THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF ILLINOIS 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 332 
 B875 
 
 V/8 
 
 B«s>wMi»icsc3r^-,*<fTVift«rO^^

 
 THE 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OP 
 
 THE MARQUIS OF LANSDOWN, 
 
 FOREIGN COMMERCE; 
 
 SPOKEN IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS. 
 
 [Now^rst revised and corrected for the Pamphleteer.^ 
 
 LONDON. 
 
 1821.
 
 THE 
 
 SPEECH, 
 
 Ihe Marquis of Lansdown rose, in pursuance of the no- 
 tice he had given, of a motion for a committee to inquire into the 
 means of extending the foreign trade of the country. So much did 
 he feel the importance and magnitude of the subject, that he appre- 
 hended no sense of duty, however great, would have been sufficient 
 to induce him to undertake the bringins it forward, had he not 
 entertained a well-founded hope of experiencing every indulgence 
 from the House. Under the circumstances, however, in wliich he 
 had thought it necessary to propose to their Lordships the appoint- 
 ment of a committee, he did not suppose that it could be necessary 
 for him to say much to justify himself for having assumed that 
 task. He certainly felt most strongly the weight of the task, and 
 would have been glad to have seen it in the hands of any noble 
 Lord more al le to do justice to it, but would have felt still more 
 satisfaction hud his Majesty's ntinislers taken the lead in originating 
 some measure, either in thai or in the other House of Parliament. 
 Several years had now passed away, since the pressure of public 
 distress engaged the attention of every friend to humanity and the 
 country. That the noble Lord opposite omitted to propose any 
 measure of relief, was not, therefore, sufficient to excuse their Lord- 
 ships for neglecting to inquire into the state of the evil, and to 
 look for a remedy. Those threatening clouds which some years 
 ago began to darken the horizon had gradually increased, and now 
 wore a more awful and ominous aspect than ever. It was then 
 impossible that their Lordships could be justified in longer abstain- 
 ing from investigating the causes of the distress under which the 
 country suffered. He felt it to be his duty to draw the attention
 
 3] The Marquis of Lansdown's Speech, fy. 535 
 
 of their Lordships to one in particular, and to propose lai inquiry 
 into the state of the foreign Hade of the country ; at tlie same time, 
 in proposing that limited inquiry, he was far from wishing to throw 
 any impediment in the way of any noble Lord who mi^ht be dis- 
 posed to institute any investigation into any other brancii of die pub- 
 lic distress. Still less did he mean to check any inclination to inquire 
 into the expense of public establibhnients, or to urge that economy, 
 always expedient, but now indispensable to the welfare of the 
 country. But the latter were among the daily duties of their Lord- 
 ships, while the proposition he had to make related to a subject 
 which seldomer called for their immediate attention. Me meant to 
 confine the proposition he had to make, to tiie appointment of a 
 committee on the foreign trade of the country. lie had chosen 
 this course, because he was convinced that any more extensive 
 inquiry would only open an arena, into which every chivalrous 
 political economist would hasten to take his stand; into which 
 every theory would be introduced, and where every opposing in- 
 terest would have found a field of combat. In any committee of 
 general inquiry, useful discussion would be impracticable, endless 
 contests would arise, and inquiries would be pursued without 
 leading to any result. But, in limiting the proposal of investiga- 
 tion to one single but important object, lie begged it might not be 
 concluded, that he had it in view to protect or promote the interest 
 of any particular body in the country, in preference to others. He 
 certainly had no such intention, but, on the contrary, had limited his 
 proposition to a subject which he conceived intimately connected 
 with the interest of the whole country. But, whatever course their 
 Lordships might determine to pursue, whether that of a limited 
 or a general inquiry, if ever they were to entertain a design so unjust 
 as that of favoring one interest or one body of the State, at the ex- 
 pense of any other, such a project would be impossible. So 
 inseparably connected were the interests of society, so powerfully 
 did the laws which Providence had imposed on those interests 
 operate — for in regulating the wants they also regulated the actions 
 of men — that any partiality of this kind w as impracticable. When- 
 ever it should be attempted to fence round any particular interest, 
 and afford an exclusive protection from a general calamity, that 
 interest would experience a re-action worse than the evil complained 
 of, and find itself more exposed by the very barrier erected for its 
 defence. Such a proceeding could only tend to bring on the body 
 whom it was wished to favor, increased humiliation and distrust. 
 The experience of the last ten years could not be thrown away on 
 their Lordships, and he trusted it would not on the country. In 
 the year 1815, they had seen the distress of the agricultural body 
 visited on the other interests of the community. They had after-
 
