, and for this purpose he was to attend a new lord deputy, preparing to embark. This individual was Sir Edward Poyn- ings, an English knight, in whom the king placed great confidence. Ireland had proved such a fit scene for commotion and conspiracy, that Henry found his personal security, as well as the interests of his crown, necessarily rendered the affairs of that country an especial object of his vigilant attention. His first step was to form an entire new administration of the government, composed of men of tried loyalty, and totally unconnected with any of the different factions which had so long raised commotions in Ireland. Sir Edward it was resolved should be attended to his govern- ment with a force consisting of about a thousand men. An English chancellor also accompanied him, Dean, Bishop of Bangor, and Prior of Lan- thony ; Sir Hugh Conway, an English knight, was nominated lord treasurer. The former judges were removed, and English lawyers of repute substituted in their place, and on their arrival were sworn of the privy council. ^ Though the intention of Henry, in sending Sir E. Poynings thus attended to Ireland, was to quell the commotions of the partizans of the house of York, and to reduce the natives to sub- jection, yet his forces were not sufficient to accom- plish these purposes. The Irish eluded his efforts by flying for refiige to their woods and morasses. The new deputy, however, sumiponed a parlia- ment at Dublin, in order to enact laws for the reformation of the pale, and to effect salutary restraints of order and polity, to be strengthened and invigorated by proper discipline. In this parliament was passed the memorable statute, still bearing the name of Poynings, which esta- blishes the authority of the English government ,f-p^?l_ 326 * POYNINGS' LAW. in Ireland. ** By this statute," says Sir John Davis, " all the former laws of England were made to be of force in Ireland, and no bill can be introduced into the Irish parliament unless it previously receive the sanction of the council of England." This latter law seemed calculated to ensure the dominion of England, but was in fact granted at the desire of the Irish commons, who proposed by that means to secure themselves from the tyranny of their lords, particularly of such lieutenants or deputies as were of Irish birth. Besides some statutes relative to indivi- duals, an act of attainder was passed by this par- liament, against Gerald Fitz-Thomas, Earl of Kildare, for treason and rebellion ; this was ex- tended to his adherents and kinsmen ; thus re- ducing this noble family, which had so long main- tained the first rank in Ireland, to the lowest state of depression and disgrace. The turbulent and seditious conduct of Prior Keating, suggested also a statute, whereby an Englishman alone was to be invested with the priory of St. John of Je- rusalem. Sir Edward, however, aware of the un- popularity of the measure, declined taking any cognizance of the accusations against Kildare, when he was subsequently charged with aiding the second attempt of Warbec on Ireland, but sent him prisoner to Henry, to answer for his supposed offences before the throne. The administration of Sir Edward was so satis- factory to Henry, that he conferred upon him the honour of the Garter, for his distinguished ser- vices. Kildare in the meantime was a close prisoner in London, without being heard or con- fronted with his accusers, while his unhappy wife sunk under the weight of the disgrace attached to him, and her anxiety respecting his ultimate fate. Kildare, thus treated as a close, designing, • KILDARK A PRISONER. 329 and dangerous traitor, was in reality of a character and disposition remarkable for open undesigning simplicity, frequently and easily excited into passion, which rendered him an easy tool to cooler spirits and deeper politicians. The interval he passed in confinement, though so deeply affecting his domestic comforts as to produce the death of a wife whom he tenderly loved, yet was probably favourable to his own cause, as it gave the cau- tious Henry an opportunity of being informed of his real character, as well as to examine the mo- tives which had actuated his enemies to accuse him of traitorous designs and attempts. From the historian we have followed, and in so many instances nearly transcribed our illustra- tions, we now extract the account of the inter- esting interview of the king with his noble prisoner, as it places in a striking point of view the charac- ter of the latter, and also, that Henry was not altogether unsusceptible of those feelings which distinguish ardent and generous minds, and urge them to indulgences not entirely warranted by cautious policy and political prudence. When Kildare was first admitted to the presence of Henry, he was somewhat surprised to see, in- stead of a dark subtle and desperate conspirator, a man of unrefined, artless, and even awkward simplicity, of a demeanor so easy, so confident, and unrestrained, as seemed to indicate a perfect consciousness of his own innocence. Henry di- rected him to prepare for his defence, and to pro- vide himself with able counsel, as he feared his cause would require it. " Yea," replied the Earl, ** the ablest in the realm," seizing Henry by the hand with an uncourtly familiarity, " Your high- ness I take for my counsel against these false knaves." The king smiled at the novelty of this address, and the uncouth compliment to his equity 330 RESTORED TO FAVOUR. and discernment. He heard his accusers, and found their charges unsupported in every point of moment, to the interests of the crown, and in Other matters frivolous and futile. The king soon perceived that the allegations were dictated by private resentment and factious malignity, and was even not displeased to see the culprit treat them with the severity of a superior, as if still in Ireland, and in the fullness of power. As their charges of treason were soon found to amount to nothing more than surmise and suspicion, as the Irish lords, with whom he was said to have con- spired against Poynings, gave solemn and satis- factory evidence to exculpate him, the accusers were obliged to recur to his violences, and the injuries they had sustained from him in Ireland, matters in which Henry was not nearly interested. Among other accusations, it was urged, that the earl in one of his lawless excursions, had sacri- legiously burned the church of Cashel to the ground ; ** Spare your evidence," said Kildare, ** I did set fire to the church, for I thought the bishop had been in it," this undesigning manner of pleading the aggravation in excuse of his offence, contributed to cast an air of ridicule upon the pro- secutors, not unfavourable to the culprit. They closed their charge with a warm and passionate declaration, **that all Ireland could not govern this earl;" ** Well," replied Henry, **this earl shall then govern all Ireland." The triumph of Kildare thus complete, he was restored to his honours and estates, and consulted respecting the affairs of his country. None of the Irish subjects were excluded from the royal grace, except Wal- ter the magistrate of Cork, who had been the first to receive Warbec, and Lord Barry, who had been particularly zealous in his service. The first suf- fered at Tyburn with the unfortunate youth whose PAPAL INTERFERENCE. 331 cause he had espoused, the latter was murdered by an unnatural brother. The commotions of the Irish chieftains still continued, however, notwith- standing the pacific measures of the king. The quelling such insurgents had ever been a burden- some service, exhausting the revenue, and em- ploying the strength of the royal territory ; and as they seemed to resist all secular means of sub- jection, Henry determined to have recourse to papal authority, from which the crown of England still affected to derive the right of sovereignty in Ireland. He hoped this measure would restrain a people, who amidst all their violences were powerfully attached to the Roman Pontiff. By his earnest solicitation. Pope Alexander addressed his commission to the primate of Canterbury, the bishops of London, Durham, Bath and Wells, empowering them to appoint such prelates of Ireland as they should choose, to convene the clergy and laity of Ireland, to inquire into the disorders particularly subsisting in the remoter and less populous parts of the country, to apply effectual remedies to those, both of the clergy and the laity, and to execute all ecclesiastical censures on the refractory and rebellious, for the effectual restoration of order and tranquillity. Kildare, whose generous disposition was won by the confidence and attention of Henry, entered upon his government with a sincere and zealous solicitude to further the interests of the crown, and became more attached to English politics by having formed a marriage union with the family of St. John. He made himself feared and dreaded by the Irish insurgents, and formed some ju- dicious political alliances with chieftains calcu- lated to increase and extend his power. From this reign it appears indeed, that we may date the revival of the English power in Ireland, i 332 STATE OF RELIGION. which, from the Scottish war in the reign of Ed- ward the second had gradually declined into a state of weakness and imbecility. The English and the Irish became more assimilated, for al- though the laws forbade intermarrying with the latter, the influences of intercourse and conse- quent affection were superior to statutes. Thus the Irish manners and language became very general, even in the very seat of government. We are now quickly approximating to a period, when important and mighty innovations were made in religion, not only affecting the. states in which different opinions were agitated, but even those that adhered firmly to the ancient faith and worship. The bond of union among Christians, which had been formed by a blind obedience to the Roman pontiff's, had been gradually relaxing, and seemed now rapidly separating. The happy revolution in the republic of letters had dispelled some of the mists of ignorance, and had enkindled in the minds of men the love of truth and sacred liberty. From the cloud that had so long im- pended over Europe strong rays beamed forth, with promise of more perfect effulgence. The divines of this century freely disputed upon re- ligious subjects, even calling in question the va- lidity of those doctrines which had hitherto been regarded as essential to salvation. Men could not but perceive from the. disregard of the pontiffs and their ministers to every moral obligation that the religion they professed and taught was de- generated into little more than a round of external ceremonies, adapted to dazzle the eye, but little capable of affecting the heart. The authority of the holy mother church, the obligation of implicit obedience to her decisions, the virtues and merits of the saints, and their credit in the court of heaven, the love of the virgin, the efficacy of ^n DAWN OF THE REFORMATION. 333 relics, the duty of adorning churches, and endow- ing monasteries, the necessity of good works, (as the phrase was then understood) the intolerable pains of purgatory, and the utility of indulgences were the subjects of declamation among the more serious Romanists. The darkness and super- stition of the people may be inferred, for those who presided over the rights and ceremonies of the church, far from evincing the most remote wish or disposition to enlighten the ignorant, cast an additional obscurity around them and render- ed more impervious, rather than sought to dispel, the clouds of superstition. Such was the state of religion; hence, to those who possessed any portion of sense or piety, a reformation was ardently desired, nor was the number which possessed those qualities inconsiderable. In their expec- tations and demands they were moderate, extend- ing not their views to a change of ecclesiastical government, or a suppression of those doctrines rendered venerable by their antiquity, nor even to an abrogation of those rites and ceremonies which had multiplied to such an extravagant height. Their only aim seemed to be to set bounds to the power of the pontiff, to reform the manners of the clergy, and to prevent arts called pious frauds, by which they imposed on the cre- dulous ; to dispel the ignorance and correct the errors of the blinded multitude, and to deliver them from the heavy burdens that were imposed upon them on religious pretexts. Even Luther says, " I reject not the authority of the pontiff, provided it is regulated by wholesome laws." The dawn of the Reformation arose unex- pectedly, although, as we have seen, the causes which produced it had been long operating. While the pontiff slumbered in luxurious security 334 PROGRESS OF LEARNING. at the head of the church, and saw nothing through- out the vast extent of his dominion but submis- sion, and while the worthy and genuine professors of Christianity almost despaired of their desires being realized, a glimmering ray appeared, from which proceeded a flood of light, destined to illu- minate the world, and which shed a high and peculiar interest on the events of history, inse- parable from the revolution it created in the men- tal and moral condition of men. The period to which we have arrived is, indeed, fraught with circumstances of interest and in- struction ; men gradually attained that elevated situation with regard to commerce, science, go- vernment, police, and cultivation, in which they have since progressively advanced. The arts and sciences were carried in this age to a per- fection hitherto unknown. From this renova- tion of learning, doubtless the church derived signal advantages. Great sums were expended, and much zeal and industry employed in promot- ing the progress of knowledge, by founding and encouraging literary societies, protecting and exciting a spirit of emulation, and annexing dis- tinguished honours and advantages to the culture of the sciences. • It is particularly worthy of observation, that it was about this period that the wise and salutary law, which excludes ignorant and illiterate per- sons from the sacred functions of the Christian ministry, acquired that force which it retains. It has not unaptly been remarked, in reply to those who depreciate human learning, as refer- ing to religion, that literature is the key by which we often open the treasures of learning, human and divine. Thus, by cultivating it, the methods of teaching theology at this time were greatly -«^ THE JESUITS. 335 improved, and the genius and spirit of the Chris- tian religion better explained, and more pleas- ingly enforced. Nor were the civilizing effects of the reforma- tion less conspicuous : it greatly contributed to soften and to ameliorate the manners of many nations, who, before that period, were sunk in stupidity, rude and unsocial. The disputes which arose on the important subject, had a great ten- dency to eradicate from the minds of men that ferocity which had so long been favoured, and even nourished by the barbarous suggestions of a debasing superstition. It is also certain, that from the very dawn of this happy revolution in Christianity, and even before its salutary influences were manifested to their extent, pure religion had many sincere and fervent votaries, though they were much concealed from public view by the multitudes of fanatics which surrounded them. Many attempts were made by persons of eminent piety to restore the institutions of public worship to their primitive simplicity, but the effort was for the present premature, and there- fore vain. A multitude of useless and frivolous ceremonies yet remained ; nor did the pontiffs, of course, think it expedient to diminish aught of that pomp and show that gave the ministers of religion so great an influence over the multitude. Many monastic orders were instituted in this age, amongst the principal of which we must rank that of the Jesuits.* Many were also re- formed. * The Jesuits hold a middle other order ; for though they rank, between the monks and resemble the monks in living the secular clerks, and, with separate from the multitude, regard to the nature of their and are bound by certain re- institute, approach nearer to ligious vows, yet are they ex- the regular canons than any empt from stated hours of 33C Education bv the jesuits. We have thus given a general viewr of the state of religion and learning, and shall shortly remark worship, and other similar ser- vices that attach to monastic orders, that they may have more time to employ in the education of youth, in direct- ing the consciences of the faithful, and in the transac- tions of other things relating to the prosperity of the papal hierarchy. This order is di- vided into three classes : pro- fessed members, who reside in what are termed the professed houses ; the scholars, who in- struct the youth ; and novices, who live in the houses of pro- bation. The first class, be- sides the usual monastic vows, solemnly engage to go, without deliberation or delay, wherever the pope shall think fit to send them. The scholars are pos- sessed of large revenues, and in case of urgent necessity are obliged to contribute to the support of the professed mem- bers. These latter, who are comparatively few in number, are, generally speaking, men of prudence . and learning, deeply skilled in the human heart, and dexterous in trans- acting worldly affairs, from their natural penetration and sagacity, improved by expe- rience. It is well known, that they conducted almost univer- sally the education of youth, hence the springs of human conduct became apparent to them, and they were enabled to direct the passions and the principles of those among whom they mingled. The most accurate division of labour was observed in the allotment of their various em- ployments. Their candidates, who by a refinement of eccle- siastical policy, after an un- usually long probation, were bound by laws, that deprived them of liberty, yet left a discre- tionary power of ejection in the order, were incessantly watched- by * the penetrating eye of the master of novices ; a minute description of their character and peculiar talent was forwarded to the superi- ors : at the end of the noviciate they were employed to thai advantage of the community, the natural bent of the indivi- dual being accurately marked, and never suffered to be di- verted by a multiplicity of em- ployments, but solely devoted to that for which his mind had a bias, to favour and cultivate which, no trouble nor expense was spared. The secrets of the society were not revealed, even to all the professed mem- bers ; it was only a small number of this class, whom old age had enriched with ex- perience, and long trial de- clared worthy of such impor- tant trust, that were instructed in the mysteries of the order. The church and court of Rome, since the remarkable period when so many king- DOCTRINES OF THE JESUITS. 337 the influence of the causes suggested, as more immediately referring to Ireland, where it will be doms withdrew from their ju- risdiction, derived more in- fluence and support from the labours of this order, than from all their other emissaries and ministers ; for by the gen- tle and complying spirit that marked their demeanour, by their consummate skill and prudence in civil affairs, by their general and extended knowledge and accomplish- ments, they insinuated them- selves into the peculiar favour and protection of the great; nor did any thing tend more to give them that ascendancy they universally acquired, than the dexterity with which they relaxed and modified their sys- tem of morality, accommoda- ting it artfully to the propen- sities of those they desired to govern, and depriving it on certain occasions of that seve- rity which rendered it trouble- some and irksome to the sen- sual and voluptuous, although as far as referred to their iii- diyidual conduct, whatever might be their political delin- quencies, they were not charge- able with moral irregularities, the internal police of their in- stitute precluding the possibi- lity of gross misconduct. By the qualities and influ- ence we have named, the mem- bers of this order supplanted in the palaces of the great those who had previously di- rected the consciences of princes, particularly the Do- VOL. I. minicans. Indeed, it may be truly said in regard to this order, that " knowledge is power," That their ascen- dancy was injurious to the cause of virtue has been alleged , and it is to be feared not with- out reason. That the mem- bers of it employed all the force of their subtle distinc- tions, to sap the foundations of morality, and opened a door to all sorts of licentiousness and iniquity, by the relaxed and dis- solute maxims of conduct they propagated, as far as their in- fluence extended, appears too evident from those very maxims so indulgently favourable to the depraved propensities of man. The two following points of doctrine are amongst many, to prove the justness of the as- sertion as to their pernicious influence. They represented it as a matter of perfect indif- ference, from what motive men obey the laws of God, provided those laws are really obeyed; and maintain that those who obey from the fear of punish- ment are as agreeable to the Deity, as those actions which proceed from a love of Him and his laws. Thus they made the Almighty a vindictive ty- rant, rejoicing in the trem- bling, dread, and terror of his creatures. They maintained further, that a man never sins, properly speaking, but when he transgresses a divine law which is fully known to him. 338 DOCTRINES OF THE JESUITS. found that the attachment to Rome was very strong, as were likewise the causes which pre- vented that mental emancipation so conspicuous in the nations of Europe at this period. and which is present to his mind when he acts, and of which he understands the true meaning and intent ; and they conchided from thence, that in strict justice the conduct of that transgressor cannot be looked vpon as criminal, who is either ignorant of the law, or is in doubt about its true meaning, or loses sight of it through forgetfulness at the time he violates it. We have spoken in the past tense of the Jesuits, and their doctrines ; but we shall do well to remember, that after having for a long period been universally suppressed from the experience of its dangerous influence, this order is again revived, that it is permitted to send its congregations into the very centre of our island; that in Ireland it has extensive institutions, daily increasing in riches and influence. We pretend not to question the policy of this measure, but the friends of religious liberty cannot but weigh the indul- gence, since popery is cer- tainly not a system of innocept speculative opinions, but a heavy yoke of mental and civil despotism, tending to enslave the consciences, to debase the principles, and to destroy the most sacred rights of men. Of course, we speak as to its general effect on the mass, that there are innumerable instances of individuals rising superior to its vitiating power, is readily acknowledgecf T but these must be among the thinking class, comparatively few in a community. -: . ■^rjvrr-'TT^ifr.-Tr 339 CHAPTER XI Accession of Henry the eighth — Kildare continues in adminis- tration — His sudden death produces commotion — His son Gerald elected — Is obliged to take the Jield — Hatred of Wolsey towards him — Duke of Norfolk created Lord Lieu- tenant — Vigorous administration of the Duke — Earl of Or- mond succeeds him — Kildare resumes his government — His proceedings on the death of Wolsey — Alan^ archbishop of Dublin — Kildare receives the royal mandate to repair to the presence— Leaves the government to his son Thomas — Rash conduct of the young governor — Result of the rebellion is the ruin of Kildare — Damning of the reformation — Henry desires to extend the Reformation to Ireland — George Browne em- ployed — Is advanced to the see of Dublin— Ireland is con- sidered as a fief of the pope — Prepossession in favour of the ancient establishments — The people refuse to acknowledge Henry's supremacy — Browne's life exposed to danger — King declared supreme head of the church in Ireland — Authority of the Bishop of Rome renounced — Refusal of the oath of supremacy declared high treason. Intrigues of the Romish party — Conduct of Lord Grey — Difficult situation of arch- bishop Browne — Emissaries sent to Rome — The intrigues of the Romanists — Letter of Bishop of Metz to the chieftain O'Nial — Confederacy formed for the suppression of heresy. — O'Nial acknowledged lord arui leader of the Northern Irish — His hostile proceedings — Lord Deputy disperses the insur- gents—Lord Grey recalled to England — He suffers — The Irish are defeated by Sir William Brereton — Sir Anthony St. Leg er assumes the government — Title of Lord of Ireland changed for that of King of Ireland — Parliament assembled to confer the new title on Henry — Conciliatory measures of the king — O'Nial visits the English court — His concessions — Is created a peer of the realm by the title of Earl of Tirowen — Progress of reformation — Irish forces attend Henry to Calais — Invasions of ecclesiastical privileges — A military force sent to Ireland — Bellingham made governor — Assiduity of the Romanists — Bellingham' s conduct towards the Earl of Desmond — Anecdote — Barbarous zeal of Somerset — Liturgy to be introduced into Ireland — Neglect of moral improvem£nt z 2 340 ACCESSION or iienrv vim. in Ireland — Pernicious consequences — Proclamation trans- mitted enjoining the acceptance of the new liturgy — It is op- posed — Proceedings of the clergy — Dowdal archbishop of Armagh and his clergy — Sir James Crofts supersedes St. Leger in the government — Writes a conciliatory letter to Dowdal — Desires a conference — Interview — Superiority of the primacy changed from Armagh to Dublin — John Bally his conduct — In what injudicious — Earl of Tirowens ambition — Domestic disse7isions in his family — Death of Edward the sixth has a powerful effect on the ecclesiastical system — Ac- cession of Mary — Her proceedings respecting Ireland — Kil- dare's family restored — Sir Anthony St. Leger governor — Fitztvalter — A papal bull recited — State of religious feeling — Paul the fourth — His policy — Personal sketch of Archbishop Browne — Extract from a sermon of his. Henry the eighth ascended the throne in all the pride of popular favour. (1509.) In the vigour of youth, lively, animated, spirited, active, and well informed, he soon became the idol of his subjects. In the midst of the magnificence, pleasure, and dissipation of his court, and the plans of glory and ambition in foreign countries, Henry had little leisure to attend to the affairs of Ireland, and it wa^ not until a long series of useless ex- peditions had somewhat subdued his passion for military glory, that he directqji his attention to that part of his dominions, where indeed he might do much good, but in which there was nothing to contribute to his vanity, or to favour his love of ostentation. Ireland had been therefore left to the guidance of those ministers who had been ap- pointed by Henry the seventh. Kildare con- tinued his administration with vigour till his sudden death threw things again into commotion. The council and nobles elected Gerald his son to be lord deputy, which nomination was subse- quently approved and confirmed in England. Gerald inherited the spirit of his father, and his name served to check the outrages which had "-8 GERALD, EARL Of KILDARE- 341 succeeded the decease of Kildare. He visited England on his return, convened a parliament, receiving a formal confirmation of the honours, privileges and possessions enjoyed by his ances- tors. From the senate, the young Lord Deputy was summoned to the field. The superstitious Irish had been persuaded by some prophecy that the present time was appointed by providence for the restoration of their ancient power and splen- dour, and with this ignorant prepossession they grew violent and tumultuous. They rose in arms even in the neighbourhood of Dublin, and by the vigour of Kildare suffered their due punish- ment, he vigorously spread the terror of his arms, and enforced the authority of government. This successful opening of his administration was too soon clouded by those family feuds which had so long rent the kingdom, and divided into malignant and violent factions. The success of Kildare aroused the evil passions of envy, hatred and revenge in his enemies, and his pride and inexperience gave them too great an advantage over him. They succeeded in having him re- moved from the government and detained in England upon various frivolous pretences. Wolsey had conceived a strong prejudice against Kildare because he had not received from him that obse- quious attention to which he was accustomed from all. When, therefore, Henry's foreign af- fairs were somewhat settled, Wolsey suggested to him the impropriety of suffering his government of Ireland to be committed to any person of Irish race, and certainly with justice, (though his actu- ating motive was unworthy,) represented that the administration would be far more properly in- trusted to an upright statesman unconnected with the factions and intrigues of the country he was to govern. The suggestion was of course ap- 342 NORFOLK. OHMOND. KILDARK. proved by Henry, and Thomas, Earl of Surrey, son to him who had conquered at Flowden and been rewarded with the dukedom of Norfolk, was created lord lieutenant of Ireland, and sent to his government with one hundred guards and a thou- sand forces of inferior rank. Kildare was pro- nounced clear of every disloyal imputation, but did not return to Ireland, he attended the king to Calais, where he contributed to the parade and splendour of that memorable interview which took place between Henry and the French monarch. In the meantime, Surrey proceeded in a vigorous administration of his government, which was al- most one continued course of military service, except a short interval of holding a parliament. He succeeded in reconciling contending lords, and in repelling insurgents, but the detail is pos- sessed of too little interest, and is too little con- nected with our retrospect to render it necessary to dwell upon the particulars. On the removal of Surrey, Pierce Earl of Ormond succeeded him to the prejudice of Kildare, but the latter subsequently succeeded in resuming his government, yet was again nearly involved in disgrace by the ambition of his kinsman Desmond, whose cause he was supposed to favour to the injury of the king's interests. When the intelligence of the disgrace and death of Wolsey was brought into Ireland, Kildare re- ceived it with the utmost joy, as such a powerful enemy removed, he could pursue his ambitious plans without reserve, and in order if possible to en- sure to himself the full power, he contrived to have Alan, archbishop of Dublin, and a favourite of the deceased cardinal deprived of his office of chan- cellor, and the seals committed to Cromer, pri- mate of Armagh, -who was devoted to his in- terests. ALAN, ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. 343 In the march of mind which as we have seen had been so rapidly progressive, the science of govern- ment and politics had for some time become an interesting subject of disquisition, and indeed one of the first studies on the revival of letters. Hence, those Englishmen who had left their native coun- try, and by being officially employed, had ac- quired some interest in Ireland, soon found a pleasure as well as a necessity in pursuing these subjects of speculation, and it naturally followed that the more acute and penetrating were led by the disorders continually before their view, to trace minutely the rise and progress of English power in an island so distracted, the exciting causes of disorder, the sources of civil prospe- rity, and the correction of public evils. Many evidences yet remain in repositories of curious papers, that such disquisitions occupied several writers of that period resident in Ireland. Such men looking with sagacity to the result of present measures, observed with suspicion the growing power and aspiring ambition of Kildare. They considered the disorders of the realm minutely, and unanimously resolved to lay them before the throne. Alan, the deprived archbishop of Dublin and chancellor, took the lead in these secret con- sultations. He had been trained in the school of political intrigue by his patron Wolsey. This prelate had been educated at Oxford, removed thence to Cambridge, where he took the degree of bachelor of laws. He was sent by Wareham, archbishop of Canterbury to the pope respecting certain matters relating to the church. He con- tinued at the Romish court nine years, and was created doctor of laws. After his return he was appointed chaplain to Wolsey, and was nomi- nated commissary or judge of his legantine court, ?r 'rr 344 IS L EQUATE A- LATERE. as legate a latere,* the duties of which he ex- ecuted with an assiduity and attention neither upright nor honourable. Though accused of mis- demeanor and dismissed from the office, he was still protected by the cardinal, and proved a use- ful and active agent to him in his favourite scheme of suppressing the monasteries, of which forty of the smaller ones he first visited, and subse- quently suppressed for the erection of his colleges at Oxford and Ipswich. Wolsey procured for this his favourite chaplain the living of Dalby in Leicestershire, though it belonged to the master and brethren of the hospital at Barton Lazars. About the latter end of 1 525 he was incorporated doctor of laws in the University of Oxford. March 1528 he was consecrated archbishop of Dublin, and about the same time was made chancellor of Ireland. The jealousy which Gardiner conceived of this favourite is said to have been the occasion of his removal into Ireland, where he of course adopted the prejudices of his patron against the Geraldines. In the present instance, himself and his colleagues were as much actuated by pique and animosity as by a regard to the public wel- lare in the measure they were concerting. The * Legates a latere .were a kind of Legates who possessed the full powers of the popes in all the provinces committed to their charge, and were very active in extending as well as exercising it. They nominated to all vacant benefices, as- sembled synods, and were stu- dious to maintain all ecclesi- astical privileges which never could be fully protected with- out encroachment on the civil power. If there was any want of concurrence or opposition, it was always expected that the civil power must give way. Every deed which had the least pretence of holding any thing spiritual, was brought into the spiritual court; and could not be canvassed before a civil court. These were the estab- lished laws of the church, and where a legate was sent imme- diately from Rome, he was sure to maintain the papal claims with the utmost vigour. THOMAS, SON OF KILDARE. 345 application was too well supported to be received with indifference by Henry, and his violence of temper readily affixed to Kildare offences, of which he was in reality innocent. He received the royal mandate to commit the government to a responsible person, and to repair to the presence without delay. The earl, conscious that his con- duct would not bear strict inquisition, endea- voured to evade the order, but Henry was inflex- ible, and he had no course left but to obey, and he took the impolitic and dangerous step of en- trusting the government to his son Thomas, a youth scarcely arrived at his majority. Great personal beauty rendered the young go- vernor generally attractive, nor were the rashness of youth and the violence of temper which he dis- played, combined with an excess of family pride, regarded severely, although they exposed him to the artifice of his enemies, and the adulation of his pretended friends. His father, it was ru- moured, had been committed to the Tower, and the enemies of his family easily spread abroad subsequent reports of his execution, and the threatened royal vengeance against the whole of his family. Lord Thomas, in consequence of letters to him being intercepted, became confirmed in his belief, that his father had been put to death. He consulted with his Irish associates, who fur- ther irritated his inflamed spirit by advising him to revenge the injuries of his family, and promised him assistance. The too credulous Thomas list- ened to their passionate arguments, and plunged into a desperate rebellion ere he gave himself time to think upon the fatal results which might follow. Attended by his troop, he rushed tumultuously into the council assembled in St. Mary's Abbey, Dublin. The Lords were naturally alarmed, he desired them not to be so, declaring his intention 346 HIS REBELLION. to act with the open generosity of a soldier. He resigned his sword of state, determined he said to depend on his own weapon. He warned them to avoid him as an enemy, for that he was no longer the deputy of King Henry, but his mortal foe. The lords were confounded and astonished at the daring courage of the youthful warrior and avenger. Cromer the primate and chancellor appears at this moment of interest in that amiable point of view which endears to us a religion of peace, and confers veneration on its ministers. He with dignified composure took the young Kil- dare by the hand, and mildly requested to be heard a few words. He then pathetically repre- sented the rashness, weakness, and iniquity of his present attempt, grounded on an uncertain rumour, and if assured, unwarrantable, the ruin in which it would involve his family, the misery it would spread through his country, and the guilt into which it vvould plunge his own soul. He besought him to consider the duty he owed to himself, to his family, to his country, to his king, and above all to his God, and to desist from his purpose. His speech delivered with the ani- mation of genuine feeling, and the emotion of sin- cerity, was interpreted by the rude Irish followers of Lord Thomas according to their own ideas, for they understood not the language of the speaker. They conceived that the venerable man was en- couraging the enterprise of their young leader, and one of their native bands who attended in the train, unwilling to be outdone in what he believed his own profession, instantly began to chaunt the praises of young Thomas, the gallant silken lord as he stiled him, (from the richness of his dress, &:c.) extolling his greatness and valour, chiding his delay and calling him to the field. Unhap- pily the effusions of the rhapsodist prevailed over DEATH OF ARCHBISHOP ALAN. 347 the sage counsels of the venerable prelate. The young Kildare rushed forth at the head of his Irish train, bent on revei^e for the blood of his father, and a formidable insurrection quickly en- sued. The devastation of the district called Fin- gal, the granary of Dublin, obliged the citizens to make some effort to oppose the insurgents. Lord Thomas appeared before the gates of the city threatening to destroy with fire and sword unless his men were permitted without molestation to lay siege to the castle. Kildare was doubtless apprised that to this place his known enemy, Alan, the archbishop and other lords and ofiicers of state had fled for safety. Alan reflecting that he was certainly obnoxious to the rebels, deter- mined without waiting the precarious event of war, to seek refuge in England. A vessel was secretly provided, and he embarked, but whether by the perfidy or unskilfulness of the pilot;, who was a Fitzgerald, the ship was stranded near Clontarf, and Alan soon discovered by his ene- mies in the adjacent village. He was dragged from his bed with barbarous triumph, and led naked as he was to their captain. The prelate fell on his knees before him, imploring m^cy for a Christian and a churchman. The young lord without deigning to reply, turned his horse, ex- claiming in the Irish language, " Away with the churl ! " His caitiffs interpreting the expression according to their own malignant ideas, while the wretched suppliant yet lifted up his hands for mercy, assailed and literally hewed him to pieces. The place where this barbarous murder was com- mitted, was afterwards hedged in, and unfre- quented in horror and detestation of the act. Thus ended in the fifty-eighth year of his age, the earthly career of one of those deep sacerdotal politicians, with which the courts of princes then .,-,:jg \.'f^r*1i 348 SALE OF INDULGENCES. abounded. The final result of this desperate re- bellion was the utter ruin of Kildare and his family, even those individuals who had entirely disapproved it. The rash Kildare on being sent to the Tower, discovered that his father, whose supposed death he had been avenging, had lived to learn the rebellion of his son, and had sunk under the severe mental anguish which the in- telligence had occasioned. A younger brother of Kildare, a youth about twelve years of age, though pursued by the vengeance of the king, was saved by the generous stratagem of his aunt. The various fortunes of this noble youth were highly interesting, and he was wonderfully pre- served to regain the honours of his family. While these events were passing in Ireland, Eu- rope beheld the glorious dawning of the reforma- tion. We have seen that the manifold and increasing evils of the Romish church had gradually prepared the minds of men for a great religious revolution, and a concurrence of incidents contributed to the crisis to which we are" arrived. Both the heads and the hearts of nations were in a state of pre- paration for the reception of a purer doctrine than had filled the European world. Amongst the principal of these concurring causes, we may certainly rank that bold invention of Leo the tenth, which he justly styled a very profitable trade, viz. the sale of indulgences, and by which fraud and injustice became honourable when it con- tributed to the riches of the see, and the glory of the papacy, while they aggravated the passions of men, and lulled most effectually their consciences by inspiring them with a confidence in their me- ritorious sacrifices. The licentious and depraved lives of the individuals who retailed this papal stock of merits, could not fail to strike the view even of the most superficial and the most bigoted. LUTHER. 349 and prepared them readily for, the exposition of the abuses, when the fearless spirit of Luther burst forth to inform the credulous multitude, as he gradually proceeded to attack the various errors which had obscured the lustre of religion. After deep reflection, he had undauntedly entered the lists against the hierarchy, and boldly striking at the foundation of the pernicious system which had so long prevailed, he taught his disciples to renounce all human authority, to resort to the word of God, as the only true standard of Chris- tian faith and duty. His doctrines were embraced with ardour, propagated with zeal, and a deadly wound was given to the papal power, ere it well had time to consider its danger.* All Europe in a little time resounded with the name of the daring innovator, and men, roused from the lethal slumber which had so long pressed upon their faculties, began to think, and to call in question the most ancient and received opinions. The rumour of these innovations soouv reached England, which having tasted the bitterness of clerical usurpation, was. not unprepared for the new doctrine, bearing, as it did, a resem- blance to that of the Lollards. It gained, there- fore, many partisans among all ranks and condi- tions. A minute detail of the progress of this mental revolution seems unnecessary here, as the circumstances are so familiar to the reader of English history. It is only necessary to say, that the passions of Henry were made the secon- • dary means of effecting the great work, and that a way was opened for restraining the enormities \ of popular superstition, and communicating the Scriptures to the laity in the vulgar tongue. * Leo X, was a lover and cent and voluptuous in his patroniser of the arts, magnifi- habits. ';^8r > J-.'-' 7. ■'^f^iK^' vi«p^gK!j>f^. T-';' : 350 THE REFORMATION. While the imperious Henry was elated at the general and ready compliance of his people with his scheme of reformation in England, he naturally desired to extend it yet further, by gaining a re- ception for the new doctrines in Ireland, and he fixed upon a fit instrument to effect his purpose ; George Browne, provincial of the friars of St. Augustine, was eminent in London for sincerity and simplicity of conduct, for charity and bene- volence, as well as a freedom and liberality of religious sentiment. He frequently preached against the futility of pilgrimages and penances, dissuaded his hearers from a vain dependence on the merits and intercession of departed saints, exhorting them to rely solely on the mediation of our Lord, and to address their prayers immediately to God. Lord Cromwell, who on the death of Wolsey had become the king's favourite, and exercised all the rights annexed to his supremacy, under the title of Vicar-General of England, easily pro- cured the zealous preacher of such doctrines to be promoted in Ireland. Cromwell had favoured the cause of the reformers secretly, and as he possessed prudence and ability, he was able, from his responsible station, very effectually, though covertly, to promote the new doctrines. On the death of the unhappy Archbishop Alan, the Augustine provincial, Browne, was advanced to the see of Dublin, and with commissioners, was appointed to confer with the clergy and nobility, and to procure a general acknowledgment of the king's supremacy. This, however, was found a more difficult task than had been anticipated by the impetuous Henry and his politic minister, who very erroneously imagined a people, whom they regarded with leelings at least bordering on contempt, would be easily led to imitate the ex- THE CHURCH OF IRELAND. 351 ample of those of England, and would not dare presume to question the monarch's will. The spirit of religious disquisition had in a de- gree been introduced into Ireland, with the con- stant succession of English settlers — indeed, to such an extent as to cause the revival of a law, during the parliament of the tenth year of Henry VII., to prevent the grpwth of the Lollard heresy. But Ireland was an ungenial soil for the seeds of the reformation ; nor was it a place in which the causes which had produced it in other countries, could find a field of operation. Unconnected in polity, strangers to the advantages of national union, ever engaged in petty contests, a prey to perpetual jealousies, and even the most civilised living in continual alarm, and obliged to hold them- selves ready to repel some foe — they had little leisure or inclination to employ themselves in speculation, and were naturally destitute of that disposition which would lead to inquiries that had been pursued with such earnestness and avidity in other countries, inquiries which had burst the bonds of mental thraldom, and were tending to make men " free indeed." The peo- ple had, it is true, most severely experienced the oppression of the clergy, but that which in other countries seemed the capital and almost universal grievance, was but one, and perhaps the lesser of the many that weighed upon Ireland. Thus when almost all Europe had declared against the yoke of ecclesiastical tyranny, a slight attempt made in one province of Ireland, [1529,] to cir- cumscribe the privileges of the clergy, raised a most violent and insolent clamour against the order, although it amounted to nothing more than empowering the civil magistrate to imprison eccle- siastical debtors. Now was the period to prove the pernicious policy of excluding any part of the 352 THE CHURCH OF IRELAND. population of Ireland from the privilege of form- ing one body of British subjects ; for among the evil consequences of excluding the old natives from the pale of English laws, dark superstition and blind bigotry proved the natural concomi- tants of a disquieted, ignorant, uncivilised, and dissolute mode of life. From the impolitic and absurd distinction of inhabitants, naturally re- sulted great irregularities in the ecclesiastical constitution of the nation, which had a direct tendency to confirm the people in the grossest ignorance, and, of consequence, in the most ab- ject superstition. In those dioceses where law and civility were most prevalent, the prelates found it impossible to extend their pastoral care or jurisdiction to those districts occupied by the old natives. Their synods were held, (as the records express it,) inter Anglicos ; and the Irish clergy, hating the English power, when sum- moned to obey their ordinary, were refractory and contumacious, and were excluded from the assemblies where they claimed a right to be pre- sent as assessors and coadjutors, a refusal which kept alive prejudice, and fostered hatred. In the districts more remote from the seat of government, where war and confusion generally reigned, the appointment of prelates and pastors was frequently altogether neglected. It cannot be surprising, that bishops intruding surrep- titiously, or seizing the sees by violence, both which sometimes occurred, should be little sought, reverenced, or obeyed. They sometimes only enjoyed an empty title, sometimes were driven by the prevailing public disorders to the discharge of some inferior pastoral function, in p^ces of security and seclusion. Prelates of tnB more eminent dioceses reposed in monastic indolence and tranquillity, while all Europe was engaged fc . -^ t^ THE CHURCH OF IRELAND. 353 in the tumult of theological dispute ; as a proof of which, we find an Irish bishop renowned among his countrymen for the composition of a hymn in barbarous Latin rhymes, in praise of a St. Macartin, while his brethren in other coun- tries were engaged in discussion on the most im- portant points of religion. A clergy without knowledge or discipline, and a laity destitute of instruction, were, in proportion to their ignorance, abjectly attached to papal authority, the only authority which they had been habituated to reverence. It was perfectly natural that they should now with astonishment and horror hear it impeached, and be peremptorily required to throw it off. There was one peculiar prejudice in favour of the see of Rome, which operated equally on the Irish and the English, and even on the more enlightened of the latter. Ireland had been for ages considered, and always industriously represented as a fief of the pope, in right of the church of St. Peter. By virtue of this imaginary right, the seignory of the kingdom, it is known, was granted to Henry II. The Irish parliament had, from time to time, acknowledged this to be the only legitimate foundation of the authority of the crown of England. It was there- fore considered more especially profane and wicked to deny the authority of the pope, even in his own rightful inheritance, and that a prince entrusted with this inheritance, for the further- ance and protection of religion, should disclaim his spiritual father and sovereign, and impiously violate the stipulations of his ancestors, by which alone he was entitled to any authority or pre- eminence in Ireland. With this general prepos- session in favour of the ancient establishments, the people expressed their opinions with little VOL. I. A A ! • ' V 354 ARCHBISHOP CROMER. restraint, removed as they were from the imme- diate effects of Henry's inflexible severity. Hence, when the commissioners appointed, explained their instructions, and demanded an acknowledg- ment of the king's supremacy, Cromer, primate of Armagh, English by birth, and who had some time held the office of chancellor, openly and boldly declared against an attempt so odious, and a presumption so haughty. He summoned the suffragans and clergy of his province, and pa- thetically represented the danger threatened to the religion of their ancestors, exhorting them vehemently to adhere inviolably to the apostolic chair, suiting his arguments to the range of their understandings. He reminded them, that their country had, from the earliest ages, been called the Holy Island, a convincing proof that it ever was, and is the peculiar property of the holy see, from which the monarchs of England derive their lordship. He further enjoined them, by his spi- ritual authority, to resist all innovation, as they hoped for everlasting felicity, and pronounced a tremendous curse on all those who should sacri- legiously acknowledge the king's supremacy. In the meantime, he dispatched two emissaries to Rome, to represent the danger of the church, and to entreat the interposition of the pontiff in de- fence of his own rights and interests in Ireland. It may readily be supposed, that this spirited and zealous conduct of one of the most eminent of the Irish prelates created a great sensation, and en- livened the opposition of the friends of Rome, against the innovation of her discipline. To the utter mortification of the English agents, the king's commission was treated with indiffer- ence and neglect, and his vicar, on account of the inferiority of his birth, became even a subject CROMWELL VICAR-GENERAL. 355 of popular ridicule.* Archbishop Browne, with the assistance of some of his suffragans, laboured in support of the commission, but he was treated not only with disdain but outrage, his life being even exposed to danger. This, however, cannot be subject of surprise, when we recollect the in- judicious means resorted to of effecting the pur- posed reformation. It was not the prostrating images, the destroying relics, the abolishing ab- surd and idolatrous rites, which could impart any salutary influence to the minds, or break the strong bonds of fanaticism which bound a people totally unprepared, either by mental cultivation, or the peculiarities of polity and situation, for the reception of doctrines so diametrically opposite to those which had grown with their growth, and strengthened with their strength. And such, perhaps, was tlie opinion of Browne himself, al- though the violent means he used were those which marked the spirit of the times. He in- formed Lord Cromwell of his ill success, and re- presented in their true light the melancholy state of Irish ecclesiastical affairs ; as well as the ex- treme ignorance of the clergy, incapable of perform- ing even the common offices of their function, and utter strangers even to the language in which they celebrated their mass. He depicted the furious and obstinate zeal of the people, whose blind attachment to Rome, he said, was as determined as the constancy of the most enlightened mar- tyrs to true religion. He added, that they exulted in expectation of effectual support from the pope, and seemed confident that his holiness would en- gage some of the old Irish chieftains, and parti- * Browne, in a letter to much hate your lordship, and Cromwell, tells him, with a despitefully call you in their simplicity characterising the Irish tongue, the blacksmith's age: '*The country folk here son." A A 2 ¥' 356 THE king's supremacy. cularly O'Nial, the great dynast of the north, to rise in defence of religion. Considering all these circumstances, the archbishop earnestly recom- mended, as the most effectual method of proce- dure, that an Irish parliament should be assem- bled without delay, which, like the English legislature, might by law enforce a general ac- knowledgment of the king's supremacy, so as to terrify the refractory, and silence their opposition. This advice was approved, and a parliament was convened at Dublin, May 1536. The trans- actions of a late parliament at Westminster, suf- ficiently intimated to the Irish what acts would be most acceptable to the king, and it was ac- cordingly made the model of their present ordi- nances. Left to the direction of their own loyal zeal, (the act of transmission having been waived,) they proceeded not only to provide for the internal regulation and local necessities of the pale, but to decide on points equally pertaining to the realm of England, and to the land of Ireland, as they express it, appending and belonging to the impe- rial crown of that realm, and to the uniti/, peace, and wealth of both lands. With respect to the re- formation, the king was declared supreme head on earth of the church in Ireland, all appeals to Rome in spiritual causes were taken away, the English laws against slandering the king, in con- sequence of these innovations, were enacted and <;onfirmed in Ireland, together with the provi- sions made in England for the payment of first- fruits to the king ; by another act he was invested not only with the first-fruits of bishoprics, and other secular promotions in the church of Ireland, but also with those of abbies, priories, colleges, and hospitals ; by another, the authority of the Bishop of Rome was more solemnly renounced, and the maintainers of it in Ireland made subject PARLIAMENTARY ENACTMENTS. 357 to premunire. All officers of every kind and de- gree were directed to take the oath of supremacy, and every person who should refuse it, declared as in England to be guilty of high treason. All pay- ment of pensions, and suing for dispensations and faculties to Rome were utterly prohibited, by adopting the law made for this purpose in Eng- land, and accommodating it to Ireland. By one act, twelve religious houses were suppressed, the priory of St. Wolstan's in particular, and the de- mesnes of all vested for ever in the crown. It cannot be necessary to remark on the slavish submission of the parliaments of this period, nor to dwell upon this Irish echo to the English sub- servient one. All the laws which it enacted were received without opposition, except those relative to ecclesiastical jurisdiction ; these had all the violence of bigotry td encounter. The Romish party, prepared for the agitation of a sub- ject so important, had collected all their adhe- rents, and were ready for a vigorous contention. Two proctors from each diocese, who had usually been summoned to parliament, composed a for- midable body of ecclesiastics, avowed adherents to the holy see. They claimed to be a part of the legislative body, and to have a full right of suffrage in every public question ; it therefore became necessary, before the act of supremacy could be proposed, to define their rights. It was declared by a previous act that their claim was groundless and presumptuous; that they were summoned merely as assistants and counsellors, and that from the first day of the present parlia- ment, they should be accepted and taken as counsellors and assistants only, whose consent and concurrence was by no means necessary to any parliamentary transaction. Although the partizans of Rome were thus unexpectedly de- 358 ARCHBISHOP BROWNE. prived of the suffrages of so powerful a body, still when the act of supremacy came to be proposed, both lords and commons united in expressing their unqualified abhorrence of the spiritual au- thority assumed by the king, while the royal party were equally determined in defence of it. Archbishop Browne took a prominent part in supporting the propriety of the act, using such arguments which it is fair to suppose had weight upon his own judgment, and which were, in fact, more likely to influence his auditors, than those of greater solidity and real force. He pleaded the authority of the pontiffs themselves against the usurpations of Rome ; he observed, that they had acknowledged emperors, kings, and princes to be supreme in their own dominions, and even Christ's own vicars. He therefore declared that he freely and conscientiously accepted the king's highness as supreme in both realms, in ecclesi- astical as well as in civil affairs. He concluded his arguments with one calculated to work upon the fears of his hearers, pronouncing those who made any difficulty in concurring with him to have no right to be considered or treated as loyal subjects. Apprehension softened the violence of those who failed to be persuaded, and the friends of Rome were compelled to reserve them- selves for a clandestine opposition to the execution of a law which they possessed no power to pre- vent being enacted, but which, in despite of le- gislative authority, they determined to oppose with indefatigable zeal. With an ingenuity and craft, (machinery, with the motions of which they were well acquainted,) they devised a pretence for impeaching the au- thority of the parliament, and persuading the people that the laws enacted in the first session were utterly invalid. But the zeal of these ob- DIVISION OF THE CHURCH. 359 jeetors was so precipitate, that they defeated their purposes, for by advancing their objections during the prorogations of the parliament, instead of waiting for its dissolution, they gave it an opportunity, in the latter session, to explain the supposed ambiguity upon which they had grounded the invalidity of its enactions, and to declare the validity of all acts of the present parliament, de- nouncing those guilty of felony who should at- tempt to invalidate any of its laws. To these legislative measures, it was at this time also ne- cessary to add extraordinary vigilance and ac- tivity in the field. It was naturally to be expected, that religious controversy must greatly aggravate the disorders which had so long pervaded the country, that such controversies would have a tendency to separate those who had heretofore been united ; the king's subjects who disapproved the recent regulations, were in danger of being seduced from their alle- giance, while at the same time a new bond of union seemed formed among the old Irish. Their temporal interests were indeed separate, and their enmities deep and rancorous, but^ the de- fence of the ancient religion was regarded as a common cause, in which they were bound to unite, while it furnished a fair plea for insurrec- tion. The chief governor, Lord Leonard Grey, was aware of these consequences, and was not inattentive to prevent them if possible. He tra- versed the country, and obtained from the chief- tains formal indentures of peace and submission, receiving hostages as a security of their fidelity. But the faithful services of Lord Grey could not preserve him from that popular odium which his vigilant, envious, and powerful enemies found various occasions of exciting and inflaming. The friends of Rome, in particular, had an implacable 360 ADRIAN VI. resentment towards him, from his zeal in removing and destroying the instruments of superstition, as the demolition of the churches was termed. His government was perpetually subjected to new inquietudes from religious controversy* [1536.] Archbishop Browne, the master spirit and principal agent in Irish reformation, found the utmost difficulty, even in the very seat of government, to counteract the insidious and se- cret intrigues of Cromer and his party. The clergy of his cathedrals resolutely opposed his attempt to remove their images and reliques, and sent a special emissary to Rome, to express their devotion to the holy father, and to implore his interposition in the support of his authority in the holy island. Adrian VI.* now occupied the papal chair, as successor to Leo X. His character and purity of manners were very superior to those who had preceded him ; and while he candidly acknow- ledged the abuses of the court of Rome, he ap- pears sincerely desirous to effect a reform. It is related of him, as a proof of his frankness, (for which he was, of course, much blamed by papal supporters,) that he maintained, a pope might err, even in a matter of faith. Still he 'Was a warm anti-Lutheran ; hence in his brieve against this reformer and his doctrines, he deals out his threat- enings in language as haughty as any used by his less candid predecessors. It will, therefore, be readily supposed that the Irish emissaries were well received at the court of Rome, and that Cromer and his associates were enjoined to persevere boldly in support of the papal authority. They were fully empowered to absolve those * Preceptor to Charles V. ; placard was found on his physi- hated by the Romans, because cian's door, '* To the deliverer u stranger. At his death, a of his country " ENGLISH POWER ENDANGERED. 361 from their oath who had been persuaded to ac- knowledge the king's supremacy, and were di- rected to command them, under the penalty of the severest ecclesiastical censures, to make con- fession of their guilt within forty days, and to enter into a new engagement, composed with great solemnity, to maintain the authority of the holy see, to oppose heretics, to resist all edicts issued against the church of Rome, and to declare those accursed who should hold any power, either ecclesiastical or civil, superior to that of the mother church. Thus was religious controversy, and all the multiplied bitter feelings of contending opinions, added to the evils which pervaded unhappy Ire- land. Several of the incumbents in the diocese of Dublin resigned their benefices rather than acknowledge the supremacy of Henry ; and so considerable was the opposing party, that the zealous Browne would not even venture to fill up these benefices until he had consulted his patron Cromwell. In his letters he expresses in very strong terms his apprehensions of the agents from Rome, and their powerful influence : " Ever since the first settlement of the English in Ire- land," he remarks, " the old natives have been desirous of some foreign power to support and govern them, and now both English and Irish sacrifice their private animosities to the general cause of religion, and seem on the point of form- ing a dangerous confederacy, which some foreigner may be spon invited to lead against the English government." Nor were these fears groundless, as far as referred to the activity and influence of Romish agents ; for while Cromer employed him- self indefatigably in discharge of the pontifical commission, Romish agents were equally active in exciting the Irish chieftains of the north to as- 362 LETTER TO o'nIAL. sume arms in defence of the aneient religion. A Franciscan friar employed in this agency was detected and seized in Dublin, his papers fully proving the intent and purpose of his commission. He was first exposed on a pillory, but on orders being received from Lord Cromwell to send him prisoner to England, the wretched man, terrified with apprehensions of what he was likely to suffer from the king's vengeance, put an end to his existence. Amongst his papers was the fol- lowing letter of the Bishop of Metz, in the name of the council of cardinals, to O'Nial. We give it entire from the historian Leland, as a proof of the assiduity with which individuals were excited to unsheath the sword against the opposers of the pope, and of the art used to apply the argument to the peculiar prejudices and passions of the man addressed. My son O'Nial, Thou and thy fathers were ever faithful to the mother church of Rome. His holiness the pre- sent pope, and his council of holy fathers, have lately found an ancient prophecy of one Laze- rianus, an Irish archbishop of Cashel. It saith, that the church of Rome shall surely fall when the Catholic faith is once overthrown in Ireland. Therefore, for the glory of the mother church, the honour of St. Peter, and your own security, suppress heresy, and oppose the enemies of his holiness. You see that when the Roman faith perisheth in Ireland, the see of Rome is fated to utter destruction ; the council of cardinals have, therefore, thought it necessary to animate the people of the holy island in this pious cause, be- ing assured, that while the mother church hath sons of such worth as you, and those who shall unite with you, she shall not fall, but prevail for o'nial overruns meath. 363 ever, in some degree at least, in Britain. Having thus obeyed the orders of the sacred council, we recommend your princely person to the protection of the Holy Trinity, of the Blessed Virgin, of St. Peter, St. Paul, and all the host of heaven. Amen. The detection of the unhappy friar could be of little consequence in checking the activity of the Romish party, for he was but one of a host on the alert, well furnished with legends and prophecies, and similar agents of seduction, ac- commodated to the ignorance and the credulity of some, and the pride and vanity of others. The chieftain O'Nial, for instance, readily yielded to the flattering persuasion, that the defence of the holy church rested on his prowess, and eagerly embraced the fair occasion of resuming the an- cient consequence of his family. Throughout the nortliern province, the clergy actively em- ployed themselves in haranguing the fiery chief- tains, raising their enthusiasm and zeal to the utmost height, by conjuring and commanding them to waive all individual contentions, and firmly to unite in the glorious cause of religion. The latent spark in the bosom of these chieftains was speedily ignited, and a powerful confederacy formed for the suppression of heresy, while the pride of O'Nial was further exalted by his being acknow- ledged lord and leader of the northern Irish. 1539. Such were the papal champions among the native Irish. O'Nial declared war against the invaders of papal rights, led his forces through the territory of Meath, denouncing the terrors of his princely vengeance against all the enemies of religion, committing in his course various excesses uncontrolled. But this vain-glorious zeal was productive of no fruits : without any concerted 364 EXECUTION OF LORD GREY. scheme of eiFective hostilities, O'Nial seemed contented with the havoc he had made, and after reviewing his troops, he marched them back with the prey they had made in triumph to their own settlements. The lord deputy had foreseen the storn^; he obtained a reinforcement of troops from Cheshire, and uniting them with his own, hastened to repel the insurgents ; the result was the dispersion of the Irish, who fled before the vigorous arms of the English with precipitation, taking refuge in their remote haunts. This victory of Bellahoc, which broke the power of the northern Irish, and struck terror into the boldest chieftains, closed the services of Lord Grey. He was recalled to England, where the machinations of his enemies prevailed. Various articles of impeachment were brought against him, and he was upon the most frivolous charges accused of high treason. Over- come by apprehensions of the king's rigour and severity, he failed to take steps to exonerate him- self from the charges brought against him ; he pleaded guilty to his indictment, and suffered. The enemies of government, and the partisans of Rome were equally gratified by the fatal catas- trophe of this unhappy nobleman, who had served a merciless master so faithfully. The event re- vived the courage of the chieftains, who once more resolved to unsheath their swords against heresy. But their ill-concerted plans were de- feated by the prompt measures of Sir William Brereton, to whom the unfortunate Grey had committed the government on his departure for England. These repeated checks created a ge- neral despondency among the disaffected Irish, and the papal cause grew daily more desperate. Numerous monasteries and other religious houses were resigned to the king, and even the refractory TITLE OF KING OF IRELAND. 365 prior of Christchurch, Dublin, losing his hopes of deriving advantage from his secret practices with Rome, submitted to a change of his community into that of a dean and chapter. In short, a complete revolution of sentiment appeared to take place, and when Sir Anthony St. Leger as- sumed the government, the fairest presages of tranquillity seemed to attend the change. A regulation of good policy was made at this time, well calculated to suit the present pacific dispo- sitions of the Irish, and to give weight to the English government. It was judiciously resolved to change the style of Lord of Ireland, hitherto borne by the English monarchs, to that of King, and when we reflect on the force with which names and titles operate on the multitude, we shall perceive the good policy of this change at this peculiar period. It was resolved in the En- glish cabinet, that an Irish parliament should confer the title of King of Ireland upon Henry and his heirs.* A parliament was accordingly summoned without delay, and immediately enacted " that forasmuch as the king and his progenitors ever rightfully enjoyed all authority royal by the name of lords of Ireland, but for lack of the title of king had not been duly obeyed, his highness and his heirs for ever shall have the style and honour of King of Ireland, and that it shall be deemed high treason to impeach this title, or to oppose the royal authority." The act was an- nounced with every demonstration of joy and * Henry was fond of illus- trious distinctions^ and ambi- tious of fame of every kind. " We learn from the papal archives," says Milner, '* that this prince, before his contest with the Saxon divine, had been soliciting the pope to be- stow on him some honourable title similar to the Catholic or Most Christian King. It is even said that the title of Most Christian Majesty had been intended for Henry, but that the design was prevented by political considerations. 3GG HAPPY CHANGE EFFECTED. solemnity as an event highly interesting to the people, and honourable to the monarch. A gene- ral pardon, except for capital crimes, attended its promulgation, and after acknowledging the gene- ral satisfaction the measure . produced, and the benefits Ifkely to result, the document concludes, " And God save the King's Majesty, King Henry the eighth, king of England, Ireland, and France, defender of the faith, and on earth, supreme head of the church of England and Ireland." Although we cannot attribute it solely to this measure, but doubtless to a concurrence of causes, it is certain, a general submission immediately ensued. Even the aspiring O'Nial made his peace by a full renunciation of the papal authority, and his example was universally followed. Great effect was produced by well timed graces shown to some loyal Irish and English subjects. Peer- ages and promotions were granted, and it was declared in parliament to be the king's intention to confer more. They who hoped to obtain, were of course anxious to deserve the promised dis- tinctions, thus a spirit of emulation was excited which had the happiest effects. It grew fashion- able to be loyal, and numbers actuated by various motives and various causes, were eager to receive law from the fountain of royalty. Amongst the laws enacted for the regulation of the new sub- jects, we find some tending to a gradual refor- mation of abuses in the church. It was ordained that bishops should be allowed to exercise their jurisdiction. That laymen and boys should not be admitted to ecclesiastical preferments. That tythes be duly paid, and no molestation be given to any ecclesiastical officers. The Earl of Or- mond, the Earl of Desmond, and the Archbishop of Cashel were constituted guardians and ex- ecutors of these and other ordinances of state. o'nial earl of tirowen. 367 It was also the judicious policy of the English go- vernment at this period to break if possible the dependencies of inferior chieftains and their septs, and thus gradually to introduce freedom and ci- vility among the Irish districts. For this purpose they were encouraged to submit their complaints of whatever kind to the lord deputy, to resort to his government as their certain resource, they were industriously taught to depend on the king, and assured that their effectual defence and pro- tection would be ever found in his equity, and in their own peaceable and faithful attachment. Henry prided himself upon this progress of the reformation in Ireland, regarding it as the effect of his own political sagacity and wise policy, and certainly he resorted to the most conciliating measures to effect a change of habits and opinions among his Irish subjects. Many of them won- by his grace and favour, visited the English court, where they were received and entertained with due consideration and honour, and their renewed submission received with courtly grace, many titles being conferred. O'Nial was among these Irish visitors, and repeated his submissions and engagements. He consented to renounce the style and name of O'Nial, and promised for him- self, his family and followers to assume the English habit, language and manners, and to obey English law. He was created a peer of the realm of Ireland by the title of Earl of Tirowen ; and his son, to whom the title was to descend, was by the same patent made Baron of Dungannon. The honour of knighthood was also conferred on two gentlemen of his retinue, and a clergyman who was of his train, and had been appointed by the pope to the see of Clogher, was confirmed in his see on resigning his papal credentials and re- nouncing the authority of Rome. Presents were 3G8 PUBLIC TRANQUILLITY. lavished upon all ; and a gold chain received by the new earl from the royal hand, was the pledge of favour and conciliation. Thus did all "bear with the time,'* and notwithstanding the plausi- bility of the measures, they were far from meeting the evils of the system prevailing in Ireland, and too superficial to affect the deep seated errors of the government ; they were fair as far as they went, but they left many things essential to effect any radical change, at an immeasurable dis- tance, and little zeal and solid advantage' was the result of this brilliant exterior appearance of policy. However, progress was certainly made in reformation, proved by an unusual degree of peace and tranquillity throughout the country, although the French monarch, against whom Henry had declared war, endeavoured by his emis- saries to seduce the Irish into a revolt. Henry was attended to Calais by a considerable body of Irish forces, who distinguished themselves by their undaunted spirit. A few contests between the chieftains were the only causes of commotion, . and the governor employed himself in arbitrating between the parties with good effect. We can- not but suppose that among the late submissions, the parties were actuated by various motives, that many were insincere, and that their aversion to Henry, and their attachment to Rome remained unshaken, although openly renounced. But a defect of union among themselves obviated any mischievous effect against the English govern- ment, while their secret discontent had no oppor- tunity to manifest itself. Yet as a proof of the violent spirit of loyalty in some, it is stated that when the son of the Baron of Upper Ossory had committed some treasonable offence he was actually delivered up to public justice by his own father. We have thus seen the reformation established P'-r •;^-r'' ^ ■ '^^^-"^k^-^^'^^^^: '■-s:-j:^:'':?^!ff9W'^m^s!mw^^ SUPPRESSION OF THE MONASTERIES. 3C9 in Ireland, which was attended by a similar sup- pression of monasteries as took place in England, upon which determined scheme of the rapacious monarch we have no occasion to dwell, merely remarking that it is not the least of the inconsis- tencies which marked the character and conduct of Henry, that although he did thus determine to destroy all religious houses, he left money by his will for masses to be said for delivering his soul from purgatory. '* The abolition of the ancient religion much contributed," says Hume, ** to the regular exe- cution of justice." While the Catholic super- stition subsisted in full force, there was no pos- sibility of punishing any crime in the clergy. The church permitted not the magistrate to try the offences of her members, and she could not herself inflict any penalties upon them, the power of excommunication only resting with her. Henry restrained these pernicious immunities, the pri- vilege of clergy was abolished for the crimes of petty treason, murder, and felony, to all under the degree of subdeacon. The former superstition also favoured crime in the laity as well as clergy, by affording them sanctuaries in the churches. Thei parliament abridged these privileges. It was at first declared that no sanctuaries were allowed in cases of high treason, next in those of murder, felony, burglary, rapes, and petty trea- son ; and it limited them in other particulars. It belongs not to this history to attempt any de- lineation of Henry's complicated character, which has been pourtrayed by so many able pens, and is to be traced in the various actions of his life and reign. His extensive authority and imperious will had retained the 'partisans of both the Ca- tholic and reformed religion in subjection, but upon his demise the hopes of the protestants, and VOL. I. B B 370 ENGI.ISM PALE EXTENDED. the fears of the Catholics began to revive, and the zeal of these parties produced disputes and animosities indicating more fatal divisions, as Somerset the protector w^as now the avowed friend of the reformers. Among many other invasions of ecclesiastical * privileges and property which took place at this period, we must remark the irregular practice of bestowing spiritual benefices on laymen, even the Duke of Somerset was endowed with spiritual preferments, deaneries and prebends. The civil affairs of Ireland during the brief reign of the amiable Edward, afford little subject of record. The government of Sir Anthony St. Leger, al- though honourable to himself, and of essential service to the crown, could not preserve him from the malicious cabals of enemies, but on the accession of Edward he was confirmed in his administration. As the turbulence of the Irish was well known, and their readiness to assume arms on the slightest occasions, it was deemed necessary to send a force to the support of the government in the island hea4ed by Bellingham, a brave and experienced commander. Nor was the precaution found unnecessary, employment was soon found for the troops in repelling several rebellious lords, who on pretence of injuries re- ceived, had taken up arms, and spread disorder through the province of Leinster. Bellingham had the military honour of gaining two consider- able districts to the English territories, and was said to be the first who for several ages had en- larged the borders of the pale. As his reward, he received the honour of knighthood, and the government of Ireland which he discharged faith- fully and vigilantly with a. strict attention to the interests of the crown. The secret practices of the friends of Rome were in the mean time un- E ' ■ ' ADMINISTRATION OF BEIJIXGIIAM. 371 remitted ; alarmed at the prospect of further inno- vations in religion, they redoubled their assiduity, and even within the English pale were extremely successful in fomenting and propagating discon- tent. The vigilance of the governor, however, discovered their intrigues before they effected any serious disturbance. Bellingham appears to have acted upon that generous and liberal policy which at that period was at least rare, that of preventing, rather than punishing the crime of rebellion. Of this we have a pleasing and amiable instance in his con- duct towards the haughty Earl of Desmond. This chieftain had retired to his territory, re- suming his rude magnificence and proud inde- pendence. Bellingham, who wished all suspected nobles to be under his own immediate vigilance, summoned Desmond to Dublin, and on his refusal, instantly entered Munster with a small train and surprised the chieftain at his residence. He won upon his pride by some gentle and well adapted expostulations, and the haughty Desmond yielded to his wishes, accompanied him to Dublin, where he continued subsequently to reside, and where the judicious Bellingham laboured to train him to civility, and to impress his mind both by his ex- ample and delicate instructions with the duties of social and political life. The soil was grateful, the generous zeal of the worthy Bellingham had its full effect upon the Earl. Touched with the happy change in his moral and mental condition he firmly adhered to the precepts he had received, and affectingly expressed his gratitude in daily prayers for his benefactor, by the name of the good Bellingham. We must be pardoned for relating this anecdote, but although not relevant to our subject, it exhibits such pleasing portraits of two B B 2 f«?*-';:^!BR ■ . II^?: ' ■ ■^'^^ r" llf^!^!!'^ ™ ^^'^^p^jm^f^slg^y'-fif^^C'T ■ •• • ;• ^T^- -'■ ■* -f^^f:^; 372 CHANGE IN THE LITURGY. eminent individuals that we could not resist the pleasure of sketching them. The Protector, Somerset, had successfully pro- ceeded in the English reformation where his zeal was marked by the most barbarous violences. Books and manuscripts were destroyed without distinction, volumes of divinity suffered for their rich and costly ornaments, those of literature were with Vandal ignorance condemned as use- less. Those treating of the sciences, were sup- posed to contain only necromancy. The libraries of Westminster and Oxford were ransacked and ordered to be cleared of the Romish missals, legends, and other superstitious volumes, in which search little discrimination was made. Severi- ties were however not confined to the destruction of books, ornaments, and relics, but extended to the discovery of heretics and contemners of the new doctrines, so little is zeal generally tempered by judgment or humanity. But whatever were the means used, and however little they were distinguished by a generous indulgence to long established customs, the reformation extended itself rapidly in England where the dispositions of the mass of the people corresponded with those of the crown, and even it may be said preceded their rulers in the revolt from popery. It was re- solved therefore by the government, that the liturgy which had lately been established by the legislature with other ordinances relative to re- ligion should be immediately introduced into Ire- land. The abilities and experience of Sir Anthony St. Leger pointed him out as an individual well calculated for this service. He was accordingly appointed lord deputy with a commission to con- vene a parliament on his arrival. In regard to the reformation there, the case was very different - •^?j;-!i,;.i^'5 .j;^.- ■. i/: .-._ -V*-.?'* ■'■yr.^^^ff^m^^: "illpSP^' ■■ ■ -■ll^f^':^^ ILL-RECEIVED IN IRELAND. 373 to what it was in England ; in the latter it had as it were been met half-way, in Ireland, on the contrary it was tendered, nay even forced on a deeply prejudiced and reluctant people. Factious opposers of every thing emanating from an English government naturally regarded every innovation, especially those in the affairs of religion as op- pressive, arbitrary and injurious, and questioned every act of so offensive an authority, making it a plea for open discontent and secret intrigue. Those who possessed more peaceable dispositions, quite unskilled in the serious discussion of the great points in controversy rested indolently upon the antiquity of the former establishment, and were terrified with the dread of the denunciations of divine vengeance thundered loudly by the friends of Rome against all innovation and heresy. Under those different but equally opposing im- pressions, it was soon evident that although the rigour of Henry's government, and the terror of his despotic will had driven many to formal con- cessions and submissions, yet few had been pro- duced by serious conviction, and of course were as easily recanted as made. No one can call in question that our virtue and our happiness depend upon the exercise of our reason and affections, and therefore that it is of the utmost importance to give their tendencies a right direction, and by culture to cherish their growth. Neglected and untilled, what will even the richest soil produce ? Yet obvious as is this necessity no measures appear to have been taken in the infancy of the reformation in Ireland, to enlighten the ignorance of the inferior orders, nor any attempt to correct, to soften, or to remove their prejudices. " Hard is it," observes a chan- cellor of Ireland at this time, " that men should know their duties to God and to the king when 374 RELIGIOUS OPINIONS. they shall not hear preaching or teaching through- out the year," and he further says " preaching we have none, which is our lack, without which the ignorant can have no knowledge," and when we recollect that these complaints were made, when the lower orders in England were instructed and habituated to religious inquiry, we are struck with the impolicy and injustice which regulated this direct means of preparing the minds and hearts of men to admit opinions which are at once so consonant to right reason and so calculated to im- prove it, consequently to affect their moral and political obligations. P-emoving images, and de- stroying reliques tended rather to terrify and disgust those who had been taught to reverence them, and to strengthen those prejudices which the measure was intended to destroy. Opinions never can be changed by rash and violent means, they yield only to those that are cautious, slow, and mild. But the cruel and absurd attempt to inspire men with faith in any peculiar mode of doctrine by acts of rigour, violence or severity has been so often and so ably combated, that it is quite unnecessary to dwell on a principle the truth of which common sense must discover and experience has demonstrated. It is equally ob- vious that any such attacks against religious opi- nions and customs never fail to engage men more strenuously to adhere to them, to exalt their re- spect, to augment their attachment, and to add ardency to their zeal to preserve them inviolate. The reforming zeal of archbishop Browne seems however not to have extended to the simple means of general instruction for promoting the knowledge of the reformed religion, and refining the popular mind from the gross errors of the ancient mode of faith. The causes of this impo- litic omission may probably be referred to the ADHERENCE TO THE ROMISH CHURCH. 375 circumstances of so many of his clergy having abandoned their benefices rather than disdain the papal authority, and the impossibility of filling up those benefices at once with zealous and able reformers. Among his suffragans were, it is true, many Englishmen favourers of the reformation, still none are distinguished by any commendable services or laborious zeal. In fact the circum- stances of the nation were unfavourable to the salutary exertions of those individuals, for the Irish language had become so universal and pre- dominant notwithstanding the repeated laws to restrain it, that the people were inaccessible to the instructions of those strangers who had be- come their pastors. In the meantime the parti- sans of Rome found ready admission into the heart of those districts where the reformed clergy, if such there were, could neither be regarded nor understood. Speaking to their countrymen in their own language, and well acquainted with the best modes of persuasion, they were heard with attention, favour, and affection, and a contrast was naturally formed in the most uncultured minds, prejudicial to the views of the reformers. Such was the state of things in the pale, and those tracts of Irish territory which intersected the English settlements, and the prospect appears still more gloomy in regard to the moral and spiritual darkness of the people, as we penetrate into the remote provinces. In these, many of the prelates still continued to be nominated by the pope, enjoying their sees by his provision, independent of the crown of England, others, though appointed by the king, had yet a rival sent from Rome to contend with, hence continual jealousies and divisions ensued. The people re- moved beyond the sphere of English law, had scarcely known, and not in any way regarded the ^j:X ■'^f'*?^'^'^^''".-^'''* ■.'■'* *^ ■ J ' ™?P»>e^'^v; 37G DOWDAf, AUCHBISUOP OF ARMAGH. recent ordinances respecting religion, nor con- sidered themselves at all interested in any regu- lations regarding it, conceiving themselves only bound to the English government to abstain from taking up arms and invading the king's subjects. Added to these circumstances, it was believed that the lord deputy was more attentive to fulfil his duty as a statesman taking the term in an ab- stracted meaning, than to engage in any contro- versies about the modes of faith and worship or the dissemination of the new doctrines. A par- liament was not convened, but a royal procla- mation was transmitted addressed to the Irish clergy, enjoining the acceptance of the new liturgy. The proclamation was cautiously worded, in order that the innovation might not shock the prejudices of those enjoined to obey it. It expressed that the prayers of the church had been translated into the mother tongue for the edification of the people. Saint Leger assembled the prelates and clergy, submitting the document to their inspection as the royal will and pleasure, concurring with the mature and grave opinions of the reverend clergy of England, and as the result of their wise and pious deliberations for the welfare of Ireland. On the decease of the zealous partisan of Rome, Cromer, archbishop of Armagh, Robert Waucop had been nominated to that see by the pontiff. But Henry determined not to compromise his assumed rights, in defiance of this papal nomi- nation, transmitted his mandate to St. Leger for the appointment of John Dowdal, a native of Ireland, to the primacy. This prelate now proved that his attachment to Rome was superior to his gratitude either to the throne or his patron the lord deputy, by whose instance he had been elevated to the see. He now stood forth at the :»'.■■ ',,' .. •■ ■'«";^:»='';.?f';''i > 'T^.^i!^' !i^?r,'': ?,; ' j;-:' ■ yj?^ '• • -^i ' ^-flWI, 1 y'^ ■7*7: ^ ENGLISH LITURGY PROMULGATED. 377 head of his clergy, a bold and determined oppqser of the royal proclamation, treating the new liturgy with the utmost scorn, by which he remarked, every illiterate fellow might be enabled to read mass. St. Leger replied, that there were indeed too many illiterate priests, as ignorant of the language in which divine service had hitherto been performed as the people who attended, for that reason the present was calculated for the edification of both. He was interrupted in the midst of his address by Dowdal, with a stern and haughty admonition to beware of the clergy's curse, and after some further altercation, the en- raged primate arose, and departing from the as- sembly, was followed by almost all of his obse- quious clergy. Archbishop Browne, who now remained the first in dignity among the prelates, declared his ready acceptance of the king's order. The Bishops of Meath, Kildare, Leighlin, and Limerick concurred and the liturgy was soon after read in the cathedral of Christchurch, Dublin, Easter day, 1551, in the presence of the lord deputy, magistrates and clergy. Men bold enough to oppose the will of their superiors, are naturally presumed to act from pure and conscientious motives, and a sincere conviction of the truth of their own principles, and of cQurse their mental hardihood is respected. Hence, the opposition of the archbishop of Ar- magh and his seceding clergy created them great popularity, and tended to confirm the affection of the people for the ancient worship. Of course, the most invidious motives were attributed to the reforming party, they were accused of worldly and temporizing views, and as men who scrupled not to sacrifice their consciences to the fa- vour of a court. These prejudices were in- calculably increased by the injudicious violence ».' v\ .. "' '\ *■•■■■ ■ ■'•, '\- ■ ■ '^^^ii^' r*'- iV- . iir' ,- .'■,■ ■' ', ,. ■■''^ -■• ■' ."-,■•, ' I ■, . ■ ■■- -vjssj;^!;™^?'} 378 SPOLIATION OF CHURCHES. of those commissioned to remove the objects and ' instruments of popular superstition. Under the pretence of obeying the orders of state, this vio- lence of party feeling was cruelly displayed. The most valuable furniture of the churches was seized and exposed to sale without reserve or reverence. The Irish annalists describe with religious horror, (of which, however ill directed, we are not to doubt the sincerity, or to regard with contempt as the source is honourable to the feelings of the soul,) the garrison of Athlone issuing forth with a barbarous and heathen fury, and pillaging the famous church of Clonmacnoise, tearing away the most inoffensive ornaments, books, bells, plate, windows, furniture of every kind, so as to leave the shrine of their favourite Saint Kienan a hideous monument of sacrilege. The removal of St. Leger from the government was sudden, and attributed to the representations of archbishop Browne to the court, that the oppo- sition of the northern clergy might be traced to ^ the indifference and remissness of St. Leger in the cause of reformation. Sir James Crofts suc- ceeded him, and his first care was to labour by address and persuasion to soften the opposition of Dowdal and endeavour to reconcile him to the new regulations of public worship. The violent and uncompromising spirit of the prelate, rendered the task of the new deputy a difiicult one. To yield an iota of his pretensions or of his opi- nions, he thought would betray a cowardly ac- knowledgment of the superiority of those he opposed, and that his supposed weakness and im- potence had obliged him to listen to conciliation. The primate was in fact universally regarded as the principal and leader of the friends of Rome, his self-love and pride were flattered by the dis- tinction. To be the object of popular attention. ATTEMPT TO CONCILIATE. 379 the oracle to be consulted upon a subject of such vital and extensive importance has a natural ten- dency to elevate the pride of man, and to give force and spirit to those prepossessions of mind which have placed him in such a commanding situation. The prelate had retired with an af- fected dignity of resentment from the assembly he had so indignantly quitted to the abbey of St. Mary in the suburbs of Dublin, declining all intercourse with his ' conforming brethren, and taking no part in the public councils. In this monastic retirement he received the conciliating letter of the deputy by the hands of his suffragan of Meath. He was reminded by this letter, of the obedience due to the sovereign which Christ himself had recommended by his example, and which the bishops of Rome had not scrupled to acknowledge, the writer expressed in terms of great sincerity, his desire of being the instrument of reconciling and uniting the primate with all his brethren, and requested him, that for this good purpose, he should appoint a place of conference, that the order and discipline of the church of Ireland might be amicably adjusted by the clergy, that any further severity on the part of the throne might be obviated. The pride of the primate was flattered by this application, and he determined to preserve his stateliness. He replied with a frigid civility, that he had good reason to fear that it would be vain for him to enter into any conference with a number of obstinate church- men, or to hope that the differences which had occasioned his secession could be easily adjusted, the judgments and consciences of the contending parties being so entirely opposed. He, however, accepted the friendly offers of the lord deputy, and should rejoice to see him, if he would visit him- in his retirement. But he did not think it '/"arSw-? 380 RELIGIOUS COLLOQUY. meet for him to appear at his lordship's palace. Sir James Crofts sincerely desiring to reconcile the entire body of the clergy to the royal ordi-^ nance, passed over this provoking affectation of state, and resolved to visit the abbey. It was agreed that the primate should be attended by his brethren. The conference was held in the great hall of the abbey, and was opened in the form of a theological dispute, in which the pri- mate defended the Romish mass, and the Bishop of Meath was advocate for the reformed mode of worship. This method of decision had its natural and usual effect, for in religious controversies each one tries to support his own opinions, and practical religion is too often forgotten by both parties in the heat of argument. Each party in the present instance claimed the victory, and each retired with greater acerbity of disposition against the other. No law had as yet established the new liturgy in Ireland, therefore the archbishop persevered in his opposition with the greater confidence, as he was not obnoxious to any penalty. The authority of the court was con- temned and insulted without any present power of self vindication, and the influence of the arch- bishop and his clergy was unrestrained. A punishment however was devised and inflicted upon the contumacious primate, which however puerile it may appear to us, was considered both grievous and mortifying at the period we are re- viewing, when contests respecting ecclesiastical dignities were deemed of high importance. The question of precedence between the sees of Armagh and Dublin, had been, as we have be- fore remarked, agitated with violence ; popes and councils had been consulted, their decisions pleaded, and even the authority of England had frequently interposed to allay their acrimony. r_ry- J^T* ; '"^V ■' A THE PRIMACY REGULATED. 381 But the superiority of ecclesiastical privileges appeared to these contending prelates, not of such moment as whether the primate of Armagh should have his crosier borne erect within the jurisdiction of his rival. An opposition to this external mark of superiority had been deemed a sufficient reason for declining attendance in parliament, and pro- duced strong remonstrances against the injurious violation of his dignity. The contending parties were however apparently reconciled by the de- cision that each prelate should be entitled to primatial dignity, and be suffered to erect his crosier in the diocese of the other, while the archbishop of Dublin should have the title of primate of Ireland, and the archbishop of Armagh was to be distinguished by that of primate of all Ireland. He had now however offended so highly, and the services of Browne had been so impor- tant, that this arrangement was entirely reversed. By the king's patent, Armagh was deprived of the superior title, and it was conferred on Browne and his successors for ever in the see of Dublin. Nothing could be imagined more mortifying than this measure to the haughty and inflexible spirit of Dowdal. And in fact it wounded the pride of the primate so much, and so roused his apprehensions of further severities, that he aban- doned his see, and retired to the continent. This retreat, however, was rash and highly impolitic, as it referred to the support of the Catholic cause, while it proved that the archbishop was by no means endued with the spirit of a martyr in its defence. He abandoned the field when the popu- lar opinion was in his favour, and deprived his party of a leader, who from his station com- manded respect and reverence, and by his aban- donment left his opponents to improve the op- portunity of weakening his influence and under- 382 BALL, BISHOP OF OSSORY. mining his; cause. His enemies failed not to represent his retirement as a renunciation of his pastoral charge, and a successor was accordingly appointed to the see of Armagh. At the same time, John Ball was nominated to the see of Ossory. The rigid and uncomplying spirit of this acrimonious impugner of popery, manifested it- self immediately upon his consecration. The dean of Christ-church on that occasion proposed that the Romish ritual should be observed, as the people were not well inclined to the reformed liturgy, and the new order of consecration had not yet been established by a parliament in Ire- land. All the clergy, and even the new arch- bishop of Armagh, seemed willing to accede to this proposal. But Ball resolutely opposed all such condescensions. He obstinately refused to be consecrated by any but the reformed ritual, and by his firmness even terrified the clergy into a compliance. He observed the wafer prepared for the communion. He suspended the whole office until it was removed, and common bread placed on the table. The weak among the new reformed, were terrified with the inflexible reso- lution of the new bishop, and the Romish party beheld him with dismay and horror. His vehe- mence of temper was not however ill suited to the circumstances and place of his mission, and his learning, which was eminently superior to that of his Irish brethren, might have done considerable service to the protestant cause, had he regulated his conduct judiciously. But he showed no in- dulgence to the deep seated prejudices of his flock, and sought not to reconcile them by kind- ness. Bent upon the purpose of making his flock yield to the reform he had introduced, he was unmindful of that reserve and caution which were essentially necessary with a people so pew- wv''?.'»v ■ ' • ' '• •• •• "r-p^fj:^;™? ■ -5? ''■- "■"'X*vTf«Tn»-' ••^-;7^ HIS FLIGHT TO HOLLAND. 383 erfully prejudiced and bigoted. During the short period of this prelate's residence in Ireland, his life was a continued series of fear and persecution. On his first preaching the reformed doctrines his clergy forsook him or opposed him ; once in particular, five of his domestics were assassinated while peaceably making hay in a meadow near his house, and the same fate would probably have awaited himself 'had not the chief of Kilkenny hastened to protect him with one hundred horse, and three hundred foot. This prelate was born at Cove, near Dunwich, in Suffolk, in 1495. At twelve he entered into a monastery of Carmelites at Norwich, he was thence sent to Jesus College, Oxford. He was educated in the Romish faith, but converted to the Protestant by Thomas, Lord Wentworth. On the death of Lord Cromwell, who had protected him from the persecution of the Romish clergy, he was obliged to retire into the low countries, the general refuge, where he continued during the period of eight years. Soon after the accession of Edward the sixth, he was, as we have seen, recalled, and at first presented to the living of Bishop's Stooke, in Hants, and in 1552, nominated to the see of Ossory. We shall anticipate time a little to finish the brief sketch of this prelate's life. On the accession of Mary, the tide of opposition became so strong and pow- erful, that to avoid assassination he embarked for Holland, but was unfortunate in his escape. First he was taken by a Dutch man of war, and robbed by the captain of all his effects. Then being forced by stress of weather into St. Ives, Corn- wall, he was confined on suspicion of treason. Being however released after some days confine- ment, the ship anchored in Dover road, where he was again seized on a false accusation. After his arrivs^l in Holland, he was retained a prisoner ^iH^?f ^'^ • ■ ^ ''^ISff^' ' -^f *v*-"^r,>^/ . ■'.■f^i^p''mr^'^^^^T?^ffF^ 1 " -Z'^'^^WT 384 REPUGNANCY TO THE REFORMATIOX. three weeks, and at length obtained his liberty by engaging to pay thirty pounds. From Holland he travelled to Basle in Switzerland, where he continued till Elizabeth ascended the throne. After his return to England, he was made pre- bendary of Canterbury, probably not choosing to return to his Irish flock. He died, November, 1565, at Canterbury, in the sixty-eighth year of his age. He was so severe a writer against the church of Rome, that his books were particularly prohibited in the expurgatory index, published at Madrid in folio, in 1667. To return to the transactions from which this sketch has diverted our attention ; the appre- hensions of disorder from religious controversy, and the general attachment manifested by the people to their ancient mode of faith and worship, rendered a cautious and vigilant attention to civil affairs essentially necessary. But an inveterate adherence to the manners and institutions of former ages was the great obstacle in every at- tempt to preserve the different inhabitants within the bounds of peace and submission, and the Irish appeared particularly tenacious of their grandeur and independence, at this period when England was gradually regaining that extent of influence and dominion, which had from various causes been diminished. So rooted appeared the determination not to permit any innovation, that an Irish annalist of the period mentions an attempt to break in upon the ancient institutions which a long series of ages had established among his countrymen as a fair and justifiable cause of taking up arms, and the factious aud turbulent septs were ready to avail themselves of any fair plea to justify their restless animosities. Although not immediately connected with our principal subject, it is necessary to advert to the i^i?'^^ ' " ~ ■"''^ ?'"!???-^W'2^,jpi!gS^^^pnj*'- _: ■■■■■■^i^^r-' ^'^-"i-^^^JT^-.-r COMMOTIONS IN THE NORTH. 385 factious disorders of the great northern family of O'Nial, as they were particularly distressing to the English government at this period. The Earl of Tirowen, notwithstanding the amplitude of his submission, had by no means lost sight of the greatness and regal splendour of his family, and was little disposed to forego the proud distinction. He had once ]:)ronounced a curse on those of his posterity who should ever conform to the English manners, or associate with any of the Saxon race. Returned to an intercourse with his kinsmen and followers, after having tendered his submission to Henry at his court, the impressions there received were soon lost, and his long cherished and fa- vourite ideas of individual nobility, or rather regality, revived in all their original force. His son Matthew, whom he had declared his heir, and who in consequence it will be remembered, was created Baron of Dungannon, was really illegiti- mate, and this extraordinary favour shewn by him to the youth, could not fail to arouse the jealousy of his legitimate children. This domestic dissension was inflamed by treachery, which ul- timately spread its devastating power through the fairest and most flourishing district of the whole island, and though the flame of discord subsided in some degree at intervals, it was many years ere it was quite extinguished. Nor was the tur- bulence of the ambitious family of the O'Nial suppressed, until it had operated most injuriously upon the affairs of Ireland. 1553. In the meantime, the premature death of the amiable Edward had a powerful eff*ect in the ecclesiastical system, threatening destruction to the weak efforts which had been made to in- troduce the reformation into Ireland. When Mary was proclaimed in London, directions were given that a like proclamation should be made to VOL. I. c c -I!^''< '"^ ■ •■''^'^•^ ■.'■■' ■T'5'--*^'^-/?^ ' , ■■■■ 1 ■■'■.Tc>*S^5??^*?^P5 386 MARY I. HER ACCESSION. all her loving subjects in Ireland. The officers of state were confirmed in their several depart- ments, and particular grants were conferred on various persons who pleaded their services and sufferings, among whom John Dowdal was re- stored to the dignity of primate of all Ireland, and invested with the priory of Athirdee. With a similar clemency as was observed in England by Mary on her accession, a general pardon was granted to her subjects in Ireland, and no violent changes in religion were attempted. A license only was published for the celebration of mass, unattended with penalty or compulsion, and among the royal titles, that of the supreme head of the church oh earth was retained in the acts of state. Mary granted many conciliating marks of favour to her Irish subjects, amongst which graces we may mention the complete restoration of the noble family of Kildare, a young scion of which, it will be recollected, was saved by the interposition of an aunt, and sent to the conti- nent for protection. This accomplished young noble had returned to England in the reign of Edward, and by an union with the daughter of Sir Anthony Browne, formed an interest which soon gained him the royal favour. He was knighted and restored to a considerable portion of the possessions of his family. To these were now added by Mary the honours of his ancestry, and she soon after vested him with all the honours forfeited by the attainder of his father. Sir Anthony St. Leger, who had been en- trusted with the government of Ireland, when the new regulations of divine worship were to be established in the reign of Edward, was again made the deputy under whose auspices they were to be abolished. The reformed clergy naturally anticipated the rising storm, when they saw •^,--r, .- -^P^^B«^-'<- --*-■-.--' ^-^ THE REFORMATION RESCINDED. 387 Dowdal invested with the primacy. Ball, Bishop of Ossory, we have seen, was obliged to flee before its force should overwhelm him ; others were less alive to the danger, or more determined to meet it manfully. Many of them, on re- nouncing the authority of Rome, had used the liberty flowed by the change, and taken wives, and were therefore now obnoxious to the popish canons. The Archbishop of Armagh received a commission to inquire into this offence, and in conjunction with the new Bishop of Meath, to deprive the married clergy. Staples, the former Bishop of Meath, was first removed, to make way for his judge; Browne of Dublin, whose zeal had rendered him perfectly unpardonable, Lancaster of Kildare, and Traverse of Leighlin, were successively ejected, and their sees filled with ecclesiastics devoted, of course, to Rome. Several of the inferior clergy were treated with a like severity, and the violent Dowdal, in his synods, outran the zeal of government, proceed- ing indefatigably to re-establish the whole popish system. All other ordinances with respect to religion were as yet suspended, and St. Leger and his successor, Fitzwalter, Earl of Sussex, were left at leisure to repress the disorders per- petually arising in different quarters of the island, between the old and new settlers, and the local quarrels of the chiefs. But Sussex was at length diverted from a warfare conferring little honour, by affairs occurring of greater moment. Mary's fiery zeal had kindled the flame of persecution in England ; and she now projected to extend her tender mercies to Ireland, and there, as in England, to tear up every root of heresy. With this view, Sussex was directed to convene a parliament, in order that the great business of the re-establishment of the ancient cc2 ijjrtT: V < I"-' .- •■ -- .■,"?^Y .; '.■%■. -. -^ .. ■ [ .■.-■?)r«~».»r>-'y 388 BULL RECITED. faith and discipline might, without delay, be effected. Accordingly, lords and commons as- sembled June 1, 1556; a bull from Cardinal Pole was delivered by the lord deputy to the chancellor, to be read in the assembly. It recited the fatal separation of Ireland from the see of Rome, attributed it to fear rather than to free- will, as proved by the readiness of the whole island to return to the obedience of the sovereign pon- tiff, on the accession of Mary, that immaculate princess, who had with such firmness and con- stancy preserved herself pure from the pollution of heresy. It pronounced a plenary absolution on all the inhabitants from this their offence, ra- tifying at the same time all dispositions of bene- fices, confirming marriages, dispensations, and other ecclesiastical proceedings during the late schism ; securing the possession of church lands to those who had been vested with them, and en- joining parliament to abrogate all laws enacted against the supremacy of Rome. The bull was read aloud by the chancellor kneeling, and re- ceived by the whole assembly in the same hum- ble posture, in token of reverence and contrition. After this ceremony, they adjourned to the ca- thedral, where Te Deum was solemnly chaunted^ and public thanksgivings offered in the most affecting forms of worship, for the present happy restoration of the realm to the unity of the holy church. It is almost unnecessary to advert to the powerful effects of the splendid and striking system of Romish worships so calculated to affect the senses, and raise the imagination. And although protestants, in the simplicity of their forms, endeavour to worship in spirit and in truth, few will deny the influence of external circum- stances, of time, place, and manner, in awaken- ing devotional associations, and feelings of piety. ROMISH FAITH RE-ESTABLISHED. 389 The bended knee, the supplicating attitude, the responses of prayer, the harmonious swell of praise, the organ's peal, the elevated host, the fragrant incense, and the adoration of the sacer- dotal ministers, altogether awaken an enthusiasm, a degree of mental excitement, which must be felt to be understood. Hence it may easily be imagined, that this devout preparation served to strike the people who crowded to share in it, with a double abhorrence of the late heretical innovations. Amongst other acts, the parliament proceeded to revive all statutes made in Ireland for the punishment of heresy, solemnly ratified and esta- blished all the provisions of the bull, transmitted by the legate Pole, repealing all acts made against the holy see. They also re-established the juris- diction of the pope, discharging the payment of first-fruits to the crown, and restoring to the church the rectories, glebes, and other ecclesias- tical emoluments vested in the crown since the * 28th of Henry VIII. so as to reserve only the lands granted to the laity. With the acts of this parliament, relative to civil affairs, we shall not weary our readers, but shall advert to one of a private nature, as connected with our subject. The successor to George Browne in the see of Dublin, presented a petition to the parliament, complaining of devastations made in the arch- episcopal right during the late schism. His ap- plication, as may be supposed, was favourably received, and it was enacted, that all conveyances made of the lands and possessions belonging to the see, by Archbishop Browne, without a royal license, all demises of any parcel of the arch- bishopric to his own use, or to that of any bas- tard of his, should be utterly void. Thus we see the fiery spirit of popish zeal, which in Eng- 390 GENTLE MEASURES IN IRELAND. land was glutting its vengeance with the tortures of individuals of both sexes, and all ranks, was happily in Ireland confined to reversing the acts of an obnoxious prelate, and affixing an oppro- brious name to his offspring. The few assertors of the reformation, who had not from apprehended danger fled from the kingdom, were leniently allowed by the Irish government to sink into ob- scurity and neglect. There were no zealous ad- versaries of popery, rendering themselves con- spicuous, and provoking the severity of perse- cution ; but the whole nation seemed to have relapsed into that lethargy of ignorance and su- perstition from which they had partially been awakened. As Ireland thus escaped the effects of Mary's rancorous and cruel bigotry, several English families of the reformed religion fled into Ireland, enjoying there their opinions and their worship in privacy, without notice or molestation. A popular story prevailed in the subsequent reigr, which offers an instance of important events hinging upon trifling incidents, and informs us, that Mary fully intended to extend her bloody zeal to Ireland, as she had displayed it in Eng- land. She appointed Dr. Cole, Dean of St. PauUs, one of the commissioners, to execute her commands. On the doctor's arrival at Chester, the mayor of that city being a zealous churchman, waited on the dean in order to pay his respects, and in the course of the interview, the reasons of his passing over to Ireland being adverted to, the doctor snowed his visitor the queen's com- mission, saying, ** here is a commission which shall lash the heretics in Ireland." The landlady of the inn where the dean was accommodated, was well affected towards the protestants, and having a brother professing similar sentiments HAPPY STRATAGEM. 391 residing at Dublin, was exceedingly troubled at the words of the dean, which she had accidentally heard during her attendance upon him. She re- solved if possible to possess herself of this perse- cuting commission, and watching the opportunity when the mayor took his leave, the dean attend- ing him down the stairs, she opened the box con- taining the dangerous paper, and introduced in lieu of it a pack of cards, folded in paper, the knave of clubs being placed uppermost. The dean returning to his apartment, put by his box, little suspecting the ingenuity which had been executed. The following day he embarked for Ireland, and landed at Dublin. Eager to execute the commands of his royal mistress, he imme- diately repaired to the castle, the Lord Fitzwalter being deputy. Without delay he requested a conference with him and the privy council, which being granted, he opened the subject of his com- mission, and presented the box to the lord deputy to examine the document, conferring upon him the authority of proceeding vigorously against the heretics. The lord deputy caused the box to be opened, and directed the secretary should read the royal commission in due form ; the packet was accordingly unfolded, when lo! the cards appeared. The lord deputy and the coun- cil regarded each other with surprise, and the doctor s confusion may be imagined ; he declared he had a commission, but knew not where it was gone ; the lord deputy remarked with well-af- fected gravity, " Let us have another commission, and we will shuffle the cards the meanwhile." The poor doctor being troubled in his mind at the unaccountable loss, retired from the council in confusion, and returning to England as quickly as possible, he actually did obtain a second com- mission, and again hastened to sail for Ireland, .1 V/'^^--"" ^V'"- '^ 392 SYNODS OF THE ROMISH CLERGY. but was prevented by a contrary wind. While waiting in momentary expectation of a favouring breeze, the intelligence reached him of Mary's decease ; " and thus the providence of God," observes the narrator of this anecdote, ** pre- served the protestants of Ireland." Our autho- rity adds, that Queen Elizabeth was so pleased with this story related to her by Lord Fitzwalter on his return to England, that she sent for the ingenious female, and granted her a pension of forty pounds per annum during her life. (See Cox Hibemia Anglkana, or History of Ireland, vol. ii. p. 308. Also Harleian Misc.) We pass over the local war which desolated several districts of the country at this period, and in which the English, government had neither power nor authority to interpose. Sussex had been recalled to England, and Sir Henry Sydney, who administered the government in his absence, in conjunction with the Archbishop of Dublin, found ample employment in regulating the affairs of the pale. Synods were held by the clergy, in which they formed their constitu- tions for the re-establishment of the ancient rites and ceremonies. Various ornaments of the churches, which had been conveyed away, were assiduously sought, recovered, and replaced. The priory of Kilmainham was, however, in ex- ception to the general regulation of ecclesiastical affairs, restored to the church.* Several Irish chieftains of inferior note were reconciled to a government so zealously attached to the Romish communion, and consented to swear allegiance. Sussex, however, on his re- turn, had several violences of the contending * Kilmainham. A priory for knights hospitallers of St. was founded here, and a house John of Jerusalem. ■■^^i^ ■■ ■ -7 ■?*^Tv^ • . ■? '.^?'T2'?v' PAUL IV. REGAL TITLE. 393 chiefs to repress, amongst the most powerful and troublesome of whom was Daniel O'Brien, who had endeavoured to dispossess his nephew of the sovereignty of Thomond. The nephew consented to hold the lands annexed to the title, (preserved to him by the assistance of Sussex,) as an English subject, swore allegiance to the king and queen, together with all his retainers, in the most solemn form, renouncing also the name of O'Brien, to the utter mortification of his followers. The annal- ists thus speak of his renunciation :" He ac- cepted the title of earl, but gave up the dignity of DaleaiSj to the astonishment and indignation of all the descendants of Heber, Ucremon, and Ith." During part of the reign of the cruel bigot Mary, Paul IV. filled the papal chair.* He was the most haughty pontiff who had for several ages been elevated to the dignity. He was highly offended that Mary should presume to retain among her titles that of Queen of Ireland, aflSrm- ing that it belonged to him alone, as he saw meet and proper either to erect new kingdoms, or to abolish the old. But to avoid disputes with the new converts, he did think proper to erect Ire- land into a kingdom, and then he admitted the title, as if it had been assumed from his own concession. This was not an unfrequent artifice of the popes, to give allowance to what they could not prevent, and afterwards pretend that princes, while they exercised their own powers, were only acting by authority from the papacy. Paul had at first intended to oblige Mary for- mally to recede from this title, before he would * He was elected after the Rome, and after his death the age of eighty ; his nephews people burned the prisons of governed every thing. The that tribunal, inquisitions were violent at VJy.'v'r '"■■''"^-■- :••;■,.-:■ J" •■■>.'■- ■^"v4'^.'7?.:f^>.'»; ^ -J y^ "T^'v???-^!^ 394 ARCHBISHOP Browne's character. condescend to bestow it upon her, but circum- stances made him determine to proceed in a less haughty manner. Before we close our review of the changes which took place in the ecclesiastical polity in Ireland at this period, we will give the personal sketch of Archbishop Browne from Usher, who thus describes this zealous friend and promoter of protestantism. " George Browne was a plain man with a cheerful countenance, in his acts and deeds plain and downright, to the poor merciful and compassionate, pitying the state and conduct of the souls of the people, and advising them when he was provincial of the Augustine order in England, to make their application only to Christ, which advice, coming to the ears of Henry VIII. he became a favourite, and was made Archbishop of Dublin." The biographer then proceeds to describe the zeal of the arch- bishop ; the character of the Jesuits was admira- bly described, and their transactions and fate foretold with a sagacity almost prophetic, by Archbishop Browne, so early as 1551, in a ser- mon preached by him at Dublin. The sermon is to be found in the fifth volume of the Harleian Misc. ; the passage referring to the Jesuits is : ** But there is a new fraternity of late sprung up, who call themselves Jesuits, which will de- ceive many, who are much after the Scribes and Pharisees' manner amongst the Jews. They shall strive to abolish the truth, and come very near to do it. For these sorts will turn themselves into many different forms ; with the heathens, a heathenist; with the atheists, an atheist; with the Jews, a Jew ; with the reformers, a reform- ade; — purposely to know your intentions, your minds, your hearts, and your inclinations, and thereby bring you at last to be like the" fool, who • T'?'?' ■•^■' :vf ■ T-:-^ SERMON AGAINST THE JESUITS. 395 said in his heart There is no God, These shall spread over the whole world, shall be admitted into the councils of princes, and they never the wiser, charming of them ; yea, making your princes reveal their hearts, and the secrets therein, and yet they not perceive it ; which will happen from falling from the laws of God, by neglecting to fulfil the law of God, and by winking at their sins ; yet in the end, God, to justify his law, shall suddenly cut off this society, even by the hands of those who had most succoured them, and made use of them ; so that at the end they shall become odious to all nations. They shall be worse than Jews, having no resting-place upon earth ; and then shall a Jew have more favour than a Jesuit." (See Note in Mosheim, vol. iv. p. 191.) ^ ip,v'3R«'*?W. 396 CHAPTER XII. Accession of Elizabeth — Earl of Sussex governor of Ireland — Commotions — In/lamed by religious antipathy — Severe mea- sures — Rebellion of John O'Nial — Parliament convened to establish the reformed religion — Ecclesiastical system of Mary reversed — Penal statutes enacted — Sussex returns to England^ appoints Sir William Fitz William — Statutes evaded and neglected — Indulgence of the queen — Difficulties of Sir Henry Sydney's government — Feuds of the houses of Desmond and Ormond — Intrigues of the enemies of the reformed religion — Acts of the parliament — Attaints John O'Nial — Prejudices against Elizabeth — Government of Sir John Perrot — His vigorous government — A colony from Eng- land to people the Ulster lands — Earl of Essex, his expedi- tion to colonise — Unfortunate result — Designs of Philip II. upon Ireland — Thomas Stukeley — Intrigues with the papists — Pope Gregory XIII. encourages him — James Fitzmaurice a tool of the Romanists — His design of invading Ireland — Catastrophe of Stukeley — Fitzmaurice lands in Kerry — In- sincerity of the Earl of Desmond — Disappointment of the invader — Catastrophe of Fitzmaurice-— Lord Grey recalled — Loftus, Archbishop of Dublin, appointed lord justice, in conjunction with Sir Henry Wallop — Miserable death of Saunders — Sir John Perrot governor — His extensive plans of improvement — His enemies falsely represent him to the queen — Her unjust suspicions — Scheme of re-peopling Mun- ster with an English colony — Rebellion of De Burgho — Hugh O'Nial, his character — He goes to the English court — His insinuating arguments — His petition granted — He re- turns elated to Ireland — His deep designs — Tirowen repairs to England — His duplicity — He is charged with having en- tered into treaty with Spain — He artfully evades the charge, and the restrictions he had agreed to — Foundation of the University of Dublin — Opposition of Loftus and Sir John Perrot — Tirowen discloses his ambitious designs — Spain sends assistance to the insurgents — The war justly to be re- garded as religious — Sir John Norris removed from power — — Lord Burgh succeeds him — His vigorous measures — His sudden death — Tirowen recurs to his former dissimulation to ' i?