 536 The Marquis of Lansdown's Speech [4 
 
 wards found the distress of the manufacturing interett visited on the 
 growers of corn and tlie raisers of every kind of agricultural produce. 
 From these alternate visitations, who could fail to see that the order of 
 Nature had linked together all the interests of men in society, and that 
 it was nothing less than the height of folly and madness, to attempt 
 to prop up any one class at the expense of another ? The house had 
 pronounced an opinion, some years ago, on the extent to which the 
 principle of the corn laws should be carried, and he would not now 
 go into an inquiry which he thought already disposed of — namely, 
 W'hether the agricultural interest was sufficiently protected. He 
 could not, however, help observing, that in looking at the petitions 
 on the table, the opinion, that this country ought to be rendered 
 independent of foreign corn, seemed to be adopted in some of them. 
 The petitioners wished for prices which would give them the advan- 
 tage they possessed in time of war ; but they ought to consider, 
 that the effect of the continued operation of high prices must be 
 to leave no country open for export. What then would be the 
 result of sudden depression ? If an extraordinarily abundant har- 
 vest produced low prices, the farmer would be ruined by a revul- 
 sion in prices without its natural remedy, and the manufacturer 
 would participate in his distress. The lesson of experience on 
 this subject would not be forgotten by their Lordships. In consi- 
 dering a part they would look to the whole, and would not allow 
 themselves to be seduced by views of partial interests, from devo- 
 ting their attention to the effect of any measure which might be 
 proposed, on the general prosperity of the whole country. There 
 were some speculative persons to be found, who thought that this 
 country would be more prosperous were it independent of manu- 
 factures, and that it would be desirable to establish its interest sole- 
 ly on the basis of agriculture as the most sound and invariable, though 
 necessarily the most limited. Without entering into the discussion 
 of the question of the advantage or disadvantage of manufactures, 
 it was sufficient to call to recollection that this was a subject on 
 which the country had no longer a choice. Commerce and manu- 
 factures had made the country what it was, and by them alone 
 could it be maintained in the rank to which it had been raised. 
 No axiom was more true than this — that it was by growing what 
 the territory of a country could grow most cheaply, and by receiv- 
 ing from other countries what it could not produce except at a 
 greater expense, that the greatest degree of happiness was to be 
 communicated to the greatest extent of population. No man 
 could anticipate the loss of foreign commerce without at the 
 same time contemplating a reduction of the population of the 
 country in a way which would produce the most deplorable distress.
 
 5] on Foreign Commerce. 537 
 
 Whether the population were to be estimated at 12 millions, or 
 more or less, if the number created and supported by foreign com- 
 merce be three, or two, or one, what would be the consequence of 
 its loss ? However small the proportion ol the population the de- 
 struction of which might be contemplated, it could not be annihilated 
 by any process, ho\\ever gradual, without the greatest suffering, 
 not confined to that portion only, but at the same time ndlicting 
 miseries not to be described on the remaining portion. Whatever in- 
 quiry was instituted, whatever measure nught be adopted, then- Lord- 
 ships must proceed upon the principle of protecting all those interests 
 which had made the country a great agricultural, cornu ercial, and 
 manufacturing nation. No interest could be separated, for all the 
 various classes of the community depended on each other; and it 
 might be said of each, as the poet had finely said of man in society — 
 
 " He, like the generous vine, supported lives, 
 
 " The strength he gains is from tli' < nihrace he gives." 
 
 He was, however, aware that their Lordships must not proceed 
 rashly, and that the investigation into which he trusted they would 
 enter required the greatest deliberation, for there were many diffi- 
 culties to be overcome. He remembered to have heard an anecdote 
 relative to an interview between Dr. Adam Sii.ith aod Mr. Burke, 
 which was very applicable to the present subject : — Dr. Smith re- 
 proached Mr. Burke for not at once proposing the abolition of the 
 laws against forestalling, and asked what prevented Parliament from 
 passing an act to declare forestalling free? Mr. Burke, in reply, 
 remarked, "V ou Doctor, in your Professor's chair, may deal with these 
 propositions as with the pure mathematics ; we statesmen must lay 
 our account to the resistance of prejudice and the force of error." He 
 knew their Lordships would have much of prejudice to contend 
 with in the course of their inquiry, and many interests to consider 
 in connexion with the question of foreign commerce. He thought 
 it therefore necessary to call their attention to the nature of the ge- 
 neral distress, which formed the ground for their investigation. For 
 a long period, owing to the nature of the warfare in which Europe 
 had been involved, whether originating in the unbounded am- 
 bition of an individual, or the weakness and want of principle in 
 governments, or some new and irresistible current in the opinions 
 of mankind, every nation in Juuope had made unusual exertions 
 and undergone an unusual excitement; whatever had been the cause^ 
 the effect was, that nations had been induced to live on their capi- 
 tal instead of their revenue ; and a consequence of this state of 
 things was, that a numerous population had been called into exist- 
 ence by a great artificial demand for labor. It was, however, 
 impossible that this state of expenditure could continue; but the 
 population remained when the capital was gone, and the quantity 
 of supply of labor, when the demand hud ceased for it, was the
 
 538 ' The Marquis of Lansdown's Speech [6 
 
 great cause of the existing distress. Those countries which, from 
 their financial system and their geographical situation, were enabled 
 to expend most of their capital, and for a time to give encourage- 
 ment to the greatest quantities of productive labor, have mort- 
 gaged their revenues, and are in a situation to feel the general dis- 
 tress in a greater degree than poorer countries, v\'hich could not 
 spend their capital. Such had been the effect produced by the 
 great expenditure their Lordships had experienced. This he took 
 to be the situation of the country, and it afforded a just, if not a 
 satisfactory answer, to a question put to their Lordships by the peti- 
 tioners of Birmingham — Why, when there was so much plenty in the 
 land, so much distress was felt ? The circumstances which he had 
 mentioned, must be kept in view when their Lordships' attention was 
 to be directed to find a remedy for the distress which he had de- 
 scribed. The most obvious remedy then was, to create a demand 
 for our labor and our manufactures, and the most obvious tnode of 
 creating that demand was, to encourage and to extend our foreign 
 trade by removing some of those restrictions by which it was shack- 
 led, in looking towards such a relaxation, two things ought to be 
 kept in view by their Lordships : first, the necessity of maintain- 
 ing our revenue ; and, secondly, the justice and expediency of 
 consulting those interests which were vested in our existing trade, 
 on the faith of the continuance of the regulations under which it 
 was now carried on. But if those things were not to be lost sight 
 of — they ought not to prevent changes which higher interests and a 
 wiser policy demanded. With the necessity of attending to them, 
 their l^ordships ought to recollect that the policy which they in- 
 volved was a departure from that which was dictated by sounder 
 principles of political economy, and thereforeought to be limited to 
 what the strict nature of the case re({uired. They ought, in short, 
 to recollect, that perfect freedom of trade should be the rule, and 
 restraint only the exception. (Hear.) On this principle he would 
 arrange the different points on which he meant to touch, and recom- 
 mend the relaxations which he might venture to suggest. Without 
 entering then into particular branches of our trade, or specifying par- 
 ticular articles, he would first of all venture to say, if it were oiiiy for 
 the sake of gt- itiug rid of a principle as obnoxious to other countries 
 as it was unsuitable to our own policy, that theie ought to be no 
 prohibitory duties, as such — that where a manufacture could not 
 be carried on, or a production raised, but under the protection of a 
 prohil)itory duty, that manufacture or that produce must be brought 
 to market at a loss. The name of prohibition might therefore in 
 commerce be got rid of altogether ; but he did not see the same 
 objection to protecting duties, which, while they admitted of the 
 introduction of commodities from abroad, similar to those which
 