%~-.;' ■'■ ■ s^ffSP? -■'^ REIGN OF ELIZABETH. 397 gain time — He succeeds in procuring pardon-^ Unfortunate affair of Blackwater, favourable to the rebels — Distresses of the country — Essex accepts the government of Ireland, with the title of Lord Marshal — Resistance of the insurgent Irish — Incaution of Essex lays him open to his enemies — Oviedo named by the pope archbishop of Dublin — Elevation of Tir- owen — Publishes a manifesto — Makes a pilgrimage — Letters to the pope — Bull granting indulgencies to Irish insurgents — Extracts from manifesto — Royalists act on defensive. 1558. On the accession of Elizabeth, the Earl of Sussex was considered as an able and meritorious governor of Ireland, who, with a small force had retained that turbulent people in peace and regularity. We must be understood to speak comparatively, for the provinces were never free from disorder. The Irish princes and nobles, always divided amongst themselves, were ready enough to pay exterior obeisance to powers they were unable to resist ; but as no durable force or permanent government was maintained to retain them in subjection ; they were for ever relapsing into disorder and independence. But insufficient as was the English authority to esta- blish order and obedience among the people, it was yet sufficient to check the : growth of any enterprise among the natives, and though it failed in bestowing a general, true, and salutary form of government, it was able to prevent the rise of any such form from the internal policy or combination of the Irish. Thus, although the dominion of the English over Ireland had been established above four centuries, it yet might still be regarded as little more than nominal. Slight as our sketch has been, it must have apprised the reader that the conduct of England towards Ireland was, from the beginning of what is termed the conquest, impolitic and absurd . ** Instead of inviting," says Hume, ** the Irish ¥. 398 CONDITION OF IRELAND. to adopt the more civilised customs of their con- querors, they refused, though earnestly solicited, to communicate to them the privilege of their laws, and every where marked them out as aliens and enemies. By this and other instances of im- prudent policy, the Irish remained in the same wretched and abject state as when first invaded." At a period when every Christian nation was cul- tivating with ardour every civil art of life, the rudeness and ignorance of the Irish were extreme. The ancient superstition, the practices and ob- servances of their progenitors, mingled and cor- rupted by many wild opinions, still maintained an unshaken empire over them, and the reforma- tion, as we have seen, was odious to them not only as it affected those deep-seated prejudices, but also because it emanated from a people whom they had never ceased, to hate, although some- times obliged to submit. At the period at which we are now arrived, the ancient opposition of man- ners, laws, and interests was inflamed by religious antipathy, and the subduing and civilising the country seemed to be even more impracticable than ever. A series of commotions disturbed the nation, and the most severe measures were deemed necessary to restore order. From a pas- sage in a letter from the primate Dowdal, on the state of Ireland, written in the last year of Mary's reign, although it is cautiously expressed, yet it is sufficiently evident that the contending chief- tains were severely treated. Two whom he names, O 'Moore and O'Connor, he advises may be restored to grace, and invested with some part of their old territory, from which they had been ejected. ** But perad venture," he remarks, ** some men will reckon this way to be not for the queen's honour, to make peace with that people that hath so many times digressed from -¥: -*-' ■ : if^lr^-^ EARL OF SUSSEX. o'nIAL. 399 their promise and orders taken with them, as it is said. And whether it be so or not I do not know it ; but admit it be, men must consider the rude- ness of such people, and the occasion of such war, &c." It is unnecessary to enter into the detail of the rebellion raised by John O'Nial, of his subsequent submission, reception into the queen's favour, and promises of duty and obedience, the subsequent violation of those promises and his tragical end, as these particulars are all narrated in histories well known. The Earl of Sussex returned to his government supplied with special instructions for establishing the reformed religion. For this purpose he was commissioned to convene a par- liament for enacting statutes similar to those al- ready made in England. The sentiments of Eli- zabeth with respect to religion were well known, and lords and commons met on January 11, 1560, fully aware of the purpose of their convocation, but far from being universally well disposed towards the projected regulations. So various and so continual had been the changes and the reverses in respect to religion during the three preceding reigns, that the partizans of Rome affected to la- ment those distractions, as the mischievous result of the revolt from the ancient system, and urged that to give rest and tranquillity to the disturbed consciences and minds of men, it was absolutely necessary to resist all further innovation. From the catalogue of this parliament, it appears that most of the temporal lords were those whose de- scendants even to the present time continued firmly attached to the Romish communion, but that the greatest number of prelates were such as quietly enjoyed their sees, by conforming occa- sionally to different modes of religion, nor does it appear that of the number (amounting to nineteen,) ■-i* \', • "TT"*: - . ■ . ' . • ■ > f. •»'?*rr'^;.;-'.; !B«'r^i^rr?V;if~,~'^^ f \ r 400 THE queen's supremacy. • more than two, viz. of Meath and Kildare, were strong and determined adherents to the ancient religion. The representatives of ten counties were, only summoned in the commons, the rest which i. made up the number seventy six, were citizens and burgesses of those towns where the royal au- thority was predominant, and therefore, it can be no subject of surprise, that after a session of a few weeks, the entire ecclesiastical system of IVTary was reversed by a series of statutes con- formable to those already enacted by the English legislature. The ecclesiastical jurisdiction was restored to the crown, and of consequence a new oath of supremacy, the laws against heresy re- pealed, the use of the common prayer enforced with such alterations as had been already made ' in England, and all subjects were commanded to attend the public service of the church. The first fruits, and twentieth parts of all church revenues were restored to the crown, and the form of elect- ing prelates by deans and chapters, by virtue of the writ called Cong^ d'Elire was entirely abo- lished in Ireland as being attended with unne- cessary delays and costs, and derogatory to the royal prerogative. The queen was styled ^overwe^^, not head of the church, but it comprised the same extensive power, which under the latter title had been exercised by her father and brother. This act was strenuously opposed by the bishops, but it passed ; by it the crown, without the concur- rence either of the parliament or of the convo- cation, was vested with the whole spiritual power, might repress all heresies, establish or repeal all canons, alter every point of discipline, ordain or abolish any rite or ceremony. Whoever refused to take the oath, acknowledging the queen's su- premacy, was incapacitated from holding any office. Whoever denied this supremacy, or at- ^^:ffW^^^g??m^- ; REFORMED M'ORSHIP RESTORED. 401 tempted to deprive the queen of that prerogative, forfeited for the first offence all his goods and chattels ; for the second, was subjected to a pe- nalty of a premunire ; but the third offence was deemed treason. As the nomination of the bishops rested with the queen, she was empowered on the vacancy of any see to seize all the temporalities, and to bestow on the bishop elect an equivalent in the impropriations belonging to the ^own. This equivalent was however much inferior in value. The bishops and all incumbents were prohibited from alienating their revenues, and from granting leases for a longer term than twenty-one years, or three lives. But an exception was made in favour of the crown, therefore great abuses still prevailed on this point, it being usual for the courtiers to make an agreement with a bishop or" incumbent, and to procure a fictitious alienation to the queen, who subsequently transferred the lands to the persons agreed on. It was provided by letters patent, under the great seal of England and Ireland, that the chiefgovernor duly authorised, shall by his letters patent, collate to all vacant. sees, that persons so collated shall be conse- crated and invested with their rights, and that the prelates directed to consecrate them shall pay due obedience to the royal mandate, within twenty days under the penalties of the statute of premunire. Penalties were enacted against those who departed from the reformed mode of worship as well as against those who absented themselves from the church and the sacraments. But as a proof that Elizabeth proceeded with gradual steps, and made no hasty innovations on the prejudices of her Irish subjects, it was provided in the act enforcing attendance on public worship, that as in most places of the realm, there cannot be found English ministers, and as the Irish language is VOL. I. D D 402 1»AUGITY OF REFORMED CLERGY. difficult to be printed, and that few can read the Irisli letters, the queen is humbly prayed that it may be enacted that in every church where the minister hath no knowledge of the Irish tongue, it may be lawful for him to officiate in Latin. Although this did not of course effectually pro- vide for the edification of the people, it had cer- tainly a tendency to soften the acrimony of pre- judice againsi the reformed worship, by allowing it to be performed in the usual language of their devotions to which they had been accustomed ; those who have to guide minds will not, and ought not to despise those habits to which time has given a sanction, and from which the mind must be gradually disengaged, not violently rent. An- other act of the parliament restored the priory of St. John of Jerusalem to the crown, by revoking all dispositions made of the revenues by Missing- bund the late prior, a zealous partisan of Rome, who had been suspected of fomenting insur- rections. Either from a consciousness of guilt or a dread of power the prior fled, and it was enacted by this parliament, that he should be required by proclamation to surrender within forty days, or be attainted of high treason. So powerful had been the opposition in this parliament, that Sussex dissolved it in a few weeks, and repaired to Eng- land, entrusting his government to Sir William Fitz William, who possessed too little consider- ation to manage a people now particularly irri- tated by the violence offered to their religious prejudices. All was clamour and confusion, the Romish partizans loudly inveighed against the heretical queen and her impious ministers. Those of the clergy who refused to conform, abandoned their cures, and no reformed ministers could be found to supply their places, the people were con- sequently left without religious worship or in- y. s. THE REFORMATION RESISTED. 403 struction, and the churches fell to ruin in many places. Even in places more civilized, the re- cently made statutes were evaded and neglected vs^ith impunity, while the ignorant were assidu- ously taught to despise and abhor a government which they heard consigned to all the terrors of divine vengeance; They were vehemently ex- horted to stand prepared for a glorious oppor- tunity of asserting the cause of religion whose authority had been profaned, and they were en- couraged by assurances of support in their re- sistance, both from the pope and also the king of Spain, who was highly offended vsdth Elizabeth. The reluctance with which the late statutes were received, and the indulgence which Eliza- beth, notwithstanding her spirit and firmness, was obliged to manifest towards her Irish subjects at this time, is evidenced in the following letter to the privy council. " And whereas by other your letters of the second of September, ye declare, that by reason of the absence of sundry of the chapter of Armagh, the dean there cannot con- veniently proceed to the election of Mr. Adam Softhowse to that archbishopricke according to the auctority lately received frorii us, and for supplie thereof, doo devise to make unto hym in the mean season, a commission for the ordering of ecclesiastical causes within that diocese ; moving further, that the rents growing out of the pos- sessions of that archbishopricke might be be- stowed upon hym by warrant from us, and the same to be holden without accompte from the date of our letters of nomination. We do very well allow your said devise, and doo gyve aucto- rity unto youe, oure said deputy chancellor, and everie other our officers to whom it shall apper- taine as well to make out under our great scale, and otherwise as the case may move, and as many D D 2 \n-<-ii- 404 OF THE PROTESTANT FAITH. writings as shall be conveniente for the per- formance thereof towards hym, as alsoe to give due allowance of the saide revenues by way of accompte as of money by us speciallie granted unto hym, by warrante hereof, and so to continue until he may receive his establishment in the bishopricke by such ordinary means, as in sem- blable cases has been accustomed." It would appear from this document, that the statute for abolishing the writ of Cong^ d'Elire was either already forgotten, or that it was not intended to be executed strictly and generally. That these epochs marked the progress of thought in the eternal career of time is a truth, the student of history will not question ; the reformation was doubtless an era of inquiry, and of that enlight- ened conviction, which sincere inquiry produces. Though the catholic faith adapting itself as it does to the senses, and enjoining various cere- monious observances, is calculated to fix the mind, and exalt the imagination more than the reformed which is more spiritual, and resting upon internal belief, yet the proportion of zeal as well as, undoubtedly, of knowledge, during the first ages of the reformation, was on the side of the protestants ; they united a lively faith with a keen spirit of enquiry, their belief was invigo- rated by their reason, and their reason expanded under the influence of their belief, each giving a salutary impulse to the other. " Examination," says an eminent writer and deep investigator of human nature, ** may weaken that habitual faith which men do well to preserve as much as they can, but when man comes out of his en- quiries more religious than when he entered into them, it is then religion is built upon an immu- table basis, it is then that harmony exists between her and knowledge, and that they mutually assist Sill HENRY SYDNEY. 405 each other." The intelligent mind will readily apply this to that examination which has truth for its object, and seeks for it in the sacred page unadulterated with the jarring opinions of men. But it is to be feared that borrowed convictions too often satisfy the mind, whicTi is too indolent to search sincerely in that mine where alone the jewel is found in genuine lustre. It was internal conviction which was the aim and pursuit of the reformers, the religion from which they endea- voured to emancipate themselves and their fellow- men was become little more than a political power, devoted to, and resting in temporal inter- ests. Ignorance, secrecy, and darkness, were its ministering spirits, the human mind was fet- tered by its essential principles, and in order to support its power, it encouraged men supinely to rest in external rites, absurd ceremonies, and unmeaning forms, to which the mass of the people were incapable of affixing any definite ideas.* To follow the detail of our history through the difficulties which during eleven years Sir Henry Sydney, one of the most active governors which Ireland had enjoyed for a long period had to struggle with, in repressing the disord'ers which agitated the kingdom, would lead us too far from our subject. It must suffice to say, in order to preserve the thread of our retrospect, that the Earl of Desmond, in 1569, gave him great dis- turbance from the hereditary animosity prevailing between this haughty chief and the Earl of Or- mond, descended from the only family which had undeviatingly preserved its fidelity to the * Hence, when we reflect to be surprised at the oppo- upon the extreme ignorance of sition they made to a religion the Irish, and the violence of of thought. their passions Ave must cease 40G FACTIONS. DESMOND. OKMOND. crown. The war between these chiefs ended in the defeat of Desmond, who was wounded and taken prisoner. His bitter enmity to his adver- sary, or rather the hereditary hatred of his family was evinced at the moment when the Ormondians conveyed him wounded from the field of warfare stretched on a bier. His supporters exclaimed with a triumph well suited to their barbarous ignorance, *' Where is now the great Earl of Des- mond ! " " Where, but in his proper place ? still upon the necks of the Butlers," was the spirited reply of the chief, who in the language of the queen's letters, " had not been brought up where law and justice had been frequented." This and other similar contests and disaffection continued to harass the country, till Sydney in the midst of faction and discontent obeyed the mandate of his royal mistress, and convened a parliament, in order to make the necessary provisions both for the civil and ecclesiastical reformation of the kingdom. Public peace and tranquillity are so inseparably connected with the interests of the crown, that to support the one, the welfare of the other must be favoured. But the numerous party of the enemies of the reformed religion, actuated by various motives very distinct from religious zeal, attended parliament with a determined re- solution to oppose every measure emanating from the throne ; Sydney was well aware of their se- cret practices long continued, and the disaffection of many was glaring ; these intentions, therefore, were foreseen, and every effort had been made to strengthen the interest of administration, even to the committing of great irregularities in the elec- tions and returns of the commons ; numbers of Englishmen having been elected and returned as burgesses for towns, which they had never seen or known, much less been residents of as directed REFRACTORY PARLIAMENT. 407 by law. Four days passed in clamourous alter- cation, the discontented members violently re- fusing to receive any bill or proceed to any business. The lord deputy was informed by the speaker of the objections, the judges were con- sulted, at length the opposing party were reluc- tantly obliged to concede, but determined to op- pose most decidedly every measure of those they called the English and court faction. And in fact, so violent was the flame, and so great the con- fusion, that the assembly was obliged to be ad- journed, till the violence of the contending parties was in some degree allayed. In a few days, by the aid of some temperate advisers, they con- sented to resume their places, and enter upon public business. The most remarkable provision made by this parliament in respect to religion, was that whereby the governor was authorised to present to the dignities of Munster and Con- naught for ten years, in consequence of the abuses observed to have taken place in those provinces ; " in admitting unworthy persons to ecclesiastical dignities without lawfulness of birth, learning, English habit, or English language, descended of unchaste and unmarried abbots, priests, deans, and chaunters, and obtaining their dignities by force, simony, or other corrupt means." Among the bills transmitted under the great seal of England previous to the convention of this parliament, we find one for the reparation of parochial churches, and one for the erection of free schools. The latter was not obtained till the fifth session, and the former was either not re- ceived or rejected, a proof of the strength of pre- judice yet existing, and the determined opposition to the propagation of the reformed religion. This parliament also passed an act of attainder against the turbulent and haughty chieftain John O'Nial, p!P^:i:.i-if'^?!f!:s^~ • . '^.•;rT':'f:^-;.w¥'*7- ■ - ?!l?fW^-^^^T^*>K^ 408 o'nial and the ihish. ordaining that the name of the O'JVial, with all the ceremonies of his creation shall be extin- guished and abolished, and that whoever shall assume the title, shall suffer the penalties of high treason. It declares Ulster to be exempt from the rule and authority of O'Nial, and vests the lands for ever in the crown, with a particular provision for a branch, in consequence of dutiful submission. By this attainder a large part of Ulster was vested in the queen, to be by her dis- posed of, as it should be deemed most conducive to the interest and security of her government. But although thus declared to be forfeited to the crown, no immediate seizure was made of the lands, the Irish being still permitted to enjoy them, without duty or acknowledgment, even the abbey lands and houses were possessed by the clergy, and three northern bishoprics, those of Clogher, Derry, and Raphoe, were still granted by the pope without controul. This is not the only defect in the execution of the laws which occur in the history of Ireland, which perhaps may not be so much attributed to the want of at- tention and vigour in the government, as to the commotions continually agitating the country pre- venting its being reduced to that degree of civility and national polity, which from the long period which it had been subjected to English power, might lead us to imagine it would. The natives having been injudiciously excluded with contemptuous insolence from every situation of trust and honour, it was natural for them not to be well affected towards a government which thus regarded them as aliens and enemies. It was also perfectly natural that they should re- gard with jealousy and hatred those English ad- venturers who thus treated them. What now added to the prejudices of the people, was also ',>^/';: ,-■■;•.■■ ;-_ jr^f^^.'-f,. . / SIR JOAN PKRROT. 409 the circumstance of the pope having fulminated his sentence of excommunication against Eliza- beth, whom the ignorant, in consequence, readily regarded as an usurper, deposed by her spiritual sovereign, and consigned by him to perdition; and it would appear, that the malignant opera- tion of these prejudices was not counteracted by any equitable and conciliating measures on the part of those entrusted with the inferior of- fices of government. During a series of years, nothing but commotion and rebellion occupies the page of Irish history ; and it appears to have been an unhappy and dangerous expedient of Sir John Perrot, when he, in 1585, during the period he administered the government, put arms into the hands of the Irish inhabitants of Ulster, in order to enable them, without the aid of go- vernment, to repress the incursions of the Scot- tish invaders, by which those parts were much infested. At the same time, the invitations of the King of Spain, joined to their religious zeal, engaged many of the Irish to serve in the Low Country wars, and thus Ireland, being provided both with officers and soldiers, disciplined and armed, became formidable to the English, as she was able to maintain a more regular warfare against her ancient foes. Sir John Perrot was a severe, spirited, and vigorous officer; he was supposed to be the natural son of Henry VIII., and inherited a full portion of the pride, fire, and inflexibility of his reputed royal father. He sub- dued the rebels, and so effectually suppressed commotions, that projects were formed in Eng- land for the improvement of the state of Ireland, and more especially for establishing a plantation of English settlers in those parts of Ulster which had been forfeited to the crown. One colony was transported with the fairest hopes of success. 410 LORDSHIP OF CLANEBOY. which, however, were soon blasted, by the assas- sination of the principal colonists, through the treachery of one of the O'Nials. The next ad- venturer was Walter Devereux, lately created Eaxl of Essex, who tendered his services for re- ducing the district of Clan-hu-boy, in Ulster. With ardent expectation, and sanguine in his hopes, Essex mortgaged his estate to the queen for ten thousand pounds, in order to carry into effect the purposes of his expedition. Several Englishmen of distinction imbibed his ardour, and determined to accompany him. But jealousy of his independent authority created him enemies from the moment of his arrival, as it had also operated in encouraging him to the enterprise, for his enemies at the English court, especially Leicester, were glad of the opportunity of remov- ing him. Disappointment, difficulty, and dis- tress attended Essex throughout; his friends forsook him, and he himself died of a distemper, occasioned, it was supposed, by vexation and disappointment in an enterprise of which he had formed such sanguine hopes. During the progress of these events, the lord deputy Fitzwilliam intercepted by his vigilance letters from Rome, addressed to the Irish natives, wherein the pope earnestly exhorted them to per- severe in their opposition to the queen's govern- ment, with assurance of being supplied with money and troops, and promise of absolution to themselves and posterity to the third generation. Thus was the flame continually fanned by the insidious practices of a power which felt its empire tottering. In the mean time, Elizabeth was obliged to make many concessions, as her foreign ene- mies created apprehensions. The mutual jea- lousies and suspicions between her and the King of Spain, in consequence of the assistance she ^•''!^!»»c=^>,i^?»'w':^^...3!?j|^'s;jgs7';-. -^ ■ . '-tC .■■' "^^ viffJW'' '•■ -'• ^^^I THOiUAS STUKELy's ENTERPRISE. 411 gave to the Netherlands, had nearly arisen to a confirmed enmity, and the confused and turbulent situation of Ireland pointed out to Philip an ob- vious method of retaliation, that of fomenting and aiding the insurrectionary spirit in that kingdom. At Rome, the heretical Elizabeth was regarded with horror and detestation, and every desperate fugitive, who could suggest any scheme of annoy- ing her, was there received with favour. Such an adventurer was Thomas Stukely, an English- man, whose nefarious conduct during the reign of Edward VI. had rendered him obnoxious to the laws, and he fled to Ireland. His enterprise and plausibility elevated him there to some notice, and he even succeeded in ingratiating himself with Sir Henry Sydney ; but disappointed in some ambitious plan he had formed, he passed over to the continent with his heart filled with aversion to the English government, and hatred to the queen. At Rome these feelings assured him a favourable reception ; he was caressed by the Irish ecclesiastics, and by them introduced to his holiness, as a warm and distinguished friend to the Irish Catholic cause. Stukely mag- nified to the pope the strength and determined spirit of the Catholics in Ireland, and engaged with the aid of three thousand Italians to exter- minate the English from the country. By his address and insinuation, he gained great credit with Gregory XIII. and flattered him with the prospect of making his nephew, Buon Compagno, King of Ireland^ which he represented as being so certain, that he even accepted the title of Marquis of Leinster from the sovereign elect. The pope delighted with the overture, practised with Spain ; Philip listened to the representa- tions of Stukely, desiring to employ him against Elizabeth. A body of eight hundred Italians ir . ,'??!?5ViTKiT»^T!> ~ 7- ■ ■ -,y • , .;^^"-7*'i»^' ■ '■' W!»r~ ■^ "'■.;■•■•, 7 412 JAMES FITZ MAURICE. was raised for the service, which Philip engaged to pay, and Stukely, their leader, embarked on his adventure, laden with honours by the pope and the Spanish monarch.* About the same time, there was another fugi- tive, an Irishman, who threatened the country with invasion, as a tool of the Romanists. This was James Fitz Maurice, whose turbulence had been reduced by Sir John Perrot, but had obtained the queen's pardon, together with the Butlers, brothers of the Duke of Ormond. The haughty and revengeful Fitz Maurice, unmoved by the lenity shown him, had retired to the continent, eager to create new disorders, and to satisfy his deep hatred of Elizabeth. He applied repeatedly to the King of France, representing the invasion of Ireland as easy ; but after two years' unsuc- cessful application, he was dismissed from the French court. He proceeded to Spain, where he was received with more attention. Philip dispatched him to the pope, who was readily prevailed on by Saunders, an English ecclesiastic, and Allen, an Irish priest, to favour the design of an invasion. A bull was prepared, addressed to the prelates, princes, nobles, and people of Ire- land, exhorting them by the authority of the holy see to aid and assist Fitz Maurice, for the recovery of their liberty, and the defence of the holy church, and promising to all his adherents the same spiritual indulgences granted to those who fought against the infidels. A banner was so- lemnly consecrated, arid delivered to Fitz Maurice, as a champion of the faith ; and as Saunders and Allen both consented to accompany him, the * Was this Stukely any so treacherously betrayed Sir connection of the infamous in- Walter Raleigh ? dividual of the same name who -■• '■■f?^' .' ■- ■ I r LANDING OF FITZ MAURICE. 413 former was inyested with the dignity of legate. Strengthened with the authority and benediction of the holy father, and supplied with money sent by Philip, the crusaders were ready for their ex- pedition. Elizabeth, whose vigilance and that of her ministers never slumbered, was soon informed of these schemes, and took her measures to defeat their accomplishment. But in respect to the first adventurer, Stukely, her apprehensions were soon dispelled ; he had embarked, and arrived at the mouth of the Tagus, just at the time of Don Sebastian's romantic expedition against the Moors. On explaining the object of his expedition, Stukely was prevailed on by Sebastian to accompany him to Africa, promising on his return to join the Irish expedition. Philip, by this time aware of the self-interested policy of the pope, consented to this diversion of the troops. Stukely and his Italians accompanied the gallant Sebastian, and had the honour of falling with him. The death of the Portuguese monarch diverted Philip from his design against Elizabeth, to the conquest of Portugal, and the fears of foreign invasion no longer agitated the Irish government. But Philip, though he had relinquished the thought of making a conquest of Ireland, was yet deter- mined to encourage a spirit of rebellion among her subjects. He therefore so far encouraged Fitz Maurice, that he obtained a troop of Spa- niards ; some English and Irish fugitives joined him also, and in full expectation of the glad co- operation of his countrymen, he embarked his feeble force in three ships, and landed in Kerry, at a bay called Smerwick. The ecclesiastics, Saunders and Allen, solemnly hallowed the place, assuring the invaders of success and victory in the glorious cause of the church. An inauspicious ^^^^,''wir''7*J3tr -T«?:;,:J1KI.'> '•"i "r'^i*^'* '^'^ 'sii-.-^^igrtj - «t.j^ '.•■[•■>^,-;^:.t\ 414 fitzmauricf/s death. incident however occurred at the first moment of their enterprise : a ship of war, apprised of their arrival, doubled a point of land, and cut off their transports, thus depriving them of all power of retreat. As their arrival was not unexpected, John and James, brothers of the Earl of Des- mond, joined them with their followers. The earl himself, although equally ready, thought it best to act with caution and reserve, and in the meanwhile pretended to assemble his forces for the service of government, even carrying his du- plicity so far as to summon the Earl of Clancar- thy to his assistance for that avowed purpose ; Clancarthy, however, soonperceived his insincerity, and retired. The invaders were little satisfied with this dis- simulation ; they had expected an open declara- tion in their favour, and Fitz Maurice could not suppress his feelings at a disappointment so fatal to his cause. The foreigners grew discontented with the coldness and apathy of Desmond, and were impatient for the arrival of that vast con- course of disaffected Irish, which they were assured would immediately join their standard. Fitz Maurice, as well as possible dissembling his mortification and chagrin, persuaded his troops to maintain their station, with firm assurances of being supported, while he himself made a jour- ney to a favourite seat of Irish devotion, called the Holy Cross of Tipperary, in order to per- form a vow he had made in Spain. Under this pretence, so calculated to awaken the supersti- tious reverence of his followers, and to make them patiently await the result of such a meritorious service; Fitz Maurice politically concealed his design of enticing, by his personal persuasion, the disaffected of Connaught and Ulster to unite with him. But his visit to the shrine was fated y.7-^m^^mWrr'^^'^'-\ -■■ '' /'^''■W^^.r''';W^ REBELLION. 415 to be the concluding scene of his life. A violent altercation ensued between him and a son of Sir William de Burgho, whom he had endeavoured to win over to rebellion, and in a skirmish which ensued, each fell by the hand of his antagonist. In the mean time. Sir William Drury, the go- vernor, collected as good a force as he was able, and even the deceitful Desmond attended his summons with a well appointed troop ; his dupli- city, however, was suspected, and he was im- prisoned ; but making the most solemn protesta- tions of fidelity, he was freed, and retired from the camp, refusing to attend the deputy; although he still continued to profess an attachment to the crown. The Spaniards now found their disap- pointment of a general rising of the southern provinces, aggravated by the death of their leader. They were cut off from escape by sea, and were to be encountered by the united forces of the state. They had no alternative but to submit to the command of Sir John Desmond. They quitted their station at Smerwick, and adopted the de- sultory mode of Irish warfare, by which the de- puty's forces were obliged to pursue them into their concealed haunts. Many weeks passed in this fatiguing and hazardous service, during which the invaders gained some advantages, and their numbers augmented. The ecclesiastics were as- siduously employed in preaching the glorious cause of the church. The pope by a new bull invested Sir John Desmond with the plenitude of his authority, and renewed his indulgences pro- fusely to all those who should assist the cause. The health of the lord deputy being unequal to the military fatigue, the command of the army was given to Sir Nicholas Malby, who receiving intelligence that the rebels were near Limerick, y^ •■-v'"^7',>rw*f7''gi|p^.?T.'*?^r'^ »•«*•-•' ■j.T'/r' '..-' ' : ■ / ^; ; •'■ •??? <»^ 416 DKSMOND JOINS THE REBELS. determined to attack them. In a plain adjoining an abbey, called Monaster Neva, he found them in array, about two thousand strong, prepared to give him battle. Every expedient had been re- sorted to, to exalt the enthusiasm of the troops. The papal standard was displayed, and Allen the Irish Jesuit passed solemnly through the ranks, distributing his benedictions, and assuring them of victory in the field, and heaven in reversion. Under the direction of Spanish officers, the dis- positions of the troops were made with more re- gularity than was usual to the Irish, and the attack was vigorous and well maintained. Victory long remained doubtful, but the English at length prevailed. The rebels were routed with consi- derable slaughter, and among the slain was found the body of Allen, who had drawn the sword in the cause of Rome, as well as exhorted others to fight for it. After a series of base duplicity, to which he appears in some degree to have been instigated by Saunders, and other Romish agents, the infatuated Earl of Desmond avowed his traitorous designs. To trace the wretchedness which he brought upon himself and his. family by his disaffection, and to detail the calamities of the war which his rebellion protracted, is not the plan of our work : it must be sufficient to say, that the cruelties practised and encouraged are horrid in detail, and disgraceful to humanity. Repeated complaints were made to the queen of the rigour practised by Arthur Lord Grey, the governor, and his offi- cers. She was assured that he tyrannised with such barbarity, that little was left in Ireland for her majesty to reign over but ashes and carcases. These representations were followed by an offer of pardon to those rebels who would accept it. ^^5f:^^Ty^f«^'f'?^?^y^^''i[w?^^ W^.'>:.i?m3^'^WW^^^^'^*^ EARL OF Desmond's distress. 417 Grey was recalled, and Loftus, Archbishop of Dublin, and Sir Henry Wallop, treasurer at war, were appointed lords justices. ,^ As an instance of the severities practised against the Irish at this period, we find O'Sulli- van Beare, one of the bravest and noblest chiefs of Kerry, and lord of part of Killarney, in writing to the Spanish minister an account of his suffer- ings, urges him to the speedy sending of a ship to receive him, his wife, and children, to save him from the hands of their most merciless ene- mies : " Making choice," he pathetically adds, " rather to forsake my ancient inheritance, friends, followers, and goods, than any way trust to their graceless pardon or promises." The government of an ecclesiastic seemed ra- ther incompatible with a state of war and com- motion, but, in fact, the elements of contention were nearly exhausted. Saunders, the fiery in- cendiary of the south, completely worn out with the effects of want and toil he had endured, died in a miserable retreat, so solitary and remote, that his remains were not discovered and interred, until they had been mangled by beasts. The end of the desperate and unhappy Desmond was yet more affecting. He had not been received into the granted pardon, although he entreated for mercy, but was hunted from one retreat to another, (it being the great object of the English commanders to seize him.) He was frequently in the most imminent danger of being taken, al- though disguised among the meanest of his fol- lowers, lurking with them in the woods and bogs, and depending upon them for the bare support of nature ; one of his captains actually lost his life in endeavouring to support his master. After this in an extreme of necessity, two horsemen and a few herns ventured to seize some cattle for his sub- VOL. 1. E E ^s^''?Sr^iHpr. ' ■ -. - ■ '-^ -r ••...-:-■■-, V- •■-;. ■■ ■ ^"■■■■i.^fV:'^': 418 DESxMOND SLAIN. sistence. The owner, indignant at the violence, made it known, and a few soldiers of an English garrison engaged to reclaim the booty. They arrived in their pursuit at the opening of a valley in which was a small grove, and fatigued with their chase, they determined to repose in this favourable spot. While doing this, they observed a light at a distance ; their leader, Kelly, of Mo- nerta, a man of Irish race, ordered one of his men to advance cautiously to the spot, to find how many of the rebels were posted, (for he con- cluded the light proceeded from a party of them.) The man obeyed his orders, and discovered it to issue from a miserable hut, in which he discovered six persons ; he informed Kelly, who with his party rushed forward, but on entering the hut, found that the rebels had fled at his approach, except one man of venerable aspect, stretched languidly before a few lighted embers. The fu- rious leader assailed and wounded the unarmed man, who exclaimed, " Spare me, for I am the Earl of Desmond." Kelly exultingly smote off his head, and brought it to the Earl of Ormond, by whom it was conveyed to the queen, and im- paled on London Bridge. " Thus," says Leland, *• was a family extinguished, which had flou- rished for four centuries in rude splendour and magnificence, and had frequently proved too powerful to be governed." The pride of this last Desmond, inflamed by bigoted ecclesiastics, met its punishment in those distresses in which he involved himself by his insurrection. Without being able to serve the cause he espoused, his misfortunes began with rebellion, and his affect- ing death closed the scene of his infatuation. His domains were now, of course, forfeited to Elizabeth, to be appropriated by her as should be most expedient for the reformation of her ■f!?/^' :PVt:^£^.;" »^,r.-- ■ ;', .•^' ■^^■S.'!^»v<5 • :-7;.J»jp5J."', " ."^ •?t'«^:FT'a??fTrf!^- : . '.V ■ • '^ v "■ ^'^'^l};^!l|P^Tp*T^ • PERROT, GOVERNOR. AMNESTY. 419 Irish dominions. Two ecclesiastics, agents of the earl in Spain, arrived with arras and ammuni- tion to support his rebellion, just at the time when the fatal catastrophe occurred. They learnt the sad intelligence and precipitately re- tired. We should be happy to be able to say, that the suppression of disorders in Ireland, which gave a fair occasion for regulating the country upon a generous and enlightened policy, was most im- proved for that purpose, but a cruel and odious jealousy appears to have pervaded the English councils, urging them to oppose every improve- ment with reference to Ireland. In these unge- nerous sentiments, however. Sir Henry Sydney and Sir John Perrot had no part, but on the con- trary, considered with just indignation the cruelty of this horrid policy. All, however, concurred in the necessity of an active and prudent govern- ment, and Sir John Perrot was appointed. He assumed the administration at a time when the spirit of insurrection seemed extinct, the last re- maining rebel of any consequence having retired to Spain. The first act of his power was the publication of a general amnesty to all who should return to their allegiance. The son of the deceased Earl of Desmond, who had been delivered up to the deputy, he sent to England to be educated so as to render him worthy of any favours the royal bounty might think it right to bestow. Sir John was highly successful in his negociations with the Irish chieftains, and in promoting the general tranquillity. Such was the actiwty and intelli- gence of this able governor, that he formed the most extensive and comprehensive plans for the improvement and reformation of Ireland. But he could not engage either the crown or legisla- E E 2 ''^i7;?*^«^R!?wfF!,5^ ' fi^^j»f!i^'miF!!^:r ■ 'W ' w^m^ 420 CHIEFS SUMMONED TO PARLIAMENT. ture of England, to forward his patriotic views. For alarmed by intestine dangers, and apprehen- sions of foreign invasions, Elizabeth was impatient of her Irish expenses, and instead of augment- ing them, expected Ireland to supply her with forces for the Low Countries. Therefore with many common-place commendations of his good services, the active and enlightened deputy was left to the ordinary course of administration. In 1585, he convened a parliament at Dublin. Among the spiritual lords, were the Bishops of Clogher and Raphoe, two sees which never were bestowed by Elizabeth ; though the fact is trifling, it marks the progress of reformation. Indeed it appears to have been the laudable and generous pride of Sir John Perrot to prevail on the old Irish leaders to exchange their savage state for the condition of English subjects. Accordingly we find among the temporal barons of this par- liament the old chieftain of Tirone, Tirlaugh Lyr- negh. The old man, encumbered in his English costume, expressed with pleasing simplicity his consciousness of being open to ridicule, " Prithee, my lord," he said to the lord deputy, " let my chaplain attend me in his ^rish mantle, thus shall your English rabble be diverted from my uncouth figure, and laugh at him." Soon after the pro- Fogation of this parliament, Sir John Perrot re- ceived intelligence that schemes were forming by the popish clergy to introduce a foreign army into Ulster, and that an incipient dangerous fac- tion appeared in that district, fomented by the sons of the late John O'Nial, who were preparing to assert their independence of the English govern- ment. Perfectly knowing the inconstancy of the Irish, aware how easily their bigotry might be affected by the artful, he immediately marched into Ulster, to prevent the insurrection from sub- wS^^^fF'^-J^'^ipT*:':;^'^'^^^ ■SS'^Ti^TW^F-^'-^'iW''^^'' WISE POLICY OF PERROT. 421 verting the arrangements he had established therein. He succeeded in his intentions, and re- turned to Dublin to resume his active cares for the settlement and reformation of the kingdom. But neither merit nor success could guard this patriotic governor from the attacks of malice, envy, and discontent. The attention he invaria- bly gave to the rights of the old native Irish, and to correct those abuses of government that affected them, created a number of secret enemies, and an occasion soon occurred for a display of the latent enmity. The establishment of an university at Dublin was novir become a favourite object of government, and Perrot had projected the design of dissolving the cathedral of St. Patrick, and converting its revenues to the proposed plan. But by this measure he kindled the implacable hatred of Loftus, Archbishop of Dublin, and Chancellor of Ireland, whose interest would, of course, be greatly affected by the fulfilment of the design. His enemies represented him in the most false and opprobrious terms to the queen, who too readily gave credence to the calumnies reported. A person was sent from England as a sort of spy upon the conduct of Perrot, and by the instructions which he brought, it was evident that Elizabeth had an unfavourable opinion of the administration of her lord deputy. Mortified at this unworthy idea of him, Perrot wrote to the queen, humbly requesting to be allowed personally to justify his conduct. It does not appear that the queen complied, but he remained in his government, which he continued to admi- nister with fidelity and zeal. Elizabeth renewed her favourite scheme of re-peopling Munster with an English colony ; and every enticement was offered, and many English gentlemen of distinc- tion received grants of different portions, but (?t»^jir» .■^ifjiis^vjiFfpif.^wii^j-Ti^^jiif?^^ 422 HUGH o'nial those grants, by the injudicious and in many in-* stances unjust modes of settlement, contributed to the subsequent disorders into which the king- dom was plunged, rather than served to tran- quillize and settle it. The rebellion of the de Burghos soon after fol- lowed, occasioned by the endeavours of Sir John Bingham, to repress the tyranny of the haughty chiefs over their vassals. The great Irish lords, although they formally acknowledged an alle- giance to the crown, were still proudly conscious of their ancient independence, and upon the least appearance of weakness in the government, were ready to prove their abhorrence of it. The tur- bulence of their spirits, and the animation of their hopes were incessantly augmented by the popish ecclesiastics,. who at this period, more especially elevated their expectations by intelligence of the vast and terrible preparations of Spain, to annihi- late England by an irresistible invasion, and they were encouraged to regard Philip as their patron and deliverer, should they hold themselves ready for the fair occasion of asserting the glorious cause of religion, and their own emancipation, from the bondage of heretics. Among these great lords, Hugh O'Nial, nephew of Shane O'Nial, had ac- quired weight and consequence by the favours he had received from government. He had entered early into the service of the English, and pos- sessed a vigour of constitution which well fitted him for a military life. In the rebellion of Des- mond, he had acquired honour by his activity and valour. By his constant intercourse with the English, he had added a great degree of polish to a temper and manners naturally subtile and in- sinuating, a refinement he well dissembled before his own people, but which he as well knew how to bring into play when it favoured his designs. •;,5tfji>*,;-' (:.?-•■?->"' \";»«'f-:=^;'-<-::--'!- ; : i ?\y^''V««s5Si^'*^t4-?v'f-i??^ ■'-.'. " ^?5;3«P!rt>,'r '.t^jsMigs^T ■ DECLARED EARL OF TYRONE. 423 He had petitioned that by virtue of the grant to his grandfather, Earl Conn, he might be admitted to the place and title of Earl of Tirowen, as well as the annexed inheritance. He so far prevailed by his insinuating manners with Sir John Perrot that he sent him into England, that he might him- self prefer his petition to the queen. There is an intuitive penetration possessed by some individu- als which admirably aids their designs and views. It would appear that O'Nial was fully imbued with this acuteness, combined with his accommo- dating spirit which fitted itself with facility to the ** times that be." All his powers of obse- quiousness and flattery were lavished on the maiden queen, whose vanity he raised, so as to sun into vigour the hopes he had formed. With a well feigned ingenuousness, he lamented the unnatural reluctance of his countrymen to order and civility, their national prepossessions, and concluded many similar arguments, by imploring her majesty to take effectual measures for sup- pressing the name of O'Nial as the most essential step to break the prejudices of those of his own district, and opening to them the blessings of English laws and English manners. His artifice entirely succeeded even with the acute Eliza- beth, so apt is vanity to cloud the most correct judgment. She granted to the insinuating pe- titioner the earldom and the inheritance annexed to it, without any reservation of rent. Hugh re* turned triumphantly to Ireland. In Tirowen he was regarded as a high favourite of Elizabeth, as he took care to recount the graces he had re- ceived, well aware, that in the eyes of his rude followers the circumstance would highly exalt him. Government found it necessary to look to him for assistance against the disaffected of his province, and he, under the fair semblance of at- '^•'5^'' ' ■m^m" 424 HE LEVIES A FORCE. tachmeut to the crown, well knew how to increase his power and consequence. He insidiously pro- posed to keep six companies constantly in readi- ness to encounter any insurgents who might dis- turb the northern provinces. His proposal was in full faith of his loyalty accepted, and by art- fifUy changing these men, he soon trained to arms a considerable force, while at the same time under pretence of building a mansion, he collected a great quantity of lead in readiness for military service. In the mean time, on the defeat of the Spanish armada seventeen ships containing a force of upward of four thousand men were driven on the coasts of Ireland. They were received by the Irish as allies and kinsmen. The Spaniards on their part listened with interest to the account of their hospitable entertainers of their oppressions, and desire to throw off the English yoke. They were encouraged in these sentiments of inde- pendence, the greatness and goodness of the Spanish monarch was dilated upon, and above all his unwearied zeal in the Catholic cause, which united him in the bonds of fraternal af- fection to all true sons of the holy church. From him, it was added, the faithful Irish catholics might be assured of receiving protection and^ sup- port, and they were exhorted to persevere in their laudable disaffection to an heretical government. The Earl of Tirowen was suspected of having entered into a formal treaty with the Spaniards, and concerting dangerous schemes for effecting a future invasion. These suspicions were in a degree confirmed by subsequent reports conveyed to the lord deputy, that treasures and stores of various kinds had been brought by the Spaniards into Ireland, and were secreted in the places^ where they had been received. Fitzwilliam the then governor, issued a commission for searching ■••■♦;■ REPAIRS TO Elizabeth's COURT. 425 and securing this treasure for the queen, his com- mission proved ineffectual, as did his individual search, no treasure was to be found, but it was represented that the father-in-law of the Earl of Tirowen, and Sir John O'Dougherty had pos- sessed themselves of it. Fitzwilliam had them seized, and without any proof they were com- mitted to the castle of Dublin ; the first was not enlarged till the severities of his confinement re- duced him to the verge of the grave, the other, after a lapse of two years, purchased his eman- cipation by a considerable douceur. This ill- judged and arbitrary exercise of ])ower towards two individuals who were well affected to govern- ment, who had rendered it much service, and were reverenced by their countrymen, created a great sensation and much dissatisfaction. Many of the disaffected became more inveterate, while those that had submitted repented having done so. The Earl of Tirowen, whose consciousness might increase his alarm, determined to withdraw himself from the apprehended violence of Fitz- william, and with his usual affectation of loyalty and submission, hastened to cast himself at -the feet of Elizabeth to renew his assurances of fide- lity. As he had departed without licence from the deputy, his liberty was for a time restrained but his humble submissions soon obtained for him the royal pardon, and he was admitted before the privy council to give such assurances of his future loyalty as should be demanded. Among the nu- merous articles to which he agreed, were **to hold no correspondence with foreign traitors, to main- tain no monks nor friars, not to meddle with spiritual livings.'' He readily acquiesced in these ^. and a number of other restraints, and the Earl of Ormond and Sir Christopher Hatton were his sureties for the performance. This accommo- - .' , v: ■ V ■ 426 HE ASSERTS HIS LOYALTF. dation was scarcely effected, when the sons of John O'Nial envying the power of Tirowen, boldly attempted to effect his ruin. One of these chiefs repaired to the court of Elizabeth, and there charged the earl with traitorous designs, and with having entered into secret negociations with Spain. Tirowen affected to treat these accusations with contempt, referring them artfully to the revenge of his accuser, observing that it was natural that he who had advised the total suppression of the name of O'Nial should never be forgiven by that hajighty sept. The accuser was neglected in con- sequence of this artful insinuation, and Tirowen permitted to return to Ireland. Here he artfully evaded the execution of his indentures, pleading that as the neighbouring lords were engaged in them equally with himself, he was ready when they were to fulfil his engagements, but for him to execute them while they continued free, would only expose himself to their depredations, and deprive him of the power of defence. Actuated by that restless spirit which urged him to every mode whereby the English government might be weakened and overturned, this insidious chieftain secretly fomented the discontents of several septs, while with his usual duplicity he professed the greatest attachment to the queen's authority, and to give his professions a greater air of sincerity even admitted his country to be formed into a shire and divided into baronies after the English model, and for a time some degree of tranquillity existed in the country. This period was distin- guished by an event which was fraught with salu- tary consequences to Ireland, opening to it a source of refinement and civility, bringing it in some degree upon a level with other nations in , intellectual acquirements and improvements. It was the foundation of the University of Dublin. t"^-'-. •■ ■ ■••■.■•■• ••■■^'" ■•;..., ■, .'.;■-':*■ '-- -•'-r'i^^y*,' ■-;•>;*: i.n ■ . - ■.,... ; .- ■ - ■. - .- * . • - UNIVERSITY OF DUBLIN. 427 So early as 1311, an attempt to establish an academical society had been made by an arch- bishop of Dublin, who had procured a bull from Rome for the erection of a university, but the plan ended with the life of the projector. We have already adverted to a similar attempt made by Archbishop Bricknor in the reign of Edward the second, which was supported with great dif- ficulty for the term of thirty-eight years. In the reign of Edward the fourth, it was enacted by an Irish parliament, [1465.] that a university should be erected at Drogheda, but this act like many others of the Irish legislature became a dead letter, being totally disregarded in the tu- mult of civil war. From the very infancy of the reformation so great was the difficulty of finding pastors, so supine the negligence of the governors in regard to religious affairs, and so determined the opposition against any attempt to provide for the instruction of the people, and the estaiblish- ment of the reformed faith and worship, that the church of Ireland was gradually reduced almost to a state of desolation. Under these circum- stances, men who seriously and sincerely desired the good of their country, so essentially connected with the well being of the church, could not but direct their thoughts towards the most effectual means of remedying so great an evil. It is obvi- ous, that to render the streams salutary, the foun- tain must be purified, it was also necessary that those who thirsted should not be far from the waters of refreshment ; but to quit metaphor, the most effectual and natural means of dissemi- nating and providing for national instruction, was certainly to qualify some of the inhabitants to be- come ministers of the gospel, so as not to depend upon the precarious supply from other countries. Every one whb thought upon the subject, and it ' . f ' ■ . ■ '".■■'■'■ ' ! . 428 UNIVERSITY OF DUBLIN. was a period of thought and examination in the- ological subjects, felt the conviction that the spiritual wants of Ireland were great and pressing, calling for special provision and assistance, and that the only adequate and appropriate provision for the supply of the remedies for the diseased moral sense of the community, was the establish- ment of an institution on the spot in which na- tives might be prepared for the important work of the ministry, among a population deeply tainted with the false principles of religion. In proportion as the English power became more extended and more firmly grounded in Ireland,, these necessities became apparent, to which the impulse which had been given to the thinking faculties of mankind of course gave additional force. In the parliament of 1569, it was moved to re-establish the univer- sity once erected in the church of St. Patrick, and to support it by voluntary contributions. Sir Henry Sydney who was a man of exemplary piety, and sincerely zealous for the reformation, greatly favoured the design, and offered ample assistance, but either from the public disorders then existing, or the want of funds, the design was not prosecuted. The patriotic and enter- prising Sir John Perrot was the promoter of the next attempt. It was his purpose to erect two colleges both in Dublin, on the dissolution of the cathedral of St. Patrick. He proposed to con- vert the building into courts of law, and to ap- propriate part of the annual revenues as an endow- ment for each seminary, the residue to be em- ployed in reparation of the church, or augmen- tation of the revenues of the other cathedral. This scheme was violently opposed by Loftus archbishop of Dublin, whose interests it too nearly aflected. Two high spirits thus encountering each other, produced a bitter animosity, but the UNIVERSITY OF DUBLIN. 429 prelate determined to prove that although he disapproved the particular scheme of Perrot, yet that he was a zealous friend to the establishment of a seminary of learning in the kingdom, suggested that the monastery of All Hallows would be a proper situation for the purpose. This monastery had been erected by Dermod Mac Murchad, king of Leinster, in the neighbourhood of Dublin, and on the dissolution of religious houses, the scite had been vested in the mayor and citizens of Dublin. When therefore Perrot was recalled from his government, the prelate applied himself to these proprietors with zeal and assiduity. In two elaborate speeches he informed them it was the queen's gracious intention to erect a university of good literature in Ireland, he expatiated eloquently on the high advantages they could not fail to derive from such an insti- tution in their vicinity, and exhorted them to grant the ground for the laudable purpose. "[ An act," added the prelate, " of good acceptance with God, of great reward hereafter, and of honour and advantage to yourselves, and more to your learned offspring in the future, where by the help of learn- ing, they may build your families some stories higher than they are by their advancement either in the church or commonwealth." The prelate certainly proved his knowledge of human nature in thus bringing to his aid that ambition so natural to parents ; that their offspring should be eminent. Men who have raised themselves either by genius or industry to a state of opulence, seldom desire that their sons should tread the same path, but that they should be provided with distinguished situations in the state, the church, or in the army, and under the fair plea of duty to provide for their children, eagerly embrace the most remote means of pushing their fortunes. Whether the good r^»^ 430 FOUNDATION OF TRINITY COLLEGE. citizens of Dublin shared in these parental pros- pects of eminence for their children or not, it is immaterial to ascertain, suffice it to say the archbishop's eloquence prevailed, the proposal was embraced, and the monastery with its pre- cincts freely granted. Elizabeth was then soli- cited for her royal charter, and a mortmain li- cence for the land granted by the city. The two agents of this solicitation were Henry Usher, and Lucas Challoner, destined to be members of the new institution. They soon returned with a war- rant for a licence to pass the seals, dated Decem- ber 29, 1591 , for the incorporation of an university, with a power of holding the granted lands, and others that might be obtained to the amount of four hundred pounds annual v^lue. This was succeeded by a regular charter, by which the college was erected as mother of a university, by the style of the college of the Holy and Un- divided Trinity of Queen Elizabeth, near Dublin, to consist of a provost, (Adam Loftus, archbishop of Dublin,) three fellows in the name of more, three scholars also in the name of more, Cecil Lord Burleigh was named in the charter first chan- cellor, and all future elections to this office vested in the provost and fellows. The fellows were empowered to elect their provost, who was to hold his station for seven years only ; and it was pro- vided that the society was to be visited by the Archbishop of Dublin, Bishop of Meath, vice trea- surer, treasurer at war, chief justice and mayor of Dublin. A fund was now to be provided for buildings and other charges attending this infant society. Accordingly, March, 1591, the lord deputy Fitzwilliam and the privy council, issued a circular to the principal gentlemen of every barony in the kingdom soliciting their aid, and although the design had to struggle with the po^- f!^j^mT^Wr''^:^^W^f!'--^^^ TRINITY COLLEGE BUILT. 431 verty of the kingdom, and the great reluctance of the popish party, yet the first stone of the build- ings was speedily laid, and in January, 1593, the students were admitted. The oppressions of the times and the frus- tration of its grants by the wars of Ulster, threat- ened the dissolution of the institution. It lan- guished in weakness for some time, but by the bounty and care of its royal patroness, and some efficient friends, it was at length enabled to strike its roots securely amidst the storms that assailed it, and in time rose into consequence and splen- dour.* Having thus noticed the formation of the cradle of Irish literature, and her ecclesiastic * This college is a most beautiful structure, consisting of two spacious squares, tbe first of which contains the re- fectory, the old hall and cha- pel, and the new theatre for lectures and examinations. The front of two of these buildings is finely decorated with Corin- thian columns, supporting pediments ; and over the front of the old hall, on the east side of this square rises a handsome steeple crowned with a cupola. In the other square, which consists principally of brick buildings for the students, there is a superb library ex- tending through its whole length on the south side; be- hind this square there is a wall- ed park. The west side of the first square, which is built with Portland stone, forms the grand front, three hundred feet in length, ornamented with Corinthian pillars, and other decorations, in very fine taste. At a small distance to the south side of this front is an elegant edifice, where the provost resides. The printing oj£ce is a neat structure on the north side of the park; opposite to it is the anatomy house. The college of Dublin is an university in itself, con- sisting of a provost, vice^ro- vost, seven senior, and fifteen junior fellows, and seventeen scholars of the house. The number of students is gene- rally about four hundred. It has also professors in divinity, common and civil law, physic, Greek, modem languages, ma- thematics, oriental languages, history and oratory, modern history, natural philosophy, anatomy and surgery, chemis- try and botany. His Royal Highness tiie Duke of Glou- cester is chancellor, the Lord Primate of Ireland vice-chan- cellor. ■ . ■ • ' . _ t , ■ ■ . - ^ ■ ■ . 432 o'nial. children, we return to the general retrospect of affairs, as they are more or less connected with the ecclesiastic polity of the country. Although the disaffection and turbulence of the Irish l©rds certainly received a great accession from being mingled with the bigotry sedulously cherished by Romish emissaries, it is not our intention to dwell upon the acts of violence and revolt they occa- sioned, or to follow the insidious Tirowen through the mazes of his wily policy, ere he threw off the mask he had so long effectually worn, and there- by deceived even the penetrating Elizabeth. But as his actions greatly affected the general weal of his country, in which was necessarily involved her ecclesiastical progress and state, it is necessary to take a cursory view of them. Cautiously as he had hitherto avoided any premature disclosure of his real sentiments respecting the English govern- ment, a period now approached when his interest and security obliged him no longer to dissemble, and Elizabeth was to prove that all her cares to attach him permanently to her interest were abor- tive. The old chief Tirlaugh, who had so long enjoyed the Irish chieftainry of Tirowen by per- mission of the state, was approaching to the pe- riod of his dissolution. The wily and ambitious Earl was perfectly aware of the importance at- tached to the succeeding to a title, commanding an habitual reverence and obedience in his coun- try. The sons of John O'Nial, who had been confined in the castle of Dublin, but had effected their escape, were the only rivals to this desired title. He rested not till he secured them in his power, and on the death of the aged chieftain, he assumed the important title of the O'Nial, al- though it will be recollected that he had solemnly abjured it, and advised its total suppression. With the plausibility which had ever marked his EARL OF TYRONE REBELS. 433 conduct, he was at no loss fo|f pretences to palliate the daring outrage he had committed, and his own perfidy. He artfully pleaded that he had pos- sessed himself of the chieftainry, to prevent its being assumed by some other of his sept less favourably disposed to the English government than himself, declaring himself ready to resign it whenever a regular course of law and polity should be established in his territory. The government was in too feeble a state to call in question his sincerity, or to refuse admittance to his pleas. Trusting to the oft experienced influence of his deceitful oaths and professions with an affected confidence in the English, he put himself in the power of Sir William Russel, who in 1594, was appointed governor. Russel totally unacquainted with his character, was beguiled by his apparent warmth and sincerity, and contrary to the advice and assurances of his dangerous influence given by Sir Henry Bagnal who knew him better than the new governor, the latter dismissed him, to the utter dissatis&ction of the queen's ministers. Commotions now filled the north, of which Tirowen was believed to be the secret spring. Determined no longer to rely on the lenity and inexperience of a government he hated and de- spised, Tirowen now resolved to rise into open rebellion. He entered into correspondence with Spain, and having united all the Irish chieftains in dependance on himself, he justly began to be regarded as a formidable enemy. Thus for years he persevered in a resistance to the government, which the most strenuous and indefatigable efforts of the civil and military governors were inadequate to overcome. Sir John Norris, as eminent for military talent as for the liberality of his senti- ments, and the conciliating dispositions of his heart, found it necessary to grant terms to the VOL. 1. F F 434 HrS DUPLICITY. rebel, 'whom he would gladly have brought in bonds to the footstool of his sovereign, whose favours had be6n so ungratefully and perfidiously requited. At a period when fortune appeared unfavourable to his cause, and his Spanish suc- cours did not appear, Tirowen wrote letters of penitence and submission to the queen, and also the most pathetic aiddresses to Sir John Norris, lamenting that the cruelty and injustice he had suffered had driven him to extremities, and ex- pressing the most ardent wishes to return to peace and allegiance. So effectually did he plead his own cause, that the queen empowered her officers to grant pardon to all rebels wha should with due humility seek her royal mercy. A congress was appointed at Dundalk, where Tirowen renewed his professions, imploring the queen's pardon, (as he expressed it,) " upon the knees of his heart." Other great concessions followed, and peace seemed again in prospect, when the perfidious Tirowen once more plunged into anarchy and revolt, making it appear that his duplicity had been merely to gain time, and to divert his enemies from immediate hostile steps. The hopes of the insurgents were ani- mated, and their submissions entirely forgotten, when three pinnaces from Spain arrived on the northern coasts, with stores, ammunition, and letters from Philip to the Irish chieftains, ex- horting them to persevere in their laudable oppo- sition to the heretical English power, and assuring them of immediate support. The turbulent and proud Irish, elated with this intelligence, re- proached themselves for their recent concessions, and in proportion to their sense of weakness, felt their present resolutions of opposition increased and invigorated. They quickly circulated the intelligence with eagerness and triumph through ^wr ^^*r- ' ^*9rr THE WAR PROTRACTED. 435 their different septs, and grew impatient of some pretext to violate their treaty. Tirowen, with his accustomed dissimulation, affected to transmit his letter to the lord deputy and council, to de- monstrate the sincerity of his submission, but at the very same time he sent his assurances of a speedy invasion to the chieftain O'Birne, and principal insurgents of Leinster, as well as the disaffected in Munster, all of whom were ex- horted to assume arms, and unite with their northern countrymen, for the assistance of Christ's Catholic religion. Thus this warfare may be re- garded, ostensibly at least, a religious one, what- ever were the secret and various motives of the promoters of, and actors in it. For several years the war was protracted by Tirowen's artifices, and the credulity of govern- ment ; he alternately aggressing and submitting, and the queen listening and pardoning, because she was averse to the expense requisite to make the effectual resistance to the wily rebel. Sir John Norris at length found that he had been deceived by treacherous promises, and that the Irish field of warfare was not one in which he could either display his military genius, or perform any thing consistent with his ancient reputation. He was further disgusted by being removed from a government, the duties of which he had faithfully fulfilled. Disappointment preyed on the sensibility of this gallant leader and adftiirable man ; and within two months after his removal from his power, he died without ap- parent malady, one of the many victims to disap- pointed hopes, and the vicissitudes of state favour. Lord Burgh, possessing great military abilities, succeeded with full powers civil and military. He determined to admit no conferences, nor listen to any concessions of the insurgents, but resolved F F 2 430 THE WAR PROTRACTED. to prosecute them vigorously. He proceeded without delay to do so, and experienced the ob- stinate resistance of the enemy. He still, how- ever, persevered; but all military operations were suspended by his sudden death. The coun- cil on this event committed the government to Sir Thomas Norris, lord president of Munster ; but at his own request the queen immediately appointed a new administration. The chief go- vernment was committed to Loftus, primate of Dublin, and chancellor ; and such was the vigour which the new government evinced, that Tir- owen resolved to recur to his former artifices to gain time. He recounted a long list of grievances to palliate his conduct, and in consequence a truce of eight weeks was agreed upon, in order that an opportunity might be given to all to state their complaints, that they might be transmitted to the royal consideration. In perusing the recital of these pusillanimous concessions to this arch rebel, we are astonished and disgusted at the weakness of the English government, and their blind credulity, in suffer- ing themselves to believe that faith and sincerity existed in the bosom of Tirowen, or to expect that he was guided by any principle of honour with a government which he abhorred, and roused as was his haughty spirit with the elevating idea of being the deliverer of his country, and the patron of Irish liberty. He doubtless considered his very perfidiousness and art as meritorious, and as entitling him to the gratitude and reve- rence of his country. By his artifices he procured his pardon, and even dictated the terms upon which he would accept it. But having by the readiness of his enemies to yield to his pleas, discovered their weakness, he resolved without delay to re-commence hostilities, without paying -7^ VICTORY GAINED BY TYRONE. 437 the slightest regard to the promises he had so- lemnly made, the treaties he had entered into, or the submissions he had yielded, which, with the true policy of a barbarian, he considered as mere temporary expedients, perfectly justifiable in a state of warfare. Indeed, situated as was this Irish chieftain, it would be absurd to expect in him a lively moral sense; we must not judge him by the refined notions of the nineteenth century, although we may abhor his perfidy, and regard with contempt the weakness which gave him so many opportunities of practising it. Sir Henry Bagnal, who had succeeded Sir John Norris in the military command, was di- rected to relieve the fort of Blackwater, which Tirowen had invested with a determination to reduce by famine. Bagnal in his advance was surrounded in disadvantageous ground, and his soldiers, dismayed by an accidental explosion of gunpowder, were put to flight ; this disorder was immediately succeeded by the death of Bagnal, who in raising his beaver received a fatal shot in the forehead. The pursuit was arrested by Mon- tacute, who commanded the English horse. Fif- teen hundred of the royal army, however, with thirteen gallant officers, and the general, were the victims of the day. The triumph of the re- bels was complete, for they became masters of all the artillery, ammunition, and provisions of the royal army, as well as a quantity of arms. The fort of Blackwater was immediately surren- dered, and the remnant of the royalists, who had fled to Armagh, were soon obliged, by the vic- torious insurgents, to evacuate that city. In this encounter, the generals on each side were inflamed with a mortal enmity against each other ; for Bagnal had always opposed Tirowen, and endeavoured to open the eyes of others to his de- 438 TUK UEBKLI.ION SPHEADS. ceit and perfidy, of which he was perfectly aware. The superstitious Irish were also on this occasion excited to the highest religious frenzy by their priests, who assured them, on the faith of some old prophecies, that the day would prove fatal to heresy. The assault was violent in proportion to the high-wrought zeal thus artfully inspired. We are not to measure the importance of this victory by the standard of modern conquests; situated as Ireland then was, it was great and momentous ; it excited the full fury of rebellion, and urged even hitherto passive septs to defiance of the English government. [1598.] The flame of insurrection spread from north to south — the rebels every where committed with impunity the most desperate outrages, particularly on the English settlers, who fled, or became victims to the vindictive hatred of their semi-barbarous enemies. The state of the country was now indeed de- plorable. The whole provmce of Ulster was in open rebellion under Tirowen, and the other parts of the country ready to unite in the revolt, when aided by expected succours from the pope and Spain, and in the mean time were reduced nearly to a state of despair by innumerable op- pressions, and by the rumour of meditated seve- rities of the English government, which the coun- try was prepared to oppose in the most obstinate manner. The English council were become sensible that the rebellion had now attained height and strength, which imperiously demanded the promptest and most decisive measures to reduce and weaken, and were sensible that the many temporizing plans which had hitherto guided their policy, served only to encourage the spirit of insurrection, and to augment rather than allay disorder. It was ■ - y^ ?£ w?**'>^^ EARL OF ESSKX. 439 therefore resolved to push the war vigorously. They were prpbably further urged to these deci^ sjve measures, by the mtelligence that Philip of Spain was preparing for a powerful invasion of the dominions of Elizabeth, twelve thousand men being destined to assist the rebel forces in Ireland. The most popular lord in England, and the highest in the queen's grace at this momen- tous period, was Lord Essex. On the delibera- ^ tions respecting Ireland, Elizabeth had proposed to commit the government to Blount, Lord Mount- joy, but Essex opposed this nomination, repre- senting Mountjoy too little acquainted with mili- tary service for such an appointment, at such a period. In fact, in describing a fit person for so high and important a service, he so distinctly traced out his own character that the likeness could not be mistaken, and both his friends and enemies concurred in rendering his apparent wishes effectual, for by the united instances of all, he accepted the goverment of Ireland. His patent was granted with the title of lord lieute- nant, and with the most extensive powers, and he was furnished with an army of twenty thousand men, greatly superior to any heretofore sent to Ireland. We cannot follow the open-hearted Essex in all the details of his government; the faults he committed were those natural to a generous, un- suspecting, and indiscreet character, and he had deeply artful insidious enemies to encounter in the cabinet, as well as determined, irritated, and powerful foes in the field. The insurgents, no- thing dismayed by the great preparations against them, rather rejoiced in the opportunity it gave them of confirming the inveteracy of the bigoted and disaffected, and to persuade the wavering that their very existence depended upon their union 440 EARL OF ESSEX. in the approaching crisis. Amongst the argu- ments used to promote this union and resistance, were those of having " their consciences en- slaved," and that ** their religion was and ought to be the common cause of all." Tirowen was indefatigable in confirming his adherents, and defeating every attempt to seduce them. Every instance of ill-fortune and impolitic conduct of the ardent Essex in his difficult situation, was eagerly reported at the English court, and received with delight by those who had envied him the royal favour. His letters to the qtieen held a different language to that which his inexperience and rash judgment had dictated in England re- specting Irish affairs. In these his dispatches he expatiated on the superiority and even discipline of the enemy, represented the disaffection as general, arising from an utter aversion both from the religion and government of England. He also broadly hinted, that it would be most expe- dient to break the power of the rebels by secret practices, rather than by open opposition, urged the absolute necessity of exterminating their priests, as the chief agents in fomenting disorders, and cementing the rebel interests, recommending it strongly to his royal mistress, if she would form a strong party among the Irish, to hide carefully from them every purpose of establishing among them English government, until their strength should be gradually completely broken. He concluded by pointing out on the other side the royal advantages, and his assurances of ultimate victory, although it must be a work of time, ex- pense, and care. We must refer our readers to other histories to trace the vicissitudes in the life of the unfortunate Essex, both during his government and unguarded conduct in Ireland, as well as subsequent to his DON MATTHEO OVIEDO. 441 rash and precipitate return to the presence of his indignant sovereign ; and at once hasten to mark the effect of his departure on the disorders of the coun- try he had quitted. Tirowen, who felt his pride flattered, and his consequence increased, by hav- ing been admitted to a conference with the royal general, and obtaining from him favourable terms of accommodation, and above all, time, now ex- tended his views, and indefatigably pressed for- ward in what he judged his honourable career. Essex had scarcely returned to England, when fresh supplies of money and ammunition arrived from Spain, attended with reiterated assurances that the northern Irish might expect a powerful reinforcement from a monarch greatly interested in their honourable struggle, to throw off the he- retical dominion which enslaved them. Don Mattheo Oviedo, a Spanish ecclesiastic, on whom the pope had conferred the title of Archbishop of Dublin, accompanied these supplies, and was also the bearer of a present from the pontiff to the Prince of Ulster, (so Tirowen was designated,) of a hallowed plume, which the holy father de- clared to be formed of the feathers of a phoenix, and bestowed as a token of the paternal affection and sincere reverence of the pontiff for the Irish champion of the most holy faith. It is difficult for us to appreciate aright the powerful influence of such a gift upon a character like that of Tir- owen, and the eagerness with which he would convert the reverence it obtained for him among his rude followers, to the furtherance of his own lofty designs. Elevated to the utmost height of pride and popularity, by this flattering evidence of papal favour and attention, the haughty chief- tain openly assumed the high-sounding title be- stowed upon him by the holy father. As the champion of the holy faith, in full confidence of 442 K. ov TyKUNE'» manifesto. the success it would insure hiiu, he re-commenced hostilities soon after the expiration of the six weeks agreed upon for the period of a truce, but of which he ought to have given fourteen days' notice previous to the infraction. Finding, how- ever, the lord lieutenant proceeding against him, he thought it politic to parley, and after some menaces retorted with due spirit, a cessation was agreed upon for the period of a month. In this interval, Tirowen published a manifesto addressed to his countrymen, exhorting them to forsake the shameful cause of heresy, which they had so long abetted, or at least not opposed, urging them to assume arras in defence of liberty and their coun- try, and chiefly the Catholic religion, which was so precious and dear to him as its champion, that no narrow and personal dangers should induce him to abandon its sacred interests. In order to impress the people with an idea of his exalted piety, this deep politician made a pilgrimage to the Holy Cross of Tipperary, availing himself of the opportunity of concerting measures with his southern associates. Among these associates was the titular Earl of Desmond, who addressed a letter to the monarch of Spain, inveighing in vio- lent terms against the tyranny of Elizabeth, boasting of his own meritorious services and gal- lant exploits, in exterminating the English set- tlers from the southern province, and praying to be furnished with men and ammunition, that he might invest and reduce those places where the enemies of the church had taken refuge. Another letter, bearing the signature of Tirowen, or rather O'Nial, Desmond, Macarthy- More, and Dermond- Macarthy, was addressed to Pope Clement, evi- dently dictated by an ecclesiastic. In terms of high-wrought zeal and piety they profess to pros- trate themselves before the father of spirits upon ■',-iip?irz-^'l^ BULL Ok CLfcMiiNT. 443 earth f imploring hU compassioi^te relief for his spiritual sons, so as to enable them to subdue those who a,re eni^mies to their Sion, and oppose th^ building of the walls of their Jerusalem* They earnestly solicit the holy father to provide pious and learned ps^stors for their afflicted church, whom they faithfully promise to cherish and. pro- tect, and they earnestly beseech him to renew the sentence of excommunication fulminated by his predecessors against the heretical Elizabeth, which would enable them hi^ faithful subjects to act with greater success in defence of his kingdom of Ireland, In answer to this application, the pope published a bull, whereby he granted to Prince Hugh O'Nial, his confederates and assist- ants, the same spiritual indulgences usually con- ferred on the crusaders. The manifesto of Tir- owen was, probably, as well as the above letter, manufactured at Rome or in Spain, both are evi- dences of the spirit which had been infused into the insurgents, and how artfully the flame was kept alive by a constant recurrence to those op- pressions which had at first aroused the spirit of discontent and resistance. We shall give a few extracts from this singular composition, supposed to emanate from the Irish champion of the most holy faith, whose crafty policy and duplicity may be traced in many passages of it, indicating that he, at least, was a party in its composition or re- vision. The manifesto opens with a declaration, that the chieftain had shown great favour and forbear- ance towards his countrymen, not only because they were professors of the Catholic faith, but also in the hope that they would voluntarily take into consideration the lamentable state of their poor country, and of their own gentle consciences, in maintaining, relieving, and helping the enemies 444 THE MANIFESTO. of God and our country, in wars infallibly tending to the promotion of heresie. It proceeds to say, ** That seeing that you are so obstinate, in that which you have hitherto continued of necessitie, I must use severitie towards you, who otherwise I most entirely loved, in reclayming you by com- pulsion, when my long tolerance, and happy victoiries, by God's particular favour doubtlessly obtained, could work no alteration in your con- sciences." It goes on to state, that ** by perse- vering in that damnable estate in which ye have lived, great calamitie and miserie must ensue, of which they are forewarned, and that unless everie of you come and joyne with me against the ene- mies of God and our poor country, I will use meanes not only to spoil your goods, but to dis- possess you of your lands. But and if you shall joyne with me, upon my conscience, and as 1 shall answer for it before God, I will employ my- self to the utmost of my power in their defence, and for the extirpation of heresie, the planting of the Catholic religion, the delivery of our country from infinite murders, wicked and detestable po- licies, by which this kingdom was hitherto go- verned, nourished in obscurity and ignorance, ^ maintained in barbarity and incivility, and conse- I quently of infinite evils, which are too lamentable to be rehearsed." This too faithful picture of the state of the country is followed by the protesta- tion : ** Seeing there are motives most laudable before any man of consideration, and before the Almightie most meritorious, which is chiefly to be respected, I thought myself in conscience bound, seeing God has given me some power, to use all means for the reduction of this our poor afflicted country into the Catholic faith, which can never be brought to any good pass, without your destruction or helping hands." He then ''?f; ^ < t ' - - ^ " '% ?^ THE MANTT'FSTO. 445 professes his disinterestedness, that he desires no secular advantages, and adds, " giving you to understand upon my salvation, that chiefly and principally I fight for the Catholic faith, to be planted throughout our poor country, as mani- festly might appear, by that I rejected all other conditions preferred to me, this not being granted ; which eftsoone before by wrord of mouth I have protested, and do hereby protest, that if I had gotten to be King of Ireland, without having the Catholic religion, which before I have mentioned, I would not the same accept." The following clauses are particularly charac- teristic of this plausible chieftain : " Yet some other, very catholickly given, to cover their bad consciences with cloaks of affected ignorance, will not seem to understand my good meaning therein, but according to their own corrupt con- sciences and judgement, construe my warres to be for my particularities, affirming that I never mentioned any points of religion in any article of agreement which was to passe between the queen's governors and me." He endeavours to destroy the prejudice this reserve had excited, by saying he was altogether guided by a wise policy, dic- tated by peculiar circumstances of the times. " Albeit," he says, " the same was not then manifested, because so good a cause should not be committed to so doubtful an entertainment as my power then was likely to afford ; and least a Catholic cause should receive any disgrace, or should be scandalized by heretics, I refrained myself from giving others to understand my in- tentions." The document proceeds to deny that any allegiance is due to Elizabeth, she being under sentence of excommunication : " It is a thing void of all reason that his holyness should 446 £NGL1SH PATE ENDANGFRED. revoke the setitence, she persevering in heresie, yea, iti misdhiefiAg and persecuting the Catholics. " A fepetitidti 6f entreaty to unite for the cause of religion then occurs, the example of France being' cited as encouragement for perseverance, as the manifesto concludes with the clause : " As for myself, I protest before God and upon my salvation, I have been preferred oftentimes such conditions as no man, seeking his own private commoditie, could refuse | but I, seeking the public utilitie of my native country, and means for your salvation, will prosecute these warres untill that generally religion be planted through- out all Ireland. So I rest, praying the Almightie to move your flinted hearts, to prefer the com- moditie and profit of our country before your own private ease." " O^Neale." ** Duneveag, the fifteenth day of November, 1599." E. MSS. Epis. Stroiie. Bibl. Trin. Coll. Dub. It is evident from these documents how diligent the chiefs of the insurgents were to alienate the people from their allegiance to the queen, and to re-light the torch of war. The royalist army and government were too weak not to regard the pre- parations with apprehensioti, particularly as two of their ablest officers were prematurely cut off in some petty encounter with the insurgents. To act on the defensive for awhile Was their only course, while the English ministry were earnestly solicited that some effectual means of protection might be afforded ere the rebels made good their evident intention of invading the pale, in which case ruin must ensue to the English. 'jmp^'m. - e.?VT-:-P>i^^^SW»?^5«» 44r CHAPTER XIII. . ■ ■ - - w, English power in Ireland reduced — Queens authority con- demned — Tirowen^s activity — Mountjdy appointed deputy — f His proceedings — Infuses spirit into the queen's authorities — Fickleness of the Irish — Tirowen's reputation diminishes — Distress and devastation attending the state of warfare — Irelandj a cause of anxiety to Elizabeth — Impolitic measure — Proceedings of Mountjoy — His sentiments — Insurgents en- couraged by prospect of Spanish aid — Diligence of the eccle- siastics — Some chiefs sent to England — Arrival of Spaniards under d'Aquilla — Instigates the Irish to revolt — Mountjoy acts with determination — Spaniards reduced to difficulties — Disgust of Tirowen — Spirit of disaffection kept alive — Ex- treme distress of the country — Proceedings of Mountjoy — Tirowen makes overtures — They are listened to — His abject submission — Promised pardon — Death of Elizabeth — Tirow- en s behaviour — Restoration of tranquillity — Spirit of party — Hypocrisy of Tiroiven — Romiskpower diminishing— ^Artful suggestions of the Romanists — Their success in forming a strong party — On the accession of James it begins to mani- fest itself openly. While the English power in Ireland was thus reduced, and the queen's authority contemned, Tirowen continued his activity in confirming his associates, carrying on his foreign correspondence, daily increasing his forces, and rising in pride and confidence. The rebel cause being secretly favoured by some who appeared outwardly best affected to the state. Elizabeth, whose parsimony could ill brook the expenses of the Irish disorders, in order to arrest the progress of the rebellion, returned to her former intention of appointing Mountjoy, lord deputy, and although she found him reluctant, she obliged him to accept the employ- ;rv /-».-■- ■- •,- . ...--v..^-.. , . -, , ■■ -::.^,_r;^,^ 448 LORD MOUNTJOV. ment. Without any parade he arrived at Dublin, February, 1599. The refinement of manner which distinguished this nobleman was regarded with contempt as eiFeminacy by the rude Irish, and Tirowen could not conceal his contemptuous ex- ultation in a choice, appearing so injudicious, of a commander, who he said ** would lose the season of action while the breakfast was prepared." But this penetrating chieftain was for once at least deceived by his own vanity. Mountjoy found in- deed the country in a desperate condition, but his native capacity and vigour dictated to him the best measures to pursue, not discouraged by the pride, the power and the popularity of Tirowen, he immediately marched against him in Ulster, penetrating into the heart of the province, the chief seat of the rebels. He fortified Derry and Mount Norris, in order to stem the Irish, and following their own mode of warfare, he chased them to their haunts, obliging them to take refuge in the most remote woods. With a similar suc- cess as followed his own plans, he employed Sir George Carew in Munster, and by his persevering vigour, he infused new life into the queen's au- thority throughout the country. The power and consequence of Tirowen, like those of all similar characters, guided by similar motives, and di- rected to similar views, depended greatly upon opinion, which remained buoyant on the stream of success, but sunk when opposing obstacles ar- rested its onward course. The partial defeats of their chief, immediately proved the fickleness of the Irish, they deserted in great numbers, and some of their principal partizans even applied to the lord deputy for pardon and protection. So wisely and successfully did Mountjoy prosecute his military operations, that every attempt of Tir- owen was repelled by his vigour and his pru- > .^yw^^W^'^^'^rWW^yif^ - m^mir^^im^ LORD MOUNTJOY*S SUCCESSES. 449 dence, so that the reputation of this idol of his country, this champion of her faith daily di- minished, his followers continually escaping from the miseries of warfare under his banners, to sue the government for protection and pardon. The distresses and far spreading devastation attending this state of warfare, are dreadful in the recital and we may rejoice that our subject does not necessarily oblige us to narrate them. But al- though the advantages gained by Mountjoy were great, Ireland was still a just cause of anxiety and embarrassment to Elizabeth, and in order to en- able her to sustain the great expenses of the war, she suffered herself to be persuaded to the very impolitic measure of issuing base money for the payment of the troops. Mountjoy in the mean- time was prosecuting with vigour and progressive success, the war with the insurgents. With the aid of Sir George Carew, president of Munster, and other able commanders, the inferior rebels were gradually reduced, and even the supplies of Tirowen himself were cut off. Still the courage of the rebels was in a great degree supported by the hope of Spanish aid, nor were those hopes vain and delusive, for Spain was busily employed by her agents in endeavouring to make her inten- tions known, and to keep up the spirit of religious antipathy among the ignorant Irish. At all times the arts and effects of superstition are lamentable, and none can reflect without abhorrence on the principles inculcated, and the practices counte- nanced by the Romish agents sent into Ireland to foment the disorders of those times. While we regard with repugnance the schemes of the artful, we must compassionate a wretched people, who, without ever hearing the salutary or warning voice of instruction, were abandoned to the influence of factious and sanguinary zealots. VOL. 1. G G 450 TOLF.RANT GOVERNMENT. Nor must we do the English government and its despotic head the injustice to suppose, that in re- gard to religious matters the policy was severe, rash, or arbitrary ; on the contrary, even the law which enforced an attendance on the reformed worship, was generally relaxed, indeed it could hardly be justly enforced under the circumstances of the times, as the Christian methods of refor- mation were sacrificed to the desire of discourag- ing the Irish language, in which only the mass of the people could receive instruction. There were also few churches to resort to, few teachers to exhort or instruct, and fewer still who could be understood. Hence, when the malcontents on submitting to government had been taught to demand a free exercise of religion, the ministers of Elizabeth were instructed to assure them of every indulgence, but that of an express and formal toleration. But at the same time, it was the regular and ordinary instruction to the pro- vincial governors of Ireland, to persuade the peo- ple by all good means and ways to them seeming good, and especially by their own examples, to observe all orders for divine service, and to em- brace and devoutly to observe the order and ser- vice of the church established in the realm by parliament, or otherwise. Whenever the queen's ministers by virtue of these and similar commissions ventured on any vigorous exertion of their authority we find them controuled, and a more moderate conduct re- commended from England, in which moderation Mountjoy seems to have heartily concurred, as he thought that any other course would defeat the ob- ject desired to be attained. ** Not that I think," he observes, *' too great preciseness can be used in reforming ourselves, the abuses of our own clergy, church livings, or discipline, nor that the ".t^ifw^m*^ ■•"v^w^^m^ "'!;■■*• v> '.?^''* PA PAL I, r/J T K K 10 O N I A f, . 451 truth of the gospel can with too great vehemcney or industry be set forward, in all places, and by all ordinary means most proper unto itself, that was first set forth and spread in meekness, nor that I think any corporal prosecution or punish- ment can be too severe for such as shall be found seditious instruments of foreign or inward prac- tices, nor that I think it fit that any principal magistrates should be chosen without taking the oath of obedience, nor tolerated in absenting themselves from public divine worship, but that we may be advised how we do punish in their bodies or goods any such only for religion, as do profess to be faithful subjects to her majesty; and against whom the contrary cannot be proved." Whilst the royal commanders were daily gaining considerable advantages, and the rebels were in proportion becoming weaker, confident assuran- ces were spread throughout the country, that the Spanish succours were speedily to embark, and that Munster was fixed upon as the first scene of their invasion. Oviedo, the Spanish archbishop of Dublin, and other factious ecclesiastics indus- triously disseminated the intelligence, and were indefatigable in the exertion of every means to animate the leaders of rebellion, and to confirm their resolution. They presented to Pritfce O'Nial commander of the Catholic army a flat- tering letter from the pope, filled with bene- dictions on himself and his adherents, who it was expressed, had not ** bowed the knee to Baal," but resolutely contended for the faith. Tiro wen, cheered and elated by the prospect of the Spanish succours called his councils, dis- patched his emissaries, encouraged his adherents, and exhorted them to prepare for the eventful crisis, to exert themselves against ** the pagan beast,'' and to rekindle the flame of rebellion. G G 2 ''*^^ .iHPiO*. ^W^W^^^^W^i^rwW^: > ":"^^*T^?5P^!f?WP^f V_A, ■!-«S-.- ■ '■-, 452 SPANIARDS LAND AT KINSALE. • One of the principal rebel leaders was James Fitz Thomas, titular earl of Desmond, he was delivered by treachery into the power of Sir George Carew, and with Florence Macarthy sent prisoner to England. Sir George also possessed himself of some leaders of the same sept. One of them was abruptly asked by Sir George on his professing his fidelity to government, ** But what if the Spaniards should arrive?" " In that case," he replied, '* let not your lordship confide in me, nor in any of those lords who seem most devoted to your service." This is an instance of noble candour. At length the Spaniards under Don Juan d'Aquilla arrived at Kinsale. He assumed the title of general in the holy war, for the preser- vation of the faith in Ireland, and endeavoured to persuade the people that Elizabeth was by several bulls of the pope deprived of her crown, that her subjects were absolved from their oaths of allegiance and that the Spaniards were come to deliver the Irish from the dominion of Satan. Mountjoy found it necessary to act with deter- mined vigour, in order to prevent a total insur- rection of the Irish thus instigated to revolt. We shall not follow the detail of this war, but merely add that after being threatened with a dreadful storm of revolt, the English saw it, by the pusil- lanimous conduct of the Irish, dissipated at once. One of the chiefs, O'Donnel, fled to Spain, and Tirowen, unable to persuade his associates to keep the field, stung with disappointment and disgrace retired in disgust to his own territory. D'Aquilla reduced to the greatest difficulties capitulated to the terms prescribed by Mountjoy< and conse- quently the rebels were reduced to dismay at the reverse of fortune so sudden and unexpected. The rumours however of a second Spanish in- •'*«:■ DREADFUL EFFECTS OF THE WAR. 453 vasion, kept alive the spirit of disaffection in Munster, although the calamities the insurgents endured might, it would naturally be thought, have subdued every feeling but that of personal and physical suffering. At a period when the horrors of famine and devastation were become absolutely insupportable to human nature, Owen Mac Eaggan, the pope's vicar apostolical for the southern provinces, and other factious zealots thundered out their anathemas against all those who should show mercy to the wretches taken fighting on the side of the English govern- ment. Those who thus fell into the hands of the insurgents, were butchered as enemies to the faith, those taken by the royalists were hanged as rebels. In one of the bloody rencounters, the furious Mac Eaggan was slain, animating his men with a sword in one hand, and his breviary in the other. Such was the bitter and rancorous spirit, which bore the name of a righteous zeal ! In the mean- time Mountjoy divided his army into small por- tions, harassing the rebels on every side, and many of the chieftains, after concealing themselves sometime in woods and morasses, submitted to mercy, receiving gladly such conditions as Mount- joy thought fit to impose. The miseries which the wretched Irish endured from the vicinity of the royal forces, preventing them from seeking any means of subsistence, were afflicting to the humanity even of those whom national duty obliged to punish them. Thousands perished by famine, and every place was encumbered by un- buried victims of distress. The hideous resources sought for allaying the ragings of hunger, were more terrible even than the desolation. Tirowen was every day deserted by his followers, and in the extremity of distress made overtures with more sincerity than heretofore, to be received ■:A, "»?w?- -.'ifj.iwaf^i. '»cj?«iSR*'^'rr7^'> ■ ??^^'Trr^-^;--''j«5^:~; .^^ 454 EARL OF TYRONE SUBMITS. upon terms. Circumstances determined Mountjoy to listen to these overtures with favour, but he refused to admit the rebel unless he made an absolute surrender of his life and fortune to the queen'*s mercy. Tirowen instantly complied, and appeared before the lord deputy at Millefont, by whom he was received with a dignity becoming the representative of an offended sovereign. He fell upon his knees and petitioned for mercy with an air and aspect of distress. His submission was entire. He utterly renounced the proud name of O'Nial, so far more precious to him than the earldom of Tirowen, abjured all foreign power, and in return for these and many other concessions he was promised a full pardon for himself and followers. This affair being concluded, he accompanied Mountjoy to Dublin, where the death of Elizabeth was announced. The late rebel chieftain on hearing this intelligence burst into tears, by which he affected to manifest his grief for the loss of a princess who had shown him so much lenity. But those who knew his character more justly, it is probable, attributed the burst of passion to chagrin, at having by his premature submission deprived himself of some advantages which the death of Elizabeth might open to him. But it was too late to retreat, he therefore renewed his submission in due form to the new king, and ad- dressed a letter to the king of Spain, notifying the return to his duty and allegiance, and request- ing that his son who had been entertained at the Spanish court, might be permitted to return to Ireland. Many of the insurgents w^ere driven by dire necessity to the continent, entering the armies of Spain. None remained in Ireland who had not sued for, or obtained the royal mercy. Ti- rowen's final submission taking place only four V y:;reii\=rf;?j ,:,"'.«'■■• V :_-: i%-:'^ ';';- • -■-..•'•■.■«* DEATH OF KLIZABETll. 455 AUlliTUAUY VIEWS 01 JAMES. 469 on tlie Catholics, could justify, even in the eyes of the Protestants themselves, the schism made by the Hugonots and other Protestants, who lived in popish countries. If the Catholics thought themselves justified in anticipating the favour of James, the Puritans were no less sanguine of his suppoit when he acceded to die throne of England. Under his sway, educated as he had ,been in the principles they professed, they entertained the warmest hopes of seeing more serene and prosperous days and of being allowed openly to evince their attach- ment to the discipline and worship of the Church of Geneva. These hopes were naturally grounded upon the early prepossessions of the king, and his frequent strong declarations of his attachment to their ecclesiastical constitution, particularly in a general assembly held at Edinburgh in 1^30, when he observed, ** I praise God that I was born in a time of the light of the gospel, and in such a place as to be king of the sincerest (viz. the purest) kirk in the world. As for our neighbour kirk of Eng- land, their service is an evil masse in English, they want nothing of the mass but the liftings (viz. the elevation of the host). I charge you my good doctors, ministers, elders, nobles, gentlemen, and barons to stand to your purity, and to exhort your people to do the same, and I, forsooth, as long as I brook my life, shall do the same." The first measures of James seemed to confirm these assertions, as he ap^ared desirous of assum- ing the character of a mediator or arbitrator to conciliate matters between the church and the puritans. That these hopes were unfulfilled must be attributed to the desire of unlimited sway, which was the absorbing passion of James, so that all his measures, whether civil or religious, were rendered subservient to his one great selfish 470 i THE CATHOLIC PRIESTHOOD. object, which while it clouded and narrowed his mind by f)rejudices frequently rendered his con- duct liable to the imputation of duplicity, weak- ness, and design. As James, under the influence of the impres- sions made by the opposing parties in the state, had judged it proper to command all priests and Jesuits to depart from England, so by a like pro- clamation were the Catholic clergy of Ireland commanded to depart within a limited time^ un- less they consented fully to conform to the laws of the land. James, though positive, was lenient in all his measures, and this order was intended to be acted upon with that spirit equally in both kingdoms ; but in Ireland, it enraged the whole body of Romanists so much, that it produced severities never intended. It was represented by those who had dominion over the popular feeling, that it was an instance of implacable persecution. Such was the daring spirit of the recusants excited by these insinuations, that the chief governor and council deemed it their imperative duty to guard against their outrages by reviving those statutes which were so openly insulted, by formally en- joining the magistrates and chief citizens of Dublin to attend the public worship in the established churches. The order, however, did but render the recusants more obstinate, and in fact, though prompted by a sense of official duty, it was inju- dicious. Opposition, force, and severity must ever in- crease rather than still the fermentation of party spirit, for even a triumph gained by a compromise is esteemed a defeat by a spirit of party, nor will it admit the smallest appearance of modification. Thus it proved in the instance we are relating. Admonitions and remonstrances proving vain, the recusants were fined and committed to prison. ':-*?^:"-: THE GUNPOWDER PLOT. 471 This severity roused many to espouse their cause, who otherwise were disposed to remain passive. All the old families of the pale took\alarm, re- monstrated against the proceeding's of the govern- ment: and denying even the legality of its sentences; they urged, that by the act of the 2dof Elizabeth, the crime of recusancy had its punishment ascer- tained, and that any extension of the penalty was illegal and unconstitutional. Their remonstrance and petition for the free exercise of religion was presented to the council by a large concourse on the very day when intelligence was received of the gunpowder conspiracy, a circumstance which awakened the jealous fears of the king's ministers, making them suspect some concert and collusion between the conspirators of England and the Romish party in Ireland. Indeed, among all the various sources of inventive intrigue and deep policy employed by the Romanists to bring back England and Ireland to the papal yoke, and to ascertain the strength of their party, we must rank this conspiracy, whether it is regarded as the act of a few fanatical individuals or as ema- nating from more important and higher sources. The chief petitioners to the Irish council were committed to the castle at Dublin, and Sir Patrick Barnwall, their great agent, was by command of James sent in custody to England. The general clamour and discontent of the party were increased at this time by an incident, which, under less irritable influence, would have caused no sensation. This was the seizure of a popish ecclesiastic, named Lalor. He had exer- cised the office of vicar-general throughout several dioceses of Leinster by virtue of a commission from Rome. Fear of punishment however so powerfully influenced the mind of this man, that he made a formal declaration, confirmed by oath. -.Hi.- -■^ 472 BOOK OF COMTHON PRAYER. of the unlawfulness of his office, renouncing foreign jurisdiction and acknowledging the king's supre- macy. His party, informed of these concessions, bitterly reproached him, and with a true Jesuitical yjirit he privately denied having made them. This in its turn was detected by the vigilance of government, and he defended it with the meanest equivocation ; perhaps perfectli^ reconciled to him- self under the convenient plea of justifiable mental reservation. He was brought to trial under an act of the 16th of Richard the Second, to convince the Irish that the recent declarations of the royal supremacy were but an assertion of the ancient constitutional rights of the crown. Lalor, though clearly condemned was not subjected to any punish- ment; severe measures not being deemed political by the counsellors of James at that particular period. The Lord Deputy was recommended, if possible, to reclaim the recusants by the gentle and gradual methods of instruction and exhortation. Sir Arthur Chichester was very ready to act upon this ju- dicious advice. He proceeded, in the first place, to take measures to reform the established clengy, to enforce a particular attention to their duty, and more especially to aid his intentions to procure a translation of the Common Prayer into the Irish language, for the instruction of the ignorant and the edification of all. It is pleasing to have it in our power to mark this important and salutary exercise of authority, for it is surely not sufficient that sovereigns should merely be persuaded of the salutary influence of religion on the morality and happiness of those subjected to their empire, but they are bound to use l^e means to maintain and to cherish this salutary action, and of course every part of public worship becomes of infinite im- portance and should be made plain and compre- T-.'.Tt^. ^'|'''SP^^i-|Jj^i^-?,^jj||P^!^^';?;V^. :--^^^fffl^»f- RUMOUR OF INTENDED RJiVOLT. 472 hensive to the people. Nor can any thing be imagined more calculated to produce every good effect, both political, moral, and religious on the minds of the inultitude than the Liturgy of our church, at once interesting and affecting — sympa thizing with human weakness — suited to human wants and anxieties, and of power to elevate' the soul towards the Supreme Being and the study of .his attributes, and in ^t producing in the soul of man those sentiments which form the firmest and securest band to unite men together in loyalty to their king, obedience to their governors, and social love towards each other. . The confidence with which the recusants of the pale had demanded the toleration of their religion, the strength of their party, and the conviction of the incessant assiduity and influence of the popish emissaries^ with a recollection of the political dis- orders they had heretofore fomented, tended not without just reason to keep the Irish government npon the alert, and suspicion and alarm ever awake, and of course gave weight and importance to rumours of insurrections, which under more quiet circumstances might have been deemed frivolous and unalarming. Thus, when a letter was found about this time in the privy council chamber, in- timating that a dangerous scheme of rebellion was forming by the Earls of Tirowen and Tir- connel and others, the government was justly alarmed by its contents, more espexiially as it stated further, that the conspirators had solicited assistance from Spain and Brussels, intending to commence hostilities by surprising Dublin Castle, and assassinating the lord deputy and council. Nothing can more forcibly illustrate the restless ambition of these northern chiefs and the direful influence of those arts which had induced them to regard treason, rebellion, and assassination ,--y^-..- -■,-..• • ■ ;-.^^:,-"; ,^.- •.■•.. •■ . I - ^:.-jrg 474 FLIGHT OF TYRONE. as meritorious, than that they should even at the moment when they were still suffering the effects of their recent rebellion, in the devastation sur- rounding them, involve themselves in a fresh one ; but that they were ready to relight the torch of war in their native land, would appear from the conduct of Tirowen and Tirconnel, who, on the first alarm of government, fled to the continent, thus abandoning, by an act which evidenced their guilt, their vast possessions to the disposal of the crown. It is true that the Romish party asserted that the violences exercised against these chief- tains and their followers compelled them thus to abandon their possessions and their country, and that they had been beguiled to commit them- selves incautiously in some private conferences with a person who had betrayed them to the lord deputy. Had this however been the fact, they had the power of justification and explanation, but as no such justification ever appeared, we must be compelled to doubt their integrity, though probably by the very act of their flight they did, as they wished, recommend themselves to their party as men who had sacrificed every temporal possession in the cause of their faith and their country. Nothing could be more favourable to the designs of James in reforming and settling Ire- land than the flight of these chieftains under such circumstances. The greatest and most valuable part of Ulster was thus left to his uncontrolled disposal, opening indeed a fair field for the exer- cise of that laudable policy he meditated to pursue. He lost no time in availing himself of the favourable circumstances ; judges were immediately sent to the territories of the self-exiled chieftains, who were, with some fugitives of inferior note, attainted by process of outlawry ; and other of the conspi- FORFEITURE OF HIS LANDS. 475 rators, who had been seized, were tried, con- demned, and executed. The Romish agents were loud in their com- plaints, that these lords had been treated with such severity on account of their conscientious adherence to their faith. James repelled this charge by a proclamation, by which he declared that he was by no means to be regarded as the persecutor of that faith, which his laws had ren- dered it penal to profess, that it was not his re- motest intention to proceed against the exiled chieftains and their followers on account of their religion, intimating that they were too barbarous and ignorant duly to know or appreciate any form of religion, therefore it would be both absurd and unjust to prosecute them on a point they could not understand. It was for their restless sedition that they were become obnoxious to the laws, fomenting as they did intestine rebellion, and by their agents, *' priests and Jesuits," applying for foreign assistance, concealing under the false plea of divesting themselves of the English yoke, their deep designs of extirpating all the king's subjects in Ireland of the old English race. We have every reason to believe the sincerity of James in this self-vindication, as he was always ready to dispense with the severity of laws when he found it safely practicable. Mean time the Irish chieftains, in spite of the remonstrances of the English ambassador in Flanders, were honourably received by the Arch- duke Albert and the Infanta Isabella, a new com- pany being immediately formed in the archduke's army to give "present entertainment" to their followers ; finally they repaired to Milan, where they resided, favoured and pensioned by Philip the Third, notwithstanding his absolute promise not to suffer them to remain in any part of his ^■J^.; *' • "••••^-•.- .■■■(■■.- , — ; - . ... -:,• i^ -:~vvT:>-^,-,»»!;»J«a 476 ROYAL PLANS OF POLICY. dominioDs, and in defiance of the articles of a treaty which restricted each power from favouring •the traitors of the other. But whatever plans James and his ministers had projected for the improvement of the country were for a time suspended, although the principal chiefs of re- bellion were removed and others had paid the forfeit of their temerity. The elements of dis- aflfection yet remained in xnany a bosom, ready to start into action upon the smaJiest provocation. In a country where distress and oppression had made so many victims, there were naturally many brooding spirits, and many causes of aggression to justify violence or secret treachery, and in the guerilla wars of the irritated natives the English government found ample employ, while the con- tinued efforts of the oppressed to harass and distress the administration they could have no rational expectation of subduing, served only more closely to rivet the chains which galled them. Unfortunately for Ireland tlie government in applying apparent remedies to the evils which annoyed it and filled the country with misery and violence, forgot or seemed unmindful of the deep moral causes which produced them, and to which they should have reverted in order to efiectuate any radical change. James seems to have been fully aware of the real causes which had hitherto operated against any improvement or settlement of his Irish dominions, and to have been ardent in the noble care of introducing humanity and justice among a people, possessing many noble qualities, but degraded, nay even depraved, by those princi- ples which are intended and are capable of cherish- ing and exalting every social virtue; viz. religion and government. By the conspiracies and rebel- lions which had occurred, a vast tract of land had escheated to the trown. This was covered with |-$^n-:.'*- _ . . . . _ ■■ ' ■■;:■'■: r-:,'-^liS3^^'.T^^^^'^ ''T:-- _ . ' -. k'^. f*^^fiWK»!^.^f> ULSTER CIVILISED. 477 woods, where robbers and rebels found secure shelter. These lands James resolved to dispose of, in such a manner as might introduce the happy consequences of peace and cultivation. A com- pany was accordingly established in London for planting new colonies in a country which only needed the culture of man to repay his toils. The property was divided into moderate shares, ,and tenants from England and Scotland were placed upon them. The Irish were removed from their hills and mountain retreats and placed in the open country. Husbandry and the arts were taught them, fixed habitations allotted them, plunder and robbery punished, and in process of time Ulster, from being the most wild, disorderly, and disaffected province of Ireland, became the most civilised and best cultivated, and the country must gratefully acknowledge that Jemes here laid the foundation-stoae of its structure of civility. In this great and praise-worthy work James was greatly assisted by Sir Arthur Chichester, ap- pointed lord deputy. Endowed with those es- sential qualities in the character of a statesman, capacity, judgment, firmness, and experience, he was admirably qualified to direct the execution of the king's designs. Amongst the old Irish chieftains who were itt- cluded in the plans> were those who had engaged in the rebellion of Tkowen, and yet harboured in secret thek discontents. To gain them over, if possible, by favour and lenity, particular indulg- ences were granted them. Their under-tenants and servants were allowed to be of their own re- ligion and country, and they were tacitly exempted from taking the oath of allegiance. Scarcely, how- ever, had the lands been severally allotted to the various pateatees, when considerable portions were reclaimed by the clergy as their rightful 47S ECCLESIASTICAL TENURES. property, by the title of Termon, Corbe, and Herenach lands. In the northern parts of Ireland which had never been completely reduced, the ancient ecclesiastical institutions remained un- altered, the pope still disposing of clerical dig- nities. The terms by which they were now claimed were strange and inexplicable to the English government. Jurors in the- several "*in- quisitions were therefore required to obtain inibiT'H mation on the subject, and many investigations ensued. The learned Usher exercised his abili- ties and industry in the research, he investigated their nature and origin, and the result was his conviction, that the ecclesiastical institutions of Ireland were similar to those of other countries of Europe, viz. That in ancient times, whoever founded a church, should endow it with certain lands for the maintenance of divine worship therein. The founder was to deliver to the bishop an instru- ment of such donation before the church could be dedicated, and from thenceforward the order- ing and disposing of these lands was entirely vested in the bishop. In consequence of such donation, the lands became exempt from all charges of temporal lords, and were entitled to the right of sanctuary and other immunities. Hence they were called Tearmuin or Termon, or prwiieged lands. They were occupied by laymen who husbanded the same, both for th#^behalf of themselves and families, and likewise for the use and benefit of the church. They were called ecclesiastical tenants. To receive and apply the rents paid by such tenants it was deemed neces- sary that every church should have its archdea- con called by the Irish, herenach. We are to un- derstand however, that these archdeacons were an inferior order to the presbyteri, not those who exercise jurisdiction immediately \inder the fi ^ /?• V3?!11F^.-;r«>r,--.v.3r:A?i.,----.^-*^3,^i, •'■ ■■ ,--• *s' "%•■- ^.■. '^^ ■ >■, ■ •.-■■ ■ .^'' 'c ■■•■' - {?