 7] 
 
 on Foreis:n Commerce. 559 
 
 'i? 
 
 we ourselves manufactured, placed them so much on a level 
 as to allow a competition between them. The next point to 
 •which he would advert was one of more practical and immediate 
 importance, as it ati'ected a principle on -wrhich the government of 
 th»6 country iiad lung been carried on, and in the observance of which 
 it had attained its present power and greatness — he meant the prin- 
 ciple of the navigation-laws. The relaxation which he would pro- 
 pose in those laws was not of a nature, nor to an extent, which ought 
 to excite any jealousy in those who looked to them as one of the 
 sources of our national security, nor any alarm in the ship-owners 
 and others, whose interests were considered as so intimately 
 connected with their strict maintenance. All the relaxation he 
 would suggest would be, to allow produce from all parts of 
 Europe to be imported, without n)aking it necessary that it should 
 be altogether in English-built ships, or in ships belonging to the 
 nation whence the produce comes. At present a vessel which had 
 taken part of its cargo in a French port, and wliich afterwards had 
 proceeded to a Flanders port for the remainder, could not enter a 
 British port. All that he would propose would be, to allow such 
 a vessel to make good its assortment in different ports in Europe, 
 and still to have the right of entering this country. He would 
 make one exception to this relaxation of the navigation-laws — he 
 would not allow the importation of colonial produce in this man- 
 ner. The third point to which he would advert was one of no in- 
 considerable importance in itself, and of still greater consequence 
 from the principle which it involved — he meant an entire freedom 
 of the transit trade. Such a change would tend to encourage the 
 warehousing system, and would thus promote the desirable object 
 of rendering our ports the depot of other foreign nations. What- 
 ever brought the foreign merchant to this country, and made it a 
 general mart — a depot for the merchandise of the world, which 
 n)ight be done consistently with the levying of a small duty, 
 was valuable to our trade, and enriched the industrious population 
 of our ports. Such freedom of transit allowed of assortment of 
 cargoes for foreign markets, and thus extended ovn* trade in gene- 
 ral. He was aware that the abolition of transit duties was 
 formerly opposed by those who wished to protect the linen trade 
 of Ireland, and he willingly allowed that that trade deserved pecu- 
 liar protection. A duty of \5 per cent, on the iniportution of 
 foreign linens was, during the war, thought necessary to protect 
 the linen manufactures of Ireland. No injury resulted from that 
 arrangement while we engrossed the conimerce of the world, 
 while no vessel could sail without a British convoy, and while we 
 could force our own conmiodities into foreign markets in pre- 
 ference to otheri, for which there was a greater demand ; but now
 
 ^40 The Marquis of Lansdown's Speech f 8 
 
 the case was altered, and many who were interested in the linen 
 manufacture of Ireland thought a relaxation of the transit duty ad- 
 visable. Indeed it could not be forgotten, that this manufacture 
 had florished to as great an extent as ever before it was pro- 
 tected by any duty; but whatever was the policy of imposing that 
 duty or continuing it during the war, the same reasons would not 
 now justify its continuance. If we refused to admit German linen 
 without the payment of a transit duty, the foreigner would 
 rather go to Germany for the article; he would then either pay 
 the duty which we imposed, or take a less valuable article as a 
 substitute ; and as linen might be a necessary article in the assort- 
 ment of his cargo, this duty would drive him away altogether, even 
 when desirous of obtaining other articles which our soil or industry 
 could supply. He wished to see the linen trade of Ireland pro- 
 tected, but he was sure that a transit duty could not afford it that 
 protection. He now came to a fourth point, which involved 
 important interests — he meant the state of the trade with the north 
 of Europe, and the duties imposed on the importation of timber 
 from that quarter. But first of all, before he touched on the 
 policy of such duties, and the grounds on which their continuance 
 was defended, he must recall to the recollection of their Lordships 
 the circumstances in which they originated. These high duties, 
 then, were not imposed as a part of our permanent colonial sys- 
 tem, nor were they imposed for the express advantage of the ship- 
 owners, who had now such an interest in their continuance. Nei- 
 ther was any pledge given, or hopes held out to the ship-owners, at 
 the time, that the duties were to be maintained for their benefit. 
 The measure was expressly of a temporary nature, and was neces- 
 sarily to be brought under review in March next. The interests 
 now vested in the timber-trade to our North American Colonies 
 grew out of what was considered as a temporary arrangement, and 
 had of course no security against a change which the general 
 interests of the nation might require. It would easily be allowed, 
 that the shipping interest did feel, and were justified in feeling, a 
 strong reluctance to the removal of a tax, which, by allowing the 
 country to obtain timber nearer home, would throw many vessels 
 out of employment belonging to that respectable body. The navi- 
 gation-laws of the country, with which they connected their interests, 
 he was by no means prepared to condemn in principle ; but was 
 prepared to submit, that however desirable a perfect freedom of 
 trade might be, there might be found instances in which, from politi- 
 cal considerations, advantage and security were to be purchased 
 by promoting an expensive navigation of British vessels. But it 
 was one thing to agree to the justness of a principle properly re- 
 stricted, and another to admit its unlimited operation ; and nothing,
 
 9] 
 
 on Foreign Commerce. 541 
 
 o 
 
 it was allowed, could be more deiriinenlal to commerce than the 
 imposing of a heavy duu dh a raw material. And what was the 
 reasoning of the ship-ouni-rs in tlu-n- peiiuoii aganist an abolition 
 of thisdntN ? He sh-aild be sorry lo iiii>represeMt then arguments, 
 and would therefore read ihe slalement from ilieir ov\n petition. 
 They represent that, from tiie leiigi'i aiiH difficnlt\ of the voyage 
 to North America, the larger p;irt <'f the value of ilie tniiber tlience 
 imported cons^ists of freiglit ; and that tlie mere circumstance 
 of the proximity of the northern ports of Europe, by enabling 
 ships to repeat their voyages frequently in the course of a year, 
 would reduce the number of British vessels employed in the limber- 
 trade to one-third. They therefore say, that whereas it is expedi- 
 ent that the\ should be employed — and whereas they cannot be so 
 employed if they procure tmiber where it is cheapest and best — 
 they therefore should import it of the worst quality, and from the 
 greatest distance (Hear, hear.) 'I'liis was the proposition (hey 
 propounded when the question was, whether we should import our 
 timber from our own colonies or from the Baltic. And let their 
 l^ordships consider what the article was, that was thus to be raised 
 in price, while it was deteriorated in quality; it was the raw 
 material of our houses, of our bridges, of our eaiials, and in some 
 degree of our shipping itself: and so inconsistent were the pi titiorn 
 ers, that they asked to continue duties which nu reased the ex- 
 pense of their «)vmi trade. A great part of the capital whicli they 
 had vested in their business, and of the expense which iliey in- 
 curred, was rendered necessary bv the lr.;ih price of the article which 
 they thus \Mshed to in«rease b\ heavy duties. But h-i the house 
 observe to what consequeiu es the principle laid down l)v the [)eti- 
 tioners would go, if carried to its extreme length, and applied to 
 other branches of trade. Suppose it wt-re proposed, on the same 
 plea, to bring our cotton from the East Indies instead of importing 
 it from America, he did not see on what giounds those could resist 
 such a proposition, who argued that we (>ught to import our timber 
 from Canada rather than from Norwa\. The voyage wouhi have 
 the advantage of being thrice as long, and the article might be 
 tripled in price. A petition from Newcastle had stated, that by 
 resorting to the Baltic for timber, not one half the number ot ves- 
 sels would be employed that now sailed to America; which was 
 just as good a reason for going to the latter countr\ as we should 
 have for employing double the number of horses tor fair\mg the 
 mails, when the present number was found, by the athnirabh system 
 now established, lo be sufficient. But if their Lordships did not 
 lose sight of all principle, and allow that particular mteiests ought 
 alone to be consulted, they would see that the general good would 
 be better consulted by the employment of our shipping in a gene-
 