■; THE HERENACHS; : 479 bishop. A number of these ksrenachs were sii- permtended by an gfficer of>greicLter dignity, called Gorbei or CoiAirba, , ranking as archi- presbyter. This tertti^ Comburba, frequeatly occurs in the Irish annals, and, in fact, signifies the prelate hinwielf,^ first ;^ceessor. of the Ii^sh saint who presided in *his -^iocefee. T^tjis the Comburba olt€t. Patrick^ means the then Arch- llishop of ^Atmggh ; the Con#)urba of ICienan, the*^^ • Bishop of Glonmacnoise. The keremchsf under '*^' '' ihe direction of the corbes, resided on the Teflnon lands, and distributed their prloys the prerogative of his high station in every lawful measure, to stimulate the *^ idle to exertion, to encourage industry, to restrain licentiousness, to cherish and protect religion and true liberty, is worthy to be ranked among the first of human benefactors, has a just claim to the warmest gratitude of his people, and to the generous esteem of mankind ; and to such an in- dividual, whatever may be his station, whatever may be the general imperfection of his character, as in that of James, posterity, in referring to his Irish settlements, must regard with emotions of veneration his endeavours to promote the virtue, and ameliorate the state of an unhappy country. The auspicious effects of his generous policy soon appeared, although the imperfection which attaches to every human plan, was evident in the inadequate execution of the design, compared with the origi- nal idea. But with all the drawJ3acks which the apathy of some, the cupidity of others produced, a number of loyal subjects were introduced into a part of the country, which their industry con- verted from a desolated waste, the haunt of rapine and violence, into cultivated fields and cheerful towns, continually improving in civilization. To encourage the industry of the settlers, as well as to advance his own projects, the king incorporated several of Jhe towns, so as to give them a right of repres^tation in the Irish par- liament, thus gradually elevating them in the scale of being, by uniting them with the strong VOL. I II ^■^ f;_Vi« t •I' -?wyj»^ftrri,Mqi' «•:. ii^'WTi' >■«*" is: ■'' S- •'^ 482 TOWNS INCORPORATED. bond of a community of interests, and making them participants of that government they had hitherto regarded with hatred and jealousy. The right thus vested in the towns of the infant set- tlerhent was soon brought by circumstances into actifeh. .'. .* EXD OF VOL. I. '» >\ LONDON: IBOTSON AMD CALMER, PRINTERS, SAVOY STREET, STRAND. m^' ",iir?7?^,?». «:in^: -..-i I- .^;:»V'.;i;^ •; ... 5 :^^*:■•■■ EiVr- #,:^-"-'. '|^> i'.^-^ ^J ■ 'w8Jt* » V - ^ . ..V; .v^j^^v'/ '^^^": ."^'^^itr ■^-; ..^^-l' J-j '4 ■ -v^^ ^i •iswae"-' ■j# r j;.«; iiSfc ^^" ^.ul^^^i^ ...>^^:|;^\ •;,;^ • "•"fei^'^< *i:; ■■-■'-V *c /^ *i^ .;&-.' ifcii^ • ■J' fH' f>: "iV--:#V K-! :?!«1 -.»•&;? ''.. IRELAND IN PAST TikES; r AN HISTORICAL RETROSPECT,^ ECCLESIASTICAL AND CIVIL; WITH ILLUSTRATIVE NOTES. Prseterita compellunt nos futurorum rationem iabece. — .« IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. II. ■^ ♦, LONDON: ~^ JOHN MATCHARD AND SON, PICCADILLY; B. DUG DALE, AND TL M. TIMS, DUBLIN. 18-26, 4ii *. 4- 4 &<»■. ^w^ -r-' ►f^^TiKi- li f-. >. : '-vit' L'^ ■-■*. .'x- ■^ LONDON: IROtSOV AND PAfMER, PRINTFRS, SAVOV STREtT, STBAKD. .?^ ■ Jif ■t--;v*' . ■_ ■ ■' . -. ■/♦v^- ». ■f- ':'F CONTENTS. CHAPTER XV. High regard of the king for Chichester — Grants him the terri- tory of Innishowen — Penal statutes — Civil disabilities — Oath of supremacy — Its original mildness — The conduct of the pope — Catholic party — Causes of ianimosity — Difficulty of governing a people with bitter religious antipathies — A parlia- ment called — Fears of the recusants — Unjustifiable measures resorted to — The nobles address a letter to the king — Re- quisition neglected — Splendid entry of the recusant party into Dublin- — Opening of the parliament — Violence and disorder ensue — Conduct of lord deputy — Parliament prorogued — Difficult task of Chichester — Recusant lords and commons write to the king, praying to be heard by their agents — Lord deputy sends agents to counteract those dispatched by the lords — Recusants admitted to plead their own cause — The result — King's speech— Spirit of opposition in some degree allayed — Judicious moderation of the lord deputy — Oppres- sive acts repealed — A subsidy granted — Complacency of the king — Convocation of the clergy for forming a confession of faith — Usher — Articles of the Irish church — Chichester created baron of Belfast — Recalled to England — Succeeded by Sir Oliver St. John — Enemies of St. Jdtrn prevail — He is created Viscount Grandison of Ireland — Lord Falkland no- minated governor — Clamour against Usher — His abilities — Military establishment requisite — Success of the settlements — Spirit of insurrection quieted in proportion — Dangerous mea- sure of training men for foreign service — Death of Jwaes — The accession of Charles deemed favourable to the Catholic cause—Bull of Urban VIII.— Royal promise— Meeting of nobility — Proposal of contribution for the repeal of penal 4-37372 ■* "*:. % ^-f. ''»^p?S5-l^?S^i«J>^- 1 • IV CONTENTS. laws- — Protest of the prelates — Overtures to Charles — Con- cessions of the king — Excesses of the recusants — Remon- strance of protestant clergy — Proclamation of Falkland — Lord Falkland recalled — Viscount Ely and earl of Cork, lords deputy — Sir Thomas Wentworth governor — Partiality of the king for Wentworth — Lord Strafford creates him ene- mies — Their malignity — His erioneous ideas in respect to Ire- land — His prejudices — His conduct respecting the Earl of Cork — Unpopularity of Strafford's government — Proceedings of parliament — Convocation of the clergy — Laudable mea- sures of Strafford — Unity of the Churches of England and Ireland accomplished — High commission court established — Introduction and encouragement of the linen trade — Benefits from Strafford's administration — Influence of the Scottish religious dissensions on Ireland — Wentworth recalled to Eng- land — Commits his government to two lords justices — He is invested with the garter, created Earl of Strafford and made lord lieutenant of Ireland — Unity of the parliament — Subsidies granted — Proceedings against the university — Effects of Straf- ford's arrangement and death on Ireland — Fair prospect of tranquillity. . . , .2 CHAPTER XVI. Invidious distinctions in Ireland — Strong prejudices — Just causes of them — Contrasted view of Catholics and Protes- tants — Irish easily acted upon — Roger Moore — Sketch of his disposition and character — Phelim O'Nial enters into the con- spiracy — Crisis arrives — Apathy of government — Conspiracy discovered — Conduct of lords justices — General insurrections — Horrid cruelties committed — Supineness of the lords jus- tices — Ormond reinonstrates — Earl of Clanricarde — Unhappy situation of the king — Narrow policy of English ministers — King memorialized. Lord Dillon tha bearer — Lords justices endeavour to counteract it, and succeed — Rebel leaders profit by the circumstance — Sir Charles Coote Rebellion extends to the pale — Moore intrigues with Lord Gormanston — He joins the conspiracy — Dublin threatened with siege — Mani- festoes circulated — Rebellion extends — Moderation of many Roman Catholic ecclesiastics — Legal conviction of rebels — Mercenary spirit of the lords justices — Mac Mahon — His con- fession — Sir John Read put to the rack — Patrick Barewal endures the torture — Insinuations against the king — Indignant feelings of Charles — He resolves to pass over to Ireland — Alarm of the lords justices — King not permitted to go— -Dis- #/- . '^:-;y/:^^^ appointment of the pale— Lord Gormanston dies of grief— His associates disperse — Rebel forces defeated by Ormond — Lady OfFaly — Her spirited conduct — Distresses of the army — Irish parliament sits during three days only— Arrival of Owen O'Nial — His character — Is declared leader of the northern confederacy — Scotch troops arrive — Injudicious severity of parliament — Succours to the rebels sent from Dunkirk — En- glish alarmed — Synod of Catholic clergy — Its decrees— Lord Mountgarret chosen president — General meeting at Kilkenny — Its imposing appearance — Death of Roger Moore — Earl of Castlehaven unites with the assembly — Clanricarde refuses — — Policy of the lords justices — Loyalist officers address the king — Noble spirit of Ormond — A treaty proposed with. the council of Kilkenny — Delicacy of it — The council make con- ditions-^They are rejected by Ormond — Peter ScarampI mi- nister from the pope — His reception by the old Irish — Articles of treaty agreed upon — Ratified by proclamation — Received with discontent and clamour. . . . 55 CHAPTER XVII. Troops sent to England — Popular clamour against the measure — Unhappy situation of the devoted Charles — Difficulties at- tending the administration of Ormond — Want of faith in the confederates — Further cause of disunion and distress — The covenant offered — Entered into with ardour by the troops — The popular contagion rapidly spreads — Instance of versa- tility — ^The Scotch general Monroe takes the covenant at Carrickfergus — Agreement of the Scotch and English troops — Rebels make propositions to Ormond — He is perplexed — Demands of the commissioners at Oxford — Animosities pre- vent all final adjustment — Insolent language of the protestants — Agents of the council arrive — Condescension of Charles — He directs Ormond to make peace — Difficulty of the com- mission — He commences a treaty with the confederates — Per- plexities — Proceedings suspended — M'Mahon and Macquire executed — Instability of the king — Perplexity of Ormond — He petitions to be removed — Consent not given — Irish active in strengthening their confederacy — Procrastination of the confederates — Internal weakness of the confederacy — Im- patience of the king and insincere conduct — Earl of Glamor- gan — Letter from Charles to Glamorgan — His mission to Ire- land—His reception — John Riuunccini sent as nuncio by the pope — His character — ^Articles of his mission — Repeal of penal statutes urged — Opposition to the treaty — Battle of Naseby encourages the confederates to persevere in opposition— They ,L .S«» v".^ '■■■■- \ ■ ■ " --. Vi CONTENTS. ^ rise in their demands — Unhappy situation of the king — Dis- closure of instruction enrages the confederates — It is shewn in their opposition to Ormond — Glamorgan received with satisfaction — Commission empowering him to treat with the t confederates — Objections of the nuncio — Treaty with Glamor- gan concluded — Its stipulations — Levies made for the royal service — Ormond's treaty — Perplexed situation of Charles. 98 CHAPTER XVIII. Measures of Ormond — Moderation of the assembly — Opposition of the clergy — Nuncio arrives in Ireland — His reception and interview with the council — Proofs of Charles' insincerity — The nuncio protests against the meditated peace — Intrigues with Glamorgan — Gains ascendancy over him — Unforeseen (Jiscovery — Gives the enemies of Charles advantage over him — Glamorgan charged by Lord Digby and imprisoned — Is shortly liberated and commissioned to treat with the confede- rates — Proceedings of the nuncio — Plan of a treaty averred to be framed by the pope — Its extravagant articles — Clergy sign a protestation in favour of it — Glamorgan's chagrin — His activity and private intrigues with Rinunccini — Marquis of Ormond's treaty ratified — Prevailing power in England dis- claim the peace — Folly of Rinunccini — His secret intrigues with Owen O'Nial — Creaghts — They are assembled and headed by Owen O'Nial — Ormond's astonishment — Effects his retreat — Success of the nuncio's soldiers — Rout Monroe's forces — Proclamation of the peace attended by universal tumult — Nuncio assumes supreme authority — Oath of asso- ciation framed — Injudicious conduct of the supreme council — Preston their favourite general beguiled by the nuncio— Rinunccini makes his public entry into Kilkenny — The secret intrigues between Glamorgan and the nuncio — Ormond pre- pares for the siege of Dublin — Patriotism of the ladies — Difficult and dangerous situation of Ormond — Jealousy of O'Nial and Preston, saves Ormond from the extreme danger of his situation — Contrast of character in the two generals — Perplexity of Rinunccini — Arrival of the English parliamen- tary army — Council suddenly breaks up — Preston engages to unite with Ormond — Ormond prepares to treat with the English commissioners — Their proposal — Ormond objects — The hopes of Ormond revive — Are destroyed by the dastard treachery of Preston — Ormond is compelled to treat with the commissioners — He concludes a treaty with them — Eiarly y. CONTENTS* ^'Wi^ manifestation of their power — Forbid the use of the liturgjy — Impatience for the departure of Ormond— Confederates urge him to remain — He embarics for England. . 120 CHAPTER XIX. :\ Ireland plunged in anarchy and distraction — Catholic armies- Power of the nuncio — His arrogance — Upright conduct of Clanricarde — Affair of Cashel — Conduct of the assembly — It however declares for peace — Rinunccini prevails upon them to send deputations to Rome and Spain — Private commission of the agents sent to France — Answer of the queen and prince — Agents return — Affairs favourable to peace — Catholic con- federacy seems to decline — A treaty of cessation proposed — Untoward circumstances counteract these happy auspices — Rinunccini protests against the cessation — Fulminates an ex- communication — His power weakened by his extravagant pre- tensions — Perfidy of O'Nial — Conduct of the generals — Nuncio's power passing away — Design of O'Nial — ^Vigour of the council — O'Nial intrigues with Jones — Is declared a traitor by the council — Appeal to Rome against the nuncio — Proceedings of the assembly against him — He is ordered to depart the kingdom — His indignant fury — Demoralized state of the country- — Ormond resumes his power — His proceedings with the assembly — Mutiny in Lord Inchiquin's army— Treaty suspended — Fleet arrives — Mutiny quelled — Negociation re • sumed — Emissaries from Rome — Effect of the king's situation in Ireland — Peace proclaimed — Articles of the treaty — Ob- jectionable clause contained in it — The fatal catastrophe of the king — Horror of the Irish — Ormond proclaims Charles the second — Arrival of Prince Rupert — Rinunccini retires to France — Ormond confirmed in his government — He is left to his own energies — Is aided by Clanricarde —Charles pre- vented from going to Ireland — Ormond obliged to take the field — O'Nial enters into secret correspondence with the par- liamentarians — Unfortunate affair of the fort — Government of Ireland, an object of intrigue — Cromwell is chosen governor —He lands at Dublin— Reception — ^Takes the field -His de- cision — Summons Drogheda to surrender, on refusal orders an assault— Terror infused by the barbarity of Cromwell— His entire success — Operations of Ormond defeated — Continued success of Cromwell — Bishop of Ross — Cromwell retires to England — Resigns his army to Ireton — Ormond expostulates with the clergy—They publish a declaration against Ormond Success of the parliamentary army — Bigoted fury prevailing ■^,j^: ^ /'■^■TF ■- .• :^' viii CONTENTS. - — Concession of Charles in his declaration to the Scots — ^The effects of it — Ormond's spirited conduct — Protestation of the clergy — Ormond prepares for \m departure — ^The alarm of the assembly — Earl of Clanricarde appointed lord deputy — Loyalty of Clanricarde — Versatility of the clergy — Their hatred of Clanricarde — Proposal to the Duke of Lorraine — Lorraine sends an envoy to Ireland — Proceedings of the ne- gociation — The duke invested with authority — Exultation of the clergy — ^Transactions of Ireton — Sir Phelim O'Nial suflfers an ignominious death — Severities of Ireton — Reduces Lime- rick — Dies of contagious fever — General Ludlow succeeds in the command — Clanricarde accepts conditions, and retires to England — His death. . . . 141 CHAPTER XX. Fleetwood appointed to the government of Ireland — Four indi- viduals united with him as commissioners of parliament — They declare by proclamation that the rebellion is subdued — - The proceedings of the commissioners — Effects of the revolu- tion, which placed Cromwell in power, upon the Irish — Henry Cromwell sent to Ireland — Jealousy of Cromwell — Parties inimical to his accession of power — Appoints Fleetwood lord deputy of Ireland, with a council — His instructions — Suspi- cions of Cromwell's enemies — A refractory spirit subsists — Alarm of Cromwell — Liberal and equitable government of Henry Cromwell — His popularity — The protector supported — His death. .... 182 CHAPTER XXI. Religion important, if regarded merely as to its influence on civil government — The Romish faith loses considerable ground — Luxury and magnificence of the cardinals — Ecclesiastic affairs — Division of monastic orders into two general classes — Congregation of St. Maur — Enquiring spirit of the age — Benedictines — Jansenists — Oratory of St. John — Priests of the missions — Daughters of charity — Attacks against the Jesuits — Advantages of literature derived from them — Reli- gious system of the Romish church not improved — Immoral tendency of the institution of Jesuits — Their great activity and influence— Translation of the Old Testament into Irish — Retrospect of religious opinions — Archbishop Laud — His ^ CONTENTS. IX error of judgment— Sectaries enjoy liberty under Cromwell —His scheme for regulating the church— Anecdote of Crom- well and Usher— Quakers propagate iheir tenets— Animosities and controversies— Independents— Presbyterians— The Ca- tholics—Political sentiments of the independents— Cromwell kept all, (however discordant,) in some degree of union — Protestant missions established— Society for the propagation of the Gospel— Boyle's Lectures— Flourishing state of the sciences— Bacon— Empire of superstition shaken — Improve- ments in the study of history— Its advantages— Eloquence and languages — Painting and sculpture decline — The causes — Cromwell's patronage of the arts— Civil wars favourable to eloquence and oratory. • • .190 ^CHAPTER XXII. Cromwell's death makes no immediate change in Irish affairs — Richard Cromwell recognized as his successor — Henry con- firmed in the government — He resigns his command on the dismission of his brother — Government administered by com- missioners — Ludlow in command of the forces — The royalists are sanguine — Levity of the commissioners — Lord Broghill engages in the royal cause — Sir Charles Coote attends to the overtures of Lord Broghill — Ludlow, recalled to London — Operations of the royalists — Council of officers formed — Charles II. proclaimed — His restoration produces important consequences to Ireland — Premature proceedings — Court of claims erected — Jarring interests — Parliament deemed ne- cessary to settle them — ^Disorders in the ecclesiastical system — Poverty of benefices — Ormond's advice to the king — It is acted upon — The opposers — Settlement of lands perplexing and arduous — Ormond created lord lieutenant — Parliament assembled — Prelates consecrated — Puritans dissatisfied^ — -Act of settlement— Discontents — Schemes of insurrection formed — Ormond's ability — Secret preparations of the disaffected — Leniency necessary — Bill of settlement discussed — Parlia- ment convened — Act of settlement passed — Difficulties of ex- ecution — Public mind disturbed by a violent act of the Eng- lish parliament — Great distress in consequence — Vigilant conductof Ormond — Manufactory of woollen cloths established — Encouragement of the linen trade — Great activity of Or- mond to improve Ireland — Bishop of Down — Ormond's ene- mies prevail — He is removed from the government — Lord Berkeley nominated — Ireland the chosen scene for rehearsing the political drama to be acted in England — Anti-Remon- imw^^^ '^ CONTENTS. strants — Irish council convened — Intrigues of party — ^Talbot — His indiscreet measures — Restless intrigues of the discon- tented — Ormond's perplexity — Petitions from the protestants — Berkeley succeeded by Lord Essex — Address to the king on the affairs of Ireland-^Difficulties attending the adminis- tration of Essex — Ormond's high qualities — Behaviour of the king — Ormond appointed to his former government — Popish plot — Intrigues of Ormond's enemies — Defeated by his pru- dence and integrity — He returns to England — Earl of Arran made deputy — Ormond restored — Designs of the Duke of York — Measures taken — Ormond removed — Lord Rochester appointed to succeed — Richard Talbot lieutenant general — Death of Charles— Ormond's recall — Revolution in the prospects of the Irish . . . . . . 219 CHAPTER XXIII. Charles and James different in character, but united in opinion — Causes of the latter — Catholics of Ireland animated with high expectations on the accession of James — Anecdote — Lords justices — Chancellor Boyle and Earl of Granard — Protestants disarmed — Triumph of the papists — Talbot created Earl of Tyrconnel — Lord Clarendon made lord lieutenant — Boyle de- prived of the seals — Protestants displaced for Catholics — Plans of James gradually developed — Tyrconnel returns in- vested with great power — His violence — Army new modelled — Tyrconnel intrigues in England to impugn the act of set- tlement — Tyrconnel supersedes Clarendon in the government — Character of Tyrconnel — Protestants emigrate — Arbitrary proceedings of Tyrconnel — Mandate to the university — Tyr- connel seizes the university plate — Second mandate of the king — Tyrconnel stops the pension of the university — James's insincerity — Popish party contend between themselves — Birth of a prince — Unbounded joy of Irish Catholics — General state of national feeling — Arrival of the Prince of Orange in England creates a great sensation in Ireland — Alarming in- formations — Panic of the people — Protestant associations formed — James's expedition to Ireland — Resolution of the people of Londonderry — Violence of Tyrconnel — Premature measures of the Protestants — James's entry into Dublin — Proceedings of the king — George Walker — Siege of London- derry — 111 success of the king's troops — He assembles a par- liament at Dublin — Proceedings and acts of it — Unjust pro- scription — Unpopular measures — Arbitrary attempts against the university — Noble conduct of a popish ecclesiastic — ■ ■^^". i«5*' %^ CONTENTS. XI Wretched state of the Protestant clergy— Violences of the Romish clerffv— Protestants remonstrate— Severe restrictions of the Protestants— Causes of discontent and disorder- A force sent under Schomberg— His proceedings— Apathy ot James's troops— Siege of Carrickfergu*— Distress of Schom- bere's army— Elation of the king's troops— Make some move- ments indicating an attack of Schomberg's camp— but retreat —Distresses of Schomberg's army increase— Triumph of the enemy— Effects of religious zeal— Armies retire to winter quarters— William determines to prosecute the Irish war in person — Protestants animated with hope — ^Their activity- Want of judgment in James's measures— Proceedings of both armies— Departure of James— Disadvantages attending Wil- CHAPTER XXIV. Friends of James determine to prosecute hostilities— Dublin threatened with the evils of anarchy — Spirited and judicious conduct of Fitzgerald — William enters the city — Thanks- givings for his victory — He returns to his camp — Protestant clergy attend him with an address — Causes rendering the government of William unpopular — Oppressive spirit of the English — Irish resolve to prosecute the war — ^Wretched state of the country — Civil transactions — Rapparees — Decision of the people to trust their cause to the sword — The opposing armies — Conduct of St. Ruth — Enthusiasm excited — ^The desperate battle — Death of St. Ruth — ^The Irish defeated — General Ginckle suffers many to retire to Limerick — Irish make a brave defence — Terms of capitulation exorbitant — Siege continued — Ginckle offers liberal terms — Articles signed — Kingdom submits to the English government — Ginc- kle created Earl of Athlone — Prejudices yet rankle — Causes of discontent and distress — William's interest in foreign con- cerns produces neglect of home policy — Disputes between him and his parliaments — Perplexed and harassed by opposite parties — Neglect of Ireland — Lord Sydney's severe rule — Abuses in disposing of the forfeited estates, and other causes of complaint — The king entreated to redress them — Promises given, but no steps taken — Party spirit violent — Irish papists oppressed under Lord Capel — Interest formed against him — William Molineux publishes a treatise to prove Ireland entirely independent — Address to his majesty — Its contents — King promises attention— Irish forfeitures a great cause of contention — Commissioners appointed — Proceedings of par- ^W''^^ T^''^^'^^'^'^79h'^^ 'fs's^' ■ ■■'T^?v55!«?^'»w:»9^^ Xll CONTENTS. liameut respecting them — Chagrin of the king — Death of James II. — War in consequence of the violati m of the treaty of Ryswich — Preparations of William for a brilliant cam- paign — His death — Accession of Anne — General review of religion and literature ...... 303 CHAPTER XXV. Ecclesiastical polity — Convocation — Its nature — English consti- tution — Collision of parties subsequent to the Reformation — William favourable to the Nonconformists — Act of Toleration — Perplexities flowing from the endless diversity of sects — Schism in the church — Nonjurors — High church — Arminians and Quakers — Literature — Newton — Boyle, &c. — Wilkins — Royal Society — Polite literature — Causes of national debase- ment — Great influence of books .... 325 CHAPTER XXVI. Discontent and oppressions in Ireland — Their causes — Lord Ormond invested with the government — A parliament — Its acts — Intrigues of the catholics — Discontents of England, have great influence on Ireland — Acts of the clergy — Sache- verell tool of the tory party — Excitement of popular feeling — Sacheverell impeached — Impolicy of the measure — The trial and sentence — Chansjes in the administration — Conclu- sion of a peace — Marlborough removed — Parties equally violent in Ireland — Contentions and acrimony of the parlia- ment — Duke of Shrewsbury governor — Prorogues the par- liament — Returns to England — Leaves Chancellor Phipps and the Archbishop of Armagh justices of the kingdom — Hopes of the jacobins elevated by the peace of Utrecht — Demise of the queen — Accession of George the First — Im- peachment of the Duke of Ormond, with the Lords Oxford iand Bolingbroke — Ormond and Bolingbroke escape to France — Parliament of Ireland — Its disposition and acts — Pretender passes into Scotland — Commences operations — Attacked and routed by the royal army — State of popular feeling — Parlia- ments made septennial — Acts of the English parliament of 1 7 1 8 — Discontents and disorders — South Sea scheme — Noble- men committed to the Tower — Atterbury banished — Oppres- sions and grievances in Ireland — Practice of appeals from ww^T^'^^^^f^r^^^g^w^i^fA^^i*^ -lyj. Wr^'^^'^'' ""'■■■ CONTENTS. XUI the Irish to the English parliament, complained of as an in- tolerable grievance — English parliament brings in a bill for the better securing the independence of Ireland^ — Affair of Wood — It increases the popular irritation — Tranquillity en- joyed under the government of Lord Carteret — An- upright parliament — Judicious acts and regulations — Lord Carteret succeeded by the Duke of Dorset — Lord Chesterfield's popular administration — Charles Lucas — His political character- French invasion — Parliament assembles — Loyalty of the Irish — Hostile invasion — ^Siege of Carrickfergus — French take and plunder it — They sail — White Boys — Causes of popular com- motion — Sufferings of the people — Judge Aston — The catho- lics protest their loyalty — Disturbances in Ulster — The cause — Oak Boys — Steel Boys — Their disorders — Commercial re- strictions — Calamitous effects to the country — Irish affairs taken into consideration, bnt unsuccessful in result . 340 CHAPTER XXVII. Latent discontent — Crisis of affairs — The roused spirit of the Irish volunteers — Irish parliament address the king — Irish af- fairs discussed in the English parliament — Propositions of Lord North — Acts of parliament — Popularity of Lord North in Ireland — Discontent manifested — Increase of volunteer as- sociations — Letters of Owen Roe O'Nial — Mutiny bill — Henry Grattan — Discontents— Reviews — Anticipated invasion of Ireland — Bad policy of the government — Resolution of the volunteers — Meet at Dungannon — Proceedings — Mr. Grattan V- moves an address to his majesty — Association formed — Duke %"Jk of Portland appointed lord lieutenant — Grattan renews his address — Succeeds in it— His great popularity — Jealousies continue — Conduct of Britain equivocal — Lord Temple ap- pointed lord lieutenant — Representation to the English par- liament—Result satisfactory — Effects of French revolution * m Ireland — Character of the Irish — Mischievous union of re- ligious opinions and political party spirit — United Irishmen— Their reforming views— Bill for the relief of the catholics- Military force— Proceedings of United Irishmen— They pub- lish a manifesto— Disunion of the Irish— Catholic cionvention —Proceedings— They prepare a petition to the king— The re- sult—Jealousies increase— Popular excitement— Debates re- specting the Irish in the British parliament— Earl Fitzwilliam recalled— Lord Camden governor— Public ferment— Activity ot United Irishmen— Revolutionary spirit— They apply to the J^rench government— Lawless excesses— French prevented XIV CONTENTS. landing — Proclamation — Martial law — Organization of So- ciety of United Irishmen — Prejudices against the catholics — Societies of Orangemen — The activity of reforming emissaries — Inflammatory document — Effects — Intercourse with the French — Invasion attempted, abortive, as also was a second attempt — Determination of the government — Members of Di- rectory arrested — Proclamation — Military execution — Dis- tresses — Severity of government — Insurrection checked — Dreadful ravages — Insurrection spread^'— Measures of coer- cion necessary — The consequences . . . 35G CHAPTER XXVIII. Rebels Inurmur — Instance of undue military ardour — Insurrec- tion in Wexford — John Murphy raises the standard of re- bellion — Excesses and distresses — Rebels attack Enniscorthy — Towp^ fired — Garrison fofced to abandon it — Distress of the fugitives — Wexford an insecure asylum — The place eva- cuated — Retreat to Duncannon — Gorey abandoned, dreading the rebels — Father Kern — Attack Bunclody — 'Rebels repelled — Victory important in its consequences — Habits of the rebels — Distressed state of the country — Affair of New Ross — In- surgents suffe* — Superstition of the common people — Affair of Arklow — War religious — Rebels act on the defensive — Their principal post oil Vinegar Hill — Father Philip Roche — The royal army force the head quarters of the rebels — Surprise a force under Roche — Dreadful situation of the protestants — Pleasing instance of the humanity of Philip Roche — Array commanded to march to Vinegar Hill — The attack — Non-attendance of one division of the army — The rebels escape by the opening — Enniscorthy relieved ; and also Wexford — Horrible massacres — Comparative quiet of Ulster — Affair of Ballinahinch — Rebels at length disperse — Wex- ford insurgents, their operations, they are finally dispersed — Conclusion of the rebellion — Quiet of the capital — Punish- ment of the rebels — Earl Cornwallis — Treaty between the government and rebel chiefs — Its non-fulfilment — Predatory bands — Cruel policy — Losses of the loyalists — Sufferings of the country, and fatal effects of rebellion , . 394 CHAPTER XXIX. Succours from France arrive at Killala— Small garrisons- French at first successful, but finally repulsed — Distresses created by this renewal of warfare — The behaviour of the f^- ' i^im U' '- ^'■^-i^/^'Wf'T^-^^-^ - 'iy!w# ^^ '^^'^';-f^PK??iMi^:!"-'-f.-'^"^ CONTENTS. XV French at Killala orderly and honourable — Bigotry and su- perstition of the lower orders of the Irish — Contempt of the French for t^e priests — Excesses of the Connaught rebels not great — Many tried— Bartholomew Teeling — Matthew Tone — Theobald Wolfe Tone — His trial and suicide — Proposed re- medies— Legislative union of England and Ireland — Question agitated in the parliaments of both kingdoms — It is finally agreed upon : articles of the bill — It is not cordially received — First united parliament assembles at Westminster — The claims of the catholics alluded to — Changes in the cabinet — Pro- jected invasion — Spirit of the country — Ireland unquiet-^ Democratical opinions disseminated — Disturbance in Dublin — Murder of Lord Kilwarden and his nephew Mr. Wolfe — Insurrection suppressed by the military — The chief instiga- tors suffer — Emancipation of the catholics — Their disabilities — The petition — ^The question agitated — Remark of the king — His determination — Ministry dismissed — Digression — Ad- dress to his majesty from Sion College — Also fromthe city of London — Circumstances apparently favourable to tne catholic claims — The question is again agitated — Proceeds favourably, but the bill finally lost — Catholic "petition — Observations — Catholic claims again discussed in parliament — Observa- tions 413 CHAPTER XXX. State of the arts, sciences, and literature, and of pulpk elo- quence — The papacy — Its vicissitudes — Concluding obser- vations . . 452 .■«>;Tr- ^^r ^^yWry^-f-'^^-' ^ii.^W^,'^ w W"^ CHAPTER XV. ^i^A regard of the king for Chichester— Grants him the terri- tory oflnnishojven — Penal statutes — Civil disabilities — Oath of supremacy — Its original mildness — The conduct of the pope— Catholic party — Causes of animosity— Difficulty of governing a people with bitter religious antipathies— A par- liament called— Fears of the recusants— Unjustifiable mea- sures resorted to — The nobles address a letter to the king — Requisition neglected— Splendid entry of the recusant party into Dublin — Opening of the parliament — Violence and dis- order ensue — Conduct of lord deputy — Parliament prorogued Difficult task of Chichester — Recusant lords and commons write to the king^ praying to be heard by their agents — Lord deputy sends agents to counteract those dispatched by the lords — Recusants admitted to plead their own cause — The result — King's speech — Spirit of opposition in some de- gree allayed — Judicious moderation of the lord deputy — Op- pressive acts repealed — A subsidy granted — Complacency of the king — Convocation of the clergy for forming a confession of faith — Usher — Articles of the Irish church — Chichester created baron of Belfast — Recalled to England — Succeeded by Sir Oliver St. John — Enemies of St. John prevail — He is created Viscount Grandison of Ireland — Lord Falkland no- minated governor — Clamour against Usher — His abilities — Military establishment requisite — Success of the settlements Spirit of insurrection quieted in proportion — Dangerous mea- sure of training men for foreign service — Death of James — The accession of Charles deemed favourable to the Catholic cause — Bull of Urban VIII. — Royal promise — Meeting of ^nobility — Proposal of contribution for the repeal of penal laws — Protest of the prelates — Overtures to Charles — Con- cessions of the king — Excesses of the recusants — Remon- strance of protestant clergy — Proclamation of Falkland — Lord Falkland recalled — Viscount Ely and earl of Cork, lords deputy — Sir Thomas Wentworth governor — Partiality of the king for Wentworth, Lord Strafford — creates him enemies — Their malignity — His erroneous ideas in respect to Ireland — His prejudices — His conduct respecting the Earl of Cork — Unpopularity of Strafford's government — Proceedings VOL. II. B ■ -i,-* m fe* 2 DISABILITIIS AND PENALTIES. of 'parliament — Convocation of the clergy — Laudable mea- sures of Strafford — Unity of the churches of England and Ireland accomplished — High commission court established — Introduction and encouragement of the linen trade — Benefits from Strafford's administration — Influence of the Scottish religious dissensions on Ireland — Wentworth recalled to Eiig- land — Commits his government to two lord's justices — He is invested with the garter, created Earl of Strafford and made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland — Unity of the parliament, subsi- dies granted — Proceedings against the University — Effects of Strafford's arraignment arid death on Ireland — Fair pros- pect of tranquillity. A. D. 1612. The favourite object of James's policy thus suc- ceeding, it is no wonder that with the dispositions he possessed, he regarded with high estimation his principal agent in the important work. With his usual liberality to those who had gained his favour, he vested Sir Arthur Chichester, his active and honourable lord deputy, with the territory of . Innishowen, and it was but a just remuneration of the activity, vigilance, firmness^ and caution which had marked the conduct of th^ viceroy in a country just emerging to some tranquillity and order, where disaffection yet brooded, and many still existing evils produced open and public dis- content, for however successful had been the plan of reformation, it yet required long perseverance and unceasing attention to perfect. Indeed in the prosecution of the plan many former abuses were to be rectified, which bore hard upon indi- viduals and caused great murmuring, but the prin- cipal subject of complaint was the penal laws against recusants. The penalties, indeed, attaxihed to those who refused to attend the reformed worship, or others to which recusants were exposed, were not made a subject of complaint, for they were so little exacted, that they could scarcely have been deen^ed a restraint. It was the legal disabilities '^v^SW^^lrr^ '^:^'W ^?rf!^'« !iVSIif,'lt-t?.<'^Jw'?'i. T";!" ',=»', 1''^* ft? THF. OATH OF SUPREMACY. J eontracted by recusancy which were declaimed against with violence and acrimony. Taking the oath of supremacy was a necessary qualification for the enjoyment of any office, service, or promo- tion. No one could be preferred to any degree in the university, without previously taking this oath. No peer,^r subject of consequence who refused it, could be admitted to a degrfee of a privy counsellor, or take any part in the adminis- tration of government. Neither could magistrates, or justices of the peace legally act, unless they yielded to it, nor could recusant lawyers, a large and powerful class of the community, be regu- larly admitted to plead at the bar, much less be advanced to the station of judges, without taking .this oath. At the period that this test was en- joined, viz. on^ the discovery of the gunpowdei;^ conspiracy, th^ king had interposed to modify its severity, and to render it one of the least offensive tests ever imposed by authority. It is simply a declaration of civil obedience to the prince, with an absolute renunciation of the deposing power of the pope. On the king's actual supremacy it was silent, and as it trenched on no part whatever of the Catholic faith, (except, indeed, that of re- nouncing the deposing power of the pontiff,) it was cheerfully taken by Blackwell, the arch- Ro- man Catholic priest in England, and through his influence by a considerable number, both of priests and laymen. James was well pleased that he had succeededin his tolerating expedient, by which he thought to soften the hostility of his Catholic subjects, when, to his and their mortifi- cation, the sovereign pontifi" rose fiercely in de- fence of his absolute prerogative of making and unmaking kings, and in a very earnest brieve, ex- horted his faithful children to incur all tortures, and even the pains of martyrdom, rather than b2 4 THE OATH SELDOM REQUIRED. compromise with their consciences on so tender a point, and reproaching those who had done so. We shall not enter into the controversy which this produced ; suffice it to say, that the state policy of James, at one period of his reign, made him desirous greatly to relax the penal statutes against Catholics, and so plainly did this appear, that it created the suspicion and jealousy of the puritans, and there is reason to think, had it not been for the energy and spirit of the latter, the ancient religion would have upreared its gigantic form with new strength and vigour. It was in the spirit of this indulgence on the part of James, that the laws regarding recusancy in Ireland were more especially greatly relaxed in the execution, and numbers of magistrates, justices of the peace, and lawyers, were never even required to take the oath, except on some very extraordinary occasions of insolence, or defiance of government. But minds clouded by passion and prejudice are difficult to manage : though enjoying the pri- vileges of this indulgence, the spirit of the old English race, and the pride of the Irish, equally disdained to owe those advantages to a precarious connivance, which they believed they might claim as their right. The lords and principal inhabitants of the pale had ever loudly complained of the neglect and contempt of the government under which they lived, and their indignation now arose very high at those additional disqualifications which barred every access to offices of trust and honour. It has been most justly observed, that when the religious principles of men expose them to great disadvantages in the society of which they form a part, they are particularly bound to inves- tigate and strictly examine those principles, lest they sacrifice the interests of themselves and P';*^v-3?.?f^B7'^>}f»S^'3P'^«!5P»^^ ■ ' ^^e^Hfi^^ff^r^ :i:,,j^--' .. -'•rr^^^^. DISPOSITION OF THE CATHOLICS. O their posterity to an illusion ; and more especially to ascertain that no spirit of party be mistaken for the principle for which they contend. To this investigation and self-examination the very genius of Catholicism is adverse, the mind being reduced by its dogmas and discipline to a state of indolence and acquiescence, most favourable to a pertinacity of error, while a desertion of the com- munion is attended with such consequences of disgrace and terror, as few minds have the vigour to resist, or the courage to meet. At the period we now allude to, the Catholics of Ireland, united in prejudices, opinions, and interests, formed a numerous party, perhaps the more dangerous and formidable, as they seemed not prompt to break out in the ebullition of rebellion, without a rational or concerted scheme; but brooding over their real and imagined wrongs, practised in secret against that administration, towards which they outwardly bore themselves with professions of zealous and devoted loyalty. Thus the friends of government were completely beguiled, and in- sensible of the danger which was inclosing them. It is a truth we think cannot be controverted, that unless the hearts of men are fully imbued with the genuine spirit of Christianity, or they have, on the contrary, arrived at a perfect indiffe- rence to religion otherwise than as a political en- gine, that a difference in theological opinions will necessarily lead to prejudice and aversion, should they be brought into the arena of controversy or debate. When a man steps forward as the advo- cate for what he deems the truth, he encounters, perhaps, scorn and opposition in its defence ; in proportion to the resistance, his self-love rises in degree, and he is too apt to feel exalted in his own estimation, and hence the feelings of con- '"^frw^jW^'' , A PARLIAMENT CONVOKED. 1 urged the government to the design, and their jealousy was rendered the greater, as they were not admitted to any communication with the governing powers. Nor were these fears and jealousies unnatural. A number of new boroughs, many of them too poor to afford wages to their representatives, must necessarily be entirely in- fluenced by government, and, of course, its crea- tures and immediate dependents would be re- turned. Such an accession of power, so easily calcu- lated, could not fail to encourage the administra- tion to act without check or reserve, and to in- dulge to the utmost its prejudices, passions, and resentments. It was therefore natural for those known to be inimical to the government, to dread additional severities against those who persisted in their adherence to the Romish communion, and if further penal statutes were not enacted against them, to expect that those would be revived and enforced, which had in a great degree become a dead letter. It was not, however, the genius of the party knowing its own strength and popu- larity, and conscious of its power, to await the event in submission and despondency. On the first declaration, therefore, of the royal inten- tions to call. a parliament in Ireland, six noble- men of distinguished consequence in the pale, addressed a letter to the king, in which they plainly and boldly express their apprehensions from a design of convening a parliament, without the laws therein to be enacted being vouchsafed to be made known to them, and others of the nobility. Intimating the insignificance of the new boroughs, and the corruptions and abuses which must thence ensue, if they were suffered to have influence in the purposed assembly, and further assuring the king, that if "he shall be ;^?»»?p--?^425?^:F^« O STRONG PARLIAMENTARY OPPOSITION. pleased to repeal the penal laws against the Ca- tholics, he shall settle their minds in a firm and faithful subjection." The bold and fearless lan- guage of this remonstrance did not suit the royal ears of James, accustomed as they were to that of adulation and acquiescence ; and although the complaints which it breathed were qualified by that strain of compliment known to be acceptable to the individual addressed, it was pronounced by James rash and insolent, and its requisitions were not deemed worthy of attention. Th.e re- cusants, therefore, took their measures accord- ingly. In the meanwhile the writs were issued, and every effort was made for strengthening the go- vernment party, and the recusants were indefati- gable in forming theirs. Agents were sent from the pale into every province to support the elec- tions of their friends, and to intreat the interest of the wealthy. The clergy preached the endan- gered cause of religion, and denounced their anathemas on those who should presume to vote against the friends of the holy Romish church. They went still further with the vulgar and igno- rant, by assuring them that their favourite chief- tain and champion, Tirowen, was preparing to invade the kingdom, and that there was no doubt if they stood firm to the faith, it would finally prevail over the heretics. In short, all the de- vices of policy and faction were employed, and with such manifest success, that most of the privy counsellors were rejected as. knights of shires, for the most factious and turbulent law- yers, their competitors. Exulting in their suc- cess, and well aware of the influence of pomp and pageantry upon the popular feeling, the prin- cipals of the recusant party made their public entry into Dublin, with every circumstance of -.'-:' » .' : , ' '■•' • ■ ■ ' ■ "■■ ' ' ' ' TURBULENCE OF THE PARLIAMENT. 9 splendour and magnificence. Bands of armed followers attended them, equally mdicatmg their resolution of resistance, and their fear of being opposed. They objected to the castle of Dublin as the seat of session, under the plea that they were in danger of perishing by an explosion of gunpowder, and where the lord deputy's guard surrounding the house of parliament, could not fail to controul the freedom of debate. The cla- mour ran the higher, as the recusants had now the mortification to find themselves mistaken in their numbers. The returned members, and no others, were admitted, and directed to enter with- out arms. After the usual address from the throne, they were commanded to elect their speaker. The competitors for this office were Sir John Davis, the Irish attorney-general, re- commended by the king, and Sir John Everard, a recusant of respectability, who had been justice of the King's Bench, but resigned on objecting to take the oaths, and had been granted a pension. But the party who had to give their suffrages in his favour contended, that the right of electing should first be ascertained, and they called in question the legality of the returns of many of the members. On the other side, it was urged that the speaker must first be chosen, committees then be formed, and the questioned elections ex- amined and decided. A scene of violence and disorder ensued, which must ever reflect disgrace on the Irish parliament of 1613 ; the detail would be tedious and unnecessary; but the violence, the seditious menaces and exultation of the re- cusant party were so great, their open declara- tions of resistance, their agitations and cabals, their numerous followers, the popular clamour in favour of their cause so loud, that it was justly alarming to the state, destitute of any protecting ^=!W-i^»^iaTi. ■■^*t. '^.^^^»-p!'^^'^ff*'«r»T?^^' ' -I " r-'T^'^rr^rrtv'. "» ^ 'TAV:-r'^fprr»:. '"^^tTswifSTyETv: 12 COMMISSIONERS APPOINTED. guished individuals to counteract the impression these popular agents might make. James re- ceived their complaints w^ith temper, as they made the most solemn protestations that they were not influenced by any foreign power, and that so far from conspiring against his life they were ready to defend it with the zeal of faithful subjects. They were received with indulgence in several audiences, and were naturally inspired with confidence from the circumstance. Em- boldened by the royal graciousness, they did not confine themselves to the recent transactions of parliament, but entered into many other particu- culars of maladministration, beseeching the royal grace and equity to send commissioners to Ire- land to investigate the particulars. To this re- quest James assented, and the agents were so elevated that they were impatient of decision. A party of the agents attended the commissioners to Ireland ; they were followed by Sir James Gough, who on his arrival spread the joyful intel- ligence, that he was commanded by the king to assure his Irish subjects that they should freely exercise the forms of their religion, provided they entertained no priests who preached the deposing power of the pope. As the news of the king having sent a mes- senger to confer with the deputy speedily reached the capital, Chichester summoned the principal recusants to be witnesses of it. Great, therefore, was his astonishment at the nature of Gough's intelligence. The king had denounced a curse on himself and his posterity if ever he should grant a toleration to the Romanists, and had, moreover, on particular occasions, instructed his Irish mi- nisters, to administer the oaths, and execute the penal laws. Chichester, therefore, was entirely warranted to doubt the assertions of Gough. He DECISIONS OF THE KING. IS publicly reproved him for the false statements,* and seeing the exulting spirit of the recusants raised by it, in order to intimidate them, he by the advice of his council committed Gough to the castle, a close prisoner, until the royal will could be fully ascertained. This measure created no disturbance, because speedy redress was confi- dently expected. The deputy being summoned to England, they considered but as the prelude to his disgrace, and as the principal points of Irish administration were now to be transacted at the English court, the lords justices for the time being had not much difficulty in exercising their delegated authority, the discontented appearing 1^ confidently to anticipate the final success of their l^gents. In the meanwhile, James having received from Chichester every information he required, the re- cusants were admitted to plead their own cause before the council, where it was repeatedly, deli- berately, and patiently discussed. Of fourteen re- turns of which they complained as illegal, two only were found to be so ; but in other particulars the king pronounced their allegations to be ground- less. In a speech of some prolixity, of which James was so fond, he expressed plainly his displeasure of the frivolous causes of complaint brought be- fore him, and reproved the turbulence and disor- der of the parliament recusants, as he styled them in a tone of derision. He concluded his severe address to the Irish agents, by observing their conduct had been inexcusable, and worthy of severe punishment, " but which," he added, " by reason of your submission I do forbear, but not remit, till I see your dutiful carriage in this par- liament, where, by your obedience to the deputy and the state, and your f\iture good behaviour, you may redeem your by-past miscarriage, and "...lyr- ■ •';??^^?^^^^Jii^^^-;;;i!*H:^ W???!!^^ 14 Chichester's moderation. then you may deserve not only pardon, but favour and cherishing." Thus the contest ended ; the complaints of the recusants were rejected, but the mortification was somewhat qualified with expressions of lenity and indulgence. Nothing remained, therefore, for them but to assemble peaceably in the parliament forthwith to be con- vened, after many prorogations. They could not, however, still the discontent they felt, for they were mortified to see the Protestant religion esta- blished above their own, while they possessed the power of resistance. Many devices were prac- tised when the parliament did assemble, in Order to obstruct the regular course of public business. But the cautious and conciliating conduct of Chi- chester, and the temper and moderation of Sir John Everard, to whom they paid particular de- ference, prevented any very serious consequences arising from the spirit of opposition and discon- tent that pervaded the recusant party. As the elections had been the principal subject of com- plaint, and were likely to produce the most violent discussion, they were referred to a committee formed of both parties, and after some inquiry it was resolved that the examination should be suspended for the present session, for the better expedition and furtherance of the public service. This evidence of the amicable disposition of the commons, was requited by moderation on the part of government. Whatever laws might have been projected, none were now proposed affecting the professors or teachers of the Catholic doc- trines. Some lawyers had been prohibited plead- ing at the bar, on refusing the oath. The com- mons petitioned the lord deputy that they should be restored to their practice. The answer, though not explicit, was not unfavourable, and as a proof that all partialities were avoided, when the sub- ^j^s^p^>^y ,>--;^sT^B.v: -^ 1 9nfi§jm^----:^,:^:^''m^!!f^^^!i^ W^--.- ^^^v^ ^ ;: f^ ii^*s? PENAL STATUTES DIMINISHED. 15 ject was resumed in the house, and one of the members observed that these lawyers were cor- rupt, and ought not to be allowed to corrupt others, he was called to the bar to substantiate his charge, and his explanation being unsatisfac- tory, he was committed to custody fof his offence. Another instance of the care taken not unneces- sarily to provoke the recusants, was the circum- stance, that when Sir Oliver St. John moved a bill for keeping the fifth day of November as a religious anniversary, though it could not be in- stantly rejected, yet it was silently withdrawn. Amity thus happily prevailing, the business of the session was conducted with less difficulty than had been anticipated. Many oppressive acts were repealed, which had degraded the native Irish, and given the English plea for oppression. All odious distinctions, of every kind, were done away, by the happy union of England, Scotland, and Ireland under one imperial crown, equally entitled to royal protectioiH and considered duti- ful subjects of one monarch. An act of general pardon and oblivion was made in confirmation of the royal edict ; and the proceedings of the par- liament closed in granting the king a subsidy so liberal and so free, that James returned thanks in a letter to the lord deputy, by which he really did pay them that tribute of praise he had promised to their future good behaviour. " We now clearly perceive," he graciously observes, " that the difficult beginnings of our parliament there, were occasioned only by ignorance and mistakings, Wising through the long disuse of parliaments there, and therefore we have cancelled the memory of them, and we are now so well pleased with this dutiful confirmation of theirs, that we do require you to assure them from us, that we hold our subjects of that kingdom in equal favour with ^■■,.f ■ , "■'• ■ ^^; ■..-•••■ -^o _- »- ■ 1 "T^ijiiFi I 1 ^ i.''^'''m 16 REMAINING DISABILITIES. those of our other kingdoms, and that we will be as careful to provide for their prosperous and flourishing estate, as we can be for the safety of our own person." Such is the powerful influence of gold. In a bill proving so acceptable to the monarch, the recusants took care not to lose their share of merit ; they indignantly refuted the report, that any opposition had been intended or made against it. James, with his usual self-complacency, prided himself upon the address by which he had steered his difiicult course through the agitations of Irish factions. Much had been effected to do away all invidious distinctions, and to unite in one body and one interest the population of Ire- land. Yet some disabilities stifl existed, more mortifying to the pride of the old natives, whe- ther English or Irish, than injurious or griev- ous, ^nd the temper manifested by the commons at the opening of the assembly caused some ap- prehensions respecting the discussion of what might closely affect them; after the passing of the Subsidy bill, these apprehensions were in some degree confirmed, and the parliament was abruptly dissolved. While the assembly was thus employed in re- gulating the civil affairs of Ireland, a convocation of the clergy was directed to be held in Dublin, 1615. It appeared to the church of Ireland a proper assertion of its independence on that of England, to publish articles of its own, and it was for the purpose principally of framing a confession of faith that the convocation was held. James* Usher, D. D. was at this period distinguished for learning and biblical knowledge, and to him the important work was entrusted. The controversies which at this period engaged the attention, and occupied the pens of pious and ■-tr ■"• \'--':^;'^fmiri^;'::'wrm^^fywfi^":j^ ^*^??5^-'' •;; - Wv^ ARTICLES OF FAITH. / 17 learned men, had naturally been investigated and studied by Usher, and in the examination of the- writings of the foreign divines, he had imbibed a large portion of the CalviiMStic opinions, and of course the bias of his mind strongly appeared in the profession of faith, which he had so large and primary a share in forming for the Irish church. It consisted of one hundred and four articles, in which were included the nine agreed on at Lam- beth, 1595, which had been disapproved by Eli- zabeth and her successor James. The zeal of Usher was manifested in this elaborate formulary, by his concurrence with #ie French reformers, in pronouncing the pope to be Anti- Christ. It is well known that James disliked and discouraged the dark spirft of devotion among the puritans in their almost judaical observance of the sabbath ; Usher, however, without any condescension to •these sentiments of the king, . declared in one article that the Lord's-day was to be wholly dedi- V cated to the service of God. The profession was adopted by the convocation, and ratified by. the lord deputy. Attempts were made to prejudice James against the compiler of these articles, as fraught with the sin most fatal in his reign to clerical preferment — that of puritanism, so repug- nant to the king's principles ; but James wag pre- possessed in his favour, by the " Continuation of Jewel's Apology for the Church of England," a learned work, which U«her had dedicated to James, soine time antecedent to his compilation 06 the articles of faith. James, never remiss in his attention to reward what he deemed eccle- siastical merit, was so just to the piety and eru- dition of Usher, that, notwithstanding the Cal- vinistic bias of his opinions, he promoted him to the see of Meath. The king, elevated by the general success of VOL. II. G ■ / ■--*■■ 1. ■' '^•■^Jljgg'"^^-'-T ^ ' ^ 18 SlU OLIViiK ST. JOHN. his northern settlements, extended them to some parts which had hitherto served as safe retreats to the demi-barbarous natives. The grants of this new scheme of plantation were scarcely effected, when Chichester, without whose agency it hardly could have been accomplished, was created Baron of Belfast, recalled to England, and \vas succeeded by Sir Oliver St. John. [1616.] By the conduct of this governor in the recent parliament, he appeared to be actuated with pe- culiar zeal against the Romanists, and this dispo- sition was now soon manifested, by his proceeding to a vigorous execution of the penal statutes. A dangerous order of men, the popish regulars, who for the most part were educated in foreign seminaries, and who had resorted to Ireland with the most determined hatred towards the govern- ment, were the first objects of the vigilance of St. John. They were banished by proclamation, and although the people had been greatly op- pressed by these priests, yet the measure was regarded as one of cruel persecution and rigour, and the clamour was loud against the governor. This turbulence was augmented, when the magis- trates and officers of justice were peremptorily required to take the oath of allegiance and su- premacy. [1617.] The city of Waterford had chosen a succession of recusants as their chief magistrates, who all in their turn refused to take the oath, and as in other particulars also they evinced an aversion, or rather a determined op- position to conformity, a commission was now issued to seize the revenues and liberties of the city. This measure roused the general indigna- tion of the Catholics, even in foreign countries. They made it a plea to inveigh against the ge- neral conduct of St. John. With severity and falsehood they charged him with cruel oppressions. MF.UCENARY OPPOSITION'. 19 in exacting fines never imposed, and in crowding the prisons with wretched victims of the faith, when, in truth, no one suffered the restraint of a moment. But the measure which proved most 4 prejudicial to the individual interest of St. John, and raised him the most efficient enemies, was an offence he gave to the leading members of the state respecting certain church lands. They had usurped these lands, and expected to keep pos- session by their influence and power ; St. John was indignant at this mercenary corruption and departure from political integrity, he saw the miserable condition to which the clergy were re- duced, and with the spirit of a true patriot and a just man, he determined to withstand these pow- erful usurpers. Men who could act so unjustly, were prepared to become the enemies of him who had the hardihood to expose them ; accordingly they united with the popish party in reviling and maligning the fearless St. John. They carried * their complaints even to the throne, praying that commissioners should be appointed to inspect the state of Ireland, and the irregularities of the government. Accordingly some individuals, who, from their spirited opposition in the house of commons, had offended James, were sent to Ire- land for the purpose requested. Were merit, and reward and success, invariable cause and effects, St. John must have triumphed ; but the machi- nations of his enemies prevailed ; he was removed from the administration. But it would appear that the king was obliged to yield his judgment t6 the circumstances, for St. John suffered no disgrace in his estimation, on the contrary, he soon after created the removed governor. Viscount Grandison, of Ireland, Baron Trogore, of High- worth in England, Lord High Treasurer of Ire- land, and privy counsellor of both kingdoms. c 2 ^^?^^J '^'>;v"^.v?v;--7---iV^-'-^'-<- r^~:- ,. "'^^^ 20 LORD FALKLAND. The recusants naturally triumphed in the re- moval of a governor who appeared so determined to oppose them ; they pretended that his recall was in consequence of his severity towards them, and encouraged their party to expect yet further and less equivocal manifestations of the royal grace and favour. With this real or affected im- pression, they proceeded in the most open and undisguised manner to erect abbies, seizing churches for their own w^orship, and other acts, which gave just alarm to the reformed clergy. 1622. Lord Falkland had been nominated governor, and Usher, the most distinguished of the Protestant prelates, and whose sentiments were received with reverence, was appointed to preach before the lord deputy on his arrival. Usher judiciously thought this a fair opportunity of displaying his zeal against the Romanists, and of recommending such restraints as might keep them within the bounds of a just reserve, or at least keep them from public insolence. The re- cusants were highly exasperated at this unpopular and plain doctrine. From the words of the pre- late's text, " He beareth not the sword in vain," occasion was taken to exclaim loudly against him, as a cruel and sanguinary persecutor, who pleaded for the extirpation of those who did not conform to the heretical religion established. Such was the universal clamour raised by the artful com- mentaries of the recusants upon this text, that Usher absolutely found it necessary, in order to appease the public irritation, to preach an expla- natory discourse, in which he declared the equity and lenity of his intentions. The abilities of Usher were highly useful to government in this period of religious contest and animosity. When magistrates and others were cited to the council- chamber for recusancy, he enforced the nature ■i; h x^'i y^'^^^rw- PLANTATIONS Oil COLONIES. 21 and the lawfulness of the oath of supremacy, with a powerful and manly eloquence. But rea- son^and argument can have little eifect agamst the obstinate prepossessions of party. " There is," says an eminent writer, speaking of party spirit, " a kind of magic circle traced round the subject on which their confederacy turns, which the whole party beats round, and no one can cross, whether it be that by multiplying their argunaents they are afraid of presenting to their antagonistis a greater number of points of attack, or whether it be that in all men passion is more distinguished by its sameness than by its extent, more by force than variety. Placed at the extremity of an idea, like soldiers at their post, you can never prevail upon them to seek another poi^t of view in the question, and adhering to some principle, as to their chiefs, and to certain opinions, as to oaths, they would consider it as an attempt to seduce them into treason, were you to propose to them to examine, to investigate some new idea, to com- bine some new considerations." That the party which was conscious of its num- ber, power, and consequence at this time in Ire- land, possessed all this pertinacity, was conti- nually demonstrated, and while we mark its vio- lence and opposition, candour and truth equally demand that we should cursorily advert to the existing causes and reasons of discontent. That no human plans can be brought to bear generally for the public good, without involving in their accomplishment much individual injury none can deny, hence the civilizing measures of James, and his extensive designs of plantation in Ireland, though honourable in motive, and successful in accomplishment, were, in many instances, the means of injuring claims tenaciously held by the native Irish ; and when he recurred to the con- ■ ■■^^^'jrrfiy;^ii!^:!iffl^w.^-v«p;^^ ■•" ^uT^-v'^r; 22 DIFFICULTIES OF THE ENTERPRISE. cessions made to Henry II., to invalidate titles derived from the possession of some ages, it was little understood by those unacquainted with the refinements of law, and consequently failed in removing from the minds of the sufferers the se- verity which appropriated what they considered as their ancient property, nor could the concessions and the added privileges conferred, reconcile the measure to those who thought too superficially, clearly to understand the remote advantages to be derived from present sacrifice. An enlightened and humane policy also may form a just and wise plan of civilization, but it is impossible to ensure that the fair theory shall be brought into practice with the same spirit ; neglect, oppression, interest, will interpose their corrupting influence, and the agents of patriotic plans may be actuated by those unworthy motives which no human vigilance can prevent, or human sagacity foresee. Thus were the good intentions of James in many instances defeated, and fraud, violence, and oppression, marked the conduct of too many of the agents necessarily employed to realize them. Neither the actors nor the objects of such grie- vances were confined to one religion, the most zealous in the service of government, and the most peaceable conformists were involved in the ravages of avarice and rapine, without distinction of principles or possessions. It is evident that a long train of evils must follow from the indulgence of the avaricious and selfish principles of these agents in a country remote from the seat of go- vernment, and in an age of project and adventure, inviting the needy, but not always virtuous, to seek their fortune in Ireland. In fact, proofs are by no means wanting of most iniquitous practices, of hardened cruelty, of perjury, and subornation, employed to despoil the unoffending and fair pro- BENtt'lClAL RESULTS. 23 prietor of his inheritance, upon the plea of invalid title. Other grievances of inferior nature were urged and industriously aggravated by the dis- contented, urging them to examine the conduct of administration with severity. Under such cir- cumstances it is obvious that a respectable mili- tary establishment was requisite. At the period of James's accession, the force amounted to twenty thousand men, but the reduction of the kingdom and his necessities had diminished it almost to nothing, and what remained, were in utter want of proper discipline, ill paid, ill clothed ; and in- stead of being retained in a body, were dispersed in small parties through the estates of their of- ficers where they cultivated the lands and even were employed in the menial offices of the house- hold. In short, the forces, poor, mutinous and disordered, could hardly be entitled to the name of a military establishment ; and in fact, had not the general good policy of the settlements been felt by the native Irish, so as to tranquillize their turbulent spirits, such a force would have been easily annihilated, and the English power defied. It is pleasing to remark, that notwithstanding the grievances we have hinted at, as attaching to the plantations, yet the general good effects of the king's arrangements Were become abundantly manifest. Lands formerly waste were cultivated and improved, the commodities of the country in- creased, towns and villages were built, commerce was carried on with spirit, so that the customs began to afford some revenue to the crown, till then unknown. And it followed of course in pro- portion as industry and civility advanced, the spirit of insurrection was quieted and controuled. Still there remained, as there must in every hu- man institution, circumstances and occasions re- quiring vigour, circumspection, and activity on ^ ^v. «V^rj 24 LEVIES FOR THE CONTINENT. the part of government. In the country, particu- larly in the remoter provinces, were many young, active, high spirited men, destitute of employment and ready to join in any enterprise. James and his council saw the propriety of ridding the country of these turbulent individuals, and therefore gave licence to enlist them for foreign service. The immediate danger of em- bodying such men, and training them to arms, appears to have been forgotten in the sense of their danger as mere idlers. The officers who were to raise and conduct these daring youths to the continent were mostly the sons or the retainers of the old rebels, devoted to the heir of Tirowen, men who had been bred abroad in extravagant ideas of the ancient grandeur of their families, and consequently of bitter enmity against the English power which had exiled them, and en- joyed the inheritance of their fathers. The influx of these irritated and lofty spirits was attended by consequences which might have been foreseen. They protracted the period of their stay, ranged through the country, curiously examined into its polity, marked its weak points, renewed their old friendships, awakened the interests of their family connexions, practised with the discontented, flat- tered and confirmed their prejudices, and enticed away the youth to be conveyed abroad for edu- cation. Having thus secretly added fuel to the smothered flame, and laid the train ready for future explosion, by slow degrees the transpor- tation of the levies was effected, and the govern- ment was freed from an immediate danger which the inefficiency of its military force rendered justly alarming. It could not but be mortifying to Lord Falkland to be appointed to a government unsupported with an adequate force to awe its enemies, and destitute of necessary resources. ■:"?^wr^^5iF-' .'V-*^-*-'-/''--'^-**' ■ ■':i^*^^-"''-^V ACCKSSION OF CHARLES I. 25 His remonstrances to government were repeated and strong, he particularly urged the danger to be apprehended from the recusants, and the con- sequences of their mutual union and connexion with Rome, as it was discovered that an ecclesi- astical hierarchy, with a regular subordination of orders, offices, and persons was established throughout the kingdom by the papal power, that their jurisdiction was executed with as much re- gularity, and their decrees executed with as full authority as if the pope was in actual possession of the realm. The force and the propriety of Falkland's reasons were fully admitted, but the exchequer of James was empty, and even his credit exhausted. Numberless schemes to raise money were suggested, but before any of them could be brought to bear, James ended his life and reign, marked by many errors of judgment, but certainly honourably free from the vices of the will. The care of providing for the security of Ireland devolved in consequence upon Charles his successor, together with many other perplex- ities attendant on the commencement of his reign. 1625. On the accession of Charles, the discon- tented among the Irish regarded the circumstances of the period peculiarly favourable to their views. Involved in foreign war, and embarrassed by do- mestic faction, the situation of the unfortunate Charles was soon obviously critical, and opened to the disaffected many paths through which they might pursue their artful and ambitious designs. The recusants 'of Ireland were not backward in availing themselves of the circumstances, they soon manifested a determination to try their strength by showing a contempt of the penal statutes, in refusing all respect to the government of Lord Falkland, while Rome assiduously practised ■f«a^^r?J5iyiP?jT?^^ 2G BUIITHENSOME EXP£DIENT. every art to encourage and inflame them. A bull of Urban the eighth, exhorted them rather to lose their lives than to take the pestilent oath of su- premacy, whereby the sceptre of the Catholic church was wrested from the vicar of God Al- mighty, and much is it to be regretted that upon ignorance and superstition, this senseless blas- phemy had its intended effect. The Irish council, which had been composed of the new English, fraught with the puritanic spirit, were alarmed at this turbulence, which greatly augmented their horror and fears of popery. The danger to be apprehended was strongly repre- sented to the king, who determined to augment the Irish forces ; but with every attention to economy in the measure, unassisted by parliament, the ex- penses could not be met ; and Charles had re- course to the dangerous alternative of prerogative. In consequence of which, the army was ordered to be quartered on the different counties and towns of Ireland, who were to maintain the troops in turn for three months at a time. To reconcile the people to this unpopular measure, letters were addressed by the lord deputy to the several com- munities recommending a cheerful submission, with promise of future royal graces, which should amply repay present extraordinary expenses. These hopes induced a more cheerful acquies- cence than might have been expected to a burden so unusual. The popish party were not more zealous for the interests of their religion, than to extricate them- selves from the disadvantages and mortifications of the penal statutes. And like their brethren of England, sought to recommend themselves to the king by supporting unconstitutional measures. In consequence of the desire each party had for a redress of their real or fancied grievances, a grand ^f^'^iyf^KT'-^j^r^ .•^'™J6*P'= INTRODUCTION OF THE PRESBYTERIANS. 27 meeting of the nobility and gentry, of which the largest portion were Romanists, assembled at the castle, Dublin, offering large contributions to purchase security to their lands, and a suspension of the penal statutes. The lord deputy,, so far from discouraging their overtures, advised them to send agents to England to lay before the throne their several complaints. The vague hope of in- dulgence which this advice implied, was sufficient to elevate the spirits of the popish party beyond reason, which was testified by instances of offen- sive triumph, as if the desired toleration were already granted. This exultation provoked the Protestant party, leading them to infer that greater concessions had been made by the go- vernment than were acknowledged. The degree of aversion may be easily imagined, when it is stated that many of the new plantations had been supplied with teachers from Scotland, rigid puri- tans. Their churches were formed upon the presbyterian model in all its simplicity, and their members were nothing inferior to their brethren in Scotland, in gloom of disposition and in hatred to every other mode of religion, more especially the. Catholic. Many of these ministers had, in conformity to the principles they held, refused episcopal ordination. The circumstances under which James peopled his forfeited lands, rendered a temporising spirit in religious affairs that of good present policy, hence, several bishops, to quiet the scruples of the Scotch ministers, had, with the consent of Usher, their learned metropolitan, or- dained them to the ministry without strictly ad- hering to the established form. In consequence of this indulgence, many of these Scottish teachers enjoyed churches and tythes, without using the liturgy, and gained much respect and authority by their diligence and zeal in their ministry. 28 INTOLEUANT PllINClPLES. When, therefore, the proposal of contributions was made for the repeal of the penal statutes, these sturdy puritans exclaimed loudly against the horrid design of selling the truth, and estab- lishing idolatry for a price. Usher, then arch- bishop of Armagh, acted with a wisdom and zeal befitting his high station in the Irish church, in this time of peril and offence. He assembled several prelates to deliberate upon the threatened danger, and to bear their testimony against any concession which might be meditated by the state towards the Catholics. The conference was closed by the unanimous subscription of the prelates to a protestation eutitled "The judgment of diverse of the archbishops and bishops of Ireland, con- cerning toleration in religion." ** The religion of the papists" say s the protest "is superstitious and idolatrous, their faith and doctrine enormous and heretical, their church in respect to both, aposta- tical. To give them, therefore', a toleration, or to consent that they may freely exercise their re- ligion, and profess their faith and doctrine is a grievous sin, and that in two respects, for first it is to make ourselves accessary not only to their superstitions, idolatries and heresies, and in a word, to all the abominations of popery, but also, (which is a consequent of the former,) to the per- dition of the seduced people which perish in the deluge of the Catholic apostacy. Secondly, to grant them a toleration in respect to any money to be given, or contribution to be made by them, is to set religion to sale, and with it the souls of the people whom Christ hath redeemed with his blood. And as it is a great sin, so it is a matter of most dangerous consequence, the consideration whereof we commit to the wise and judicious, beseeching the God of truth to make them who are in authority zealous of God's glory, and of "^mwi^^/ W^-^'^W:^^i^'f'Wi:^- CONTRIBUTION BY THE R. CATHOLICS. 29 the advancement of true religion, zealous, reso- lute, and courageous against all popery, super- stition and idolatry." We are informed by the biographer of Usher, that this protestation had a considerable effect in retarding a project, the suc- cess of which was necessary to the king's affairs, and that Lord Falkland therefore requested the primate, knowing how greatly he was esteemed by both parties, to urge them to grant an aid without any previous conditions. Usher consented, and was possibly the readier to do so, in order to remove every suspicion of the purity of his con- duct, or of his affection to the service of his royal master. His speech on this occasion was ener- getic, insinuating and pathetic, and so acceptable to the state, that it was immediately transmitted to the court of England. With a similar abhor- rence of popery, and indignation at the proposal of compromising religion for lucre, as marked the protestation of the prelates, did the clergy from the pulpits express their dissatisfaction. The publicity with which the popish party presumed to exercise their rites, greatly offended and an- ^oyed the protestants who represented it in a forcible manner to the government in England. It became ever an article of parliamentary re- monstrance, that the government of Ireland se- cretly indulged the popish religion, that it was publicly professed throughout Ireland, and that monasteries and nunneries were everywhere newly erected and fitted with votaries. In despite how- ever of these remonstrances, suspicions, and com- plaints, the Irish agents suspended not their so- licitations to Charles, nor were their overtures unfavourably received. In return for the graces which they thus solicited they made the offer of avoluntary contribution of one hundred and twenty thousand pounds to be paid in three years, by ^^W^'^W^.'^ "■ ' % '■ ■-• V"' ■'"'^•;'-=^'-- >••'': ^••^v'T^^^><^ 30 THE ECCLESIASTICAL PENALTIES. the way of three subsidies, each amounting to forty thousand pounds, and each of these to be equally divided into quarterly payments. The bounty was accepted, the graces conferred, and transmitted by way of instruction to the lord de- puty and council. [1628.] Although these graces allowed indulgence to recusants almost amounting to a toleration, they were generally reasonable and equitable, calculated for the redress of those grievances affecting the people generally, and had a tendency to promote peace and tranquillity. By them it was provided for the better discharge of the pastoral care, that pluralities of benefices should not be bestowed on unqualified persons, that incumbents should be compelled to preach, or keep sufficient curates, that commissions should be issued for enquiring into endowed vicarages possessed by lay impropriators, and to reform the abuse, and that the incumbents of extensive rec- tories should be enjoined to maintain preaching ministers in chapels of ease. As the recusants had been loud in their com- plaints against the demands of the established clergy, it was provided that all unlawful exactions taken by the clergy, be reformed and regulated. The rigour with which their demands had been enforced maybe inferred from the annexed in- junction to this article. ** That no extraordi- nary warrants of assistance touching clandestine marriages, christenings, or burials, or any con- tumacies pretended against ecclesiastical juris- diction are to be issued, or executed by any chief governor, nor are the clergy to be permitted to keep Q.nj private prisons of their own for these causes ; but delinquents in that kind are hence- forth to be committed to the king's public gaols, and by the king's officers." Some circumstances of insincerity in bringing '^m^ V''-W- '■^" TOLERATION PROMOTED TRANQUILLITY. 31 these concessions into salutary action, certainly appear in the subsequent conduct of the king and his ministers, upon which it is unnecessary here to comment. Yet as the people relied on the royal promise that his graces should be con- firmed by parliamentary sanction, those con- cessions were received with general satisfaction. They seemed to complete the scheme of refor- mation commenced and pursued by James, and favourably to open to succeeding legislators the facility of correcting any accidental abuses which elapse of time might create, as well as to lay the foundation of those improvements which the fluxjtuating nature of human manners and human wants might suggest, at once to promote the pros- perity of the people and the honour and interests of the crown. But although the animosity of the Irish against the English, thus deprived of any plea of com- plaint, seemed for a time to be extinguished, y^t the spirit of faction did but slumber. Both in regard to religion and property, the principles of this deceitful faction stimulated to revolt. It was little to them, that indulgence had been granted to their creed, so long as the churches and eccle- siastical revenues were kept from the priests, and they were compelled to endure the intercourse of profane heretics. Thus discontented and restless they were vigilant in discovering any circum- stance by which they might retard any cordial reconciliation between the English arid the Irish nations. The contribution which had purchased the royal graces had been universal among the people, but the recusants assumed the whole merit. They openly professed the most zealous loyalty, but secretly exulted in the persuasion of their own strength, and that the army, and of conse- ,||'?^S5^'W«?^73P^ 32 THE ROMISH WORSHIP. quence the authority of the crown in Ireland, could not be maintained independent of their aid. The rectitude and gentleness of Lord Falkland little qualified him for the arduous task of go- verning a people in the factious temper then pre- vailing, or to awe the numerous body of recusants, relying on their own merits, and continually sti- mulated by their ecclesiastics to the most pro- voking excesses. Again in the full parade of their splendid ritual they publicly celebrated their religious worship. Churches were seized for their service, new friaries and nunneries were erected, their ecclesiastical jurisdiction severely executed, and even in Dublin an academical body was formed for the education of youth, su- perintended by an eminent Romish ecclesiastic. The clergy by whose influence all was directed, were daily augmented in number, by arrivals from foreign seminaries where they had not only im- bibed the firmest opinions of the papal supreme authority, but the most inveterate prejudices against England and Englishmen. Bound by a solemn oath to defend the papacy against an op- posing world, to labour for the augmentation of its power and privileges, to execute its mandates, to persecute heretics, their whole body, seculars and regulars, acted in dangerous concert under the direction of the pope, and subject to the orders of the congregation de propaganda fide, then recently erected at Rome.* Many of these * This famous congregation for the propagation of the faith was, begun by Gregory the fif- teenth, who by the advice of his confessor Narri, founded it at Rome, in 1622, and en- riched it with ample revenues. This congregation consists of thirteen cardinals, two priests. one monk, and a secretary. It is intended to propagate and maintain the religion of Rome in all parts of the world. Its riches and provisions were so prodigiously augmented by the munificence of Urban the eighth, and the liberality of an incredible number of do- .^"^ -^W L'^«' ROMISH MISSIONS. 33 priests, by their education in the seminaries of Spain, were peculiarly devoted to the interests nors, that its funds are to this day adequate to the most ex- tensive and magnificent un- dertakings. The enterprises of this congregation are un- proportionate to the magnitude of its means. By it, a vast number of missionaries are sent to the remotest parts of the world, books of various kinds pubhshed to facilitate the study of foreign languages, the sa- cred writings and pious pro- ductions sent to the most dis- tant parts of the globe, and exhibited to each nation and country in their own language and characters. Seminaries are founded for the sustenance and education of a prodigious number of young men set apart for the foreign missions, houses are erected for the instruction and support of the pagan youths that are annually sent from abroad to Rome, that they may return from thence to their respective countries and become the instructors of their blinded countrymen, not to mention the numerous cha- ritable establishments designed for the relief and support of those, who have suffered ban- ishment, or been involved in other calamities on account of their steadfast attachment to the religion of Rome, and their zeal for promoting the glory of the pontiff. Such are the ar- duous and complicated plans, with which this congregation is charged, but these though the prmcipal are far from being VOL. ri. the only objects of its attention. Its views are vast and its acts almost incredible. Its mem- bers hold their asseqnblies in a splendid palace, whose delight- ful situation adds a singular lustre to its beauty and gran- deur. Bernini, that being of versatile talent was the archi- tect. To this famous estab- lishment, another less magni- ficejit but highly useful was added 1627, by Urban the eighth, under the denomination of a college or seminary for the propagation of the faith. It is set apart for the instruction and education of those de - signed for foreign missions. They are here brought up with the greatest care in the know- ledge of all the languages and sciences that are necessary to prepare them for disseminating the gospel among distant na- tions. This excellent founda- tion owes its origin to the zeal and munificence of John Bap- tist Villes, a Spanish noble- man who resided at the court of Rome, and who began by presenting to the pontiff all his ample possessions together with his mansion which was a noble and beautiful structure, for this pious and useful pur- pose. His liberality excited a spirit of emulation, and is fol- lowed up with zeal to the pre- sent day. The same spirit reached France and several similar foundations were intro- duced there. D 34 RELIGIOUS DISPUTES. of that power, and naturally had been habituated to consider the insurrections of the old Irish, in the reign of Elizabeth, as laudable and generous efforts of patriotism, while they were taught to detest that power which had quelled this noble resisting spirit, and established a dominion on the ruins of the ancient dignity and pre-eminence of their countrymen. How much is it to be la- mented that such noble germs of patriotic feeling should too frequently be sunned into poisonous plants, bearing the bitter fruits of anarchy and rebellion, by the self interested, the mercenary and the fanatical. 'Alas! Ireland was soon to exemplify this melancholy truth ! We have seen that the protestants regarded with equal rancour the idolatrous papists. Many of the lower orders of these clergy were poor and of base character, so as to justify the sarcastic observation of. an Irishman, that ** the king's priests were as bad as those of the pope." Yet were the great majority of far different descrip- tion, men to whom the purity of their faith was an object of especial moment, these united with the prelates and some officers of state, holding the same sentiments, remonstrated with the lord deputy upon the increasing presumption and tur- bulence of the recusants. The disposition of Lord Falkland, and his in- structions from England were in perfect agree- ment to use the gentlest measures in every thing relating to religious controversy. Urged, how- ever by his council, and the general remonstrances of the clergy, he issued a proclamation charging and commanding the recusants to forbear the ex- ercise of their popish rites and ceremonies. This proclamation produced no effect whatever, things continued in the same state, or rather discontent and turbulence were increased by the recusants. •fg"'^'^.^:" .■ .■'?^- LORD FALKLAND RECALLED. 35 pleading many grievances, which, where a spirit of discontent prevails, will ever be found in the best constituted governments. Where this is the case, encroachment still rises in proportion to concession. The clamour rose so high that the government condescended to a sort of compromise accepting a quarterly payment of five instead of ten thousand pounds, until the whole voluntary subsidy should be discharged. In this difficult situation, Falkland knew not how best to act, he was maligned at the court of England, and his actions falsely interpreted. The reluctance of the recusants to fulfil their engagements, made Charles and his ministers the more ready to listen to in- sinuations respecting the administration of the lord deputy, and Falkland was finally recalled. The administration was for the present intrusted to two lords justices, united by friendship and affinity, and of considerable consequence in Ire- land, Adam Loftus, Viscount Ely, lord chancellor, and Richard, earl of Cork, lord high treasurer. The first of these noblemen derived his fortune and station from the activity and prudence of Loftus the archbishop of Dublin in the time of Elizabeth, and who appears to have enjoyed her particular favour. The earl of Cork possessed the first degree of consequence in the kingdom, both from his property and alliances. This noble- man possessed a nobility of spirit suited to his exalted rank, not that species of despicable family pride that reposes fastidiously on its adventitious advantages, regarding with contempt those it considers as its inferiors, but sedulous to use the power and advantages which wealth, station, and abilities gave him in a liberal and generous solici- tude for those dependent on his will, or governed by his power. On his own estates he was the pro- tecting father of a numerous well regulated body D 2 Zm ■ "^'^Pjl ---]--. -*3E;£?-^- 36 EARL OF CORK*S ADMINISTRATION. of English protestants, and the effects of his ge- nerous care and judicious management were seen in the industry, affluence, and urbanity of his tenants and dependents. The same principles guided his conduct when called to the helm of government. The errors of popery were offensive to the religious principles of the enlightened Earl of Cork, one of the many worthies bearing the name of Boyle, the prototype of that nobility which distinguished the members of his family. The earl saw that these errors, united as they were in his country with that demi-barbarism which prevailed, was totally repugnant to every plan of improvement his enlightened policy and intelli- gent philanthropy might form. He therefore agreed with his colleague no longer to use tem- porising measures with the recusants, but vested as they were with authority, to bring it vigorously into action. Without, therefore, previoiisly con- sulting the English ministry, or waiting instruc- tions from the king, they at once threatened all absentees from the established worship of the realm with the penalties of the statute enacted in the second of Elizabeth. They were however soon in- formed, that this severity was not pleasing to the king, nor deemed consistent with his present in- terests in Ireland. The triumph this gave the recusants may be well imagined, and was mani- fested in a manner which could not but arouse the indignation of the government they insulted. In one of the most frequented parts of Dublin, a fraternity of Carmelites appeared in the habit of their order, and there celebrated their religious rites. Indignant at this contempt of all authority, the archbishop of the diocese, and the chief ma- gistrate of the city led a party of the army to their place of worship, and attempted to disperse the assembly. The friars and the congregation CONDUCT OF CHARLES I. 37 as might have been foreseen, repelled the inju- dicious attack by force, and obliged the assailants to seek their safety in a precipitate flight. These incidents forcibly prove how difficult and how rare it is to temper zeal with moderation, and how easy it is for the indignant emotions of a worthy heart, to overpower the cool arguments of reason. The earl of Cork possessing as he did such an enlarged mind, whose general conduct proved that he could at a single glance perceive the moral order of things, yet lost sight of that caution and moderation which it must ever be necessary to observe when we have to deal with prejudices and opinions, or any operations of the mind. Even that system of unity which is cer- tainly most conducive to the happiness of a state, ceases to be good, if in order to establish it violence is resorted to. A government must never aim at any end by unjust means, let it be ever so desirable, and this rule is we think equally adapted to the opinions as well as the rights of men. The incidents which have drawn from us these re- flections were represented in England in a manner that seemed to reproach the lenity that had en- couraged the recusants. It was therefore deemed unsafe and impolitic longer to connive at such proceedings. By an order of the English council fifteen religious houses were seized for the king's use, and the popish college erected in Dublin was assigned to the University, who for the pre- sent, converted it into a protestant seminary. But the suppression of popish superstition was an inferior object of concern to the English cabi- net, to that of providing for the king's necessi- ties. The contributions were not forthcoming ; Charles therefore altered his language to his Irish subjects ; he threatened that if the subsidy was not cheerfully and thankfully continued, that his 38 THOMAS W1:NTW0UTH, E. of STRAFFORD. graces should be strdghtened ; that the rectisant fines should be universally and strictly levied, directing that the presentments necessary for this purpose should be made, at the same time inti- mating that he acted in conformity to the advice of the lords justices. Charles, in order to relieve himself from the embarrassment of his Irish affairs, had appointed Sir Thomas Wentv^rorth to the go- vernment, who was held in the highest esteem and confidence by him as a statesman, but at the period of his threatened severity, Wentworth had not assumed the government. The justices were fearful of entering the king's letter in the council books, from a conviction that its pferusal would occasion some dangerous result. Went- worth was highly indignant at this hesitation of duty, insinuating that it was only to embarrass the king that objections were raised. He em- ployed secret agents to prevail on the recusants to offer a half-yearly subsidy, as the only means of suspending the execution of the penal sta- tutes. After great altercation and delay, it was agreed that twenty thousand pounds should be added to the former contribution, to be paid in four equal quarterly assessments. Thus the im- mediate necessities of the state were supplied, and we may add, its weakness made fully known to those who were ready to take advantage of its declining power. Soon after this occurred, Went- worth passed into Ireland to assume the adminis- tration, Charles entertaining the most sanguine expectations that his vigour and abilities would effectually regulate and improve his Irish domi- nions. 1633. By his eminent talents and abili- ties, Wentworth, better known by his superior title of Strafford, merited all the confidence which his royal master reposed in him. His cha- racter was stately and austere, more calculated :W& HIS CHAllACTEll AND PREJUDICES. 39 to create awe and fear, than love and attach- ment ; his fidelity to his sovereign w^as unshaken, but from some vacillations of conduct, his patriot- ism seems not to have been quite pure, but to have been susceptible of powerful impressions from private interest and ambition. These cir- cumstances had created him implacable enemies among the popular party in England, and the evident partiality of the king confirmed this en- mity. Their rancour followed him to Ireland, inducing the most vigilant attention to his con- duct, and the greatest severity of judgment re- specting his actions. But the character and the prejudices of Wentworth equally ill-fitted him for the high station which he occupied in Ireland. He regarded it as a conquered kingdom, in the strictest sense of the term, and with a narrow- ness of mind which appears truly extraordinary in an individual of his high rank in society, he deduced a principle as odious as it is absurd and unjust, that the subjects of such a country had forfeited the rights of men and citizens, and what- ever they were permitted to enjoy, depended altogether on the royal grace. With these unjust ideas, it may readily be imagined, he treated men thus dependent on royal grace with a con- tempt unqualified, and even the most distinguished of Irish subjects were imperiously regarded by the haughty and severe viceroy. He assumed his government with his mind and affections fixed on one single object — the immediate interest of his royal master. Happily for Ireland, the ser- A^ice of the crown was intimately connected with, and depending upon the improvements of the realm. He assumed the government not only with general, but also many individual prejudices against several persons in Ireland, amongst these tlfW^--^:"^^-^^, 40 wentworth's policy. was the Earl of Cork, who was powerful and popular. The new lord deputy had been instructed to pay particular attention to the interests as well as the regulation of the established clergy, and this circumstance gave him an opportunity of gratifying his imperious spirit against that noble- man. The earl had possessed himself of lands which belonged to the church, and had erected a family monument in the cathedral of St. Patrick, Dublin, so untowardly situated, that it took up the place of what the prelate of Canterbury termed the great altar. Strafford had learned from Laud to regard with abhorrence such innovations, and the severest menaces were denounced against the earl's injustice and oppressive usurpation, aggra- vated by an act of such flagrant impiety. The clergy of the puritanical spirit were no less obnoxious to the governor ; amongst these were reckoned Usher of Armagh, and Bedel of Kilmore, both eminently distinguished for their piety and learning. Bedel in his simplicity, for- getting policy, had united with his diocese, in a petition to the late lords justices, representing the new contribution as irregularly obtained and oppressively levied. This was regarded by the governor as a presumptuous opposition to the king's service. Usher, more experienced, was more cautious ; he as yet had given no offence, but lived in the quiet enjoyment of that conse- quence and reverence derived from his high cha- racter as well as station. But the, bias of his principles determined Wentworth to form a balance against this popular prelate ; he therefore was attended to his seat of government by Dr. Bramhal, whom he proposed to advance to a dis- tinguished station in the Irish church. Bramhal ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 41 was eminent for his abilities and erudition, but his ideas, both of doctrine and discipline, were so consonant with those of Laud, that Cromwell afterwards styled him the Canterbury of Ireland* The times, while they called for vigorous resistance to the growing faction, were altoge- ther unfavourable to violent measures, or for the introduc- tion of those ceremonies and observances which 'had been laid aside at the reformation." See Hume's England, vol. vi. p. 287, for several instances of the new ceremonies introduced by Laud. Among the moral predic- tions we frequently meet with in history, we may rank that of James I., respecting the evils likely to be produced by the violence of Laud. In a conversation he had with Arch- bishop Williams, when James was hard pressed to promote Laud, he gave his reasons why he intended to keep him back from rule and authority ; ** be- cause," he observed, " I find he hath a restless spirit, and cannot see when matters are well, but loves to toss and change, and to bring things to a pitch of reformation, floating in his own brain, which en- dangers the steadfastness of that which is in good pass ; I speak not at random, he hath made himself known to me to be such an one." When at length urged to prefer the prelate, James closed his pre- diction, by saying in his usual uncouth manner : " Then take him to you ! but on my soul you will repent it." * In all ecclesiastical affairs, and in many civil, Laud had great influence over the king ; indeed his character was of that dictating kind, fliat he was better qualified to fill the papal chair, than the primary of England in such critical times as those in which he lived. ** He was virtuous," says our elegant historian, "if severity of manners, and ab- stinence from pleasure could deserve that name. He was learned, if polemical know- ledge could entitle him to that praise ; he was disinterested, but with unceasing industry he studied to exalt the priestly and prelatical character, which was his own. His zeal was unrelenting in the cause of re- ligion, and in the heat and in- discretion of his temper, he neglected the views of pru- dence, and the rules of cour- tesy. He was in this respect happy that all his enemies were also imagined by him the declared enemies of loyalty and true piety, and therefore the very exercise of his angry zeal became in his eyes meri- torious and virtuous. Now we can calmly investigate the encroachments of one party, and the difficulties of the other, we shall however find much to applaud in the zeal of Laud, although we may condemn and regret his erroneous judgment in its applicatipn and exercise. \-iw^ (K 42 A PARLIAMENT WISHED FOR. Thus, with lively prepossessions, and highly excited passions, Wentworth assumed the reins of government, and speedily, by the contemptuous display of them, disgusted and offended those with whom he had to act. After a meeting, in which his arrogance was particularly mortifying, and in which nothing was effected, a second one was con- vened, in which the chancellor suggested that the king should assemble an Irish parliament, to de- liberate upon the public affairs, advising in the meantime that the voluntary contribution should be continued another year. A parliament was in every point of view desirable, the council, there- fore, were readily influenced by the hopes of one being called to renew the contribution so sug- gested. The grant and the petition were trans- mitted to the king, the whole body of the realm concurring in both. A supply thus obtained for the immediate charges of his government, Wentworth quickly put the military establishment upon a respectable footing; the troops, by the gallantry of their appearance, struck an awe into the disorderly, while from their proper discipline, they protected the peaceable. But the assembling of a parlia- ment was a measure dreaded by the king : "As for that hydra," says he to his lord deputy, in allusion to it, ** take good heed, for you know theit here I have found it as well cunning as ma- licious." The deputy, however, relying on his own address for managing a parliament, quieted the king's apprehensions by reminding him, that by the law of Poynings, no act could pass with- out his previous inspection and sanction. It was therefore resolved to yield to the wishes of the nation, and the whole affair was entrusted to the judgment of Wentworth. His great object was to obtain a liberal supply, and yet to evade the I'n SPIRIT OF THE PARLIAMENT. 43 confirmation of those graces of 1 628, which pre- sent circumstances rendered inconsistent with the royal interests. Every thing in this delicate affair depended on the dexterous marvpigement of the passions and interests of those concerned. With great political address, the lord deputy secretly practised with both the Catholics and puritans, exciting the apprehensions of each against the other, taking care that a number of military offi- cers should be chosen burgesses, who, by their immediate dependence upon the crown, would be under his influence in any critical occasion, librat- ing the balance of party as he should deem ne- cessary. In all his measures, however, he dis- played his pride and severity, and with a con- temptible servility the counsellors appear to have yielded to his intimidating threats, and to have acquiesced in every measure proposed by the im- perious lord deputy, who scrupled not to say, that if the king's wishes and demands were not cheerfully complied with, he should think himself justified in enforcing them at the head of his army. In the upper house, however, a bolder spirit manifested itself, and Wentworth found, in the display of his imperious will, that the spirit of the old English nobility of Ireland by no means corresponded with the contemptuous idea he had formed of the whole nation. He found it neces- sary to conciliate, and attach to his interest several noblemen, who nobly resisted his haughtiness, and made him sensible that his despotic will was not to govern them, as they were not to be intimidated by his severity, nor deceived by his artifices. We shall not, of course, dwell upon the parti- cular proceedings of this parliament, further than to mention that the lords infringed the law of Poynings, which Wentworth, at the conclusion of it, protested against, to prevent its becoming a 44 CONVOCATION OF THE CLERGY. precedent for such violation. The necessities of the state being provided for, the question of the graces was agitated with the more freedom, many of them were evaded, some rendered nugatory, some denied, but many acts were established, affecting the general interests of the people, which did honour to the administration that supported them, and some few provisions for the public good, which had been opposed and defeated by the recusant members, Wentworth, with his cha- racteristic high strain of prerogative, determined to establish by an act of state. With this parliament sat also a convocation of the clergy. They granted eight subsidies to the king, at the same time soliciting redress of several expressed grievances, and the correction of several disorders in ecclesiastical affairs. The condition of the Irish church was indeed at this time de- plorable ; the places of worship were in ruin, the possessions of the clergy alienated ; violent in- trusion in the midst of public disorders, appro- priations and commendams had reduced the rural clergy to utter poverty and contempt. Even the provisions made for the clergy in the late reign, on settling the plantations, had in a great degree been rendered nugatory, by artful or fraudulent commissions. The natural consequence of the poverty and contempt of the established clergy, was ignorance, negligence, and corrupt manners. The Romish hierarchy, which exercised a regular jurisdiction in every part of the kingdom, were indefatigable and assiduous in taking advantage of every neglect or absence of the established clergy, and in some places had even possessed themselves of ecclesiastical lands. On the other hand, the more bigoted of the Scottish presby- terians were violently zealous for their own dis- cipline and worship, offering continual insults to ■•■-S-? REGULATIONS FOR TRINITY COLLEGE. 45 the established church government, and treating its rites and worship with open and marked con- tempt. These sectaries appeared to the lord deputy at least equal enemies to the church as the Catho- lics ; a perfect conformity was the great work which he, and his guide and friend Laud, zea- lously desired to establish in Ireland ; but it was a measure which exceeded the abilities of both, superior as they were. The procedures of Went- worth were however highly judicious, in the ex- isting state of religious affairs. He first provided churches to receive, and able ministers to instruct the people. He issued commissions for the repa- ration of the churches throughout the kingdom. Laws were provided in the late parliament for restitution of the rights of the clergy, and provi- sions made to prevent future alienations. The cares of the governor did not rest here ; they ex- tended themselves to the instruction and educa- tion of the rising generation of Irish clergy. He inspected minutely into the state and circum- stances of the university of Dublin; they were found in great disorder ; the governor was re- moved, and another substituted more efficient; the statutes were submitted to the Archbishop of Canterbury, who drew up a new body of laws for the university, as he had antecedently done for that of Oxford; and these were established by royal authority. But the grand point which Archbishop Laud and the lord deputy were zealously desirous to effect, was the entire union of the churches of England and Ireland, by establishing the English articles and canons in the latter, as the rule of doctrine and discipline. The clergy of puritanic bias were, it will be well supposed, by no means favourers of this union, and expressed a zealous 46 ARTICLES OF THE CHURCH. solicitude for what they termed the independence of their church. Archbishop Usher, who was the principal of this party, had always been re- garded with a jealous eye by Wentworth, but on account of his station, his uncommon worth and great popularity, he was to be treated with respect and caution even by the haughty governor. It could not but be mortifying to the compiler of the Irish articles of religion, in the late reign, to find them threatened with abolition ; and had the tem- per of the revered Usher disposed him to turbu- lence and opposition, the lord deputy might have found himself involved in much trouble and em- barrassment, so completely was Usher in posses- sion of the affections, and so great was his in- fluence with almost all the Irish clergy. To re- concile the projected reformation to those who disapproved it, it was agreed that no censure should be passed on any of the former articles, but that they should be virtually, not formally, abrogated, by the establishment of those of Eng- land. It was also determined, in respect to the canons, that they should not be received in a body, but a collection made of such as might be most acceptable and useful, to form a rule of dis- cipline for the Irish church. Both these import- ant measures were accomplished, but evidently more by the influence of the lord deputy's autho- rity, than the inclinations of the clergy, although only one member of the convocation had the man- liness to avow his dissent. These regulations of the ecclesiastical system were followed by the establishment of an high commission court, erected in Dublin after the English model, with all its odious formalities and tremendous powers. The intentions of this establishment, (observes the lord deputy to -Laud,) were to countenance the despised state of the clergy, to support the eccle- >: ■ ■ LINEN MANUFACTURE INTRODUCED. 47 siastical courts, and restrain the extortions of their officers, to annul foreign jurisdiction, to punish polygamies and adulteries, to provide for the maintenance and residence of the clergy, to in- quire into the application of pious and charitable donations, to bring the people into a conformity of religion, and in the way of all these raise j perhaps, a good revenue to the crown. The favourite, and as it would appear, the never-forgotten object of Wentworth, seems to have been to improve the revenue, and to supply the royal necessities ; and when in effecting this, we find him protecting commerce, encouraging industry, introducing ma- nufactures, we gladly award him the tribute of just praise he merits; but when the faith of a people is rendered subservient to this measure, it assumes a character at once impious and detesta- ble. There is one scheme of national good, which owes its origin to Wentworth, and which entitles him to the gratitude of Ireland, that of the intro- duction and encouragement of the linen trade. To encourage a spirit of enterprise, the deputy him- self embarked in his favourite project, even to the amount of thirty thousand pounds. The general acts of Wentworth's administration are not necessary to our design ; we shall, there- fore, not enter into them, but those who consult the history of his government, will be readily con- vinced that he seems, in some instances, to have conceived that the dignity of his administration could only be supported by exertions of authority, which betray a complete intoxication of power and greatness. In investigating and prosecuting the king's claims of land, and in other instances, many individuals were aggrieved by his impe- rious government, but justice and truth oblige us to say, that the country in general derived many advantages from his rigid administration. 48 RELIGIOUS FERVOUR. The army, which had been a heavy burden, was now rendered effective, serviceable, inoffen- sive to the peaceable, formidable to the disaffected. The revenue was unencumbered, and a surplus reserved for exigencies. The ecclesiastical esta- blishment was protected, church revenues im- proved, and able and respectable teachers pro- vided for the instruction of the people. The re- cusants being possessed of the largest portion of power and consequence, were not irritated by opposition or violence, but were restrained in their public exercises of religion, so as to preserve the authority of the government, without exciting any very serious discontents. Various great national benefits were derived, upon the whole, from the administration of this nobleman, however, in too many instances, justly unpopular. But fraught with difficulties, as the exercise of his high re- sponsibilities hitherto had been, the time was fast approaching in which Wentworth found them to increase manifold. It would carry us far beyond the limits of our design, to detail the important influences of the troubles in Scotland upon Irish politics and pre- judices, at the period we are now arrived at in our retrospect. [1639.] It must suffice to say, that the perplexities of the devoted Charles be- came, in both countries, every passing day more inextricable, that the fervour of religious zeal, the desperate obstinacy of fanaticism, were trans- mitted from Scotland to Ireland, and that although in the latter the explosion was not so dreadful, yei the mine was laid for a universal spirit of opposition, at once deliberate and strenuous, or to use the expressive observation of Wentworth, when the Scottish disturbances became known to him, and awakened his fears for Ireland, he justly apprehended " that the skirts of the great rain, ■ .r>™.«* -^--^i ■ THE SCOTS IN ULSTER. 40 if not some part of the thundering and lightning, might fall on this kingdom." The Scots settled in the northern counties, generally agreed with those of their native country in religious doctrine and discipline, and although under more controul, were in reality no less inveterate enemies to the established church; several of them had even taken the covenant, and passed secretly into Scotland, to share in the glorious cause now so happily there advanced, while the less active were persuaded, that the period was quickly arriving, when their own discipline would be established, and therefore firmly resisted the attempts made to reduce them to a conformity. These circum- stances could not but excite alarm to the lord deputy, who was perfectly aware that many indi- viduals of high station in Ireland were favourers of the puritanical cause ; nor could his sagacity fail to perceive the perilous situation of his royal master. Determined therefore to act with, if pos- sible, increased vigour and assiduity, he prescribed a new engagement to the Ulster Scots, whereby they promised allegiance to the king, submission to his commands, and expressed an abhorrence of the proceedings of their countrymen, and the abjuration of all .covenants contrary to their pre- sent oath. This test was imposed on all ages, sexes, and conditions, and the refusal of it was attended with fines and imprisonment, severely executed. Charles highly ai)proved of this and several other measures of Wentworth, but his affairs were now in such a distressful situation, that he could no longer dispense with his per- sonal assistance and counsel. He was accordingly recalled to England, being directed to commit his government to two lords justices. Vv^ent- worth had frequently besought his royal friend and master to justify him against the clamour of VOL. 11. " V l;,y^,fi^7TA'^'^v'^WW- ' ■■■ • -^•. • • - "■''*.!f!^'Jaw^i'-"v™; <• 7;«(ii!TO?- rr'-v-T -^^wssrv:' 52 PROCKKIMN(iS OK THE PAKLIAMENT. diction of the council annihilated, proclamations and acts of state declared of no authority ; every order and institution which depended on monarchy was invaded, and the prince was despoiled of all his prerogative, without the least pretext of any violence or illegality in administration. Amongst the proceedings of an assembly, which in various instances appears to have scorned the limits of its own constitutional privileges, and to have assumed a power of deciding property, and controlling the courts of law, a convenient object of arbitrary power was found in the established clergy, a body alike obnoxious to the popish and puritanical systems. Not contented with rescind- ing decrees made in favour of the clergy, and in- volving individuals of this order in vexatious diffi- culties, the house proceeded to strike at the very vitals of the religious establishment, by harassing the university. The code of laws for this insti- tution, drawn up by Laud, excluded, as may well be supposed, all non-conformists from the advan- tages and preferments ; the regulations underwent a severe parliamentary investigation ; dangers were affected to be discovered in them, that had never been experienced, and objections made, which time and experience had abundantly con- futed. In the plenitude of their power, they for- bad any elections to be made, or any leases exe- cuted in the college, until the house should give further orders therein ; and to complete the triumph over royal prerogative, the committee were empowered to inspect the old and new sta- tutes, and to make a compilation of laws from both, as they should judge necessary, for the go- vernment of the college. By this instance, among very many others, it will easily be seen, the Irish parliament was treading in the steps of the ■^jij^;' -'T-'^'y-:, - ;v •_.!!' •,; . -• ■':':■:': -i^-^r.WT/rf^^^ KXECUTIOX 01 STllAFKORD. 53 English one, and gradually undermining the ground on which the unfortunate Charles was pursuing his anxious and difficult course. After the arraignment of Strafford, and the fatal termination of his life, in the former of which his administration in Ireland bore so large a part, and the particulars so well known are unnecessary to be adverted to here, the sensation created in Ireland by that great event, produced effects, of which the transactions we have alluded to were but a very small part. The Irish forces raised by Strafford for the ser- vice of Scotland, but which upon a cessation of arms were directed to be disbanded, had long continued an useless and heavy burden to the state of Ireland, and as they were Catholics, an odious and alarming object to the English com- mons ; for as there was no money to pay the ar- rears of the soldiers, the order for disbanding them could not be executed. The repeated re- monstrances, however, of the English parliament, [1641,] obliged Charles to disband them ; but to prevent the danger of letting so many unemployed men loose upon the country, he determined to send them on foreign service, and he actually en- tered into negociations with the Spanifeh ambas- sador. Every thing was judiciously prepared for their transport, when, as if actuated by one im- pulsive spirit of opposition, the Irish committee in London, and the commission in Ireland, pro- tested against the measure. The commons of England united in the objections raised, and thus the project of freeing the country from men who might be made the instruments of rebellion, was frustrated. Nor "would the Irish parliament assent to any proposal of augmenting the standing army from three to five thousand men, a number which ff^?i^^-:^^!mm^s^^^??'W^^^ ■^W';',*S5?!t,'i!ij^'isf:j?5r:g^fP5r^#i^ 54 ALARMING PllOSPECTS. Charles deemed necessary for retaining Ireland in due obedience. In the meantime the old Irish, under the con- tinual influence of their accustomed instigators, remarked every weakness and false step of the English, and secretly resolved to take advantage of them. These ever restless feudatories, living under the perpetual vigilance of a government they hated, brooding in discontent, in all that stern elevation of soul which is reckless of human suffering, when in competition with powerful vo- y litions, ever the sport of powerful antipathies, and impetuous passions; these were the men who were prepared to act a part in any drama, how- ever horrid, which the mistaken zeal, the direful fanaticism, or the diabolic hatred of their prime movers might assign them. We shall close this period of our retrospect by stating, that the Irish committees, long anxiously expected, at length arrived, laden with proofs of favour and honour. They were the bearers of those bills for which the parliament had so repeatedly and strongly petitioned, by which the possessions of the subjects were ensured, and all their capital grievances redressed, so as to deprive the most factious of any reasonable excuse for discontent, and calculated to give entire satisfaction to those who had asserted the rights of Irish subjects with integrity and sincerity, and to open to all a fair and flattering prospect of public tranquillity and national prosperity. It was in this state of affairs that the Irish parliament adjourned. 55 CHAPTER XVI. invidious distinctions in Ireland— -Strong prejudices, just causes of them — Contrasted view of Catholics and Protes- tants — Irish easily acted upon — Roger Moore — Sketch of his disposition and character — Phelim O'Nial enters into the conspiracy — Crisis arrives — Apathy of government — Con- spiracy discovered — Conduct of lords justices— General in- surrections — Horrid cruelties committed — Supineness of the lords justices — Ormond remonstrates — Earl of Clanricarde — Unhappy situation of the king — Narrow policy of English ministers — King memorialized. Lord Dillon the bearer — Lords justices endeavour to counteract it — And succeed — Rebel leaders profit by the circumstance — Sir Charles Coote. Rebellion extends to the pale — Moore intrigues with Lord Gormanston — He joins the conspiracy-^D ublin threa tcned with siege — Manifestoes circulated — Rebellion extends — Modera- tion of many Roman Catholic ecclesiastics — Legal conviction of rebels — Mercenary spirit of the lords justices — Mac Mahon — His confession — Sir John Read put to the rack — Patrick Barewal endures the torture — Insinuations against the king Indignant feelings of Charles — He resolves to pass over to Ireland — Alarm of the lords justices — King not permitted to go — Disappointment of the pale — Lord Gormanston dies of grief — His associates disperse — Rebel forces defeated by Ormond — Lady Offaly — Her spirited conduct — Distresses of the army — Irish parliam£nt sits during three days only — Ar- rival of Otoen CNial — His character — 7s declared leader of the northern confederacy — Scotch troops arrive — Injudicious severity of parliament — Succours to the rebels sent from Dun- kirk — English alarmed — Synod of Catholic clergy — Its de- crees — Lord Mountgarret chosen president — General meeting at Kilkenny — Its imposing appearance — Death of Roger Moore — Earl of Castlehaven unites with the assembly — Clanricarde refuses — Policy of the lords justices — Loyalist oncers address the king — Noble spirit of Ormond — A treaty proposed with the council of Kilkenny — Delicacy of it — The council make conditions — They are rejected by Ormond — Peter Scarampi minister from the pope — His reception by the old Irish — Articles of treaty agreed upon — Ratified by pro- clamation — Received with discontent and clamour. ^^fT. 56 NORTHERN SETTLEMENTS. It has been justly observed^ " There is a state of public feeling, that although veiled in the silence of brooding reserve, yet contains a mine of resistance which the faintest spark may kindle into inex- tinguishable explosion." Ireland alas exemplified the truth of this observation' at the period we are now about to consider. The fair prospect with which we closed our preceding chapter, was quickly overcast by clouds so awful, that our spirit sinks when we recollect that the scorching lightnings which proceeded from them, were no appalling illusions of the fancy, but realities ter- ribly pressed upon the senses by the fearful de- vastations they produced. We have seen that the ardent desire and professed object of James in forming his Irish settlements, was to unite the inhabitants of Ireland, and to banish all those odious distinctions which had been the fruitful source of jealousy and anarchy. Unfortunately, however, the same generous policy did not ani- mate the breasts of his ministers and their suc- cessors. By them invidious distinctions were still made, as the recent adventurers and servants of the crown appeared virtually to be esteemed as the only loyal and affectionate subjects. While all others were deemed disaffected and dangerous, and treated accordingly. These latter, spirited, proud, and smarting under a sense of injustice, felt themselves insulted, and although circumstanced so as not to possess the power of resistance, yet the very restraint added ardour to the desire and gave more bitterness to their resentments. In forming and organizing those plantations, we have already stated that in various instances the pride and the prejudices of the old natives were necessarily invaded, and that advantageous as was the prospect of civilization which they opened, yet many preferred their ancient barbarous cum- ::^s?^-^^*- THE IIOMISH CLEllGV. 57 munity to the more secure but narrower posses- sions assigned them by the plan of James. The fraud and circumvention of artful mmisters and self interested agents were not only irritating to such individuals, but the insincerity evmced re- specting the graces and the severity of the go- vernment at the period when they were purchased, aroused every dormant principle of opposition, and fixed deeper in the breast those pernicious prejudices which were so powerfully operative against every thing English. To so many estranging principles, we must add those so strong in themselves, and so tending to add vigour to every other with which they connect themselves, religious animosities and pre- possessions. With all the obstinacy niarking a sectarian spirit, the largest proportion of Irish in- habitants were devoted to popery, regarding pro- testantism with double hatred, because it was the religion of their oppressors, who had coupled their mode of faith with odious disqualifications, and punished it with penal statutes. The tenets of the Catholic religion gave the Romish clergy the most unbounded influence over the minds of the most enlightened of their flock, and the multitude were governed, and could be directed at will. It is unnecessary to dwell upon the spirit of those ecclesiastics who educated in foreign seminaries in all the dangerous spiritual and political dogmas of their religion, brought them all into pernicious action among th0 irritated Irish, as they are well known to change the very nature and essential ditFerences of vice and virtue to sanctify rebellion and to absolve man from his allegiance to his God and his king. Ecclesiastics possessing and triumphing in this dangerous spirit, erected a spiritual jurisdiction in the combustible soil of Ireland. The state .■^j^lffrFST^"- ■",- .^.■- - .■> . - ,..\- ■. • , :* ^"./ '. • ■- .' - ^i--.-':> •-..•.-I- • ■■9:'T'>jr^W'.Z-K:^^Ti »■ 58 IRISH AND SCOTTISH MALCONTENTS. eonnived at the private exercise of their devotions, and religious rites. But this indulgence was of little avail to men who had been accustomed to the ostentatious pomp of their ritual in foreign countries, who had witnessed the grandeur of foreign prelates, the reverence paid to their order, their noble endowments, their ample revenues, their unbounded influence. They formed the humiliating contrast of their own situation, ful- filling by sufferance and connivance their sacer- dotal duties in secrecy and disguise ; and pos- sessing only a scanty and dependent subsistence surrounded by heretics, enjoying those advantages which should be theirs. They were bound by the principles of their faith to use all endeavours to extend the empire of the holy see, to assert the popes universal monarchy, civil and spiritual, and every means to attain these pious ends, were deemed not only profitable, but meritorious. To support, to strengthen, and to extend the power- ful system of priestly domination in Ireland, there appeared no other way than that of arms and in- surrection, and the elements of these were laid in the character, the affections, the oppressions of the people. Proud, querulous, impetuous, dis- daining any profession but that of arms, the old Irish were easily roused to any desperate at- tempt which gave an opportunity for the deve- lopement of those deep seated feelings which rankled in their souls. « While the passions of the Irish were thus vio- lently agitated, the Scots threw off their depen- dence on the crown of England, and roused all the emulation of the Irish, who felt even a self degradation in having been anticipated in what they deemed a noble struggle for their liberties, civil and religious. Circumstances, the Irish thought, subjected as they were to far greater F?3!!^«^^|^^lip:^f5f^fp^^pp3ii ROGER MOORE. s& oppressions thsui the Scots had been, demanded the same noble and perilosis duty of thena. The recollections of their ancient grandeur, their hopes for the future in the land of their birth, every thing around them, and within them, summoned them to the assertion of their rights, and roused in each heart thoughts of patriotic affection and honour, while they were animated by a determi- nation holy and terrible, and all the forces of the soul were directed to one great end, that of eman- cipation from a thraldom no longer endurable. Such were the sentiments which the popish emis- saries assiduously cultivated, and kept alive as instrumental to their own self interested policy, and a fit agent was soon found to explode the mine they had extensively and deeply laid. Roger Moore was the head of a once powerful family in Leinster. His ancestors, during the reign of Mary, had been expelled from their princely possessions by violence and fraud, and their sept harassed, and nearly extirpated by military execution. An hereditary hatred of the English had thus most naturally been infused into the scattered and reduced remnants of the family, and had been manifested in various instances by them. Nurtured in the noxious atmosphere of these revengeful and irritated feelings, the re- sentment of Roger was deep seated and deter- mined. The elements of all that was noble and generous were in the soul of Roger. It remained for circumstances to bring them into action, and give them direction. Brooding on the sufferings of his ancestors, sinking under his own difficulties and narrow resources, and continually a witness of his rightful inheritance as he considered it, possessed by strangers rioting in the spoils of his family, and possessing that nervous temperament which peculiarly clings to the consolations of ;;sn?^'W^7y»ip;g>^Wti^fl^?^f;^yrri.- --.-.■<-•_ - . '*,'.,-"i^r.--'- Kr',j^^-''r-w /.-w'r-^^7i;,'.."!TH--'? t. .1 ■ ■ ■■ , .^ '. -!.;i--.- ...i.";™ 60 Ills FUIENDSHIP NVITH o'nIAL. religion, as a refuge from constantly pressing evils, it can be no subject of conjecture to which point the affections and the passions of Roger Moore would be directed. Deeply concentrated within his own soul, however, were the thoughts and designs which agitated it. His conduct was cautious and deliberate, for he possessed judg- ment, penetration, and a refinement of manners which far advanced him beyond the period in which he lived. Some part of his youth had been past on the continent, by which his manners were polished, but where his hatred of the Eng- lish power was confirmed by the intercourse he there held with his exiled countrymen. In par- ticular while on a visit to the Spanish capital, he attached himself to the son of the rebel chieftain Tirowen, who had obtained a regiment, and was greatly caressed at the Spanish court. The vic- tims of what they regarded a similar oppression, a community of feeling and of interests drew these high souled Irishmen together in the strictest bond of amity. Together they expatiated on the wrongs of their forefathers, on their noble efforts in the cause of religion and their country, and together theyf dwelt on the hopes of still reviving by their self devotion to the cause, the ancient splendour of their families. With such men, in such a place, an aversion to that power which had subverted all they deemed sacred in their country, was heroic patri- otism ; the spirit of Moore was fired, the powerful impulse was given ; he had arrived at the point of enthusiasm when self is annihilated, no antici- pated perils daunted him, he had offered himself a sacrifice to his country's wrongs, no regret, no hesitation now intruded themselves into his reso- lutions, his heart became absorbed entirely in its object, and he had literally separated himself ixom r^^T' "^ ■■■''P^r^fw'W HIS SECRKT PI10CEEDIN(JS. 61 himself as an oflfering to his country, unmindful of life and all that endeared it, could he but effect the restoration of his brethren, to the privileges of their father's land. These sentiments, it will be imagined, were applauded by his brave com- panion and friend, they separated with mutual emotion, and Moore returned to Ireland with his mind wholly engaged by the bold design he had formed. From the moment that the idea of ex- pelling the English and establishing the indepen- dence of his country first dawned on the mind of Moore, he judiciously endeavoured to conciliate the esteem and affection of the native Irish. He was in every way remarkably qualified to effect his wishes on this point. His address was cour- teous and insinuating, he possessed a quick dis- cernment of character, a pliancy of adapting him- self, to their sentiments and passions rendered irresistibly pleasing by a remarkable gracefulness of person and dignity of aspect and demeanor. Fas- cinated with these exterior graces and moral qualifications, the old Irish beheld the gallant representative of one of their most distinguished families, with feelings of rapture and affection amounting to enthusiasm, they regarded him as their glory and their protection, they celebrated him in their songs, and it even became a pro- verbial expression, that their dependence was upon God, our lady, and Roger Moore ! Moore secretly went from chieftain to chieftain, and adapting himself to each according to the pre- dominant bias of the mind, or their peculiar causes of hatred to the English, he roused up every latent spirit of discontent and resentment. He maintained a close correspondence with Lord Macguire, and Sir Phelim O'Nial the most pow- erful of the old Irish. By his insinuating con- versation, by letters, by his emissaries, he repre- *^^ r*^ '^ '.''<■ / ' -^' '■ ■ ^ T- .^'i v-.'^iri"^ ■':".;'■'> ^^ •'••""•; ■-:»:r,. ;-.•»:; */,((■ 62 PLAN OF INSURRECTION. sented to his countrymen the motives of a revolt, intimating that such a revolt tending only to vin- dicate their native liberty against the violence of foreign invaders, could never at any time be deemed rebellion. By such arguments, Moore engaged all the chiefs of the native Irish into the conspiracy. The plan formed was that Sir Phelim O'Nial and others should begin the insurrection in one day throughout the provinces, at the same . time Lord Macguire and Moore were to surprise the castle at Dublin. The commencement of the revolt was fixed for the beginning of winter, that there might be the less facility in transporting the forces from England. To quicken the resolutions, and animate these hopes of the conspirators, there now arrived an emissary from the Earl of Tirowen in Spain, (as he was there called by that title,) with assurances to all of his name and kin- dred, of arms, money, and ammunition, from Cardinal Richelieu, with instructions to hold them- selves in readiness for an insurrection. This emissary was in return directed to inform the earl, of the period fixed for revolt, and to desire the arrival of all the succours by the period named ; and to such a height was their enthusiasm now exalted, that even the rumour of the death of the brave young Tirowen, the beloved friend of Moore, did not damp their zeal. The messenger was instructed, that if the report were confirmed, he should address himself to another of the same family, then in the Low Countries, Colonel Owen O'Nial, acquaint him with the plan, request his aid and direction, and particularly that he would exert his interest with Richelieu, and secure his promised succours. The spirits of the malcontents were raised by intelligence, real or feigned, of terrible proclama- Kj««iw«siSw^r3!«sw^^ ■ "^r^^f^^fWw^^WWWWpK SIR PHELIM o'nIAL. G3 tions issued against the Catholics of England, and the-''j'^\%yr*::'r^.,^ C4 PUUPOSKD ATTACK ON DUBLIN. imagination with visions of exchanging his present poverty, and comparative obscurity, for the riches and power annexed to his title in old times. Ac- cordingly he entered fully into the design, cor- responded with Owen O'Nial, listened to his assurances of foreign succours, and under the pretence of levying forces for the King of Spain, he collected the indigent, the profligate, the bar- barous, the violent, and the discontented, and kept them in readiness for the purposes of his col- leagues and himself. Roger Moore, secretly ex- ulting in the progress of that conflagration which he had lighted up, had hitherto kept himself in reserve, employing Macguire as his agent, to or- ganize the conspiracy. But the hesitation and defection of some of the conspirators obliged him to come forward with his commanding and insi- nuating powers, to prevent its being extinguished in the commencement. He prevailed ; the con- spiracy was revived, and the order and method of procedure was duly regulated. The day was fixed for surprising the castle of Dublin, which, by an unaccountable carelessness of government, was guarded only by fifty men, though contain- ing arms for ten thousand men, and thirty-five pieces of cannon. Moore undertook this primary enterprise, while O'Nial agreed to conduct the northern insurrection. Two hundred men were to be employed in the attempt against the castle. That their entrance into Dublin might create no suspicion, they were represented as intended for Spain. The general rising was to take place at the same time. Such were the schemes, the prospects, and motives of these misguided . men ; and there is every historical evidence, to prove that their design extended to the subversion of the late establishments of property, the restoring to the Irish what they had lost by the rebellions n Irf^'f ■'?^*f%^''T^^^''-^'^W^^i^- V SUPINENESS OF GOVERNMENT. 65 of their ancestors, or the decisions of law, and the re-establishment of the Romish religion in all the splendour and power of its hierarchy. But the conspirators by no means rested even in this extensive plan. Their imaginations pro- jected a far more glorious work, even the subju- gation of England, the re-establishment of the papal power in that kingdom, which once effected, they meant to assist Spain, and with them chastise the rebellious Hollanders. These extravagancies are said to have gained possession of the Romish clergy, a considerable meeting of whom, with some laymen, took place, just previous to the pe- riod fixed for the revolt, in the abbey of Multi- fernan, county Westmeath, where with the arro- gance, presumption, and vanity, which are the usual concomitants of ignorance and inexperience, when engaged in any factious purpose, they con- sulted, as if already masters of the kingdom. But if the clergy indulged such hopes of the suc- cess of the conspiracy, . the leaders were more cautious and solicitous. The day quickly approached which was to prove their fatal purpose. Secret rumours had transpired of a disposition to revolt, but with a supineness and apathy, which almost seemed to indicate connivance, the lords justices took no warning by them, and the Earl of Leicester, whom the king had appointed lieutenant, remained in London. AH seemed to slumber in profound repose on the brink of destruction. It was not till the eve of the day fixed for the revolt, that they were roused from their security ; the con- spirators but waited the hour of execution. Mac- guire and Moore were already in Dublin, with a numerous band of their partisans, others were expected momentarily ; and the following morn- ing they were to undertake what they esteemed VOL. II. F 1 * 66 THE CONSPIRACY DISCLOSED. an easy enterprise, the surprisal of the castle, when O'Conolly, an Irishman, but a Protestant, to whom Mac Mahon had unaccountably divulged the whole conspiracy, on a presumption of his secretly being favourable to the cause, betrayed the whole to Sir William Parsons, one of the lords justices. The justices and council fled for refuge to the castle, and reinforced the guards. All was commotion and alarm throughout the city; Macguire was taken in his concealment, Moore escaped ; Mac Mahon was seized, and after some hesitation freely confessed the design in which he had engaged, boasted that the in- surrection of that day was too mighty and too general to be subdued, and expressed his satis- faction that although he had fallen into the power of his enemies, his death would be severely re- venged. Alas ! he spoke but too true. Although the castle was saved from surprise by the dis- closure of O'Conolly, it came too late to arrest the general insurrection ; the plans had been too well and too deeply laid. O'Nial and his confederates had already taken arms in Ulster. The Irish, every where mingled with the English, needed but a hint from their leaders and priests, to begin hostilities against a people whom they hated on account of their re- ligion, and envied for their prosperity, derived, as they thought, from their property. In the meantime, measures to secure the peace and security of the capital were formed, and in- telligence sent to England of the events ; O'Co- nolly being the bearer of a letter to the Earl of Leicester. This letter was closed by a postcript, signed by Sir William Parsons, recommending O'Conolly as a person, who by his faith and loy- alty had deserved such a mark of royal bounty, as might extend to him and his posterity. ^i?'!^.-^ ■•^^'??^' A^sypr "^^r^i^jp-^l^^^ A»? - THE REBELLION COMMENCED. G7 The operations of the conspirators had been so well concerted, and their design concealed, that faithful to their engagements they rose simul- taneously in different quarters. O'Nial led the way, by surprising the castle of Charlemont; Lord Caulfield, a brave officer, grown old in the royal service, was governor of this fort, and lived in the exercise of generous hospitality, in unsus- pecting confidence with his Irish neighbours. O'Nial invited himself to sup with this brave officer ; he and his followers were received with that cordial welcome which ever distinguished the noble hearted soldier. While in the enjoy- ment of it, a signal was given by the treacherous O'Nial, the whole family were seized, the garrison were made prisoners, and the castle was pillaged ! Thus they continued their devastating course, possessing themselves in their progress of a con- siderable quantity of arms and ammunition. The popish inhabitants were every where summoned to arms, and commanded to maintain the honour of their religion ; and such was the success, that in the short space of eight days, the rebels were absolute masters of the entire counties of Tyrone, Monaghan, Langford, Leitrim, Fermanagh, Cavan, Donnegal, and Derry, together with parts of Armagh and Downe. Through the whole open country of these dictricts, the English inhabitants became the victims of a ruthless enemy ; driven from their habitations, naked, destitute, exposed to the rigour of an inclement season ; fainting and dying in the public ways, or crawling to some place of refuge, overwhelmed with fear, or ex- piring of famine. Many were also confined in prison, in perpetual fear of death, although indis- criminate massacre was not yet committed. The English were the objects pointed out to vengeance and detestation, the Scottish planters being left F 2 ■ ' ^ m 68 RELIGIOUS FURY. unmolested. The measures of a puritanic go- vernment were the theme of unceasing complaint, to keep alive or to excite the hatred of their fol- lowers, whose ignorance was easily led to believe, that it was the intention of government to extir- pate the Romish religion from Ireland. Such suggestions gave fresh impulse to the fury of the Irish. They vowed not to leave an Englishman in the country, and uttered the most horrid threats against the king and his family. Many were seduced by a shameful imposture to join the re- volters. The leader O'Nial having found at Charle- mont a royal patent, tore off the seal, and affixed it to a commission which he had forged himself, by which he made it appear, that he had his authority from the king and queen for the insur- rection, affirming that the cause of assuming arms was to vindicate the royal prerogative, now in- vaded by a puritanical parliament. Amidst all the enormities which spread through the devoted country, and the miseries, from which the imagination recoils in horror, the sacred name of religion resounded, not with its still small voice of mercy, but as a furious zealot, to steel the heart against every human sympathy. The English, as heretics, were abhorred of God, and justly detestable to all holy men. It was meritorious to rid the world of these enemies to all that was good. " Nature," says Hume, *' in that rude people sufficiently inclined to atrocious deeds, was sti- mulated now by precept, and national prejudices empoisoned by those aversions, more deadly and incurable, which arose from an enraged super- stition. While death closed the sufferings of each victim, the bigoted assassins with joy and exulta- tion still echoed in his expiring ears, that these agonies were but the commencement of torments • ^XBa^#'«6«^«i^W«P7^- '^ ■- i^ilPWW^-^ y^-' '■■ ---';;; --J>'^^:f^»TS!W^~' CONDUCT OF THE GOVERNMENT. 69 infinite and eternal." We cannot enter into the terrible detail of the barbarities which marked a revolt memorable in the annals of human kind, and most vyrorthy to be held in eternal abhorrence ignominious remembrances are they of that in- tolerant frenzy, which we trust will never again be called into action. There is little doubt, formidable as the insur- rection was, but it might have been quelled, had the lords justices acted with spirit and firmness ; but their supineness evidently was the effect of some self-interested cause, which did not clearly appear, having its origin in the spirit of the party. Many scrupled not to insinuate, that the coldness and reserve of the governors was the effect of di- rections received from the reigning factions in England. The justices seemed, by their conduct, rather to wish to foment the rebellion, with a view of profiting by the multiplied forfeitures, therefore instead of taking active steps to allay its far spreading fury, they contented themselves with providing for their own present security, and that of the capital. The Earl of Ormond, general of the forces, remonstrated warmly against such timid, base, and interested counsels, but was most unwillingly obliged to submit to authority. The general tenor of the conduct of those who held the government at this most critical juncture, was so obstinately opposed to every thing which was patriotic, in such direct contradiction to the sentiments of the wisest and most moderate of all parties in the kingdom, that the results can occa- sion no surprise. Among the many instances which might be adduced of the aversion of the lords justices to suppress the rebellion, at least, by any resources which Ireland might offer, was the neglect which was paid to the virtuous Earl of Clanricarde and St. Albans, the most powerful •.' "51 70 EARL OF CLANRICARDE's EFFORTS. friend to government in the western province. With the old inhabitants he enjoyed the confidence of a chieftain, with the English, the reverence and dignity of a distinguished nobleman, equally eminent by his illustrious connexions, his favour with the king, but more especially by his own excellent and exalted endowments. On the first rise of the rebellion, he was resident at his Irish tnansion of Portumna, and exerted himself with especial zeal to preserve the peace of his own county, Gal way, and of the neighbouring districts. He raised troops, strengthened the fort of Galway, made a progress through the country, dissipated the apprehensions of the people, inspected every port, encouraged the loyal, terrified the disaffected, and, in short, evinced in every act the most per- fect honour and loyalty. But with all his zeal and activity, with all the exalted qualities which form a true patriot, the Earl of Clanricarde was hated and suspected by the state, for he was a Catholic. Every assistance was denied him, and every occasion seized to mortify and disgust him. The lords justices, and their puritanic adhe- rents, were the more encouraged to reject the assistance of all who were not of their party, by the assurances of support they received from England. In short, the English parliament had made the Irish rebellion subservient to their own purposes, consequently the government of Ireland was completely subjected to their will. Fifteen years of continual contest between the unhappy Charles and his people, had reduced both to a state lamentable and critical. The po- pular leaders had triumphed over their monarch, and they now pleaded the necessity of securing the subject, not only by circumscribing, but abolishing the royal authority. The enthusiastic passion for the presbyterian discipline, diffused jSP"".* ■«^:; PREJUDICE AGAINST CHARLES I. 71 itseM" through every grade of society, mingled with all their concerns, and had an especial and powerful influence on their political pursuits and opinions. The king, who from inclination, as well as a sense of duty, supported the hierarchy, therefore became the object of the resentment and hatred of those who detested every mode dissimilar to their own. Charles had unhappily fallen into such a situation with the people it was his lot to govern, that whichsoever side he em- braced he must be endangered. The religious abhorrence of the hierarchy which prevailed, was augmented by the favour it received from the royal authority, while every device was resorted to, to confirm and inflame the suspicions enter- tained of the king s sentiments. A virulent ab- horrence of popery, apprehension of popish agents and their deep designs, were the general themes of popular declamation. At the period when every art was used to pre- judice the popular mind against the king, the in- telligence was received of a popish rebellion in Ireland. It was eagerly seized on as a confirma- tion of every assertion, industriously spread abroad with every exaggeration. The peculiar guilt of Catholic individuals was attributed to the whole as a body, and the people, ever accustomed to identify the prelatical with the popish party, were very easily persuaded, that this horrid insur- rection was the result of their united intrigue ; they were told that the Irish rebels pleaded the king s commission for their violences ; bigoted, malignant, and credulous, they listened to the calumnious tale, and loaded the already heavily oppressed monarch with the whole enormity ; even the more candid and considerate, although they could not credit that the king would sanction such acts, yet believed (so universal was the pre- n 72 DESIGNS OF ENGLISH PARLIAMENT. judice against him) that the discontents of* the Irish had been rather encouraged by him, in order to find the parliament employment, and to divert them from their too evident designs against his power. With such impressions, they saw danger in every proposition made by Charles for suppress- ing the rebellion. His solicitude for his Irish subjects was converted by the jealousy or the art of his enemies, into an insidious scheme of ex- hausting England of its arms and treasure, and of involving the parliament in an embarrassing and expensive war. It was no new thing for the commons to encroach on the executive power ; in regard to Ireland, they now at once assumed it, artfully grounding that as- sumption upon an expression of the king, whereby he had recommended to them the care of that kingdom. Having laid deeply their project for further innovations, the leaders now made their operations with respect to Ireland subservient to the great design they meditated, to establish their power. They affected the greatest zeal against the Irish insurgents, but they served only as a pretence for securing to themselves a superiority in those commotions which they anticipated in England. Had they any point to gain, the Irish rebellion was a ready plea and instrument for their purposes. If opposed in any design, it was imputed to the influence of the malignant party, encouraged by the rebellion in Ireland ; if recu- sants were to be seized, if they were to continue guards about the house of commons, the Irish rebellion justified the measures. It was the con- stant burden of every petition for new-modelling religion, for subverting episcopacy, for guarding against papists and their adherents, and, in short, for every act of the parliament. Believing that at any time they could suppress the rebellion in • ■'"w* y* -^r'7,^:\'^«".v»-*irrxT*.'^^r. ..',-,* ^^ - ■ -.. ir*iv>/"^ ?-^TP5Sfsr INFLUENCE OF PARTY SPIRIT. 73 Ireland, they determined not to relinquish, by too hasty measures in doing so, the advantage it afforded them in their intended encroachments on the royal prerogative. Whatever law or act they deemed necessary to effect the purposes of their own ambition, was voted under the colour of enabling them to recover Ireland ; and if the king withheld his consent, the refusal was instantly imputed to those pernicious counsels and opinions, which had at first excited the rebellion, and still threatened destruction to the protestant interest throughout his dominions. And such was the bias of the public mind against the church and the Catholics, that' although no forces were for a long time sent to Ireland, and little aid given to the distress there existing, yet fault was never imputed to those pious popular leaders, whose votes breathed nothing but destruction to the Irish rebels. We have thus found it necessary to glance at the intriguing motives of the English popular leaders, as it at once explains the conduct of the heads of the Irish government. Indeed English and Irish politics were become so intimately con- nected, that to understand the machinery of one, the other must be at least superficially examined. Guided as they were by their faction in England, the lords justices waited supinely within the walls of the capital, in expectation, they said, of sup- plies from England, while the flame of insurrec- tion continued to extend itself, and many who had both the spirit and the loyalty to arrest its exterminating course, could neither obtain arms nor men to effect their wishes. Things continued in this state of suspense and mcreasing danger, when a considerable party well affected to the royal cause, fully sensible that the insurrection, however unwarrantable, had ■i 74 UNSUCCESSFUL MISSION OF DILLON. not been entirely unprovoked, and convinced that it might be suppressed by a judicious exertion of that force which even Ireland could supply, re- solved to address the king without the interven- tion of the chief governors, whom they both sus- pected and despised. Lord Dillon was made the bearer of the memorial to the king. It contained just complaints against the conduct of the lords justices, and recommended that the Earl of Ormond should be substituted in their place, as a measure most effectual to allay the ferment of the nation, and to suppress the rebellion without assistance from England. Alarmed at this design, the crafty and mercenary Parsons, with his pliant colleague, devised means to counteract it. They instantly dispatched an agent to the leaders of the house of commons, and in a private letter to the Earl of Leicester, signed only by themselves and their junto, they declared they could not depend upon any other members of the council ; they desired no attention to be paid /o the representations of Lord Dillon, that the Irish were insufficient to re- press the rebels, a work, they said, only to be effected by English forces. The mercenary spi- rit of these unworthy statesmen was sufficiently shown by their remark, that whatever expense the English government might incur by an arma- ment, would be fully repaid by the increase of re- venue, arising from the forfeited estates of those who were actors in the present mischiefs. These representations were fatal to the embassy of Lord Dillon; he, with his companion. Lord Taafe, was arrested at Ware, by order of the house of commons, his papers taken from him and industriously suppressed. They were com- mitted to custody, till it was no longer of conse- quence to detain them, when, being negligently guarded, they effected their escape. They has- ■:^.---^^^'!W% CONFIDENCE OF THE IRISH. 75 tened to the king at York, but were .too late to offer their propositions. In the meantime, the rebel leaders quickly dis- cerned the advantages they derived from these circumstances. Moore, the great agent and di- rector of the rebels, redoubled his assiduity ; he desired his followers to discard all national dis- tinctions, and to rest the whole merit of their cause on the civil and religious rights of the king's subjects in Ireland, which could only be defended against their numerous enemies by force of arms. ]He forcibly pointed out the danger more espe- cially that threatened their religion; the viru- lence expressed against popery by the English parliament, their sanguinary prosecution of popish ecclesiastics, their passionate declarations against any tolerance of popish errors, their denunciations against the Catholic communion, their menaces of persecution and extirpation ; these and every argument to keep alive the spirit of resentment, were made use of with all the characteristic in- sinuation of the misguided Moore, who now dig- nified his followers with the title of the Catholic army, and published an oath of association, to be taken by all insurgents, purposely calculated to possess the nation with favourable sentiments of their motives, their cause, and their pursuits. The shameful timidity of the chief governors, the delay of English succours were alike encouraging to the daring rebels. They invested the castle of Wicklow, and the lords justices were hence com- pelled to some resistance. For this purpose they employed Sir Charles Coote, who was a soldier of fortune, trained in the wars of Elizabeth. Mo- rose, insolent, and cruel in character, and further irritated by the ravages made on his estates, he had imbibed the most illiberal and inveterate prejudices against the Irish. He executed his T^" m^ii^r- 76 REVOLT OF THE PALE. present commission therefore under the full in- fluence of all these prejudices, repelled the Irish to their mountains, and in revenge of the depre- dations he had suffered, committed such ruthless, unprovoked and indiscriminate carnage in the town, as rivalled the utmost enormities of the northern rebels. This wanton cruelty did but exasperate the desperate, and provoke them to severe retaliation. Hitherto, the rebellion however formidable, was limited to the province of Ulster, and some few other counties, and confined wholly to the Irish as the actors. A more alarming and extensive scene now opened by the defection of the English pale. Although the inhabitants of this district had not entirely approved the assuming arms, they had their prejudices and their discontents. The lords justices regarded them with a suspicion, (they took no care to conceal,) as Irishmen; with abhorrence, as Romanists ; they had granted them arms in the most ungracious manner when required for self defence, while the recal of them was humiliating and provoking. To determine them to arms, little more was required than to in- flame the resentment which was brooding, and for this purpose Roger Moore was a fit agent. He accordingly addressed himself to Lord Gorman - ston, who not only possessed great power and influence, but was acquainted with the first con- spiracy. Moore was never at a loss to give a fair and captivating aspect to any cause he advo- cated. With deep insinuating art he brought into view all the subjects of grievance which pressed upon the Catholics, the increasing power of the puritanic faction in England and Ireland, their inveteracy against all Catholics, and the imminent danger of some sanguinary scheme being devised to extirpate all of the communion. /•^i LORD GORMANSTON's DEFECTION. 77 With well affected disdain he dwelt upon the in- solence of the lords justices, and roused the pride of his hearer by intimating the scorn with which they regarded the old nobility of Ireland. He expatiated with all the warmth of patriot feeling on the justice, the glory, the absolute necessity of rising in defence of the crown and the rights of the people. In short, he left no argument un- tried to influence the mind of his noble auditor, although he lamentably forgot the important maxim, " not to do evil that good may come.'* A remembrance of it was not to be expected from an enthusiast, a bigoted aud irritated Catholic, whose conscience, if it whispered aught unplea- sant in the overt act, was easily quieted by the private absolution, or the promised penance. The representations of the ardent Moore thus urgently enforced, failed not in making the impression he wished, and with Lord Gormanston, the inhabi- tants of the pale might justly be deemed brought over to the cause. The interests of religion were found more prevalent over them, than regard or duty to their father land. Lord Gormanston was chosen their leader, and uniting themselves with the old Irish, they even exceeded them in acts of violence towards the Protestants. Besides various smaller bodies dis- persed over the kingdom, the principal army of the rebels amounted to twenty thousand men, and Dublin was threatened with an immediate siege. The Catholic lords having thus renounced the authority of government, and determined to recur to arms in honour of their religion, prepared an apology for their revolt to be transmitted to the king, which of course contained an enume- ration of grievances as a justification of their defection. They deigned not, however, to march under the standard of the Ulster Irish, but levied W^^:- 78 DECLARATIONS BY THE REVOLTERS. troops and chose their own commanders. The lords justices in their dispatches to Leicester, expressed the utmost contempt of this defection of the lords of the pale, but however they affected to despise the circumstance as one of no moment, it was really important. No evidence of zeal was it is true manifested, no excesses committed, but by apparent temper, moderation and dignity of conduct, by fair declarations of loyalty, by their zeal for the redress of grievances, they made a powerful impression on all the Catholics of Ire- land. Manifestoes were sent to all the trading towns and seaports. These chiefly dwelt on the dangerous conjunction of the Irish governors with the popular party in England, and the terrible scheme of extirpation devised against all those who should refuse to abandon the Romish com- munion. All indiscreet and virulent expressions emanating from the government, were industri- ously propagated and commented upon, and suc- ceeded in making a strong impression upon those whose remoteness of situation precluded the ex- amination of reports or detection of their falsity. The contagion of rebellion thus was spread far and wide, and the usual violences, cruelties, and enormities followed the steps of fanaticism, and misdirected passion. It is but justice to say that if many popish ecclesiastics instigated by their horrid doctrines and persuasions to blood and massacre, others were known equally zealous to moderate the excesses of their misguided votaries, many not only protected the miserable English from fanatic fury, but also concealed them be- neath the sanctuary of their altars, from that vengeance which pursued them from every quar- ter. Inevitable and total ruin must have ensued from this cruel contest, had it not yet been, that although the Irish had received military discipline ifji:-T< '..*■, ■• .■:'■■:;: f- ■■>•;,;,-; :_.'r- ^r»^-,-,'' -..- . . ,::•:-.* ,f -'^r^ic: • SPECULATION AS TO FORFEITURES. 79 from foreigners, and in foreign service are notex celled by any troops, yet they in their own country have never been able to make a vigorous and effectual effort for the defence or recovery of their liberties. Hence, in many encounters, the Eng- lish under different commanders had, though un- der the greatest disadvantages of situation and numbers, put the Irish to the rout. The lords justices in the meantime were engaged in a far more interesting manner to them than any thing that concerned the country alone, viz. the legal conviction of the individuals engaged in the insur- rection, a measure previously necessary to the forfeiture of their estates. These extensive for- feitures were the chief object of these mercenary statesmen and their friends ; and in order to en- sure the advantages they anticipated from this source, the commons of England had very early petitioned that the king would not alienate any of the exacted lands that might accrue to the crown from the Irish rebellion. They had, in furtherance of their object, lately proceeded in a scheme for raising money from the lands thus ex- pected to escheate. A bill was framed for re- paying those who should advance certain sums for repressing of the rebels, (as was pretended,) by vesting them with proportional estates in Ireland, on terms highly advantageous to a new English plantation. Thus literally the devoted country was sold to the highest bidders. It was natural that the malcontents should be exasperated by this scheme, but it was not on this account less acceptable to those it tempted. Much as Charles regretted the consequences, he could not but foresee that he was reduced to the humiliating ne- necessity of submission, and was obliged to con- sent to a bill which augmented the strength of his enemies. The administration of Ireland im- 80 TORTURE INFLICTED. plicitly yielding to the direction of their English guides, proceeded indefatigably in procuring in- dictments, not only against open rebels, but those whose conduct had been in the smallest^ degree suspicious. The fury of their prosecutions falling principally upon the gentlemen of the pale, de- siring if possible to involve the principal families of the district so named in the guilt of first con- triving and concerting the insurrection. With this view they inhumanly determined to supply the deficiency of legal evidence by putting some prisoners to the torture. They began with Mac Mahon, who had been seized on the information of O'ConoUy. The point they wanted to establish was the king's having granted a commission for the insurrection, but torture could elicit nothing from their victim essential to their purpose, ** He had been told that application was to be made to the king for a commission, he had been promised that such a commission should be produced, but he had never seen any commission.'' Such was the substance of his answers. Sir John Read was next subjected to the horrid ordeal of fidelity. He had been chosen by the inhabitants of the pale on their taking arms to be the bearer of their justification to the king, but had been treacherously seized and imprisoned, his letters taken from him and carefully sup- pressed, and now he was importuned on the rack with interrogations tending to make him criminate his royal master. But Sir John Restti was nobly firm, and disappointed his malicious torturers. They were not however yet discouraged. Patrick Barewal was their next victim, venerable in age, respectable in character. His only guilt, that he had attended the meeting at the Hill of Crofty, and had been appointed by the insurgents to a command. But he had never acted or united -vi-fUW-^^--' ■ ■■^":^m'M^'w~^''^W^ ' ' "sW^'^'^^.'-'^i^^W^^ INTENTIONS OF CHARLES I. 81 with the rebels. He endured the torture with so steady an avowal of his innocence, and such abun- dant evidence was offered in his favour that the justices were almost put to shame for their cruelty. In order to make some amends to their wretched victim, he was permitted to reside in Dublin, and his estate was protected from the general havoc. Unable in this way to criminate the king, the popular partisans determined to derive some ad- vantages from them, by plausibly spreading ru- mours abroad that the examination of the prisoners contained intelligence of great moment, highly reflecting on the king's honour. All, however, was vague insinuation, no particulars were di- vulged. His secretary applied to the lords jus- tices for copies of those examinations for the king's perusal, but without avail, they were in the hands of his enemies, who forbore to com- municate them to the individual so much inter- ested. And such was the violence, the prejudice and the credulity of the misguided people, and so obtuse was become their moral perception that they perceived not that this reserve was really a refutation of the charges brought against the king as having instigated the rebellion. The king, most justly indignant at these circumstances, resolved himself to pass over to Ireland, and accordingly by a message to both houses, he declared his in- tention- of going with all convenient speed to that country to chastise the rebels, of raising a guard for his person, and even of selling or pledging his parks and houses if necessary for this service. The lords justices were, as may be supposed, highly alarmed at this proposed royal visit. They sent the most discouraging accounts of the dis- tressed state of the country, intimating unequivo- cally that the king could not appear with per- sonal safety, eomfort to his subjects, or terror to VOL. II. . G ly^gpH^f^.-iryt^K .'-' i ; >-'<^Vv"-. V,T^="5*'>'>'^?!?'*SC^'75:^^^ r j' ^Ty --■^fV.-v.^VS-j'-ffC^.r;^ 82 1>EATH OF LORD GORMANSTOK. his eaemies. But these objections would pro- bably have been unheeded by Charles in his eager wish of effecting his purposes, had not a peremp- tory negative been given to his design, by the power at home which enthralled him, and with msulting menaces insisted that his design should be relinquished, thus the unhappy Charles was compelled to yield to a power he could not resist. This was a cruel disappointment to the pale whose last hopes of an equitable accommodation with government, rested upon the presence of their monarch. They had precipitately involved them- selves in the horrors and guilt of rebellion. All retreat was rendered desperate by the treatment of those who had surrendered. The apparent ob- ject of the Irish government and the English par- liament was the extermination of the Catholics, their estates were already allotted to their con- querors, so that themselves and their posterity were consigned to inevitable ruin. Lord Gor- manston was so deeply affected by the melancholy state into which he had reduced himself, his fa- mily, and his friends, that grief soon put a period to his life. His associates lost to all hope, grew desperate and violent, abandoning all thoughts of treaty or pardon, they became a band of those wretched beings who having cast off the world's friendship, and the world's law, consider them- selves also in a state of moral outlawry, and sunk into that misery which is too often the parent of moral evil. Soon after this, the rebel forces were defeated by the Earl of Ormond ; an account of this action, called the battle of Kilrush, was transmitted to the English commons, whose en- comiums on the victorious general were speedily followed by an order that five hundred pounds should be expended on a jewel as a token of their satisfaction, and that the lords should be "?pf^?l7^' ■ ysp0^-f:\~'S/^m^^'^^i^ve!*.^^- DEVASTATIONS IN LEINSTER. %$ requested to unite with them in a petition to the king that he would be pleased to confer on the earl the honour of the garter. Every part of Ireland was the theatre of a wasting war carried on in the usual guerilla mode of the Irish, the in- surgents following their respective leaders without union, command, direction or scheme of general resistance, enterprise or good. In Leinster the loyalists were harassed by detached parties of rebels who ravaged their pos- sessions and besieged their castles. The arrival of some succours encouraged the chief governors to make some effort to repress these outrages, one of which we shall relate. The Lady Offaly had been summoned by the rebels to give up her castle. Her answer to this summons was worthy of a daughter of the house of Kildare ; " I received your letter wherein you threaten to sack my castle by his majesty's authority, I am, and ever have been a loyal subject and a good neighbour among you, and therefore cannot but wonder at such an assault. I thank you for your offer of a convoy, wherein I hold little safety. And therefore my resolution is, that being free from offending his majesty, or doing wrong to any of you, I will live and die innocently, and will do my best to defend my own, leaving the issue to God. Though I have been, and still am desirous to avoid the shedding of Christian blood, yet being provoked, your threats shall no whit dismay me." Lettice Offaly. This heroic female was relieved in the domain she so resolutely determined to defend, and others were rendered the like succour, but the general circumstances of the army were most distressing. The most common necessaries of life were not to be procured, the country had been rendered a barren waste by the wild rage of the Irish. G 2 , , ^:'-^7i='V':i''*?'^^5i«?RT«4»y|^:!SX**^ 84 SHORT IRISH PARLIAMENT. Every petty detachment from England served to aggravate the distress by lessening the scanty supply of provision. Officers clamoured for their arrears of pay, the men without pay or cloathing, weakened by unwholesome diet, inclement sea- sons, exposure to damp, and worn with fatiguing marches, daily sank under these accumulated miseries. The more robust grew mutinous, and quarrels continually arose between them and the new comers. Melancholy is the reflection, that two nations should thus by their civil and reli- gious animosities, make desolate that fertile land which in peace and union might so amply have furnished sustenance for both. Without pay it was utterly impossible to keep the army within any bounds of discipline, in this crisis of affairs an Irish parliament sat for three days only in Dublin. The number of members was necessarily inconsiderable, as many were in actual rebellion, and as many excluded themselves by refusing to take the required oath of supremacy. Yet those who did assemble were furious in their invectives against the Romish party, declared for a rigorous execution of the penal statutes, urging both to the king and English parliament the absolute ne- cessity of new and severe laws against recusants. As might be expected, the English parliament echoed these sentiments. The bills were prepared for transmission, and the utmost vengeance declared against popery. The cord being thus drawn to its extreme tension, it was not surprising that it should break. The insurgents grew if possible more desperate, and by the infamous conduct of government were suffered to collect and increase their force, to possess stations of strength and consequence, and in some places to confine the English within narrow bounds, while they them- selves ranged at large with free possession of the ^3KB^pTV5^'^^*«j7?'''^'~'r«»'""/^^ ■*- --.••■>?,;•■ -^ T'"'f--r/i . ^^^>. ■— .--.^••-«jg5'; ARRIVAL OF OWEN oViAL. 85 Open country. To render them more formidable, Owen O'Nial, who had been so long and anxiously expected, at length arrived in Donnegal with a supply of arms and ammunition and accompanied by one hundred officers. Owen O'Nial was well adapted for the service of his country at this juncture. He had served with high reputation in the imperial and Spanish armies. Experience had formed him to an able and skilful soldier, quick in discerning his advantages, diligent and prompt in improving them, less enterprizing than circumspect, possessing a genius peculiarly suited to defence, and in the methods of protracting a war, all qualities most especially useful in that service which his country demanded of him. His prudence, his temperance, his caution and know- ledge of the world formed a striking contrast to the rudeness, the ignorance, the intemperance, levity and inexperience of his relative, the brutal Sir Phelim ; the most undiscerning must mark the superiority of the one over the other, and to the secret mortification of Sir Phelim, Owen O'Nial was unanimously declared by the northern Irish the leader of their confederacy. The generous and noble minded Owen regarded with a horror which he freely confessed, the barbarities exercised by Sir Phelim and his brutal followers, and he de- clared that he would unite with the English rather than suffer the actors of such enormities to escape their just punishment. In the meantime the English parliament entered into a contract with the Scots for sending an army of ten thousand men into Ireland, and in order to engage them to compliance, gave a promise of pay, and agreed to put Carrickfergus into their hands, and to invest their general with an authority independent of the English parliament. After many delays these troops were sent to their destination, and while ,TWt,rff5(T-.'*i'V t. ' " ■;- •'■.n.-^*.u- ;i-Vj>'-s^ -.:■;' ^^- ,.,];! - . : -.^^ " ■ r. \*lt^'v^- '¥«W . T ; ( . ■ -,7^ 86 ARMAMENT FROM DUNKIRK. they remained, were so far useful, that they di- verted the force of the rebels, and protected the small remnants of the British planters in the north. Except this controul over the Scots, all the measures of parliament tended rather to the injury than the good of the protestant cause in Ireland. By continuing their persecution and violent menaces against priests and papists, they confirmed the Catholics in rebellion, and cut off all hopes of accommodation, indulgence, or toler- ation. By disposing beforehand of the Irish for- feitures, they rendered all desperate, and seemed to threaten the total extirpation of the natives. A thousand acres for instance were given to every one that subscribed two hundred pounds, in Ulster. In Connaught the same tract for three hundred and fifty, and in Munster, four hundred and fifty. To increase the confidence of the rebels which had been justly raised by the arrival of Owen O'Nial, a second and even more important em- barkation was made for their support at Dunkirk. No less than fourteen vessels laden with every requisite for warfare arrived, together with a con- siderable number of Irish officers and veteran soldiers, discharged from the French service by Richelieu, all amply provided and assured of further succours. The English were now justly alarmed, as the rebels being now masters of the sea, could intercept any relief, and of course the capital appeared at their mercy. They naturally imagined immediate operations would take place, furnished as they were with every necessary for war. But the Irish were for the present engaged ' in the execution of a scheme long since concerted to give the form of authority to their procedures and to unite their associates in the different pro- vinces, so as to ensure general obedience and ■ iwsDgr ■' ^'^"Tvs^?^5pSi^*w^^^^s?^^ SYNOD OF H0M18H CLKKOY. 87 submission. These were the very desiderata which were to render them truly formidable. The authority of their clergy had been already em- ployed. The Catholic prelate first summoned his clergy to a synod ; therein it was declared, that the war of the Irish was lawful and pious, and all persons were exhorted to unite in the righteous cause. This, however, was not deemed sufficient authority, a general synod was therefore convened of all the Romish clergy throughout Ireland, which sat at Kilkenny. . ' The acts of this numerous assembly were many, and most solemn. They opened the business of their meeting, by declaring the war maintained by the Catholics against sectaries and puritans, for the defence of the Catholic religion, the royal prerogative, the honour and the safety of the queen and royal issue, the conservation of the rights and privileges, the liberties of Ireland, and of themselves as individuals, to be just, merito- rious, and lawful. They directed that all their confederates should be united by an oath of asso- ciation, and denounced sentence of excommunica- tion on all who should refuse to take it, against all neuters, all who assisted the enemy, all who should invade the possessions of any Catholic, or any Irish Protestant, not adversary to their cause. They forbade all distinctions and comparisons between the old and new Irish, directed that exact registers be kept in every province of the cruelties and murders committed by the puritans, for under this denomination they included all those who opposed them, and denounced their ecclesiastical censures on those of their commu- nion, who should commit the like excesses. They also ordained that provincial councils should be formed, composed of clergy and laity, and a general one also, to which the others should be ..V. ' ■■: _■ :^ ■' .- ..■ _ ^ . ^ ..^ .,^ ^ -^ 88 ASSEMBLY OF KILKENNY. subordinate, that embassies should be sent to foreign potentates, soliciting aid to their cause. Such were the principal acts of the clergy. The nobility and gentry then resident at Kilkenny united with them in framing the oath of associa- tion, in naming the members of the supreme council, of which Lord Mountgarret was chosen president, and in appointing a general assembly of the whole nation to meet in that city, in the ensuing month, (October 1642.) The period of this convention had arrived, when the foreign succours gave animation to the cause. The popish prelates, clergy, and lords, popish deputies from the principal counties and towns of every province, assembled as agreed at Kilkenny. The concourse was great and impo- sing. With well affected humility they disclaimed all wish of having their assembly considered as a parliament, but as a general meeting to confer on their affairs, until his majesty could in his wisdom settle the present troubles. It was, however, modelled according to a parliament in every re- spect, consisting of two houses, one of temporal peers and prelates, the other of representatives, deputed by counties and towns. Both sat in the same chamber. Patrick Darcy, an eminent law- yer, took his place bare-headed on a stool, as a substitute for the judges ; and Nicholas Plunket, another distinguished partisan of the recusant faction, was appointed speaker. The Lords had a place of retirement for their consultations, and Darcy was the medium of their communication to the commons. Those of the clergy who were not admitted to sit among the lords, formed a convo- cation, in which they treated of ecclesiastical affairs. In the first place, this assembly declared their firm resolution to maintain the rights and immunities of the Romish Church. The common ■'?fF^3?'^^P^P;f?'s*W,' --'r^ ^-^- ■-■■".'-". OATH OF ASSOCIATION. 89 law of England and statutes of Ireland they pro- fessed to accept as their note of government, so far as they were not contrary to the Roman reli- gion, or inconsistent with the liberties of Ireland. They commanded all persons to bear faith and loyalty to the king, but renounced the authority of his Irish government, formed as it was of ** a malignant party, and in compliance with their confederates, the malignant party in England." The administration of public justice they assumed to themselves. A council was assigned to each county, consisting of twelve persons, who were to transact all local affairs. From these there was an appeal to the provincial councils, who were to meet four times in a year, and from these again there was an appeal to the supreme council of the confederated Catholics of Ireland, consisting of twenty-four persons, chosen by the general convention. This council was to direct every affair relative to the interest of the confederacy, and for its greater honour and security, a guard was assigned to the assembly, of five hundred foot and two hundred horse. As this council had been adopted from the ecclesiastical synod, so also was the oath of association taken from their form, except in one part only, in which the clergy bound their votaries never to consent to peace, until the church should be again amply invested not only with all its powers and privileges, its splendour and magnificence, but also with all its ancient possessions, which no zeal for religion could induce the present possessors to restore. Thus they seemed to render the war interminable. The assembly were contented with directing that all persons should swear allegiance to the king, engage to defend his prerogative, the power and privilege of the parliament of Ireland, the funda- mental laws, together with the free exercise of IS^i^^;=i*!f^5V??-''''Trfi^-^-'?;^^ '5'?5»i5j^i?:'ie?':'>S5g 90 GENERALS APPOINTED. the Roman Catholic religion, to obey the orders of the supreme council, to seek for no pardon or protection, without the consent of the major part of the council, and to prosecute and maintain the common cause. The system of government being thus adjusted, the provmcial generals were next chosen ; Owen O'Nial was appointed for Ulster. They had scarcely sworn to maintain the king's prerogative, when they violated it in a material point, by as- suming a power of regulating the coin, and rais- ing its value. Ambassadors were sent to foreign powers, to solicit succours, and petitions were prepared to be sent to the king and queen, with a representation of the grievances which had urged their confederacy. But with all this appa- rent state and authority, the confederation pos- sessed within itself the principles of dissension and weakness. It is seldom that the first leaders of an insurrection preserve their power : they are rather doomed to excite the movement, by which they are the first overwhelmed, and to develope the principles by which they are condemned. Thus the more moderate among the confederates now affected to condemn the enormities which had disgraced the original insurrection. Hence in their, present disposal of offices, several of the first conspirators were purposely neglected : Sir Phelim O'Nial was indignant and mortified, and even Roger Moore, whose temper was more ge- nerous, was greatly disappointed when he found his zealous services unnoticed and unrewarded, for no man ever descended without regret from a rank which placed him superior to other men — at least, no ambitious man. Possessing spirit, abilities, and activity, Moore, in disgust, might have proved a formidable malcontent to the con- federacy ; but, for the present, he was soothed wmm:- Wm wm-'W .■■■:if^^T:'f75i«i^p>- CIVIL WAK IN ENGLAND. 91 and flattered, and his death, which occurred not long after the convention, was an incident proba- bly not regretted by those to whom he might have proved troublesome. They had flattered them- selves that the noble-minded Clanricarde would have united with them, but they had the mortifi- cation to find him reject their most urgent over- tures, unshaken in his loyalty alike by their soli- citations, menaces, and excommunications of their clergy. Their disappointment, however, was in a degree made up, by the acquisition of an asso- ciate of dignity and consequence, Touchet, Earl of Castlehaven, and Baron Audley of England^ who, urged by indignation and disgust at the in- juries he had experienced from the government, was readily persuaded to unite with the confede- rates. In the meantime, the lords justices, instead of acting against the public enemy, seemed solely intent on embarrassing and mortifying those attached to the king. The civil war in England had been declared, and his authority was despised by the governors of Ireland, from the moment the sword was unsheathed. Every rumour disad- vantageous to the devoted Charles, was indus- triously propagated. The pulpit was employed, as in England, as an engine of state, and the me- dium of calumny, to inflame the popular mind ; and the most absurd illiterate brawlers, encou- raged by those in power, vented their crude deci- sions on the unhappy ccmtest between the king and his people. It was a point of especial care with the lords justices and their intriguing party, that no accounts of Ireland should be transmitted to England, but through the deceitful medium of their representations. But this deceptive policy was at length defeated by the spirited conduct of the loyalist officers, who, after various difficul- >"^-w8?i!»r^»Wf^^ 92 MARQUIS OF ORMOND. ties thrown in their way by government, succeeded in conveying an address to the king, wherein they detailed the distresses to which they were sub- jected, by the mal-administration of the govern- ment, and stated many circumstances respecting the governors, their principles, procedures, and connexions. To enter into a detail of events that followed, would be both tedious and unnecessary, arising as they solely did from the culpable con- duct and political bias of the chief governors, and the firm spirit and success of the confederates, while the noble spirit of the Marquis of Ormond shines forth in the manifold difficulties of his situation. We shall therefore briefly say, that the chief justices, with several who favoured their party, were, by the instance of Ormond, removed from their situations, and their place supplied by others better affected to the royal interest. The king, as he had neither money, arms, ammu- nition, nor provisions to spare from his own urgent wants, in order to carry on the war in Ireland, resolved to embrace an expedient which might at once relieve the necessities of the Irish Protest- ants, and contribute to the advancement of his affairs in England, viz. : a truce with the rebels ; by this he trusted his Irish subjects would be enabled to provide for their own support, and even to grant him some aid. But as a treaty with a people so odious for their religion, and the enor- mities which had disgraced them might, it was too probable, be represented in invidious colours by his enemies, and be a pretext to renew all those calumnies with which he had heretofore been loaded, it was necessary to proceed with extreme caution in conducting the measure. Ac- cordingly the king gave orders to Ormond and the justices, to conclude a cessation of arms, for a year, with the council of Kilkenny, by whom '^:^>^^c:!^ : ■ -'^^..«.-^^«^('.'~ - *^5^?s^:s!iptv^-?> ■ CESSATION OF ARMS. 93 the Irish were now governed, and to leave both parties in possession of their present advantages. Whatever might have been the primary motives of the king in desiring this truce, involved as he was in a desperate civil war, which obliged him to seek resources from every quarter, yet the melancholy plea of necessity never could be urged with greater force, for the country was in a des- perate situation. The affair of the treaty thus rendered almost unavoidable, was obviously one of great delicacy, requiring equal address and caution. The honour of the king demanded that the overtures should come from the confederates, who had formerly expressed a wish that hostili- ties might be suspended, that they might present their grievances, and prepare a way to settle the distractions of the kingdom. The Marquis of Ormond therefore employed agents, to confer with the supreme council at Kilkenny, who finally agreed to a cessation of twelve months, on cer- tain conditions, to be proposed by their agents to Ormond ; and they were appointed to meet him accordingly, at Castle Martyr, in the county of Kildare. Ormond received them with a stately dignity, and examined their propositions with the freedom of a superior. They demanded that the exercise of their government should continue during the cessation, and that a free parliament, admitting Catholics, should be convened. These demands were rejected. Other demands Ormond thought derogatory to the royal interest, and supposing the high tone of the confederates was produced by their military successes, he deter- mined for a while to suspend the negociation, in the hope of obtaining some advantages which would render them more complying. But the necessities of the king soon obliged a renewal, although under the greatest disadvantages of con* r,«f^!«waTW^-'''»?'^it'«i.>||v« i?rw^» 94 FATHER PETER SCARAMPI. eluding it favourably to the royal interests, the Irish at the time having a manifest superiority over the loyalists. Nor were the assembly in- sensible to these favourable circumstances, wrhich were pressed upon them more particularly by their vigilant clergy. Peter Scarampi, a father of the congregation of the oratory,* appeared at Kilkenny, as minister from the pope. He was the bearer of money and military supplies to the rebels, letters from the holy see to the supreme council, the provincial generals, and the Romish prelates, and above all, a bull, granting a general jubilee, and plenary absolution to those who had taken up arms for the Catholic faith. The old Irish crowded about the Romish agent, with lively emotions of attachment. He taught them to regard their brethren of the English race as impious temporisers, and betrayers of the faith ; to regard with horror any treaty, in which was no express stipulation for the free, public, and splendid exercise of the Romish worship. He insisted on the present flourishing state of their affairs, the distresses of the English, the certain support from foreign powers, if the confederates should persevere and not betray their glorious cause in so critical a juncture, and warmly re- monstrated against supplying the king with money, assuredly to be employed against themselves. He concluded by urging his partisans to move. • The fathers of the oratory of St. John. This order, both in the nature of its rules, and design of establish- ment, seems in direct opposi- tion to that of the Jesuits. It was founded 1613, and has produced a number of persons eminent for piety, learning, and eloquence ; it still even retains its reputation. They are not properly religieux, being bound by no vows, their institution being merely sacer- dotal, or ecclesiastical. From the suppression of the Jesuits, the education of youth was intrusted principally to the Fathers of the Oratory. ■'prfWB' ^- rr -fr'^7?5wF TREATY AND SUBSIDY. 95 that the treaty of cessation should be deferred, until the pope could be consulted, and had given his directions in an affair of such moment as re- ligion. Fortunately for the fate of the treaty, there were moderate and sagacious individuals among the Catholics, who by no means were dis- posed to rest implicitly on the advice of this sa- cerdotal minister. Amongst these, the Earl of Clanricarde was earnest in his remonstrances to his friends not to reject this favourable opportu- nity of preserving themselves and their country ; and Lord Castlehaven was also indefatigable in inspiring his associates with sentiments of mode- ration and peace. Happily their influence pre- vailed over the persuasions of Scarampi, although much contest and debate marked the discussion of the measure. All preliminaries being at length adjusted, the Irish finally agreed to grant the king thirty thousand pounds, one half in money, to be paid at several periods, the other moiety in cattle. When the articles were concluded, they were communicated in form to all the principal lords, some of the privy council, and officers of the army who had attended, and assisted in the treaty. These all subscribed a declaration, that consider- ing the circumstances of the kingdom, they be- lieved it necessary, for his majesty's honour and service, that a cessation should be finally con- cluded on the articles now laid before them. On the 15th of September the treaty was signed by the marquis and the Irish commissioners. It re- ceived also the ratification of the justices and council, and was then notified, by proclamation, to the whole kingdom. It was received with equal discontent and clamour in both kingdoms. The parliament, whose pleasure it was to condemn :Jiim ^wm'my'*!^^Ww'W'y^^'-*'' ■" ^■"'iiP'^^' ;'**iK!' 9G STATE OF PUBLIC OPINION. every measure adopted by the loyal party, and who exulted in every opportunity of reproaching their ill-fated sovereign with his favour to the Irish papists, exclaimed loudly against the cessa- tion ; and among other reasons upon which they grounded their condemnation, was the divine vengeance which England might justly dread for tolerating an ti -christian idolatry, on pretence of civil contracts, and political agreements. Thus religion, though every day rendered subservient to their towering ambition, was now supposed too sacred to be yielded up to the temporal interests or safety of nations. The true ground of this hypocritical zeal, and severe condemnation, was to be found, however, in their chagrin in being by the treaty deprived of their popular pretence for raising money to support their own contest. Candour, however, demands us to add, that the objections of many might be grounded in upright and patriot princi- ples, although erring in judgment, and misguided by credulity. The people of England, generally speaking, were quite indifferent to Irish affairs, and had neither the disposition nor the curiosity to inquire into the accuracy of any accounts received from thence. The vague accounts respecting the bar- barities of the rebels, were easily extended to the character of the whole Catholic population, and all were alike held in detestation and abhorrence. Of course, when the concessions admitted were represented through the medium of self-interested politicians, the condescensions shown by the royal party were deemed scandalous and weak. Some even regarded them as a departure from those solemn protestations which Charles had repeat- edly made against popery, and declared, that FATALITY ATTENDING CHARLES I. 97 after such a proof of his insincerity, they could no longer support his cause. Thus did a strange fatality seem to attend every measure of this unhappy branch of the unfortunate house of Stuart. VOL. II. H « 98 CHAPTER XVII. Troops sent to England — Popular clamour against the measure — Unhappy situation oj^ the devoted Charles — Difficulties at- tending the administration of Ormond — Want of faith in the confederates — Further cause of disunion and distress — The covenant offered — Entered into with ardor by the troops — The popular contagion rapidly spreads — Instance of versa- tility — The Scotch general Monroe takes the covenant at Carrickfergus — Agreement of the Scotch and English troops — Rebels make propositions to Ormond — He is perplexed — Demands of the commissioners at Oxford — Animosities pre- vent all final adjustment — Insolent language of the protestants — Agents of the council arrive — Cojidescension of Charles — He directs Ormond to make peace — Difficulty of the com- mission — He commences a treaty with the confederates — Per- plexities — Proceedings suspended — M^Mahon and Macguire executed — Instability of the king — Perplexity of Ormond — He petitions to be removed — Consent not given — Irish active in strengthening their confederacy — Procrastination of the confederates — Internal weakness of the confederacy — Im- patience of the king and insincere conduct — Earl of Glamor- gan — Letter from Charles to Glamorgan — His mission to Ireland — His reception — John Rinuncini sent as nuncio by the pope — His character — Articles of his mission — Repeal of p6nal statutes urged — Opposition to the treaty — Battle of Naseby encourages the confederates to persevere in opposition — They rise in their demands — Unhappy situation of the king — Disclosure of instruction enrages the confederates — It is shewn in their opposition to Ormond — Glamorgan received with satisfaction — Commission empowering him to treat with the confederates — Objections of the nuncio — Treaty with Glamorgan concluded — Its stipulations — Levies made for the royal service — Ormond' s treaty — Perplexed situation of Charles. A. D. 1643. After this cessation of arms there was little oc- casion as well as no means of subsisting the army in Ireland. The king therefore directed the 'rK'!;, ;;'■-.[ ORMOND, LORD LIEUTENANT. 99 Marquis of Ormond, wKo was firmly devoted to his unfortunate master, to send over considerable bodies of it to England. These troops were Pro- testants, many of them English by birth, who considered the return to their native country as a happy escape from the calamities they had en- dured in Ireland. Yet scarcely had they landed, than rumours were spread, that the Irish rebels, still reeking with the blood of Protestants, were now arrived at the coast, impatient to extend their ravages through England ; and others averred, that the Irish rebels were now to join the popish armies of the king and queen, and in conjunction with these associates, to settle the religion and ' liberties of England. Most of these forces continued faithfully in the royal cause ; but some few, having imbibed in Ireland strong prejudices against the Catholics, and hearing the king's party universally reproached with popery, deserted to the parliament's army. Thus anxiously and precariously did the un- happy Charles sit upon a throne continually tot- tering under him. Attacked on all sides by enemies, numerous, violent, and implacable, and from the shock of the opposite pretensions of the crown and parliament, rendered more violent by religious animosity, factious convulsions and dis- order necessarily arose, which finally precipitated the monarch from his anxious elevation. It had been debated, if Ormond should not be recalled to England to command the Irish troops; but affairs in Ireland so imperiously demanded his presence, that he was continued there under the title of lord lieutenant, the duties of which he fulfilled with that enthusiastic loyalty and devoted attachment to his royal master, which distin- guished him. These high qualities were drawn abundantly to view, by the difficulties of his si- H 2 >i'V •'Mr*T*5^ ^^: ■*'^.^»-'"'-'^r""' 100 SUBSiniES AND LEVIES. tuation. The confederates infringed the articles of cessation, and committed various outrages which were too often recriminated by the English. The subsidies they had agreed to pay were irre- gularly and slowly remitted. They refused to send any forces into England. In vain did Ormond remonstrate, urge, and threaten ; the confederates were obstinate, believing that the pressing neces- sities of the king would oblige him to purchase their assistance by important and liberal conces- sions, they would not therefore even allow arms or ammunition to be purchased in their quarters for the royal service. At length the Earl of Antrim, who had under- taken the service with much difficulty, raised two thousand men for the royal cause, and Charles was still amused by various pretences of receiving further aid. But a period was now arriving, when the already almost overwhelming perplexities of devoted Ireland were to be augmented by religion, or rather that delusive and destructive spirit, which had usurped her meek and holy name. The Scottish regiments, under Monroe, which had been sent to repel the rebels in Ulster, were at this period so eager for the covenant by which their countrymen had engaged themselves, that they actually sent to Scotland for a copy of that famous engagement.* The English regiments. * This covenant consisted in an absolute renunciation of popery, and contained many invectives, fitted highly to in- flame the minds of men against their fellow-beings,* holding different sentiments from their own. These were followed by a bond of union, wherej;)y the subscribers engaged most so- lemnly to resist all religious innovations, and to defend each other against all opposition whatsoever; and all this for the greater glory of God, and the greater honour and advan- tage of their king and country. None but rebels to God, and traitors to their country, it was thought, would refuse to en- gage themselves in so pious and salutary a" combination. THE SCOTTISH COVENANT. 101 under Ormond, were better affected to the royal cause ; but their necessities were urgent, and their hopes of relief resting on the parliament, urged them to an engagement which would re- commend them to its favour. Ormond saw with unfeigned sorrow the bias of their minds, and advised their colonels not to act precipitately, to give themselves time to consider, and to receive directions from the state. He represented the iniquity of the covenant, and furnished them with a proclamation, issued by the Irish government, forbidding all persons from tendering or accepting it. But so great were their apprehensions of the spiMt of the Scottish forces, against all who opposed the covenant, and the displeasure of par- liament, that they declined to publish this procla- mation to their troops. At length a supply of money, cloathing, and provision was remitted from Scotland, together with four ministers of the kirk, to tender and enforce the covenant. These missionary priests passed with indefatigable zeal through every parish in the counties of Down and Antrim, and themselves and doctrines were every where received with ardour. All ranks and conditions flocked around them, contending who should first have the glory of being found worthy to be engaged in the godly cause, and entering a combination so essential, they were taught, to the salvation of their souls. The prohibitions and menaces, the proclamations of government against the covenant, only served to increase the general fervour to engage in it. Those soldiers who had secretly taken it, now emboldened by numbers, openly avowed their engagement, in defiance of their officers. They who refused to be united by Of course, those who with- odium, amouutiu^ to proscrip- stood it were objects of general tion. .'V-' '■'jr-',5y?i?»t r?r' ■■^;"»*'?-'p^^| *;• r^v • \ 101^ MONROE AT CARBICKFERGUS. this godly vow, were regarded as impious wretches unworthy of the rights of humanity, and many in consequence, were actually denied by the covenanters the common necessaries of life. All, even those who had ever evinced the utmost loyalty, now caught the popular contagion. It seemed like the working of a spell. Audley Mervin inveighed with such vehemence against the covenant, in the parliament of Dublin, ex- pressed such loyalty to the king, and declaimed so copiously against the commons of England, and their neglect of Ireland, that Ormond deemed him a proper person to be intrusted with the go- vernment of Derry ; yet this man had scarcely entered on his new responsible office, when he was prevailed on to take that very engagement, which had been the object of his severe censure. This revolution of opinion cannot otherwise be accounted for, than as being produced by that tumult of passion, ever accompanying the spirit of party. There is a moment of enjoyment in all tumultuous passions, the individual may then be considered in a delirium, which gives, in a moral sense, that pleasure which arises from strong ex- cited feeling, and elevation of thought. The con- tendhig opinions, prejudices, and prepossessions of .the period we are reviewing, were well calcu- lated to multiply instances of this mental inebri- ation. The Scotch general, Monroe, had taken the covenant with great solemnity, in the church of Carrickfergus. He affected, however, the greatest moderation, leaving it entirely to the kirk minis- ters, by pious exhortations, to prevail, without attempting any violence against those who refused the engagement. No one, however, believed this moderation was sincere. The English officers more especially doubted it, every day expecting from the parliament an order to impose the cove- ^'-^ryw: ^^'' 'tM^K-U^)lii:-r- -, PROPOSALS OF THE IRISH. 103 nant by force, and their apprehensions were sdba confirmed, when a commission from the English houses, under their broad seal, was received by Monroe, empowering him in their name and authority to carry on the war against all the ene- mies of the covenanted party. Hostilities were in consequence commenced; but the circumstances of each party rendering an amicable agreement desirable, a stipulation was soon formed and sub- scribed, whereby the English were assured they would not be required to take any oath contrary to their consciences, until they should first address themselves to the English parliament, representing their reasons and scruples ; and further, that their regiments should be furnished with the same pro- visions, and have the same privileges with the Scots. On these conditions they engaged to unite with Monroe, in a vigorous prosecution of the Irish rebels, unless his majesty's command should hereafter contradict any further proceeding. The rebels became alarmed ; as usuau^they were divided by frivolous competitions ; their forces were scattered. They made private overtures to Or- mond, that he would accept the supreme com- mand of all their forces, and march against the stubborn northerns, with the whole united power of the royalists, for in this party they constantly included themselves. At the same time, they required that he should proclaim the Scots rebels, in consequence of their infraction of the cessation. It is obvious that the honourable spirit of Or- mond could not yield to these proposals and re-^ quisitions ; yet it was dangerous, he knew, to ex-^ asperate the Irish, as his hopes of subsistence depended upon them, and if provoked, they might reduce him to sudden famine. %^ In this perplexity, Ormond was obliged to temporise and amuse ; and without giving any '■..■" " ^^ " ' " •'■^ ■ ' 104 PROPOSALS OF THE IRISH. explieit replies, he made propositions which, with discussions and replies, occupied the time till it was found that Monroe was really no ways in- clined to prosecute the war. While the marquis was thus occupied with the wants and distresses of the state, and was contending with the arro- gance of the popish confederates, the virulence of the covenanters, and other trying circum- stances of his situation, Oxford was the scene of Irish negociation; but the commissioners were found so extravagant and intractable, that the con- ference was upon the point of closing, without effecting any thing. At length they withdrew some of their obnoxious propositions, and the royal commissioners were enabled to listen to them, the king being extremely solicitous for a peaceable adjustment of affairs, as opening a prospect of aid from Ireland, if effected. Of these moderated demands, the most important were, the freedom of their religion, by a repeal of -all penal statutes ; a free parliament ; suspen- sion of Poynings' law, during its session ; the vacating of all indictments, attainders, and out- lawries, in prejudice of Irish Catholics ; the esta- blishment of an inn of court, and seminaries of education in Ireland, for the benefit of Catholic subjects ; a free and indifferent appointment of all Irish natives, without exception, to places of trust and honour ; that no persons, not estated and resident in Ireland, should sit and vote in the parliament of the realm ; that no chief governor should be continued above three years, and that during his government he should be disqualified to purchase any lands in the kingdom, except from the king. On the grant of these, and many lesser propositions, they declared their readiness to devote their lives and ibrtunes to the king's service, and particularly to contribute ten thou- DEMANDS OF THE PRO'EJBag'ANTS. W*^- - ■■■■ ■,^:;^\, sand men, towards suppressing t&e ' unn^iifai rebellion in England. But however desirous and willing Charles was to make these proposals the basis of a treaty of peace, and however urgently he might require its fulfilment, his hopes and wishes were retarded in their accomplishment, by the contention of Irish parties, popish and protestant, both obstinate, irritated, violent, and alike unreasonable in their demands. The protestant party required the most rigorous execution of the penalties against recu- sancy, that the usurped power of the confederates should be dissolved, their whole party disarmed, compelled to repair all damages sustained by pro- testants, and brought to condign punishment for their offences, without any act of oblivion, release, or discharge ; that the oath of supremacy should be strictly and universally imposed on all magis- trates, and that all that refused should be incapable of sitting in parliament, in which nothing should be attempted contrary to the law of Poynings, the bulwark of the royal power, and the protec- tion of the protestant subjects of Ireland. These propositions were made in a manner so peremptory, as to astonish the king and his mi- nisters, albeit they were not unused to the lan- guage. It was obvious that they could not be acceded to in the existing state of things, and they were reminded that they could not expect com- pliance. They replied, they were entirely igno- rant of the king's circumstances, they were but to propose the sentiments of his good subjects, and to prove their allegations ; they thought it better that the protestants should even abandon Ireland, than make a destructive peace; they intimated, with ill-concealed insolence, that the king had nothing more to do than to submit to the terms of peace proposed by the English parlia- ;-tfe. 106 Charles's gkacious behaviour. ^ment, and there then would be no want of sup- plies for the Irish war. In the meantime the commissioners from the Irish council, whom Charles had expressed a wish should be deputed to confer upon the treaty, had so much delayed their mission, that the pro- testant deputies had thus preceded them. At length they also arrived. The propositions of the protestants were of course condemned in toto, but they remained obstinate. The unfortunate Charles thus finding himself enclosed with diffi- culties on every side, from which he could not escape, with his mind naturally biassed towards the Catholic cause, as that of his queen who pos- sessed his devoted, undivided love ; pressed down by his necessities, and finding no human source 01 relief but from Ireland in the event of a peace with his rebellious subjects in that kingdom, was certainly inclined to treat with the agents from the council, and by no means to yield to the pe- remptory demands of those who it was evident wished to obstruct a peace on any terms. He therefore treated the former with particular at- tention, and with that courtesy which was equally the dictate of his native feelings, and the result of those misfortunes which had mellowed them into gentleness. To their proposition for the repeal of the penal statutes, he replied that those statuties had never been rigorously executed, so that his re- cusant subjects should have no reason to complain that they were treated with less moderation than heretofore, and that such of them as manifested affection for his service should receive such marks of his favour, as would evidence his regard and consideration of them. The agents won by the condescension of the monarch, treated him with the utmost deference and respect. They acknow- ledged that Charles situated as he was, could not ;t%?Wl#^; Jgj&^,,- ■^;:^._. . W' '■■-':*' w^w^^^m^ HIS DIFFICULT SITUATION. 107 be expected to make further concessions, am trusted the general assembly would admit It, by moderating their demands, though they had not present authority to recede from them. Charles dismissed them with a pathetic admonition to consider his circumstances and their own. This address was more the dictate of wounded and harassed feeling, and a deep sense of present difficulty and prospective evil, than consistent with that sincerity and honour which should never de- part from the breast of him who holds in his hands the happiness and well being of thousands. The terms of it were equivocal, and tending to inspire those he addressed with hopes utterly in- consistent with many former solemn declarations. The events of this period may indeed as they re- ferred to the king and his negociation with his Irish subjects, be regarded as one of those trials of human integrity and virtue from which few in- deed came forth pure and unspotted. Environed by enemies, eager to avail them- selves of any circumstance to render him odious in popular estimation, fearful of offending and alienating his own party, he could not decide, and his ministers would not advise him, Charles there- fore resolved to remove the onus from himself, and to direct the Marquis of Ormond to make a full peace with his Catholic subjects of Ireland, on such conditions as his own judgment should dictate for the public welfare, and the advantage of the royal cause. Ormond felt the full difficulty of such. an important commission. He was to effect what the king and his ministers dare not venture to adjust. He was to hazard that provo- cation they shrank from. Should he make con- cessions to the popish party his authority only delegated, might be opposed or questioned, he might be accused of culpable partiality to his S ;" -^mW '' "' ■■^?T?«F ■^* ^_ -.^^.^•^^11^^;.-.;.. 108 PACIFICATION DISCUSSED. ■ " kf' countrymen, and his kinsmen, many of whom wiere among the confederates. Should he refuse, these very individuals would most probably re- proach him as an inveterate enemy to them and his country. He had above all to meet the formi- dable power and inveteracy of the bigoted English parliament, whose vengeance he was sure to meet if he offended their passions or their prejudices, while he well knew the royal power was far too weak to protect him. To add to the difficulty of his situation, he was told he was to expect no instructions, but was to act in the delicate trans- action upon his own judgment and responsibility, as the king and his ministers declined taking any part in it. The difficulties of the government were at this time great and manifold, without the additional embarrassment of this important trans- action. Ormond, however, thus completely thrown upon the energies of his own mind, found them not unfaithful to the summons. With that spirit of decision, without which, the highest fa- culties of man are rendered nugatory, Ormond commenced his treaty with the confederates. Their commissioners attended him at Dublin, and it was first agreed that the cessation should be prolonged. Conferences respecting peace, how- ever, proved perplexing. The Irish conscious of their own power, and aware of the necessities of the king, were elevated with the hope that they would oblige the unfortunate monarch to make important concessions to them. In these hopes they were greatly encouraged by their clergy, who from their removal to Dublin had ample op- portunity to exert their influence. One of this order, Fleming, the Romish archbishop of Dublin, had been nominated one of the commissioners to attend the lord lieutenant, Ormond refused to confer with him. This refusal we think was in- ^ . -^ f^-'-^^-'^^^p^^ / Jk. 4. >^ EXECUTION^ OF- MA(iaU3l»^. iQ9 judicious, but reasons which have not transpired^ might have justified the exclusion. Public cha- racters were however not necessary to enforce their authority, which seems to have borne down all the efforts of the more temperate and concili- ating of their party. The consequence was, that the propositions of the confederates were of a nature to which Ormond could not accede, and the treaty was adjourned from October to January, and in consequence, the agents appointed to attend the king with the result, having been taken prisoners in the vessel which conveyed them, further pro- ceedings were suspended till April, 1645. About this period Mac Mahon and Macguire were con- demned and executed in London. They had remained two years in the tower, had then es- caped, were retaken and immediately brought to their trial. In this interval the unhappy Charles evidenced that instability which was the source of so many of ^is misfortunes, and that indulgence to the Catholics which rendered him so odious to his enemies. The confederate Catholics carried on a sort of private negociation with him by their agents Lord Muskerry, Nicholas Plunket, and Geoffry Browne. They magnified their power and disposition to support him, and sinking under the power of his enemies he caught at the hope, and was impatient to purchase their alliance at any price. Continually becoming more complying to their demands, when the new pro- jected model of the parliamentary army, threatened momentous consequences to him, he not only em- powered but commanded Grmond to make peace with the Irish. ** Whatever it cost," he writes, " so that my Protestant subjects maybe secured, and my royal authority preserved in Ireland, you are to make me the best bargain you can, and not to discover your enlargement of power till you ***•,'•■: >^» 110 ORMOND HESITATES. ^^ "iaeeds must. And though I leave the managing of this great and necessary business entirely to you, yet I cannot but tell you, that if the suspen- sion of Poynings's act for such bills as shall be agreed on there, and the present taking off the penal laws against papists by a law will do it, I will not think it a hard bargain, so that they freely and vigorously do engage themselves in my assistance against my rebels of England and Scotland, for which no conditions can be too hard, not being against conscience or honour." In the pressure of his calamities, Charles seems to have forgotten that he was both violating conscience and honour, and however he might deceive or reconcile him- self to such departure from the immutable obli- gations of both, Ormond was fully aware of the political danger of compliance. Sincerely at- tached to the Protestant faith himself, he readily entered into the repugnant feelings of those hold- ing the same opinions, against any concessions towards the popish party, which formed the ma- jority of the Irish population. He was not in- sensible to the odium he must incur by a measure the king could not avow, and his sagacity readily anticipated the encroachments of the Romish party, when encouraged by such important con- cessions. His honourable spirit revolted at the disposition of Charles, to recede from those terms he once professed to hold most sacred, and per- plexed how to reconcile his feelings with his duty he grew disgusted and impatient in his situation. He accordingly petitioned to be removed from it, professing to apprehend that the confederates ex- pected more from him as their countryman and kinsman than could with safety and propriety be granted. This relinquishment of a station which Ormond was in every point calculated to fill with advan- ■¥^ ^- ' ■■■ .- DISPOSITION (j^^ii£ Irish; lil tage to his country, and honour to hii]|setf, could S not be accepted, and to reconcile Ilim to the ^ burden, Charles conferred upon him every power which remained to him to bestow ; amongst these additional powers, Ormond received a commission he had once vainly solicited, for accepting the submissions of such confederates as were inclined to peace upon the terms offered by the king, and for restoring to them their estates and honours. In the meantime the Irish were indefatigable in their endeavour to strengthen their confederacy, so as to maintain a war, or conclude an advan- tageous peace. One of their ecclesiastics was dispatched to Madrid, and the Secretary of the supreme council was commissioned to address himself to the pope, the Italian princes, and the governor of the low countries, " that they might know what they had to trust to, and what suc- cours they might really depend upon from abroad, and that in case they should be forced to serve God in holes and corners, the world might be con- vinced they had laboured all they could to pre- vent this misfortune." Their agents were also busily engaged in France, resorting to the Queen of England's court on her retreat to that country. To recommend themselves to foreign powers, and to infuse an idea of their consequence, they trans- ported troops for the service of France, and when Ormond applied to them for assistance in the royal cause, under Montrose in Scotland, they, positively declared that they would send no men to the king's assistance, until such a peace should be settled, as might demonstrate that they had really taken arms for the sake of religion and to establish it in full splendour. Yet these men called themselves loyal, and boasted of affection for their king and his family. The period now arrived when the negociations ; ■ ■ ■ T^ . •y^. i ';^ ;JMK"'<*»i' . IWh:--' 'I ■'-';;•=:' 1 1 2 T RE f T r Q P,f ATl^a C A T I O N DEFERRED. ^i^:-^. for peace wf lie to be renewed, but the confede' ^5' rates wisli#^ to gain time for receiving intelli- gence from their foreign agents ; they therefore proposed that the conferencelk should be further postponed. Ormond would not consent, and the Irish agents attended him, but not in such num- ber as their powers required. A week was thus gained by them, they then declared that as their general assembly would meet in the middle of May, they would conclude nothing till after that period, confining themselves merely to making their propositions, to debate the matter of them, receiving the answers and promising to prevail on the party to accept them. Ormond strictly at- tentive to the interest and honour of his royal master, concealed the additional powers he had received, and with a due mixture of dignity and condescension, he conducted the conference, dis- missing the agents apparently disposed to peace, who flattered him that their general assembly would very soon decide in favour of the royal in- terests. But this assembly, although apparently united by the great interests of a common cause, was internally divided by many discordant par- ties, and by contending motives and passions. The clergy who had the commonalty at their com- plete devotion, assiduously endeavoured to ob- struct all measures of accommodation which might not meet the most extravagant of their wishes. Totally overlooking the real and general interests of their party, they bewildered the minds, and dazzled the perceptions of their ignorant auditors, by descriptions and declamations of the riches, the power, the magnificence attendant on the free exercise of their religion. The impatience of Charles for a conclusion of the treaty, served but to retard its accomplishment. Although he had given such ample, nay uncontrouled power to EARL OF GLAlirbRGAX. 113 Ormond, he rested not quietly in dependence upon his judgment, sagacity, and moderation, to effect his wish^, but suffereid himself to be seduced into a vain dependence on secret councils and private agents. Amongst the most zealous partisans of Charles was Edward Somerset, Lord Herbert, eldest son of the Marquis of Worcester. Attached to his royal master both by personal affection and prin- ciple, he had raised a considerable body of forces for his service. In return, he had been created Earl of Glamorgan. Charles feeling confidence in his zeal, had created him generalissimo of the three armies, English, Irish, and foreign, with power of naming all inferior officers in this ima- ginary body. Various other powers were also entrusted to him, to which was added the promise of his daughter Elizabeth to the son of this fa- vourite, with a portion of three hundred thousand pounds. Glamorgan was a Roman Catholic, and a most zealous one; he had married Margaret O'Brien, daughter of the late Earl, and sister of the present Earl of Thomond, consequently he had possessions, and was allied to some of the first families in Ireland. This nobleman, about the close of 1644, upon some real or pretended business, announced his intention of visiting Ireland. Charles recom- mended him warmly to Ormond, informing him that Glamorgan had engaged to further the peace by all possible means and expressing the utmost confidence in his affection and integrity, inti- mating, however, at the same time, a doubt of the correctness of his judgment. The confederated Irish, with their characteristic levity, were filled with high expectations from a nobleman of such influence and power connected as he was with them, both by relisfion and affinity. They affected VOL. ir. ' " 1 » 114 THE NUNCIO HIXUNCCIM. to believe that he was sent into Ireland with full authority to hear their demands, and to grant thern such conditions as could not be yielded by the intervention of any other agent, nor publicly acknowledged by the king under his present em- barrassments, and it is probable that in these con- jectures they were not far from the truth. Nor had the Irish less reason to be elevated by the success of their application to the pope. Inno- cent the tenth had recently been placed in the papal chair, and he was solicitous to distinguish the infancy of his power by some extraordinary marks of his zeal for the interests of religion. He therefore had received Belling the Irish secretary who was an acute and intelligent statesman with particular respect, and in return to the application of the supreme council resolved to send a nuncio into the kingdom, as he considered the present circumstances of it most favourable for the resto- ration and reestablishment of the Romish faith, and also of reducing the people, if not indeed as entire tributaries to the apostolic see, yet at least subject to the plenitude of the pope's spiritual power. The individual selected for this impor- tant mission was well qualified to fulfil the in- tentions of the holy father. This individual was John Baptista Rinunccini, archbishop of Fermo and a Florentine of noble birth. His address was graceful, his manners conciliating, his conversa- tion eloquent, his habits regular, and even austere, but his soul ambitious, ardent and vain, his re- ligion bigoted, his principles and practices su- perstitious ; and possessing such a portion of spiritual pride as amounted to the fanatical pre- possession, that he was the appointed and favoured instrument of providence to effect the entire con- version of the western islands. Rinunccini, among various instructions for promoting the general pur- ■'WW^^^^'W^^' '' PLANS OF IRISH CONFEDERA TKS. 115 poses of his mission, was more especially directed to unite the prelates in a firm declaration of war, until their religion should be completely re-estab- lished, and the government entrusted to a Catholic lord lieutenant, thus clearly did the sovereign pontiff indicate his aim at civil as well as spiritual dominion. He was also, if possible, to persuade Ormond to return to the bosom of the church. In his way to Ireland, the nuncio was directed to visit Henrietta, queen of England at Paris, to assure her that religion was the sole object of his mission, and that no designs were entertained against the English royal prerogatives ; at the same time he was to persuade her to abandon the in- tention she had formed of passing over to Ireland, as her presence could only embarrass the religion- ists, give strength to the neutral party, and be attended with an expense more profitably em- ployed in war. The expectations of the confe- derates were elevated very high, and their ideas of their own consequence greatly augmented by these circumstances, they received the propo- sitions of the marquis, however, at the time ap- pointed, with so much temper, that nothing seemed to remain an obstacle to peace, but the penal statutes. The Earl of Clanricarde ever equally, loyal and an advocate for conciliation expressed to Ormond his confidence, that if the repeal of those statutes were granted a final accommodation would be the immediate result, and that the Irish would embark cheerfully and warmly in the royal cause. The clergy however entered not into these pacific opinions. They declared that by the oath of asso- ciation the confederate catholics were bound to stipulate expressly that the churches, abbeys, nunneries, monasteries, and chapels now in their possession should be ever retained. The more I 2 /J_'<-T' ' ' '*• ■;■'■' ■™-y^tl IIG THE king's difficulties. moderate of the party were highly indignant at this declaration, they demanded that it should be retracted, as charging them with perjury. After much altercation the clergy disclaimed the inten- tion of charging the agents of a peace with per- jury ; but they exclaimed loudly against the im- piety of any peace which should not invest their priests with full jurisdiction, together with the right of sitting in parliament. They urged the imminent danger of the holy faith, and con- jured their party to combine, to declare and to protest against the present treaty. The assembly although sensible of the culpable intemperance of these ministers of misguided zeal, yet were so far under their influence as to refuse the restoration of the churches to the protestants, and rejected obstinately any compromise for removing this new risen obstacle to a peace. So true is it that the uncomplying spirit of party regards all compromise as a defeat, and rejects it as betraying the w^eak- ness of their cause. The fatal battle of Naseby, instead of affecting the confederates with the truth, that the triumph of the king was also the triumph over their cause, ungenerously regarded it as favourable to their pretensions and as aflbrd- ing an opening for extending their demands upon the royal indulgence. Of course their propositions both civil and religious increased in temerity and presumption. Their prelates were to exercise uncontrolled jurisdiction, all penal statutes, whe- ther enacted by Henry or Elizabeth, or in earlier reigns, against provisors, were to be utterly abo- lished, and all churches in their possession were neither to be expected nor demanded. In the first shock of his consternation the un- fortunate Charles considered that all succours from Ireland would now be useless to his cause ; under these impressions he felt the full extent of gi.amorgan's commissions. 117 that ungenerous advantage the Irish had taken of his falling fortunes, and he directed Ormond, if possible, to procure a further cessation, and rather leave all things to chance than grant such an al- lowance of popery as must evWently prove de- structive to the protestant profession. A little reflection however convinced him that Irish troops might prove useful, and Lord Digby was directed to write to Muskerry one of ttte agents of the con- federacy. Nothing however was effected when the arrival of Glamorgan in Ireland revived the expectations of the confederates and opened some hope of ne- gociation. Among the papers of the king dis- closed at Naseby, were discovered his instructions to Ormond to make a peace at any price. The confederates were enraged at this discovery, they published the letter with severe animadversions on Ormond, whom they affected to consider secretly attached to and in conjunction with the presby- terian council (as they called them.) Offended also at the stateliness of the marquis they found gratification in thwarting his wishes and throwing every obstruction in the way of a peace. In such an acrimonious and resentful temper, they received Glamorgan with peculiar attention and satisfaction, and artfully taking advantage of Charles' commu- nication to Lord Muskerry pretended to consider it as a formal stipulation on the part of the chief governor to concur with the earl in his transactions and to ratify his engagements. Two commissions from the king were produced by Glamorgan to the confederates, one dated January 1645, the other in the succeedins: March. These commissions amply empowered the earl to treat for peace with the confederates, and in virtue of them he entered into private ne- gociations with them, presumptuously anticipating 'W'"''!*'*;^' ■ »■■ . • ■ 1- ; -ir» I .':'•'■'•;-■ ff^-' 118 STIPULATIONS OF THE TREATY. that he would shortly be distinguished as the leader of a large force and be the instrument of resttDring the king to his independence, power, and splendour. The Abb6 Scarampi, agent of the pope, remoriltrated against negociating for peace publicly with the marquis, and privately with the earl, and more particularly separating the civil from the ecclesiastical articles, yet his objections were not regarded and within one month after the arrival of Glamorgan the treaty was concluded. It was agreed by the earl on the king's part that all Roman catholics should enjoy the public exercise of their religion, possess all the churches not actually enjoyed by protes- tants, exercise their own jurisdiction, be exempted from that of the protestant clergy, that an act of parliament should be framed to confirm these con- cessions, and to render catholics capable of all offices of trust and dignity. That the Marquis of Ormond should not disturb the catholics in these or any other articles to which the earl had con- descended, until his majesty's pleasure should be signified for confirming them. For the due per- formance of them Glamorgan engaged the royal word. On the part of the confederates it was stipulated that ten thousand men should be sent to serve the king in England, Wales, or Scot- land, under the command of the earl, and officers appointed by the confederates, and that two-thirds of the revenues of the clergy should be assigned for the maintenance of the body for three years. In considering these articles the confederates receded from the demand of their confirmation by act of parliament, upon the pledged honour of Glamorgan that they should be rendered equally secure by other forms. With additional caution also the assembly resolved • that their union and oath of association should remain in full force until '^iff.'vm-!'^ i*?^ RELIGIOUS QUESTIONS POSTPONKD. 119 the articles should be ratified in parliament. In consequence of this extraordinary treaty imme- diate levies were made for the royal service, and as it was still necessary to continue the public treaty with the marquis, Glamo|gan eager to con- duct his troops solicited Ormond to make what concessions he was authorised to grant, and for the rest to appeal to the king. Every civil interest in Ormond's negociation was adjusted without difficulty, but the demands respecting religion amounted to nothing less than a legal establish- ment, an entire papal jurisdiction. He cautiously opposed these extravagant requisitions. The Irish agents, conscious of the private transactions with Glamorgan, proposed that no clause in the treaty should preclude the catholics from such further graces as his majesty might be pleased to grant. This proposal was accepted by the generous Or- mond, and on the arrival of Lord Digby to con- ciliate the Irish and expedite succours, it was mutually agreed, that the propositions relative to religion, the great and as it would appear insuper- able obstacle to an accommodation, should be re- ferred entirely to his majesty. Thus was Charles placed in the very perplexity from which he had sought to emancipate himself by investing Or- mond with uncontrolled power, a power which his impatience and necessities had induced him virtually to abrogate by those he conferred on Glamorgan. Peace now seemed on the very eve of settlement : the king anxiously and impatiently expected the stipulated succours, when with the fatality which seemed continually to portend over him, the very means employed for his service, de- feated the purposes of the unfortunate monarch. r^V; :■ ■ -i _•■./:■ W^.:,.- ■ . >f!i: ■ ■ -"f .,■ !.1J|RW- ^ , ■.-_ ■ . . ■ { ^^■■'■KJ!! J 20 CHAPTER XVllI. Pleasures of Ormond — Moderation of the assembly — Opposition of the clergy — Nuncio drrives in Ireland — His reception and interview with the council — Proofs of Charles' insincerity — The mmcio protests against the meditated peace — Intrigues with Glamorgan — Gains ascendancy over him — Unforeseen discovery — Gives the enemies of Charles advantage over him-^ Glamorgan charged by Lord Digby and imprisoned — Is shortly liberated and commissioned to treat with the confederates — Proceedings of the nuncio — Plan of a treaty averred to be framed by the pope — Its extravagant articles — Clergy sign a protestation in favour of it — Glamorgan's chagrin — His activity and private intrigues with Rinunccini — Marquis of Ormondes treaty ratified — Prevailing power in England dis- claim the peace -Folly of Rinunccini — His secret intrigues with Owen O'Nial — Creaghts — They are assembled and headed by Owen O'Nial — Ormond' s astonishment — Effects his retreat — Success of the nuncio's soldiers — Rout Monroe's forces — Proclamation of the peace attended by universal tumult — Nuncio assumes supreme authority — Oath of asso- ciation framed — Injudicious conduct of the supreme council — Preston their favourite general beguiled by the nuncio — Ri- nunccini makes his public entry into Kilkenny — The secret intrigues between Glamorgan and the nuncio — Ormond pre- pares for the siege of Dublin — Patriotism of the ladies — Difficult and dangerous situation of Ormond — Jealousy of O'Nial and Preston, saves Ormond from the extreme danger of his situation — Contrast of character in the two generals — Perplexity of Rinunccini — Arrival of the English parlia- mentary army — Council suddenly breaks up — Preston engages to unite with Ormond — Ormond prepares to treat with the English commissioners — Their proposal — Ormond objects — The hopes of Ormond revive — Are destroyed by the dastard treachery of Preston — Ormond is compelled to treat with the commissioners — He concludes a treaty with them — Early manifestation of their power — Forbid the use of the liturgy — Impatience for the departure of Ormond — Confederates urge him to remain — He embarks for England. A.D. 1645. ■-.'■ « ARlllVAL OF THE NUNCIO. 121 It is but too true that the spirit of party is a domi- neering passion, which erects the destruction of all the virtues into that which their prejudices have dignified with the name, and lays claim to glory from those actions which would cover men with odium, and which they would labour to conceal if they were performed from motives of mere per- sonal interest. Alas ! if men were but to impress upon their minds a firm and abiding conviction of the truth of that most plain and simple proposi- tion, that they have no right to do evil in order to obtain good, we should not have seen, we should not continually see so many human beings immo- lated on the altars of prejudice, insincerity and bad faith. The events of which we are now to take a retrospect have forcibly aroused these re- flections. Ormond not doubting but a peace so advan- tageous and even necessary to the Irish would be strictly and faithfully observed, proceeded to take the requisite measures for the common defence with his new allies ; during the negociation a spirit of moderation seemed to pervade the ma- jority of the assembly, and they appeared con- tented with the privilege of avowing the free en- joyment of their religion without requiring an ab- solute public establishment of its splendour. The clergy however exclaimed against this, as what they termed a desertion of the church, and their agents at Rome were busy in representing the danger and condemning those as impious tempo- risers who dared to conclude a peace without due attention to the interests of religion. To avert the consequences which they thus affected to ap- prehend, Rinunccini was hastened to Ireland. The presence of this nuncio was justly dreaded by the king's party, as tending to embarrass the conclusion of affairs with the confederates, and 122 I'LANS OK TllK CATHOLICS. Henrietta would gladly have retained him at Paris till all was concluded, representing to him that by his endeavours with the pope he might have the honour of giving success to an affair desired by all the powers of Europe, all of whom dreaded that by ruin of the royal cause the parliamentarians would unite with the Hugonots and Dutch, a con- junction equally hateful and formidable to the several monarchies, and the evils of which they subsequently experienced from the inflexible Cromwell, fully equal to their apprehensions. The intimation of the queen was enforced by a memorial from the catholics of England to the nuncio. They had heard that the queen had ap- plied to Rome for succours, therefore they solicited Rinunccini that these subsidies should be refused until the Irish should receive their just demands. They proposed to unite with the catholics of Ire- land so as to form one army for the defence of the king, provided their demands were conceded and ample security given for the performance. In this tumult of negociation the nuncio flattered himself he had proceeded considerably in the ob- ject of his labours, namely, the extirpation of the northern heresy. Many schemes were devised to co-operate in his designs, but at length he was directed to proceed without delay to Ireland, and arrived at Kilkenny on the 12th of November 1645, when the negociation of Ormond was ap- proximating to a conclusion. Having obtained his audience with the supreme council he professed the fairest intentions with respect to religion and peace. The council, on their part, gave assur- ances that they would not act without his know- ledge and concurrence. They explained what had passed, the secret treaty with Glamorgan, the reasons of the king's privacy with regard to religious concessions, also the public negociation OBSTACLES TO THE TREATY. 123 with the marquis, and how far it had advanced. In such a situation, they observed, every thing called for speedy decision, upon v^^hat was requi- site for the preservation of their religion. Gla- morgan next addressed himself to the nuncio, de- claring his reverence for his character, his resolu- tion of acting in deference to his opinion, ex- plained the nature of his commissions from the king, expatiated on the confidence of his royal master, in corroboration of which he produced a letter, sealed and addressed to Pope Innocent X., as a proof of his attachment to the holy see. To the nuncio himself he also delivered a letter, in which Charles expressed his satisfaction at his purpose of going to Ireland, requesting him to unite with his faithful servant Glamorgan, and promising to ratify whatever they should jointly resolve, recommending the observance of the strictest secresy, and assuring Rinunccini, that although his letter was the first he had written to a minister of the pope, yet he hoped it would not be the last. ** When the earl,'' he added, ** and you have concerted your measures, we will openly shew ourself, as we have assured him — Your Friend." Even the desperate situation of Charles could not justify such condescensions, too forcibly do they indicate that the moral sense had lost its delicacy in the collision of contending interests, which had made him their sport and victim ; they served but further to inflate the vain and self- confident Rinunccini. He haughtily objected to the terms both of the public and private treaties, condemned the publication of the political articles, while those respecting religion were suppressed, by which the world would naturally conclude that the honour and interests of religion had been basely sacrificed to temporal advantages. If the confederates were cautious of alienating :;^ 124 IXTlllGUKS OF HINUNCCINI. the protestants, by publishing the religious arti- cles, they should be at least equally cautious of alienating the sovereign pontiff, and all Christian princes, by suppressing them. He scornfully added, that even in these boasted articles, in which they appeared to pride themselves, no mention had been made of a Catholic lord lieutenant, no provision for Catholic bishops or universities. The council endeavoured to obviate these objec- tions, and many more suggested by the haughty ecclesiastic, but without any further effect than to confirm him more tenaciously in his own opi- nion, and the moderate of the confederates in re- solving upon an immediate accommodation. Ri- nunccini, when he found he could not bring the entire council into his own measures, resolved to throw every obstacle in the way of accommoda- tion. He summoned the Romish bishops, assem- bled at Kilkenny, to a secret meeting; eight obeyed, and united with him in a protest against the meditated peace, and a resolution to oppose it. The nuncio in the next place proceeded to prac- tise upon Glamorgan, whose character his pene- tration quickly discovered. Nor was he deceived in his expectation of effectually influencing his opinions and actions. Impatient to remove every impediment to his appearing at the head of an Irish army; Glamorgan readily yielded to the plausible arguments of the eloquent nuncio, who working upon his bigotry and vanity, prevailed on him to sign an instrument, by way of appen- dage to his former treaty, and by which he engaged, that when ten thousand men should be sent into England, the king should oblige himself never to employ any but a Catholic lord lieutenant of Ire- land, Catholic bishops to sit in parliament, uni- versities to be erected under their sole regulation, and that the jurisdiction of the supreme council CiLAMOUGAX IMPIUSONKD. 125 should continue until all the private articles were ratified. In this state of affairs, the secret negociations were suddenly disconcerted by an unforeseen in- cident. By means entirely fortuitous, a com- plete and authentic copy of the private treaty which Glamorgan had concluded with the confe- derates, was discovered, together with a distinct recital of his commission, and of his oath to the confederates. Thus were disclosed the insincerity and equivocation of Charles, by which his enemies obtained an unhappy advantage over him. The papers were printed, industriously dispersed to the dishonour of Charles, the mortification of his protestant adherents, and the utmost exultation of his enemies. The effect naturally to be ex- pected from such a discovery, was nothing less than that all good protestants, (as is forcibly expressed by Lord Digby,) *' should conclude, that the scandals formerly cast on his majesty, of inciting the Irish rebellion, were true, and that he designed to introduce popery, even by ways most unkingly and perfidious." We shall not enter further into the circumstances attending this disclosure, than to observe, that probably with a view of vindicating the king's honour, Glamorgan was charged by Lord Digby, before the privy council, of a suspicion of high treason, and was imprisoned accordingly. That Glamorgan was authorised in his negociation, there appears no just ground to doubt ; and even Ormond, in a letter to him, seems fully aware that he was so : " My affections and interest," he says, ** are so tied to his majesty's cause, that it were madness in me to disgust any man that hath power and inclination to relieve him, in the sad condition lie is in, and therefore your lordship may securely go on in the way you have proposed to yourself ='S?'