 542 The Marquis of Lansdown's Speech [10 
 
 lal extension of our trade, than in adding unnecessary expenses to one 
 branch of it. The ship-owners could not certainly, by an aboli- 
 tion of the duties, have employment for their vessels to the same 
 extent ; but as the imports from Russia and Prussia would in- 
 crease, and as they would have nearly the whole of that trade, 
 the falling off might not be so great as they anticipated. And 
 with regard to the argument employed by them, against 
 renewing our intercourse with the north of Europe, name- 
 ly, that those who supplied us with timber from that quarter 
 would not receive British manufactures in return, it appeared to 
 him futile and ungrounded. If they did not send direct for our 
 manufactures at home, they sent for them to Leipsic and other fairs 
 of Germany. Were not the Russian and Polish merchants pur- 
 chasers there to a great amount ? But he would never admit the 
 principle, that a trade was not profitable because we were obliged 
 to carry it on with the precious metals, or that we ought to re- 
 nounce it because our nianufactures were not received by the foreign 
 nation in return for its produce. Whatever we receive must be 
 paid for in the produce of our land and labor, directly or circui- 
 tously ; and he was glad to perceive that he had the noble Earl's 
 (Liverpool) marked concurrence in this principle. We had been 
 long in the habit of sending out the precious metals to the East In- 
 dies ; but we purchased the gold and silver thus exported with our 
 manufactures sent to America. The ship-owners who were inter- 
 ested in the question, ought to look at the quality and the cheapness 
 of the article which they could receive from the Baltic ; and consi- 
 der what influence that would have on the expenses of ship-build- 
 ing, which so nearly concerned them. The whole subject would, 
 however, be investigated by the committee, who would consider 
 how much of the duty might be taken off the timber from the north, 
 whether what was left might not be more fairly and advantageously 
 raised by being proportioned to the bulk of the deals, (those of 
 Norway being generally smaller,) and what regulations might be 
 adopted to reserve to Canada the supply of masts, for which its 
 timber was peculiarly fitted : that of wood for slighter articles, of 
 turnery and furniture, owing to its greater softness for working, 
 she would not fail to retain. It deserved serious consideration, 
 how much more we paid for the timber from Canada than we 
 should pay for that from the north of Europe. By a calculation 
 which he had made, the difference was not less than 500,000/. an- 
 nually for the whole country, and in the port of London alone 
 100,000/. had been paid on account of this prohibitory duly. He 
 would now advert to another subject, of great importance — the 
 state of our trade with Fiance, and particularly in the article of 
 wine. Their Lordships must know that a duty of 143/. 18s. was
 
 11] 
 