«r I2G FHESII NEGOCIATIONS. to serve the king, without fear of interruption from me, or so much as enquiiing into the means you work by.'' After a short confinement, Glamorgan was liberated, and the lord lieutenant and council manifested their belief of his innocence, by giving him a commission, to treat with the confederates upon several affairs of consequence. Meanwhile the nuncio indefatigably endeavoured to oppose any accommodation, but on terms of exorbitant concessions. Of course, the Romish clergy were all at his devotion, excepting a very few, whom age and experience had moderated, or who were independent. The general interests of Ireland, and those of the king, were entirely for- gotten, in the vain imagination of establishing his religion, with every attending circumstance of dignity and splendour. He therefore utterly con- demned those who were willing to make peace on such terms as might secure them toleration, with- out absolute outward establishment. To counter- act these tnoderates, the nuncio produced a plan of a treaty, averred to be framed by the pope, and transmitted by his nephew. Cardinal Pamfilio. It comprised the most extravagant provisions for the Irish church ; the nuncio was empowered to make such additions as he should see proper; these added articles were yet more extravagant than those emanating from the pontiff. Rinunc- cini collected his clergy, who readily signed a protestation in favour of this treaty. To the as- sembly he also recommended it, as the only plan by which their rights and interests could effectually be secured. He, however, exhorted them to wait the arrival of the original articles, to prolong the cessation, and to send their purposed forces to the relief of Chester. This last recommenda- tion won Glamorgan to his interest, although he had ranked himself among the moderates, and ■ ip>y!fg»^ TllKATY RATIFIED. 127 had declared for a speedy conclusion of the arti- cles with the marquis, and for considering his own private treaty as sufficient guarantee for the eccle- siastical concessions. Whilst Rinunccini thus exerted himself in fa- vour of a treaty which, perhaps, existed only in his own intrigue, although he assured the council he daily expected it from Rome, the moderates of that assembly were urgent for the conclusion of the treaty with the marquis, urging the king's condescension in granting their temporal requisi- tions, and the concessions he had made in spiri- tuals, which were all that could reasonably be expected from him under his present afflictive circumstances. Even the pope had declared that a connivance was all that could reasonably be de- manded of Charles. Such was the attestation of one ecclesiastic ; while another called in question the Roman treaty altogether, as an imposition on the Irish, devised to prevent the peace. The im- patient Glamorgan could ill bear the altercations and delays ; they materially affected the great object of his vanity — the leading an Irish army to the rescue of his majesty; he flew from party to party, endeavouring to moderate the asperities of each ; he made large condescensions to the nuncio, and entered into private intrigues with him, in order to effect and expedite the object of his wishes. All these various plans, however, came to nothing ; and it was not until the unhappy Charles was held in captivity by the Scots, and was subjected to the severest restraint, that any prospect of relief from Ireland was opened, by the ratification of the Marquis of Ormond's treaty with the confederates, July 1646. Some settlement and composure, it might na- turally be expected, would result from this long protracted object being completed ; but the tu- 128 CONTENDING INTERESTS. mults of faction that then prevailed, were inimical to any degree of serenity. The prevailing power in England utterly disclaimed the peace, and so high was now become its pretensions, that Lord Lisle was already appointed chief governor of Ireland by the parliament. The covenanters in Ulster, a numerous body, concealed not their contempt for the whole nego- ciation ; and the parliamentarians of Munster violently opposed any peace with the Irish, as in the fulness of their zeal they cpuld be contented with nothing less than the i^tirpation of popery. The powerful body of Catholics, on the other hand, with equal violence, aimed at the utter ex- tirpation of the English, and their religion. The nuncio also, throughout the whole negociation, obstinately opposed any treaty but one framed by the pope, any separation of the civil and ecclesi- astical articles, and any of the latter which should not fully meet his expectations, of an immediate, a complete, and splendid establishment of the Romish worship. Amidst these violent contending passions and interests, little hope could be entertained of peace and tranquillity for Ireland. So utterly superfi- cial and narrow was the political sagacity of Ri- nunccini, that although he publicly pretended a zeal for the king's interests, he, in a letter to Pamfilio observed, that the destruction of the king would, in his opinion, prove most advan- tageous to Ireland, and that the final triumph of the parliamentarians in England would be most effectual to the establishment of Catholicism in Ireland. Upon whatever basis he grounded this extraordinary opinion, he was so completely pos- sessed with the justness of it, that as in duty bound, as un bon Catholique, he secretly rejoiced in every adverse circumstance attending the royal ';■■'■■ # ■:'-;■■■-■- "^■..'- ■ ."■ '\, ■ TEMPER OF THE IRISH GENERALS. 129 cause, and strenuously contended against any measure likely to support it. Against the treaty of Ormond he unceasingly remonstrated and protest- ed, ^preached the necessity of union among the confederates, regardless of the king's ministers, or any thought of peace; exhorted them to look abroad for support, to seek protection from foreign powers, pointing out the pope as their natural and sure protector. But as a great and powerful party of the confederates were anxious for a final accommodation, and were supported by their general Preston, the lUincio became sensible, that neither his own influence or eloquence, nor the intrigues and arts of his clergy, would prevent the peace, without some power to support them against an army ready to execute the orders of the supreme council. Rinunccini, foreseeing that a general submission to the lord lieutenant would unavoidably put an end to his own influence, se- cretly conspired with Owen O'Nial, who com- manded the native Irish in Ulster, and who bore a great jealousy to Preston. O'Nial was a fit in- strument for the deep purposes of the wily Flo- rentine ; both he and his followers were under the influence of disgust, for grievances received from the supreme council. So true is it, that the triumphs of a party seldom or never prove advan- tageous to those, who, in the course it has pur- sued, have shown themselves most ardent. The forces of Owen O'Nial were composed of what in Ireland were termed Creaghts, a race of bar- barous rovers, without settled residence, who, shut out from social relations, gave free scope to their lawless volitions, and were a general annoyance to the districts they roamed through in search of subsistence. Rinunccini found not much difli- culty in prevailing upon the irritated and disgusted O'Nial to declare against the peace, and of course VOL. II. K ■°''^'*»7S?' ''•"■"'■- • " ^- - I •■?.•• .<'"T.^-'-?y3*'v^'»5|!f!R 130 SUCCESSES OF OWEN o'nIAL. his followers, whose only resources arose from public commotion, were ready to unite in any enterprise which opened a field of action for their lawless energies. They, indeed, were anxious for engagement, and readily consented to be deemed the nuncio's soldiers. But a short period was necessary to assemble them, and a force of near five thousand foot, and five hundred horse, about the end of May, marched towards Armagh, headed by Owen O'Nial. Ormond, who had remained in perfect security confiding in the pacification so recently completed, was astonished at the intelligence he received of this treachery, which extended to enclosing him on every side. He effected his retreat with ce- lerity and judgment, and sheltered his small army in Dublin and other fortified towns which still re- mained in the hands of the protestants. In the meanwhile the progress of the nuncio's soldiers was marked with success, they encountered the forces of Monroe, which they routed, and more than three thousand of the British troops were slain, while the loss of the furious Irish did not amount to more than seventy ; Ulster was in fact upon the point of being entirely reduced by the victorious O'Nial when he was summoned by the nuncio into Leinster to oppose the peace, and instantly marched at the head of ten thousand barbarous ravagers ; for to this number was his lawless army swelled. The proclamation of the peace was attended by universal tumult. At Limerick the chief magistrate attended the procla- mation of course officiously ; he was suddenly at- tacked by a tumultuous crowd, led on by several ecclesiastics, who wounded the mayor and the heralds, some mortally, imprisoned them several days, and for this daring outrage they received the thanks and benediction of the nuncio. As- ?»rf^','''!WS," -'-T"'- ; -/■■■^/"\ -v '■■ ^w^pnf:-S^«K'--5?^^^ . ■ — ■^-../■»-, ■;'^. 1)is.sp:nsions and parties. 131 suming to himself the supreme authority, he dis- placed the magistrates who had attempted to support the proclamation, and conferred the go- vernment of the city on a man who had been a principal in the tumult. At Waterford he con- vened the clergy, and together with them he ex- communicated the commissioners and all who had been instrumental to the peace, pronouncing an in- terdict on all places where it had been admitted, he suspended all clergy who preached in favour of it, and all confessors who absolved any adherents of it. Excommunication was also denounced against those who paid or levied any money assessed by the council of Kilkenny, and all soldiers who should support the execution of their orders. For the better union of their party, a new oath of association was framed, whereby they engaged not to adhere to any peace but such as should be honourable, secure to their consciences, and so approved by the congregation of Irish clergy. These bold and unwarrantable measures had their full effect upon a bigoted, furious, and ignorant people, every where producing the most violent exclamations against a peace in which the inter- ests of religion had not been explicitly secured. The supreme council acted most injudiciously in this critical state of alFairs. Instead of enforcing firmly and rigorously their authority, they endea- voured to sooth the clergy, received their extra- vagant propositions without proper reprehension and disdain, and these were confirmed in the ex- alted opinion of their own power, which their success had engendered. Their favourite general, Preston, was beguiled by the insinuating art of the nuncio to favour his views, thus his triumph became complete. Soldiers and gentry, officers and commonalty all crowded to this ambitious prelate, exclaiming against the Ormondists, fso k2 vrW^^^pr- ■ ■ ' . • •-';*«f^»"^«'r /^r-^^f^m^wij'vvm^ jw^^ 132 AMIJITIOUS VIEM^S OF GLAMORGAN. the favourers of peace were designated), all clam- ouring for religion, the clergy and the papal minister. In this frenzy of popular feeling, the power of the confederated Catholics so long sup- ported, the authority of their assemblies, the dig- nity of their councils were all at once annihilated, and a few ecclesiastics seemed absolute lords of the kingdom. Rinunccini made his public entry into Kilkenny in all the pomp of royalty, and the pride of victory. All affairs, civil and ecclesias- tical were resigned to his direction ; completely as it were intoxicated with flattery and power, he ordered the members of the council and other promoters of the peace to be imprisoned, and general Preston was his agent to execute the order! so mutable is human opinion, so fluctu- ating human fidelity. Not contented with this exercise of his self constituted authority, Rinunc- cini appointed a new council, consisting of four bishops and eight laymen, acting himself as pre- sident, with despotic power. But of all the infatuated individuals who thus bended before the shrine of the artful nuncio, the Earl of Glamorgan was the most servile and ob- sequious. Having received a private letter from the unfortunate Charles with warm assurances of his regard, and intimating that if he could effect his escape, he would cast himself into his arms, and those of the nuncio ; the vain and sanguine earl communicated it to Rinunccini, and they de- vised a thousand plans for conveying the king to Ireland. The nuncio heaped favours and honours upon an individual whom he saw he could make a ready tool of for any purposes he might desire. He even promised to appoint him lord lieutenant, when Orraond should be driven from Dublin. The vain Glamorgan elated by present and pro- jspective favours, renewed his vows of eternal - - *^- ormond's difficulties. 133 obedience to the nuncio, and swore he would in all things pay obedience to the holy see. While they were engaged in their ambitious and visionary plans, Ormond expected and prepared for a siege. The Irish of the north were held in particular horror by the inhabitants of Dublin, on account of the barbarities they had committed ; and in order to animate the zeal of the citizens against these expected besiegers, the marchioness of Ormond and other women of quality appeared at their head carrying baskets of earth to the fortifications. But with all these preparations against a siege, Ormond was deeply sensible of the desperation of his situ- ation. He was destitute of all resource, and had mortgaged his own property for the public service. Unable to maintain a siege, he could not treat with the Irish for they were too faithless to adhere to any armistice. The whole power of the confederacy now rested with the old Irish, desperate and bar- barous, and imbued with a deep hatred against the English, and who were even now labouring to reduce the nation to a foreign subjection To such men the noble and honourable Ormond could not consent to submit. The parliamentarians he de- tested, yet to them he was compelled to apply in this extreme exigence. Not uselessly to dwell upon the perplexities of this period, we shall but say that the situation of Ormond became daily more critical, and at length, the king who despaired of ever resuming his au- thority, sent orders from his confinement in Scot- land to Ormond, that if he could not defend him- self, he would wish him rather to submit to the English than the Irish rebels. Fatal must the event have proved to the noble Ormond in the enterprise of the nuncio against the capital, had not the indiscretion of this sacerdotal politician created a jealousy between his generals, O'Nial ■ >o«^:^^^*^ 134 KNMITV 01- PllESTON TO o'nIAL. and Preston. Some partialities shown towards the former, roused the choleric temper of the latter; the most bitter enmity was the conse- quence, which communicated itself to the troops of each. Thus divided amongst themselves, the interests of the general cause were necessarily weakened ; opposition, not co-operation, actu- ating each on every occasion. O'Nial, dark, sar- castical, reserved, jealous, captious, and severe, never suffered his sentiments to transpire, but brooding in secret upon his plans, overwhelmed his victim in a moment of security which had been vigilantly marked. Preston, irritable, open, and unrestrained, expressed his feelings with in- discreet ardour and violent invective, giving his adversary every advantage over him. The con- flicts of two such tempers could not but em- barrass Rinunccini, if they did not alarm him. He was half resolved to commit the violent Pres- ton to custody, while O'Nial fanned the flame by affecting to dread some insidious design against him and his forces. In short, the two armies were ready to draw swords against each other, rather than co-operate in carrying on the siege with concert and alacrity. Solicitous to take advantage of these animosi- ties. Lord Digby exerted himself to reconcile the whole body of the Irish to peace, and if he could not effect this, to detach Preston from the nuncio, and by uniting him with Ormond to pre- vent the mortifying treaty with the English par- liament to which he had been compelled to apply for succours. For the purpose of effecting a pacification. Lord Clanricarde repaired to the confederates and commenced a treaty with the nuncio and his council, he engaged for the repeal of all laws against the Catholics, that they should retain possession of the churches until the king's WW^'W^^^r^^^^'^^^^^ FORCES OF THE PARLIAMENT. 135 pleasure should be signified upon a full settlement of the nation, that the queen and prince should confirm those articles, and the crown of France be guarantee for their performance. This, how- ever, was far from satisfying the bigoted ex- pectations of the nuncio, though entirely agreeable to the moderate among the confederates. In the midst of the debate, the intelligence arrived that the English parliamentary forces were arrived. The council, as if seized with a panic, suddenly broke up. O'Nial called off his men from their posts, and marched away in the night ; the coun- cil hastened to Kilkenny, followed by the nuncio, while Preston and his officers continued his ne- gociation with Clanricarde, engaging on security of the terms he proposed, to observe the late peace, to obey the king's authority, and to unite with Ormond. The marquis thus extricated from his pressing danger, could better treat with the English commissioners, who seeing the wretched state of Dublin, were disposed to grant their as- sistance only on severe terms. They were re- garded by the protestant inhabitants as their de- liverers. Mortifying was it to the high minded Ormond to treat with the bitter enemies of a monarch whom he had so faithfully and zealously served. The transactions of Clanricarde giving, however, some hopes of a peace, he determined not to treat with the commissioners as a desperate man, but with a dignity suited to his rank, charac- ter, and station. They proposed to take the pro- testants under their protection, and to allow Ormond his estate or an annual pension of two thousand pounds for five years, in the event of his not receiving his rents. On these conditions they demanded that he should resign his govern- ment. Ormond objected to the indefinite and lax nature of their overtures, no mention being ;%^': ■ ••''■''!* *f<^^;^r'^W,'^5i^^ ^^'ftrf.?«T7^^p 136 INTERFERENCE OF THE NUNCIO. made of many points which it was his imperative duty to attend to, before he could commit his high responsibility to any one. Some propositions he made were rejected, and the conference for the present closed. Ormond during this negociation was subjected to many difficulties, in which his principles of religion and honour had to contend with his policy. At length the negociation of Clanricarde seemed so happily advanced, as to inspire the hopes of Ormond, that he should be relieved from the mortifying necessity of sub- mitting to the English parliament. The Leinster army was subjected to the command of Clanri- carde, and Preston agreed to become his major- general ; Ormond was consulted respecting the necessary military operations ; Preston engaged to attempt some important services, and was to be speedily assisted by Ormond and his forces. Thus far all favourable to Ormond's wishes, Pres- ton began his march, when some agents from the nuncio appeared and commanded him to stop, to disperse his forces, and in case of disobedience denounced the sentence of excommunication on him and his followers. The dastard and bigoted rebel was terrified, and was easily prevailed upon to reconcile himself with the nuncio, and three days after he published a renunciation of his treaty with Clanricarde on the pretence that the articles were not performed on the part of government. Thus were the dawning hopes of Ormond dispelled by a perfidy which, experienced" as he was in the levity and treachery of the Irish, he had not con- templated or supposed possible. The traitor had intimated in a letter to Clanricarde, the propriety of Ormond's waiting the result of an assembly about to be convened, ere he proceeded further in his projected measures. In order, therefore, to deprive him of all excuse, he re- ^f^.' ^wr-.f^ ".irajippf;*? -vyfw^r j5^-?^.)H-«w*.'.*r' ORMOND R£S1GNS. 137 solved to do so. Shortly after the assembly was convened, and the nuncio and his clergy rose in the extravagance of their demands, and by a formal resolution they condemned the late peace, and pronounced it null and void. Thus all hopes from the Irish were brought to a period. Sur- rounded by a party not without reason exaspe- rated and indignant at the repeated perfidy and obstinacy of the Irish, provoked at distresses daily becoming more pressing, unable any longer to sup- ply a discontented and famishing army, the Marquis of Ormond found himself after all his ceaseless exertions for the interests of his royal master, deceived, destitute, abandoned ; no longer seeing any possibility of supporting the cause of the un- fortunate Charles, or of protecting his Irish do- minions, he was compelled as his last desperate resource, to resign the rights he held, and to de- posit those of the crown with the English par- liament. With the full concurrence of all those who were interested in the honour and interests of the king, Ormond wrote to the commissioners, offering to resign his government and garrisons to them. Imagination pictures the agitation of the gallant Ormond, his internal struggles, his hesitation, his grief, and indignant emotions ere he could resolve upon this forced humiliation. His propositions were accepted by the commissioners, and the treaty commenced. The confederates who had ever professed loyalty to the king, though they had little proved it, were not insen- sible to the odium of forcing Ormond by their obstinacy into a submission to his enemies, and affecting a solicitude to prevent it, renewed their overtures of accommodation, but as the influence of the clergy continued to prevail, nothing could be done. It is stated, that even Owen O'Nial began to apprehend bad consequences, from 138 COMMISSIONERS OF THE PAULIAMENT. driving Ormond from the kingdom, and entered into some negociatious with him, Ormond pro- posed that if he could procure a cassation for one year, he would break off his treaty with the par- liament, not yet advanced so far, but he could do it with honour. He required from O'Nial an answer in fourteen days. The proposal was dis- patched by a confidential messenger to the coun- cil, with recommendations to the popish bishop of Clogher to support it. But the infatuated council effectually defeated the project by imprisoning the messenger, till the limited fourteen days had expired. Nothing therefore remained to Ormond, but to conclude the hateful treaty with the com- missioners. Accordingly he delivered up Dublin, Tredah, Dundalk and other garrisons to Colonel Michael Jones, who took possession of them in the name of the English parliament. The commis- sioners promised on their part, that the protes- tants should be protected ; that all who chose to attend the marquis out of Ireland should have free liberty to do so ; that popish recusants, who had not engaged in the rebellion, might rest securely in the favour of parliament according to their future demeanour ; that Ormond should have the liberty of residing in England, provided he sub- mitted to the ordinances of parliament and they agreed to reimburse the expences he had incurred for the public service. Complete masters of Dublin, the commissioners delayed not till the departure of Ormond the manifestation of their new power. By their own will and pleasure alone, they forbade the use of the liturgy, (the only form of worship established by law), and substituted the directory in all places of worship. This stipulation was, however, for the present confined to the city, or at least not obeyed without it. The bishop of Meath still OllMOND DEPARTS FOR ENGLAND. 139 continued the use of the liturgy, and thither the protestants of the established church resorted in great numbers to unite in divine worship during this period of double persecution. The Irish Catholics had already, as we have seen, refused the smallest degree of toleration of the established worship in any place subjected to their power, and in the extravagance of their expectations, had even disputed if the king should be allowed one chapel in the capital, when their dominion was to extend over the entire kingdom. With the same spirit of bigotry directed to the opposite extreme, the gloomy reformers rejected the re- monstrance of the clergy, and uttered loud me- naces against the heinous guilt of worshipping God in any form or manner but their own. They ex- pressed the greatest impatience for the departure of Ormond, although they were by no means careful to perform their stipulations to enable him to liquidate his debts. In the meantime, the most eminent of the con- federates anticipated the worst consequences to their cause, by the departure of Ormond, and he was earnestly entreated to remain sometime longer in Ireland. But Ormond had no reason to rely on their stability, and he saw no good likely to result by his continuance, as he could not conde- scend to remain in obscurity in a country where he had sustained a public character, he therefore left the regalia to be delivered to the commission- ers, and embarked for England. Thus was a virtuous statesman, a true patriot, a faithful sub- ject, and a noble minded man, driven from a station he had filled with honour, through a con- tinued course of perplexity, difl&culty and danger; and that by two contending parties, who each in pursuit of their object cared not what devas- tation they made in their course, or what was sacrificed to the plans of their ambition. ft -^^T : ■ 77'?^f ffl '^jf^ ?' ' ?fr''^:^,wu»i!",!fV'W^',^W S^A?;:'!^--;-- 140 CHAPTER XIX. Ireland plunged in anarchy and distraction — Catholic armies — Power of the Nuncio — His arrogance — Upright conduct of Clanricarde — Affair ofCashel — Conduct of the assembly — It however declares for peace — Rinunccini prevails upon them to send deputations to Rome and Spain — Private commission of the agents sent to France — answer of the queen and prince — Agents return — Affairs favourable to peace — Catholic con- federacy seems to decline — A treaty of cessation proposed — Untoward circumstances counteract these happy auspices — Rinunccini protests against the cessation — Fulminates an ex- communication — His power weakened by his extravagant pre- tensions — Perfidy of O'Nial — Conduct of the generals — Nuncio's poiver passing away — Design of O'Nial — Vigour of the council — O'Nial intrigues with Jones — Is declared a traitor by the council — Appeal to Rome against the Nuncio — Proceedings of the assembly against him — He is ordered to depart the kingdom — His indignant fury — Demoralized state of the country — Ormond resumes his power — His proceedings with the assembly — Mutiny in Lord Inchiquins army — Treaty suspended — Fleet arrives — Mutiny quelled — Nego- ciation resumed — Emissaries from Rome — Effect of the king's situation in Ireland — Peace proclaimed — Articles of the treaty — Objectionable clause contained in it — The fatal catastrophe of the king — Horror of the Irish — Ormond proclaims Charles the second — Arrival of prince Rupert — Rinunccini retires to France — Ormond coitfirmed in his government — He is left to his own energies — Is aided by Clanricarde — Charles pre- vented from going to Ireland — Ormond obliged to take the field — O'Nial enters into secret correspondence with the par- liamentarians — Unfortunate affair of the fort — Government of Ireland, an object of intrigue — Cromwell is chosen go- vernor — He lands at Dublin — Reception — Takes the field — His decision — Summons Drogheda to surrender^ o» refusal orders an assault — Terror infused by the barbarity of Crom- well — His entire success — Operations of Ormond defeated — Continued success of Cromwell — Bishop of Ross — Cromwell returns to England — Resigns his army to Ireton — Ormond STATE OF THE KINGDOM. 141 expostulates with the clergy — They publish a declaration against Ormond — Success of the parliamentary army — Bi- goted fury prevailing — Concession of Charles in his decla- ration to the Scots — The effects of it — Ormond' s spirited conduct — Protestation of the clergy — Ormond prepares for his departure — The alarm of the assembly — Earl of Clan- ricarde appointed lord deputy — Loyalty of Clanricarde — Versatility of the clergy — Their hatred of Clanricarde — Proposal to the Duke of Lorraine — Lorraine sends an envoy to Ireland — Proceedings of the negociation—The Duke in- vested with authority — Exultation of the clergy — Trans- actions of Ireton — Sir Phelim O'Nial suffers an ignominious death — Severities of Ireton — Reduces Limerick — Dies of contagious fever — General Ludlow succeeds in the command — Clanricarde accepts conditions, and retires to England — ■ His death. A. D. 1647. On the departure of the upright and intelligent Ormond, Ireland seemed to revert to its ancient anarchy and distraction. Most complicated were its miseries ; torn by faction, wasted by war, opposed by poverty, it appeared no enviable theatre for the display of parliamentary skill and military discipline. The republican vulgarity of Colonel Jones and his unpolished train, was strik- ingly contrasted with the elegant state and polished decorum of Ormond and his court. The new governors found themselves plunged into difficulties they had not anticipated. Some at- tempts to restore discipline among the troops did but irritate them, suffering from absolute famine they plundered the inhabitants and insulted their officers, and Jones who had no means of supplying their necessities was obliged to connive at their outrages. Three armies of Catholics surrounded them, O'Nial and his troops professing entire de- votion to the pope and his minister, were equally inimical to the royal cause and the ruling powers. Preston and his followers vainly regretting the departure of Ormond were inveterate against the Y^^ ' ^^.^■- ^'PW?ff^^?:v"^^l|f7Wr TWWSi'r^'W-^^s'?* '*■ v-^^A-f ^"t '^?m'^- ^, 142 STOllMING OF C.ASHEL. ■9 parliamentarians. The Scots were equally averse to the present government. All was disunion, jealousy and inveteracy. The authority of the nuncio prevailed over all the Catholics without any qualification or controul, and he by his ar- rogance and insolence soon made them repent of the unbounded power with which they had en- trusted him. The Earl of Clanricarde, who pre- served his loyalty firm and unblemished, saw with a sagacity rendered more acute by his principles, that ruin impended over his unhappy country, and the whole energies of his upright and intelli- gent mind were called into action to avert if pos- sible the terrible effects of the moral tempest which was collecting on all sides. He secretly entered into correspondence with Lord Inchiquin, who preserved great authority over the protestants in Munster, and in the course of the hostilities, the latter advanced against the city of Cashel. The inhabitants of which fled to their cathedral church seated on a well fortified rock, and pro- vided with a strong garrison. Inchiquin pro- posed to leave them unmolested, provided they would advance him three thousand pounds, and a month's pay for his army. This proposal was haughtily rejected, he therefore stormed and took the place with a considerable slaughter both of the inhabitants and soldiery. The booty he ob- tained was also very large, but still insufficient to enable him to keep the field, therefore on the ap- proach of winter he dispersed his army into gar- risons. But the circumstance which has induced us to advert to the affair of Cashel, is that in storming it, about twenty ecclesiastics were in- cluded in the slaughter, an incident which fur- nished Rinunccini with a theme for declamation against the sacrilegious cruelty, and added warmth to his arguments for revenge. He imputed the S^jyTP" :*7?H^:?'.'" -; i'i-i- -'^•''*-ri^'w?5^^ DEFEAT OF LORD TAAFE. 143 affair to some secret collusion between the con- federates' general of the Munster army, and In- chiquin, and to the imputed desertion of the holy cause ascribed all the calamities of the faith- ful, the innocent blood which had been shed be- fore the holy altars, and all the enormities which had marked the heretical armies. Fired with his outrageous zeal, his whole party exclaimed so loudly against Lord Taafe, that he was obliged again to take the field so late in the season as November. His army was met by Inchiquin, who routed it, more than three thousand of the infatuated Irish, the flower of the Munster army, were cut to pieces, and the entire materiel of the army fell into the hands of the victors. ■ These repeated calamities had a great impres- sion on the confederates, who, in proportion to their proud elation in prosperity, were depressed by adverse circumstances ; many determined to abandon a cause so desperate, no longer to sub- mit to the insensate pride and insolence of the nuncio, and the outrages of O'Nial, his ally. Under these impressions of disappointment and disgust. Lord Muskerry prevailed upon them once more to attempt to effect peace for their country. The nuncio soon discovered the design of subverting his power, and, fired with indig- nation, resolved to counteract it ; for this pur- pose he took measures which prove his total ine- briation of power, and the violent excesses to which it leads, effectually sapping the foundations of its own proud erections. He had recommended eleven persons to Rome to be made bishops. In order to gain a superiority in the assembly, to oppose the designs meditated against him, he pre- vailed on the supreme council, formed of his own creatures, to summon those ecclesiastics by writ to the assembly. The lawyers objected that their -^^f^T™^ "*•. fJ«swu5!M^^^^c-f:?;7w>JB!^;:?^-^ ^f^'^V'^^T^^Wr^fW 144 PROCEEDINGS OF RINUNCCINI. bulls were not yet arrived, that they were not consecrated, nor invested with their temporalities, therefore the summons would be altogether in- formal and invalid. Rinunccini passionately re- plied, he would consecrate them himself, but as a more expeditious step, he ordered them to take their seats directly. The dastard and servile assembly were intimidated by this unlawful as- sumption of power, and actually submitted to it. The triumphant nuncio, of course, became more and more insolent; for instance, Ulster usually sent sixty-three members to the general assembly, nine from this province only attended on this oc- casion, and the overbearing nuncio insisted these nine should have sixty -three voices] This ex- travagant and absurd demand was, however, re- jected. But in spite of every intrigue of the artful Florentine, the assembly declared almost unanimously for peace, and for that purpose de- termined to send agents to the queen and prince in France. Rinunccini, who well knew this step would be the destruction of his power, and pro- duce the return of Ormond, violently opposed it ; he pressed the assembly to implore the pope to assist them, and so prevailing were his persua- sions, that it was resolved to send deputations to Rome and Madrid, and that the agents destined for France should await the answer received from those courts. The instruction given to these agents was, of course, a point in which Rinunc- cini was especially interested. In the fulness of his pride, he had with his clergy subscribed a declaration, never to consent that either the queen or the prince should be invited into Ireland, until all the articles of the pope respecting religion were secured, a Roman Catholic made governor, or that any peace should be concluded, which might diminish the present state and public exer- V; ■ •^^"'■r ; . . *>T¥S5'.«5";-:j' ",:.~^;' -. '••■ -^_;.^^ir. - .-!>-¥"• r**" SEDITIOUS DESIGNS. 145 «ise of their religion. They insisted, therefore, that the. instructions should be modelled in con* formity to this declaration. They were accord- ingly permitted to frame them, and to insert all their extravagant demands, as with that conve- nient equivocation and mental reservation sanc- tioned by their corrupt religious principles, the opposite party Jiad obtained the secret promise of the agents, to reject them in their negociation, as tending to the subjection of their country to a foreign power, now the clearly avowed design of the clergy and the old Irish. This design was even publicly avowed, in a tract written by an Irish Jesuit, printed at this time, and assiduously, though privately, dispersed through the country : the author contends, that the Kings of England had neyer any rigbt to Ireland ; but even admit- ting they once had, they had forfeited it by turn- ing heretics, and thereby neglecting the condi- tions of Adrian's grant. That the old Irish would be fully justified, not only by force of arms, to recover their possessions from usurpers of English and other foreign extraction, and to kill all the Protestants, but also all Roman Catholics of Ire- land, who supported the crown of England. That they ought to choose an Irish native for their so- vereign, and at once to throw off the yoke of heretics and foreigners. Such was the inflamma- tory doctrine, circulated amongst a people whose combustible nature was so readily ignited. The priest, in whose custody this book was seized, escaped punishment by the interest of the nuncio, who also endeavoured greatly to save the book itself from censure. In this, however, he did not succeed ; it was condemned by the general sense of the more moderate of the supreme council, and ordered to be burnt at Kilkenny. The appointed agents in the meantime repaired VOL. II. L ijiiQBi 1 1 I I , . -^ ..^v^ ' ■*■ ■ ' ; • "^ ' . ,- '^>;*- ■. -'■ :--ii:^''^"yf^:-'- -f , -'r ■;^~!F^!5^r;^5':?'^' .'•■'■ ^- ,"^ -y^ -z-,, ■ y jj •...«">■"'?';?»■ HIS INFLUENCE DECLINES. 149 favoured the cessation, and denounced an inter- dict on all places in which it should be accepted or maintained. But the popular feeling, if it had not expe- rienced an absolute revolution, in respect to the nuncio, was undergoing a rapid transition. His despotism had reached its summit, and the peo- ple were directed by a new impulse, ready to adopt a more moderate system, or rather to suffer that which had been drawn to extreme tension, and which had borne them up, now gradually to relax. Hence the severities and the censures of the nuncio failed to have that effect which they produced, when in the plenitude of his power he commanded both the mental and physical energies of his votaries. His spiritual terrors, by being fulminated on the most trivial occasions, were become familiar to the imagination of the weakest, and divested of their horror ; and this diminished effect was further aided by the few clergy who united in the sentence, in comparison to those who had formerly given strength to the individual ana- themas of the fiery nuncio. The supreme council ventured to appeal in form against his censures, in which they were supported by two archbishops, twelve bishops, all the secular clergy of their dioceses, by all the Jesuits and Carmelites, many of the Augustines and Dominicans, and about five hundred Franciscans. Though the power of Rinunccini was thus evi- dently declining, and his scheme for a concentra- tion of power in consequence far from the accom- plishment his vanity and bigotry had anticipated, yet still he was supported by no inconsiderable party, if a combination of individuals might be termed such, who were each destitute of any fixed principle of resolute action, and subject to all the fluctuations produced by narrow and selfish pas- 150 DlSRilGAHD OF THE NUNCIO. sions and interests, with a perfect indifference to the common cause beneath which each sheltered his individual designs. The nuncio yet ranked among his adherents those of the clergy, who ex- pected preferment by his favour, and those of the laity who looked for the restoration of their pa- ternal lands ; those who were oppressed by debt j and those who having nothing to lose had some chance of gaining by popular commotion ; and in the state of anarchy so long subsisting in Ireland it may be well imagined the latter class was a numerous one. All these united with Rinunccini in desperate measures, and joined the standard of 0*Nial, who totally unmindful of his oath to obey only the orders of the confederates, acted as if the nuncio had absolved him from it, and denounced war against the very council he had bound him- self to support : so true is it that the combinations of the selfish and the wicked are peculiarly sub- ject to dissolution and discord. The generals however determined to avoid all violent measures, and though they had opportunity of seizing the nuncio and O'Nial, they contented themselves with desiring him not to trouble them with letters or orders, as they should only pay re- gard to the supreme council. At the same time they detached a force to Kilkenny to support its authority. Thus involved in a war among them- selves, the nuncio found his power rapidly passing away, and the high authority he had enjoyed daily tottering, so as to threaten total dissolution. He endeavoured to convene a synod in order to obtain a full sanction of his censures, but Clanricarde, by order of the supreme council, prevented the assembly and invested the city, obliging the peo- ple to proclaim the cessation and to renounce the nuncio. Still undismayed the furious prelate issued his comminations in his own name, de- DEFECTION OF o'nIAL. 151 clarinff all to be guilty of the mortal sin who agreea to the cessation. This ridiculous display of zeal and obstinacy, was however but the bravado of disappointment and hate. With an inconsistency which at once betrayed his secret fears, he permitted O'Nial to make overtures to Jones, the arch heretic as he had called him, who was the inveterate enemy of the king, the con- federates, and above all of the catholic faith. Jones, who dreaded the return of Ormond, gladly received the overtures of O'Nial, as a fit tool to employ in his own designs; he con- sented to an accommodation with him, and O'Nial formed the bold design to surprise Kilkenny and seize the council. His design was favoured by the treachery of many, and was near accomplish- ment when it was discovered. The power of the nuncio was now nearly extinct, all his intrigues were counteracted by the vigilance of the council, who on the intelligence that Ormond would soon arrive proceeded with vigour and resolution in the execution of their duty. Indignant at the outrages of O'Nial, and particularly at his transactions with Jones, they declared him a traitor by proclamation ; nor did they evidence much more indulgence to the falling nuncio. They renewed the appeal to Rome against his sentence of excommunication, and upon Rinunc- cini contriving to have their messenger intercepted and his papers seized, his audacity did but higher rouse their indignation. All the catholics of Ire- land, more especially those of Galway,- where his influence was the greatest were (under the severest penalties,) forbidden to hold any intercourse or correspondence with him. He also received a letter from the prolocutor of the assembly, ex- horting him to depart from a kingdom he had harassed and well nigh ruined bv his factious ■;{«prw?-', ••_• ,|.'.-»- ■■'-.■ -.--^ii^r^.^g'fp^ 152 CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE. ' violence and obstinacy, and to prepare his defence against those articles of accusation which the as- sembly intended to exhibit to his holiness the pope, whose instructions he had neglected, de- parted from and exceeded, and whose authority he had so utterly disgraced. It would be useless to dwell upon the indignant fury of the disap- pointed zealot in being thus not only deserted but contemned by those, by whom he had been most flattered. How often does history pre- sent us with such mutability of sentiment, how often does its faithful page illustrate the truth, that the very transport that raises the individual to distinction becomes the irresistible impulse of his humiliation : how rapid is the fall, how sudden the reverse. While these events were passing in the councils of Ireland, imagination may form perhaps a faint idea, but language must fail to describe the demoralised state of a people, for whom Adrian so many ages be- fore imagined he had effectually provided, to civilize and render happy ! In the chaos of continually recurring revolutions, partial and general, the moral condition of the people had been utterly lost sight of, and they were literally abandoned to their imaginations and frightfully excited pas- sions, and in our retrospect of the leading acts of Irish government we must be led to contemplate with deep regret the dreadful corruption of man- ners pervading the community. If compelled to work it was with despair and unwillingness, for the chances were, that their labour would be vain, the fruits of it becoming the prey of the ravager ; alternately brutified with intemperance, and the victims of want, their physical energies were broken and their morals utterly destroyed, uniting the dissolute habits of the profligate with the ferociousness of the barbarian. Amid the conten- !!S??fSP^^9^sB???f?«S^ra«^P^^ RETURN OF ORMOND.- 153 tions respecting religion and the restraints in the exercises of it the essential spirit was lost, for among the inferior orders of society at least, if external forms and stated periods of public wor- ship are disregarded or omitted, the neglect of this first essential duty easily opens a way to the vio- lation of every other, and with the vulgar the transition from religious indifference to actual vice is as rapid as it is certain and dreadful. But let us return from the digression to which these melancholy factg have beguiled us, and pro- ceed wjth our retrospect of the state of affairs, on , the arrival of the Marquis of Ormond to resume his power. His object and task was an arduous one, to unite the protestant and catholic royalists as the only expedient left to avert the ruin of the king ; had they been bound by the genuine bonds which should unite Christians, there would have been no hesitation, no difficulty in producing co- operation, but contending worldly interests, for the most part, governed those who deceived them- selves in supposing they were but firmly uphold- ing the genuine principles of their faith. The Marquis, though disappointed in his expectations from France, succeeded by fair promises and care- fully concealing his limited resources in satisfying the army, and his next point to gain was the assembly. To this assembly he notified, that agreably to their petition presented at St. Ger- mains, he was sent with powers to conclude a peace. Commissioners were appointed to treat with him at his residence at Carrick. The nuncio and his party could not conceal their mortification, they exclaimed against the impiety of betraying the holy church and precipitating the conclusion of an impious peace, without even waiting for dispatches from Rome, their emissaries being daily expected with large sums of money for the 154 FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. prosecution of the war, and to support the catholic cause. These clamours were not without effect, they induced the assembly to appoint a bishop as one of the commissioners, and Ormond judiciously admitted the nomination. Their demands respect- ing religion were extensive and explicit, and were a subject of unceasing conference during twenty successive days. So much delay was produced however by the distance of the seat of conference from that of power, that it was proposed to Or- mond that he should take up his residence in his own castle at Kilkenny. To this he acceded, and was received with every demonstration of re- spect and affection, and surrounded by his own guards in regal state. While here engaged in ne- gociation he was suddenly summoned to the as- sistance of Lord Inchiquin, a dangerous spirit of mutiny having manifested itself in his army. Thus again was the treaty suspended : fortunately a messenger arrived with intelligence that a fleet would soon arrive with provisions and ammunition, that the Duke of York was immediately to sail, and the Prince of Wales would follow. This ac- count aided the address of Ormond, and the com- motion was for a while quelled ; Ormond there- fore returned to his negociation at Kilkenny. During his absence the emissaries had returned from Rome, not however with effective succours and vast sums of money, but heavily laden with reliques and benedictions. These, however, com- posed but a sorry material for war. His holiness seemed disposed to get quit of the affair if possi- ble. He pleaded the distresses of the holy see, preventing any supply of money to his dear children, the Irish ; and in regard to the condi- tions respecting religion he graciously left them to the dictates of their own judgment. This dis- appointment confirmed the moderates of the as- ^f«P-i|«.- ^•(^^Wf^pfr^^^'r'^^l^^'^r^^^^ ^^' PACIFICATION CONCLUDED. 155 sembly in their dispositions for peace, but yet those passions, interests, and prejudices which invariably pervade a popular assembly tended greatly to retard decision, notwithstanding Or- mond energetically and boldly remonstrated against the extravagance of their demands and the danger of their delay. But an event which filled Europe with dismay, effected that which even the approachipg ruin of the country had failed to accomplish. Intelligence was received of the remonstrance of the army to the English parliament, that the king should be brought to trial. The effect in Ireland was as powerful as the event was unexpected. All complaints of all parties seemed silenced, the confederates, with a feeling nearly allied to remorse, were seized with a strong sense and deep impression of the king's precarious situation. It is possible a feel- ing of individual danger might mingle itself with the conviction of the high power of the parliament, produced by the intelligence ; be this as it may, they at once, without further debate, acceded to the terms proposed by Ormond. The treaty was concluded, peace proclaimed, and even the clergy expressed their satisfaction, and by circulars re- commended a strict observance of the peace. The concessions in regard to religion were what had been formerly firmly rejected, which had been abhorrent to the great body of proteifetants. All the penal statutes were to be repealed, and the catholics left to the free and secure exercise of their religion. It was not, indeed, expressly stated, that they were to be allowed their ecclesi- astical jurisdiction, nor the grant of churches, and church livings, neither were they expressly re- strained ; but they were secured in the possession of such churches then held, until the king's plea- sure should be authentically and freely declared. f^mmm^ 156 CHARLES II. PROCLAIMED. But what appeared a suspicious and dangerous clause was, the limitation of the lord lieutenant's powers, bythe nomination of twelve commissioners, called commissioners of trust, they were to take care that the articles were duly observed and ratified in a full and peaceable convention of par- liament : they were to share with Ormond his authority in every point. Ormond, sensible how repugnant the articles of this treaty must be to the protestants, published his declaration of rea- sons, that his liberal concessions to the Irish had been made in consequence of the desperate state of the king, which had imposed upon his royal master, the necessity, **the saddest to which any king was ever reduced.'' But all the hopes of Ormond, whether of leading an army into England or of terrifying the persecutors of his royal master with the apprehension of an invasion from Ireland, or any other expectation dictated by his zeal and attachment, were quickly dispelled, for before the intelligence of the Irish treaty reached London, the unfortunate Charles became the victim of that political faction which had embittered his life ! Such was the horror and detestation of the Irish at the tragical end of the unhappy monarch, that Rinunccini at once concluded the whole party would submit to the lord lieutenant, who instantly proclaimed Charles the Second, and to the great consolation of the afflicted royalists, at this critical moment, Prince Rupert arrived at Kinsale with the long expected fleet. The nuncio had hitherto remained in Ireland, in sanguine hope that some favourable incident might again turn the tide of popular opinion and draw the nation into his measures. These hopes seemed now dispelled, he therefore resolved to retire from the country which he had nearly ruined by his senseless am- bition. He embarked for France privately, and ' ■ - * - ^ POSITION OF THE ARMiLS. 157 from thence continued to inflame the Irish clergy by his letters, until he was summoned to Rome. Ormond, whose attachment to the royal cause was firm and invariable, was confirmed in his go- vernment by the exiled Charles. It remained a difficult station to fill, as he had both various ene- mies and difficulties to encounter. Dublin was in the possession of the parliament, and Jones, who was governor, declared he expected large rein- forcements. To the British forces in Ulster the abhorrence of the King's death and the hatred of the Irish were equally violent; disdaining all con- nection with the supreme council they would neither accede to the peace nor acknowledge the lord lieutenant. O'Nial, leader of a formidable force, still adhered to the nuncio's measures and defied the royal party. Such were the opposing interests Ormond had to reconcile, and if possible attach to his cause. O'Nial was persuaded to consent to a treaty, but here the division of power counteracted the design ; the Commissioners of Trust hated and feared O'Nial and refused the troops he demanded as the condition of his ac- commodation : of course the treaty was broken off. Ormond then applied to Sir Charles Coote, who held Derry for the parliament ; from him he could obtain only general and vague professions. Still not quite discouraged he endeavoured to practise with Jones, who was at least unreserved. He declared his resolution of firmly adhering to his principles and party, and of supporting the En- glish interests. It was some allay to the mortifi- cation of Ormond in these unsuccessful endeavours to favour the royal cause, that the troops of Ulster declared for the king and blocked up Coote in Derry. The distressed Ormond was now to collect as he could an army from the most heterogeneous materials, from men of different religions, interests. * 158 DEFICIENT RESOURCES. passions, nay even nations, a sort of civilized banditti. He had to unite such men, — ^who had during eight years waged perpetual and bitter war against each other, instigated by the most bar- barous passions. The leaders, on the affection and abilities of whom he could have no reliance, were contending with each other for commands and honours, continually harassing Ormond with their rivalships and competitions. He was also ignorant of the circumstances of the confederate party in respect to the entire arrangements of the troops. They had engaged for an army of fifteen thousand foot and two thousand five hundred cavalry ; but it was impossible for the provinces to maintain this number, and those whom it was found necessary to dismiss found ready entertainment from O'Nial, whose followers enticed by every thing which can allure the idle, the dissolute, and the desperate, found no difficulty in procuring an abundant suc- cession of recruits, as pillage gave everyone ample opportunity of supplying themselves with at least momentary profusion. The Commissioners of Trust also, apparently attentive only to their own in- terests, took little care to provide either magazines or money. They had indeed engaged to do both, but when Ormond was to take the field, no part of the applotment made upon the kingdom for the purpose was collected. All was left to his own energies, in which he was generously and volun- tarily aided by Clanricarde. He succeeded in obtaining some inconsiderable sums from several cities and corporate towns ; but so far from there being that union, without which no national good can be effected, they like so many independent states obeyed no orders of the general assembly, but directed all they contributed by their own acts. Ormond expected assistance from the fleet commanded by Prince Rupert ; but from causes 55Pp^?KR!!5"'''7i^ 0R>I0ND TAKES THE FIELD. 159 it is not necessary to advert to disappointment ensued. in that quarter. Ormond severely felt the complicated difficulties and distress of his situation, and he earnestly urged the king to re- pair to Ireland : every good was to be expected from the measure; and Charles himself was in- clined to it. At this critical juncture the Scottish commissioners attended him at the Hague. He referred them to his arrival in Ireland for an answer to their propositions. His baggage and inferiors of his suite were actually embarked. But the apathy which marked the princes of Europe in their conduct towards the unfortunate exiles defeated this plan, apparently fraught with so many benefits to all parties. Three months were wasted in a vain expectation of assistance from the states ; more time was lost at St. Germains, and though the young king yet adhered to his re- solution, and even proceeded to the Isle of Jersey, yet the time of action was now arrived, and Or- mond obliged to take the field. Having at last collected an army of sixteen thousand men, he advanced upon the parliamentary garrisons with success, but the necessities of his army were a fatal impediment to his progress. O'Nial, more intent on schemes for his own personal ad- vantage and safety than anxious for the preserva- tion of his country or religion, entered into a secret correspondence with the parliamentarians. The other Irish, divided between their clergy, who were averse to Ormond, and their nobility, who were attached to him, were uncertain in their mo- tions and feeble in their efforts. It is in fact most difficult to describe the situ- ation of a country governed by no fixed principles, and subject to all the fluctuations which are pro- duced by the interests and passions of individuals and of parties. In such a state, circumstances r\ .^-7 y^'<- *«^:'^1 '.^#- 160 OHMON'l) DEFEATED AT DU.BLIN. are too evanescent to be detailed, and the opinions and dispositions of the people are so mutable and contradictory, that it is impossible to connect them in a regular series. The reduction of Dublin was the great object which Ormond wished to accom- plish ; after he had therefore united his troops t© the main army, he passed the Liffy and took j)0st at Rathmines two miles from Dublin, with a view of commencing the siege. In order to cut off further supply from Jones, who had received some from England, Prince Rupert having refused to blockade the harbour, Ormond had begun the reparation of a dilapidated fort which lay at the gates of Dublin, and being exhausted with phy- sical fatigue and mental anxiety, had retired to take a short repose, leaving directions to keep his forces under arms. The report of arms suddenly awakened him from his short slumbers, and starting from his bed he found every thing around him in tumult and confusion. He found the party employed at the fort driven from their works. Sir William Vaughan, one of his officers routed and slain, and the whole of his right wing com- pletely broken. This disaster was occasioned by Jones making a sudden sally from the city with a fresh reinforcement he had received. Ormond in vain endeavoured to correct the disorder, he forced his way to the left wing, but here also his men had caught the panic, and fled without even firing at the enemy. Fifteen hundred privates and threfe hundred officers were made prisoners, about six hundred slain, many of these, to the utter dis- grace of the conquerors, when they had accepted quarter, and laid down their arms. Such was the unfortunate issue of an enterprise which Ormond hoped would have turned the national mind in his favour, and been attended with the most happy results to the royal cause. Yet it was nothing COLONEL MICHAEL JONES. 161 more than might have been anticipated from the army, it was his great misfortune to command officers faithless, negligent, ignorant ; men un- disciplined, inexperienced, indifferent to the honour of the service, and secure of a refuge if dis- banded. Arms and ammunition lost, were more to be regretted than such troops. But the evil of the misfortune most to be lamented, was the de- jection it occasioned in the friends, and the exul- tation of the enemies of the royal cause; the blemish it threw on th© military character of Ormond, and the complaints it aroused respecting the peace, the enemies of which considered the misfortune as entirely imputable to Ormond, and transmitted the intelligence of the defeat to Rome, with expressions of joy and triumph. Soon after it occurred, Ormond, (who himself was little dis- pirited at the event), wrote to Jones, desiring a list of the prisoners he had taken. The proud republican returned the following laconic reply, to the gallant noble. " My Lord, Since I routed your army, I cannot have the happiness to know where you are, that I may wait upon you. Michael Jones." In the meantime O'Nial had grown disgusted with his new allies, and renewed his treaty with Ormond, who although he well knew there was not the smallest reliance in his fidelity, was yet desirous to detach him from others. While these things were passing, the English commonwealth was arrived at some settlement, and reluctantly began to take an interest, in what, during the tu- mult of nearer interests had passed unnoticed. The government of Ireland began to be an object of intrigue, the presbyterians desiring one indi- vidual to be nominated, the independents another. Cromwell, however, aware that much glory might be won, and great authority acquired in the station, VOL. II. ' M .* ? '' 'i4f •" 162 Cromwell's character. determined himself to aspire to it, and Cromwell was not one to aspire in vain. His energetic soul firmly grasped every circumstance which could favour success in the objects of his ambition ; he had learned to repress, to curb every feeling which could raise an obstacle to his desire ; he there- fore contrived by his intrigues, to be chosen lord lieutenant of Ireland, by a unanimous vote of parliament. Had not the confederates of Ireland been ob- stinately hardened in their infatuated policy, had they formed a firm, real, and timely union with Ormond, they might have expelled every English partizan of the parliament from their country, But in the rigour of Cromwell's government, a dreadful chastisement was reserved for their pride and bigotry. After various delays and difficulties, which it required all the energy of Cromwell to surmount, he landed at Dublin with eight thou- sand foot, four thousand cavalry, a formidable train of artillery and other military necessaries, with an ample supply of money. He was received with shouts and rejoicings. Having exercised some acts of his new authority, regulated all civil and military affairs, offered indemnity and pro- tection to those who would submit to the parlia- ment, Cromwell committed the city to a new go- vernor, and took the field with ten thousand men. Cromwell possessed that essential principle in the character of greatness, 5/^-'7^.^**^5?^'^«^-«^Tli«i^"Bp ' |lP3F?'T'3ra(!F»=«P^^^ 178 DESIGNING NKGOCIATORS. disdaining to communicate with the lord deputy respecting them. Clanricarde complained of this disrespectful proceeding, as well as of the propo- sitions of the envoy, as derogatory to the king's honour and authority. The bishops insisted that they should be accepted, as the only means left to save the nation. The abbe consented to some qualification of his demands ; they were declared still inadmissible, consistent with the royal honour. At length the abbe consented to advance twenty thousand pounds, on the security of Limerick and Cralway, and to refer articles relative to the pro- tectorship, to be adjusted by a treaty at Brussels. Jn consequence of which a commission was formed to treat with the duke, and expressly in- structed to carry on their negociation agreeably to the directions they should receive from the queen, the Duke of York, and the lord lieutenant. These limitations were, however, speedily for- gotten. The turbulent Bishop of Ferns, finding Lord Taafe was gone to Paris, attended the Duke of Lorraine, and was graciously received. He was amended by some of the disaffected clergy and others ; they without scruple assured the duke, they would invest him with the entire power of the kingdom. The bishop was loud in his invec- tives against the commissioners sent by the de- puty, their opposition to Rinunccini, and the appeal to Rome against his just sentence of excommuni- cation. He declared, that he doubted not this excommunication was confirmed in heaven, that all its opposers, however great and exalted in the eye of man, were forsaken of God, and delivered up to Satan. He concluded much similar im- pious language, by an assurance, that God would never prosper any treaty directed by the deputy, a man excommunicated for many just causes, and J|,p^PP5P)^^Sip^vv,,;?T.f^^^^,jj^jll,|^^ TREATY FRUSTRATED. 179 that the duke, he was convinced, when informed, £ould never consent to negociate with agents, deriving their authority from a withered and ac- -cursed hand. The commissioners of the lord deputy, to whom this insidious cant was addressed, received it with too much attention ; they dis- claimed his commission, pleading another and more unlimited authority. In the name of the nation and people of Ireland, they signed a treaty with the duke, by which he was in effect invested with the sovereignty, by the title of " Protector Royal." At the same time, one of the bigots was persuaded by the Bishop of Ferns to sign a petition to the pope, by which, in the name of the nation, he professed an entire submission to the holy see ; the other declined subscribing ; the name of Lord Taafe was inserted without his consent or knowledge. The clergy now exulted in the successful progress of their schemes ; the airy prospects of a triumphant church, a stately hierarchy, protected by a Catholic prince, dazzled their fancies — but these were soon dispelled. Whatever were the secret designs of Lorraine, he found they could not be promoted by any fi#-* ther treaty with the Irish, and a fair pretence, occurred lor declining it. He received from the lord deputy a formal protest against the proceed- ings of his agents, so contrary to instructions, and so derogatory to the king's honour. The king's interests grew so desperate in Ire - land, that there soon was nothing left to purchase the assistance of Lorraine, even upon the most favourable terms. But the negociation had trans- ported the clergy to positive extravagance. Their synods were convened, the duke was declared protector of the nation, those were excommuni- cated who refused to acknowledge the nomina- tion. They took an oath of secrecy, and resolved X 2 - 180 IRETON*S SEVERITIES. that the prelates of each province should choose two persons to compose a new supreme council, with full powers, under the direction of. the clergy. They also prepared a sentence of excom- munication against Clanricarde and his adherents, to be published when they should think fit. But they were soon roused from this dream of power and grandeur, by the flame of war surrounding them. Ireton, the new parliamentary deputy of Ireland, at the head of an army thirty thousand strong, prosecuted with vigour the work of subduing the Irish, and with a similar success to that which attended Cromwell. He punished without mercy all those who had taken an active part in the massacres. Sir Phelim O'Nial, among many others, suffered an ignominious death. From the arrival of Owen O'Nial, this barbarous conspira- tor had acted only an inferior part in the terrible drama, without notice, esteem, or honour. Dur- ing the administration of Clanricarde, he emerged from his obscurity, and rendered him some assist- ance, but from repeated defeats, was again obliged l#shelter himself in a remote concealment. Lord Caulfield, the heir of him he had so barbarously murdered, discovered and dragged him to justice. In the last period of his life, he discovered a spirit and resolution worthy a noble character. After the siege of Limerick, which he took. Ire- ton executed the severest vengeance on those who had been the most distinguished partisans of the nuncio, and most inveterate opposers of the En- glish government ; of all those who had been ex- cepted from mercy, the Bishop of Limerick alone escaped. O'Brien, the popish prelate of Emly, was condemned, and instantly executed. With him were also led to execution some magistrates, the most turbulent and seditious of the nuncio's ;7^iP5j2^'^^?p>j:;^'ri-i;4f!^'> -. . ' . 'r'^,-^.yv7'!:'yf*--y~vr::r'vr^:~'^ CLAN RICA IIDE HKTIRES. 181 faction. Ireton caught the fatal infection which raged in several parts of Ireland, and had scarcely accomplished the reduction of Limerick, when he fell a victim to it. The command of the forces devolved on General Ludlow, who continued to push the advantages against the Irish, and every where obtained an easy victory. After every exertion possible to maintain his station, and to serve the interests of the king, Clanricarde, beset on every side, and even his personal safety every moment in jeopardy, by the treachery of those who surrounded him, found himself obliged to pursue the king's instructions, and accepted conditions from the victorious and persevering republicans. He retired from a coun- try now lost to his royal master, whom he had so faithfully served, with the mortifying conviction, that it was so lost by the illiberal bigotry, over- weening pride, and blind policy of men, intoxi- cated by an imaginary consequence, by their wicked factions, and obstinate perverseness, in contending against their own interests, and vio- lently rejecting every measure suggested, as neces- sary to secure their rights and privileges. Tfafi^ virtuous nobleman soon after died in England,^ whither he had retired universally respected, esteemed, and loved. >^^P^.;-W!»»',> • ■^■,«5WrKV . --■■,■' •; . T -i^-,'-. *-' ' .-J - i.V -',-..>"■ I':" ■■■ ■.15V ^f^ •'■ .?.T-: "^J ; '' • ■ •f'''^'-''v<«J't^f^!5P! 182 CHAPTER XX. Fleetwood appointed to the government of Ireland — Four in- dividuals united with him as commissioners of parliament — They declare by proclamation that the rebellion is subdued — The proceedings of the commissioners — Effects of the revolu- tiony which placed Cromwell in power ^ upon the Irish — Henry Cromwell sent to Ireland — Jealousy of Cromwell — Parties inimical to his accession of power — Appoints Fleetwood lord deputy of Irelandy with a council — His instructions — Suspi- cions of Cromwell's enemies — A refractory spirit subsists — Alarm of Cromwell — Liberal and equitable government of Henry Cromwell — His popularity — The protector supported — His death. A. D. 1653. The power of the parliament of England was now to effect the settlement of a country wherein ex- isted a terrible combination of personal suffering l^d political discontent. After some intrigue and debate in the English parliament, Fleetwood, who had married the widow of Ireton, was appointed to the government of Ireland. On his arrival war seemed at an end, and the country wasted by its long commotions was to be recruited and restored to some degree of order and tranquillity. For this purpose four individuals were united with Fleet- wood in the civil government, with the title of commissioners of parliament. Their first act was to declare by proclamation that the rebellion was subdued ; thus adventurers were assured of speedily receiving the lands for which they had advanced sums, and the inhabitants were encouraged to re- sume their agricultural labours. 'S^&T'miFSV^'^^ .?'~''f-' ; -r . '^'*r.«:j,*»if:r!iw.^,-,j ,7^ - -r" '-«'.->.....■.-> i»._ ||-<5Spi Cromwell's protpxtohate. 183 Courts were established at Dublin and Athlone to hear and adjudge all claims which were to be exhibited and established within a limited time, that all proprietors might be freed from future litigation. Such various arrangements engaged a considerable time, and were attended with com- plaints, disputes, and jealousies; nor in the distri- bution of lands were the commissioners and their subordinate agents inattentive to their own in- terests. Meantime the revolution which vested Cromwell with the protectorship of the three king- doms took place in England. Various were the effects of this intelligence upon the Irish, accord ing to the peculiar bias and situation of those who received it ; by the army with peculiar satisfac- tion, by some fanatics with invective and resent- ment, by Ludlow and other zealous republicans with indignation and abhorrence ; they could not conceal their feelings when they found that Crom- well had succeeded in appropriating to himself the advantages both of fortuitous events and the labours of others, and of captivating the people by an exterior of severe virtue, which the obtuse- ness of his feelings and the coldness of his heart enabled him to assume, as might suit his pur- poses. The proposal of proclaiming the protector produced a fortnight's debate ; but at length Fleet- wood with his colleagues and a few principal of- ficers resolved upon it. Ludlow, disgusted, mortified, indignant, retired from the offensive pageantry, declaring his resolu- tion no longer to act as a commissioner, yet re- taining his post of lieutenant-general, in order to preserve his influence in the army. Cromwell, whose vigilance never slumbering, extended on all sides, was doubtless aware of Ludlow's indigna- tion at his attaining a power so nearly allied to roy- alty, he accordingly sent his son Heniy into Ireland "^W'*^P?'^»5!«"?^; '•■'■• ■ '■•''■:-yf^r~-'rv'::f^Tffj^vy7--i^'yni^-r~->r^-~^^.. »-.?>^«!^R v^ ^'^JJJJ'-P'?^ 184 THE INSTRUMENT OF GOVERNMENT. to sound the disposition of the army, and to re- concile all parties to his usurpation. No one could be better suited to this conciliating commission than Henry Cromwell, penetrating, just, and generous, of amiable manners, and possessed of a vigorous capacity. Ireland might be considered as entirely in the possession of the army. Deeply was Henry affected by the miserable state of the people and the universal desolation arising from the virulence of the English against the old inhabitants, and the corruption, oppression, and fraud which pervaded the civil departments. He endeavoured to re- concile the disaffected, and to win over Ludlow to his father's interests, but in vain, for it was not the least of his discontents, that after having laboured and devoted himself to the common cause, he now found himself excluded from power and its concomitants. The document, entitled the Instrument of Go- vcrnmenty by which Cromwell was invested with authority, required that a parliament should be summoned for the three nations, now united into one commonwealth. Thirty members were to be chosen for Ireland, and in spite of the avowed opposition and indignation of Ludlow, those were chosen as should be most acceptable to the pro- tector ; but even this could not dissipate the jea- lousy Cromwell entertained of the commissioners, the republicans being as it were dethroned by his usurpation, were the party he had the greatest reason to apprehend. These were, says Hume, divided into two sets of men, seemingly of most opposite principles, but were in fact united by a similarity of character and principles. The first were known under the designation of millenarians, who insisted that dominion being founded on grace, all distinction in magistracy must be abolished, except what arose from piety and holiness, who FLEETWOOD, LORD DEPUTY. 185 expected suddenly the second coming of Christ upon earth, and who pretended that the saints in the mean time, that is themselves, were alone en- titled to govern. The second were the deists, who had no other object than political liberty, who denied in toto the truth of revelation, and broadly insinuated that all the various sects, so heated against each other, were alike founded in folly and in error. Men of genius and views so daring were not contented with the ancient and legal forms of government, but challenged a degree of freedom beyond what they ever expected to en- joy under any form of monarchy. This latter class were perfectly hated by Cromwell, because having no enthusiasm he could neither govern, deceive, or overreach them, he therefore hated them with great rigour and disdain, denominating them heathens. It was obvious that individuals of this character were considered by him as danger- ous agents of his power. He therefore appointed Fleetwood lord deputy of Ireland for three years, assigning him a new council to assist in the ad- ministration. Fleetwood was a millenarian, or what was familiarly styled fifth monarchy man; but although a republican he was a fanatic, and possessing a weak judgment he was biassed by the suggestions of others, which in fact neutralised his free principles. He, with his colleagues, were instructed to improve the interest of the common- wealth in Ireland, to suppress idolatry, popery, superstition, and profaneness, to encourage godly and gifted ministers of the word, to execute the laws against the scandalous and malignant, to provide for the advancement of learning, to attend to the revenue with diligence and economy, and to dispense with the orders of the late parliament, which had decreed that all the old Irish should be confined to Connaught, a policy which was m^;^W'''^"TV^<'^r^^^^^^ ^- -'y^'W^^' 186 FANATICISM OF THE AllMY. indeed as absurd as it was found to be impracti* cable. This last clause, so indulgent to the Irish, did not escape the notice of Cromweirs enemies ; they evidently saw that his aim was to conciliate all parties to his interest. It could not but be observed by those jealous of his aspirings, that the form of administration he had established in Ireland was more congenial to royal than re- publican government, and strongly indicated his purpose of establishing the monarchical power in his family. The army were discontented at the continued delay respecting their divisions of land, and utterly dissatisfied with the present govern- ment. Yet in the army was laid the basis of the power attained by this extraordinary man ; and in fact their interests were so strongly identified with his, that he seemed secure of their attach- ment : but all military government is precarious, particularly when it has to compete with religious prejudices. Cromwell, by the fanaticism he (to effect his own purposes) encouraged in his soldiers, had in- fused a spirit which rendered it a difficult and de- licate task to govern them : so that he who directed their movements often had reason to tremble at the power of their mighty and complicated opera- tions. It had been the constant lesson of Crom- well, that the office of king was an impious usur- pation upon the authority of Christ ; but when he assumed a power so nearly analogous, the natural idea arose that a protector could not be altogether compatible with the divine authority. Many, therefore, became his inveterate enemies when they saw his single authority was established, against which he had so often made the most violent and solemn protestations. Hence, when Cromwell recalled a detachment from Ireland to England in order to strengthen himself against ^WEjP)0(J?gw^f»V^i;^»t^^ • -rns l^fSsflfp?^::^ ■ HENRY CROMWELL, LORD DEPUTY. 187 some attempts of the royalists, he found he had lost much influence over them. They mutinied, and exclaimed, that they had engaged to fight against the Irish rebels, but in England they might possibly be employed against their best friends. Ludlow was regarded as the principal mover of this refractory spirit, as he took an active part in inflaming the discontented, and was particularly industrious in disseminating several tracts pub- lished against Cromwell. These circumstances both offended and alarmed the protector; he directed the lord deputy to require Ludlow to surrender his commission, and in case of refusal to send him prisoner to England. Ludlow how- ever boldly resisted a power his principles would not admit, and refused to yield a commission re- ceived from the parliament. At length he was prevailed on to promise, on his parole, that he would present himself to Cromwell, and in the mean time not to act against the present govern- ment. Cromwell was very sensible that in the present discontents, such a man might prove very troublesome and dangerous in England, he there- fore reversed his order and directed that he should be detained in Ireland. Ireland at this period presents nothing in the smallest degree relative to our subject, or indeed for even general detail. The natives broken and subdued, the English conquerors waiting with impatience the rewards of their valour, the go- vernment employed in suppressing murmurs and discontent, and in reconciling the minds of men to the changes which had taken place, and the ex- isting government. To effect these desirable ends Henry Cromwell was again employed, first in a military command, subsequently as lord deputy, in the place of Fleetwood. The liberal and equi- table spirit of his government, his justice, impar- ■?f^^ ■ ^;--'>TJ . ' - z:^ ".-•' ? T.»nT;* S^^SfW^i'^^W^^^!^^^f^ , ' THE JANSENISTS. 195 their comprehensive power the whole of science. The enquiring spirit of the age animated countless minds, and proceeded with philosophy for its guide, by great experimental truths to ameliorate the condition of mankind. The benedictines of whom we speak, still maintain their literary fame, by their publications in the different branches of sacred and profane literature. Their order was founded in 1600, by Gregory the fifteenth, and greatly enriched by the munificence of Urban the eighth. There were, however, still existing some rigid censors, who had in their view the ancient monastic discipline, and who regarded the pre- sent reforms as trifling and imperfect. They con- sidered a monk as a person obliged by the sanc- tity of his professions to spend the whole of his days in prayers, tears, contemplation, and silence, in the perusal of holy books, and in the hardships of manual labour, nay they went so far as to maintain that all other designs and all other oc- cupations, however laudable and excellent in them- selves, were entirely foreign from the monastic vocation, and on that account vain and sinful in persons of that order. This severe discipline so unsuited to human frailty, so directly opposed to human duty, so inconsistent with the mild pre- cepts of a gentle, social, and cheerful religion, ' was adopted by the Jansenists, who reduced it to practice in certain places, and in none with more success and reputation than in the female convent of Port Royal. The example of the Jansenists excited a fanatical emulation in consequence of which, several monastics exerted themselves in the imitation of the austere model. They were all surpassed by De Ranc6, abbot of la Trappe, who with ardent zeal and indefatigable perseve- rance, introduced into his monastery this discip- line to its utmost perfection of austerity. Several new monastic institutions were erected o2 ^•^.rvi ■T7Jv^!?^T?W?f^7»™'r^^ 196 PRIESTS OF THE MISSIONS. during this century, among which we may rank those of the Oratory of St. John, to which we have adverted in our illustrative note ; also that of the priests of the missions founded by Vincent de Paul and formed into a regular congregation by Urban the eighth in 1632. The rules pre- scribed by this society, lay its members under three obligations. First, to purify themselves, and daily to aspire to higher degrees of sanctity and perfection, by prayer, meditation, devout books, and other holy exercises. Secondly, to employ eight months in the year in the villages among the peasantry, in order to instruct them in the principles of religion, form them to the prac- tice of piety and virtue, accommodate their dif- ferences, and administer consolation and relief to the sick, the sorrowful, and the indigent. Thirdly, to inspect and govern the seminaries in which persons designed for holy orders receive their education, and to instruct the candidates for the ministry, in the sciences which relate to their re- spective vocations. Who can doubt but that the in- stitution of this order was the work of enlightened and benevolent minds? incalculable benefit has been derived to society by the pious labours of its members. Many a conscience has been roused from its lethargy, many a heart has been softened from its obduracy, many a mind been irradiated with Ihe light of religion by the simple soul searching discourses of these apostles of the poor. With such men were the revolutionary prisons of the nineteenth century filled ; proscribed, perse- cuted, ridiculed, banished, while a temple was erected to reason ! The priests of the missions were also entrusted with the direction and go- vernment of a female order called " daughters of charity," whose most appropriate office was to administer assistance and relief to indigent per- sons who were confined to their abodes by sick- r»^B5gpp^f§Pi^l?»7^?S»^^s W-^'f*'!P^^'T^«t^'5!^PW^ • ^'-RP LEARNING OF THE RELIGIOUS. 197 ness or infirmity. This order was founded by a noble lady, noble in the most exalted meaning of the term, as applying to the soul's nobility, called Louisa de Gras, and received in 1660 the appro- bation of Clement the ninth. At this period the society of the Jesuits had to withstand attacks from all quarters. The se- vere Jansenists in particular opposed them. But all hostile efforts failed in overturning that fa- bric of profound and insidious policy which that mentally gifted order had raised under the pro- tection of the pontiffs, and those princes and nations into whose grace and favour they had in- sinuated themselves. It seemed indeed as if op- position had strengthened their interest, and added to their influence and prosperity, instead of abas- ing them. Amidst the storm they preserved them- selves buoyant and calm, steered their course with dexterity and prudence, attained the safe harbour, and arose to the very summit of spiritual authority. In the republic of letters, the Jesuits, Benedictines, priests of the oratory, and Jansen- ists, each had their respective merits. The Je- suits for a long time possessed the undisputed pre-eminence. This suffered some eclipse from the rising lustre of the Benedictines, and it is to the emulative jealousy of these rival orders we owe many of the best editions of the Greek and Latin writers, the discovery of many curious re- cords and documents that illustrate the history of remote times, antiquities of various countries, and other valuable advantages of literature. To the same spirit of emulation may we trace the labours of the priests of the oratory, and the Jansenists who have each enriched the literary world with the fruits of their genius and industry. In taking a retrospective view of the religious system of the Romish church during this century, as referring S'*^: 198 TH£ JESUITS. to articles of faith, and rules of practice, we are compelled to say, no improvement seems to have taken place. We find the same intellectual dis- parity between the many and the few ; the supe- riority being made the instrument of delusion, and rendering the inferior easy dupes and vic- tims. In fact, the church far from having emerged from its darkness, had contracted further corrup- tions, and sunk into greater degeneracy, partly by the negligence of the pontiffs, and partly by the dangerous maxims and influence of the Jesuits. The foundations of morality were sapped by these ecclesiastics ; this is acknowledged by the wisest and worthiest of the Catholics, and every one of the communion who has a zeal for the advancement of true Christian knowledge and genuine piety. The very genius of the institution of the Jesuits enabled them to extend and to fix their influence. Unlike the other monastic socie- ties secluded in cloisters to work out their own salvation apart from the cares and pleasures of the world, the Jesuits considered themselves as born for action, chosen soldiers, bound continually to exert themselves for the service of God, and the pope, his vicar upon earth. They are entirely exempted from monastic functions, but are re- quired to attend to all the transactions of the world, on account of the influence they may have on religion and the interests of the Roman see, they are directed to study the dispositions of per- sons possessing worldly power and influence, to cultivate their friendship, insinuate themselves into their confidence, and thus a spirit of action and intrigue is infused into the very constitution of the order. The Jesuits peculiarly gifted with every accomplishment and acquirement which it was in the power of talent to impart ; obtained the di- rection of the education of youth in every Catho- |4.;i(*!rr'«.."?f-»a»Tt' ■-:«-■■ .■:,-, ■■.tc»^-,;^.'.-B.:^tji... /.'^f^^tf^Ji-;^ -v^-^J^-iJ-w ^fSSSF^'ir. •"fJwyfRS^S^Sp??:-- THEIR MEANS AND OBJECTS. 199 lie country of Europe. They became the confessors of almost all its monarchs, an office which enabled them generally to direct the movements of the great political machine of states. They were the spiritual guides of almost every person of rank or power, and possessed the highest degree of con- fidence and interest with the papal court. The advantages derivable from these circumstances are obvious ; they formed the youthful mind, they possessed at different periods the direction of courts. They mingled in all affairs. They took part in every intrgue and revolution. Unhappily for mankind, this vast influence was exerted too frequently with most pernicious effect. The fun- damental maxim of the institution which was to regard the interest of the order as the capital ob- ject to which every other was to be sacrificed, led them frequently to propagate a system of pliant morality, which authorised almost every action, that the most audacious or crafty politician would wish to perpetrate. As the prosperity of the order was intimately connected with the pre- servation of papal authority, the Jesuits have of course ever been the most zealous patrons of those doctrines tending to exalt ecclesiastical power on the ruins of civil government. They have con- tended for the entire independence of ecclesiastics on the civil magistrates. Its members, proud of the distinction which their zeal for the papal power gave them, considered it as their peculiar duty and function to combat the opinions, and to check the progress of the Protestants. For this pur- pose they have made use of every art, have em- ployed every weapon with which their firm union, unbounded influence, and high intellectual supe- riority furnished them. They have set themselves in most formidable array against every gentle or tolerating measure in their favour, and have in- *W':P9^W^^}^'- •^'?w^:^ 1?7''f%p5^- " ■':-^^^'?'w?i^Ff^-'^;Y '" -•■^^- "^-t:^'^^ 200 THE JESUITS EXPELLED. cessantly stirred up against them all the rage of ecclesiastical and civil persecution. It is certain that by these means the Jesuits may justly be deemed as responsible for most of the pernicious effects arising from that corrupt and dangerous casuistry, from those extravagant tenets concern- ing ecclesiastical power, that intolerant spirit, which have been the disgrace of the church of Rome, and which have brought so many calami- ties upon civil society. If truth thus obliges us to advert to the pernicious influences of this ex- traordinary body of men, it equally demands us to admit that in many respects they have merited the praise of society. In science and industry they rank high, and by the improvements they made for facilitating the instruction of youth, they have much contributed towards intellectual im- provement. More particularly in the new world were their mental energies displayed for the good of man. There they made the uncivilized of their fellow beings to taste the sweets and the benefits of society, and the blessings of security and order. Respected and beloved almost to adoration, a few Jesuits presided with paternal care over some multitudes of Indians. But even in these merito- rious efforts of the order for the good of mankind, their genius and spirit were mingled and dis- played by their aiming at an independent power subject to the society alone. At length, the ambition, the innovations and power of this great body long observed and felt, with the pernicious effects upon the political and moral world were so plainly displayed, that its downfall was the con- sequence. The emperor, Charles the fifth, thought it expedient to check its aspiring progress in his dominions. It was expelled from England by proclamation of James the First, 1604.- From Venice, in 1606; from Portugal, 1759; from ■WP"- ■ Z'T^i -^^^ ■ ^ >»sSKf."»'?...^ -^F'^lKPf'-" THE JESUITS ABOLISHED. 201 France, 1764; Spain and Sicily, in 1767, and totally suppressed and abolished by Clement the fourteenth, 1773.* * This commanding order is DOW revived. A college is erect- ed in the very centre of Eng- land, and in Ireland the order has attained influence: there is a very extensive establish- ment of them at Castlebrown, in the county of Kildare. In the year 1814, Castlebrown was purchased of Wogan Brown, Esq. by the Jesuits, for a col- lege, at the sum of 16,000/. Only four Jesuits then came from Palermo ; they were Irish- men, educated abroad : each had a peculiar department as- signed him. Mr. Kenny, the principal, subsequently passed over to America, to found an establishment there ; he how- ever returned, a Mr. Aylmer being the principal. In 1817 they had two hundred pupils only ; but were building addi- tions to accommodate five hun- dred, besides noviciates to in- crease the order. In the short space of time since their pur- chase they had built nearly a little town, at the rear of the college, having their own arti- zans and tradesmen, all be- longing to the order as lay brothers. Many more indivi- duals resorted thither from Italy and from Russia, when the Emperor Alexander banished them from his empire. The strictest silence is ob- served by the pupils, who ap- pear not to dare to speak with- out permission of their tutors : besides the regular pupils there are a number of paupers, whom they teach gratuitously. Their refectory in the new building is eighty feet in length. The dormitories are admirably con- structed ; one of them contains one hundred and forty-four beds, placed in squares of six- teen in a square, and built up like pews in a church, so that no pupil can be overlooked. Six of the tutors watch in turns during the night, that not a word may be spoken. The boys have a separate apartment wherein they wash, and in an- other they dress. In the latter boxes areranged round,contain- ing brushes, combs, &c. In all the apartments occupied by the pupils there are private closets, from which every thing passing can be seen and heard, without the boys suspecting they are watched. They all answer, not to their names, but their num- ber, and that is increasing every day from the reputation of the college. They know nothing of their own clothes, but when new are required they find them provided, and no inquiry is to be made about them. When the weather is unfavourable they exercise in the cloisters, which surround three sides of the building. The correspondence of this society is extensive, and they have succeeded in having a post office established at Clare, the nearest village to the col- lege. They do not deny being St'J^lV? .^^Mf.'JSf-. f'3--- t^'-^-rff.,'. ■;-\r,- ^:f^• ■•■■'UV; 202 JESUITS AND JANSENISTS. During this age great and bitter contests oc- curred between the Jesuits and Jansenists, which being referred to papal decision, the interest of Jesuits, and wear the peculiar habit of their order. Their last general was a native of Poland, named Broniski. A few years since there was an election for a new one, when a deputation from Cas tlebrown went to Rome to attend. Their general, chosen for life by deputies from dif- ferent societies, possess a su- preme and independent power, extending to every person and every case. By his sole autho- rity he nominates or removes every officer of the order ; in him is vested the sovereign ad- ministration of the funds and revenues, which are large ; to his commands every member is required, not only to yield out- ward obedience, but to resign up his sentiments, will and in- clination : — in fact, mere pas- sive instruments to execute his mandates. There is not in the annals of mankind such a complete despotism, and that not executed over a confined body but over men dispersed throughout the whole earth. Every novice who offers him- self as a candidate for entering the order is.^ ' • •; ■• — !•-' '".^/"T.'; '' ■ovi ^ ,-.-.1". , -.r . ,^..^:^-,|T|im_^»-:^, -.-J,--! .--,,,,--• .v.-.f^,-^-»^. ...= v| 204 RELIGIOUS OPINIONS OF JAMES I. translated. The bishop employed a person named King, to execute the work. But not understand- ing the oriental languages, he was obliged to translate it from the English version. The work was received by the bishop, who after having compared the Irish with the English translation, collated it with the Hebrew, the LXX, and the Italian version of Diodati. When this was finished, the bishop would himself have been at the charge of the impression, but his design was arrested upon advice given to the lord lieutenant, and the archbishop of Canterbury, that it would be a disgraceful thing for a nation to publish a Bible translated by such an incompetent person as King. The manuscript, however, went to press in 1685. We have seen that the churches of England and Ireland had long been like vessels tost on a tempestuous ocean, unable to find anchorage. The opposition of the papists on the one hand, exerting every energy to support the powerful system of priestly domination, which for ages had governed the nations of Europe ; and the discon- tents, the rising hopes, and increasing power of the puritans, we have seen effecting revolutions of opinion and sentiment, which had fearful influence on the happiness and well being of society. While these controversies were in full action at the beginning of this century, James I. died, the bitter enemy of the puritan doctrine and discipline, in which he had been brought up, the inflexible and ardent patron of the Arminians, to whose ruin and condemnation in Holland he had been singularly instrumental, and the most zealous defender of episcopal government, against which he had more than once expressed himself in the strongest terms. It is asserted, that this facile monarch had formed serious intentions of W.'-*' EXECUTION OF ARCHBISHOP LAUD. 205 embracing the faith of Rome. His unfortunate son had it much at heart, to bring to perfection the designs of his father, firmly to establish the su- premacy of the royal power above every autho- rity ; the reduction of all the churches of Great Britain and Ireland, under the jurisdiction of bishops, whose government he regarded as of divine appointment, as well as best adapted to guard the privileges and majesty of the throne ; and lastly, the suppression of the opinions and institutions peculiar to Calvinism, as tending far too much to the encouragement of civil liberty, and the modelling of the doctrine, discipline, ceremonies, and polity of the Church of England, after the spirit and constitution of the primitive church. To effect his wishes, we have seen he made choice of Laud, Bishop of London, and afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, an indivi- dual possessing a complicated character, of great qualities and great defects. This prelate executed the plans of his royal master with an intempe- rance that defeated its object, and raised him up as bitter and violent enemies the whole vast host of puritans ; for in reviving many religious rites and ceremonies, although they were stamped with the sanction of antiquity, yet were quite unsuited to the spirit of the times, and had been abrogated for their superstition by the reformists. By these his unpopular acts, and violent pro- ceedings, he drew upon the unhappy king, and upon the episcopal order in general, a violent odium. Hence in 1644, he was brought to the tribunal of the public, declared guilty of high treason, and was condemned to decapitation, which sentence was executed. That he was sacrificed to the vengeance and bigotry of a ma- lignant party, no impartial reader of the history of the period can deny. The error of Laud 206 EPISCOPACY ABOLISHED. seems to have been that of the judgment, and a superficial view of the times in which he lived, which he should have known could not tolerate those innovations which he introduced. The time was past by, when religion had called in the aid of the senses to her interest. When the doctrines of a mystic creed were enforced through palpable forms, addressed to the affections, powerfully assisting (it must be ad- mitted) to awaken faith through feeling, ** for that which is felt it is difficult to doubt, and that which satisfies the senses, is vainly distrusted by the understanding," Laud forgot that the general impulse of the vulgar towards decoration, had for a time at least given place to affected simplicity, abstracted devotion, and enthusiastic visions. It had been the policy of the reformed religion, to carry on her system by a proud and stern rejection of all the meretricious means, by which the old church had effected her scheme of usurpation, and dazzled her votaries. Men usually pass to extremes, and time must elapse before the muta- tion can be safely meddled with. That period of safety was not reached, when Laud revived a few of the primitive institutions, by presenting to the mind, lost in abstracted and spiritual religion, some exterior observances, which might fix it during its religious exercises, and abate the vio- lence of its ineffectual efforts " to personify the essence which thought could not reach." After the decease of this venerable prelate, of whom it may be said, that nothing in his life be- came him better than his death, dissensions in- creased. The great council of the nation, heated by the inflammatory suggestions of the puritans and independents, abolished episcopacy, and as we have seen, overturned all rights and privileges, concluding their tumultuous drama by becoming ^ Ips--- '.^-- ' .- :■;■■?-. ".f •>',:>:-• ^■«;=j.-- /:'',:rj?- X? i58^j^f^f!y-if JSgH^r'^.^f^ ^'' RELIGIOUS TRYERS. 207 regicides ! Such are the calamities flowing from religious zeal, without knowledge, temperance, and liberality ; from that bigotry and enthusiasm, which inspires a blind and immoderate attach- ment to the external unessential parts of religion, and to certain doctrines imperfectly understood ! While Cromwell had the reins of government, sectaries enjoyed much liberty — the episcopalians none; bishops were deprived of their dignities and revenues, and received severe and iniquitous treatment; presbyterians and independents met with peculiar favour, and aimed at a very high ecclesiastical power. ** Though transported him- self with the most frantic whimsies," says Hume, ** Cromwell had adopted a scheme for regulating the religious principle in others, both sagacious and political." Resolved to maintain a national church, yet determined neither to admit episco- pacy nor presbytery, he established a number of commissioners, under the name of tryers, partly laymen, partly ecclesiastics, some presbyterians, some independents. These presented to all liv- ings, which were formerly in the gift of the crown, they examined and admitted such persons as re- ceived holy orders, and inspected the lives, doc- trines, and behaviour of the clergy. But instead of supporting that union between theology and learning, which had been so long attempted in Europe, these tryers embraced the former princi- ple in its full purity, and made it the sole object of their examination. If Cromwell might be said to adhere to any particular form of religion, the independents could most boast of his favour, the pastors of that sect, who were not passionately addicted to civil liberty, were universally attached to him. He granted unbounded liberty of conscience to all but Catholics and prelatists, and thus attached f' 208 THE PROTESTANT WORSHIP. the wild sectaries, and employed them in curbing the domineering spirit of the presbyterians ; he was wont to say, " I am the only man who has known how to subdue that insolent sect, which can suffer none but itself." Though he retained the Church of England in constraint, he permitted its clergy a little more liberty than the republican parliament had allowed. There is an anecdote related of him and Archbishop Usher, which is relevant to our subject here. Cromwell, at the intercession of Usher, (for whom he had a high respect,) had promised to permit the ministers of the established church the freedom of their mode of divine worship in private congregations. This promise not being fulfilled. Usher waited upon him to claim it. He found Cromwell under the hands of his surgeon, who was dressing a large bile on his breast. Cromwell said to his visitor, ** If this core," pointing to the tumour, " were V once out, I should be well ;" the archbishop mildly replied, " I doubt the core lies deeper, there is a core that lies at the heart, that must be taken out, or else it will not be well." " Ah," replied Cromwell, while he heaved a deep sigh, ** there is indeed !" Usher not succeeding in his application, when he returned home, said to his friends, ** This false man hath broken his word with me, and refuses to perform what he promised ; well, he wiH have little cause to glory in his wick- edness, for he will not continue long ; the king will return — I shall not live to see it, but you may." It was at this period that the quakers propa- gated their tenets ; they made many proselytes, for the affections of men were directed to diver- sities of faith, and the most extravagant modes were, of course, the most popular ; and the hot- headed anabaptists were also unrestrained, in INDEPENDENTS AND PRESBYTERIANS. 209 promulgating their visionary doctrines. In short, a multiplicity of sects arose, all with shades of difference, which excited continual animosities and controversies without end. Every man, as prompted by constitutional warmth, excited by emulation, or supported by habitual hypocrisy, endeavoured to distinguish himself beyond his fellows, and to arrive at a higher degree of saint- ship and perfection, at a period when the enthu- siastic spirit met with such honour and indulgence, and was the immediate road to worldly distinction and preferment. ^In proportion to its degree of fanaticism, each sect became dangerous ; thus it was with the presbyterians and independents, who apparently had been united, but soon betrayed very distinct views and pretensions. The inde- pendents rejected all ecclesiastical establishments, admitted no spiritual courts, no government among pastors, no magisterial interference in religious affairs, no fixed encouragement to any system of doctrines and opinions. According to their opi- nions, each congregation contained within itself a separate church, exercising a jurisdiction over its own pastor, and its own members, though desti- tute of temporal sanctions. Nothing that was deemed requisite in other churches, to confer a right to holy orders, was considered necessary by this sect. The election of the congregation was all-sufiicient to bestow the sacerdotal character, and no essential distinction between the clergy and the laity was admitted. The enthusiasm of the presbyterians led them to reject the authority of prelates, and the restraints of liturgies, to retrench ceremonies, to limit the authority and riches of the priestly office. The fanaticism of the independents exalted a step higher, abolished ecclesiastical government, dis- dained creeds and systems, neglected all ceremo- VOL. II. P 'F?f^^v- ' 210 TOLEUATION BY THE INDEPENDENTS. nies, confounded ranks and orders. Individuals of every occupation or station indulging the fer- vours of zeal, and guided by the illapses of the spirit, resigned themselves to an inward and su- perior direction, and were consecrated in a manner by an immediate intercourse and communication with heaven. " The Catholics," continues the historian, from whose luminous pages we now quote, " pretending to an infallible guide, justi- fied upon that principle their doctrine and practice of persecution." The presbyterians, imagining that such clear and certain tenets as they them- selves adopted, could only be rejected from a criminal and pertinacious obstinacy, gratified to the full their bigoted zeal, by a like doctrine and practice. The independents, from an extreme of the same zeal, were singularly led into the milder principles of toleration. Their mind, set afloat on the wide sea of inspiration, could confine itself within no certain limitS, and the same variations in which an enthusiast indulged himself, he was apt, by a natural train of thinking, to permit in others. Of all Christian sects, this was the first which, during its prosperity as well as its adversity, always adopted the principles of toleration, and it is worthy of observation, that so reasonable a doctrine owed its origin not to reasoning, (though so obviously rational,) but to the height of fanati- cism and extravagance. Popery and prelacy alone, whose genius seemed to tend towards su- perstition, were treated by the independents with rigour. The doctrines of fate or destiny were deemed by them essential to all religion. The political creed of the independents kept pace with their religious system : they were decided, stern republicans. Such was the state of ecclesiastical affairs at the period of our retrospect at which we are RELIGIOUS SPIRIT. 211 arrived, namely, at the time when Cromwell paid the debt of nature, when the form which had been animated by such an intelligent and daring spirit, Ifecame as the clod of the valley. That master spirit had kept these discordant interests in some degree of union. It remains for us to trace the events which followed his final removal from a scene in which he made himself to be feared and courted by all foreign princes ; in which he equally displayed unconquerable courage, signal military talent, eminent address, profound policy, consummate artifice, and above all, admirable dexterity in discovering the characters of men, and rendering their abilities or their weaknesses subservient to his own designs. In referring to the ecclesiastical affairs of this century, we must not omit the mention of the protestant missions esta- blished, and also that illustrious society, which derives its title from the great object of its insti- tution, namely, the " Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts." Nor ought we to pass over that munificent friend to the same pious object, that is, the service of Christianity, Mr. Robert Boyle, who, to counteract, if possible, the scep- tical spirit of his times, in 1691, consecrated a considerable part of his ample fortune, to the foundation of a course of lectures, to be preached successively by a chosen number of eminent divines. Eight discourses were the number fixed for every year, the subjects, the defence of natural and revealed religion. This pious and honourable task has always been committed to men of the most eminent genius and abilities, is still under- taken with zeal, and performed with remarkable dignity and success. The discourses that have been delivered in consequence of this admirable institution have invariably been published, and form a large and important collection, which is p 2 w«flr!f3RT^A""-.' 212 PROGRESS OF SCIENCE. known throughout Europe. It has done eminent service to the cause of religion and virtue, refuting most ably and clearly the sophisms of the infidel writers, who industriously spread their gloomy and demoralising doctrines, at this period of intel- lectual impulse. The progressive and flourishing state of the sciences in this century is abundantly known, as we see the eff*ects, and enjoy the fruits of the efforts then made for the advancement of learning. ** Philosophy," says an intelligent modern writer, " availed herself of the license of the times, and of the inquiring spirit of the age ; she came forth with her great experimental truths, to better the condition of humanity, to lessen its inflictions, to meet its wants, and to diminish the many ills that flesh is heir to. Her object was the happi- ness of mankind, and her agent knowledge. Ob- structed in every step of her progress, condemned as an infidel for expounding the laws of nature, and persecuted for truths for which she deserved to be deified ; still she advanced, slowly indeed, but firmly. Moral and physical evil, error, and disease, bigotry, and the plague, receded before her luminous progress. Philosophers, it is true, perished in the dungeons of the Inquisition, or fed the flames of an auto da fe — but philosophy survived." No branch of literature was neglected, all the sciences that belong to the respective provinces of reason, experience, observation, genius, me- mory, and imagination, were cultivated and im- proved with remarkable success throughout the Christian world. Bacon, towards the commence- ment of this century, opened, by his admirable works, the avenues that lead to the fair temple of true philosophy. The march of science was in- deed truly astonishing. The stream of knowledge "7^w^:-W PHILOSOPHY AND HISTORY. 213 had hitherto been confined, the flood-gates were now opened, and it rushed forth with impetuous force, dividing itself into many fertilizing courses in its progress. By these scientific inquiries, the empire of superstition was shaken ; by them natural religion was erected upon solid founda- tions, and illustrated with admirable perspicuity and evidence, as by them the infinite perfections of the supreme being were demonstrated with the utmost clearness and force. The natural philo- sopher marked creation rising in immensity before him, filled with the energy of the divine presence, and passing upward from the majesty of nature, to the majesty of nature's mighty architect, he finds in the lofty abstraction of his feelings, that there is indeed a spirit in man destined to rise far above human passions and human anxieties. Thus led to contemplate the nature of his own soul, man is drawn insensibly to its worth, its primeval dignity, its sad deviation, and the means of final restoration, hence was true philosophy the hand- maid of revealed religion. The improvements made in the study of history, more especially the ancient history of the church, were also of eminent service to the cause of Christianity. The vivid light of truth, and the calm and cheeer ful repose that attend it, arose upon the minds of many, delivering the great family of mankind from many of those crimes which had been engendered and fostered by superstition, and had been even sanctified by her barbarous ignorance. Innume- rable and inestimable were the advantages which resulted from this spread of historical knowledge. By it, many pious and excellent individuals whom ignorance and malice had branded with the igno- minious title of Heretics, were delivered from the reproach, carrying with it so many dangers and afflictions, and were secured from the malignity $f\'Wy^ 214 niSTOUY OF THE CllUllCH. of superstition. By it also was made manifest, that many of those religious controversies which had divided nations, separated friends, disunited families, and involved sovereign states so often in bloodshed, rebellion, and crimes of the most hor- rid kind, were frequently owing to the most trifling and contemptible causes, to the ambiguity of certain theological phrases and terms, to super- stition, ignorance, and envy, to spiritual pride and ambition. By this study it was demonstrated with the fullest evidence that many of those re- ligious rites and ceremonies, which had been con- sidered as of divine institution, were derived from the most inglorious sources, being borrowed from the customs of barbarous nations, invented with a design to deceive the ignorant and credulous, or dictated by the senseless enthusiasm of over- wrought imaginations. But not to multiply instances in proof of the high importance of the study of history, we shall but say, that by her bright lamp the most important discoveries as to the state of the Christian church have been made, the salutary effects of which we enjoy. Hence flow the lenity and moderation that are mutually exercised by those who differ from each other in religious sentiment ; that prudence and caution in estimating opinions and deciding controversies ; that protection and support granted to men of worth, when attacked by the malice of bigotry, and that visible diminution of errors, frauds, crimes and cruelties with which superstition for- merly embittered human life, and every enjoy- ment of social intercourse. The writers of this age distinguished them- selves by the study of eloquence, and the lan- guages. The divine rules of morality and prac- tice laid down in the Holy Scriptures, received new illustrations, when that great scheme of law ■v^rr^m STATE OF THE ARTS. 215 which results from the system of nature, and the dictates of right reason began to be studied with more diligence, and investigated with more accu- racy than had hitherto been the case, while the impiety of those infidel writers who had the moral hardihood and effrontery to maintain that the pre- cepts of the gospel are contrary to the dictates of sound reason, repugnant to the constitution of man's nature, inconsistent with the interests of civil society, adapted to enervate and narrow the mind, and to draw it off from the business, the du- ties and the enjoyments of life, was ably and per- fectly refuted by many eminent writers of the seven- teenth century, as we shall abundantly have power to prove when we resume our retrospect nearer to our own times. ' Those evidences of genius and talent, which painting and sculpture display, alone were deprived of encouragement at this period. The perfection they had attained during the middle ages, was derived from the peculiar genius of the times, when to support and to embellish a powerful hierarchy, the aid of the arts and the products of human genius were brought forward. The splendours of architecture, and the fasci- nations of painting were early adopted by a church departing rapidly from primitive simplicity and that single reliance on a vicarious sacrifice which formed the basis of the Christian faith. The effect of both upon the imagination through the medium of the senses was powerful. To witness the obscured glory of the lofty painted windows of a cathedral, the awful bend of its arched roof, the loftiness of its noble pillars, the capacity of its niches, and as it were, their interminable length, the high raised altar, and the solemn grandeur which pervaded the whole, struck an awe into the human heart, which pre[)ared it for all the affect- ing forms of Romish worship. But if the vene- 216 SPOLIATION OF CllUllCHES. rable forms of architecture thus excited solemn and devotional feelings, the magic of painting was infinitely superior. It rendered as it were that tangible which could not be expressed, and found its way to the mind and heart with the vividness and the rapidity of lightning. It depicted " says an expressive writer, ** the mystery which reason could not explain, it revealed the beatitudes of heaven, and the] torments of hell, in imagery which struck upon the dullest apprehensions, and intimidated the hardiest ccJnsciences. Eyes which shed no tears over the recited sufferings of a Sa- viour, wept gratefully over the pictured agonies of a self-sacrificed mediator, and knees unused to bend in mental devotion, dropped involuntarily before shrines exhibiting maternal love and bloom- ing innocence, a virgin parent, and an infant God! These awakened religious adoration through the captivating medium of human sympathies." But with the decline of the Romish power also de- clined these great actuating engines of human feeling. Towards the close of the sixteenth cen- tury, new opinions, new interests arose, and the age of painting passed away with the rise of the reformation ; religion then became an inquiring spirit, not affecting to be roused by external in- fluences, and as the human mind is continually hurrying from one extreme to another, the re- formers rejected all pictures, and with a sadly Vandal spirit, despoiled the riches of architecture. We have already stated how far this barbarous spirit was carried in the destruction of every thing which embellished the Romish sanctuaries. One instance only of the same superstitious Vandalism we shall give, occurring at the period at which our retrospect is arrived. Among the votes passed in the English parlia- ment of 1636 it was ordered that all such pictures -■TT '■ "^^Jllifti-i^r : . -■-T-Tw;a PICTURES DESTROYED. 217 there (in the royal collection) as shall have the representation of the second person in the Trinity on them, shall be forthwith burnt, and all such pictures as have representation of the Virgin Mary upon them shall be forthwith burnt. The pictures without any superstition upon them were to be sold for the benefit of the poor Irish. In England, before the civil wars, learning and the fine arts were favoured at court, and a refinement of taste pervaded the higher classes, quickly finding its way to the inferior. Charles the first, loved paint- ing, was a judge of the- arts, and even in a degree an artist himself. His literary taste was also cor- rect, and music he delighted in. Cromwell him- self, though individually rough and unpolished, was not insensible to literary merit in others. Archbishop Usher, notwithstanding his sacerdotal dignity, and his frankness of character, yet re- ceived a pension from the protector as an evidence of his respect for his learning. This was not the only instance of his patronage of individuals. He even projected the erection of a college at Durham, for the benefit of the northern counties. Generally speaking, civil wars when founded on the principles of liberty, are found rather favour- able to the arts of eloquence and oratory, as by presenting noble and interesting objects to the mind they exalt and invigorate its powers. The various tempers and passions of mankind are then unfolded, and their various operations, both sup- ply subject for the orator, and elicit his own latent faculties, and he is taught by his own ardent and overpowering enthusiasm, the art of convincing the judgment, and influencing the passions of others. But though imagination may thus im- part vivacity to judgment, and receives from it both solidity and justness, taste must give ele- gance to both to render them attractive. Thus, 218 ELOQUENCE OF THE TIMES. although the parliamentary orators of the com- monwealth, and the period immediately ante- cedent, were, m regard to force and judgment, greatly superior to those of former times in Eng- land, yet the ^wretched fanaticism which over- clouded the parliamentary party, was destructive of all taste and science, and therefore the elo- quence though vigorous, was destitute of elegance or harmony. It is, therefore, to the restoration we must undoubtedly look for the period when our language assumed the facility and the clear- ness, the fluency and grace hitherto unknown in its structure. fSl^SKf'^??" -•'•..••/■•'•. fv- • ■:—;.„ _■■..' ;>.;■ .--T^'*^ - .: . >^f!!!^.-'.: 219 CHAPTER XXII. CromwelVs death makes no immediate change in Irish affairs. — Richard Cromwell recognized as his successor — Henry con- Jirmcd in the government — He resigns his command on the dismission of his brother — Government administered by com- missioners — Ludlow in command oj" the forces — The royalists are sanguine — Levity of the commissioners — Lord BroghUl engages in the royal cause — Sir Charles Coote attends to the overtures of Lord Broghill — Ludlow recalled to London — Operations of the royalists — Council of officers formed — Charles II. proclaimed — His restoration produces important consequences to Ireland — Premature proceedings — Court of claims erected — Jarring interests — Parliament deemed ne- cessary to settle them — Disorders in the ecclesiastical system — Poverty of benefices — Ormondes advice to the king — It is acted upon — The opposers — Settlement of lands perplexing and arduous — Ormond created lord lieutenant — Parliament assembled — Prelates consecrated — Puritans dissatisfied — Act of settlement — Discontents — Schemes of insurrection formed — Ormondes ability — Secret preparations of the disaffected — Leniency necessary — Bill of settlement discussed — Parlia- ment convened — Act of settlement passed — Difficulties of ex' ecution — Public mind disturbed by a violent act of the Eng- lish parliament — Great distress in consequence — Vigilant conduct of Ormond — Manufactory of woollen cloths established — Encouragement of the linen trade — Great activity of Or- mond to improve Ireland — Bishop of Down — Ormondes ene- mies prevail — He is removed from the government — Lord Berkeley nominated — Ireland the chosen scene for rehearsing the political drama to be acted in England^ Anti-remon- strants — Irish council convened — Intrigues of party — Talbot — His indiscreet measures — Restless intrigues of the discon- tented — Ormondes perplexity — Petitions from the protestants — Berkeley succeeded by Lord Essex — Address to the king on the affairs of Ireland — Difficulties attending the adminis- tration of Essex — Ormondes high qualities — Behaviour of the king — Ormond appointed to his former government — Popish 220 RICHARD AND HENRY CROMWELL. Plot — Intrigues of Ormond's enemies — Defeated by his pru- dence and integrity — He returns to England — Earl of Arran made deputy — Ormond restored — Designs of the Duke of York — Measures taken — Ormond removed — Lord Rochester appointed to succeed — Richard Talbot lieutenant general — Death of Charles — Ormondes recall — Revolution in the prospects of the Irish. We paused in our detail of Irish occurrences, at tlie eventful period of Cromwell's decease, [1658.] That event made no immediate changes in the state of Irish affairs. The same assurances which had been made to support the protector's power, were renewed by the Irish to his son Richard, when the country recognised him as the succes- sor of his father in his high dignity. Richard confirmed Henry in the government of Ireland, under the title of lord lieutenant. When, how- ever, the cabals in the army, and the faction which they formed for the support of the good old cause, resulted in the dismission of the peaceable and unambitious Richard. The popularity of Henry in Ireland, might have created a revolution in opinion; but having, as he considered it his duty, exerted himself to preserve the tottering power of his brother, and on the restoration of the rump parliament, laboured to prevent the disorders of this sudden revolution, he resigned his com- mand, and retired to England. The parliament resolved that the government of Ireland should be again administered by commissioners, and that Ludlow should be appointed to command the forces of the commonwealth in that kingdom. From the moment of the abdication of Richard Cromwell, the royalists of Ireland naturally en- tertained the most sanguine hopes of the king's restoration. Many, both of the old English race, and the original Irish, were attached to his inte- DESIGNS OF LOUD BROGHILL. 221 rests. It has been asserted, that Henry Crom- well contemplated to declare for the king, but on the arrival of the comtoissioners declined it. The severity and jealousy of these commissioners considerably promoted this disposition in favour of the king. Many officers whom they suspected of attachment to his cause were cashiered without trial, or any crime alleged, to diminish the merit of their long and painful services. Lord Broghill, in particular, was both by birth and interest deter- mined on the side of monarchy. The nobility, the gentry, bent their passionate endeavours to effect the restoration, and the dissolution of that tyranny, which, whether considered in a civil or military view, appeared equally oppressive and ruinous to the nation. Lord Broghill, disgusted at the sudden revolu- tions of power, the anarchy and confusion of Eng- land, and anticipating that they were preparing the popular mind for the restoration, was desirous of engaging in the enterprise ; but of a cautious, dark, and deliberate character, he concealed his wishes, while, at the same time, he insidiously engaged his officers, friends, and dependents in his design. • Sir Charles Coote and his father had engaged in the parliamentarian service, like many others, from interest, not principle, and had already be- trayed a disaffection to the rump parliament, and to the army. The ruin of this party seemed to be approaching, and these wily politicians thought it would be prudent to retire in time, and recom- mend themselves to the ascending power. Sir Charles instantly embraced the overtures of Lord Broghill, but as is usual with young converts, or those who suddenly change with circumstances, his ardour was so unrestrained and violent, that 222 DUBLIN OCCUPIED BY ROYALISTS. the cautious measures of Lord Broghill were in danger of being prematurely developed. When the rump parliament, so odious to the nation, was dissolved, Ludlow was recalled to London, and a Colonel Jones, one of the judges of the unfortunate Charles, was appointed to com- mand the forces, nor could these republicans con- ceal their exultation in having, as they believed, reconciled the army to the new government. Peace and composure seemed established in Ireland, when the royal party suddenly burst from their concealment, and threatened destruc- tion to the republican administration. Several noblemen of weight and influence had adopted the sentiments of Broghill. They made them- selves masters of the castle, seized Jones and others, and declared for a free parliament, and finally impeached Ludlow and the commissioners of high treason. In the space of one week most of the garrisons declared for a free parliament, so sudden was the apparent revolution of opinion. But the popular mind had long been in prepara- tion, for a universal fear prevailed of that per- petual servitude so severely felt beneath those sanctified robbers, whose union or whose divisions were eqdally destructive to the national well-being, and whose fanaticism was as fatal to private mo- rality, as it was inimical to all law and justice. So favourable was the progress of the royal cause in Ireland, that Charles was earnestly re- quested to repair thither; but the prudent, cau- tious, and judicious loyalty of Monk had now so effectually prepared every thing for his glad re- ception in England, it was judged best to decline going to Ireland, until the result of the English measures should be known. In the meantime a council of officers assumed the government of Ire- THE RESTORATION. 223 land, and summoned a convention of the estates, independent of England ; they declared their detestation of the king's murder, provided for the payment of army arrears, and their future main- tenance, and published their declaration for a free parliament. After some opposition from the re- publicans, which was overcome, the convention and council of officers proceeded to avow their design of restoring the king. One only point re- mained in dispute, whether they should stipulate for a confirmation of estates to the adventurers and soldiers, or whether they should restore him without previous conditions. At length it was agreed to submit all their interests implicitly to the king. In this debate, the ardour, the san- guine hopes, and daring decision of Sir Charles Coote, was directly opposed to the reserve, the caution, and the frigidity of Lord Broghill, and such was the effect of this discrepancy of senti- ment, that it might have proved mischievous, had there been any immediate necessity for action. The only persons who declared against the king, (so entirely had the nation caught the flame of loyalty,) were a few inconsiderable fanatics, and some of the old Irish, with their popish primate. When the declaration of Breda was promulged, it was readily accepted, and Charles was pro- claimed in Ireland with every due demonstration of joy. 1660. The restoration of Charles II. produced im- portant consequences to Ireland, and forcibly de- monstrated the fact, that although it be unques- tionably the interest of all good government to prevent injustice, it is far from being always pos- sible to remedy it, after it has had a long course, or been attended by great advantages to the agents. But as the events and circumstances which illustrate our position have little to do with p* 224 JEALOUSIES OF THE PEOPLE. our peculiar subject, we shall give only a very brief and cursory view of them, to preserve con- nexion ; referring our readers to other historians, for a detail purely political. During a period of nine years, Ireland had been rent by civil wars, and all the direful concomitants of violent and embittered factions, and variations of power and property, according to the fluctuat- ing ascendancy the contending parties enjoyed. Hence at a period when a just authority, peace, and tranquillity were expected, by the restora- tion of the rightful monarch, the minds of men were naturally drawn to the extremest tension of anxiety respecting those objects interesting to them as men and social beings. The old in- habitants, new adventurers. Catholics, puritans, protestants of every denomination, and every party of Romanists, regarded each other with a degree of jealousy, and even incipient envy, sus- picion, and aversion, according as they fancied others to be more likely to derive benefit from the change than themselves. All were impatient to be restored to their possessions, confirmed in their acquisitions, pardoned if they had erred in the conflicts of party, or rewarded for their adherence to that which now ruled the ascendant. But of all these, the Irish Catholics were the most impa- tient : these had, in 1 648, concluded a treaty with Ormond, in which they had stipulated a pardon of past rebellion, and, under certain conditions, engaged to assist the royal cause ; and although, as we have seen, the violence of the priests, and the bigotry they encouraged in the people, had in a great measure rendered this treaty nugatory, yet there were many who, even at the hazard of their lives, adhered to it ; and on that account, justly deemed themselves entitled to reap the fruits of their loyalty. Cromwell having, without v**^ ■*■>. : •^ • '" ■■ ■ •-. ,' .li*&- ^>-'-" ■•■ . '■ .-■^ l» " OPPRESSION OF THE R, CATHOLICS. 225 distinction, expelled all the native Irish from the three provinces of Munster, Leinster,. and Ulster, and confined them to Connaught and Clare, many of these, also, were of unquestionable innocence, and, of course, expected that they should be re- garded in that light by those, to whose cause they had been faithful, and by which they had been suf- ferers. Several protestants, al^o, and even Ormond among them, had invariably apposed the rebellion, yet from having embraced the king's cause against the parliament were all attainted by Cromwell. There were also many officers who from the com- mencement of the insurrection had served in Ire- land, and who because they would not desert the king, had been refused all their arrears by the English Commonwealth. All these sufferers had a strong claim to justice, but how it was to be awarded was the difficulty, without creating com- motion and dissatisfaction, and in many instances doing injury to the royal cause. The Catholics of Connaught exulting in the overthrow of the fanatical power, waited not even for the king being proclaimed, but re-entered their patrimonial lands, expelling the occupiers whom they considered as intruders . Riot and disturbance were the natural consequences of this premature proceeding, and the convention were under the necessity of publishing an ordinance for preserving the peace. To the new settlers these outrages gave much satisfaction as furnishing them with a plea to report the rebellious state of the kingdom, and so successful were they in reporting their un- favourable and aggravated accounts, that the royal act of indemnity was so prepared as to exclude all those who had any hand in plotting and contriving, aiding or abetting the rebellion in Ireland. By which clause the whole Romish party were in effect excluded from its benefits. In the mean- VOL. II. Q 226 ^ 'COURT OF CLAIMS. time the severest ordinances were strictly ex- ecuted against the Irish Romanists. They were not allowed to pass from one province to another, on their ordinary business, many of them were im- prisoned, their letters intercepted, their gentry forbidden to meet, and thus deprived of the op- portunity of choosing agents or representing their grievances. A court of claims was at length erected, con- sisting altogether of English commissioners who had no connection with any of the parties into which Ireland was divided. Before them were laid four thousand claims of persons craving resti- tution on account of their innocence. The com- missioners had only examined six hundred when it clearly appeared that if all these were to be re- stored, the funds whence the soldiers and adven- turers were to get reprisals would fall short of giving them any tolerable satisfaction. Anxiety and alarm seized all parties. The hopes and fears of all were excited. Some eagerly grasped at re- covering their paternal inheritance, some resolute in maintaining their new acquisitions. An Irish parliament was deemed absolutely ne- cessary to decide upon the jarring interests. The king was urged to call one without delay, he an- swered that it should be called in due time. Several arrangements were previously to be made in the ecclesiastical and civil affairs of Ireland, both being in a greatly embarrassed and disordered state. The convention had requested that all im- propriate and forfeited tithes and glebes in the king's disposal might be granted to the clergy, and that all escheated lands now exempted from the payment of ecclesiastical dues might hereafter be made liable to the same. Charles, with his usual careless facility, readily condescended to this re- quest, but who the ministers should be who were PROTESTANT BISHOPS APPOINTED. 227 to receive these endowments was not so easily settled. Independent of the Scottish preachers in the northern counties, some divines of the presby- terian opinions had recently gained possession of churches in Dublin and the adjacent country, governed themselves by the directory, and preached the covenant zealously. The ecclesiastical be- nefices of Ireland were indeed at this period too poor to tempt any number of these zealous mis- sionaries from England. But eminently distin- guished for moral courage, assiduity, and interest, they had boldly on the king's landing petitioned to have their model of church government esta- blished. A petition of the same nature was pro- moted in the army in Ireland. The divines of the episcopacy were naturally alarmed, and warmly remonstrated against the proceedings. They lost no time in applying for counsel and assistance to the Marquis of Ormond, who proved their power- ful and zealous advocate. He represented frankly to the king, that episcopacy and the liturgy were as yet a part of the legal establishment of Ireland, and proposed that instead of trusting to the sense of a new parliament, necessarily in a great measure composed of the adventurers and officers of Crom- well's army, that Charles should immediately fill up the ecclesiastical preferments of the country with men of worth, learning and zeal, of the esta- blished church. This advice was entirely ap- proved, and the king immediately filled the four archbishoprics and twelve episcopal sees, with the most eminent of the clergy of Ireland. The con- secration of the nominated prelates was however necessarily delayed for a considerable time, in con- sequence of a new great seal not being prepared to validate the patents. This unavoidable delay created great satisfaction to the opposers of the measures, as they imputed it to the secret reluct- Q 2 * ■ ■^"^- i?-^t 228 - CLAIMANTS OF LANDS. ance of the king. In every quarter of the king- dom their agents were busily employed, and a pe- tition prepared in which they prayed that his majesty would be graciously pleased to give an order that their godly ministers of the gospel might be continued and protected. All orders and conditions of men were solicited to subscribe this document. The officers of the army had drawn it up, and indeed were its chief promoters. In the ardour of their zeal they had incautiously betrayed their secret aversion to monarchy, as in the pe- tition were inserted many expressions reflecting on the existing government. But however the passions and prejudices of men were at this time engaged by modes of church government, and religious worship, the temporal interests respecting the lands and possessions of Ireland occupied far more the thoughts and the efforts of the inhabitants. Some settlement was imperiously demanded both by justice and policy, but the variety of pretensions, as well as the un- reasonable expectations of the parties and in- dividuals, rendered this an arduous and perplexing task. So various were the claimants, and so clashing the interests, that it seemed next to im- possible that they should be satisfied and recon- ciled. The Duke of Ormond was created Lord Lieutenant as being the only person whose long experienced equity, ability, prudence and intelli^ gence, could give hope of reconciling those jarring interests . A parliament was assembled at D ublin, but as the lower house was almost entirely chosen by the soldiers and adventurers who still kept possession of their lands, it was extremely favour- able to that interest. In the house of peers a greater impartiality was shewn. In the meantime, the consecration of the prelates took place, with all due solemnity. This appeared a solemn revival VIOLENT DISPUTES. 229 of the ecclesiastical establishment, and as it was performed with much sacerdotal pomp, it seemed like a triumph over the puritanic party who had hoped for the extinction of prelacy, and who, having laboured assiduously to effect some dimi- nution at least of the ecclesiastical revenues, re- garded the circumstance with much dissatisfac- tion. However the king and his ministers might be actuated by a spirit of justice and equity in re- gard to the settlement of Irish claims, it was im- possible to meet the expectations of all parties. The act of settlement could not be so accurately devised as to guard even against every reasonable objection and exception, a clause was therefore in- serted in it, empowering the lord lieutenant and council to modify its enactions according to pres-* sing circumstances. To the soldiers and adven- turers a degree of partiality was shewn, nor was it without considerable repining that the loyal ofl&cers who had served before the year 1649, or as they were then styled forty-nine men, beheld what they deemed an unseasonable indulgence to fana- tics and republicans. Several grants were made to the prejudice of their security, apd one in par- ticular, which provided that the debts due for fur- nishing the army should be paid out of this security. So great were the discontents origina- ting in these claims, that the more violent declared for maintaining their possessions by the sword. Such a spirit was quickly caught by the combus- tible materials of Irish population, and readily spread. The desperate parties in England sent agents to try the dispositions of their numerous partizans in Ireland, now irritated at the appre- hension of losing their estates, and found them ready for any factious purpose. A number of Cromwell's officers were easily encouraged to form a scheme of general insurrection, and a committee »»r---"- ^ >}S^v '•. V * ■■ •;, . - '■ f'Sy*.- W .' ■ I ;;.. ■•"'•'■»;-■•. .,^»s,j,,^ 1^;* ■ 230 CONSPIRACIES. was actually formed in order to conduct it, one of which discovered the conspiracy to Ormond. Some of them had devised a separate scheme to seize the castle of Dublin, but this was also defeated. Subsequent to this the commons addressed the lord lieutenant declaring their abhorrence of the fanatic plot, and representing the danger of the kingdom arising from recusants, and the vast con- fluence of popish priests, friars, and Jesuits ; strongly recommending bills for enforcing the oaths of su- premacy, and banishing all popish ecclesiastics from the kingdom. Thus things appeared to be reverting to their former anarchy, but the vigilance and prudence of Ormond enabled him to steer his course through the turbulent fluctuations of parties. His discovery of the plot had put an end to any more general insurrection, but meetings were still held, correspondences maintained throughout the kingdom, arms and ammunition prepared, and numbers of the disbanded soldiers engaged ready for any desperate enterprize. Many lawyers, some presbyterian ministers. Blood, who was afterwards so distinguished in English history, some members of the Irish commons, and several republican officers embarked in this design. Declarations were even printed in readiness for dispersion, en- treating and encouraging all good protestants to unite in securing the English interest, by averting the dangers threatened to the three kingdoms by the countenance given to popery, confirming the English subjects of Ireland in the estates they had purchased by their services, and for establish- ing religion agreeably to the solemn league and co- venant. Either the discretion of these conspirators was not equal to their zeal, or the vigilance of Ormond was unslumbering, so that intimations of their purpose and proceedings became known to him. The utmost circumspection was necessary THE ACT OF SETTLEMENT. 231 on his part, for although the populace were gene- rally well disposed to the present government, the army was far from being so. A weak government rendered it necessary to proceed with lenity against delinquents engaged in a popular cause, therefore of about five and twenty conspirators who were seized, a few only were condemned, the rest re- ceived the royal pardon. The state of property was still unsettled ; the king referred the whole affair to Ormond and his council, directing that they should frame a new bill if possible more congenial to all parties. They proceeded cautiously in an affair so difficult, wherein they Were to consider not only what was demanded on the principles of strict justice, but what also might be practicable and attainable in the present circumstances of the kingdom. To provide for what individuals might expect, was under those existing circumstances impossible, but they must study the general welfare, and render the benefits as equitably and as extensively as pos- sible. The purport. of their bill was to explain some objectionable clauses in the declaration, to assign better security to the forty-nine officers, and other enactments equally just. It soon how- ever became obvious that no settlement ever could be effected, unless the several claimants would relax in their pretensions. Almost ten months were employed in hearing and answering petitions, examining claims, and considering pro- visos to be inserted in the new bill. All parties at length, wearied with their unsettled condition, and harassed with the expenses and anxieties of ex- amination, and the difficulties of proof, seemed willing to abate somewhat of their pretensions, in order to obtain some result. The soldiers and ad- venturers agreed to relinquish a third of their pos- sessions, and as they had purchased their lands at f^- ' "' ».'■'♦.■' 232 CLAUSES OF THE- ACT. very low prices, they were certainly not injured by their composition. All those who had been attainted on account of their adherence to the king were restored, also some of the innocent Irish. It was, however, a cruel and hard situation for a man to be obliged to prove himself innocent, in order to recover possession of the estate which he and his ancestors had ever enjoyed. This hard- ship was augmented by the difficulty of the con- ditions annexed to this proof. For instance, if the individual had ever lived in the quarters of the rebels he was not admitted to plead his inno- cence, as he was for that reason alone supposed to be a rebel. The injustice of this exception was pleaded by the sufferers, as very many, per- fectly well affected to the crown, and altogether averse to the rebellion, had lived peaceably in their own habitations, lying within the quarters of the rebels, who, out of reverence to their cha- racter, favour of their religion, or other local attachments, had suffered them to remain unmo- lested, though they declined assisting or concur- ring in hostihties. They pleaded, that they were not allowed to seek refuge in the capital, and inveighed against the cruelty of depriving men of their just property, for having resided in the only places where they were permitted by government, and in a time of war and commotion for accepting mercy from those they had no power to resist. These pleas were done away, by many equally plausible reasons, which concluded by the decla- ration, that a strict adherence to the clause was of absolute necessity, to prevent multitudes of dangerous and disaffected papists from recovering their power, embarrassing the king's government, and in all probaljility renewing the commotions which had convulsed the realm, with all its train ;;;• ;:■ -- -qfVi?,-:\y- --:■■-:-■. ::;^n:fe .'■--, 'm'"i^"-^W^ NEW PARLIAMENT. 233 of tremendous consequences. These arguments acquired the greater force, from the inveterate aversion and prejudices of the new race of Eng- lish settlers against the Catholics. Deeply im- bued with a puritanic spirit, they regarded with an abhorrence they sought not to conceal, what they termed their idolatrous and antichristian worship. They urged, as a matter of duty, and as necessary to the public peace, to crush these enemies of God and man, justifying their zeal by exaggerated accounts of their murders, massa- cres, and barbarities. They contended for what they termed an English interest in Ireland, while both their principles, and their mercenary and ambitious passions served to extend their aversion to all the ancient inhabitants, even of the pro- testant faith. For this aversion, they pleaded in excuse, that the objects of it, however free from the pollutions of popery, were not sufficiently op- posed to prelacy. However constantly and bravely they might have fought against popish insurgents, yet they had done equally so against republicans. In fact it was evident that these discontents sought to erect their own power and prosperity upon the ruin of others. The meeting of the parliament was anxiously desired. It was convened ; and though difficul- ties rose upon every side, Ormond conducted the whole affair disinterestedly, honourably, and con- ciliating. In the debates of the commons, their doubts and objections were freely proposed and considered, collected and submitted to the lord lieutenant, in the form of a petition. On his part, he exhorted them not to dwell too scrupu- lously on niceties, at a time when their enemies were on the alert to take advantage of every dis- union. He encouraged them to hope for satisfac- tory results from the power vested in himselC and ■-yw^-rif^^ . ■ >|jfr • ; S^^* ■ -'m^"-^ 234 OBNOXIOUS STATUTE. council, to explain difficulties, and to amend or supply any defects in the act. His answer was voted satisfactory; and without one dissenting voice, they passed the act which fixed the general rights of the several interests of Ireland. But this was but the beginning of the great and important work of settlement; the difficult part was yet to come in the execution of the act, and the application of the rule to particular cases. For this purpose five commissioners were ap- pointed, who, in the occurrence of difficult cases, were to resort to the lord lieutenant and council. An infinite number of perplexed cases, produced perpetual applications to the state, and for a series of years gave continual employment to the intel- ligence and prudence of the Duke of Ormond, in providing for the impartial execution of the act, defeating the restless attempts of those who la- boured to evade it, and other unwarrantable in- trigues. The state had scarcely begun to attain some composure, when the public mind was greatly disturbed by a violent act, passed by the English parliament, prohibiting the importation of Irish cattle into England ; and notwithstanding the re- monstrances of Ormond, the expressed opposition of the king, with a spirit of jealousy and tyranny with which the English state seemed to regard that of Ireland, this law, so injurious to the inte- rests of the latter, was passed. It brought, as might well be anticipated, great distress for some time upon the Irish, but ultimately, perhaps, proved beneficial, as it induced them to apply themselves more steadily to manufactures. During the distresses and discontents of the Irish, on this deprivation of a lucrative trade, the conduct of Ormond was wary, vigilant, and dili- gent. He well knew there was a faction ever on :»•'--. MANUFACTURES ESTABLISHED. 236 the alert, to avail themselves of popular discontent. He watched the proceedings of the popish party, and the futile attempts of the most turbulent of their clergy, to engage the French in a descent upon Ireland, He also assiduously endeavoured to dis- cover the correspondence of the fanatics with those of England and Scotland. He had his agents in all quarters, from whom he every day received information, upon which he acted with prudence, caution, and magnanimity, at once pro- viding measures for security, and avoiding all pro- vocation of the discontented. While engaged in these indefatigable cares to ensure the political quiet of the nation, Ormond was no less attentive to the grand duty of a legislator, that of encou- raging, by his noble spirit, the industry of the people subjected to his delegated power. That comprehensive and noble spirit led him to encou- rage individuals of knowledge and ability in com- merce, to suggest schemes for the promotion of industry. A manufactory of woollen cloths was established at Clonmell. (In this place Cromwell had destroyed the castle and fortifications.) The duke procured five hundred Walloon protestant families to remove from Canterbury to this place, to carry on the works. Another manufactory nearly similar was also established at Carrick. His exertions in favour of the linen trade were yet more important and extensive. Thus did Ormond incessantly labour to promote the pros- perity and happiness of the nation. It is upon such cares, upon such exercise of the mind's energies, that we dwell with pleasure, as they occur to us in the records of history, as conferring upon the agents more real and intrinsic greatness, than actions less peaceable, but more splendid and imposing. Ormond also, with that activity and intelligence which so admirably fitted ■"^ 236 STATE OF TRINITY COLLEGE. him for his high and most difficult station, was eminently active to cultivate and encourage know- ledge and learning in Ireland, as he was well aware, that by that alone it was possible to expel the superstition which had so long enslaved the people, so that civility and refinement should take the place of the rudeness which weighed down Ire- land from rising into national consequence. On his return to Ireland, after the restoration of Charles, he found the university in the utmost disorder, the natural result of the fearful national troubles and confusions that had occurred. The Bishop of Down, Dr. Jeremiah Taylor, was entrusted by the duke with the regulation of this important seminary, as he justly deemed it an imperative duty of his high station to inspect the discipline, encourage the studies, and promote the interests of the members of this learned institu- tion, and he made choice of an able instrument to effect his intentions. This eminent divine was the son of a hair- dresser at Cambridge. At the age of thirteen, he was admitted of Caius College, where he con- tinued, until he had taken a master of arts* degree. He subsequently took orders, supplying for a time the divinity lecturer's place in St. Paul's Cathedral, where his distinguished merit intro- duced him to Laud, who determined to give him better opportunities of study and improvement, for which purpose he caused him to be elected fel- low of All Souls, Oxford. After this period he became one of the archbishop's chaplains, then chaplain in ordinary to the king, and in his army. During these several periods, he laid the founda- tion of several of his works. Upon the decline of the king's cause, he retired into Wales, under the protection of the Earl of Carberry ; here he officiated as a minister, and employed his great ff^ff^yr-j ■ '..-5'« : ■".■..,.: .•''.■■ -■ .. ' i" ■' '''''- ..•rTvW^^^' DR. JEREMIAH TAYLOR. 237 talents in the instruction of children, for the maintenance of himself and family. In this re- tirement he also wrote and published many works. Thus were several years passed in the discharge of the most useful duties, and literary labour. Domestic calamities, and the bereavement of three sons in the short space of so many months, how- ever, rendered the scene too painful ; and he ac- cordingly quitted it for the more busy one of the metropolis, where he, at great hazard, officiated in a private congregation of loyalists. From this exercise of his clerical function he was removed by Lord Conway, whom he attended to Ireland. On the restoration he returned to England, and soon after being nominated to the bishopric of Down and Connor, he was conse- crated to that see in January 1661-2 ; and June following, the see of Dromore was granted to him. On being made bishop, he was appointed privy councillor, and was also made vice-chancel- lor of the university. He died in consequence of a fever, at Lisne- garvy, August 1667, and was interred in a chapel of his own erecting, on the ruins of the old cathe- dral of Dromore. Dr. Rust, his intimate friend and successor in the see of Dromore, has given us his moral por- traiture, which, making every allowance for the partiality of friendship, seems as perfectly faithful as it is pleasing, as it is universally admitted, that Dr. Taylor possessed the acutest penetration and sagacity, a rich and lively imagination, a solid judgment, and profound learning, was perfectly versed in Greek and Latin literature, and well ac- quainted with the writers of later ages, whether French or Italian. " His knowledge was great, both in civil and canon law, in casuistical divi- nity, in the fathers, and in ecclesiastical writers. -"^f^^r^- ■^ 238 THE PROTESTANT CLERGY. ancient and modern. With all this intellectual strength, were united those qualities which adorned and directed it — the deepest humility, the most fervent piety. It is believed," says his friendly biographer, " that he spent the greatest part of his time in heaven, in his intercourse with his Creator, in solemn prayer." The same delineator adds, ** he had the good-humour of a gentleman, the eloquence of an orator, the fancy of a poet, the acuteness of a schoolman, the pro- foundness of a philosopher, the wisdom of a chan- cellor, the sagacity of a prophet, the reason of an angel, and the piety of a saint. He had devotion enough for a cloister, learning enough for an university, and had his endowments been parcelled out among his clergy that he left behind him, it would, perhaps, have made one of the best dio- ceses in the world." His writings were very numerous, and we believe all on religious sub- jects. They greatly tended to improve the style, as well as the morals of the nation. The richness of his imagination is displayed by the felicity- of his expressions. His compositions have been often printed, and much read, but have too much passed into that neglect, which awaits the highest efforts of human virtue and genius. But as the highest merit, and the purest inte- grity too generally expose the individual to the sharpest arrows of calumny, and the insidious attacks of envy, the enemies of Ormond sought to lessen his consequence, and counteract his in- tentions, by endeavouring to persuade the king to appoint some Englishmen to Irish bishoprics, without the concurrence and recommendation of the duke. The sentiments expressed by him upon this occurrence, are worthy of record, as indicating his care of Irish interests, and their moral and intellectual improvement. "It is fit THE PROTESTANT CLERGV. 239 to be remembered," he observes, *' that near this city (Dublin) there is an university, of the foun- dation of Queen Elizabeth, principally intended for the education and advantage of the natives of this kingdom, which hath produced men very eminent for learning and piety, and those of this nation. And such there are now in this church ; so that while there are so, the passing them by is not only in some measure a violation of the origi- nal intention and institution, but a gr6at discou- ragement to the natives, from making themselves capable and fit for preferments in the church, whereunto, (if they have equal parts,) they are better able to do service than strangers, their knowledge of the country, and their relations in it, giving them the advantage. The promotion too of fitting persons already dignified or bene- ficed, will make room for, and consequently en- courage young men, students in this university; which room will be lost, and the inferior clergy much disheartened, if upon the vacancy of bishop- rics, persons unknown to the kingdom and uni- versity shall be sent to fill them, and to be less useful there to the church and kingdom, than those who are better acquainted with both." While the duke was thus employing his dele- gated power in Ireland to the noblest purposes, his enemies in England were intriguing to deprive him of his appointment. The same reasons which had rendered his friend. Lord Clarendon, the victim of party spirit, urged that restless party to intrigue against the virtuous Ormond. By the most unwarrantable means they collected grounds for an impeachment, as they well knew that the popularity and esteem which the duke enjoyed, would defeat every other means of his removal from power. The king expressed indignation at 240 LORD BERKELEY. these attempts against the duke, and even if he felt no gratitude for his services, he was not quite divested of consideration for a servant so distin- guished in his attachment. But the intrigues of the cabal were too insidious and too mighty for the weak sense of gratitude and affection felt by Charles for any one, and Ormond's enemies finally prevailed. He was removed from a station he had filled with so much honour, a short period, during which the government was committed to Lord Robarts, who was equally despised in Ire- land, and useless to his faction in England. John Lord Berkeley of Stratton was nominated his successor 1670. The administration of this no- bleman opened, as might be expected, from the party which favoured him, a new and alarming scene in Ireland. Nominated to his high station by the influence of the popish party, who knew that while Ormond continued governor they must not expect indulgence, or gain credit with the king. Lord Berkeley was deemed altogether suited to their views ; he was devoted to the in- terest of the artful Buckingham, and a person equally devoted to the wily courtier accompanied Lord Berkeley to his government, as his secretary. This Sir Ellis Leighton was to be a spy upon the conduct of Berkeley, and to keep him firm to the purposes of the English government. In fact, each was to serve as a check upon the other. The desijgn of erecting arbitrary power upon the basis of popery was already formed, and though deeply concealed, and cautiously developed in England, they fatally concurred with the inclina- tions and prejudices of the king, his desire of authority, his propensity to Catholicism, and his want of money. The deep counsels of this fac- tion, though apprehended, and productive of much F-'-Vv INFLUENCE OF R. CATHOLICS. 241 anxiety to true patriots, were so artfully carried on, that they were not thoroughly known but by the event. Thus it was in England; but the dependent state of Ireland appears ever to have been the theatre chosen to rehearse any scene of the poli- tical drama, which might possibly create too great sensation in the development in England. Hence it was deemed neither indiscreet nor dangerous to make the first experiment in Ireland, the authors of it being entirely forgetful of, or different to the principles and passions of the English inha- bitants. Some of the most powerful partisans of the popish interests followed Lord Berkeley into Ireland. The bias of the new governor and his adherents was soon manifest, by various circum- stances, more particularly by the countenance which, contrary to his public instructions, he showed to those called anti-remonstrants ^ of whom it is necessary to give a cursory account. The measure of obedience due by papists to the civil power, was a question continually agi- tated even from the days of Elizabeth. Neces- sarily involved in this enquiry was the nature as well as the extent of the papal power, and on both these momentous points, the casuists of their communion were by no means agreed. Several professed civil obedience to the queen, and hence in her wars individuals of the Catholic religion were distinguished for their services to the crown. To James the most unreserved submission was given to his supreme temporal authority. In the disorders of the following reign, the question was revived, and we have seen the presumption and the inveteracy it occasioned in Rinunccini, and his bigoted adherents. On the restoration of Charles, some of the Irish prelates and clergy, mortified at the expulsion of their party from their VOL. II. K •r,^ • : -^T^^: 242 THE REMONSTRANCE. ancient inheritances, and dreading further severi- ties, commissioned a Franciscan friar to present an address to the king, congratulating him on his accession to the throne of his ancestors, and im- ploring the benefits of the peace made with Or- mond in 1648. The friar well knew that peace had been violated by numbers of his brethren, and therefore deemed it necessary to obviate the objection against tolerating the Romish religion, from its inconsistency with the security of a pro- testant government. For this purpose he drew up what he called the Remonstrance of the Roman Catholic clergy in Ireland. In this document they acknowledged the king to be supreme and rightful sovereign of the realm of Ireland, that they were bound to obey him in all civil and tem- poral affairs, notwithstanding any power and pre- tension of the pope or see of Rome. They openly disclaimed " all foreign power, papal or princely, spiritual or temporal, inasmuch as it may seem able, or shall pretend to free them from this obligation, or permit them to offer any vio- lence to his majesty's person or government," They enlarged upon these principles in the docu- ment which, thus framed so as to satisfy the most scrupulous, was presented to the Duke of Ormond. He objected that it was not signed by the clergy, but offered solely on the authority of Walsh, their procurator. One Irish bishop, and about twenty- three of their clergy immediately subscribed it ; some few declined doing so. Circular letters were then addressed to the Irish prelates, in their several dioceses, inviting them to concur in an address, which was soon subscribed by an addi- tional number of clergy, and also by a respectable collection of lay lords and gentlemen. It will readily be supposed that a declaration against the temporal authority of the pope was by !»?»^:'" . ?^p '*■ ".^TFr- • ■ -* -L. ■-■■'..-;;*:-■• r'**^*^?^, ■^^-j; .:-^.'^^^^''*;^^ NATIONAL SYNOD. 243 no means agreeable or acceptable to the court of Rome. The holy father however did ' not think it prudent to interpose his direct authority, but the internuncio of Brussels, upon whom the ec- clesiastical affairs of Ireland devolved, and also Cardinal Barberini, were both employed to cen- sure the remonstrance in the name of the pope, as containing propositions already condemned by the apostolic see ; the former declared with violence that it would do more injury to the church than any persecution hitherto suffered from heretics. In consequence a powerful party was soon formed against the remonstrance, by those who would not openly acknowledge the authority or influence of these censures. Some, particularly the Jesuits, with the true spirit of their order, proposed a new form of address, which was fraught with equivocation, evasion, and art. Many were the altercations and opinions which divided the actors in these remonstrances or declarations. These were not altogether dis- agreeable to the state, as it was considered that they would probably engross the attention of the Romish clergy, and prevent their restless spirits from engaging in any practices inimical to the quiet of government. Some of them had expressed a desire that the remonstrance should be debated in a national synod. At this period the king was engaged in a war with France and Holland, and a descent on Ireland was expected. It was there- fore thought by Ormond at such a juncture (who knew the discontented Irish were intriguing with France), that it might prevent any secret con- spiracies if the Irish council were permitted to convene, expressly for the purpose of declaring their fidelity to the king. The duke therefore allowed them to assemble ; the agents of Rome used every effort to prevent it, but after some K 2 244 THE REMONSTRANTS PERSECUTED. vigorous opposition the assembly was appointed to be held at Dublin. The whole proceedings were intemperate and tumultuous. Their assem- bly broke up without any decision ; the members violently inflamed against each other divided into two contending parties, those who supported and those who opposed the remonstrance. To this latter party, the remonstrance not having been adopted was by no means considered as a sufficient triumph : their uncomplying spirit rejected every thing which in the smallest degree approximated to modification. Indeed it is the great character of party spirit to annihilate, if possible, every thing which does not coalesce with itself, one pre- vailing idea absorbing every other which connects man with man. It has no feeling, no remorse, but considering its object superior to every thing, it thinks no sacrifice too mighty to obtain it ; hence it was that the party opposing the remonstrance thought it quite justifiable that those who had framed and supported it should be persecuted and suppressed. Thus was the bitterness of animosity infused into thp catholic party within themselves. Such were the existing circuipstances of the party on the arrival of Lord Berkeley, when to put the violent measures of the opposing indivi- duals into effect, provincial councils and diocesan synods were convened. The pope, who named the bishops and commanded the' preferments of regulars, found no difficulty in forming his party. The remonstrants were every where dispossessed of their cures and stations. Walsh and his asso- ciates were denounced, excommunicated, and left absolutely without the means of subsistence ; but by submitting to their persecutors, or exiling themselves, where they were in danger of being burnt as heretics for denying the temporal power of the pope. The anti-remonstrants on their part ■ 'f^W'^mV^i^^'^ff^^'^f^i^t^ffm^'.::^^'' ■ - • : >*=F; 5 ■:^: > r^-'^fy-^^:-, • : TALBOT NAxMED ARCHBISHOP. 245 had gained a powerful partisan in Peter Talbot, created by the pope archbishop of Dublin, for the decided purpose of chastising the presumptuous opposers of his temporal authority. The new archbishop by frequenting the English court had acquired a passion for political intrigue. He had there enjoyed high favour, was considered of great consequence by the popish clergy, a reverence and servility so pleasing to him that in order to exalt it he had the confidence publicly to declare, that the king had appointed him to superintend their whole order in Ireland. He had the audacity to appear before the council at Dublin in the habit of his order and station, and Berkeley instead of remonstrating against this infringement of the laws, dismissed him unmolested, though he re- fused to join in any recognition of loyalty. But an incident trifling in itself made a deeper im- pression on the protestant party than things ap parently of more moment. Talbot proposed to celebrate a mass in Dublin with extraordinary splendour. On this occasion he publicly applied to SirEUisLeighton to borrow some plate and drapery which made part of the furniture of the castle. The secretary complied, and in his compliment to Talbot is said to have expressed a wish that high mass might soon be celebrated at Christ church. The insolence of these presuming prelates, conscious of being up- held by a powerful party, was severely felt by the poor remonstrants ; they naturally sought relief from the head of the government, and justice and policy equally dictated that it should be granted to them. Secretly instructed, however, or basely intimidated by fear of Talbot, the governor refused to interpose his authority for their protection. Thus Talbot and his colleagues proceeded with impunity in the exercise of a foreign jurisdiction. y* - -..w^. i-.T^., ^, :.^y;^i^- 246 VAGUE RUMOURS. and in his severities against those who presumed to maintain the odious doctrine of allegiance. These indulgences to the Roman ecclesiastical jurisdiction were by no means the only favour shown to Irish catholics. Their spirit was too encroaching to rest, while any privileges remained unenjoyed by them : many civil and political were granted to them. Protestants were astonished and alarmed ; they possessed their imaginations with new plots and massacres. Crosses were discovered over all the doors of papists, a mark of distinction which it was said intended to secure the inhabitants from slaughter on the day of exe- cution. These fears, perhaps, were not unnatural, but the circumstance of the crosses is a proof how easily the most common occurrence is con- nected with the principle when it gains possession of the mind, and how much it increases its force. The crosses which were interpreted as ensigns of murder and massacre were nothing more than those crosses of straw which the vulgar Irish in their childish superstition aflBx to the front of their habitations on the festival called Corpus Christi. They were intended to secure the inhabitants not from massacre but witchcraft and evil spirits. At this time it was industriously whispered, and the popish party encouraged by every means the rumour, that Charles in his exile had promised the French king to restore the Irish to their estates, and the full freedom of their religion. These rumours were countenanced by the at- tempts made by Talbot to infringe the acts of settlement. Indeed it daily became more evident that it was the aim of the popish party to effect the abolition of those laws, although they for the present affected moderation. In their private memorials to the king and the duke they repre- sented the rebellion of forty-one but as the act of a .5^r« r.^wpT(»-rw- , l?^^ -'W ■-=' ROMAN CATHOLIC PETITION. 247 few driven to arms by fear and oppression, that the insurgents had submitted, and adhered to the sub- sequent peace and to the late king's service ; they acquiesced in the declaration of his present ma- jesty and desired only a compensation in money from the king's new revenues. At the same time they magnified their power and consequence in Ireland and their attachment to the crown, de- sired to be restored to their habitations and free- dom in corporate towns, to magistracies, and mili- tary command ; that the army should be formed gradually of catholics, and the courts of law with catholic judges, they even went so far as to hint the propriety of catholic prelates being admitted into parliament. Ormond was one of the com- mittee appointed to consider a petition to this effect, sent by a number of lords and gentlemen to the king and parliament. The duke could not but feel alarm at the bold and dangerous design of overturning the whole settlement of Ireland. He was aware some errors had been committed and individual grievances sustained, but he also knew these could not be redressed by casting the kingdom into general confusion. He urged that the petitioners might not be heard, nor their counsel admitted to object against the acts. This he could not obtain, he therefore fully answered all the allegations, and the attorney- general re- ported unfavourably against the petitioners. But the cabal were not thus to be counteracted; an- other committee, from which Ormond was ex- cluded, was empowered to revise " all papers and orders for the settlement of Ireland,'' &c. Their report was erroneous; a third commission was issued, and many months wasted in the search of materials to form another report. During these transactions Ireland was a scene of alarm, peti- tions from every party of protestants were trans- ^!s^'^>fT^?^^p?!'?^^ . ^ I , . ■ * 248 MEASURES OF PARLIAMENT. mitted to England, all agreeing in the mainten- ance of the present settlement. Even in England the people were not indifferent to Irish affairs. Terrifiea by every indulgence granted to popery — suspicious of the king— certain of the duke's dis- position, they complained and murmured. The ministry took the alarm, and feared they had been too precipitate in the development of their de- signs, they hypocritically affected to condemn the conduct of Lord Berkeley, and to cover their real intentions removed him from his station, appoint- ing the Earl of Essex in his place. But the En- glish parliament were not satisfied with this mea- sure alone ; they presented an address to the king on the affairs of Ireland, and among many requi- sitions it contained, was that all popish prelates and others exercising ecclesiastical jurisdiction, by the pope's authority, particularly Peter Talbot, pretended Archbishop of Dublin, should be com- manded to depart from Ireland ; that all convents and seminaries should be dissolved, and all secular priests banished : that Colonel Richard Talbot, assuming the title of agent of the Roman catholics of Ireland, should be dismissed from all command and forbidden access to his majesty's court ; and lastly, that the chief governors of Ireland should be ordered and directed to encourage the English planters and protestant interest, and to suppress the disorders of the Irish papists. These representations were too forcible and im- portant to be altogether treated with indifference ; the king declared his resolution to maintain the act of settlement ; the obnoxious proceedings in the corporation of Dublin were reversed and ejected protestants restored. But in the settlement of these affairs much turbulence occurred, to sup- press which the Earl of Essex discovered more of timid and cold caution than the firm and manly « "»■ - r' ■ -. ' '.•.'. ^ - . . .- ■'■ " " ^ I. . Charles's confidence in ormond. 249 * spirit of a vigorous governor. Embarrassments and difficulties indeed, seemed to accompany his vvrhole administration, particularly in executing the acts of settlement in a country which he em- phatically styled " rent and torn," that he could compare its distractions to nothing better than flinging the reward upon the death of a deer among a pack of hounds, when every one pulls and tears what he can for himself. It is irrelevant to our subject to detail the series of occurrences and intrigues which exposed the Duke of Ormond to the envy of his enemies, and the busy faction which even put his life in danger ; the unmanly conduct of Charles to- wards him, and his final political acknowledgment of his merit, his past services, and resolution to call them again into action by reinstating him in the government of Ireland. Throughout the whole we trace in Ormond the noble and dauntless in- tegrity of a true patriot and upright statesman, moderate in prosperity, patient m adversity, con- ciliating in opposition, dignified under insult, firm in principle, and dutiful in submission. After an elapse of a year, during which period Charles had never deigned to speak to this meri- torious servant, although he appeared daily at court, the capricious monarch sent the duke a message that he would sup with him. Nothing political passed during the visit, which was pleas- ing and cheerful, but on parting Charles signified his intention of again employing him in Ireland. The next morning on seeing Ormond approach to pay his usual duty, Charles said, ** Here comes Ormond : I have done all I can to disoblige him, and to make him as discontented as others, but he will be loyal in spite of me. I must even employ him again, and he is the fittest person to govern Ireland." In this manner did the witty Charles ^. ' ' '" ■ ' •" ' , 250 ORMOND LORD LIEUTENANT. pay a just compliment to the invariable integrity of Ormond, and assign to him its reward. From this period the appointment of the duke was de- cided, and it only remained to give intimation to ttfe Earl of Essex of his removal. Various motives were assigned by the several parties for this ap- pointment of the duke, but it is pretty certain that political reasons, not a sense of pure grati- tude, urged Charles to this apparent act of justice and favour. It is believed that Charles wished to appoint Monmouth to the lord lieutenancy of Ire- land, but that York fearing his rival should by this station get too great a taste for power, and increase his already great popularity, exerted himself with the king in favour of Ormond, and succeeded as we have related. Be this as it may, the first cares of Ormond's administration were respecting the army, which he found in much disorder, as were the re- venues. To remedy abuses an Irish parliament was deemed necessary, in order to provide for the honour and security of the kingdom. Ormond was fully engaged in the various and pressing duties of his renewed high station, when intelli- gence reached him of the popish plot, and that it extended to Ireland ; that Peter Talbot was en- gaged in it, and that persons were hired to assas- sinate the lord lieutenant. In the terror and alarm created by this official account from England, amidst the clamours of the vulgar, the violent and the designing, Ormond proceeded with his charac- teristic temper, steadiness, and vigour. He dis- armed the papists, settled the militia, secured the garrisons, and kept the army untainted. Peter Talbot, who was lingering under a painful and dangerous illness, meanwhile removed to the castle to silence all murmurs, and where the supposed conspirator received every attention which his de- clining state required, nothing having been dis- V-' DISSATISFACTION OF PARTIES. 251 covered among his papers to implicate him in the smallest degree. But such is the virulence of party, and its readiness to think ill of those who accord not in opinion, that an administration con- ducted with temper, by which the protestants were secured from false alarms of danger, without re- laxation of that care and vigilance which the cir- cumstances of the time required, and without ir- ritating the popish party hy severity or oppression, was yet unsatisfactory to many protestants in Ire- land. Various methods were adverted to, to urge the Duke to more violent measures by alarming his fears, and expressing dissatisfaction with his conduct. Complaints against him, however un- reasonable or absurd, were eagerly received and greatly exaggerated in England by the prevailing party. The press, then noted for its licentiousness, the virulence of private slander, the prejudices of the narrow minded, the credulity of the vulgar, the art of popular leaders, were all in conspiracy to load the Duke of Ormond with inclining to popery, and that because he had not carried fire and sword against the catholics, merely because they might do mischief and were suspected of being suspicious. It was on such insinuations of Shaftesbury against Ormond in the House of Lords, that the amiable Earl of Ossory uttered that energetic indirect eu- logium on his noble father, which should have co- vered his calumniator with confusion. Shaftesbury, anxious to remove Ormond from his government, was delighted at any thing like an in- surrection there, which gave him opportunity to depreciate the conduct of the governor. The king, however, declared he was resolved he never should be removed, nor would he concur in any changes proposed by the artful Shaftesbury. The intriguing party hence found they must proceed cautiously and indirectly. They endeavoured to • '^SfSJWF: .:'• .. .,-;,■,..-, i^f;:, .. ,.;-jf,.- ,,.,^. . ■■ ' ■■-■!.^--*lt 252 oiimond's impartial c6nduct. produce the rebellion they professed to dread, by resolving to procure orders for the council of Ire- land to transmit severe bills against catholic re- cusants. Should they refuse, they must be re- moved; should they obey, the Irish might be driven to rebellion. Not content with this intrigue the most nefarious means were resorted to, in order to make it believed that a plot was formed in Ireland by the catholics. Through the whole me- lancholy progress of perjury and subornation which marked this political manoeuvre, the Duke of Or- mond a^ted with his usual dignity, firmness, and caution, and every dishonourable means made use of to discredit him in the popular favour and in the confidence of the king, were defeated by his pru- dence and integrity. He stood the attacks of his virulent enemies unmoved, and when all appre- hensions of Irish plot were allayed, and those ac- cused were clearly acquitted, the minds of the people were relieved from a terrible state of ex- citement. The composed state of national affairs enabled Ormond to commit the sword of state to the Earl of Arran as deputy, and to obey the call of the king to repair to England. The arbitrary measures at this period adopted by Charles were so inconsistent with the usual tenour of his conduct, that it has been with some justice asserted they were inconsequence of the influence which the Duke of York had obtained over his in^ dolent and facile temper. It was therefore not surprising that he should wish for the countenance of such a devoted servant as Ormond. The Duke, however, was by no means in possession of the full confidence of either the king or York, for it was impossible that a character so just and up- right could have approved or sanctioned the coun- cils and purposes which engaged Charles and his too bigoted brother. After two years residence f^'^W ■VAW DUKE OF York's views. 253 in England he returned to his government, not being able to prevail on the king to comply with his wishes of calling an Irish parliament, and on his return he soon found designs were formed to which it was impossible he could give his concur- rence. The Duke of York incessantly urged the king to secure the popularity which he had regained since the affair of the Rye- house Plot, by raising an army devoted to his service. For this purpose he directed his attention to Ireland, a country which, he said, if properly managed, would with implicit devotion conform to his wishes. Here he besought the king to look for such a military estar blishment as might give respect and stability to his government. But it was not the present army of Ireland for which the Duke so peremptorily en- gaged, this he regarded as an assemblage of fac- tious fanatical republicans, comprehended indeed under the general name of protestants, but totally unreconciled to the existing doctrines of absolute submission and obedience, the descendants of those who resisted his royal father, nurtured in the same principles, and ready for the same crimes. It was upon another and a far different party he entreated and advised his royal brother to rest his reliance, that of the powerful body of catholics, who, notwithstanding all their grievances, were un- alterably attached to the crown, and the presump- tive heir, and whose principles and interest must devote them entirely to his service, whose zeal would be enlivened by being restored to favour and consequence, and relieved from the oppression of sectaries and rebels. Charles, with that care- less compliance which his indolence created, hastily adopted a scheme which required the most mature consideration and deliberate reflection. But he was well aware it could not be put in 254 DUKE OF ORMOND RKMOVED. practice under the government of Ormond, being a design totally repugnant to his well known prin- ciples. An individual was indeed already fixed upon. Ormond had scarcely, as he expressed it, " felt his head settled from the agitation of the sea," when he received private intimation of his removal, which was soon followed by a letter from the king couched in the most flattering terms, but expres- sive of his obligation of removing him from the government, as almost general alterations were to be made in Ireland. In order to break the pos- sible mortification this removal might occasion. Lord Rochester, connected by marriage with Or- mond, was appointed to succeed him, but with power so limited that it was scarcely more than nominal. He was not to interfere in military af- fairs, or to name the lowest commissioned officer in the army. That whole province was to be as- signed to a lieutenant general, and Richard Talbot, the well known and violent patron of the catholic party, was to be invested with this important sta- tion and authority. Nothing could tend more to reconcile Ormond to his removal from a station to which he was naturally, and from the most lau- dable feeling, strongly attached, than to find he was not to be charged with forming a popish party, in the effecting of which he anticipated ma- nifold evils to the country, which seemed unhap- pily destined to be the continual scene of violent party animosities, rendered yet more bitter by being mingled with religious controversies, and opinions so discordant. Rochester discovered some reluctance to as- suming the government assigned him with such limitations, this and the fluctuating state of mind betrayed by Charles a short time previous to his decease, suspended Irish affairs for awhile. The hopes of the protestants revived, those of the Ro- 'f;,-^'rW;fmvsSfi-'^-!^'-r^;-:7^\ ".:^^WS^^iP^-^;-^r^:p'' "''^ ' .j^f ;v;-M!i*^*^^^,"^'^?^*^^-; DEMISE OF CH A FILES II. 255 manists sunk in proportion when the death of Charles followed by the immediate recall of Or- mond, again produced a total revolution in the pros- pects, and gave fresh excitement to the passions of the several parties, opening a new scene in Ire- land, and once more plunging it into the horrors of anarchy, subjecting the unhappy protestants to the inveterate passions of their hereditary enemies, stimulated by every motive which a thirst for power, a greediness of property, or the bigotry of religion could inspire. .^ ■-J 'T • i'*?lr t'^ ■ ■ '" ■ -Tv^f' POLICY OF THE STUARTS. 251) beautiful moral example. There they would at least have been educated in old English feelings, and in an English taste, with that expansion of mind which readily grants to every station its due prerogative, in order to form the harmonious whole of a community. Had they grown up in a court which could boast of much refinement, they would not have been so detached as they were from that patriot interest, which should ever live in the breasts of princes. Amongst the irreparable evils which the civil war brought in its train, certainly not amongst the least must be ranked the exile ot the royal family, who by it had their taste vitiated, their religious principles shaken or corrupted, and their manners divested of that propriety and pu- rity which is the distinguishing praise of the British court.* Thus have we endeavoured to trace to its origin that union of religious principle between the royal brothers which one concealed under an apparent indifference to all modes, and the other after having long secretly cherished, at length openly avowed. Fourteen years had elapsed smce Charles and his brother had first betrayed their wish and purpose of establishing a catholic inter- est in Ireland, as deeming the experiment there less hazardous. The spirited remonstrances of the English parliament however, obliged them to suspend the attempt, but it was very far from being abandoned. When the royal authority ap- peared uncontrouled, it was renewed by Charles with that inconsiderate acceptance so usual to him, of any measures which seemed likely to se- cure his ascendancy, and by James with the bi- goted and passionated zeal of a true Romanist. When James by the unexpected death of his * See Quarterly Review, No. 57. article, Burnet'fi History. s2 fw* y^f^ijlf^^^,. ' TWJ j*9>n^,'**W'<^'.^^Tv .'ifw'^ ■■■y''fm:j^s^7!^ 260 DUKE OF ORMOND REMOVED. brother found himself invested with sovereig^nty, he mistook the acclamations of a triumphant fac- tion, for the universal joy of all his subjects, and upon this false presumption he very soon pro- ceeded to measures which laid the foundation of his ruin. Notwithstanding he had declared he would preserve the laws inviolably, he openly and formally avowed his religion, publicly practising all its ceremonies in direct opposition to those laws. But it was in Ireland more particularly that the mask was thrown off, and that James seemed to regard himself fully at liberty to pro- ceed according to the ardour of his zeal, and the violence of his desire of arbitrary power. As he had long avowed his religious sentiments, on his accession to the throne the Catholics of Ireland were animated by high expectations, and fondly anticipated every advantage likely to flow from a monarch of their own persuasion. Ormond was of course removed from his administration, and that with an impatience which proved how deeply rooted were the prejudices of the party against him. The age and infirmities of the duke were however plausibly assigned as the reasons of his removal, and Ormond suffered the excuse to stand. An anecdote is related of him which dis- plays his equanimity under the reverse of fortune. During his administration, a stately hospital had been erected for the reception of old soldiers,* * The Royal Hospital of Kilmainham for the support of the invalids of the Irish army, was founded by Charles the second, on a plan similar to that of Chelsea in England. The building was completed in 1683, and cost upwards of 23,500/. It is situated to the west of Dublin, on an as- cent near the south side of the river, and is approached through an avenue of fine trees. The edifice is of quadrangular form, enclosing a spacious area handsomely laid out with grass and gravel. An arcade is car- ried along the lower story in ^ffi^-^~i7FfBfj'^,yj-y,..^'--'^j^.^flj^^ . "JPF^- J!^»: THE LORDS JUSTICKS. 261 before his departure he invited the military offi- cers to an entertainment ^t this noble institution. On its conclusion, filling his glass to the very brim, he addressed his guests, " See gentlemen ! — they say at court I am old and doating, but my hand is steady, nor doth my heart fail, and I hope to convince some of them of their mistake. This to the king's health!" Ormond had been directed to commit the sword of state to the hands of two lords justices. The persons chosen had proved their fidelity. One was the primate and chan- cellor, Boyle, and the other, the Earl of Granard, both protestants. Such, however, were the fears of the protestant party on the removal of Ormond, and the manifest joy of the catholic party, that they regarded every circumstance with doubt and suspicion. Even the lords justices were sus- pected of not being true to the church. The pri- mate was considered as having a bias to popery, and Lord Granard as a sectary advanced, in order to divide the protestant interest. But although thus the objects of ill grounded fear and suspicion, the lords justices, whatever might be their po- litical or religious disparity concurred most ami- cably in support of the general interests of protes- tants, and of the public tranquillity. Still the in- solence of the papists was so manifested, and the animosities of both parties so troublesome that Lord Granard intimated his wish to retire from his high responsibility. But James would not admit this resignation, and in order to reconcile him to remain, assured Lord Granard that nothing should be done prejudicial to the protestant inter- est in Ireland. A promise which it will be seen each square to the entrance of In the former are several por- the hall and chapel, which are traits of royal and other dis- bolh handsomely decorated, tinguished personages. "^^^ r-.w^'^'i vf^ ' :"^<^'r''^mrmmf^^^rf^'wmf'!^mm^^ 262 Monmouth's rebellion. James made use of his favourite dispensing power to free himself from, when he found it convenient. During the subsequent rebellion of Monmouth, the Catholics of Ireland momentarily expected, and flattered themselves that the puritans at least would endeavour to raise an insurrection in his favour, and it was even insidiously whispered, that Lord Granard was to share the fortunes of the popular duke. Their disappointment how- ever was extreme, no commotion was attempted, no disloyalty appeared, but a resolution to sup- port the reigning prince was universally expressed. But still the virulent and designing of the popish party affected to believe there was latent danger. Tales were framed, informations taken, and even night meetings were said to be held by protestants to organize a conspiracy. These malignant and odious calumnies were circulated by designing men, of whom there were at this period so many, in order to give to their party the merit of being persecuted for their faith, and more especially to justify the severities which were meditated against the protestants. These designs were soon put in execution after the suppression of Monmouth's rebellion, when James experienced that natural triumph of heart so inherent in man, in having discomfited an individual whom he dreaded and hated. In England his measures were sufficiently arbitrary, but in Ireland they were unreserved, and Monmouth's rebellion was made the justifying plea. A letter to the lords justices informed them that as that rebellion had been extensively diffused it was necessary for the safety of Ireland to dis- arm the protestants, who composed the militia of the kingdom, embodied, armed, and disciplined by Ormond. The consternation which this order created was greatly augmented by the intempe- rate triumph of papists. Commotions were ap- ^- ■•^y/»i;«)Wt'^ * - f-^wsg^" -^-341^*1=35- ^r^«:jips^?i»gr *p?j ^^*';]?«p»'^^^^»v:^ .--cv • .'-^a^p^?*^- - -- .^t;- -i^flff^iK ^si<-^ CLARENDON, LORD LIEUTENANT. 263 prehended, but by the prudence of the lords justices, the orders of government were obeyed without disturbance. This act however, was but the commenciement of deep laid and long medi- tated designs which were gradually and cautiously to be unfolded. A new chief governor was ne- cessary to effect them. For this purpose, Talbot, the avowed patron of the Irish, was created Earl of Tyrconnel. His boundless ardour for the Ca- tholic cause, added to the natural fire of his tem-. per, and contracted his heart to that one object, while the blindness of his prejudices urged him precipitately on the course which his bigotry suggested. Thus constituted, he was a fit instru- ment to effect the purposes of James, and alas ! to plunge unhappy Ireland into troubles she was but too well acquainted with. Scarcely had Monmouth's rebellion been. suppressed, when the Irish Catholic bishops appeared to anticipate the wishes of the king by petitioning that he would be pleased to establish the Earl of Tyrconnel in such authority in Ireland as might secure to them the exercise of their functions. But the time was not yet arrived, when James considered a compliance with this petition proper. For the present, therefore, he appointed his brother-in- law, Lord Clarendon, lord lieutenant of Ireland. The near affinity of Clarendon, and his professed loyalty and submission induced James to believe that he would second his designs, they were there- fore in part disclosed to him. In his public in- structions the king intimated his desire to grant some legal and official indulgences to the Catho- lics, while he condescended to assurances towards the protestants, calculated to dissipate suspicions and allay apprehensions. The new lord lieute- nant was instructed to declare that no thought of changing the act of settlement was entertained. ^OTP • • ^-^^ " ■- tw^A-mimij^.'T^'F^. y^^^W9m^- i*^* ^^w'r^^a^-^assmpwwsFTf^rr?^^'*' :^' , • • ■•WJf^^'f^'m 264 THE MILITIA DISARMED. When Lord Clarendon received the sword of state, he expressed his satisfaction at assuming an ad- ministration in such perfect peace and tranquillity. This was either common place official language, or he was deceived, for in reality the public mind was in a high degree of fermentation. The dis- arming of the militia had encouraged the lawless banditti called tories, to issue from their mountain and woodland haunts. The English were de- fenceless, the Irish would not resist, Clarendon found it necessary to restore some arms to those most exposed to these ravagers, but he was too dilatory in his measures to effect much good. But robbery was the least evil the protestants had to endure ; assured of encouragement from their employers, a number of base informers laboured to involve individuals in the guilt of treason, the lord lieutenant saw .through the falsehood and malice of these innovations of party spirit, or pri- vate revenge, yet he could not venture firmly to discourage them on account of the jealousy of his sovereign against the protestants of Ireland. Of course the Catholics were fully aware of this pre- judice, and failed not to improve it to their ad- vantage. For this end they took measures to subvert the acts of settlement by sending agents to apply direct to the throne. Their petition if granted to its extent, must inevitably have re- sulted in the subversion of all establishment of property. Tyrconnel had repaired to England, on the arrival of Lord Clarendon in Ireland, and his representations seconding the petition, were received with perfect confidence by James, so 4'eadily does the judgment bend to the will of the selfish. It was very soon evident that Tyrconnel was favoured with the unbounded confidence of James in Irish affairs, and that violent and offen- sive measures were by no means unpleasing to ^^^^^,^vr;. ': » ;i.:-.T--- ,^-':-_^^.>^ ^ ■ .- ■«.- , ,::;:;r -^::^-:?»i; • <•- ^-•: -^^^^ ^B^i lggT , JAMES II. FAVOURS ROMAN CATHOLICS. 265 the cabinet. The primate Boyle, not having been found sufficiently servile to the dominant power, was abrubtly deprived of the seals of Ireland, and one more submissive, appointed chancellor. Pro- testants were removed from other places of trust and honour, and Catholics, not of unstained purity of character, were nominated to the vacated situ- ations; Clarendon boldly represented that this introduction of Catholics, who had not taken the oath of supremacy, was contrary to law. The language of sincerity was not however pleasing to James when it opposed his bigotry. The English protestants very naturally took alarm at such changes and appointments, and many were urged to abandon a country which seemed fast verging to a Catholic state, and where a confusion of property rendered all precarious. The Catholics seemed anxious to augment the terror of the opposite party, by incessantly dwell- ing upon the royal designs of intended alterations in their favour, and extraordinary changes in ec- clesiastical affairs. The archbishopric of Cashel was vacant, and the popish clergy availing them- selves of the king's unwillingness to fill it up, reported that he had written to the pope to nomi- nate the prelate. Whether or no, this was grounded in fact, or the mere suggestion of vanity, it is certain that the revenue of this, and other vacant sees were reserved for the mainte- nance of popish bishops. The plans of James were gradually developed, orders were soon is- sued by his command, that the Catholic clergy should not be interrupted in the exercise of their functions, and these orders were very soon suc- ceeded by a notification of his plea&ure, that the prelates should appear publicly in the vestments of their order : with the same arrogance of power which urged him to violate the law, and insti- •^-^'v'-^7'i*; .^TSPr^^i^'JiwT^ ^^ ■ ■ ' *• '• "I ' ■'■'•,'■■'-"■■ •^TT*"?!! 266 TALBOT, EARL OF TYRCONNEL. tute the court of ecclesiastical commission in Eng- land, James now issued his command to the pro- testant clergy of Ireland, prohibiting them from treating of controversial points in the pulpit. The most scrupulous vigilance was given to de- tect any one offending in this point, and whoever presumed in the remotest and most indirect way to reflect on popery, was immediately delated to the king, and marked out as disaffected and se- ditious. To increase the terror and the gloom which these measures caused to the protestants, Tyr- connel returned vested with augmented power, and with elated zeal in the cause in which his sentiments were so congenial to those of his royal master. As he was now empowered to command and regulate the army quite independent of the lord lieutenant, he proceeded with all his charac- teristic violence to the fulfilment of his com- missions. Officers and privates were alike dis- missed from the army, which was completely new modelled. No plausible cause was even assigned, but an indiscriminate change was made, fre- quently rendered more mortifying by abuse, and contumely, or distressing by injustice and cruelty. The places of these individuals, hated and re- moved only because they were protestants, were supplied by Catholics, the worst and meanest of whom even were appointed. In all preferments those Irish were the most readily admitted, who entertained the highest notions of papal authority. And so extreme was the ignorance of the vulgar that when they had taken the oath of fidelity, they imagined they had sworn fidelity to the pope and their religion, and declared that their priests had forbidden them from taking any other oath ! Tyrconnel, in his fiery zeal, certainly exceeded the commands of James, which implied that all HIS SUPPORT OF CATHOLICISM. his subjects should indiscriminately be admitted to serve him without regard to religious princi- ples, but the lieutenant general issued strict orders that none but Catholics should be admitted into the army. Clarendon firmly remonstrated, and Tyr- connel was for a moment daunted so far as nearly to deny his own orders, which had been both peremptory and explicit. So much indeed did his evident partiality encourage the Catholics, that the more tumultuous of them openly boasted that in a few months there would not remain a protestant in the army, and that now they had the power of arms, they should speedily regain their lands. Many of the popish clergy even forbad the people to pay tythes to protestant in- cumbents. Clarendon remonstrated and applied to the king and his ministry respecting these ex- travagancies, but the power of habitual submission was strongly exemplified in his conduct, for while he represented the violence and presumption of Tyrconnel, he declared his readiness to execute the king's purposes whatever they might be, though in a manner less offensive and alarming. Nothing satisfactory resulted from his application, but on the contrary, James now refused to repeat his former assurances of maintaining the acts of settlement by a proclamation. Tyrconnel was left at liberty therefore to proceed in his violent course. His intrigues and attention were not con- fined to the army, which having more than half filled with Catholics, he hastened to England to endeavour to persuade the king to rescind the acts of settlement. Some of the counsellors how- ever retaining a strong affection for what was deemed the English interest in Ireland, repre- sented the danger of the measure in so strong a view, that it had some effect on the king. Tyr- connel in order to second his views, had engaged •'.*«'--'j;^;-.?i5jfj«^lR»3T^'-.^' •■■••?'• : ' •■ - "_• >':"-'f 268 TVllCONNEK, LORD DEPUTY. an acute and artful lawyer, and on the king's cold reception of the proposal, the popish party re- solved to employ the abilities of this man to im- pugn the act of settlement. He accordingly wrote a treatise on the injustice of the act. It was in the form of a letter from Coventry, and known at the time as the " Coventry Letter." In the meantime it was found convenient to find fault with Clarendon's administration. He was not found an instrument entirely suited to the politi- cal designs of the court faction. The appoint- ment of a successor occupied the deep deliber- ations of the cabinet, at length, Sunderland the minister, flattered the manifest partialities of his sovereign, by recommending Tyrconnel. The ra- pacity of the minister was gratified by his ap- pointment, for Tyrconnel had stipulated to pay him an annual pension from the profits of the Irish government ! He assumed the power under the title of lord deputy. As this nobleman forms a conspicuous figure in the subsequent scenes, we shall have to describe, we shall give a sketch of his character, the fidelity of the portrait being substantiated by his actions. It is in the con- tending interests of the world that the soul of man is completely developed. He was a native of Ireland, and descended from the race of the old English of the pale, and was born at the period when that race were in union with the original Irish. Hence he was nur- tured in their political prejudices, was early initi- ated in their intrigues, and led from the ardour of his temperament to concur in their insurrections. From earliest infancy his sentiments of religion and politics were imbibed from the most bigoted to popery, and the most hostile to English go- vernment. In early youth he had narrowly es- caped from the infernal scene of carnage at -'-V s:vwt-^if?7.-. -^_ ■-V;?'. ■ y? ^ -■ HIS CHARACTER. 269 Drogheda. That scene so strongly impressed his imagination, that he ever after associated in his mind the abhorrent ideas of fanaticism and pro- testantism, and to wage war against what he thus identified became the deep and determined purpose of his soul. Vivacity of manners, and a certain pliant obsequiousness, ever found flatter- ing to those accustomed from their rank to homage, recommended him to Charles and his brother on the continent, at a period when his wit and buoy- ancy of spirit were particularly acceptable. He seems to have possessed much of that impetuosity of passion, and uncertainty of action which so remarkably distinguishes his countrymen, for in his menaces he discovered more the sudden ebul- litions of over wrought passion, than resolution of performance. Yet that general placability which marks spirits of quick susceptibilities and resent- ments, seems not to have formed a part of his character. On the contrary, revenge once ad- mitted in his bosom, he steadily and unalterably pursued its cruel dictates. However genuine might have been his zeal for the honour and ex- tension of his religion during early youth, it de- generated into an unmixed spirit of faction, for his life was profligate, his conversation profane, and his moral sense so obtuse, that his disregard to truth was ever proverbial. Naturally vain, inso- lent and arbitrary, as he acquired power, these unamiable traits of character, unchecked by any sense of religion were continually displayed by insults, cruelty, and brutality. And if at any- time self interest induced him to condescend to insinuation or artifice, this violence against nature was quickly betrayed, for the smallest disap- pointment threw him into frightful paroxisms of rage. What can be expected from a man un- checked in his worldly career, by one principle of ff^f¥!^m^.i" . ■■ ^^'■^ ■■ *Sl»™1 270 tyrconnel's measures. religion or moral obligation? ** Who believes no Erovidence, adores no creator, and fears no judge V [ence, that every step of Tyrconnel's exaltation was gained by servility, flattery, and bribery, and enjoyed without temper, justice, or propriety, can be no subject of wonder to those who have studied the human heart. To this infidel in principle, and tyrant in practice. Lord Clarendon resigned the sword of state, which committed the destinies of a nation to his keeping. The agitation of the kingdom was general and violent. On Claren- don's departure he was attended by fifteen hundred protestant families of Dublin, who abandoned a country where every thing that was dear and va- luable to them was exposed to the violence and malignity of a triumphant party, and where all power was vested in popish ministers and officers of state. It was in courts thus supplied with Catholics, whose notorious ill characters were redeemed by their religious zeal and their ser- vility to the dominant power, that the validity of outlawries and forfeitures of the titles of protes- tants, and the claims of papists were to be deter- mined ! The army almost entirely formed of Ca- tholics were of course at the devotion of govern- ment. A number of the protestant officers who had been deprived of commissions which they had purchased, and were in consequence driven from the kingdom, sought refuge in Holland, and pre- pared the way for that great revolution to which the bigotry and impolicy of James was precipi- tating his people. The innovations of Tyrconnel on the civil bodies were as peremptory and as decided in favour of his party as the remodelling the army. The cor- porations were filled with Catholics, by the most arbitrary and unjustifiable means. From the in- vasions made by James on the learned seminaries ■•'>). TRIXITY COLLEGj:. 271 in England, it was naturally to be expected that the university of Dublin would not escape his vigilance. It had ever been an object of jealousy and envy to those who wished to make the nation papal, and ere the removal of Lord Clarendon the king's intentions were disclosed by a mandate presented to the governors of the university, di- recting them to admit an individual named Green a Catholic, to a professorship, with its emolu- ments and salary. This professorship was artfully styled in the king's letter, that of the Irish lan- guage, the ignorance of his advisers and even his own was betrayed, as no such establishment had yet been made in the university. Green was thus disappointed in his expected honour and emolu- ments. But the incident led the members to expect some innovations, for which indeed the arbitrary measures of the king respecting both Cambridge and Oxford prepared them. They largely shared in the general consternation of the protestants on the appointment of Tyrconnel, and with the timidity of men who were unacquainted with the tumults and collisions of the world, they resolved to convert most of their plate into money for the purpose of strengthening their body, by the erection of new buildings and the purchase of new lands. Having obtained the permission of their visitors. Clarendon was solicited to take the charge of the plate to England, as to a superior market. Informed of this simple transaction, Tyrconnel determined to possess himself of the prize ; he caused the plate to be seized in the port of Dub- lin, and deposited it in the king's stores. The more moderate of his adherents, however, ashamed of an act so tyrannical, succeeded, with much difficulty, in prevailing upon him to restore the plate to the university. This plate was subse- '"iJiff. ?**!?'. W^' ■•'7--'rrTi|P^;^f?(r5'5-. • • ■-..ff-^.i^^'-^r ■■■■■■^;^ '^'5^1? • ■ ■ :v ■ * .' "■' ' 272 TRINITY COLLEGE. quently sold, and the fury of Tyrconnel revived, the purchaser was accused of buying stolen goods, the property of the king, and obliged to give security to prosecute the governors of the university. The attorney-general, however, be- ing in high favour with the fiery lord deputy, by the authority of his opinion defended the univer- sity from any further outrage respecting the affair. The terror, however, it had excited in the minds of the quiet collegians, a terror which at this period we cannot sufficiently and duly estimate, had scarcely subsided, when a second mandate from the king directed that a person of the name of Doyle should be admitted to a fel- lowship, and that without taking any oaths but that of a fellow. It appeared as if James were resolved to try the patience and the principles of the members of his universities, by the persons he required to be admitted of their bodies. This individual, Doyle, was profligate and ignorant, but he was lately become a convert to popery, and this merit was deemed worthy of reward. Once more, however, the ignorance of patrons defeated the purposes of party, and the hopes of the convert. The oath of a fellow included in it that of supremacy, this Doyle refused to take. The vexation of Tyrconnel was displayed in a manner consistent with his narrowness of mind, and meanness of revenge. He stopped the pen- sion annually paid to the university from the ex- chequer, and which in fact, at this period, con- stituted the larger portion of their resources. In the meantime, the public calamities increased under a government, oppressive and arbitrary in every view ; and such was the senseless bigotry and blind prejudice of the popish ministers, that they apprehended not that in a state it was im- possible that one portion could suffer without ■'7^:^r'a9 TVRCONMEL UNPOPULAR. 273 affecting the whole. In oppressing the protest- ants, they forgot the ruin of the catholics must follow. The English ministers, whose views not wholly confined to the establishment of popery, were rather more extended and compre- hensive, were alarmed at the defalcation in the Irish revenues, and attributing it to the true cause, they urged the king to appoint a more temperate and efficient governor. Tyrconnel, informed of the prejudices against him, obtained permission to quit Ireland for a while, and to attend the king, then On his progress to Chester. The chief baron of the exchequer, who attended him, so plausibly represented the state of things in Ireland, as favourable to the administration of his patron, that James thought himself justified in remitting Tyrconnel to his government. So difficult is it officially to arrive at the truth. Several addresses were sent from Ireland to Chester, and James proved his insincerity in answering that from the university, which having declared that while they retained their religion, they should not depart from their loyalty, he, in his reply, assured them, that he had no doubt of the loyalty of any of the Church of England ; yet Tyrconnel was commanded on his return to dismiss all the protestant officers in the army. As the popish party had none to contend with, they entered into disputes amongst themselves. The detail is too trifling to enter upon ; we shall merely say, that the ruin of the lord deputy was the object, and the instigation a private pique ; and that the popish primate drew up the accusa- tion against him, and the Earl of Castlemain was humbly recommended to the king, as worthy to be entrusted with the government, and qualified to eftect the king's purposes there. The pope is said to have united in recommending Castlemain, VOL. II. T 274 BIRTH OP James's son. but the French ministers laboured to counteract him. Tyrconnel was informed by them of these secret designs, and resolved, if possible, to cir- cumvent them, by some evidence of zeal and abilities. He proposed to convene an Irish par- liament, from which fee had nothing to fear, as the sheriffs were Catholics ; and every thing so modelled to his wishes, that it must prove entirely at the devotion of government. But his scheme proved entirely abortive. The mortification of the Irish Catholics on this point was soon allayed by the birth of a prince. 1688, Before they had any knowledge of the queen's pregnancy, they had disposed of the succession according to their own wishes ; they had declared that Fitz- James, natural son to the king, should be legiti- matized by the pope, and become inheritor of the crown. Their joy however on this occasion was unbounded, and a ludicrous instance of it is given in the popish lord mayor of Dublin, who com- mitted the officers of Christ Church, Dublin to durance, because " their bells did not ring merrily enough" on this auspicious occasion.* Nothing could exceed the gloom of Ireland at this period ; the people appeared to have reached the maximum of suffering, that state of hopeless despondency, which so often precedes a ^rand moral convulsion. The materials for this fearful reaction of the moral and political energies of the nation, had gradually increased in strength and magnitude, till they produced an explosion whose * Christ Church, or the Holy pose, stands on a rising ground, Trinity, built in 1038, by Du- at the extremity of Wine Ta- rat, Bishop of Dublin, to whom vern Street. It is a venerable Litricus, son of Aralave, King Gothic pile, and its appearance of the Ostmen in Dublin, evinces its antiquity, granted the scite for that pur- ■«,>y;. THE REVOLUTION. 275 operation was unattended with devastation, but important and glorious in its effects. So prudently had the enterprise of the Prince of Orange been conducted, that it was yet un- known altogether to the king, when Tyrconnel received intelligence of it, and conveyed it to the English court. It was received with incredulity, but the truth soon became known, and Tyrconnel was directed to transport four thousand men into England. Every day new reports transpired, and in Ireland created the greatest sensation. The Catholics still affected to despise the attempt of the prince, exclaiming that the states were weary of him, and had therefore sent him on a desperate expedition, to end his days on a scaf- fold, like the Duke of Monmouth. But the party sunk into a depression proportionate to the exult- ation of their pride in success, when they found that William had actually landed at Torbay, been favourably received, that James had been deserted by his indignant subjects, and that the cause of the prince every day advanced. The state of affairs became deplorable ; new commissions were issued by the lord deputy for levying forces ; they were granted to all who would accept them, with- out even paying the fees of office. The popish clergy enjoined their people to take arms in such a time of danger to their cause. In every quarter of the kingdom arose an armed rabble, styling themselves the king's soldiers, unpaid and unre- strained, and supporting themselves by lawless depredations. It was in vain that the English inhabitants endeavoured to defend themselves against these marauders, and the whole country seemed reverting to barbarism and lawless anar- chy, as if it had never known the blessing of se- curity and order, and was totally insensible of every tie of social or civil life. Thus does the ?1.;,:* <•';- 27G ui'.pauTs of insuruection. spirit of party erase from the soul every feeling and principle which gives dignity to man, and which elevates his moral being. The feelings of social sympathy are sacrificed at the altar of opinion. In fact, the " spirit of party is a fa- tality from which few whom it once seizes are strong enough to escape." The public mind was in this state of distraction, when a letter, without signature, was addressed to Lord Mount Alex- ander, in the county of Down, warning him that a general massacre was contemplated by the Irish ; the style was vulgar, but the intimation was full, confident, and circumstantial, pointing out the very day and time when the design was to be executed. A similar intelligence was con- veyed to some other gentlemen of the northern province. Whether these letters were mere arti- fices, or were founded in truth, their influence was great upon a people habitually possessed with horrid ideas of Irish barbarity, who had been accustomed from infancy to listen to the terrible accounts of the insurrection in 1641, ex- aggerated by the feelings of relative affection. Commotions were at all periods too readily ex- cited in the unhappy country, and few hesitated a moment to give credit to these alarming informa- tions. They were confirmed by several coinci- dent circumstances. Popish priests had an- nounced to their congregations what they darkly termed ** a secret intention," and enjoined them to stand ready armed to obey their orders. It was remembered, and was fearfully alluded to, that a friar of Derry had preached with much animation and energy on the subject of Saul's destroying the Amalekites, and the iniquity of sparing those whom divine vengeance had devoted to destruction. The warning letters were sent to Dublin, copies PUOTKSTANT ASSOCIATIONS. 277 multiplied, and thus the intelligence spread through every grade of society. The capital became a scene of uproar and confusion ; a tumultuous crowd ran precipitately to the shore, imploring to be conveyed from the daggers of the Irish. It was in vain that Tyrconnel sent persons to assure the panic struck wretches, that they were secure, and should be protected ; the terrified multitude were deaf to these assurances. An unusual num- ber of vessels were at this time in the harbour, the people crowded on board, leaving their less successful friends stupified with astonishment and terror. The whole country was quickly pervaded with the same terror. At length the inhabitants of Derry set the example of resisting the Catholics, and Protestant associations were universally formed. These associations were published in the several counties, declaring that they had united for self-defence, and the Protest- ant religion, that they were resolved to act ac- cording to the government of England, and to call a free parliament. . County councils were nominated, and a general council, which appointed officers, and directed the operations of the asso- ciated body. Thus was a religious war once more to desolate Ireland, that most bitter of all animosities ; for when a sentiment so inherently noble becomes mingled with human passions, with ambition, hypocrisy, or political intrigue, it depraves and indurates the heart it was intended to exalt and to soften. The circumstances of the abandonment of James by those subjects, whose rights he had so scornfully trampled upon, his dismay, his flight, and his refuge in France are all so well known, that it would be altogether unnecessary to enter into any detail of them. Indeed we are now arrived at a period, when, al- though diversity of religious faith was the grand 278 CITIZENS OF LONDONDERRY. cause of contention, yet is entirely barren of any thing which may be regarded as relevant to our subject, the peaceful duties of the sacerdotal character and function being exchanged for the tumults of war, and the violent purposes of fac- tion. Our retrospect, therefore, will be very brief of transactions which took place when James, assisted by Louis XIV., made an effort to regain his power, by an expedition to Ireland, where Tyrconnel had erected his standard, and the protestants were resolved to resist him. Of all the northern cities, Londonderry afforded the principal shelter to the fugitive protestants. It was surrounded by a firm wall, but by no means sufficient to sustain the siege of a regular army. On the first alarm of the invasion of the Prince of Orange, Tyrconnel had recalled the garrison of this city to Dublin ; but he soon perceived the error of leaving it to the government of the townsmen, and detached a regiment composed of papists, Irish, and Highlanders, to take their quarters at Londonderry. The inhabitants deter- mined not to receive them. The bishop, cautious from years, and from his principles an enemy to resistance, preached peace and submission; but the spirit of opposition was roused, and the move- ment of an irritated people is not to be stopped at will ; remonstrance has no power to still its impetuous violence. A brave defence against the papists was the general cry ; the magazine afforded a few arms, and a small quantity of am- munition. They threatened to fire on the king's troops, and conjured their neighbours to concur with them in defence of their lives, their proper- ties, their religion. An account of their dangers and proceedings was without delay transmitted to the society in London, to solicit succours from the prince, and at the same time the magistrates CIVIL WAR COMMENCED. 279 and more moderate of the citizens addressed themselves to Lord Mountjoy, who had com- manded the garrison, to mediate with Tyrconnel, acknowledging their utter inability to restrain the impetuosity of the people. They declared them- selves determined to confine themselves to self- defence, without violating their allegiance. Tyr- connel issued orders to reduce the city, sending Lord Mountjoy, with six companies, for that purpose. Mountjoy, ^ protestant lord, was highly acceptable to the inhabitants, but not so his popish forces ; they disclaimed all mutihous or seditious purposes, but were firm in resolve to defend themselves. Some conferences took place, and Mountjoy was admitted on conditions, taking the command of the city. By his advice the arms were repaired, money subscribed for the purchase of ammunition, and the agent in Lon- don solicited to procure provisions. We have thus cursorily related the resolution of the inha- bitants of Derry, because it excited the spirit of general emulation among the protestants, and the example was in various places followed of refus- ing admittance to popish troops. In the mean time various negociations were carried on with France, the result of which did but inflame the fury of Tyrconnel against the pro- testants. The arms yet remaining in their hands were wrested from them by the soldiers, their horses seized, their persons insulted, and houses plundered. In these violences he was further en- couraged by intimations from James, that he would soon appear in Ireland with a powerful armament. In the interval the zeal and ardour of the protestants received several checks, and the contest was no longer bloodless. The northern associates had, on the assurance of supplies from England, proclaimed William and Mary in the J 280 COLEHAINE ATTACKED. north-eastern towns. This premature and inju- dicious measure was soon checked; they were commanded by proclamation to lay down their arms and dissolve their assemblies. General Hamilton marched against them with considerable force ; they retired before him, were overtaken, again fled, and were pursued with slaughter. They gained Hilsborough, their principal seat, were compelled to abandon it, resign the castle, and continue their flight: they appeared entirely broken, several fled to England, others accepted protections from the Irish army. By the spirit and prudence of their leaders, however, four thousand rallied and took their station at Cole- raine, which they were able to fortify, as well as to collect their forces, as the Irish were fully en- gaged in riot and plunder.* Coleraine was at length attacked, and the enemy bravely repulsed, but the place was not long found tenable. The Irish after a successful skir- mish passed the Bann in boats, and the associates fled by different routes to Derry. The government of this city, after the departure of Mountjoy to negociate in France, had been resigned to Lundy, a man who flattered the protestants with profes- sions of attachment and resolution to fight against the odious government of Tyrconnel ; yet his sincerity was doubted, and as it proved, justly so. While his equivocal and uncertain conduct per- plexed the people and had nearly obliged them to abandon the city, their agent arrived from London with assurances from William of speedy succours : they were urged not to abandon a * Coleraine, in county of and erected by Sir John Perrot Londonderry, and province of during his able and vigorous Ulster. It was formerly a place government of Ireland. It is of great consideration, it being elegantly built, the chief town of the countv, -'^"?^* • 5r-'^ •> :'^1P^^~^-:- VT:f- LANDING OF JAMES II. 281 cause so glorious, and which would speedily triumph. All murmurings, discontents, and ap- prehensions were dispelled by this communica- tion ; a brave defence was again the universal cry, the garrison was cheerfully regulated, pro- visions distributed, and even Lundy appeared to have caught the enthusiastic spirit, announcing his resolution of marching to engage the enemy. Such was the state of affairs when James, having determined to make Ireland the scene of his operations for the recovery of his power, landed at Kinsale.* At Corkf Tyrconnel appeared to welcome his royal master, and with his characteristic cruelty displayed his zeal on the occasion by ordering a magistrate to execution, who had declared for the Prince of Orange. James created his zealous servant a duke, and proceeded in a stately pro- gress to the capital, into which he made a splendid entry, followed by a numerous train of French, British, and Irish, and attended by the French ambassador, D'Avaux. He was met by the ma- gistrates and the whole body of Roman ecclesi- * Kinsale, in county Cork, ous houses, which prove it to In this place are the ruins of have been a place of some ec- several monasteries and religi- clesiastical consequence. t Cork, capital of county of barr, and the diocese is divided the same name. It is an epis- into five deaneries. There is copal see, the largest and most little to be found in ancient populous of any in the king- writers respecting the founda- dom, Dublin alone excepted, tion of the cathedral, yet it is It was built or rather fortified generally ascribed to St. Barr, by the Danes in the ninth cen- in the seventh century. Many tury. The see of Cork is re- of its bishops have been bene- puted worth 22,700/. per an- factors to it. Through time num. The chapter consists the church became quite ruin- of a dean, chanter, chancellor, ous ; it was therefore com- treasurer, archdeacon, and 12 pletely rebuilt, and is now an prebendaries. The church is elegant modem structure, dedicated to St. Barr, or Fiu- N -^.<^-„ ^ .■_•>■.-- . t.V-.J,; -^L- 'Yi I ,■'■..•,.. ■f3'':'4 282 COUNCILS AND ADDRESSES. astics, secular and regular in their appropriate habits, with the host borne in solemn procession and adored devoutly by the king, amidst the ac- clamations of those who favoured his cause and those who could not resist his power. To those who know how easily the human heart is excited by circumstances addressed to the senses it cannot be subject of wonder that a scene so impressive elevated the popular feeling to the utmost pitch of devotional spirit, which prepared it to become the ready instrument of any agent employed to direct its operations. In the present instance the enthusiasm was superstition put in action, but without any just conceptions of the object which had put it in motion. Addresses in these moments of excited feeling poured upon the elated James from all quarters ; that of the protestant established clergy touched gently on the distractions of the times and the grievances they had endured. The king graciously assured them of protection and redress. To the university he was yet more gracious, he promised to defend and even to enlarge their privileges. His actions however so ill accorded with these gracious as- surances that coldness and suspicion took place of that confidence which had in the first burst of loyalty been excited. After several acts of so- vereignty, of which one was the alarming removal of protestants from the privy council, and the admission of some of his zealous adherents, the king deemed the reduction of the north an im- portant object of his attention. Various counsels respecting Londonderry (considered as the grand seat of what in the court of James was of course termed rebellion) were proposed and rejected. The plan ultimately fixed upon was to press it by slow siege, so as to inure the Irish forces to dis- cipline and fatigue, and to teach them the arts of •y^^ UEV. GEORGE WALKER. 283 « war : in order to encourage the besiegers and alarm the obstinate insurgents, James resolved to conduct the operations himself. He was far from being an inexperienced soldier, and his military talents were eminent ; early called into exercise and honourably displayed : his resolution therefore to command was calculated to encourage and ani- mate his army ; but he was to be resisted by an individual, who ranks among those gifted few, raised up in times and circumstances of great emergence by the exercise of their mental energies to direct the destinies of individuals or of nations, and to prove the empire of mind over physical force, the power of principle to resist the plans of prudence and the dictates of policy. Among the resolute and active northerns who had associated themselves against the fiery Tyr- connel and the principles of his misguided master, was George Walker, a clergyman of a Yorkshire family, and rector of a parish in the county of Tyrone. In times of turbulence and danger, such as distracted Ireland, it became the duty of all men to unite in defence of their altar and their hearth, and this patriot call was obeyed by the unassuming rector. In the defence of law, liberty, and religion he added the sword to his pastoral staff; zealous and indefatigable in the cause to which he was attached, he raised a regiment and commanded it. In carrying his zeal thus beyond the proprieties of his sacred office, he was justified by the melancholy circumstances of his country. Abstractedly considered, it cannot be justified, nor ought it to be deemed any example or apology for clerical faction or political interference. As the army appeared to become more formidable by the arrival of James, the activity and ardour of Walker increased, and the contest would it is probable soon have been terminated had not the ■iKivr,'- n 284 SlKGJi OF LONDONDKimy. cowardly and treacherous Lundy shamefully abandoned his post at a critical moment and hid himself within the wall of Derry, actually closing the gates against many who sought the same re- fuge. The town council having in consequence determined to offer terms of capitulation to James, who was slowly advancing to the city, the people were seized with a frenzy of rage, they rushed to the walls, pointed their guns and fired at the king and his advanced party approaching to take pos- session of the city. A deputation was immediately sent to intimate this violence was not the act of the many, but of a few headstrong enthusiasts, but at the very in- stant the cries were universal for defence; go- vernor, council, magistrates were alike disre- garded, their authority in this moment of over- wrought popular rage was annihilated. The gar- rison chose for themselves two new governors. Walker, and a Major Baker, that if either should fall they should not be left without command. By their direction they were formed into eight regiments, amounting to seven thousand and twenty men, three hundred and forty one officers. The first ebullition of popular feeling was far too violent to continue ; it sunk not however into debility, but into composure and calmness. The timid were permitted to depart unmolested. The base minded Lundy was suffered to escape by the connivance of the new governors, who were glad to be rid of him. Every thing to prepare against the siege was regulated with judgment and precision, quietly and without parade. Eighteen clergymen of the established church and seven non-conformist teachers cheerfully shared the labours and dangers of the siege, and every day in their turns collected the people in the cathedral church, and by the fervour of their devotions and those strains of THE SIEGE RAISED. 285 eloquence inspired by circumstances so awful, breathed forth with an unction which such cir- cumstances perhaps alone could produce, ani- mated and encouraged their hearers. Imagination pictures a crowded congregation collected together by one commanding and noble motive, forming a grand connecting link of sympathy. That motive elevating the most insignificant to the level of the most powerful, and forming that equality of mental force which acknowledges no station, requiring only the freeborn soul for its sanctuary. Such a congregation, under such circumstances, prostrate before the Great Disposer of events, imploring in the expressive forms of our excellent liturgy his present aid, his future help to make his just cause triumph, and to impart grace that it may be re- ceived with humility and enjoyed with modera- tion ; that he would open the eyes of the blinded and recall the erring to the right way ; that he would give strength to the weak, stability to the wavering, and power to all : this presents a picture to the imagination well worthy the hand of genius to embody, at the same time it exemplifies the source of that persevering fortitude which enabled a garrison, in a town weakly fortified and miser- ably supplied, encumbered with thirty thousand fugitives, who could give them no assistance,. and assailed by twenty thousand besiegers, to with- stand every physical evil, at the recital of which the very soul recoils, during a siege of one hundred and five days. At the conclusion of this period the town was relieved and the enemy retired. ** But," says the plain unstudied Walker in his Diary, "the resolution and courage of our people, the necessity we were under, and the great con- fidence and dependence among us on Almighty God that he would take care of us and preserve us, made us overlook all those difficulties." >,' X . • , • .....•,-, • ,_.-. r:^ 280 CATHOLIC PARLIAMENT. The cause of James was equally unsuccessful in various places ; at Enniskillen, about two thou- sand of his troops fell by the weapons of an enemy transported with resentment and zeal ; five hundred plunged in a lake to avoid their fury ; the same number were made prisoners, and with these their general. While the armies of James were so unsuccessful in the north he returned to Dublin and assembled a parliament. In' the upper house were a number of new popish lords, as well as several whose outlawries had been reversed ; this gave a preponderance to their party, which could not be balanced by four or five protestant lords still remaining in the kingdom, and three prelates summoned by writ to form a part of the assembly. The commons were it might be said entirely composed of men named by Tyrconnel, returned from such counties as were subject to his power or otherwise influenced. The univer- sity returned two protestant members, to whom we may add four more from other places. The opening speech was fair in profession, declaring the intention of James to make no other test or distinction but that of loyalty, that he was ready in all things to meet the wishes of the nation " as far forth as might be consistent with reason, jus- tice, and the public good." A bill was brought in containing a recognition of the king's title, and an abhorrence of the Prince of Orange and his usurpation. But whatever might have been the conciliating and liberal sentiments and intentions of James, he was placed in a situation very un- favourable, if not entirely contrary to their ac- complishment. Completely enslaved by different factions, he was incapable of any act of free agency; depending upon France, he was servilely attentive not to offend D'Avaux, who evidently took the lead in his councils. The Irish were dis- VIOLENT MEASURES. • 287 contented to find all promotions ip the army given to Frenchmen ; they were indeed consoled by their ascendancy in the senate, and resolved to avail themselves of it by providing for their own inte- rests with little apparent concern respecting those of the king. Instead of providing relief for the sufferers by the long contested acts of settlement, the com- mons with an indecent and tumultuous shout of joy received a bill for a repeal of these acts. In the lords however the protestant Bishop of Meath argued against it, both on the principle of justice and sound policy, and this we are assured by the direction of James ; but in vain. It was not only the favourite object of the Irish, but warmly re- commended by D'Avaux, and their united power was not to be resisted. In a preamble to this bill was a clause whereby the real estates of all those who dwelt in any of the three kingdoms, and did not acknowledge King James's power, or who aided or corresponded with those who had re- belled against him, were declared to be forfeited and vested in him. This parliament was not however contented with recovering their estates and expelling the protestant proprietors : a pro- scription worthy of the haughtiest periods of Romish despotism was enacted. An act was passed by which a number of persons in the ser- vice of the Prince of Orange, those who had re- tired from the kingdom, and did not return in obedience to the king's proclamation, numbers who were resident in Britain, and therefore ad- hered to the new government, were all attainted of high treason, and adjudged to suffer the penal- ties of death and forfeiture unless they surrendered within certain assigned periods. Even the estates of those who were detained abroad by sickness, nonage, or other involuntary detention were to be ^T-^j'?- . •■■ ' .':^-)^\''r:r'yiit^*tf:r^-^:i'!f^r - _ ■■ .■.•-,-«^- Tr-;:"v^sg| • ..;>,- ■! .^T^'^"J<^/v»!J,5^:x'^'t^v'liKv*^^ ■ r 288 BILL OF PROSCRIPTION. seized by the king, not to be restored till the claimants could prove their own innocence. Two thousand four hundred and sixty-one persons of all orders and conditions were included in this dreadful proscription ; their names were hastily collected, and the sentence which condemned so many to difficulty and want was treated with so much ease and levity, that when Nagle, the at- torney-general presented the bill to James, he carelessly observed, ** many were attainted on such evidence as satisfied the house, and the rest on common fame." It was so framed as to pre- clude the king from all power of pardoning after the 1st day of November 1689 ; but the injustice of this transaction did not end here. A statute so important as affecting the pro- perties and lives oi so many was carefully con- cealed from .them, being suffered to remain un- known in the hands of the chancellor. At length, when four months had elapsed from the day limited for pardoning. Sir Thomas Southwell ob- tained a view of this fatal act for the instruction of his lawyer, who was to draw out a warrant for his pardon, promised by James. Nagle was sur- prised and enraged at this discovery ; he insisted, after a course of base evasions, that the king was merely a trustee for the forfeitures, and had now no power of pardoning Southwell. All indeed that was in the power of the enslaved James was to reproach Nagle for having framed an act in- trenching on his prerogative. Among other acts of this assembly was one for liberty of conscience, another took away the provisions formerly made for ministers in towns corporate, and one for en- titling the Roman clergy to all tithes and eccle- siastical dues payable by those of their own com- munion. In one point James would not concur, viz. to establish inns of court in Ireland for the -w^f^-'Fn James's impolitic measures. 289 education of law students, a point long and ardently pursued by the Irish catholics. The arbitrary disposition of the monarch was proved not to have been abated by his reverses of fortune in regard to the supplying his necessities from his people, several unpopular measures for this pur- pose met even the disapprobation of his council ; but he resented their interference, retorting upon them their own sentiment, that it was a branch of his prerogative to levy money. " If I cannot do this," he remarked with asperity, *' I can do nothing." One mode he took which rendered him justly unpopular: he established a mint in Dublin and Limerick, from whence was issued a coin in the last degree base, it was obtruded on protes- tants with many circumstances of insolence and cruelty. This evil was, however, only one among very many they had to endure, during the melan- choly period in which the Romish party were pre- dominant. To all the distresses of war and dis- order was added the wanton insolence of their restless adversaries. James meanwhile, in the midst of this unpopu- larity, public disorder, the opposition he already experienced, and the dangers which seemed to be enclosing him, still resigned himself to the influ- ence of the Romish clergy, and entered zealously into all their plans for the extension of their faith. A protestant school erected by the Duke of Or- mond at Kilkenny, was by a new charter converted into a popish seminary. Not deterred by the con- sequences of his attempts on the English univer- sities, James in a very few months after his ar- rival in Ireland, ordered a mandamus to be pre- sented to the governor of the University in favour of the individual Green, who had been disappointed of his imaginary professorship. He was now des- tined to fill the office of senior fellow of Trinity VOL. IT. u ■ ;. ';'-ji 290 DISPUTE WITH TRINITY COLLEGE. College, the governors undauntedly refused obe- dience to the mandamus, and that at a time when their society had shared largely in the general cala- mities, when no rents could be received, when their pension from the exchequer was withheld, when their daily food was even purchased by the proceeds of their remaining plate, when the terrors of royal vengeance were denounced against them, and James and his forces were ready at hand to execute his threats. They pleaded their own cause before the attorney general, urging the in- capacity of Green, aud the false allegations of his petition. But, they added, ** there are much more important reasons, drawn as well from the statutes relating to religion, as from the obligation of the oaths we have taken, and the interests of our re- ligion (which we will never desert) that render it wholly impossible for us without violating our con- sciences to have any concurrence, or to be in any way concerned in the admission of him." How shall we reconcile the subsequent facts with the assurances of James, that he was ready to grant and to meet the wishes of his subjects in every point " as far forth as might be consistent with reason, justice and the public good." This prince prided himself on the sincerity of his character, did his promises then mean nothing, or were they to be dispensed with according to circumstances without imputation of his sincerity and probity ? The issue of the contest between him and the University was at once speedy and decisive. In a few days both fellows and scholars were forcibly ejected from their learned retreat, by the soldiers of a prince who had promised not only to defend, but to augment their privileges. The private pro- perty of particular members, the communion plate, library, and furniture of the community were seized, their chapel desecrated to a magazine, and their '^•^ DISTRESS OF PROTESTANT CLERGY. 291 chambers converted into prisons. The personal liberty of the members was obtained only by the earnest intercession of the Bishop of Meath, and this on the express condition that three of them should not meet together on pain of death. Father Petre, the spiritual guide of the infatuated king, is said to have possessed him with the design of con- ferring this college on the Jesuits. After having the pain of relating this instance of cruel injus- tice, and senseless impolicy, we are pleased to be able to add that an individual named Moor, a po- pish ecclesiastic, was nominated provost, a man possessing liberal sentiments, and superior literary taste, who, with the assistance of another indivi- dual of his own order preserved the library, books, and manuscripts from the Vandal ravages of a bigoted and barbarous army. The state of the protestant clergy, as might well be expected, was at this time deplorable, for they were for the most part deprived of subsistence. They were unable to recover dues from non-con- formists, as these were by the recent act for liberty of conscience, exempted from the jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical courts. Neither could they de- mand tithes from the numerous body of Roman Catholics, the proportion of whom in the popula- tion was at least fifteen to one of protestants, while popish incumbents who every day multiplied by the death, cession, or absence of protestants exacted them from all parties. Yet such is the tendency of persecution to attach men strongly to their prin- ciples, that both clergy and laity felt an increase of fervour in their devotion, and crowded to their places of worship as if to prove that the operations of the mind cannot be influenced by violence and force, and that the soul rejects the chains which would place its freedom in bondage. Much offence and some alarm was created in u 2 '» v.r>,' ' 292 PROTESTANT CHURCHES SEIZED, the popish government by these meetings. A proclamation was issued confining protestants to their respective parishes. This was in effect de- priving numbers of the benefits of public worship altogether, as in various parts two parishes or more had but one church. Still these measures oppres- sive and arbitrary as they were, met not the spirit of opposing zeal which was followed up as a merit by the popish clergy. Aided by magistrates of their own persuasion, they levied churches for their own use not in the country only, but the capital. The Protestants thus painfully deprived altogether of their privileges dared to remonstrate with the king on measures so very inconsistent with his professions of protection. He acknow- ledged his promises of protecting them, and pub^ lished a proclamation against these outrages. But the clergy and their votaries were too well aware of the strength of their cause, and the advantages which the bigotry of James had yielded to them, to pay any attention to his authority when it de- manded a concession repugnant to the interests of the faith. They disdained obedience to the pro- clamation, and hence a contest now arose between them and the king, who had the mortification to find himself foiled and defeated upon the ground of his own principles and arguments. Totally re- nouncing his authority in ecclesiastical affairs, they retained the churches with a contemptuous disregard to his repeated orders to give them up. By some his order of restitution was evaded by re- presenting the church demanded for the Protest- ants as a place of strength, and therefore highly improper to be yielded to their custody. Christ church in Dublin for instance was seized, and could not be restored because arms it was said were con- cealed in it. Whatever mortification and resentment James • ■■ r'"',v''~*r^ INFATUATION OF JAMES II. 293 might experience from these individual acts of clerical contempt and renunciation of power and authority, it appeared to cause no change of sen- timents in him, he probably thought they were fully justified in thus acting according to their con- science. He still resigned himself as abjectly to the will and guidance of his clergy, apparently only solicitous to employ his short-lived power in Ire- land, in making it what he termed a Catholic kingdom. In consistency with these views and principles an order was issued in the name of his governor of Dublin, that no more than five Protestants should meet together, even in churches on pain of death. For this senseless and bigoted severity an alarm of an invasion was pleaded. Perhaps it would be difficult to cite a more lively illustration of the contracting influence of superstition and bigotry on the mind than James presented at this time, when he thought himself meritoriously and worthily em- ployed in filling the diocese of Meath with popish incumbents, and erecting a Benedictine nunnery in Dublin, and that at the very moment when the formidable powers of his enemies were fast gather- ing around him, and the destinies of a nation were depending under Heaven on the vigour of his con- duct, and the exercise of those energies with which nature had endowed him. An administration at once so contemptible, tyrannical and oppressive, which produced so much discord and so much trouble to unhappy Ireland, was greatly owing to, and protracted by the duration of the factions in England, and those embarrassments and distresses experienced by William upon his elevation. He was ill treated by his parliament, for they tore his laurels from his brows, and placed them on their own. They made him account for all the money they granted him, like a steward ; they even forced 294 schombeug's armament. him to send away his favourite Dutch troops, al- though he condescended to petition the commons that he might retain them. He was surrounded with secret as well as avowed enemies, and the nation which he had liberated was full of discon- tents. War with his mortal foe Louis was de- clared. Insurrection was brooding in Scotland. Amidst these complicated dangers, and the ju- dicious management which these contending parties required, it was impossible that William could proceed in tlie service of Ireland with that vigour which was absolutely necessary to effect any good end. William had scarcely found himself seated on the throne which had been offered him, when the parties which had united in his favour resumed their original bias, and he found himself at the head of a faction as the avowed friend of the pres- byterians, consequently hostile to the established church. Several attempts in favour of dissenters excited the prejudices of the churchmen against him, his tolerant principles not being agreeable to them. Even the papists enjoyed the benefit of his moderation in religious matters. He firmly rejected the proposals of some zealots who ex- horted him to enact some severe laws against them. During these political disputes and party divisions, the neglect of Ireland was a subject of popular complaint. The Protestants there sink- ing under the oppression and tyranny of their in- sulting foe, had made repeated application for re- lief, and .Tames had already been six months in Ireland ere the circumstances of affairs in England allowed any effective measures to be taken. At length a considerable force was sent under the command of Duke Schomberg, who unaware of political expediency and cabinet intrigue, was with the natural ardour of bravery impatient of tSy^^^»TS^my^' ''■■''■ . ■ - V' r^'wjm-sgffjp^fsr^:.: ..>,•. '".■sj^;;^!'^?^-'"'- " '• h "it .'a^ipy*^?''"*' ■^- ' SUCCESSES OF SCHOMBEKG. 295 the delay, and at length with part of his forces landed in the bay of Carrickfergus. It appeared as if that delay deprived the forces of James of all energy, for they might with ease have frustrated the landing of the English, instead of which they retired to Carrickfergus and there made a stand. Schomberg having refreshed his troops, proceeded and invested the place, which was so peculiarly fortified by nature and art that if well defended it might have checked the progress of Schomberg. On the first approach of the besiegers, however, the garrison condescended to parley, demanding liberty to send for succours or for licence to sur- render. Their demands were scornfully rejected, and the siege proceeded in form. Such was the revengeful spirit which the insults of the papists had generally excited, that when after hostilities of some days, Schomberg allowed the garrison to march to the next Irish garrison with their arms and some baggage, the Ulster Scots were so indignant at the indulgence, and such was the virulence against every thing popish, that re- gardless of the articles, they fell furiously upon the garrison, and having disarmed them, would have murdered the unfortunate wretches, had it not been for the vigorous interposition of the general. In pro- ceeding on his march through a desolated country, Schomberg found that the popish inhabitants had fled precipitately before him with their cattle and effects, and had set fire to several places. Schomberg by a trumpet threatened to give no quarter should the enemy continue these barbari- ties. They abandoned Dundalk without injury, and thither the English advanced. So exalted an idea was formed of Schomberg's military genius by the officers of James, that they appeared panic-struck at the thought of engaging him, and they even delibe- rated whether it might not be advisable to retire from 296 JAMES MARCHES TO DUNDALK. their present situation at Drogheda, and also from Dublin. Tyrconnel, however, succeeded in dissua- ding them from such a dastard resolution. Has- tening with his troops to Drogheda, it was resolved to maintain their present position. In the mean- time the distresses of Schomberg's army were very great, unused to the nature of the country, wasted by fatiguing marches through bogs and over moun- tains, in rain and tempest, in cold and hunger, dispirited by the aspect of a desolated country, which the inclemency of the season rendered still more dreary, they sunk under the pressure of pri- vation and sickness, giving full employment to de- tached parties to collect them and convey them languishing to the camp. Under these distressing circumstances, Schomberg deemed it highly im- prudent to advance further. When this circumstance became known to the army of James, it caused the greatest elation. Marshal Rosen when he found Schomberg had halted, at once pronounced that he must be in want of something, and immediately ventured his forces near Dundalk. The duke fortified his camp, determined not to be forced to an action under circumstances so disadvantageous ; for his soldiers were now enduring almost every physical evil. While he was vigilantly and humanely engaged in every way in relieving and mitigating the sufferings of his soldiers, the enemy advanced ; and even the whole army was drawn out, headed by James, displaying the royal standard, but Schomberg in- sisted that they had no intention of fighting. At length they made such dispositions as seemed to indicate an intention of storming the camp, and Schomberg ordered his foot to stand to their arms and his cavalry to return from foraging. Most joyfully these orders were received by troops anxiously solicitous to be relieved from their r.r^-TwTitsiWW'^S^niS^'^'--?,^'^'^^ .►. _ / T"^j;!S7**^rv ??^ ■ ■ -- '■" SICKNESS IN SCHOMBERg's CAMP. 297 present suspense and distress, even the sick and languid seized their muskets in full confidence of victory; but at the moment when their ardour was thus excited, James drew off his forces. Even his own army were filled with astonish- ment and vexation at this unexpected retreat, for as it was an enterprise of trifling danger they could impute the irresolution of James to no other cause than his tenderness for his En- glish subjects. Rosen exclaimed in a tone of half reproach and mortification, " If your ma- jesty had ten kingdoms you would lose them." The English on the other hand suspected that the manoeuvre had been intended only to countenance a conspiracy formed by some French papists to betray the camp ; and in fact on the following day the design was discovered ; the principal ac- complices executed, and a number of popish sol- diers disarmed and sent to Holland. In the mean time Schomberg experienced all the evils of the injudicious position he had chosen at Dundalk. Encamped on low and moist ground, with the mountains of Newry to the east, the town and river to the south, and hills and bogs to the north, the distresses of his army every day increased, dysentry and raging fever resisted every effort to subdue them, and daily carried off num- bers. Several of the most distinguished caught the infection, languished and and expired. Dis- content quickly followed suffering and disease, Schomberg was unj ustly accused of indifference to- wards his troops, while to the decay of his facul- ties from age were attributed the protraction of the war and his caution in not leading them against an enemy whom his men were persuaded they should defeat. He directed them to erect huts for shelter, but with that listless despondency produced by disease, which forms its most afflicting feature. •1P^'^' -'• - ■ > " ■ ''••^^■^rr^_ 298 THE CAMPAIGN UNDECISIVE. they slighted the order, as well as every other expedient for a relief, superstitiously conceiving they were fated to destruction. In this enervated state of mind they sought for instances calculated not to rouse it from the morbid feeling, but still further to weaken and depress it. The calamities of former years which had distin- guished Dundalk were recounted, they eagerly listened to details of meteors hovering over the very place on which they lay, of spirits and groans heard in the air, the sure portents of great cala- mities. The contracting influence of physical suffering which concentres the feelings of the soul in itself soon became apparent, depriving these miserable wretches of human sensibilities. Habi- tuated to continual spectacles of misery, their companions died unnoticed, the survivors even in horrid apathy used their cold bodies for seats, and when they were removed for interment, fretfully murmured at being deprived of a convenience ! To these complicated miseries were added the insults of their enemies, who encamped on more elevated and firmer ground, were yet not exempted from a portion of similar suffering ; they imputed it to the judgment of heaven that the heretical army was overwhelmed with rains, while they themselves enjoyed a cloudless sky ; but this boasted exemption did not long continue, their calamities in the end became equally grievous and their numbers daily reduced. As a proof how the intemperate religious zeal which reigned with equal force in the bosom of the hostile armies ex- tended itself to matters in themselves of perfect indifference, we need but mention that when this wasted and suffering army heard the enemy was at hand, even the faintest and the most diseased attempted to sieze their arms, and uttered in a tone of confidence, ** The papists shall now pay THE FRENCH AUXILIARIES. 299 for our being so long detained in such dismal quarters." Luckily however the alarm proved false, and both armies retired to winter quarters. The bad success of this campaign, from which so much had been expected, produced the greatest discontents in England, and William, perplexed and distracted between factions which he equally feared and found unmanageable, determined to quit them for a time, and to prosecute the Irish war in person. The first report of this design inspirited the English army in Ulster. About half of the forces Schomberg had brought with him yet sur- vived the ravages of disease and privation, and the comforts and ease of winter quarters had greatly restored their vigour. Several petty suc- cesses had further elevated them, and every pre- paration was made to open the campaign with effect. Nor was James less assiduous, and had his policy and judgment been equally well directed the result might have been far different to him. It must be admitted that he betrayed a great de- ficiency of both by accepting five thousand French troops under the conduct of Count Saurin, and in their place an equal number of Irish were trans- ported to France. The unfortunate James had soon the mortification to find his new auxiliaries both refractory and disobedient, they knew and acknowledged no superior but Sauyin, who at- tended to the pleasure and interest of his troops, not that of the monarch, whom he came to serve, and cons^erJng himself as in an enemy's country lived at free quarter. It is no part of our plan to enter into the detail of subsequent events which closed the royal au - thority of James in Ireland, those events are uni- versally and well known to have offered in the conduct of William as the great actor in them a striking contrast to the supineness, the irresolu- 300 BATTLE OF THE BOYNE. tion, and timidity of James, feelings which per- haps were produced by the latent consciousness of how justly he had aroused the resentments of his people, a consciousness which ever enervates those energies which are necessary to meet the conse- quences of misguided folly. For a moment indeed he displayed a spirit consistent with his birth and with the importance of the cause he was to main- tain, but French counsel prevailed, and his vaunted determination to maintain his post ended in a secret preparation for flight from a contest in which he should have shed his blood. Without surrendering a moment to delay, Wil- liam immediately on his arrival reviewed his army. The Irish army fell back to the south of the Boyne at the approach of their opposers, who in high health, spirits, and commanded by their sovereign, seemed confident of victory. The famous battle of the Boyne began at six in the morning. The forces of James acquitted themselves well, but were at last defeated with the loss of 1500 men. The protestants lost but one-third of that number, but among them were several to be greatly regretted. Of these was the venerable and gallant Schomberg, a man equally admirable for his military talents and his intellectual and moral excellences, a pro- testant by principle, his deportment was marked by those graces of the Christian character, cour- tesy and humility; his mind was cool, penetrating, resolute, and sagacious, and his probity was equal to his courage. He had attained the advanced age of eighty-two years when he received the. wound which deprived him of life. The gallant Walker, he who had defended Londonderry, fell in this memorable action : he had been graciously received by William, and an acknowledgement of five thousand pounds was granted for his services. William shared in all the dangers and fatigues of FLIGHT OF KING JAMES. 301 this decisive action, animating his troops by his presence and encouraging coolness. James stood aloof during the engagement on the hill of Dun- more, surrounded by some squadrons of horse, and at intervals was heard to exclaim, when he saw his own troops repulsing those of the enemy, ** O spare my English subjects." Amidst our contempt for the imprudent James at this period, we feel a sentiment of pity, when doubtless the fluctuation of ideas brought back to his mind the due bounds of justice and power. The spirit of party slumbered for a moment, and he saw things in a proper light. He was now plunged into that frightful state of remorse which follows the commission of error, when the circumstances which had caused it, were changed, or rendered, by the mutability of events of less command- ing force on the soul. Hence doubtless his pa- thetic ejaculation to ** spare his English sub- jects," from a consciousness that they were sacri- ficed to his despotic conduct. Seeing that victory had declared against him, he retired to Dublin, and so completely was his mind overwhelmed, that he made not a single effort to reassemble his broken forces. Had he possessed either spirit or conduct his army might have been rallied and reinforced from his garrisons, so as to have kept the field, and even to have acted on the offensive ; but while his troops were yet fighting, he quitted his station, and leaving orders to guard the pass at Duleek, repaired to Dublin. He advised the magistrates of that city to make the best terms they could with the victors, and set out for Waterford, where all things being in readiness, he sailed for France. When he first deserted his troops at the Boyne, O' Regan, an old Irish captain, was heard to say, " That if the English would exchange generals the conquered army would fight them over again." ^Wr 302 CONSEQUENCES OF THE BATTLE. It had been deliberated at Dublin, whether if the enemy prevailed it would be adviseable to fire the city, but James charged the magistrates on their allegiance to commit no such outrage, which might reflect dishonour on him and irritate the conqueror. He was obliged, he said, to sub- mit to force, but would never cease to labour for their deliverance ; too much blood had been al- ready shed, and Providence seemed to declare against him ; he advised them therefore to sub- mit to the prince, who was merciful. Nor did the peculiar pressure of William's circumstances enable him to follow up, as he otherwise might, his advantages, for expecting every day an inva- sion of England, and of course being required in that kingdom, he could not venture to divide his army, or remove it from the coast. fi5^^!HF?if;?i«TO'^"f''?^T^''r^" ■T^ "": ■ •■ 303 CHAPTER XXIV. Friends of James determine to prosecute hostilities — Dublin threatened vnth the evils of anarchy — Spirited and judicious conduct of Fitzgerald — William enters the city — Thanks- givings for his victory — He returns to his camp — Protestant clergy attend him with an address — Causes rendering the government of Williayn unpopular — Oppressive spirit of the English — Irish resolve to prosecute the war — Wretched state of the country — Civil transactions — Rapparees — Decision of the people to trust their cause to the sword — The opposing armies — Conduct of St. Ruth — Enthusiasm excited — The desperate battle — Death of St. Ruth — The Irish defeated — General Ginckle suffers many to retire to Limerick — Irish make a brave defence — Terms of capitulation exorbitant — Siege continued — Ginckle offers liberal terms — Articles signed — Kingdom submits to the English government — Ginc- kle created Earl of Athlone — Prejudices yet rankle — Causes of discontent and distress — William's interest in foreign con- cerns produces neglect of home policy — Disputes between him and his parliaments — Perplexed and harassed by opposite parties — Neglect of Ireland — Lord Sydney's severe rule — Abuses in disposing of the forfeited estates, and other causes of complaint — The king entreated to redress them — Promises given, but no steps taken — Party spirit violent — Irish papists oppressed under Lord Capel — Interest formed against him — William Molineux publishes a treatise to prove Ireland entirely independent — Address to his majesty — Its contents — King promises attention — Irish forfeitures a great cause of contention — Commissioners appointed — Proceedings of par- liament respecting them — Chagrin of the king — Death of James II. — War in consequence of the violation of the treaty of Ryswich — Preparations of William for a brilliant cam- paign — His death — Accession of Anne — General review of religion and literature. A. D. 1690. As the battle of the Boyne was by no means a decided one, the friends of James determined to i^ \- , '-IT" •, •' ^. ■• . -■ '.'■ /'-■,■;■;'''' •'^\'f»^v ■ "3? "v^^s^r-'Tfiiv?^^^^ 304 CIVIL WAR RENEWED. prosecute hostilities, although it does not appear that he gave any instruction to his officers for that purpose. Yet, although he had renounced the assistance of the Irish, the interests of their re- ligion were so involved in his cause, that they could not at present be separated, nor had they any hopes of recovering the lands of their ancestors or securing those they possessed, but by contend- ing against the new government. The indignation of the army was violent against James, both on account of the reflections he had cast upon them, and his desertion ; they af- fected, however, to rejoice at the latter, as reliev- ing them from a leader who had neither spirit for enterprise nor real concern for their interests. Dublin was once more threatened with all the well known evils of anarchy.* The civil officers of James had already fled, and no detachment had yet been sent by William to secure the city. The protestant prisoners were set at liberty, they were fired with animosity against their prosecutors, with equal intemperance breathed * Dublin, the metropolis of ently under the management Ireland, province of Leinster, of a provost and bailiffs. In county Dublin, seated at the 1409 the chief magistrate was bottom of a large and beautiful changed to that of mayor, and bay, the river Liffey divides those of bailiffs to sheriffs, the city into two equal parts. Charles the Second granted It is a place of great antiquity, the title of lord mayor and and is now a most beautiful 500/. per annum in 1665; Sir city, surrounded with interest- Daniel Bellingham was the ing and delightful scenery. It first lord mayor. In 1672 has had a variety of names ; its i\rthur Earl of Essex intro- present one is from Dub-leana, duced new rules for the better or the " Lake of the Sea." In government of the city; and in 448 Alpin Mac Earchard, king 1683 the Tholsel was built for of Dublin, and all his subjects the purpose of the magistrates were converted to Christianity meeting to hold their courts, by St. Patrick. The civil go- assemblies, &c. yernment of the city was anci- EVENTS IN DUBLIN. 305 revenge against them, ready to avail themselves of the remotest plea for gratifying it. With these sentiments of revengeful zeal they assembled in groups and held their consultations, which re- sulted in the determination to force the houses of the papists and to rifle them. From this lawless and desperate measure they were however de- terred by a military officer, who had been liberated from confinement, and who fortunately possessed those rarely combined qualities of insinuation, activity, firmness of purpose, and decision of will and action which have such a commanding in- fluence over the popular opinion. He suddenly appeared among the irritated and revengeful people and dissuaded them from a purpose which must have plunged the city into the extremity of distress. With the assistance of some clergy and principal gentry, he assumed the government of the city pro tempore, gained the keys of the castle, persuaded the main guard, composed of about thirty popish militia, to lay down their arms, put them in the hands of protestants, and despatched expresses to William's camp to request immediate aid . All this was accomplished with a celerity which left the discontented no leisure to inquire how and by what authority the change was ef- fected, while the active and intelligent Fitzgerald continued his judicious precautions to preserve peace, leaving no spot exempted from his vigi- lance. Alarms were raised at every moment ; it was whispered that the enemy had returned in strength ; the suburbs were fired ; Fitzgerald flew to extinguish the flames. In the mean time the populace, excited to frenzy, were still impatient for plunder, and broke into some habitations. Again the indefatigable Fitzgerald rushed amongst them, at the hazard of his life, and by persuasion, by menaces, by violence restrained them from ex- VOL. II. X "pvT^ ■■*■-■ >-~yi'ti^ 30G WILLIAM III. ENTERS DUliLIN. tremities. A force was now sent to his assistance, attended by the Duke of Ormond ; William in the mean time continued to advance, and encamped at Finglass, a village near the capital ; from thence he entered the city and immediately repaired to the cathedral of St. Patrick to return thanks for his victory. The solemn thanksgiving concluded, he returned immediately to his camp : it was here that the protestant clergy attended him with an address, congratulating him on his arrival, praying for his success, and expressing their loyalty; they concluded by entreating him not to think un- favourably of them for continuing in Ireland, and submitting to a power they could not resist, and by which continuance they had been enabled to serve both the church and his majesty. He answered in his usual cold and moderate manner, that he came to free them from popish tyranny, and doubted not by divine assistance to complete his design ; permitting them to appoint a day of public and solemn thanksgiving, and to compose a form of prayer for the occasion. But this fair augury of peace and tranquillity was clouded by some in- judicious measures, which forcibly illustrate the mischiefs resulting from mingling secular interests with religious differences, the one adding asperity to the other, interposing selfish advantages to the conciliating spirit which should ever accompany the other principle. Among the causes which rendered the govern- ment of William unpopular were, his commands that all present tenants of protestant subjects were to pay their rents to their respective landlords, and that the tenants of those who were concerned in rebellion should detain their rents until the commissioners of his revenue should decide to whom they were to be paid. As to the leaders of the rebellion, he declared his resolution to leave ifr ■"'. '3PW SURRENDER OF WATERFORD. 307 them to the event of war. A pardon thus limited, and so expressly indicating to those who had en- gaged in the cause of James that they had no al- ternative, but that of obstinately continuing the contest, is with justice imputed to the influence of those English who were impatient for the for- feitures. The commissioners, actuated by the same mercenary spirit, seized without mercy, and dreadfully harassed the country, while protections which had been granted to the peasantry were so shamefully violated that they crowded to their old leaders and took up arms for security. Thus, when every thing seemed leading the way to peace, were the Irish urged by their cha- racteristic jealousy of any invasion of their rights to renew the war with every passion exasperated and every principle in action which can render an enemy dangerous and desperate. The aspersions which James had thrown upon their national courage had fired them with the resolve to redeem it. Their religion they now saw on the point of being extinguished ; the wreck of their property seized by strangers ; no security from submission ; no reliance on promises of pardon. Governed by their priests and elated by the successes of France, they determined to prosecute the war, and when Waterford was summoned by William the garrison demanded the enjoyment of their estates, the freedom of their religion, and liberty to march out with arms and baggage. The last article only was admitted, and the place surrendered to the determined foe. Having reduced this and several other places, William intended to leave the pro- secution of the war to his generals, and to quit Ireland ; but finding that the secret machinations of his enemies had been defeated, he resolved to remain some time longer. The war therefore con- tinued with unabated violence, attended with X 2 i^ - y ■ / -,..■,.•.■■■).•(.•,..;•■ ■;•■■■ 308 AIFICTINC. STATK OF IRELAND. atrocities and distresses revolting to the imagina- tion. The miserable inhabitants, of whatever party and denomination, fled from the outrages of the soldiery to their respective friends, but even then found no security. The contending armies were equally distressed, for unpaid and unpro- vided, they supplied their wants by ravage with- out distinction of parties, regard to protections or faith of promises. In short, unhappy Ireland was become the terrible scene of whatever can mark human debasement and human depravity. To give some check to the hideous aggrava- tions of war which desolated the country, the new lords justices laboured to give form to the civil government. The commission of forfeitures found so oppressive was superseded ; lords lieu- tenants were appointed in the several counties, subject to the English power; commissions granted to the officers of the militia, who were armed in order to defend their properties, and a privy council constituted of such men as were esteemed most attached to the new government. With a particular, and perhaps a necessary seve- rity, it was ordained, that papists of every coun- ty should be responsible for the ravages com- mitted by those of their communion, and that where a number of Rapparees were collected, no popish priest should be suffered to reside. Some weak attempts were made to correct the dis- orders of the army, but with little effect, the officers treating the civil power with indifference ; the soldiers acknowledged no superior but their officers, while the foreigners made no distinction, and the suffering people exclaimed that the army were worse than rapparees, although they acknow- ledged that the Dutch were an honourable ex- emption from this censure. Having- named that class of individuals who were distinguished by ^■rfSTttf THE UAPPAREES. 309 the title of Rapparees, we will explain the nature of the annoyance which was derived from them. To aggravate the distresses we have named, as arising from a rapacious army, the country swarmed every where with those lawless banditti, who, unrestrained by any laws, lived in a state of savage nature. We have already alluded to them under the designation of Creaghts, as form- ing the army of Owen O'Nial, in the rebellion of 1641. At the conclusion of that war they were far from being suppressed, but plundering in every district they visited, roving for subsistence, were at once dreaded and detested by their coun- trymen, they continued their depredations during the reign of Charles II., and under the name of tories became an object of government attention. These lawless marauders were ready to seize any opportunity of public disorder, to extend their ravages, and multiply their numbers. At the period of our retrospect we now allude to, they readily obeyed the call of the priests, who at every mass exhorted all men to take arms, and stand prepared for war. Arming themselves with a weapon easily procured, namely a sort of half pike, they took their designation from the Irish name of their weapon, rapparee. Their weapons were carefully concealed, but ever ready for exe- cution. They assembled in the dead of night in solitary places, projected their enterprises, rushed suddenly on their destined victims, vanished to their inaccessible retreats on the first appearance of opposition, and as readily collected. Many united with these lawless miscreants, some in- fluenced by example, others urged by dire neces- sity. In summer, they hung about the English camp, killing every straggler they found, for the sake of his arms and clothing ; and in the horrid rage of national hatred, frequently mangling the '■Tt'^^ :"'' v"-?^. ^■■T^T,'^:is^^ t: ■ ■ :■"" f '»"'»^ ''ij?'^*'^ /^P.!???iw^''^^ r'^ '*^'f^"T»?-TC'^;';''^■^^^^^ - • 1 • • if '^^:^^^ 31^ BATTLE OF AGHRIM. manding situation, had a full view of the English ; he saw them prepare for battle, and drew- out his main army in front of his camp ; the sight was grand and imposing ; he rode to every squadron and battalion, he reminded the Irish officers that their future fortune hung on the issue of one en- counter ; their honour, their liberty, their estates, were the great objects for which they were to fight ; but what was far superior even to them, they were now to establish their holy religion on such a firm basis, as the powers of hell and heresy should never shake ; that the dearest interests, and most honourable engagements of this life, and the ravishing prospects of eternal happiness, called for a vigorous exertion of that valour, which their enemies affected to deny that they possessed. The priests proceeded through the ranks, inspir- ing by every means the soldiers with the same sentiments, and we are even told, obliging them to swear on the holy sacrament, that they would not desert their colours. Urged by their per- sonal sufferings and political discontents, these appeals easily roused their enthusiasm to the highest pitch, and with all the impatience of the national character, the Irish burned with ardour for the battle. # The engagement that ensued may well be ima- gined desperate ; it continued in suspense during the whole of the day, when at a critical moment a cannon-ball deprived the gallant St. Ruth of life. His body was instantly conveyed away, but the intelligence of his death ran through the ranks ; they became confounded and disordered, and as the order of battle had not been commu- nicated to Sarsfield, on whom the command de- volved, he could not support the dispositions of the deceased St. Ruth. The English pressed forward, drove the enemy from the camp, pur- LIMERICK CAPITULATES. 313 sued their advantage until the Irish, after an en- gagement supported with the fairest prospect of success, while they had a general to direct their valour, fled precipitately. In the battle, and a bloody pursuit of three miles, seven thousand of the Irish army were slain ; the whole materiel of the army was taken, together with thirty-two colours, destined as a present to the queen. Such was the victory of the English army ; General Ginckle wisely considered that the sea- son of action was quickly wasting, that the Irish war was a grievous embarrassment to the conti- nental interests of William, and a dangerous en- couragement to the disaffected in England, he therefore wished to terminate it at once, and suffered as many of the Irish as chose to retire to Limerick. In this last retreat the Irish made a brave defence. The winter approached, and Ginckle had made no decisive effect upon the place ; at length a parley was beat, a cessation granted, and an amicable intercourse opened be- tween the contending parties. As Ginckle had urgent instructions to terminate the war on any terms, he was ready to receive the proposals of capitulation. They were, however, so exorbitant, they could not be acceded to consistent with the laws of England, or the honour of the general ; he therefore resolved to continue the siege. By a second deputation, he was desired to propose such terms on his part as he could grant. Every thing conspired to induce General Ginckle to re- new the treaty. The Irish, it is true, had offered terms little consistent with their desperate situa- tion ; but General Ginckle, with a liberality and honour worthy of his profession and the respon- sibility he held, made his propositions as to men .who claimed attention and indulgence, and such ^•■^p-i^^-r 314 THE AllTlCLES OF LIMERICK. as the Irish, had they even been victors, could hardly have refused with prudence. He agreed that all in arms should receive a pardon, that their estates should be restored, their attainders annulled, their outlawries reversed ; that all Ro- man Catholics should enjoy the same toleration with regard to their religion as in the reign of Charles II., and that no oath should be required of any except that of allegiance ; that should the troops, or any number of them, choose to retire into foreign service, they should be conveyed to the continent at the expense of the king. Those Irish who had submitted on less liberal terms, were mortified at these large concessions, and by those protestants who lived in an habitual hatred and horror of the Irish, they were regarded with indignation, as well as by those who studied the extension and security of the English inte- rests, or were impatient to enjoy the estates of their enemies. But the views, peculiar circum- stances, and interests of William, rendered them necessary ; nor ought we to doubt, that they were in part, at least, dictated by equity and hu- manity. •* There was," says Dalrymple, ** a simplicity, an elevation, and a utility in all the actions of William's life." It is fair, then, to be- lieve, that higher principles than mere selfishness and policy actuated the prince on this occasion. William was conscious that the Irish had engaged in the present contest, upon principles honourable to man ; they fought for a king of their own reli- gion, by whom they naturally hoped to be restored to those advantages their ancestors had forfeited, or which, in the conflicts of parties, they had them- selves lost. On the first of October, the lords justices arrived in the camp; they signed the articles,^. miim-- -ym^m^m^ ' GINCKLE, EARL OF ATHHONE. 315 together with General Ginckle, and thus a period was put to the war, which threatened the Romish party with utter ruin. In consequence of this treaty, about fourteen thousand of those who had fought for King James passed over to France, having transports provided by government for conveying them thither. Thus all expectations which the exiled king might have formed from Ireland were frustrated, the kingdom submitting quietly to the English government. Yet were the hopes of James not entirely dis- pelled by the reduction, although the Highland chieftains, who favoured his cause, were also ex- terminated. In the picture we have given of this final contest in Ireland, we have no records remaining that are sufficiently clear and minute to admit of an unmixed detail of ecclesiastical affairs. The reduction of Ireland being thus effected, Baron Ginckle returned to England, where he received the thanks of the parliament for his emi- nent services, and was created Earl of Athlone by his majesty.* Notwithstanding these fair appearances, however, we shall find in pursuing our detail, that although the blood-stained sword was sheathed, the prejudices which had caused "^ Athlone, a town of West- belonging to St. Peter's Abbey, meath, situated on both sides for which he granted a cora- of the Shannon, both parts pensation. It is built on ele- connected by a high redsed and vated ground, a or high-raised well built bridge, in the centre mound, resembling a Danish of which stands a monument, rath or fort. Formerly there with figures cut in the marble, were two convents or monas- together with the arms of teries. This town gives the Queen Elizabeth, and some in- title of earl to the family of scriptions, denoting the period Ginckle, in commemoration of of its foundation, and the the eminent services rendered founders. The castle was built by the general of that name in by. King John, on some land 1691. >i5**.T .':>., '^-■'■iiv»;T5.Tf73*r " >., 316 FKESll DISCONTENTS. it to be drawn were still the same ; and that things seen through this distorted medium were ever found sufficient to produce animosity, jea- lousy, and dispute. The credulity of some, the rashness of others, the violence of passion, and incidental circumstances, all combined to magnify evils, and to apologize for opposition. The Eng- lish and the Irish differed so much in their early associations, in their religious opinions, in their customs, and even in their temperament, that they appeared as if they never could arrive at any point of agreement. All these causes of disunion were augmented and heightened by the contract- ing spirit of bigotry, which can only be dispelled by diffusing the light of knowledge, and the intro- duction, by early instruction, of that pure faith, which has such a tendency to enlarge the mind, and to free it from the bondage of mere specula- tion, and false intemperate zeal. Other causes of discontent and distress also still existed. These were the various restrictions laid upon the Irish trade, and the invariable pre- ference given by government to the manufactures of England. On the part of England, it was supposed that as Ireland had been subdued by force of arms, the inhabitants ought in every respect to be regarded as a subject state, and of course that the English interest in reference to it, ought to be consulted and promoted without attention to the effect it might have on the de- pendent power. Hence have arisen various griev- ances, suspicions, and complaints against go- vernment. The Irish, jealous to excess of their rights, heated with their theological contests, and continually excited to mingle their religious opi- nions with their secular interests, regarded their relative situation with respect to England in a POLICY OF WILLIAM III, 317 very different view. They rejected all ideas of dependence upon the British ministry and par- liament, and though they acknowledged William's right by conquest, they disclaimed all authority of the British parliament, and of course regarded the restrictions on their trade and other acts af- fecting them as grievous and intolerable oppres- sions. Unfortunately, in dealing with a people thus prejudiced, and thus lofty, the policy has ever been to suppress the murmurings of discon- tent, rather than to remove their causes, and having effected in any degree the former, the lat- ter have been either neglected or forgotten. Hence do they brood in secret, continually ac- quiring fresh malignancy in the estimation of the sufferers, and exciting a combustible spirit, ready to catch the smallest spark directed by circum- stances to inflame it. We have seen that Wil- liam was at least in part urged by the pressure of his continental affairs to expedite the reduction of Ireland, indeed so great were his apprehensions for the balance of power, and the fluctuating interests of Europe, that they absorbed every other concern. His prevailing motive for accept- ing the English crown, was to engage the king- dom more deeply and effectually in this great ob- ject, of his care and ambition, and in the prose- cution of it, he became unmindful of the culti- vation of the internal polity which keeps down faction, and softens party spirit. He formed al- liances abroad, but neglected to observe the grow- ing influence of party at home. Hence, gradually arose a disrespect of his authority, a laxity of po- litical morals, a neglect of those pursuits which confer honour, and produce refinement, and the elevation of the unworthy to those distinctions which should be the meed of the upright patriot Kf^^'f^flfWW: ?.:;v>- 318 INATTENTION TO IRELAND. alone. On accepting the crown, William had re- solved to preserve as much of the prerogative as possible, and he asserted it in one point beyond the example of his predecessors, that of refusing his assent to some bills that had passed both houses. From this and other causes there were perpetual disputes between him and his parlia- ments. His whole heart and views bent upon his foreign conquests, William was led to sacri- fice every thing for the means of enabling him to pursue them, provided the parliament supplied him with resources, he permitted them to rule the internal polity their own way. In fact, fa- tigued with opposition, he admitted every re- straint upon the prerogative of England, did he but obtain the means of humbling the pride of France. The sums granted for this purpose were incredible. But when the general pacification took place, William experienced the evil of the parties he had suffered to gain ascendancy. Perplexed and harassed by their oppositions, presumptuous, and contending interests, he regarded his English seat of power as one of labour, disquietude and alter- cation, and he quitted it as often as he could to enjoy the pleasures of his Dutch palace of Loo. If thus unmindful of the factions formed in his immediate seat of government, William cannot be expected to have paid much attention to the affairs of Ireland, of which indeed the record is very scanty and unsatisfactory from this period. We find by the reports of the English parliament of 1692, that the discontents of the nation were inflamed by complaints from Ireland, where Lord Sidney was said to rule with severe and despo- tic authority. These complaints were officially communicated by several eminent persons who were examined at the bar of the house. Both ABUSES IN SHARING ESTATES. 319 houses concurred in the inquiry of the allegations, and the result was, that great abuses had taken place in disposing of the forfeited estates (that never ending source of contention). That pro- tections had been granted to the Irish, not in- cluded in the articles of Limerick, so that pro- testants were deprived of the benefit of the law against them, with various other grounds of com- plaint. The Commons in their address to the king upon this subject, were particularly free in explaining the abuses and mismanagement of the Irish government, by exposing the protestants to the free quarter and violence of a licentious army, by recruiting the troops with Irish papists, who had been in open rebellion, by granting protec- tions to Irish Roman Catholics, whereby the course of the law was arrested, by reverting outlawries against treason, not comprehended in the articles of Limerick, by letting the forfeited estates at an under value, &c. These abuses his majesty was humbly entreated to redress, as they greatly en- couraged the papists, and injured the protestant interest in Ireland. Promises of particular at- tention to these remonstrances were given, but no material step was taken to remedy the evils com- plained of. The Lords Sidney, Athlone, and Coningsby, who appeared to have possessed great part of the forfeitures by grants from the crown, and another individual who had been guilty of great acts of oppression, continued in the enjoy- ment of their property, and were not called to any account respecting their abuse of power. Thus the spirit of party early manifested itself, for Sidney although possessing a character so opposite to William, was yet a favourite, and the stream of honour, preferment and favour, was evi- dently on the side of the whigs or the court party. Ireland partook of the same party spirit, and was V^^fif: ■ •"■ 320 NEW PARTIES AND INTUHJUES. infected with the same factions, of course the re- sults were nearly similar, or only modified by national peculiarities. During the government of Lord Capel in IC95, the Irish papists it would ap- pear were treated with much oppression, and with a great disregard of equity and moderation. In a parliament which he convened, the attainders and acts passed in the pretended parliament of king James were annulled, one was framed in order to prevent foreign education, also one for disarming papists, and one for settling the estates of intestates. The assuming power of the lord deputy excited the jealousy and resentment of the opposite party, and Sir Charles Porter, the chan- cellor attempted to court popularity by espousing the cause of the Irish against the severity of the administration. He succeeded in forming a kind of tory interest which thwarted Lord Capel in all his measures, and of course disturbed the ad- ministration, and created intrigues, jealousies, and secret resentments, with all their concomitant political evils. This spirit of opposition was manifested in various instances, and even the press was employed in aid of the principles which the immoderate exercise of power had called into action. William Mollineux, a gentleman of Dub- lin, published a work in order to prove that Ire- land was totally independent of the English parliament. The latter indignant at this as- sumption, appointed a committee to inquire into the cause and nature of this literary performance, and bold assertion, and an address was voted to the king, that he would direct the means for the discovery and punishment of the author of a work so inflammatory. The commons in a body pre- sented an address to his majesty accordingly, representing the dangerous attempts made by his subjects of Ireland, to throw off their subjection 'iSsrv, '■ '■ • ." - ' ■'■ ■■ ' "■: ■ '>'-•:•; •■:■."■■; -T^->.N^™!'f,^st«ayK^*;,'- ■ "^•-tyf'.- ■■ .-•"<{. .^f-'^""-"^. TIIK IRISH l-'OUI'KITUliF.S, 321 and dependence upon England, attempts apparent not only from the pernicious assertions of the book recently submitted to their examination, but also more unequivocally and plainly by proceedings and votes in the Irish commons. His majesty was humbly besought to give effectual orders for preventing such encroachments for the future, and the pernicious consequences of what was past, by punishing those who had been guilty, and to discourage every thing which might have a tendency to lessen the dependence of Ireland upon England. The king promised compliance. But it was the Irish forfeitures which still seemed to be the great cause of contention, and the Eng- lish parliament made them a plea to gratify their spleen against the king, whom they appeared resolved to mortify, by prosecuting his minis- ters and calling in question their acts. These " anti-courtiers" believed they could not more ef- fectually annoy, than by inquiring into the Irish forfeitures, which the king had distributed among his dependents. Seven commissioners were ap- pointed to examine these particulars, four of these were animated with all the virulence of faction, the other three were secretly guided by ministe- rial influence. It was not likely therefore, that the subject would be dispassionately, moderately, or equitably considered. In fact, they proceeded with a severity which clearly manifested the bias of their minds, and indicated resentment to the court, rather than a love of justice, an abhorrence of corruption, or a sincere desire to arrive at the truth. The result of the whole was, that the commons of England came to the resolution, (presented to the king in the form of an address,) that the procuring and passing those grants had occasioned great debts upon the nation, and heavy VOL. II. Y 322 TUE ACT OF UI'SL'MPTrOV. taxes upon the people, as well as highly reflected upon the king's honour, and that the officers and instruments concerned in the same, had highly failed in the performance of their trust and duty. The king replied to this disrespectful address that he was not only led by inclination, but urged by a sense of justice and duty to reward those who had served well in the reduction of Ireland, out of the estates forfeited to him by the rebellion. The commons however, prepared, finished, and passed a bill of resumption. That justice might be done to purchasers and creditors in this act of resump- tion, thirteen trustees were empowered to hear and determine the claims relating to these estates, to sell them to the best purchasers, the proceeds to be ap- propriated to pay the arrears of the army. William was of course extremely chagrined at the bill which he considered as an invasion upon his prerogative, a personal insult and an injury to his friends and servants. He resolved at all hazards to prevent its passing into a law, but he was overruled in his purpose by the remonstrances and entreaties of those in whom he confided. These circum- stances however increased his disgust at his situ- ation, nor could he dissemble his resentment. His habitual reserve increased even to sullenness, his peevishness became morose ; these peculi- arities of temper were ascribed to his dislike of the English people, when in fact they arose from the perplexities, the aggravations, and the narrow- minded oppositions of party. This situation would soon have been intolerable to William, (who, however he delighted in the field of mili- tary warfare, possessed not the popular qualities which distinguish in that of politics,) had not an event occurred which gave a fair plea for engaging once more in the tumults of the former, and which f^- ■ 'i^^lfwJ■?f?i^^:?^PS^^335»?^^^^^ '■y<''i9^^Z-\r-!:ir^-'r^-J7'7l^rryi- ACCESSrOX OF ANNE. 323 moreover rendered his parliament ready to assist in his engaging in a new continental war. This event was the decease of the exiled James, and the consequent violation of the peace of Ryswic by the French king's acknowledgement of the son under the title of James the third, king of Great Britain and Ireland. The parliament, much as they thwarted and opposed William, entered warmly into the indignity offered him by the French monarch, they passed a bill of attainder against the prince for assuming the title of king of England, and also a bill obliging all persons holding any office in church or state, to abjure his claim to the crown. William thus supported in his favourite scheme, was making vast prepa- rations for opening a brilliant campaign, when a fall from his horse threw him into a fever, which put a period to his life, but by no means to the bold designs he had formed. The early decla- ration of Anne, that she was resolved to pursue the objects of the grand alliance, dissipated the hopes of the French, which the death of William had created, while they revived the spirits of the confederates, naturally depressed by that event. We must now regard the political machine to be actuated by two noblemen connected by family interest as well as political views. Lord Godol- phin being placed at the head of the treasury, and Marlborough being appointed commander in chief of the English forces, and ambassador extraor- dinary to the states. We have thus brought our retrospect to the close of the seventeenth century. The paucity of materials on the minutiae of eccle- siastical affairs in Ireland, has obliged us to com- bine with them those political changes which involved them, and ere we proceed in the mingled detail, we will once more review the general state Y 2 324 ACCESSION OF ANNE. of religious and other parties, glance at the litera- ture and its effects upon the manners and the morals of the people to the period which opens to us the events of the eighteenth century. ^»Tm^-":7, .(• -* --'vv^'tt- i'. '.. .'/^'-^"■.^rty^■'r*'^i-t■J^"~^^:_^:,%^^■^' --■:-.-... r.'y: - -^:- :' -"r^ -n*t,':*^^ , 325 CHAPTER XXV. Ecclesiastical polity — Convocation — Its nature — English consti- tution — Collision of parties subsequent to the Reformation — William favourable to the Nonconformists — Act of Toleration — Perplexities flowing from the endless diversity of sects — Schism in the church — Nonjurors — High church — Arminians and Quakers — Literature — Newton — Boyle, 8fc. — Wilkins — Royal Society — Polite literature — Causes of national debase- ment — Great influence of books. We paused in our general retrospect at that period of anarchy and confusion, when the eccle- siastical constitution of England and Ireland was overthrown by the storms of faction, after having long been undermined by the insidious efforts of hypocrisy and fanaticism. On the restoration of Charles the second to the throne of his ances- tors, the ecclesiastical establishment reverted to its former state. Its government revived, and episcopacy was reinstated in the seat from which it had been hurled. Since the reign of Henry the eighth, the kings of England were, we have seen, styled in all public acts the supreme heads of the church. The title, however, we are not to regard as conveying a spiritual supremacy, but only as denoting the regal power to prevent any ecclesiastical differences, or in other words, to substitute the king in place of the pope, before the reformation. With regard to temporalities and the internal economy of the church, the kings of England never intermeddle in ecclesiastical disputes, but are contented to give a sanction to 32f> TJli: liUlTlSlI CONSTITUTION. the legal rights of the clergy. The eclesiastical government of England being, properly speaking, lodged in the convocation, which is a national representation or synod, and answered nearly to that of a parliament. They were convoked at the same time with every parliament, and their busi- ness was to discuss upon, and consider the state of the church, to call those to account who ad- vanced new opinions inconsistent with, or sub- versive of the doctrines of the church of England, The powers of this convocation were, however, carried to such a height, that it was found at length inconsistent with the principles of religious toleration, and even encroached on civil liberty. The crown was necessitated to exert its pre- rogative of calling the members together, and dissolving them ; and they have now long ceased to form a separate body for the purpose of business. King, church, and people ; lords, prelates, and commons, form the fabric of the British consti- tution : each have their peculiar duties, privileges, and rights; the invasion of any of which destroys the symmetry of the edifice, as well as under- mines its foundation. Each have their rights sanctioned and established by law ; and^one vio- lation of justice in regard to any, endangers the safety of the whole. Superficial and unreflecting indeed must be the mind which does not perceive, that when once the- ideas of mankind are con- founded on subjects which they have ever held sacred, venerable, or respectable ; and when de- ficiency of prineipler ^r a general carelessness respecting moral obligations and religious sanc- tions takes place, the invasion of rights naturally follows ; and that not singly, but in a train of encroachments: and it is generally found, that those who committed the first violation, are as generally the first to experience the efiects of <-f!J'-fW'^ PL RITA NS. 327 their own pernicious doctrines. These remarks were strongly exemplified in the collision of [)arties, which agitated the religious world sub- sequent to the reformation. On complicated questions, indeed, it cannot be expected that men will unite in opinion ; the stronger minds — those most earnestly and sincerely engaged in the search of truth, and animated by a sincere prin- ciple of diffusing good, are yet prone to receive a bias, by thinking long in the same track ; and, in the warmth of zeal, are too apt to depart from charity and meekness towards those who differ ; nay, sometimes to reflect with asperity upon those, who with equal sincerity, may yet view the subject of difference in another light. Thus, amidst the complication of disputes in which men- were involved, at the period we now reviev/, we may observe, that the appellation of puritan alone indicated three parties, virulent against each other, from the shades of difference which dis- tinguished them. There were the political puri- tans, who maintained the highest opinions of civil liberty ; in fact, were pure republicans : the puritans in discipline, who opposed and abhorred the ceremonies and episcopal government of the church : and the doctrinal puritans, who rigidly defended the speculative system of the first re- formers. The reformation had given great free- dom of discussion on religious matters : men no longer restrained from unveiling the supposed errors of the church, boldly investigated the foundations of their faith ; and the disciples of the various sects produced by this investigation, keenly censured and questioned the tenets of each other. Hence, numberless disputes agi- tated the minds of men, of no importance to the real religion ; serving only to cloud its lustre, and injure its simplicity. The spirit of infidelity ^f!*^,'r^'^-' ■ ■ ..' ^ .. • . . ■._.,-.,■ ;t'. ., /■. .■ . -w ;i; .- ■ vg 328 NONCONl-ORMISTS. kept pace with that of enthusiasm ; and as the sectaries or nonconformists disputed respecting the unessential doctrines of scripture, they boldly de- nied, or insidiously undermined the authority, and called in question the credibility of the whole, by their sophistical arguments or daring asser- tions. Charles II. having revived episcopacy in England, extended the same alteration to Scot- land and Ireland ; and a law was enacted, by which all who refused to observe the rites, and subscribe to the doctrines of the church of England, were entirely excluded from her communion. From this period to the revolution, the non-con- formists were in a precarious and fluctuating state ; sometimes in calamity and great trouble ; at others enjoying partial gleams of hope, accord- ing as the varying spirit of the court and the ministry directed affairs ; but never entirely free from perplexity and fear. But in 1689, their affairs took a favourable turn. William had a bias to Calvinism, and was, from principle, averse from persecution. He ex- perienced much vexation and opposition from the church of England, which greatly alienated him from its interests. This resentment, concurring with his principles, determined him to remove the obstacles affixed to non-conformity, and to render all protestant dissenters capable of enjoying and exercising civil employments. He endeavoured to do away the sacramental test, as necessary to render them competent to places of trust and power ; but could only effect the framing of an act for the toleration of all protestant dissenters, except Socinians ; and thus relieved them from the penalties to which they had been subjected by the act of conformity, and other acts passed during the sway of the house of Stuart. This act of toleration was extended to Ireland and Scot- :«> HIGH AND LOW CHURCH. 329 land ; the latter, being permitted thereby to follow the ecclesiastical discipline of Geneva, was freed from the jurisdictioli of bishops, and from the pe- culiar forms of worship annexed to the episcopacy. It is from this period, we must date the liberty and tranquillity of the dissenters from the church of England. We must however refer to the reli- gious liberty at this time granted, the continual increase and multiplicity of religious sects and factions which have arisen, and still continue to arise, among the sectarian protestants ; and the various perplexities, divisions, and controversies naturally flowing from that diversity. In the reign of William, divisions among the friends of episcopacy ran so high, that they ter- minated in that memorable schism in the church of England, in which originated the terms high and low church. It was the strong desire, and favourite scheme of William, to comprehend all the protestants of his dominions in one union ; but the measure was strongly opposed, as a step at once dangerous and inconsistent with the honour, duty, and welfare of the church. The agitation of this question was attended with g^eat heat and acrimony ; but the causQ of schism in the church itself, was the scruple of conscience which deterred Sancroft, archbishop of Canter- bury, and seven other prelates, equally distin- guished for probity, learning, and piety, from taking the oath of allegiance to William. The ground of this refusal, was their opinion, that although James II. was banished from his domi- nions, he yet remained their rigl^tful sovereign. The non-jurors, as they were termed, contended, that Christianity was a doctrine of the cross ; that no pretence whatever could justify an insur- rection against the sovereign ; that the primitive Christians had been passive under every invasion 330 HIGH AND LOW CHURCH. of their rights, affording a plain example to all men ; that non-resistance was the fundamental doctrine of the English church, confirmed by all the sanctions that could be derived from the laws of God and man. The other party, on the con- trary, not only supported the natural rights of man, and explained the use that might be made of the doctrine of non-resistance in exciting com- motions ; but they also argued, that if passive obedience was right in any instance, it was clearly so in regard to the existing government, the obedience required by scripture being indis- criminate. ** The powers that be are ordained of God." ** Let every soul be subject to the higher powers." From these texts they inferred, that the new oaths ought to be taken ; and that those who refused them, concealed party spirit under the cloak of conscience. ' The non-conformists retorted, that those opinions levelled all distinc- tions of duty and justice ; that those who held such opinions, attached themselves solely to per- suasion, not right ; therefore, if there were a suc- cession of usurpers, they, of course, in consist- ency with their principles, would recognise the last, however unjust might be the means which had been used in the acquirement of power. With these sentiments, they vilified the bishops who acknowledged William, as apostates and base temporisers. The conscientious scruples of the primate, and the seven bishops, being insur- mountable, they were suspended from their sacred functions, and deprived of their sees, which were tilled by other prelates of eminent character, but whose principles were not opposed to the existing government. The deposed bi- shops, and the clergy holding the same sentiments, formed a distinct episcopal church, differing in certain points of doctrine, and other circumstances S5*?'8fH'? W'-YT:-:- .■••- ■.■•';;• -fy-^'T^^^r^^t'.t .-•- ■;■ ? :•> -J^tj '-T^-' - .'■ ■■ ■.7 ..^'^"IJwjp???'^-'- ij^F*;*? ■ NON-JURORS AND HIGH CHURCHMEN. 331 of public worship, from the regular established church. This community received the denomi- nation of non-jurors, on account of their refusing the oaths of allegiance. They were also called the high church, on account of the high notions they entertained of the dignity and power of the church, and the extent they gave to its preroga- tives and jurisdiction ; assertions of power which had been naturally created by the gradually en- croaching influence of the sectaries, which had in- duced the friends and supporters of the established church to rally their forces; nothing therefore could be more unfortunate than the division which this scruple of conscience produced, both as giving a plea to the enemies of the church to impugn its weakness and to deride its disunion, as well as actually decreasing and injuring its power and respectability. Those who had disapproved of this schism, who had distinguished themselves by their moderation towards the dissenters, or were less ardent in extending the limits of eccle- siastical authority were denominated low church- men. The bishops who were deprived and those who espoused their cause openly maintained that the church was altogether independent on the jurisdiction of the king and parliament, subject to the authority of God alone, and fully empowered to govern itself by its own laws ; consequently that the sentence against those prelates by the great council of the nation was destitute of justice and validity, as it was only by a decree of an ec- clesiastical council that a bishop could be deposed. This lofty idea of the prerogatives and authority of the church produced bitter controversies too nice and intricate ever to arrive at conclusion. In conformity to the principles of the non-juring clergy, they considered the bishops, although de- posed, rightful possessors of the dignity as long I. ■IJ.-T ..:••■ SBT-f ;.-■-; -r-. ,:„ T_.-^»i'-. . ;"3>-.B-i 332 AllMINIANS — QUAKERS. as they lived, and those who occupied their sees as unjust possessors of ecclesiastical dignities, rebels against the state, as well as schismatics in the church. All who held communion were of course chargeable with rebellion and schism. They pronounced this schism which rent the church a most heinous sin, whose punishment must inevitably fall heavy upon all those who did not return sincerely to the bosom of the true church, from which they had departed. Among those who thus incurred the anathemas of their bretheren were Tillotson, Moore, Patrick, Kidder, Fowler, and Cumberland, whose names are associated with all we can conceive of solid worth, profound learning, and exalted piety, and who appear in history as fair pillars in the temple of the English church. We are to consider the term high church as now of more extensive meaning than we have named as distinguishing this schism, as it is now applied to all those, who though far from being non-jurors or otherwise disaffected towards the present establishment, yet from high conceptions of the authority and jurisdiction of the church, would support its superiority of rank in the state. During this century there also sprang from the bosom of the reformed church two sects, ** whose birth and progress were for a long period painful as well as perplexing to the parent who bore them :" these were the Arminians and Quakers. Indeed the unbounded liberty which every indi- vidual in England enjoys in publishing without restraint his religious opinions and worshipping God in the manner dictated by his conscience, must necessarily produce a variety of sects and give rise to an uninterrupted succession of con- troversies about theological matters. Unfortu- pp'j!?^?-1?<^f!P;?^5%^p^5« *P': ■■* SIR ISAAC NEWTON. 333 nately it is not in our power to direct the faculties of men without restraining them. Hence the fanaticism of any particular train of ideas has too often led to violent actions and an illiberal spirit, by becoming united with human interests, for rare indeed is it to meet with individuals who attach themselves by lively zeal to an opinion indepen- dently of the results it may produce upon their general interests. The age of which we now treat was far from being so favourable to polite literature as to the sciences, for until the revolution the liberty of the press was very imperfectly enjoyed. Amidst the dense obscurations of bigotry and ignorance which marked so large a portion of this period, there were some brilliant stars, whose irradiations have been attended by a luminous train of intellectual light, illuminating even our present times ; stars destined to maintain their high ascendant till the end of time. The name of Newton stands pre-eminent on this exalted list ; in him we contemplate the greatest and the rarest genius that ever arose for the ornament and the instruction of the world. *' While all the grandeur of other days is now mouldering into forge tfulness," says the energetic Chalmers, " the achievements of our great astro- nomer are still fresh in the remembrance of his countrymen, and they carry him forward in the stream of time with a reputation ever gathering and the triumphs of a distinction that will never die." And what has conferred upon him that high distinction among mankind ? Not only the discoveries he made by unveiling the mysteries of nature, but his modesty and intellectual courage in rejecting every thing which he could not de- monstrate, and which while he proceeded un- dauntedly in his march of intellect, more anxious to merit than to acquire fame, led him to ponder 334 WILKINS, BISHOP OF CHESTER. every step, and as he passed through the rich and magnificent field of his discoveries, to suffer no glare of imagination or of prejudice to seduce him from his path. Let us learn a lesson of humility from this truly great man, who appears to us more indeed as a high intelligence to whom the myste- ries of nature were unfolded. A short time before he quitted the world to which his spirit was so superior, he said, " I do not know what I may seem to the world, but as to myself I seem to be only like a boy playing on the sea shore, and diverting myself now and then finding a smoother pebble or prettier shell than ordinary, while the great ocean of truth lies all undiscovered before me." Well may we say with the eminent author we have quoted, as we contemplate the moral portraiture of Newton, rendered attractive and holy by the purest sense of religion, ** I cannot forbear to do honour to the unpretending greatness of Newton, than whom I know not if ever there lighted on the face of our world one in the cha- racter of whose admirable genius so much force and so much humility were more attractively blended." It would carry our digression too far ' to enumerate even the names of the men of su- perior genius who at this period drew on them- selves and their several countries the regard and attention of the civilized world. Besides a New- ton and a Boyle, England could boast the eminent mathematicians Wilkins, Wren, Wallis, the patient Hooke, and Sydenham, the restorer of true phy- sical science. Wilkins was a clergyman and had married Cromwell's sister ; he was afterwards Bishop of Chester : with him a few congenial spirits esta- blished conferences for the mutual communication and improvement of their philosophical discoveries. Immediately after the restoration these intellec- "TH^'^^^fPBP - .; - ■ -T»- •■-•-;•• ••;'^'; ^Y^r^^^r7--.v-*;'^---'-'- ;■•- -S- ' -'v'^'v'P-';^** 7>^: THE ROYAL SOCIETY. 335 tual friends procured a patent from Charles, and augmenting their number, formed what is known by th€ denomination of the Royal Society. In regard to polite literature, although perhaps we may regard the period of the restoration as that when our language assumed much facility and clearness, as well as fluency and grace, from the study of the French literature, yet it is far from being justly termed the Augustan age of England, for though mere style was improved, yet the sen- timents conveyed by the refined language partook far too largely of that great licentiousness which marked the morals of the times. In no period of the history of our country had so many causes combined to injure the national character. In the tumultuous struggles for power and the general anarchy, riotous intemperance marked the habits of the men, who frequently became the victims of ambition and the tools of desperate leaders. The licentiousness of those who were instigated by pride, poverty, and passion to set their lives at hazard, was scarcely more destructive to morals than the horrid hypocrisy which succeeded. In the first instance the calamitous circumstances of the times had precluded attention to education, and the restraints of authority were relaxed, while the ruin of individuals deprived them of the means of instruction for their children. When fanaticism triumphed, learning was regarded either with ab- horrence or contempt. In this deteriorated state, Charles was called to assume authority, but he was during the whole period of his reign too much involved in pecuniary difficulties, the natural re- sult of his licentious habits, to be the efficient en- courager of learning like his proud contemporary, Louis. Amonsf the causes and effects of this debase- ment of national purity and refinement we may ■f%^''%:.'r: ^y^^Wr ■•■■ ' '^'■'^ ■-5»-^>--^.r ,,.■ .-.■..-.-.. v.y/,.^ . • - .""^r^iwvS^^-T 33G NATIONAL MANNERS. ■1- confidently rank the degradation of the female character. The free principles of the times had loosened the bonds of relative affection as well as those of authority ; the characters of women were so much altered during the progress of the national troubles that we can hardly recognise them as a part of the same community as the English, and this particularly illustrates the evils of revolutions, which level the distinguishing grades of civil and moral being. " The young women," remarks Lord Clarendon, " conversed without circumspection or modesty, and frequently met at taverns and common eating-houses. They who were stricter and more severe in their deportment became the wives of the seditious preachers, or of the officers in the army, while the daughters of noble and il- lustrious families bestowed themselves upon the divines of the time or other low and unequal matches." Till this calamitous period it had been customary to give females a learned education, by which, if it sometimes produced pedantry, the in- tellectual resources of women were the security of their moral conduct, as their studies were ge- nerally directed to the sources which strengthened their moral and religious principles. But when the national troubles deprived individuals of this power of obtaining those advantages, they soon became undervalued in the estimation of society. Thus the very springs of instruction were closed, or if a few rills yet remained, they were polluted by li- centiousness or rendered disgusting by fanaticism ; but not only did this selfish spirit interfere with private and domestic instruction, it also even suspended its public use. The pious and obser- vant Evelyn remarks in his journal, that during the tyranny of the common-wealth, he was ac- customed on Sunday afternoon to catechise and instruct his family. " These exercises," he adds, .^ THE ENGLISH COURT. 337 " universally ceasing in the parish churches, so as people had no principles, and grew very ignorant of even the common points of Christianity ; all devotion being now placed in hearing sermons and discourses of speculative and national things." It is an assertion of which experience attests the truth, that where the women sink in character, where the household and feminine virtues have no longer estimation, manly dignity, probity, and honour and national prosperity must be endangered, weakened, and destroyed. Sir William Temple bears witness to this lamentable demoralization of the period. He says, ** I have seen no country so generally corrupted as my own by a common pride and affectation of despising and laughing at all force of order, and virtue, and conformity to laws, which after all," he emphatically adds, " are qualities that most conduce both to the happiness of a public state and the ease of private life." Amongst those who had the disgraceful and lamentable pre-eminence in debasing and cor- rupting the public morals by the perversion of talents, and the unprincipled use of the keen weapons of ridicule, stands conspicuous Lord Goring, whose life so injurious to the morals of his country was ended in a Spanish Dominican convent, for passing from the extreme of profligacy to that of superstition,, he assumed the monastic habit. Buckingham followed in his sins, abusing all the advantages of fortune, station, and talents to the worst purposes, and with other compeers in wickedness made the court of Charles a scene of depravity. Most of the writers of this age indeed present evidences of genius perverted by the most corrupt and impure passions, and though eminent in abilities, as distinguished for the perversion of them. Sir William Temple seems almost the only VOL. II. z 338 CLARENDON — LOCKE — BARROW. honourable exception, one who remained unpol- luted by the contagion of vice and licentiousness which pervaded the nation : we speak of what is termed elegant literature. In history we may rank Clarendon for accuracy, impartiality, and variety of incident, truly interesting, though de- fective and prolix in style. As a mathematician and divine Dr. Barrow ranks high, possessed of an enlarged and comprehensive mind, an imagina- tion glowing and rich, he placed his subject in the most luminous point of view, and forcibly and im- pressively brought his arguments to bear, for deeply feeling the emotions he desired to excite, his was the command of true eloquence. The high church Tillotson contrasted with Barrow, but he possessed his own peculiar excellencies. Strength and fervour marked the one, simplicity and gentleness distinguished the other. In philosophy the name of Locke cannot be forgotten ; the highest powers of intellect are embodied in language marked by precision, per- spicuity, and simplicity, almirably suited to the subjects treated. These and mumberless other writers distinguish the period between the restora- tion and the commencement of the reign of Anne, to which we are arrived ; after this period, which may be better regarded as the Augustan period of English literature than that of the restoration, a host of writers arose, who in different ways con- tributed to accelerate the march of intellect, and to enlarge and refine our language and our moral sentiments. How great an influence has literature upon national manners, and how powerful the in- fluence of manners on the press ! There certainly is not a more subtile and terrible poison in the world than that which is extracted from and ad- ministered by corrupt literature, as there is not a more powerful engine of good than that of books. INFLUENCE OF BOOKS. 339 written in the spirit of virtuous benevolence and drawing their arguments from the pure founts of rational religion and true philosophy. Mineral, vegetable, and other poisons operate only on the physical system, they destroy only the corporal man, they reach not his better part, his undying soul. But that which is administered by books, while it is deadly, is slowly and imperceptibly imbibed by the victim. It fascinates the mental taste, and spreads its envenomed influence on a page of snow. That only deserves the name of mortal poison which affects not the corporal powers, but the faculties of the mind, the senti- ments of the heart. The inexperienced soul, un- suspecting of danger, has no thought of the se- duction which is stealing over its best feelings ; it has no consciousness of imbibing evil with the pleasure it experiences in the gratification of its taste in marking the daring flights of genius. The mischief is not suspected nor perceived till the germs of it have taken root, and favouring circum- stances cause the deleterious plant to spring ; then it is found that impressions strongly received into the mind cannot be obliterated without agony; thoughts which have fixed their blasting influence on the brain. The virtuous feelings of the soul cannot be recalled ; the delicate bloom of mental and moral innocence once removed, is never to be replaced. If such are the effects of literature on the human mind, how much does it behove ex- perience to direct the youthful student, and firmly though gently to enter a protest against all those writers who prostitute their talents to the purposes of vice, licentiousness, and baneful sophistries, making good evil, and evil good ! z 2 340 CHAPTER XXVI. A.u. 1703. Discontent and oppressions in Ireland — Their causes — Lord Ormond invested with the government — A parliament — Its acts — Intrigues of the catholics — Discontents of England, have great infltience on Ireland — Acts of the clergy — Sache- vcrell tool of the tory party — Excitement of popular feeling — Sachcvercll impeached- -Impolicy of the measure — The trial and sentence — Changes in the administration — Conclu- sion of a peace — Marlborough removed — Parties equally violent in Ireland — Contentions and acrimony of the parlia- ment — Duke of Shrewsbtiry governor — Prorogues the par- liament — Returns to England — Leaves Chancellor Phipps and the Archbishop of Armagh justices of the kingdom- Hopes of the jacobins elevated by the peace of Utrecht — Demise of the Queen — Accession of George the First — Im- peachment of the Duke of Ormond, with the Lords Oxford and Bolingbroke — Ormond and Bolingbroke escape to France — Parliament of Ireland — Its dispositon and acts — Pretender passes into Scotland — Commences operations — Attacked and routed by the royal army — State of popular feeling — Parlia- ments made septennial — Acts of the English parliament of 1718 — Discontents and disorders— South Sea scheme — Noble- men committed to the Tower — Atterbury banished — Oppres- sions and grievances in Ireland — Practice of appeals from the Irish to the English parliament, complained of as an in- tolerable grievance — English parliament brings in a bill for the better securing the independence of Ireland — Affair of Wood — It increases the popular irritation — Tranquillity en- joyed under the government of Lord Carteret — An upright parliament — Judicious acts and regulations — Lord Carteret succeeded by the Duke of Dorset — Lord Chesterfield' s popular administration — Charles Lucas — His political character — French invasion — Parliament assembles — Loyalty of the Irish — Hostile invasion — Siege of Carrickfergus — French take and plunder it — They sail — White Boys — Causes of popular com- motion — Sufferings of the people — Judge Aston — The catho- lics protest their loyalty — Disturbances in Ulster — The cause — Oak Boys — Steel Boys — Their disorders — Commercial re- strictions — Calamitous effects to the country — Irish affairs taken into consideration, but unsuccessful in result. ?v: ■- ■ ' '■- '■V'.WJIFaR; ^■^'■. '■£• ■•• ^„-- ■;■■; :,-.-. ■■ . •. .■-;■ .■ --(^^if^ SWIFT CARTERET CHESTERFIELD. 353 inasmuch that Bi shilling of the halfpence he made were not intrinsically worth one penny. Power- ful remonstrances were made against this patent, and among the writers who excited the gr.atitude of the country in pointing out the destructive in- fluence of the measure upon, the trade and revenue of the nation was Dean Swift, who by the manli- ness of his arguments and his fearless truisms nearly involved himself in danger. The Irish by these oppressions were rendered yet more tenaci- ous of their rights and jealous of their invasion, while the British ministry seemed eagerly to watch for every opportunity of encroaching upon them. It is pleasing however to find the vexations and causes of irritation passed away, and that under the government of Lord Carteret the Irish people enjoyed singular tranquillity, while the parlia- ment at that period proved (what they should be,) the fathers and friends of their country. Funds were established for the discharge of the national debt, and for maintaining the expense of govern- ment, wholesome laws enacted, and niany judici- ous regulations in different branches of civil eco- nomy. When Lord Carteret returned to England he was succeeded by the Duke of Dorset. Nothing interesting marks the interval between this and the government of Lord Chesterfield, ap- pointed in 1745. The term of this nobleman's power is distinguished for the moderation he evinced and the attention he gave to the liberties of the people. He was advised to augment the forces of Ireland by four thousand men, on ac- count of the apprehensions of government re- specting the rebellion in favour of the pretender. Instead of this he evinced his confidence in the Irish by sending four battalions to the army of the Duke of Cumberland, and encouraged the volunteer associations which formed in different VOL. II. A A 354 ROMISH WORSHIP PERMITTED. places for the defence of the country. All this was done with a judicious attention to economy and mindfulness to avoid all oppression of the people. More especially was his administration popular and satisfactory on account of the atten- tion he paid to the catholics. Before his arrival the Roman catholic chapels had been shut up ; their priests were commanded by proclamation to leave the kingdom, and such as disobeyed had been subjected to imprisonment and other penal- ties. Lord Chesterfield however, from a convic- tion that the affections may be gained by gentle means, permitted them to exercise their religion without disturbance ; with a generous confidence he disregarded the insinuations thrown out of their forming plots against government, nor was the tranquillity of the nation in any degree dis- turbed by the indulgence granted. On Lord Chesterfield leaving Ireland his bust was placed at the public expence in the Castle at Dublin. Having quitted his honourable station in the spring of 1746 Ireland continued to be governed by lords justices till the autumn, when Lord Har- rington was invested with the power as lord lieu- tenant. It was at this period that the celebrated Charles Lucas, distinguished for his patriotism and firmness, advocated the rights of his fellow citizens, which had been invaded, and produced a protracted contest between the commons and aldermen in Dublin. Government became alarmed at the boldness of Lucas, and the popular excite- ment it produced. He was charged with libel from some expressions in his publications ; he was voted an enemy to his country, and the lord lieu- tenant was addressed to prosecute him. The universal esteem however with which he was re- garded saved him from the effects of ministerial severity, but he was obliged to leave Ireland. ?^ LOYALTY OF CATHOLICS. 355 After some time he returned, and such was still his popularity, that he was chosen member for Dublin, in which honourable station he continued to dis- tinguish himself by the same virtuous principles he had ever held, and finally died with the cha- racter he had preserved through life of the incor- ruptible Lucas. In 1759 the alarm of the French invasion, which disturbed the tranquillity of England, diffused it- self also to Ireland, producing some public dis- order. The parliament assembled at Dublin, and a message of the lord lieutenant intimated the alarmed state of national feeling, and urged the Irish to maintain the honour and to exert them- selves in the defence of the kingdom. The loyalty of the Irish was manifested on this occasion ; no sign of disaffection to the reigning family appeared, but on the contrary, the wealthy individuals of the Roman catholic faith -offered to accommodate the government \vith considerable sums in case of necessity, in order to support the existing esta- blishment against its enemies, strongly expressing their sense of the king's paternal tenderness for his kingdom of Ireland, and gratefully acknow- ledging that protection and indulgence they had enjoyed under his dominion. They professed their indignation at the threatened invasion of the kingdom by an enemy who, vainly flattered with an imaginary hope of assistance in Ireland, from the former attachment of the people, presumed upon it. They added, that such schemes they solemnly averred were altogether inconsistent with their principles and intentions, and declared they were ready to unite in defence of and sup- port of his majesty's person and government, &c. Such assurances could not but be pleasing at a juncture so important and critical ; but although no disaffection prevailed, a spirit of dissatisfaction A A 2 •--#s,-«;«r ■'■ ' ' -^^i- 356 RIOT — FUKNCll ARMAMENT. manifested itself among the populace of Dublin. This arose from the idea among the lower classes that a union was soon to take place between Great Britain and Ireland, in which event the latter would be deprived of its parliament, and as it was thought all vestige of independency, and subjected to the same taxes which might be levied upon the English. This notion, whether justly grounded or not, so greatly inflamed the populace that they assembled in great multitudes, broke into the House of Lords, insulted the peers, and compelled the members of both houses to take an oath, that they would never consent to such union or give any vote contrary to the true interest of Ireland. The military were drawn out on the occasion, but the multitude dispersed during the night. A committee of inquiry was appointed the following day to discover and punish the ring- leaders. The year 1760 is distinguished in Irish annals as having been disturbed by an inconsiderable hostile invasion by the French, as a diversion to facilitate the enterprize of M. de Conflans, which ended so fatally for him. The invading armament now alluded to consisted originally of five vessels, having one thousand and seventy land forces on board ; the whole was commanded by the cele- brated Thurot, whose reputation as commander of a privateer had advanced him to the important service. On arrival at the coast of Ireland, a violent storm obliged the armament to seek shelter in Lough Foyle, and the wind shifting the vessels were obliged to put out to sea. Two of them were separated ; after being tempest beaten some time and reduced to very scanty allowance the • officers requested their commander to return to France, lest they should perish by famine ; but he was regardless of their entreaties, frankly -*-?y«!p^?5P^..>^t^' ' V ■' "■ /■■:--'77- ACCESSION OF GEO KG E II f. 357 telling them that he would not return without having struck some stroke for the service of his country. In the hope of meeting with some re- freshment he steered to the island of Isla, where they anchored and obtained some cattle and a small supply of oatmeal, for both of which Thurot honourably paid. Animated by this timely re- freshment they thence sailed to Carrickfergus ; the whole kingdom having caught alarm from the arrival of the French on the coast. The troops effected a descent ; they amounted to about six hundred men. Lieutenant-Colonel Jennings then commanded four companies of undisciplined men at Carrickfergus ; he commanded a detachment to watch the motions of the enemy, taking the precaution to send some French prisoners to Bel- fast. A regular attack on the town was made by the French, and a spirited defence ensued, but was rendered unsuccessful on the part of the English by the failure of ammunition. The enemy took possession of Carrickfergus, and the garrison betook themselves to the castle, where they were soon obliged to capitulate, after having killed about two hundred of the enemy, with the loss of only three on their own side. The French having plundered the town did not attempt to advance further into the country, for a considerable number of troops had been assembled and the people ma- nifested a laudable spirit of loyalty and resolution. The French therefore set sail, and were three days subsequent captured by Captain Elliot, Thurot being killed in the engagement. Soon after the accession of George the Third Ireland first began to be disturbed by a banditti, called by some Levellers, and by others White Boys, from their wearing a white frock to dis- tinguish themselves. These lawless individuals being principally of the Romish religion, the pre- piff^wf_ ; ;■■' ■ -r- ;■■ •; --v ■::^f^'>'^''^-^^-sv^.'^!fS^:'^^]fi^- 358 EVIL OF LARGE FARMS. judices against that class of the community broke forth in the usual manner. It was alleged that a plot had been formed against the government, and that French and Spanish emissaries had been sent over to Ireland to be employed in the execu- tion of the treasonable designs. It may be truly said that physical misery leads to moral delin- quency, and to the former we may attribute the unlawful acts of the wretched population, which under these circumstances are the too ready en- gines to effect the complicated designs of deep politicians, or bold ambitious spirits. The origin of the popular commotion at the period we allude to may be traced to causes far removed from political. Early In this century the murrain broke out among the horned cattle in the dutchy of Hoi stein, from thence it spread to other parts of Germany ; from Germany it reached Holland, and as might be expected extended to England, where it raged with violence several years. Some investigation of the penal laws against papists about the same period encouraged the inhabitants of the south of Ireland to direct their thoughts to agriculture, and in consequence the poor even began to enjoy the necessaries of life in a comfortable manner ; but by reason of the cattle-disease mentioned, a foreign demand for beef and butter became very considerable. The ground appropriated to grazing of course became more valuable than that em- ployed in tillage : the poor cottars were every where dispossessed of their little possessions, which the mercenary landlords let to monopolisers, who could afford a higher rent. Whole baronies were now laid open to pasturage, while the former inhabitants were plunged into poverty, wretched- ness and desperation, not knowing how to obtain a subsistence. Those know little of the human DISTURBANCES WHITE BOYS. 359 heart, who are not aware how much the moral sanctions which animate and direct it are weakened or deadened by the existence or combination of circumstances that plunge an individual into want or approximate him to it, and more especially so when such a wretched state is produced by oppression and injustice. The milk of human kindness and sympathy is then turned to gall, ^d'st^ caressed thinks himself justified in acts of hostility and revenge. In consequence of this state of things in Ireland, numbers of the peasan- try, who were progressively improving their con- dition in their native land, were driven to emi- grate, or fled to the immoral atmosphere of cities. A few who remained took small plots of land at an exorbitant price, where they en- deavoured, if possible, to procure the means of protracting a miserable existence for themselves and families. The aggregate of human misery produced by these individual instances was very great, and in- sensibly poisoned that generous feeling which at- taches a man to the government of his country. During some time these poor creatures were al- lowed by the more humane landlords the liberty of commonage ; but subsequently this was disal- lowed, in despite of common justice and even po- sitive agreement. At the same time the pay- ment of tithes and the low price of labour, (not exceeding the wages in the time of Elizabeth,) aggravated beyond measure the distresses of the sufferers. In such a situation it can be no subject of wonder, when we consider the ignorance of the lower classes, that illegal methods were resorted to in expectation of redress. The people assem- bled in parties during the night, turned up the ground, destroyed cattle, levelled enclosures, and committed other acts of violence. These ebulli- ■* * - Jf ' .■ ' -^ •' .-. *^ ,v ' • '■ ^' ■ ■ ■"' 1, ■ ' ■- - ■ ■ ■. . ■*•■-■-. 1 "■^'. . -i • TiGO JUDGK ASTON. , ■;«■ tions of desperate feeling and unavailing efforts were construed into religious frenzy and plots against the government : numbers of the offenders were apprehended in Limerick, Cork, and Tip- perary, and some condemned and executed. In some places these poor unhappy wretches, instead of being regarded as they truly were, as objects of compassion, were prosecuted with severity . Judge Aston however forms an honourable exceptidn to this severe spirit; he executed his painful and arduous duty, when sent to try them, with so much humanity as to do the highest honour to his feelings and integrity. An extraordinary and affecting instance of this is related. On his return to Dublin after having tried the prisoners at Clon- mell, for above ten miles from that place the road was lined with men, women, and children, who, as he passed, kneeled down and implored the blessing of heaven upon him as their guardian and protector. The violences of the White Boys continued. The idea of rebellion still prevailed, and many gentle- men supposed to be instigators were obliged to give surety in order to protect themselves from injury. The Catholics of Waterford presented a petition to Lord Hertford thegovernor in behalf of themselves and brethren, protesting their loyalty and ready obedience to government. But the error was, no step was taken to investigate or to remove the cause of the disturbances. About two years subsequent to this appearance of the White Boys, a similar commotion arose in Ulster, but the cause was dif- ferent, and the effect of much shorter duration. By an act of parliament the making and repairing highways in Ireland was formerly a grievous op- pression on the lower ranks. A housekeeper who had no horse was obliged to work at them six days in the year, and if he had a horse the labour of im^ ' ^^^ INSURRECTIONS. 3G1 both was required. Besides this the poor com- plained that they were frequently obliged to work at roads made for the convenience of individuals, and which were of no service to the public. Com- plaints were also made of the unreasonable tithes exacted by the clergy, and the high rent of lands. It was in 1773 therefore that being exasperated by a road proposed to be made through a part of the county of Armagh, the inhabitants most nearly affected by it rose simultaneously and declared they would make no more high roads of the kind. As a mark of distinction they wore oak boughs in their hats, and hence were styled Oak Boys. The number of these partizans rapidly increased and the insurrection became general throughout the counties of Armagh, Tyrone, Berry, and Fer- managh. In a few weeks however they were dis- persed by the military, and the public tranquillity was restored with the loss of only a few lives. The road act which had roused the latent inflam- matory feeling was repealed the next session, and it was determined for the future that the^oa/is should be made and repaired by a tax equany assessed on the lands of the rich and poor. Besides these two parties of insurgents, a third arose calling themselves Steel Boys. They appear to have been instigated by the following incident. The estate of an absentee nobleman happened to be out of lease, he therefore proposed instead of taking ad- ditional rent, to take fines from his tenants. Many who at that time possessed his lands were unable to comply with his terms, while others vv^ho could afford to do so, insisted upon a greater rent from the immediate tenants than they were able to pay. The usual unhappy consequences of such a species of oppression, of course took place. Numbers being dispersed became destitute and desperate, committed outrages which rendered them obnox- ious to the laws. One of these wretched indivi- ^.■ 362 STEEL BOYS. duals charged with felony was carried to Belfast in order to be committed to the county gaol, but his associates exasperated at their situation, deter- mined to release him. The design was eagerly entered into by great numbers all over the county, and several thousand having provided themselves with offensive weapons, proceeded to Belfast in ^ order to rescue the prisoner. To prevent this he was removed to the barracks under the guard of soldiers. But the determined Steel Boys pressed forward to effect their purpose by force, and some shots were actually exchanged between them and the military. The consequences would undoubt- edly have been very serious but for the courageous conduct of a physician, who interfered even at the risk of his life, and prevailed on those concerned to release the prisoner. The tumult however was not thus quelled, the combustible spirit had been ignited, and the flame rapidly spread. The number of insurgents daily increased, and the disorders and violences committed greatly exceeded those of the former parties. Some of the ringleaders were taken and tried at Carrickfergus, but none were condemned. This indulgence was attributed to the fear of popular resentment influencing the judges, an act was therefore made enjoining the trial of such persons, for the future, to be held in counties different from those in which the crimes were committed. But this breach of a funda- mental law of the constitution was so offensive, that subsequently when some of the Steel Boys were taken up and committed to Dublin Castle, no jury would pronounce them guilty. The obnoxious law was therefore repealed, after, which some of the insurgents being tried in their respective coun- ties were condemned ; but again as no efforts were taken to remove the cause of revolt, the continual distresses of the people drove thousands of them to America. We have related these causes of dis- DISTRESSES IN IRELAND. 363 tress to prove that it was neither religion nor fana- ticism which inspired the public, but an intoler- able sense of oppression produced by a narrow and superficial policy, and a culpable indifference to individual and national welfare. In the tumult of man's passions it is impossible to make him understand, that his personal interest is inti- mately connected with the maintenance of ge- neral order. These passions may be coerced by the strong arm of authority, but they acquire internal strength, and are ready to rise into action on the first plausible opportunity afforded by the vicissi- tudes of the political or moral world. The irrita- tion of wretchedness is easily produced, and it is necessary under such circumstances that a spirit of beneficence and forbearance animate the go- verning, softening by its attention and assistance the excess of wretchedness existing, and which by a multitude of channels like the vital stream, spreads itself through forlorn beings whom misery had almost exhausted. It is unnecessary to dwell upon the long continued discontents of the Irish, relative to their commercial restrictions. Suffice it to say that these, combined with remonstrances from England on various accounts, particularly for the payment of forces abroad, produced in the country the most calamitous effects. Individuals of every rank and condition were deeply involved and affected by the depression. Had the state of the exchequer admitted, grants might have been made to promote industry and to alleviate the national distress, but it was too much exhausted to afford relief. To illustrate this national poverty it is only necessary to add that the forces abroad could not be paid, and to enable the Irish govern- ment to pay for those at home they were obliged to borrow 50,000/. from England. The money re- 364 DEBATES ON TRADE, &C. quisite for parliament was also borrowed at exor- bitant interest. England could not but be affected by the wretched state of the sister kingdom. In- deed individuals possessing estates in Ireland were sharers in the common calamity, and the attention of many in the British parliament was directed to the situation of the unfortunate Irish, even though they possessed no personal interest in it. While things were in this deplorable state. Earl Nugent undertook the cause of the Irish in parliament, by moving that their affairs should be taken into con- sideration. This being agreed to, it was followed by several others favourable to the commerce of the Island. The trades and manufactures of England how- ever took the alarm, and petitioned against the Irish, and such was the opposing spirit that a warm contest took place at the second reading of the bills. Though the efforts of those who fa- voured the cause of Ireland proved at this time un- successful, they renewed their endeavours before the Christmas recess, urging that independent of all claims from justice and humanity, the relief of Ireland was enforced by necessity. Ireland had hitherto been passive, but there was danger by driving her to extremities, that she would cast oft' the yoke altogether, on the other hand they insisted that very considerable advantages must ensue to Britain by the emancipation of Ireland, and every benefit extended to that country would be returned with accumulated interest. The result of this was equally unsuccessful. Various other efforts were however made to render the laws of trade more effectually beneficial to the country, but nothing more could be obtained than a kind of compro- mise, by which Lord Gower pledged himself, as far as he could answer for the conduct of others, that during the recess some plan should be devised STATE OF IRELAND. 365 for accommodating the affairs of Ireland to the sa- tisfaction of all parties. Thus were the hopes of the oppressed and the miserable from time to time defeated. Against every effort of arbitrary power the mind naturally revolts, conciliation and gen- tleness are the most powerful engines both in the political and moral world. 'W ■ 256 CHAPTER XXVIT. Latent discontent — Crisis of affairs — The roused spirit of the Irish volunteers — Irish "parliament address the king — Irish af- fairs discussed in the English parliament — Propositions of Lord North — Acts of parliament — Popularity of Lord North in Ireland — Discontent manifested — Increase of volunteer as- sociations — Letters of Owen Roe O'Nial — Mutiny bill — Henry Grattan — Discontents — Reviews — Anticipated invasion of Ireland — Bad policy of the government — Resolution of the volunteers — Meet at Dungannon — Proceedings — Mr. Grattan moves an address to his Majesty — Association formed — Duke of Portland appointed lord lieutenant — Grattan renews his address — Succeeds in it — His great popularity — Jealousies continue — Conduct of Britain equivocal — Lord Temple ap- pointed lord lieutenant — Representation to the English par- liament — Result satisfactory — Effects of French revolution in Ireland — Character of the Irish — Mischievous union of re- ligious opinions and political party spirit — United Irishmen — Their reforming views — Bill for the relief of the catholics — Military force — Proceedings of United Irishmen — They pub- lish a manifesto — Disunion of the Irish — Catholic convention — Proceedings — They prepare a petition to the king — The re- sult — Jealousies increase — Popular excitement — Debates re- specting the Irish in the British parliament — Earl Fitzwilliam recalled — Lord Camden governor — Public ferment— Activity of United Irishmen — Revolutionary spirit — They apply to the French government — Lawless excesses — French prevented land- ing — Proclamation — Martial law — Organization of Society of United Irishmen — Prejudices against the catholics — So- cieties of Orangemen — The activity of reforming emissaries — Inflammatory document — Effects — Intercourse with the French — Invasion attempted^ abortive^ as also was a second attempt — Determination of the government — Members of Directory arrested — Proclamation — Military execution — Distresses — Severity of government — Insurrection checked — Dreadful ra- vages — Insurrection spreads — Measures of coercion necessary — The consequences. ■■■si* w VOLUNTEERS OF IRELAND. 367 Under these circumstances of external suffering the embers of a discontented spirit, and impa- tience of neglect and oppression were continually gaining additional warmth, until they burst forth into flame. The affairs of the country hastened to a crisis, and forced the British ministry to attend to those means which could relieve the suffering country. As long as the Irish affairs were under the consideration of the British parliament the in- habitants observed some portion of patience, but when they found the minister desert the cause he had favoured, their discontent was inflamed in the highest degree. The laws which had been passed in their favour were considered, but as a cruel mockery cheating them with hopes of relief, and it was now resolved to resort to such measures as should effectually convince the ministry that it was not their interest to act as they had done. Despairing of redress, they had recourse to the forming associations, and in a few months almost the whole nation was up in arms. Neighbouring powers were astonished to see an army of 50,000 volunteers risen on a sudden and equipped at their own expence, ready either to repel foreign invasion or domestic usurpation. Such as presumed to op- pose the voice of the people, were exposed to ob- loquy and contempt. These volunteer associa- tions openly avowed their fixed determination to demand a restitution of their rights from the British ministry, while they proposed unbounded loyalty and attachment to the king. In their con- duct they were exemplary, for instead of exciting disorders they restrained every kind of irregularity, and exerted themselves with unanimity and vigour, in the due execution of the laws. That they were, however, objects of apprehen- sion to government is not surprising; for when once men have entered the path of popular re- fe.^. 368 FIIEK TRADE DEMANDED. I sistance, it too often happens that any thing tending to peace and reconciliation, though it were really favourable to their interests, would be rejected, and the public mind had been too much irritated not to excite apprehension of the result. These associations might, doubtless, in their in- fancy, have been repressed, by attention to the causes which had produced them ; but they had now proceeded too far to be resisted without im- minent national danger ; those benefits which the Irish had entreated as generous boons from the ministry, they were now fully prepared and de- termined to demand as their just rights. As it appeared impossible to restrain these associations, attempts were made to bring them under the crown ; this, however, was impracticable, there- fore a generous confidence in them was thought to be the most politic ; it was accordingly ordered that sixteen thousand stand of arms should be delivered to them. The Irish parliament, ani- mated by the spirit manifested by the nation, and pressed by various individual difficulties, resolved to exert themselves, in order to procure the relief the country so greatly required. In an address to his majesty, 1779, it was said, ** that it was not by temporary expedients, but by a free trade alone that Ireland was now to be saved from im- pending ruin." The popular agitation was at this time very great : in the British house of peers the griev- ances of Ireland were the first subjects of discus- sion, and produced warm debates. A nobleman forcibly represented the necessity of granting relief; he observed that the Irish, now conscious of possessing a force and consequence not before enjoyed, had resolved to apply it to obtain the advantages of which the nation, by their spirited exertions, now showed themselves worthy. He "•.■■■ f'tfJl^V-'^ '"T^l/f REVOLUTIONABY DESIGNS. 383 publications, adapted to the range of their under- standing and addressed to their passions. That the overthrow of the existing system of govern- ment and the erection of the Irish nation into an independent republic, unconnected with England and not merely a reform in parliament, was the object of this society, at least of the majority of its members, is clearly proved by the engagements they entered into, as they are all of a direct revo- lutionary cast. One of these documents is as fol- lows, it is entirely illustrative of our assertion. *' In the present great era of reform, when un- just governments are falling in every quarter of Europe, when religious persecution is compelled to abjure her tyranny over conscience, when the rights of man are ascertained in theory, and that theory substantiated by practice, when antiquity can no longer defend absurd and oppressive forms against the common sense and common interests of mankind, when all government is acknowledged to originate from the people, and to be so far only obligatory as it protects their rights and pro- motes their welfare ; we think it our duty as Irishmen to come forward and state what we feel to be our heavy grievance, and what we know to be its effectual remedy. " We have no national government : we are ruled by Englishmen and the servants of Englishmen, whose object is the interest of another country, whose instrument is corruption, whose strength is the weakness of Ireland, and these men have the whole of the power and patronage of the country, as means to seduce and subdue the honesty and spirit of her representatives in the legislature. Such an extensive power, acting with uniform force in a direction too frequently opposite to the true line of our obvious interests, can be resisted with effect solely by unanimity, decision, and 384 INVASION THREATENED. spirit in the people — qualities which may be ex- erted most legally, constitutionally, and efficaci- ously by that great measure essential to the pros- perity and freedom of Ireland, an equal represen- tation of all the people in parliament." But independent of the language of this decla- ration there is abundant evidence to prove the ex- tent of the revolutionary frenzy at this period among the Irish reformers, and too many causes of discontent arose from various species of oppres- sion, serving to irritate rather than soften the moral malady. In 1796 the chiefs of the society made application to the French government, and an invasion of Ireland was promised by the latter for the subversion of the British power in Ireland . The vigilance of government however penetrated this design of internal and external hostility, and the executive administration was invested with augmented power to counteract it : as must ever be the case when the governing and the governed pursue different interests, acts of severity on the one part excited the determination of resistance on the other. Hence the lower classes, to obtain arms like the defenders, assembled in the night and disarmed those whom they regarded as ad- herents to government ; and in the prosecution of their designs various species of violence were committed. In the mean time^ in despite of the enforcement of a proclamation against these out- rages, the united Irish of Ulster would have ob- tained and certainly employed the means of insur- rection, if the French forces had effected their, landing at Ban try Bay. This was prevented by a storm, which divided the fleet, said to have con tained an army of fifteen thousand men, and the exertion of the society to second this invasion w^as prevented by a remarkable inconsistency of intelligence referring to it. A systematic con- MARTlyVL LAW PROCLAIMED. 385 tinuance of outrages occasioned of course an in- creased determination to suppress them ; a pro- clamation was issued enjoining all persons, not empowered to keep arms by government, to sur- render them and ammunition to the commanding officers in their respective vicinities : this measure however was found an inadequate remedy for the evil. The civil power was then declared not ade- quate to the preservation of peace, and the martial law was deemed necessary ; much misery, dis- content, and disorder ensued, but order was at length restored throughout Ulster, the admini- stration was again vested in the civil power. Mean time several changes took place in the organization of the society of United Irishmen, adapted to the circumstances which excited their attention. This society has justly been said to have composed " an artfully framed union," the component parts of which it does not seem neces- sary here to specify ; suffice it to say, that it was a great revolutionary machine which speedily and accurately put in motion many lesser operations in the political world. To form a fund for the various expenses attendant on the operations of this great engine, monthly subscriptions were col- lected in the several societies, and treasurers ap- pointed by suffrage for their collection and dis- bursement. From this fund also was derived supplies to remunerate the emissaries employed to extend the union and to disseminate the prin- ciples which were to form -the bond which at- tached them. These political missionaries were directed to work on the passions, the prejudices, and the feelings of those to whom they addressed themselves, and where ability was found, to sup- ply with books to keep alive the impression made by oral communication. What were the argu- ments used may well be imagined by those who VOL. II. c c 386 ORANGE SOCIETIES. have witnessed that tremendous revolution which, in another country, levelled the distinctions of right and wrong, let loose the basest propensities of the human heart, and abandoned men to the madden- ing violence of their own passions, while princi- ples were trampled under foot, which never can 0- be prostrated with impunity. •' Inconsistently with the original plan of the United Irishmen great pains were taken to revive and exasperate the ancient religious antipathy of the catholics against their protestant fellow sub- jects, and the means resorted to for this purpose were similar to those it has been our painful duty so often to record during the progress of this re- trospect. Societies of orangemen, as the pro- testant parties were called, took their first rise in the county of Armagh, where a mortal feud ori- ginating, it is said, from a. private quarrel, had subsisted since 1785, between the lowest class of the presbyterians and Romanists, (see Gordon,) and this antipathy was manifested by various cruel outrages. For self-preservation the protestants of Armagh, in the year 1795, formed associations under the denomination of Orangemen, a denomination de- rived from William Prince of Orange, who having rescued the protestants of Ireland had given them the ascendency. Thus was religious hatred ex- tending its baneful influence over the unhappy country, each assuming some fair ostensible reason for the acts suggested by their private opinions. The poison which the revolutionists had infused into the breasts of the ignorant and the simple, was soon made apparent by its deleterious effects. Too many causes of complaint existed, so to give ample subject to the declamations of the re- formers forcibly to act upon the feelings of the PRETEXTS FOR REBELLION. 387 populace ; the tithes, that ever prominent feature in the picture of discontent and oppression, were represented in a view all could too well under- stand, and the fair prospect of their abolition was held out to tempt the unguarded peasantry to enter into their deep laid designs. While the emissaries of the union thus aroused and interested the feelings of the peasantry with respect to tithes, they were not less assiduous and artful in their endeavours to prejudice the opinions of the laity in general against every part of the ecclesiastical establishment. They argued that the vast expenses of this establishment were useless for the purposes of religion or the en- couragement or support of literature, since pre- ferments were given solely from temporal or poli- tical motives, without regard to moral character or literary merit. Thus arguing against the use by the abuse of the institution, and pointing out solitary instances as the evils of the entire system; to persons unused or unable to form just distinc- tions they easily excited an unconquerable and decided prejudice against the objects of their in- sinuations. Though the precautions of the legis- lature had circumscribed the liberty of the press, still means were found to employ this all-powerful engine to the augmentation of the popular feeling. One extract from a paper which was privately printed and industriously circulated we extract from Gordon's History, as it sufficiently illustrates the spirit of those who called themselves patriots and the friends of their country. " Let the indignation of man be raised against the impious wretch who profanely assumes the title of reigning by the grace of God, and impiously tells the world he can do no wrong. Irishmen ! is granting a patent and offering premiums to mur- derers to depopulate your country and take your c c 2 388 TRKASONAIJI.K WUITINOS. properties no wrong ? Is taking a part of the spoil no wrong? Is tlie foreign despot incapable of wrong who sharpens the sword that deprives you of life, and exposes your children to poverty and all its consequent calamities ? O man, or rather less, O king ! will the smothered groans of my countrymen, who, in thy name, fill the innumer- able dungeons you have made, for asserting the rights of man, be considered no wrongs ? Will enlightened Irishmen believe you incapable of wrong who offer up the most amiable of mankind daily on the scaffold or the gibbet to thy insatiable ambition ? Is burning the villages of what you call your people and shooting the trembling suffer- ers no wrong? Is taking the church into partner- ship and encouraging its idle and voluptuous drones to despoil industry of its reward, and teach a lying doctrine to sanction their injustice, no wrong? Are the continual wars you engender and provoke to destroy mankind no wrong ? Go impious blas- phemer and your hypocritical sorcerers to the fate philosophy, justice, and liberty consign thee. It is inevitable ; thy impositions are detected ; thy kind have been brought to justice ; the first pro- fessor of thy trade has recently bled for the crimes of the craft, his idle and vain followers, who escaped the national axe, are walking memorials of justice, begging a miserable livelihood over those countries whose tottering thrones encourage but an uncertain asylum. Ere the grave whichis opening for thy despised person, embosoms thee, make one atonement for the vices of thy prede- cessors, resist not the claims of a people reduced to every misery in thy name, give back the pro- perties that thy nation wrested from a suffering people, and let the descendants of those English ruffians restore to Irishmen their country, and to their country liberty; 'tis rather late to trifle, one " WfT' EXPECTED INVASION. 389 fortunate breeze may do it, woe to him who was a tyrant or who is unjust." Such was the nature of the revolting and seditious publications with which the demagogues of faction sought to poison the principles and irritate the feelings of a people constitutionally ardent, impetuous, and thought- less, and suffering under physical privation, with a small prospect of relief. The effects were what might be expected ; be- fore the conclusion of 1797, the peasantry in the central and southern counties >yere almost uni- versally sworn into the conspiracy, and fully pre- pared for insurrection. Various plans to embar- rass the government were formed and carried into effect. Such was the interdiction of spirituous liquors, in order to diminish the revenue; the caution against purchasing the quit-rents of the crown, which it was proposed to sell to raise supplies ; and the obstructions to the circulation of bank notes. These animosities were couched in language adapted to the capacities of the po- pulace, and teemed with superficial arguments they could not fail to understand. Many attempts were made to seduce the army ; hand-bills were circulated among the troops, peculiarly directed against their better feelings, and calculated to cloud the judgment, while they excited the pas- sions to the frenzy of revolt. While thus every engine of internal opposition to the constituted government was put into dan- gerous action, a constant intercourse with the de- moralised French was maintained by the Irish directory. To follow the steps of this intrigue is unnecessary ; it is sufficient to say, that in October of the year 1796, an accredited mes- senger from France arrived in Ireland, announc- ing the design of an invasion, with an army of fifteen thousand men. It is well known that it 390 ARREST OF (JONSIM RATORS. was attempted, and proved abortive, at Bantry Bay. A subsequent designed attempt was glo- riously defeated in 1797, by a squadron of British vessels, under the command of Lord Viscount Duncan. This double disappointment did not, however, discourage the party, and every preparation was made to receive the expected succours from France. Even instructions in detail were issued from the military committee to the adjutants general, concerning the modes of preparing for open warfare against government, and various measures were taken to augment, in every way, the strength of the conspiracy. While the chiefs of the United Irish thus pro- ceeded in their plans, resolved, if possible, to avoid insurrection, till the expected arrival of their French supplies, the government, on the other side, was determined, if possible, to disor- ganise their complicated system, and to destroy the conspiracy, before an event, which bid so fair to ensure the success of the party, should take place. In pursuance of this determination, many acts of power took place, the most important of which was the arrest of thirteen members of the provincial committee of Leinster. The vacancies made in the directory by the arrest of these in- dividuals, as well as other persons, were quickly filled, but with persons less fitted to effect the arduous plans proposed. The measures of go- vernment, although they tended to weaken the conspiracy, were however far from destroying its force, or adequate to prevent its final success ; the organization was too complete, and the de- signs too artfully formed, to yield to the usual methods of suppression; they produced only partial effects on the political, or rather revolution- ary hydra, which, in various instances, boldly MARTIAL LAW. 391 displayed its formidable aspect, to the terror of the districts it disturbed. At length recourse was again had to proclama- tion and military execution. The army was or- dered to proceed to the disturbed counties, and the commander invested with full power to act according to his discretion, for the attainment of the proposed object ; the military orders were accordingly prompt and decisive. In such a dis- turbed state of society, it may readily be sup- posed that many aggressions on both sides were continually occurring ; in fact, so various and great were the vexations attendant on the main- tenance of the soldiers at free quarters^ and many acts of severity produced by various causes, that they amounted to such a degree of disquietude and distress, that all exhortations of patience from the leaders proved utterly vain with their wretched instruments, the lower classes. With the characteristic impatience of evil distinguish- ing them, many surrendered their arms, and con- fessed the means of their seduction, as well as betrayed their seducers. These defections alarmed the chiefs of the union, and fearing the utter dis- organization of their society, and the destruction of their force before the arrival of their auxiliaries, they determined to try their unassisted strength against government, and immediate plans for the purpose were digested by the military committee of the union. It is to be regretted that the great severity of the government measures, at this period of political excitement and national peril, tended strongly to confirm the prejudices already too much excited by the emissaries of sedition. To enter into a detail of disorders inseparable from such an agitated state of national feeling, would carry us beyond our proposed limits. By many arrests, and other precautions, an insur- ■ Vi. w 392 THE REBELLION. rection which was planned to commence on the night of the 23d of May, was frustrated; the plot had been announced late in the evening of the 21st, by a letter from the secretary of the lord lieutenant to the lord mayor of Dublin, and on the 22nd, by a message from the lord lieute- nant to both houses of parliament. To prevent its execution, the regular troops, the militia, and the yeomanry, were disposed under arms in the most advantageous positions. By these means the capital was preserved in tranquillity ; but in the neighbouring counties, notwithstanding the disorganization of the confederacy by the opera- tions of government, insurgents assembled in many places, and during that night and following day several skirmishes were fought. Naas was attacked, but was effectually defended ; some other garrisons did not so well resist the rebels, but in some parts they were routed with loss. The scenes of horror consequent to this display of national frenzy may be imagined. At Cather- lagh, four hundred of these miserable and deluded men were encompassed and massacred ! In Ulster the insurrection was soon quelled, but in other districts it was far otherwise. In places where the insurgentjs were successful, a tumul- tuous exultation was manifested, and false intel- ligence was conveyed from post to post to inspire the revolters. Multitudes of women followed in the train of the rebel troops, who, with shouts and cries of ** Down with the Orangemen," kept up the daring spirit so terribly excited,, and clearly marked, that the object of the insurrec- tion, at its very commencement, was, in«the minds of the lower orders at least, not the restitution of civil rights, but the destruction of the heretics. In the spirit of this frantic zeal, several murders were committed. During this state of cruel alarm, the situation MARTIAL LAW. 393 of the loyalists was most distressing; they in terror abandoned their possessions to the rapacity of the rebel foe, and in their fugitive state must have perished, but for the supply of provisions from the military stores. War being thus de- cidedly and openly commenced by the conspira- tors, the strongest measures of coercion vv^ere be- come necessary on the part of the government. The loyal troops in general, during this civil con- test, prevailed by superiority of arms and disci- pline, but on some occasions were repelled by the desperate courage of the rebels. One of the first steps of government was to issue a proclama- tion, giving notice that orders were conveyed to all his majesty's general officers serving in Ireland, to punish according to martial law, by death or otherwise, as their judgment should approve, all persons acting, or in any way assisting in the re- bellion. " The effects of this procedure," says the writer from whom we extract, ** the neces- sity of which marked the calamitous condition of the country, were quickly felt by great numbers of the lower, and some of the higher classes of the people." Many fell sacrifices to the confusion and precipitance which necessarily attends a trial by military law in the rage of a rebellion, and paid the forfeit of their lives, which might have proved useful and honourable to their country, had they not given way to a tide of political theories, the fatal practical consequences of which they perceived not, or forgot. In this terrible scene of civil distraction, the incaution and vain confidence of the insurgents were continually manifested, sufficiently exemplifying the delusion which deranged their judgment, and almost prov- ing, that a revolution suspends every power but that of force. 394 CHAPTER XXVIII. Rebels murmur — Instance of undue military ardour — Insurrec- tion in Wexford — John Murphy raises the standard of re- bellion — Excesses and distresses — Rebels attack Enniscorthy — Town fired — Garrison forced to abandon it — Distress of the fugitives — Wexford an insecure asylum — The place eva- cuated — Retreat to Duncannon — Gorey abandoned^ dreading the rebels — Father Kern — Attack Bunclody — Rebels repelled — Victory important in its consequences — Habits of the rebels — Distressed state of the country — Affair of New Ross — In- surgents suffer-^Superstition of the common people — Affair of Arklow — War religious — Rebels act on the defensive — Their principal post on Vinegar Hill — Father Philip Roche — The royal army force the head quarters of the rebels — — Surprise a force under Roche — Dreadful situation of the protestants — Pleasing instance of the humanity of Philip Roche — Army commanded to march to Vinegar Hill — The attack — Non-attendance of one division of the army — The rebels escape by the opening — Enniscorthy relieved; and also Wexford — Horrible massacres — Comparative quiet of Ulster — Affair of Ballinahinch — Rebels at length disperse — Wex- ford insurgents, their operations, they are finally dispersed — Conclusion of the rebellion — Quiet of the capital — Punish- ment of the rebels — Earl Cornwallis — Treaty between the government and rebel chiefs — Its non-fulfilment — Predatory bands — Cruel policy — Losses of the loyalists — Sufferings of the country, and fatal effects of rebellion. A. D. 1798. At length discouraged by defeat, the rebels began to murmur and to wish for permission to retire in safety to their homes, in order to resume their several occupations. This disposition to surrender was however attended with many melancholy re- sults, in consequence of an undue military ardour excited against them. One illustrative instance INSURGENTS OF WEXFORD. 395 only amon^ very many we shall name, wherein this ardour was manifested, A protestant clergy- man had fallen into the power of the insurgents, and had been saved from slaughter by the humane interference of a Catholic priest. Having been thus spared by the rebels, he was deemed a rebel by the soldiery. Under this impression they were proceeding instantly to hang him, when they were in a critical moment prevented by the interference of his brother in law. But the raging flame of rebellion yet found ample combustible materials to keep it in terrible and destructive action. An insurrection broke out in a quarter where it was least expected, and quickly attained such a formidable aspect as to ex- cite the most just and serious aHfrms. In the county of Wexford many of the catholic inhabitants had protested their loyalty, and pledged them- selves to arm if permitted in defence of govern- ment, whenever occasion rendered their services desirable. But a small military force was sta- tioned in this county, while an injudicious and se- vere system of coercion was followed by the ma- gistrates in regard to suspected persons. The de- fence of the county was almost depending on the troops of yeomen and their supplementaries, and most of them being protestants were prejudiced against the catholics, of whose cruelty in Ireland tradition and probably individual family suffering had informed them. Some papers found in the pockets of some prisoners excited the fears which prejudice easily admitted, as these papers con- tained some of the ancient sanguinary doctrines of the Romish church, which authorised the exter- mination of heretics. The apprehensions awakened by these documents, acting upon minds already deeply prejudiced, produced actions but ill calcu- lated to allay religious hatred or to still the tumult n^ 396 FATHER JOHN MURPHY. of rebellion. It is not our province to say, if in the then state of the unhappy kingdom rebellion would have agitated Wexford if no acts of aggres- sion and severity had occurred, but certainly it is to be lamented that they were thought necessary. However this question may be decided as to the probability of a different issue under different conduct, we have to record the distressing fact, that the standard of rebellion was raised between Gorey and Wexford in May 1798, and that by a minister of peace, John Murphy, a Romish priest of Boulavogue, and familiarly known by the name of Father John. * This man (says Gordon), coad- * The journal of this priest was found on the 'field of bat- tle at Arklow, by Lieutenant Colonel Bainbridge, of the Durham Fencible Cavalry, and was sent by him to General Needham ; it is a curious do- cument. " Saturday night. May 26, at 6 A. M., began the republic of Ireland, in Boulavogue, in the county of Wexford, barony of Gorey, and parish of Kil- cormick, commanded by the Rev. Dr. Murphy, parish priest of the same parish, in the afore- said parish ; when all the pro- testants in that parish were disarmed, and among the afore- said, a bigot, named Thomas Bootrey, who lost his life by his rashness, 26th. From thence came to Oulart, a coun- try village adjoining, where the republic attacked a minister's house for arms, and was de- nied of ; laid siege immediate- ly to it, and killed him and all his forces ; they the same day burned his house, and all the Orangemen's houses in that and in all the adjoining parishes in that part of the country. The same day a part of the army, to the amount of a hundred and four of infantry, and two troops of cavalry, attacked the republic on Oulart Hill, when the military were repulsed with the loss of a hundred and twelve men, and the republic had four killed ; and then went to a hill called Corrigna, where the republic encamped that night ; and from thence went to a town called Camolin, which was taken without re- sistance, and the same day took another town and sate of a bishop. At three in the afternoon of the same day they laid siege to Enniscorthy, when they were opposed by an army of seven hundred men, where they were forced to set both ends of the town on fire, and then took the town in the space of an hQur, and then encamped BATTLE OF ARKLOW. 397 jutor or assistant curate of the parish priest, was a man of shallow intellect, a fanatic in religion, and from the latter circumstance too well qualified to raise to a dangerous height the superstitious preju- dices of the ignorant multitude. From this com- mencement of hostility the commotion spread rapidly on every side, while the collection of rebel parties was greatly increased by the influence of reports disseminated, of numbers of people being shot in the roads, in the fields, and even in their habitations, unoffending and unarmed, by strag- on a hill, near the town called Vinegar-hill. Dated this 26th. Boy Bulger, Daarby Murphy, (His hand and pen.) Some of the rebels who escaped this bloody conflict, in their forcible way of ex- pressing themselves, said, speaking of the slaughter of the soldiery among them, " By Jasus, they mowed us down by the acre !" No political ebul- lition ever takes place without a manifestation of the noble as well as the ignoble passions of our nation. It is in the great collision of interests that the hearts of men unfold them- selves* A pleasing instance occurs to the recollection of the writer as illustrative of the remark. During the Irish re- bellion, a protestant who was a prisoner in the hands of the rebels, was called out to be executed ; the executioner or- dered him to turn his back, the prisoner refused, calmly declaring he was not afraid to face death, and just as the former was about to fire at him, the latter told him to' stop, and requested to be dispatched with dexterity, at the same time pulling off his hat, coat, and waistcoat, which were new, he threw them to the executioner, as a present to favour him with a speedy death. The man was so im- pressed with this undaunted conduct of his prisoner, that he declared his conviction that he must be innocent, and ac- tually refused to kill him ; in consequence of this, another rebel rushed forward to put an end to the existence of the hated protestant, upon which the executioner sware he would lay breathless the first man who attempted to hurt him, and immediately conducted him in safety out of the rebel army. Many other similar in- stances of the triumph of the better feelings might be ad- duced if necessary. * 398 ATTACK OF ENNISCORTHY. gling parties of yeomen. To relate the excesses which ensued, would but harrow up the feelings of our readers, it is only here necessary to say that the original causes of contention appeared lost in forgetfulness, and that a frantic religious animosity appeared to animate the adverse parties. In a skirmish which took place at an early pe- riod 'of this Wexford rebellion many rebels were pursued and killed while the yeomen exasperated by the death of an officer, burned two Romish chapels and about a hundred cabins and farm- houses of Romanists in the short march of seven miles. This will give some idea of the devasta- tion of this terrible strife. The country exhibited a scene of distress and consternation it is impos- sible to describe. Houses in flames, the inhabi- tants flying on every side in search of an asylum, some to the towns, others to the hills, while the rebels under Father John flushed with victory per- petually gained fresh accessions. They took pos- session of a small town six miles westward of Gorey, the loyal inhabitants of which had taken refuge in the latter, and thence advanced to Ferns two miles further, whence the loyalists had fled to Enniscorthy to which they were followed by the rebels. These attacked the place, making use of the ancient mode of harrassing the enemy by driving a number of cattle before them, raising loud and terrible shouts, as on such occasions was their custom, they made a furious and irregular onset. A scene of distress and confusion ensued. To render the town untenable, it was fired in many places by the disaflected part of the inhabitants, some of whom even aimed shots from the windows at the garrison. The success of the day was for a long time so fluctuating, that many persons to avoid the fury of each prevailing party in turn alter- nately displayed the orange and green ribbon. '•"f^ FLIGHT TO WEXFORD. 399 At length the enemy prevailed, and the garrison after a gallant defence of some hours abandoned the town, retreating in disorder to Wexford. Most of the loyal inhabitants of the place also, and very many others who had resorted thither for protec- tion fled through the flames toward Wexford, the calmness of the atmosphere providentially favour- ing their escape through the burning streets. Description must fail to picture the terror and dis- tress of these unfortunate fugitives flying from an infuriate enemy. ** Women," says the historian of this terrible rebellion, " habituated to all the in- dulgence which an affluent fortune affords, not only fled on foot, but also in that situation carried their children on their backs to Wexford the dis- tance of fourteen English miles, and one actually waded twice through the river Slaney under the fire of both parties and escaped with one child un- hurt. She was obliged to leave six children be- hind her in the burning town ! Had not the cir- cumstances of the weather and their not being pursued favoured the escape of these fugitives, it is but too certain they would have been destroyed. Some who found no opportunity of escape, were immediately sacrificed to the fury of the assailants, or imprisoned and reserved for future butchery. Those who had sought a refuge in Wexford were far from being in safety. The place commanded by hills on all sides was indefensible against artillery, supplied as it was only with a garrison of six hundred men, while the force of the rebels amounted to fifteen thousand, independent of a strong force left at Enniscorthy. To complete the depression and distress con- sequent upon these circumstances, a number of disaffected yeomen deserted to the stronger side, and many were suspected of waiting their oppor- tunity within the town to cooperate with those 400 RETREAT TO DUNCANNON. without. Under these adverse circumstances the commanding officer thought himself obliged to evacuate the place, and two deputies were sent to the rebels, to prevent their acting as if the town had been taken by storm. The army re- treated to Duncaanon, accompanied by such of the loyalists and refugees from other places as were willing and able to perform the march of twenty-three miles. While all the southern parts of the county of Wexford were in this state of horrible commotion, the northern was also frightfully agitated. The inhabitants of Gorey abandoned the place in terror and dismay, dreading the rapid approach of a furious enemy. A body of rebels consisting of five thousand men was commanded by several chiefs among whom was Father Kern, a man of ex- traordinary stature, strength, and ferocity, they attacked a beautiful little town in the north of Wexford, but by an accidental manoeuvre were re- pelled. We name this attack and -victory, as it was of infinite importance at this critical juncture to the loyalists ; as had the rebels taken Bun- clody it would have opened a passage for them into the county of Carlow. And if, as is most probable, the inhabitants had unitjed and co-ope- rated with them, as the country was circumstanced it might have been subversive of all the efforts of government. Gordon gives the following account of the habits of the rebels in this terrible warfare. ** Hills of commanding prospect were always chosen for their stations or posts. These posts they termed camps, though they were destitute of tents except a few for their chiefs. The people remained in the open air in vast multitudes, men and women promiscuously, some lying covered with blankets at night, and some without any covering than the i^3f;grj.,.i-.- ■, •■ ;.-■ ■■:-■■••" .-i^_r. .'->wKr>^^ THE MEASURE DEBATED. 421 connection between the realms^ some of the most eloquent members of the commons so forcibly roused the assembly, that ministry could only procure in one division a majority of one, and in another of two votes. In two subsequent discus- sions each party alternately prevailed. In the commons of Great Britain Mr. Pitt argued on the expediency of applying in the case of Ireland, that principle of union which had so happily healed the divisions and harmonised the discords which had prevailed between the English and Scottish parliament; he disclaimed any in- tention of i^sin•uating that any serious disagree- ment existed between the Irish legislature and that of Britain, but from the independence of the former and the risque of its being occasionally influenced by local prejudices, he apprehended a variance might sometimes arise dangerous to the welfare of the British empire. This danger he considered more probable and more alarming from the certainty, he well knew, that the French were still meditating, in concert with many dis- affected Irish, an absolute disjunction of the island from the empire of which it had so long formed a part. A scheme of such magnitude and import- ance could not be expected to pass without very many strictures and spirited animadversions. It was says an English historian " assailed by the sarcastic wit and nervous oratory of Sheridan, the more chastened and dignified eloquence of Grey, the acuteness of Tierney, and the casuistry of Lawrence. The Earl of Moira opposed it chiefly on the ground of its being repugnant to the wishes of the people of Ireland, Earl Fitzwilliam and Lord Holland resisted it because they conceived it was unnecessary and might be highly injurious to the connection it was intended to cement. The several ^^rJij^^afl-^--^. •• ' ■ ' ■rj.-'- ,r-TjTi^-^^i-,'i-5T^»-«^»T«.-?; •■ .• — ■ v-'.s'j^psjsj^t^sjjjmt' 422 EARL FITZWILLIAM. opinions of these enlightened statesmen are well known. Lord Moira had ever, with his charac- teristic mild dignity and moderation, recommended measures of conciliation instead of coercion with his unhappy countrymen. He never failed to advise the gaining the affections of the Irish by plans of mildness, rather than by harsh and preci- pitate measures to rouse the irritable feelings of a people so impatient. Earl Fitzwilliam enter- tained similar sentiments and acted upon them during the continuance of his popular government in the country.* The strong and discriminating mind of Sheridan grasped the various relations of the subject with a perspicuity that was embellished by his noblest effusions of eloquence, which for the moment dis- armed prejudice of its sting and lulled the spirit of party ; though, as was too usual with him, he was sometimes hurried to a levity of remark un- worthy of the great national question agitated. The several arguments of the orators went to prove that every purpose of connection was fully answered by the existing identity of the executive power of the two realms, that in the event of the proposed union there never could be that perfect incorporation, either physical, moral, or political which had been effected in the alleged case of * So highly venerated was the streets through which he this nobleman during his lieu- passed on the memorable day tenancy in Ireland, that a panic on which he sailed to England, more easily to be conceived These marks of national grati- than expressed pervaded the tude, sorrow, and disappoint- whole kingdom, but more par- ment greatly affected his lord- ticularly the city of Dublin, ship, particularly as he had upon the news of his recall anticipated the enjoyment of being made public. The na- being the instrument to confer tion seemed again to sink into national happiness, a result despondency ; the houses, which his recall denied him to shops, &c. were shut up in ex^rience. ACT OF UNION. 423 Scotland. It was warmly contended that the removal of all religious restrictions would alone effectually promote concord and unity ; that from the subversion of the parliament of Ireland mis- chievous discord must inevitably ensue, nor could any thing in the smallest degree justify the extra- ordinary measure, but the free and declared sense of the people at large, obtained by new elections. All arguments however proved vain to prevail on the cabinet to abandon the measure. During this interval of the year, however, the ministerial interest gained such accession in Ireland, that a majority of forty- two voted in the commons against the popular cause. In the meantime the articles of union were framed, according to the outlines which had been sketched and voted in England, and were included in an address to his majesty. The Marquis Cornwallis communicated to the Irish house of peers, and commons, the resolutions voted in the British parliament; and a full de- velopment of the scheme was given by Lord Castle- reagh. The articles being agreed to by the Irish parliament, they voted the address, in which they declared that they cordially embraced the prin- ciple of incorporating the two realms into one, by a complete legislative union, that they had been assisted by the resolutions of the British parlia- ment in framing a plan of that kind, and that they were ready to give their final sanction in concert with great Britain, to the articles which they now offered to their sovereign. His majesty after communicating this address to his parliament, recommended them to complete the great work of union, and after debates, con- tinuing through several weeks, all the articles were sanctioned. The bill contained eight articles ; by the first three, a union of the two realms, a confirmation of the protestant succession, and a -n 424 ARTICLES OF THE UNION. consolidation of the parliaments were ordained ; the next adjusted the mode of securing the in- terests of Ireland in the combined legislative body, to insure this four prelates were ordered to sit alternately in each session, and twenty- eight laic peers were to be chosen for life, while two members for each of the thirty-two counties, and thirty-six citizens and burgesses, were to repre- sent the Irish commons. The fifth article united the churches of England and Ireland, leaving Scotland distinct. The sixth provided that the people of Great Britain and Ireland should be entitled to the same privileges and be on the same footing as to encouragements and bounties on articles of commerce being the " growth, pro- duce, or manufacture of either country." The seventh left the public debt of each kingdom on a separate basis, with regard to interest and final liquidation, and required that the expenditure of the united kingdom should be defrayed in the proportion of fifteen parts for Britain, and two parts for Ireland ; but after the lapse of twenty years it was to be at the option of the parliament to continue this arrangement or not. The eighth article provided for the conservation of the laws which were then in force, and the preservation of the regular courts of judicature, subject how- ever to such alterations as might appear to the legislature to be occasionally expedient. — See History of Europe. Although these stipulations seemed calculated for the purposes intended, those of harmony and conciliation, yet very many regarded the measure in toto as the final act of the subjugation of the country, a total annihilation of its liberties and a tyrannical encroachment on the freedom, a base invasion of the rights of an independent nation. These strong impressions were in a great measure THE CORONATION OATH. 425 produced by the strenuous exertions made to in- fluence the house of commons, and the omission of that constitutional appeal to the electors which such an important national change required. The Irish persisted in declaring that it was forced upon them, and against every act of assumed power the mind strongly and naturally revolts ; but although Ireland disapproved the union with its elder sister, his majesty declared that he " should ever consider it as the happiest event of his reign." It was in the critical period of 1801 when so many memorable events marked the state of the political world both abroad and at home, that the first united parliament of the two kingdoms as- sembled at Westminster. His majesty in his ad- dress to both houses observed, that he derived great satisfaction from being enabled for the first time to avail himself of the advice and assistance of the united parliament. " This memorable era, he said, " distinguished for the accomplishment of a measure calculated to augment and consolidate the strength and resources of the empire, and to cement more closely the interests and affections of my subjects, will I trust be equally marked by that vigour, energy, and firmness which the cir- cumstances peculiarly require.? The case of the catholics in Ireland, whose claims after the union formed a subject of discussion in the cabinet, was frequently alluded to. Mr. Pitt and Lord Grenville favoured the wishes of the catholics, as necessary to confirm the in- terests of the united kingdom, they affirmed that as no danger could arise from it, policy required the concession. Many members however were of a different opinion, alleging that the oath taken by his majesty at his coronation precluded beyond all doubt, his assent to any measure which might ii (JR-V • -■ ••■'■];:■■:■■ f^Y-.;- -ff- " "-. -f-r- . ■•• r"^- ■ irw^vr/;«^^J75. !75.'i ■■"/x -f-. . •• V / .'-;i,-i-> ■»«!-W».^Wl( 426 WAR WITH FRANCE. in its consequences endanger or trouble the re- ligious establishment of the realm. In conse- quence of opposition of opinion, Mr. Pitt declared that he conceived himself bound by his duty, his conscience, and his honour to resign that situation in which he was not at full liberty to pursue his ideas of equity and public benefit. Many changes took place in the cabinet, and the Earl of Hard- wicke was appointed lord lieutenant of Ireland, and Sir John Mitford chancellor in the ensuing year. In 1803, when the negociations of Lord Whit- worth with the first consul had abruptly termi- nated, and in consequence there became an evi- dent necessity to defend the country against Gallic invasion, an additional force was to be promptly raised. Accordingly an army of ten thousand men, under the title of the army of reserve, was formed, independent of the regular and supplementary militia, and a general levy en masse was recommended. The roused spirit of the country at that memorable epoch rendered this latter measure totally unnecessary, as it soon presented a further force of three hundred thou- sand effective volunteers. While these arrangements tending to secure the united kingdom against foreign hostility were vigorously in progress, the alarm of internal com- motion in Ireland once more arose. That un- happy kingdom was still perturbed and dis- tressed, consequently in a state of discontent; deep distress brooded beneath apparent indiffer- ence, whilst the inveterate discordance subsisting between the two religions of the population kept alive that unceasing irritation which was ready on the least occasion to explode in some dangerous action. Nor did all the endeavours which had been made to soften prejudices or to close divi- DISAFFECTED LEADERS. 427 sions, produce that coalition of plans and interests, without which a country can neither enjoy peace nor prosperity. Men will bear the extreme of suf- fering and want with wonderful patience, while they suppose the evil to arise from a natural and inevitable necessity, but if they once imagine it to proceed from any fault of their rulers, or think that relief is attainable if proper means were pur- sued for the purpose, however depressed they may be by the harshness of government, or the weight of financial burdens, they will take fire, and no bounds can be prescribed to the violent ebullition of feeling. Ireland has too often illus- trated the truth of our assertion. The discontent pervading the body of the people was greatly aug- mented by the wily stratagems and artful sophis- tries of the abettors of democracy, themselves deceived by an illusory picture of political per- fection. It was on the popular feverish irritabi- lity that they found the seeds of sedition and dis- loyalty were likely to germinate, and they failed not to keep alive the unnatural warmth in the bosoms of Hibernia's sons. These popular leaders were not distinguished by rank, but they possessed those imposing talents which easily obtained an influence over the mul- titude, while they were themselves in that highly excited state of mind produced by the spirit of party, considering its object as superior to every thing that exists ; it fears no danger and can repent of no sacrifice when that end is to be obtained. It was on the evening of July 23d, 1 803, that the rash multitude of Dublin, instigated by these leaders, armed themselves with pikes and other offensive weapons, and sallied forth, having previously distributed a number of inflammatory addresses, by which the people were exhorted to take arms. * ■s 1 tJv ~ ■ ' . Hfe'^'' • •■ ' -v"?® .r )"^ i«'s>: ----^ 428 INSURRECTION IN DUBLIN. in order to rescue themselves from an insupport- able yoke. During the ensuing tumult the Lord Chief Justice Kilwarden and his nephew were stopped as they were passing in a carriage, dragged violently from the vehicle and murdered by the insurgents. To account for this dreadful outrage against Lord Kilwarden, it is necessary to state that he was thought, if not absolutely known, to have been the adviser of most if not all the severe laws which had, for some years gone by, been enacted in Ireland, and which had suspended (at least in the opinion of the popular party) some of the most important and constitutional privileges of the people. In private life his lordship, who thus fell a victim to popular resentment, had the high character of a steady friend and an honest man. The fatal career of sedition was however on this occasion soon arrested, but it was by means which must ever be most painful to gene- rous spirits to employ, though no one can doubt the necessity of the system of coercion in this instance. A body of yeomanry and soldiers at- tacked the insurgents, of whom many fell victims to their rash enterprise ; some of the loyal com- batants also lost their lives, although their cause finally prevailed in the distressing conflict. Had not this insurrection in the capital been thus promptly and eifectually opposed, it would there is reason to fear have extended as rapidly as that of Wexford, the spirit of which it has been remarked quickly took possession of the shop of the tradesman, the cottage of the peasant, the pulpit of the dissenting minister, the confessional of the catholic priest, and as we have seen, ad- vanced with boldness, ferocity, and unanimity of concert to the completion of the projected design. In the present instance the intelligence received fC:*;i^,i~'T'V;*''^: ■':,'; .'J'T> ™.~iF~ ." " / . 7^- ~- V V ./"" ■''^^"aWJfT?^-- ^tF^ THE CONSPIRATORS EXECUTED. 429 by the provincial conspirators, of the check given to the insurrection in Dublin, repressed the spirit of rebellion. Many of the inferior agents in this ebullition of treason vs^ere taken and capitally punished before the concealment of their leaders was discovered, but they were at length taken and brought to trial. The evidence against Em- met, the principal, was conclusive, he was de- clared guilty, and suffered with coolness and courage ; he frankly avowed his hostility against the existing government, but firmly denied having solicited aid from the French, strongly deprecating the interposition of that government in foreign na- tional affairs, as invariably where they entered as friends they had acted like determined enemies. Russel, the associate of Emmet, with equal can- dour and boldness acknowledged his invincible repugnance to the prevailing political system, and met his fate with a similar fortitude ; he had not like Emmet openly engaged in the insurrection, but was in full possession of the scheme, and had by various means encouraged the disaffected to take an active part in the treason. It appeared from the evidence against those victims of their own misguided principles, that a scheme of pro- visional government had been prepared, intended to be recommended to, or enforced on, the people, that measures were taken for arming the enemies of the government, and other revolutionary acts, and that it was intended to retaliate upon the armed adherents of the court the violence that had been exercised under the forms of law against the true friends of Ireland. Thus whatever might have been the effect of a milder system acted upon by the government, it is certain the obser- vance of a contrary one offered too good a plea to the disaffected for discontent, complaint, and re- sistance. . ^ " -•U_'«rw- ,^' •»■; T-vw^F YT, ■fT^-^rryifi^.- ■"■ ■-■^r^^v.-'i^'^" -''■^v--w f'i.'r- ,)■ \ , ■ />. .■.';,?■■■■ "'■■■■ '^.l^ 430 QUESTION OF R. C. EMANCIPATION. In every reform or revolution desired by the Irish, the emancipation of tfe catholics must be the primary step, since it vsrould be a necessary one to give prospect of success, as from their numbers they would bring a vast accession to the weight of the people in the political scale, as well as possess the greatest and most powerful popular influence. It is, however, to be lamented, that the catholics of Ireland, as far as relates to their endeavours for the recovery of their civil rights, should so invariably blend them with manifesta- tions of religious proselyting zeal and bigotry, and thus awaken those fears of theological conflicts, of which the experience of the past informs us but too truly of the lamentable results to nations and individuals. Too often the powerful feeling of political degradation is associated with that equally powerful of pride at the ancient religious supre- macy enjoyed. These injudicious manifestations of religious partialities tend to increase the fears of catholic emancipation, strengthen the appre- hensions of those who regard it as a dangerous measure, and cause even hesitation in those who have been accustomed to deem it an act of politi- cal expediency and justice, and who, from con- sidering it abstractedly as a political measure, begin to apprehend its possible influence on the established religion. That protestants also act with religious bigotry cannot be doubted. Many instances might be adduced, and it is to be feared that the discordance of the parties is too great ever to admit of any solid and permanent coalition in the national affairs, though specious junctions may be formed even to deceive the superficial observer. That many partial inconveniencies should arise even from the Union which it was hoped would produce general and mutual good to the kingdoms united, was what might reasonably RI!W5''i??*. - • ' --r-'-' • ;.'*.'';' *;';■ 1' rr^T.^i.'f? .-'S'j^^f??; vww <»i^p^ff9T»f'yrj ^^ll^'!^^?^^Tr''^^^^ii?1lf^ '- ROMAN CATHOLIC CLAIMS. 431 be expected, and ou^ht not to form a subject of bitter complaint, or td produce resentful feelings towards the agents of the measure. In the session of 1805 a contest took place not likely to conciliate parties, or to heal divisions in- jurious to true patriotism. The leading catholics of Ireland revived that subject of complaint which had so frequently disturbed the tranquillity, and excited jealousies between the two countries, namely, their disabilities for offices of national trust and consequence. It had been resolved at a meeting of these individuals, that a petition should be presented to both Houses of Parliament for the utter extinction of those incapacities, re- straints, and privations, which were at once severe and humiliating, and urging that the system of " exclusion, reproach, and suspicion, was even ignominious, and deeply affecting them in every condition and station of life. Professing their ad- miration for, and their high regard of the constitu- tion, they prayed to be restored to the full enjoy- ment of its benefits, that they might be animated to a defence of its blessings." Their advocate in the House of Peers was Lord Grenville ; in the Commons, Mr. Fox with his accustomed energy argued in their favour. It was contended that differences of religious opinion ought to have no influence in regard to the civil rights of the indi- viduals forming a great community, and that until it could be clearly and unquestionably proved that those religious opinions were incompatible with the constitution, and dangerous to its safety, all citizens whatever their creed had equal pre- tensions to the benefits, the honours, and the emoluments of the state which they contributed to uphold and defend. It was urged that various circumstances prevented the catholics from being individually or collectively objects of just fear. c»-n-<-«* T^^r-'WWp'Tr'^T^'^ ^7.7''*'^»r^y«7^«' «^' -;. -•™7--^- .,- ■ ,. ^j,. ■'. ■ ■,.-* > I ■ ..-< • _^ 1?^, ■■ji-; . . ■' V : ^Tji 432 ARGUMENTS ADVANCED.. It was broadly insinuated, that if they were ob- jects of fear, too much had Wready been conceded to them ; but as these fears appeared to be alto- gether visionary, the measure could not with any shadow of justice be delayed or refused, as it pro- mised permanent concord of parties, accession of strength to the realm, and stability to every poli- tical institution, which concentrated wisdom should devise for the national good. In reply to these arguments, it was said, that admitting that toleration in religious opinions might be claimed as a right ; political power stood on a different ground. That every state had an undoubted power to confine as it pleased its offices and its favours to those who were from their reli- gious connection most interested in its support ; therefore, that in a constitution formed upon the basis of principles, the value of which had been proved by time and experience, and an establish- ment erected by wisdom learnt in the best of all schools, and in which the principles of protest- antism were thought so essential to its security and peace, that even the sovereign was not al- lowed to profess any other, the admission of those into power who were opposed to those principles by a recognition of a foreign jurisdiction and a denial of the king's ecclesiastical supremacy, would be both irrational and inconsistent, if not dangerous; — as it was to be feared that the known zeal of the catholics would increase in proportion to the means afforded to exercise it, and thus the nation might gradually lose its distinguishing re- ligious character, while intestine divisions would be created. With respect to the established church, even its enemies must admit, that it stands clearly ex- empted from the charge of undue zeal, or severity towards those holding a different form of faith. ■ :^ ■ . ■ ■ ._ PRINCIPLES OF GEORGE III. 433 Persecution cannot b^ deemed an evil of the times. The claims of church power are far from being carried too high, nor does a spirit of intole- rance characterize the episcopal hierarchy. The catholics, therefore, had no reason to apprehend a persecuting zeal, or that the restraints thought ne- cessary by legislative vi^isdom to secure the supe- riority of the protestant faith of the realm could ever be for a moment thought derogatory to the ad- mitted high qualities, or degrading to the character of the Irish catholics. The result of the debates was unfavourable to the catholic claims ; a result anticipated by the petitioners, who, however, determined to trust to perseverance for ultimate success. Accordingly, the question was again brought forward in 1807, and several conferences took place between the king and his ministers on the important subject. The king when pressed to consent to the bill by the first Lord of the Treasury, replied, " My Lord, I am one of those who respect an oath. I have firmness enough to quit my throne and retire to a cottage, or to place my neck on a block or a scaffold if my people require it, but I have not re- solution to break that oath, which I took in the most solemn manner at my coronation." Many distinguished members of both houses had for some time desired their catholic fellow subjects completely to participate in every national privi- lege, while many were only advocates for re- moving restrictions with regard to the army and navy. The alarming increasing power and en- mity of France, was at this time pleaded as a con- clusive reason why the required boon should be granted, as it would ensure the warm exercise of all the energies of the empire. To this might be added the disordered state of Ireland, which ren- dered the measure peculiarly expedient, as it VOL. 11. F F S^jT'. "^ ■ -^ -f^'T- •. f ^ r-": ', ««7WP^ T? % . v\«-»^' T--. ;fr«5ifriwriWJ.^T,;.-^jj;-jv-..'!,vj_,^^ '^-Sj - •> 1' 434 WHIG MINISTRY DISMISSED. would tend to allay the discontents of that king- dom more effectually than any other. From the commencement of the agitation of this measure the king expressed his disapprobation of the indul- gence meditated, but strongly urged by a memorial from the cabinet, he assented to its being dis- cussed. A correspondence even ensued with the vicetoy of Ireland, during which some explanation refer- ing to the plan was desirable, and an unequivocal one was given by the king. While the bill how- ever was in actual progress, the king declared himself hostile to the proposed concessions. Mo- difications of the scheme were humbly offered, but his majesty was firm in his opinion, exacting a solemn pledge of his ministers that the question should not again be brought forward. They how- ever refused giving this pledge, for though willing to yield to the conscientious objections of their so- vereign, they still declared their unchanged con- viction of the expediency and policy of yielding to the wishes of so large and loyal a portion of the community. The king dismissed this ministry immediately, but with just acknowledgments of their talents and his sense of their merits. We have professed to relate only simple facts, feeling our incompetency to judge of the policy, or to view with clearness and precision in all its bearings any legislative act. We therefore are far from attempting to decide upon the merits of the question so. warmly agitated at this period, in which the king evinced his high respect for the solemn obligations of an oath. Rigour against any thing that bears the name of religion is justly reprobated by every genuine mind, and must ever give it pain, and it is certainly better to ex- tend too far than to circumscribe too narrowly the bounds of forbearance and indulgent charity; but RATIONALITY OF THE AGE. 435 let those who think the exclusion of the catholics unjust, ungenerous, and severe, reflect upon the dangerous tendency of the doctrines of the Romish church. " If popery," says an ecclesiastical writer, "con- sidered as a pernicious system of policy, should be pleaded as a sufficient reason to except it from the indulgence due to merely speculative systems of theology, if the voice of history should be appealed to, as declaring the assassinations, rebellions, con- spiracies, the horrid scenes of carnage and desola- tion, which popery in its proselyting zeal has oc- casioned ; if the standing maxims and principles of the Romish church should be quoted, which au- thorize these enormities ; if it should be alleged finally, that popery is much more malignant and dangerous in Great Britain than in other Protes- tant countries; we acknowledge that all these pleas are well founded, and plead for modifications to the liberty which the clemency or indulgence of the legislature may grant to that unfriendly system of religion. All we desire is, that mercy and hu- manity may ever accompany the execution of jus- tice, and that nothing like merely religious perse- cution may stain the British annals." Now we would diffidently ask if the exclusion of the Catholics from merely temporal and political advantages, can with any shadow of justice be deemed persecution, or interfere in the smallest degree with their spiritual welfare ? But it is said the rapid march of mind during the last, and the early portion of the present century, the improve- ments in science, and the enlargement of the in- tellectual powers, have divested the catholic reli- gion of all its dangerous dogmas, or rather de- prived it of all power to influence the actions of those to whom they have been taught. We fully admit the natural tendency of intel- F F 2 , > ^„.m 436 PROTESTANTISM AND CATHOLICISM. lectual improvement to strengthen and confirm the cause of simple religion, and its power to open the mental eye to the errors of a perverted prin- ciple. But we may do well also to remember that the very basis of popery is a blind submission to an usurped authority over the understanding y as well as the consciences of men, and an implicit credu- lity that adopts without due examination, assertions deriving their existence from the questionable sources of fanatical reveries, or the artful misrepre- sentations of imposture ; hence it has, in too many instances, been no more than a political power, at- tacked or defended according to the sole interests of this world, and the engines by which it was worked have been ignorance, secrecy, and ob- scurity. " The right of examining what we ought to believe is," says an admired writer, ** the foun- dation of Protestantism." The first reformers did not so understand it, they thought they could fix the pillars of Hercules of the human mind at the boundary of their own knowledge, but they were wrong in imagining that men would submit to their discussions as if they were infallible. They who had rejected all authority of this sort in the catholic religion. Protestantism then was sure to follow the progress of knowledge, while Catholicism boasted of being immoveable in the midst of the waves of time. But if the progress of free inquiry have a natural and irresistible tendency to undermine or destroy the foundations of popery, and to render its dogmas innoxious in a protestant country, how can it be accounted for, that amid the general il- lumination of the human mind, it not only exists in perfect vitality, but seems even to have renewed a portion of its former vigour. The question is an interesting one, and it behoves the friends of ca- tholic emancipation to examine it candidly and deeply, ere they accuse those who differ from ADDRESS FROM SION COLLEGE. 437 them in opinion, of bigotry, narrow-mindedness, or evil policy. It will be acknowledged that it is much easier to espouse a cause, than to examine and review the principles of it, or the authority on which they have been taken up. Let but a sin- cere desire to arrive at the truth, a due considera- tion of the subject in all its bearings, a candour which allows for human imperfection, and charity which thinketh no evil, but guide us in the exami- nation of any question which regards others, and we shall surely not very much err in our judg- ment — observing ever that while we condemn Ca- tholicism as a system, we beware of cherishing any prejudices against catholics as men. But to return from this perhaps unwarrantable digression. On the decision of his Majesty on the catholic question, an address was presented to him from Sion College, of which we give some extracts. After the usual forms of opening an ad- dress, the clergy of this college thus express their approbation of the kfeg's conduct. " We feel. Sire, that we should be utterly un- worthy of that uniform and pious protection which through the course of a long and auspicious reign your Majesty has, under Divine Providence, ex- tended to the church established in this United Kingdom, if we did not in the present posture of affairs express our deep and indelible gratitude to your Majesty, for a recent instance of your royal wisdom and constancy in the preservation of those sanctions which experience has proved to be ne- cessary for the protection of our constitution in church and state. These sanctions were the legacy of our revered ancestors, who lived in times most distinguished by the progress of true philosophy and the sagacity of legislative wis- dom. " Sire, we are fully aware of all the dangers 438 ADDRESS FROM LONDON. and confusions which must arise from depriving the established church of that mild, tolerant as- cendancy which equally prevents the ruinous con- flicts of contending sects, and the overbearing supremacy of a foreign spiritual jurisdiction, in- consistent with either liberty or toleration, or genuine allegiance to a protestant prince. " In your Majesty's firm refusal to sanction projects utterly subversive of all that the wisdom of our forefathers devised, and destructive of the strongest barriers of that constitution which your august family were called by Divine Providence to defend, we recognize with veneration and gra- titude an eminent regard for the true principles of christian toleration, and the high duties incum- bent on a monarch of the protestant succession, and a most conscientious adherence to the sanctity of your coronation oath, which places the pro- testant religion, as established by law in this kingdom, under your Majesty's peculiar and in- cessant protection. w ** That your Majesty may long here on earth enjoy the allegiance, affection, and gratitude of all your faithful subjects, and the approving tes- timony of your conscience, and that you may late inherit the unfading crown which is reserved in Heaven for the protectors and defenders of the sincere and uncorrupted faith of Christ, is the fervent and constant prayer of, Sire, your ever dutiful and affectionate subjects, " The President and Fellows of SioN College." Given at Sion College, April 18, 1807. The approbation of the citizens of London' was conveyed in a similar manner, and in terms equally expressive of their deep sense of gratitude to the -^T'v ■•'^••^^WR,^7^f^ ' ■ iP^^?^^V9!fm^J*'nifWk W - THE REGENQV. 439 monarch for his scrupulous regard to the preser- vation of the established church, and to the in- violability of his coronation oath. " We contemplate, Sire, (they observe in this address,) vyrith the warmest affection and most profound veneration, the exercise of those unex- tinguishable principles in the royal breast, which protect in every situation the religious interests of your people, and provide for the happiness and freedom of posterity by guarding the protestant succession in your Majesty's royal house on the throne of the United Kingdom." When the prince was, in 1811, appointed Re- gent of the kingdom, on the melancholy malady of his august father being pronounced of such a nature as to preclude all hope of speedy restora- tion, every thing seemed favourable to the catholic cause, which, although not publicly agitated, still occupied the thoughts of many, and was to those immediately interested the great object of their exertions and their desires. In the session of 1812 their claims were once more debated. As the king's sentiments on the subject no longer opposed an obstacle to the desired grant; as the Prince Regent was sup- posed to be at least not unfriendly to the asserted claims, and as numbers of all parties appeared willing to promote, by acquiescence, religious union and harmony, and as the ministry had promised to leave the question to the uninfluenced decision of parliament, there was every reason to antici- pate that the remaining disabilities of the com- I)lainants would be at length finally removed. Some indeed there were, who entertained strong doubts of the success of the renewed application, and more were of opinion that the two Houses were bound to reject it altogether. In a question which had been so frequently 440 MOTION BY Mil. GUATTAN. agitated, little novelty of remark could be expected in the present discussion, although it was viewed in all its varied aspects by the keen vision of pro- found politicians. It was at last voted that the claims should be referred to the consideration of a committee. Mr. Grattan with his accustomed felicity of expression shed, over the hackneyed subject, the radiance of his eloquence, or varying his style into the close and energetic, concentrated the force of his argument in advocating a cause which so long had occupied the high faculties of his mind, and interested the best feelings of his heart. He moved that the civil and military dis- qualifications under which they laboured should be entirely removed, with such exceptions and regulations as might be deemed necessary for the security of the protestant succession, and of the church as established. Some protested against the hazardous grant, unless it was precisely known what securities would be offered. The majority, however, agreed to the proposition, and a bill was introduced for its accomplishment. The spirits of the catholics revived — their hopes seemed near fulfilment — their perseverance near its reward. In this period of suspense, a Member expressed his wish that various inquiries might be instituted before the bill should be permitted to pass into a law. He urged the expediency of examining the state and number of the catholic clergy, the nature of their intercourse with the Roman see, the regulations respecting the appointment of prelates, the opi- nions which were entertained of oaths and tests enforced by the rulers of the state, and, in fact, to investigate closely and maturely every particular which could illustrate the subject, so that the question of security might be accurately deter- mined. This motion was rejected with much CATHOLIC BILL NEGATIVED. 441 warmth, as indicating an insidious hostility. The bill, it was contended, invested the king with the power of a veto against any episcopal nomination, and of opposing the reception of any bull, brief, or other instrument sent by the pope, unless it should be pronounced unobjectionable by a coun- cil, consisting of distinguished catholics and pro- testauts. It also imposed an oath of the most comprehensive kind, and having by this, secured submission and loyalty, gave the desired right of sitting and voting in parhament, and of holding every office except the chancellorship of England, and the vice-royalty of Ireland. Notwithstanding these arguments, however, the protestant Mem- bers expressed themselves so dissatisfied with the proposed securities, that on a motion made by the Speaker, which was strongly supported, there was a majority of four for the continued exclusion of the catholics from the two Houses of Parliament, and the bill was thus rejected. Thus were the hopes of the catholics, so ap- parently near fruition, again rendered vain, and they had still to trust to perseverance and happier auspices to attain their desire. Perhaps it is almost invariably found that as we the object of our wishes is removed from us, we become in proportion more eager in pursuit, more tenacious of the privileges we fear to lose, and more resolved to regain what has been wrested from us. That such were the effects upon the ca- tholics from their frequent disappointments has been abundantly proved ; but as this work is in- tended as a retrospect of the past, without aiming at any detail of contemporaneous history, we shall bring it near conclusion by citing a do- cument which, as it seems fully to develope the sentiments of that portion of the British commu- nity who suppose themselves degraded, disho- • ■ I 442 ROMAN catholics' petition. noured, and contemned, we trust notwithstanding its length we need no apology for inserting. At a general meeting of the catholics of Ireland, held at Dublin in the spring of 1812, the following petition was unanimously resolved upon to the Prince Regent. ** That we humbly approach your Royal High- ness as the guardian of the honour and interests of this great empire, and presume respectfully to submit to your royal consideration our peculiar condition under the penal laws now in force against us. ** We have publicly and solemnly taken every oath of fidelity and allegiance which the jealous caution of the legislature has from time to time imposed as tests of our moral and political princi- ples, and although we are still set apart (how wounding to every sentiment of honour !) as if un- worthy of credit in these our sworn declarations, we can appeal confidently to the sacrifices we and our forefathers have long made and which we still make, (rather than violate conscience by taking oaths of a spiritual import contrary to our belief,) as decisive proofs of our profound reverence for the sacred obligation of an oath. By those awful tests we have bound ourselves in the presence of the all-seeing deity whom all classes of christians adore, * To be sure and faithful, and bear true al- legiance to our most gracious sovereign Lord, King George the Third, and him to defend to the ut- most of our power against all conspiracies and at- tempts whatsoever against his person, crown, or dignity; to use our utmost endeavours to disclose and make known to his Majesty and his heirs all treasons and traitorous conspiracies which may be formed against him or them, and faithfully to maintain, support, and defend to the utmost of our power the succession to the crown in his Majesty's , ■<'=T''W^7^ ' ■ • "■ ; .s, V ; -iBS~,-.-'--"T>'- '■• ■ V :■ .' S -'.w-^i? ''r f-."'-'- -5?-'- ■. ■-■>■"■ ■ '.•»S^*-Vt ROMAN catholics' PETITION. 443 fjimily against all persons whomsoever.' That by those oaths we have renounced and abjured obe- dience and allegiance to any other person, claim- ing or pretending a right to the crown of this realm. That we have rejected as unchristian and impious to believe the detestable doctrine that it is lawful in anywise to injure any person or per- sons whomsoever under pretence of their being heretics. And also that unchristian and impious opinion that no faith is to be kept with heretics ; that it is no article of our faith ; and we renounce, reject, and abjure the opinion that princes excom- municated by the Pope and Council, or by any authority whatsoever may be deposed or murdered by their subjects, or by any person whatsoever. That we do not believe that the Pope of Rome or any other foreign prince, prelate, state, or poten- tate, hath or ought to have any temporal or civil jurisdiction, power, superiority, or pre-eminence within this realm. That we firmly believe that no act in itself unjust, immoral, or wicked, can ever be justified or excused by, or under pretence or colour that it was done for the good of the church, or in obedience to any ecclesiastical power whatsoever; and that it is not an article in the catholic faith, neither are we thereby required to believe or profess that the Pope is infallible or that we are bound to any order, in its own nature im- moral, though the Pope or any ecclesiastical power, should issue or direct such order, but that on the contrary, we hold that it would be sinful in us to pay any respect or obedience thereto. That we do not believe that any sin whatsoever committed by us can be forgiven at the mere will of any Pope, or of any priest, or of any person or persons whatsoever, but that any person who re- ceives absolution without a sincere sorrow for such sin, and a firm and sincere resolution to avoid fu^ "^ 444 ROMAN catholics' petition ture guilt, and to atone to God, so far from ob- taining thereby any remission of his sin, incurs the additional guilt of violating a sacrament. And by the most solemn obligations we are bound and so- lemnly pledged to defend to the utmost of our power, the settlement and arrangement of property in Ireland as established by the laws now in being. " That we have declared, disavowed, and so- lemnly abjured any intention to subvert the pre- sent church establishment for the purpose of sub- stituting a catholic establishment in Ireland in its stead. " And we have solemnly sworn that we will not exercise any privilege to which we are, or may become entitled, to disturb and weaken the pro- testant religion or the protestant government in Ireland. ** We can with perfect truth assure your Royal Highness, that the political and moral principles asserted by these solemn and special tests are not merely in unison with our fixed principles, but also expressly inculcated by the religion we pro- fess. *' And we do most humbly trust that as pro- fessors of doctrines which permit such tests to be taken, we shall appear to your Royal Highness to be entitled to the full enjoyment of religious freedom, under the happy constitution of these realms. ** Frequently has the legislature of Ireland borne testimony to the uniform peaceable de- meanour of the Irish Roman catholics ; to their acknowledged merits as good and loyal subjects ; to the wisdom and sound policy of admitting them to all the blessings of a free constitution, and of thus binding together all classes of the people by mutual interest and mutual affection. Yet may ROMAN catholics' petitiox. 445 we humbly represent to your Royal Highness, and we do so at this perilous crisis with sincere regret and deep solicitude, that the Roman catholics of Ireland still remain subject to severe and humilia- ting laws, rigidly enforced, universally felt, and inflicting on them divers injurious and vexatious disabilities, incapacities, privations, and penalties, by reason of their conscientious adherence to the religious doctrines of their forefathers. For nearly the entire period of the last t>venty years the pro- gress of religious freedom has been obstructed, and while other christian nations have hastened to un- bind the fetters imposed upon religious dissent, the Roman catholics of Ireland have remained un- relieved. " The laws which unequivocally attest our in- nocence and our merits, continue to load us with the pains of guilt, our own consciences, the voice of mankind, acquit us of crime or offence. Our protestant fellow citizens press forward with gene- rous ardour, and enlightened benevolence to testify their earnest wishes for our relief. Yet these penal laws of which we humbly complain, cherish the spirit of hostility, and impede the cordial union of the people, which is at all times so desi- rable and now so necessary. These penal laws operate for no useful or meritorious purpose, afford- ing no aid to the constitution either of church or state ; not attaching affection to either — they are efficient only for objects of disunion and disaffec- tion. They separate the protestant from the ca- tholic, and withdraw both from the public good, they irritate man against his fellow creature, alienate the subject from the state, and leave the Roman catholic community but a precarious and imperfect protection, as the reward of fixed and unbroken allegiance. We forbear to detail the numerous incapacities and inconveniences inflicted -'•^•, -T-.-nr *tT*.^. .'■ , ■» ^.•rijm^f-fi-'vsf- .1 .> 446 ROMAN catholics' petition. by those laws directly or indirectly upon the Roman catholic community ; or to dwell upon the humiliating and ignominious system of exclusion, reproach and suspicion, which they generate and keep alive. Perhaps no age or nation has ever witnessed severities more vexatious or inflictions more taunting than those which we have long en- dured, and of which but too large a portion yet re- mains. Relief from these disabilities and penal-r ties we have sought through every channel that has appeared to us legitimate and eligible. We have never consciously violated or sought to vio- late, the known laws of the land, nor have we pursued our object in any other manner than such as has been usually adhered to, and apparently best calculated to collect and communicate our united sentiments accurately without tumults, and to obviate all pretexts for asserting that the Roman catholic community at large were indifferent to the pursuit of their freedom ; we can aflSrm with per- fect sincerity we have no latent views to realize, no secret or sinister objects to obtain. Any such imputation must be effectually repelled as we humbly conceive by the consideration of our num- bers, our property, our known principles and cha- racter. "Our object is avowed and direct — earnest yet natural. It extends to an equal participation of the civil rights of the constitution of our country, equally with our fellow-subjects of all other reli- gious persuasions ; it extends no further. ** We would cheerfully concede the enjoyment of civil and religious liberty to all mankind, we ask no more for ourselves. " We seek not the possession of offices, but merely eligibility to office in common with our fellow citizens ; not power or ascendancy over any class of people, but the bare permission to rise mt^^^frwrm^^-ff ■ ■ ;;?^ *3n ROMAN catholics' PETITION. 447 from our prostrate posture, and to stand erect in the empire. "We have been taught that according to the pure and practical principles^of the British consti- tution, property is justly entitled to a proportionate share of power, and we humbly trust that no rea- sonable apprehension can arise from that power which can only be obtained and exercised through the constitution. ** We are sensible, and do not regret that this equality of civil rights (which alone we humbly sue for) Will leave a fair practical ascendancy, where- soever property shall predominate, but whilst we recognise and acknowledge the wholesomeness of this great principle, we cannot admit the necessity of the disqualified disfranchisement of any part of the people in a constitution like that of these realms. We are gratified by the reflection that the attainment of this our constitutional object will prove as conducive to the welfare and security of this great empire, as to the complete relief of the Roman catholic community, that it will secure the quiet and concord of our country, animate all classes of the people in the common defence, and form the most able protection against the dangers which heavily menace these islands. '* For we most humbly presume to submit it to your Royal Highness as our firm opinion that an equal degree of enthusiasm cannot reasonably be expected from men, who feel themselves excluded from a fair participation of the blessings of a good constitution and government, as from those who fully partake of its advantages ; that the enemies of this empire who meditate its subjugation found their best hopes of success upon the efiect of these penal laws, which by depressing millions of the inhabitants of Ireland, may weaken their attach- ment to their country and impair the means of its %: • ' ^# . . . ■ .^, ■ ^ ■ ■■''■■ . V - . * 448 ROMAN CAfnOUCs' PETITloi^.* '■■■■. 4 jfc.. defence, and that the continued pressure of these laws in times of unexpected danger only spreads the general feeling of distrustful alarm, and aug- ments the risk of coirifttnoH ruin. To avert such evils, to preserve and promote the welfare and se- curity oi this empire, and to become thoroughly identified with our fellow-subjects in interests and affection, are objects as precious in o^r eyes upon every consideration of property, principle, and moral duty, as in those of any other description of the inhabitants of these realms. If in thus humbly submitting our distressed condition and our earnest hopes to the consideration of your Royal Highness, we would dwell upon the great numbers and the property of the Roman catholics of Ireland, already so considerable, and rapidly increasing, and to their consequent more important contributions to the exigences of the state, we would not do so with a wish of exciting unworthy motives of co- ercion, but in the honest hope of suggesting legi- timate and rational grounds for constitutional re- lief. And deeply indeed should we lament if these very recommendations should serve only to hold us out as objects of harsh suspicion at home, or of daring attempts upon our allegiance abroad. ** May we then with hearts deeply interested in the fate of this our humble supplication, presume to appeal to the wisdom and benignity of your Royal Highness on behalf of a very numerous, in- dustrious, affectionate, and faithful body of people, the Roman catholics of Ireland. " And to pray that your Royal Highness may be pleased to take into your valuable consideration the whole of our condition, our numbers, our ser- vices, our merits, and our sufferings. And as we are conscious of the purity of our motives, and the integrity of our principles, we therefore humbly pray to be restored to the rights and privileges of Wj^^^^^I^ ♦^^Ii^ ■WK^'^^^P? THE CATHOLIC QUESTtON^ 449 the canstitiition of our country, to te freed fifom all penal and disabling laws in force agailist us on account of our relig;ious,fai^ and that w«^may thereby becgmemore worthy as .well lis more ca- pable of promoting the service of ike brown, and the substantial interests pf this gi-eat empire, now committed to the unrestricted wisdpm of your Royal Highness." {See HoWs George III,) . i To offer any comment upon the above quoted document would be insulting to the understanding of the reader, we therefore fcj^bear any remark*, which it is abundantly calculated to suggest. We pretend no higher than to write a faithful record of facts, we presume not to judge of the hearts, or weigh the opinions of others, yet may we be per- mitted to observe that the doctrines of the catholic church implied in it, do not well agree with the protestation of the Irish church in the yeaf 1626 to which we refer our readers, page 28 of our history. Have then the doctrines of the Romish church undergone a change ? and is the spirit which once animated its acts utterly extinct, so that it has become an innoxious principle in the bosom of a protestant country ? It is not for us to determine these questions, the progress of time and the power of circumstances will resolve them. During the session of 1813 one of the petitions to which the public anxiously looked forward for discussion,^wa/ discussion, was that of the Roman catholic claims. This great question, though agi- tated with moderation of language and close rea- soning, was more varied in its objects and princi- ples than heretofore. To the obvious interests of individuals of that communion in freeing them- selves from degrading restrictions, and obtaining access to power and emolument, was added a warm zeal in supporting the fundamental maxims of equality of rights among the citizens, and the VOL. II. o G iif-* 450 .THE CATHOLIC QUESTION. entire separation of religious from political concerns, which it was declared operated upon many inde- pendently of personal motives. On the other side, to the natural rieluctance of the members of an establishment erected with so much cost, to re- sign any of its prerogatives, was certainly subjoined those feelings of aversion towards the Roman ca- tholic religion, which perhaps can never rationally be expected to be expunged from the hearts of the British public ; feelings which have on various occasions united in opposition to it, those indivi- duals who not only on other subjects have had no community of sentiment, but who have even dif- fered most widely from each other. The reason is obvious, it is found in the pages of history. They there read that if the ** outworks are given up to Rome the castle may probably be soon obliged to surrender," perhaps also with a painful conviction in consistency with the affirmation of a priest of their own persuasion, the justness of which has been too often borne out by history, ** that the popish religion has been mediately or immediately the cause of almost all the political disturbances in Europe, since the days of Gregory the Seventh."* We have thus brought our retrospect to the close of the earthly reign of a monarch who was worthy of the warmest affection and heartfelt ve- neration of his people, and whose almost last ray of rational judgment was exercised by a question involving the religious and civil unity of his sub- jects, and the determination of which incontes- tably proved the just sense he entertained of the awful sanction of an oath, and the high respon- sibility to which it bound him. Let us then while we with gratitude enjoy the blessings which this solemn regal oath protects, regard with pity and * See Geddes, quoted in Marsh's Sermon. THE CATHOLIC QUESTION. 451 christian charity those we think in error. Let us enter our protest against these errors, but in the spirit of christian candour, and christian kindness. Thus and thus only can we remove prejudices, en- courage examination, engage the understanding, win the heart, and by shewing in ourselves with truth and simplicity the beauty of holiness and moral worth, haply withdraw many from the mazes of erroneous faith, to that plain and bright path marked out for our pursuit by the martyrs of the glorious reformation. " It is," says an animated and pious divine, " the relation and subserviency of protestantism to legitimate liberty and vital Christianity, which form its highest and best com- mendation, and blessings, temporal, spiritual, and eternal, have actually been connected with it." Let us cherish the remembrance of that great event which gave to us such blessings, and guard them with assiduous care, as a great national as well as precious individual deposit. G G 2 ■■% 452 CHAPTER XXX. Stale of the arts, sciences, and literature, and of pulpit eloquence — The Papacy — Its vicissitudes — Concluding observations. A. D. 1800. Such and so multifarious have been the improve- ments in the arts, sciences, literature, and educa- tion since the period in which we paused in our general retrospect, that we are lost amidst the multitude of subjects which invite our observation in those several departments of national intel- lectual riches. A splendid constellation of emi- nent geniuses in almost every portion of the hemisphere of knowledge bursts upon our mental view, dazzling our perceptions and perplexing us from what quarter to select the most brilliant stars. But with this amazing march of mind we have the painful duty to mark in too many in- stances the perversion of its energies ; to observe almost super-human talent, assume arms against the highest hopes and the best blessings of man, and waste itself in fanciful theories of human per- fectibility, while ordinary and safe means of at- taining solid moral excellence were disregarded or contemned, and the plain obligations of duty made to yield to speculative notions, tending to no end but the excitement and encouragement of human pride, and to exalt man above his Creator. To enter into any illustration of these remarks would be but to repeat what has been fully dis- WRITERS OF THE AGE. 453 cussed by far abler pens, we presume not, there- fore, to enter upon a task which, perhaps, might be deemed invidious, of selecting for remark any from the numerous instances that might be ad- duced, both of superior piety and moral excellence, combined with high talent, or of those who have attained the melancholy pre-eminence of devoting their high intellectual faculties to the service of irreligion, licentiousness, and the low passions of human nature. To attempt such a task would be indeed similar to any one ignorant of astronomy giving his opinion upon the relative position of the stars which illuminate the glorious concave above him. He can see, he can admire their brilliancy indeed, yet would but expose his ignorance, were he to presume to judge of their all- wise end, to pronounce upon the system which preserves them in beautiful harmony, or dare to say why " one star differs from another star in glory." Lest therefore we might incur the contempt which would be justly due to such a self-conceited individual, we shall confine our- selves to a few general observations upon the pre- vailing literary spirit of the age of which we write, and the influence of mind in its various operations on society during that period. Many writers there were, who, endowed with the noble gift of eloquence, had also the moral hardihood to renounce the relaxed fashionable opinions, to silence even the counsels of vanity and the instigations of self-love, and to be solely actuated by that universal and durable interest, the happiness both temporal and eternal of their fellow-creatures. In contradistinction to these upright patriots there were too many who exer- cised their lofty talents in artfully destroying, or at least relaxing, the bond which unites feeble man' to his maker ; bewildering in the mazes of "^.V^TT^'' 454 WRITERS OK THE AGE. their sophistry the timid, the indolent, the thought- less, and even the sincere inquirer after truth, seeking to render every thing confused, that they might easily undermine religion by attacking its outworks. Again, we could cite many lively instances, where talent has directed the ignorant, the thoughtless, and the inquiring by wise, affecting, and moderate discourses, or by a judicious blend- ing of reason and sensibility, strengthened the authority of salutary and important truths ; but there were also not a few, who in their eagerness to emancipate their fellow-beings from supersti- tion, endeavoured incautiously or wilfully to relax religious restrictions, and thus degenerated into that culpable indifference which is so deadly to all the best and noblest feelings of man, a sort of moral gangrene, which imperceptibly, but surely communicates its morbid influence to every right energy of the soul. The list is ample also of those writers, who in their varied compositions, have served the cause of religion by beautifully illustrating the end it proposes — to assist us to combat our depraved inclinations, to point out the errors, and to save us from the snares of vice, to preserve among us the sacred deposit of principles which are the foundation — the only sure foundation of public order, of private happiness, and to main- tain the etherial light which is to illuminate the path of wisdom and true happiness, while it from time to time recalls our wandering minds to the contemplation of those universal duties so neces- sary to our well-being, and which we describe under the general name of good morals ; duties which we have forcibly seen, in our cursory retror spect, that men would too often inconsiderately wish to separate from public interest, but which are bound to it by so many secret and imperceptible ■ •■;•# THE FALSE PHILOSOPHY. 455 ties, that they cannot be severed with impunity. ** Every act of wisdom and virtue may not in- deed," says a luminous writer, " be of immediate importance, but morality must be cultivated by degrees, and fortified by habit." If we make a distinction between personal, domestic, and public manners in order to neglect, as we find it expedient or convenient, one part of our duty, we shall soon lose the charm of it, and every day virtue will become more difficult, for without private integrity there can be little of public virtue. But while many exercised their noblest intellectual faculties in improving those of others and diffusing around them the light of religious knowledge and moral obligation, there were multitudes who imbibed too rapidly the baneful poison of irreligion and anarchy mingled together, which had been insidiously in- fused in the public taste by the French and Ger- man minute philosophers, long before their delete- rious effects were manifested in the acts of the most tremendous revolution which ever convulsed the moral world, and these disciples disseminated the poison which polluted their own vicious imagina- tion. The consequences were dreadful to the nations whose patriot spirit had ever resisted the physical force oi their demoralized enemies. There IS no country in which Infidelity has not thus ex- haled his deadly poison, and scarcely any nation of Christians among whom might not be found in- dividuals who either aimed at the total extinction of all religion or endeavoured to invalidate the authority of the Christian system. Some carried on their attempts in an open manner, others under an assumed mask, and that often even of Christian profession. Much is it to be lamented that the inestimable blessings of religious liberty, improved by the good and wise to the glory of Christianity, by setting its doctrines and precepts in a rational ^- ■ ■asV'WTWP'r-^ ■w^-v.T. ■ ;7.';jYjs/'v?.iy' ■?=?.■■ > • {v:. v- ">■.' <-,•,.;■ •■*^.;. T ■ ' ■ ] 456 PERNICIOUS PUBLICATIONS. light and bringing them back as far as the muta- tions of time will allow to their primitive simpli- city, have been so far abused by the pride of some, and the art, the ignorance, and the licentiousness of others, as to excite an opposition to the Chris- tian system in general, designed and adapted as it is to lead men through the paths of virtue to happiness and perfection. Hence, although these sublime doctrines have been propagated over the world with laudable zeal by the Protestant and Roman churches, while missionaries have exposed themselves to privations, to dangers, and to exile in order to diffuse the light of the gospel, a multitude of adversaries, who close their eyes upon its excelling lustre, have used every means to eclipse it, even from the view of others. For this purpose they availed themselves of the very institutions for the diffusion of knowledge, which confer such honour upon their projectors and en- couragers, and upon the age and nation distin- guished by them. In too many instances they were perverted by these evil spirits, into seminaries to further their pernicious purposes, and to infuse into the ductile minds of youth the mental poison, under the guise of public utility. Compilations and compositions of every form to attract the young and the credulous were multiplied and circulated with assiduity, and read with avidity. In these productions, the vehicles of irreligion, disloyalty, and immorality, which found their way through numerous channels into the remotest cottages of the land, not only loyalty and subordination were scoffed at, all legal authority defied, but religion was denounced as a system of craft and imposture, the gospel and its divine author reviled or denied, and its ministers laughed to scorn, while every moral restraint was represented as an encroach- ment upon the natural liberty of the subject, and ^ -'^^ y^vfr'^V^V^.-<^^t^-j>^^.-^:;-- ' '-'^V&ii'S *"P:_'(."IH'J"-'/ IRRELIGION. 457 as cruel tyranny or unwarrantable despotism. Well have tho«© publications been termed " the moving pestilence of the land," their object was to rob the poor, the uninformed, the youthful, and the credulous of their best inheritance, to snatch from them the blessings of time, to deprive them of their everlasting hope. Such have been some of the abuses of the diffusion of knowledge ; it remains for us who have witnessed a part at least of the terrible operation of the poison, to use the same as the all powerful engine, as an antidote to the moral and mental contamination so widely diffused and so deeply seated. We must do this with vigour, resolution, and perseverance, for with subtle policy the enemies of national religion, of national virtue, or national welfare are still covertly but assiduously employed. The stream of know- ledge has burst from its exhaust! ess fount, let us not check its soul refreshing waters, but rather facilitate its progress, but let us at the same time carefully remove from it every thing that can pollute or poison the living spring. It was in the eighteenth century that the prolific seeds of those noxious plants of infidelity, scepticism, and deism, which yet deform our land, were sown and cherished ; when men were urged to desert the sure and peaceful refuge of religion for the dreary wilderness of doubt, to contemn the clear and defined principles which she teaches, and to seek in vague notions that peace they have no power to bestow ; to leave established and time- honoured doctrines for airy or for crude specula- tions, consoling hopes for perplexing anxieties, the conditional certainty of happiness eternal for the gloomy anticipations of annihilation.* This in truth may be considered as an age, which as a great writer has emphatically observed, ** men of 458 FINE ARTS, AND INVENTIONS. genius hurried themselves even to destruction, light was changed for conflagration.** But while we have thus thought it our literary duty to take a glance at those far different exer- cises of the human intellect exhibited in the eighteenth century, we have also the more pleasing task to record that during the same period arose the majestic fabric of reason and science which now adorns and distinguishes our land. The fine arts, directed by the enlightened hand of philosophy, soared above the mere purposes of amusement; they shed their softening influence upon manners, were employed in exciting great- ness of soul, and stimulating the heart of man to virtue, hence are they become more worthy of their celestial origin. The mechanic arts and useful inventions marked the rapid march of mind, so various have been the improvements, that in our day scarcely any thing is left undiscovered which can add to the conve- nience or supply the necessities of life, preserve it unharmed, or shield it from external evil ; while philosophy entering familiarly into the juvenile circle, explains various phenomena which used to inspire terror or feed superstition, but are now converted into subjects of interest and amusement, or sources of permanent utility. The domain of intellect has thus been progressively extending, and the cultivation of letters, arts, and sciences continues to be encouraged with even increasing enthusiasm, the present race ardently following up the example of their predecessors in the paths of improvement in every branch of philosophy. We have by implication mentioned th€ institu- tions which provided especially for the gratuitous education of the poor, so peculiarly distinguishing the period of which we now write ; but they de- PULPIT ELOQUKNCJi. 459 serve a more direct mention. The small grain sown by the wise and good has in our day grown up and become a large tree, shooting out its fostering branches over the land, sheltering and protecting many from the corruptions of the world. Notwithstanding every imperfection which will necessarily cling to every thing human, these se- minaries may justly be considered as the grand counteraction to the vicious principles prevailing, and as the effectual but simple means of producing a salutary change in the manners of the lower classes of the population. The pulpit eloquence of the eighteenth century gathered its peculiarities from the prevailing taste rather than directed it, as would be its legitimate province. From what we have asserted respecting the perversions of the privilege of free inquiry, it will readily be imagined that the doctrine of faith in the Redeemer, was extinct in the minds of many ; and in those who did not. entirely reject it, rather a cold languid speculative opinion, than a vital principle exalting the operations of the mind, and harmonizing the feelings of the heart. " Hence," says an animated writer, " the churches were no longer resorted to, to hear truths, believed and at the same time respected by the auditors, men were no longer animated with sentiments of mu- tual and sympathetic devotion ; curiosity, and not good-will to the service, was too often the motive that influenced them. They came to criticise rather than to be edified." In order to affect the minds of men we must en- deavour to please and attract their willing atten- tion, and to enter into their feelings, at least we must be cautious not to wound or disgust them. Hence it was that the preachers of the eighteenth century felt the influence of the prevailing spirit. Fearful of being unpleasing, and thus to lose their I • i 460 THE CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE. power over the minds of their auditors, they gra- dually became reserved in fulfilling the whole duties of their ministry by dwelling upon that doc- trine which humbles the proud spirit of man, they rather confined themselves to those subjects im- mediately connected with morality. The effect was as injurious to eloquence as to vital religion. Those exhaustless sources of deep feeling, sublime emotions, and commanding interest, the Holy Scriptures, were ill exchanged for reasons drawn from human sanctions, however profound, or sen- timents of mere morality however elegant. The constant allusions to the spirit-stirring pas- sages of holy writ which had given force and energy to the thoughts, and a sublime simplicity to the sentiments of the divines antecedent to the period we are now speaking of, were in a great measure neglected in proportion as the doctrine of the in- fluence of the Spirit of God on the heart, and the experience of his consolations on the soul, was re- jected as enthusiasm, and that of inherent de- pravity was questioned or denied by man proud in fancied excellence. Man is prone to pass into un- reasonable extremes, and in nothing more has this been proved than in the various opinions respect- ing the doctrine of the influence of the Holy Spirit in the work of salvation. Thus while some re- jected it as visionary and enthusiastic, others there were who adopted equally erroneous doc- trines in the opposite quarter, apparently forgetful that if the all-sufficient mediator effected a new and gracious covenant, that covenant is also a muttial compact, consisting of free mercies on his part, and of conditions to be fulfilled on the part of man, and under these stipulations the benefits of redemption are freely open to all ; what those conditions and stipulations are, may be found com- prehensively expressed in the divine remark, " If r-?s i ^^^F'^'i- jiT : •■./^^^T'^r^v^^.-^ . '■ > ^r^.. ■ ^f?if»w^'y- THE CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE. 461 ye love me, ye will keep my commandments." Pasfsing this line of truth so plain and edifying, these individuals represented works as unne- cessary and ineffectual, resting their full hope on simple faith in the Redeemer. They contended that no man could be in a state of salvation or fa- vour with God, unless he had an inward expe- rience, a firm conviction of the divine instruction of the Holy Spirit, touching not at all or slightly inculcating the necessity of showing forth the in- dwelling of this spirit of grace, by the fruits of piety and moral worth. No one indeed who reads the Scriptures, and duly marks the vicissitudes of feeling in his own bosom, can it is thought deny that the assistance of the Holy Spirit is in fact ne- cessary to our salvation; our sufficiency is of God. It is equally certain that moral deportment* alone can never be the ground of our acceptance at the mercy-seat, but faith cannot be genuine unless it be evidenced by its sacred fruits. Experimental religion must lead to practical holiness, all besides is but delusion, we are expressly told "faith with- out works is dead." That the assisting and sanctifying spirit of the Almighty is graciously extended in boundless mercy to all his creatures, who by their own good endeavours have qualified themselves for the participation of it, is a doctrine full of comfort and encouragement to man, feeling his weakness, conscious of his frailty. That it should have been perverted from its simplicity, is but a proof of the constant danger there is of our best principles breaking through their legitimate bounds, and the proneness of man to rest his sen- timents on the uncertain ground of his own spe- culations, rather than to draw them from the tran- script of the divine wisdom plainly presented in the gospel. In reference to that high self-constituted power, ■I- 462 THE BULL UNIGENITUS. the Papacy, the eighteenth century does not pre- sent much to our notice. The modern Bishop* of Rome formed not as they had heretofore done the prominent figure in the grand historic picture, as they exhibited little more than an empty shadow of their former power. Their prerogatives were diminished and their encroachments restrained ; sovereign princes and states who even embraced their communion, no longer trembled at the thun- ders of the Vatican. They indeed still laded the Holy Father with pompous titles, and treated him with external marks ofveneration and respect, yet did they give a mortal blow to his real authority by the prudent and artful distinction they made between the court of Rome and the Roman pontiff, for under cover of this politic distinction they paid respect to his person, but opposed the measures of his court. Intestine divisions existed in the church, but they produced little general sensation, if we except that which arose from the furious dis- putes between the Jansenists and Jesuits concern- ing grace, freewill, and other abstract points of theology. The disputed points were referred to the Pope, who pronounced against the Jansenists by a bull styled Unigenitus. This decision, of course interested every catholic country, Ireland not excepted, whose population is composed of so large a portion of Roman catholics ; but in France where it originated, it produced the greatest com- motion. The great body of the people, the par- liaments, the archbishop, fifteen prelates, and many of the inferior clergy violently opposed it as an infringement of the rights of the Gallican church, the laws of the realm, and an insult on their private judgment. But the king at the instance of his confessor enforced its reception, and the kingdom was quickly divided into acceptants and re- cu&ants; nor was the dispute terminated but by ^■sii.-H:^'^ RELIGIOUS DISPUTE IN FRANCE. 463 the death of the king. The Duke of Orleans while Regent ordered the prosecution to cease, at the same time enjoining the recusant Bishops to accept the bull accompanied with certain explica- tions. Necessitated to comply many did so in op- position to their conscience and sentiments, for the sake of peace. Though still reprobated by the people, the obnoxious bull from this period to 1750 occasioned no public disturbance. At that time the clergy resolved to demand confessional notes of dying persons, and it was ordered that these notes should be signed by the clergy ad- hering to the bull, without which no viaticum, no extreme unction could be obtained ; we name this as an evidence of the pertinacity of the Holy See and of its chief agents and supporters the Jesuits. The consolatory rites alluded to were refused without pity to all recusants, and to such as con- fessed to recusants. The new archbishop of Paris engaged with all the ardour of a zealot in this scheme, and the parliament espoused the cause of the people. Othier parliaments followed the ex- ample of that of Paris, and those clergymen who refused to administer the sacraments to persons in their last moments, were thrown into prison. The church complained of the interposition of the civil power, and the king by an act of his absolute authority prohibited the parliament from taking cognizance of such points. The parliament how- ever asserted its prerogative, the dispute ran high, but the parliament firmly adhered to their princi- ples, and retired from business, rather than com- promise them. The greatest confusion ensued, the clergy persisted in refusing the sacraments, and the civil power in prosecuting them for such refusal. The king was again brought over to the dispute and referred it to the Pope. Benedict the fourteenth, of mild disposition and moderate 464 SUPPRESSION OF rHE* JESUITS. sentiments, felt lie could riot retract a constitution regarded as a law of the church, he therefore de- clared in a circular brieve to all the Bishops of France that the bull Unigenitus must be acknow- ledged as an universal law, against which none could make TesistQ.nce** without endangering their eternal salvation" The king commanded that the brieve should be respected, and prohibited the se- cular judges from ordering the administration 'of the sacrament, concluding with the declaration that he would be obeyed. What was the result? one hundred and twenty-four members of the dif- ferent courts of parliament gave in their resigna- tion the following day, and also fifteen counsellors of the great chamber, while the desperate fanatic Damiens stabbed the monarch, declaring he had no intention of killing, but of merely wounding him, that God might touch his heart, and incline him to order the administration of the sacraments at the time of death. (See RusseWs Europe,) It is here almost unnecessary to add that from this memorable dispute may be traced the sup- pression of the order of Jesus in France. To this dispute also, we may perhaps justly attribute the rapid enlargement of the human mind observable in this century. From the emancipation which the people gained from spiritual tyranny, the tran- sition was easy to attain other species of liberty. They learnt to trace the motives of human action, to demonstrate the influence of external causes upon the moral conduct of man, to investigate the powers and principles of man as a free agent, and as connected with society, and the powerful ef- fect of government and laws upon the human cha- racter. Thus every thing conspired to forward the march of mind. The Dauphin of France, son of Louis XV., had wished for a reform in the so- ciety of Jesuits, rather than the extinction of it. DECLININO^rffrLUENCE OF ROME. 465 and he avowed the opiiuon that4hey were un- justly persecuted. Their subsequent intrigues in Spain, however, justified the policy of the mea- sure. For the interesting and curious account of their exjirpation from that country we must how- ever, refejr our readers to other histories. It is well worthy the attention of all those who love to mark the mutations of human events and human opi- nions. As a convincing proof of the declining power and influence of the Papacy we may re- mark, that at the instance of his Catholic majesty, the Jesuits were also expelled from Naples, and sent into the Papal territories. The Pope warmly remonstrated, but no regard was paid to his memorial. The Archduke Ferdinand as go- vernor of the Milanese, gratified the people by the suppression of the inquisition. The Venetian state also concurred with the Duke of Parma and other Italian princes in restraining the Papal power ; more especially the duke, who having re- quested Clement XIII. to abridge the exorbitant privileges of the clergy, was so terribly incensed at the pontiff's refusal, that he prohibited appeals to Rome, declared null and nugatory all bulls and brieves, and peremptorily ordered that all eccle- siastical dignities in his dominions should be en- joyed only by his own subjects. Clement, who was a strenuous advocate for the supremacy of the church, and a friend of course to the Jesuits, condemned by a brieve the orders of the duke, and declaring the clergy exempt from laic or tem- poral jurisdiction, threatened to excommunicate that prince and all his advisers or abettors. The duke, however, entirely disregarded this threat, he enforced his edict, and still further defied the Pope by expelling the Jesuits from the duchy, and dissolving the society. The kings of France and Spain also desired his Holiness to revoke his VOL. II. H H 466 ,. CLEMENT XT V. brieve as militating against the rights of sove- reigns. But these and other solicitations were unavailing with the pontiff. The Pope's perse- verance in his spiritual warfare subjected him to many serious temporal effects. His mental un- easiness impaired his health, and he died 1769, while the great dispute yet subsisted on the extent of ecclesiastical power. Such was the confused state of affairs, that the papal chair remained vacant above three months, French and Spanish interest, however, at length procured a majority of votes for Francis Laurence Ganganelli. He assumed the designation of Cle- ment XIV. as Rezzonica, the deceased pontiff, had created him a cardinal. Moderate and liberal, he entered upon the discharge of his high func- tions with the desire and hope of conciliating the courts which were at variance with that of Rome, without derogating from the rights of the Holy See. He declared that he would not so far yield to the clamours against the Jesuits as to condemn them unheard, but would call a general council to decide the question as to the prudence and policy of continuing or suppressing the society. In his conduct towards the several princes, he evinced a dignified moderation, perfectly conci- liating, but untinctured by servility or meanness. In regard to the decision of the subject of the Jesuits, the French king desired a prompt deci- sion, but Ganganelli delayed more than four years the determination of the question. Long and profound were his meditations upon a step so important, frequent his consultations with every intelligent individual he believed capable of as- sisting him in the scrutiny, the result of both seemed a disposition to yield to the wishes of the adversaries of the society. He caused a bull of dissolution to be prepared, he submitted it to the THE JKSUITS SUPPRESSED. 467 inspection of the most learned and enlightened theologians; sent copies of it to most of the European princes, soliciting their advice for its improvement. When their ansvi^ers arrived, still he hesitated; but at length the result of this protracted deliberation was, a resolution to put an end to a society which had excited general odium, alleging the decline of that utility which had once attended the existence of this numerous order, referring to the restless spirit of political intrigue which influenced the majority of its members, and lamenting the eff"ects of their per- nicious doctrines, he signed and promulgated the memorable edict of suppression. In consequence all the colleges and seminaries of the Jesuits were seized, and their revenues confiscated, pen- sions being allowed them to spare them from ab- solute poverty. The general of the order was required to sign circular letters, addressed to the missionaries and dispersed members of the so- ciety, intimating that it had been suppressed with the consent of all the Catholic princes, and that it was their duty to obey the bishops of the different dioceses in which they were then resi- dent. (S^ History of Clement XIV,) This measure reconciled the courts which had been hostile to the pope. The territories of the church were restored, but great discontent was excited among the high churchmen in Italy, and all other Catholic countries, by the suppression of an order peculiarly devoted to effect the ex- altation of the papal power. From the known and general character of Clement XIV., liberal, free from bigotry, severity, pride, and arrogance, he could not a moment be suspected of a wish to exercise either temporal or spiritual tyranny ; his edict appears to have been the sincere result of discriminative judgment, a firm conviction of H H 2 * * .yir-v -■■ ■• » ■ • f"-='*^'*=v*^':s^'^ '^ ■^'Tr~- -^^ ; I 468 PIUS VI. the justness of the measure, in order to effect and ensure temporal peace and spiritual good — not to arise from an oppressive spirit, anxious to gratify a thirst of power, but from a deep sense of the political expediency and moral duty of suppressing a pernicious society, or which had at least become so in the progress of time, and concurrence of events. This pontiff, who greatly owed his elevation to the recommendation of Louis XV., did not long survive that monarch. In the year 1775, a jubilee had been announced by Ganganelli, and it is worthy of remark, that it was a current prophecy, that he would not sur- vive to officiate at the grand solemnity ; — he did not. He certainly had cause of apprehension from the individuals of that order he had sup- pressed, and hence the supposition that his death was occasioned by poison, but there is no evi- dence to substantiate such a suspicion. As it was naturally the wish of the cardinals to fill the vacant chair with a prelate more zea- lously devoted to the high claims of the church than was the deceased pontiff, a delay of nearly five months took place, before the choice could be final. At the expiration of that pgriod, John Angelo Braschi, who had been introduced into public life by Benedict XIV., obtained the suf- frages of the sacred college. This pontiff, both previous to his elevation and subsequent to it, rather steered between the zealous party and moderates, than attached himself conspicuously to either, but he found the management of both a difficult task. His conduct was vigilantly observed by both ; he was alternately awed by each, and each accused him of duplicity. While the spirit of reform, and the assertion of freedom of thought, spread over Europe with rapidity, the papacy was subjected to the inno- & •v'STf^-- PIUS VI. 4G9 vating career of a monarch, in whose dominions the illiiminati had more especially propagated freedom of thinking. Joseph, Emperor of Ger- many, made various ordinances of religious re- form, which startled the jealousy of the Roman see. Pius VI., however, though he saw the danger, had no power to avert it ; he possessed not the requisite qualities to extend or secure the prerogatives of the holy see ; he was rather the elegant courtier than the able statesman ; his acts were neither judicious nor consistent, though he was not destitute of capacity and knowledge. The prohibition of applying to the court of Rome for dispensations, and other infringements on the rights of the papacy, made by the emperor, aroused the indignation of Pius, and impelled him to a personal vindication of his dignity. For this purpose he determined to visit the emperor ; but he moved not the inflexibility of the monarch ; the sole use of his journey was, having gladdened the populace with his frequent benedictions, while it made the emperor more determined in his reforms ; he even presumed to style himself the ** supreme guardian of the church, and ad- ministrator of its temporalities." This pope was also involved in disputes with the courts of Berlin and Petersburgh, the result of which equally proved his declining power, and the diminution of reverence with which he was regarded. The courts of France and Rome had continued, with one only exception, upon amicable terms, from the death of Ganganelli, but when the revolution broke out, the very na- ture of that terrible explosion presaged a termi- nation of this concord. The non-payment of first-fruits, and the vote which declared the church possessions to be national property, sufti- ciently indicated the spirit of the times, and was i * ■ 470 IlEPUBLICANS ENTER ROME. sufficient to alarm and disgust the pope, while the arbitrary proceedings of the assembly, on the subject of his territories in France, aroused his indignation. It will be in the remembrance, doubtless, of our readers, that it was proposed those territories should be reannexed to the Gallic realm. The measure was convenient, therefore, in the true spirit of the time it was pronounced just and lawful. The distress and displeasure of the clergy on the seizure of their property, and the alterations made by the assembly in the dis- posal of benefices, and in spiritual discipline, drove thousands from their native land during this melancholy period, and when they nobly refused to take the constitutional oath required of them, whereby they were to renounce their prejudices, as they were termed, England and Ireland opened their arms widely to receive the unhappy refugees. But Pius VI. was decreed to endure yet deeper humiliation from a power which had once been the most friendly to the papacy. In the year 1797, during the . successes of the victorious ar- mies of Bonaparte in Italy, he sought to crown his victories by the humiliation of the pontiflP. His holiness had not fully executed the stipula- tions imposed on him by the arrogant foe, and his subjects had been stimulated by the priests to resist their encroachments. These were aggres- sions quite sufficient for those predisposed to hostility. Regardless of the saints who were invoked for the support of the Catholic church, of the holy images exhibited, or of miracles said to be wrought, the French troops were put in motion to invade the ecclesiastical states. Re- sistance was vain ; all objections to unreasonable terms were overruled by menaces, and a treaty was signed between the contending powers. This ,(jl. -. I ;. 7 ■>• ;-'"%!p.;; . , .■ ^^'t-t.'ijvt;.^- .. r.T. ■,.•-,- ■ 7- ,. -■''>'■•■ -.If ■ZJ^. REPUBLICANS ENTER ROME. 471 treaty was an act of flagitious violence and shame- less rapacity ; it was but the beginning of the insults the pontiff wa« to endure. An affray, instigated by the revolutionists at Rome, was made a pretence for further hostility. His holi- ness, in consistence with his profession, doubtless, but careless as contending for temporalities, trusted more to his spiritual arms than those who were able to defend his country. He or- dered three of the most sacred relics of the Ca- tholic establishment to be carried in procession to St. Peter's, and there exhibited on the altar for eight days, that the people might venerate them with devout zeal, and implore the divine assist- ance amidst the solemnities of the Romish ritual, and the effusions of contrite hearts. ** These are our arms," (said the pontiff,) " holy and pacific arms, because they inflict not death, but tend to procure eternal life for every one who will make a proper use of them, and not infrequently, even in this world, enable pious Christians to withstand violence and oppression." (Duppas Account of the Subversion of the Papal Government.) Willing, however, to try the effect of negocia- tion, the pope took measures to treat with the French general, whose approach was so much dreaded. The general gave fair promises. In the meanwhile Pius issued a proclamation, desir- ing the people not to give the least cause of offence to the French, who had disclaimed hostile intentions. The republican host advanced, pro- cured an immediate surrender of the castle of Angelo, took possession of all the gates of the city, detained some cardinals and nobles as hos- tages for the peaceable behaviour of the peo- ple, for the grant of pecuniary aid, and general relief to the troops. Regardless of his promise, the French general prepared to abolish the papal 472 DEATH OF PIUS VI. government, which he did on the Capitoline hill. The unfortunate Pius was celebrating the anni- versary of his election to the pontifical dignity, when two officers entered the chapel in which he was enthroned — they announced the termination of his power ! His own guards were dismissed, and he was placed under the protectillJn of re- publican soldiers. The cardinals were deprived of their authority and possessions, and were ac- tually obliged to join in the Te Deum laudanms% for the change by which they were degraded and ruined ! The pope did not long remain to witness the tyranny of the invaders, and his country degraded ; he was in the first instance escorted to Sienna, whence he was removed to a monastery near Florence. After enduring a variety of suffering and degradation, he died a prisoner of the French. Rome and its dependencies were subsequently recovered by the co-operation of the English and Austrians, with the troops of his Neapolitan majesty. The Cardinal di Chiaramonte was chosen at Venice to succeed Pius VI., and assumed the pontifical name of his ill-fated predecessor. We have thus brought our general review up to the close of the eighteenth century, and to the apparent demolition of the papal power. It be- longs to the historian of the age now in progress to describe its partial revival, to prognosticate a renewal of its power. We have taken for our study the past; ** the perfect story of man can- not be told while it is proceeding ;" the picture is too confused, and its colours too dazzling to allow us to select the figures with judgment, or to pronounce with accuracy upon its merits and demerits. We have dwelt the longer upon the decline of the papal power, because we feel the conviction that it is intimately blended with the ■■ *--.' ■■*.■'.' "^'"Tj- %• "-t -^>'*'V?^ , .*,•■ 'V- '1 "5- ; - • *F ^^ - -■ ■• - ■■ .-'-•^. CONCLUSION*^ 473 subject of our work, the nsiional fluctuations of Ireland. Though the eventi referring to the Roman see, which we have related, seem to have no connexioft^ with, nor form any distinct feature of historic liecord 4n Ireland, yet there cannot exist a doubt in the mind of any one who has the smallest knowledge of the ecclesiastical polity of the Catholics; or of the principles which dis- tinguish their religion, that there is a responsive pulse of feeling subsisting between every mem- ber, however remote, of the Catholic body, and the head ; that as it droops, or is elevated, so are the members vigorous or enervated, depressed or elated. From this strong sympathy, we may trace the springs which have actuated the Irish Catholics on many occasions, and doubtless may still continue to do so. The study of history would be but the indul- gence of a vain curiosity, did it not serve to guide our policy for the future. That ever any recon- ciliation can take place between the Catholic and Protestant communions, seems perfectly visionary, although it has by many been fondly thought practicable. The precluding causes are too ob- vious to need illustration. We have it in our power, however, to prevent the growth, and to limit in some degree the extent of error among our Irish fellow subjects ; we must convey the stream of knowledge to the remotest recesses of the land ; we must gently loosen the fetters that enchain the human mind ; we must open wide to them that sacred volume that points out to them their religious duties, and their high destiny ; which in its divine precepts commends the poor and the weak to the protection of the opulent and the powerful ; that gospel, which, universal in its views, turns its attention from the contra- rieties of interests which divide mankind, and 474 CONCLUSION. ■'«-'r considers all as forming one great society, united by the same origin, and tending to the same end. Taking man in the most simple, the most elevat- ing and honourable of his relations, viz. that which is derived from his intercourse with the Supreme Being, every hostile division of kingdom against kingdom, sect against sett, at once dis- appears from the grand scheme of benevolence. The heart of man is formed to enter into this grand scheme, ajud it is the glory of individuals and of nations to act upon it. Let us then allow for deep-seated prejudices, wherever they meet our view ; more especially, let us endeavour to make our Irish fellow-subjects feel, that we ear- nestly desire to contribute to their temporal and eternal good ; let us treat them universally as equals, subject to the same passions, alive to the same sensibilities, and heirs of the same hopes as ourselves ; and let us throw the veil of candour and indulgence over their waywardness, while we unceasingly, perseveringly, and tenderly, use the means so amply in our power, to render them an enlightened, well educated people. Then may we hope, and not reasonably till then can we hope to see them contented, happy, and pros- perous. Every patriot heart will exert its high- est energies to expedite the arrival of that aus- picious era, when Hibernia shall be free indeed ! Her own elegant and sagacious Burke has observed, (speaking of liberty,) ** I certainly think, that all men who desire it, deserve it ; it is not the reward of our merit, or the acquisition of our industry, it is our inheritance, it is the birthright of our species ; we cannot forfeit our right to it, but by what forfeits our title to the privileges of our kind, I mean the abuse or obli- vion of our rational faculties, and a ferocious indo- cility, which makes us prompt to wrong and • ■ * -'' . .:''*"_."" ■ . ■ :• ^■' '' .'^r . ■4-'-*-. ' ' / - - • . ' .' - ■ ,-■■ ■-■*_"""". f ■■ ■ . ■* CONCLUSION. 475 *- violence, destroys our social nature, and trans- forms us into something little better than a de- scription of wild be?ists. To men so degraded, a state of strong restraint is a sort of necessary substitute for freedom, since bad as it is, it may deliver them in isome measure from the worst of all slavery, that is, the despotism of their own blind find ungoverned passions. The freedom that I love is not solitary, unconnected, individual, selfish liberty, it is social freedom, in which the liberty of no mian, and no body of men, is in a condition to trespass on the liberty of any person, or any description of persons in society." I -^■■■- 476 ADDITIONAL NOTES. EARL OF ESSEX. The death of Essex was suspected by many to have been in consequence of poison, though it would appear to be naturally accounted for from the anxiety of his mind and the physical hardships of his military situation. Among- the Lansdowne MSS. is a letter to Lord Burghley from Nicholas White giving iin account of the last sickness and death of Essex. It by no means justifies the suspicion of poison. ({ My dear good lord, *' I receaved by my nephewe your lordship's loving letters all written with your awne hande, which were more comfortable to me than I can express. I finde in themme a rule to direct me and a piller whereon to stay me, besydes a confirmation of your accustomed favour towards me whom yourself hathe lifted uppe from stumbling downe whereof I and my posteritie shall alwaies cary a loving memory. I will not pre- sume to prohibite your honor to write any thing to the governor which youe shall thinke good for me, but I suppose he hathe made choise of such as he thinks fittest to be acquaynted with his plott and therefore using me but as tanquam vocatus am to require no more, but his indifFerency, and favourable accepta- tion of my best advise in the service of my prince and countrie. Oh my good lord, here I must among others advertyse your lordship of the dolefull departure of Th' Erie of Essex who ended this life to begyn a better the xxij*"^ of September, in the Castell of Dublin, and felt his syckness first at Talaghe, th* archebisshope of Dublin's house,in his journey towards Baltinglass to meet th' Erie of Ormonde accompanyed with the chancelour, the last of August. I was moche abowte him in the later ende of his syckness and behelt such trew tokyns of nobilitie, con- joyned with a most godly and vertuos mynde to the yelding upp of his breath, as is rare to be sene. Two daies before he died ADDITIONAL KOTES. 477 he had speche with me of your lordship and sayd he thought he was borne to do you and yours good. But nowe sayd he I must coraytt the oversight of my son and all to him. He like- wise spoke lovingly of my Lord of Sussex with many other thyngs which for prolixitie and otherwise I omytt to write. He doubted that he had bene poysoned by reason of the violent evacuation which he had, and of that suspicion acquitted this lande saying no not Tirrelagh Lurnaghe himselfe wold do no villainy to his person. But upon the openyng of him which I could not abyde the chancelour told me that all his inwarde parts were sounde saving that his hart was somewhat consumed and the blader of his gall empty. Suche as toke upon theme to be his phisicians as Chaloner, Knell a preacher, and the deputie's phisician called Dr. Trever applied him with many glisters, and thereby filled his body full of winde which was perceyved, so as either their ignorance or some violent cause beyond their skill ended his life. His fleshe and complexion did not decay, his memory and speche was so perfitt that at the last yelding up of his breathe he cryed * cowradge, cowradge, I am a soylder that must fight under the banor of my Savior Christe,' and as he prayed alwaise to be dissolved, so was he loth to dye in his bed, which made me remember your Lordship's tale of your father. Emong others he had the care of my seconde son which is all this while brought upp with the yonge Erie his son without any chardge to me because his mother was a Lennox. And re- quired Mr. Waterhouse to move your honor that he might stille attend on his son and be brought upp with him, wherein I refer his case to your accustomed goodness. His lordship comytted to jny keping the patents of his creation and comntreyes here and made me one of his feoffees of truste. I hope with the de- puties favour to turn those landes to a reasonable yere commo- ditie to his son. I do send your lordship here inclosed the names of suche of the erles servaunts as were abowte him in the tyme of his syckness and served him most painfully and dilli- gently, for with respect I thinke them worthy the favour of all men. It is doubted what ende the deputies will make of this great sturr in Conaght. " From St. Kathrins besyds Dublin, this last of September 1576. " Yo"^ honors moste bounden during Hfe, " N. White. " To the right honnorable my singular good L. my L. Burghley Lord Treasurer of Englande." (See Ellis' Original Letters, vol. ii. p. 280.) 478 ADDITIONAL NOTES. '. , ■ ■■ ■*^ ^ CHARLII^ I. AND THE^^ARL OF GLAMORGAN. In the Harleian MSS. there is a letter entirely in the king's own .writing addressed to the Earl of Glamorgan. It is dated Here- ford 23d June, 1645 (soon after the battle of Naseby,) and is as follows:— ' ['■'!^': .!.'.• " Glamorgan, ... " I am glad to hear that you are gone to Ireland and assure jou that as myselfe is nowais disheartened by om late misfortune so nether this country, for I could not have ex- pected more from them than they have now freely undertaken, though I come not hither absolute victorious which makes m6 hope well of the neighbouring shores, so that (by the grace of God)rl hope shortly to recover my le^te losse with advantage, if such succours come to me from that kingdom which I have reason to expect, but the circumstance of tyme is that of the greatest consequence being that which now is chiefliest and 'earnestliest recommended to you by your most assurred, reall " Constant friend " Charles R." (See Ellis' Original Letter Sy vol. iii.) This letter pleads in excuse of the impatience of the ardent Glamorgan, and accounts for the facility with which, he entered into the intrigues of the nuncio in the expectation that they would expedite the succours so urgently desired by his royal master. m ', DUBLIN LIBRARY. In a letter of N. Marsh, D.D. to Thomas Smith, DD., dated 4th May, 1700, contained in the Bodleian Library, and given in Aubrey's Selection, we have the following account of the found- ing a library at Dublin. He is writing to Dr. Smith on various familiar subjects, and thanks him for having procured him some choice books. He then adds, " And now, sir, that you may know the better what sort of books will best fit for me, I must declare to you a secret, which is this ; that by the blessing of God I do design to leave all mine Oriental MSS. to the Bodleian Library when I die, and for the rest of my books I hope to dis- pose of them thus : — The archbishop's house at Dublin, called St. Sepulchre's, though it may well be called a palace, for the stateliness of all the public rooms of reception, yet hath no chapel nor library belonging to it, nor indeed any convenient ;---r- ■ - .■ ,-■ ■■'■ -^ .: . - -■: ■ ^ ■-^^■■- -^ . , ^ 9 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 479 # room to hold an ordinary £^dy of books. This consideration hath made me resolve to nroild both a cha|^ and a library, which had been done by this tiipe, if the title^iO the ground on ' which I am to build could have been cleared, which I hope will soon be done. The chapel is designed for the use of the an;|i- bishop's family,, the library for a public use ; which will be of great use here, wbere is nb public libfery, (that of the college being open only to the provost and fellows,) and where the - booksellers s^ops are furnished with nothing but new trifles ; so that neitttef the divines of the city, nor those that come to it H^out business, do know whither to go to spend J||k hour or two ' upon any occasion of study. In this library, if God will enable me to go through with the work, in order to the building whe|^ ''^ I have laid by 800/. (which is money that became due to me from the king whilst I was concerned in the governm^l la^st summer,) in this library,, I say, my intentions are to Imge all my printed books when I die. Sir, the design reacheth yet a little further, I have now 600/. worth of books lying ready in Dublin to be put into the library as soon as it shall be built, which is the study of a learned gentleman that will give them freely, provided the king will settle upon him 200Z. per annum out of the first fruits of the kingdom, as a salary for being library-keeper, (which he will attend,) until I or my successor can bestow upon him the chancellorsh^ or treasurership of St. Patrick's in Dublin, (on which are no cures,) to be appropriated to that use for ever. The gentleman is Mr. Bouhereau, wlio published Origen contra Celsum^ in French, with learned notes, in Holland. He is a man as well qualified to be a library- ' lueper as any I (|p know,, being well skilled in critical learning, ^dRTone of great correspondence, "fhe matter hath been before the king some time, and now that the troubles of the parliament are over, I hope we shall have a gracious answer speedily : my Lord Galway being deeply concerned in it, because Mr. Bou- hereau is his secretary, and hath been so for many years. I have near 200/. worth of books by me, that I would put into the library presently, were it built, and the rest when I die ; . and I hope, if my Lord Galway might continue in the government a'j < little longer, to find a way by a removal to get one of the for- mentioned dignities for a library-keeper, without being charge able to his majesty for any thing out of the first fruits. Rev. Sir, I have now opened my heitrt to yotij and told you what are my sincere designs for God's glory; whereupon 1 have two things to beg of you, first that you wilt offer up your daily prayers to God for me, that he will enable me to go through with this great work, or else that he will direct me to do some- » thing else in lieu of it, that may make more for his honour and glory. Secondly, that you will, froifi time to time, give me .». 48Q ADDITIONAL NOTES. ^'' your advice what books come out that are fit for a public library. I desire youAr a(kice before you ordet them for me, lest I should have them by m^ before, as I have the new edition of Sirmondus Works, Basnagim Ecclesiastical History, the Bibliotheca Pa- ttjim Maxima, in 27 volumes folio, and several others lately from France. Sir, I tire you with this long letter, but I am sure you will pardon me when you have read it ; pray for me daily, as I do for you. ** Being sincerely, Rev. Sir, . . " Your affectionate brother and humble servant, ^. Narcissus.* y M * This excellent divine and amiable man was born at Honnington, Wilts, December 20th, 1G38, of an ancient and respectable family. He recei^Ml his first education in his native place, and in 1654 was placed at Magdalen Hall, Oxford. He took his B.A. degree in 1657, and in 1658 wifti elected fellow of Exeter College, where he proceeded in his degrees, taking that of D.D. June 23d, 1671, at which time he was appointed principal of St. Alban's Hall by the Duke of Ormond, then chancellor of the university. The duties of this office he executed with 80 much zeal and judgment, that according to "Wood " he made it flourish more than it had done many years before, or hath since his de- parture." By the interest of Dr. Fell, and at the request of the Duke of Ormond, Charles the Second nominated him to succeed Dr. Ward, in the provostship of Dublin College, and in January, 1679, he was sworn in. He was then admitted doctor of divinity, and in 1683 raised to the sees ofLeighlin and Ferns; heflK he was translated, in 1690, to the arch- bishopric of Cashell, to D^j^ in 1694, and in 1703 to that of Armagh. After having lived with honour and reputation to himself and benefit to mankind in general, he died Novediber 2d, 1713, at the advanced age of 75, and was interred inja vault in the church-yard of St. Patrick's, Dublin. T^ts excellent prelate seems to have expended the greater part of his life asd income in acts of benevolence and utility ; he not only founded the library mentioned in the letter, which: he filled with ||Le books of Dr. Stillingfleet, as well as hh own collection, but he endowed an hospital at Drogheda for poor widows, greatly encouraged the propa- gation of the gospel, repaired many decayed churches in his diocese at his own expense, and extended his bounty to other works of munificence and charity. His character, perhaps, is in no place better delineated than in the letter we have in part quoted ; but the epitaph placed on the moiMBiMt erected to his memory, in' St. Patrick's church, cannot but '-. confirfln^he good opinion which must be formed of his real virtue, un- «, affect^piety, and ardent charity. — (See Aubrey's Selection.) ■^ «*^ THE END. » LONDON: IBOTSON AND FiLMEIl, PRINTERS, SAVOY-STEEET, STRAND. i k i !-■■ W^-: J •■■i .! ••«,.- -i r -..^■^^^: i;*- .-'"^^ { P'' ■^:^ .:i|^- ^'.:;^" W/i*^ ' TJSSF^' ,''v;-«?v LJr.>^'' ■ JiSSs*-- ■ *5HC,* ■ - • ^-ggy ; rs: .i>^^ -'«#> '{W .■^^' ■■;--.w?: u-s^T ^'!^ ^^" ' ' ■ it'tf'^'' 'ilSf*' -i.^^;- r V 1^ ;/:^^ i ■