 on Forei9:n Commerce. 543 
 
 imposed upon the tun of French wine, while only 95/. was im- 
 posed upon Spanish and Portuguese wines. There had been a fall- 
 ing-off in the duty in the last year, of 220,000/. Now, although 
 the government of France was not disposed to enter into any com- 
 mercial treaty, or to make any liberal arrangement for receiving our 
 manufactures in exchange for their wine, he would not allow but 
 that some change should be made in our present trade with that 
 country. Even though the government were not disposed at first 
 to enter into any specific treaty, the people would find their ad- 
 vantage in the intercourse ; and although we might he obliged, in 
 the first place, to pay in bullion, our manufactures vvould go 
 abroad to other countries, to purchase that bullion. He need not 
 again repeat, that for a long course of time we had been exporting 
 bullion to the East Indies, and that we were oblis;td to export 
 manufactures to America for the purpose of procuring it. The 
 consent of Portugal to any beneficial araugement ot this kind with 
 France, would not necessarily be required; as, if we did not enforce 
 our claim to send Portugal our woollens, they had no right to de- 
 mand of us to take their wines. Tiiis, however, might be settled 
 by a short negociation. What he had said with regard to llie uines 
 of France would apply likewise to its silks : and if our ouu manu- 
 facturers in silk were to suffer temporarily, by a removal ot the pro- 
 hibitory duties, this was one of the cases in which policy might 
 justify what humanity vvould demand — a parliamentary grant for 
 compensation to the families employed. He had now gone through 
 all the points of our trade with respect to Europe, and had given 
 his views of the changes which he thought ought to bt adopted. 
 He now came to a subject, which, wiih whatever diffii uities it 
 might be surrounded, he looked to witii gieat salislacimn in one 
 point of view, as it might hold out to the- shipping inierest, which 
 might be in some degree affected by what he had lately suggested 
 as to the im|)ortation of timber,, advantages far moie « xiensive, 
 more promising, and more durable. It would be imposMble for 
 their Lordships not to recollect and to apply the fad, that from 
 one of the largest, most fertile, and most populous portions of 
 the globe, that iiiunense space which lay between Atnca and 
 America, the general Briu.-h merchant was excluded. Irom the 
 time that he doubled Cape Horn, or the Cape of Good Hope, 
 he found his comuieiciai operations cramped, and his enterprise 
 restrained ; not by the nature of the country, for it was full of 
 ports and rivers, and adapted to commerce ; not by the itulispo- 
 sition of the p«- -pie to tiade, for they were numerous, industrious, 
 and disposed to exchange their productions for ours; not by the 
 difficulties of the seas, for, by the tiade-unids and the monsoons, 
 navigation was rendered easy and secure ; but he was pursued,
 
 544 The Marquis of Lausdown's Speech [12 
 
 and all his schemes defeated, by the statute-book. (Hear, hean) 
 It M-as Hiis iliat restrained him from) trading from one part to ano- 
 ther wiilioiit a licence. It was this which prevented him from 
 dealinuinoneof the most valuable and lucrative articles of trade, viz.-— 
 tea. He would not speak with disrespect of the body of the East- 
 India Company, but he would say, that it traded under ail the 
 disad\antn2es which have ever been found to belong to a monopo- 
 ly. He was convinced, from the interest which that body must 
 feel in tlie national welfare, that they would not refuse to allow 
 others to enjoy what they themselves were unable to enjoy ; 
 and this was all that he wanted to ground his proposition 
 upon. If the private trade were perfectly unrestricted, much 
 smaller vessels might be employed, and many merchants would 
 engage in it who could not lit out a ship of 500 tons burden. 
 There existed many nations whose ports and rivers were accessi- 
 ble to smaller vessels, who were now never visited. They com- 
 posed a population of upw ards of 70,000,000 ; and he would beg 
 leave to read a passage from a book lately published by a gentleman 
 who had been long employed in the Eastern islands, showing the 
 facilities for commerce in the Eastern seas, the great wealth 
 "which they offered, and the little trade that was now carried on 
 in them, I'he noble Marquis recommended this as a field for 
 our commerce, in case some alterations were admitted in the rights 
 exercised by the East-India Company. He was well aware that 
 all such trades must have slow and small beginnings ; but he was 
 also aware that it was in encouraging those slow and small begin- 
 nings that the legislature of a country was best employed. He 
 recollected a story, which, though it was not much in itself, 
 deserved some notice from their Lordships, since it had been put 
 upon r< cord by Dr. Franklin, as a complete illustration of the 
 doctrine which he (,the Marquis of Lansdown) was then advancing. 
 Dr. Franklin related that his wife, conceiving herself to be under 
 obligation to a ship-owner at Maytown, made a practice for some 
 years, of sending a cap annually to his daughter as a present. After 
 this practice had lasted for some time, the Doctor stated that he 
 accidentally met this ship-owner, in company with a farmer of the 
 same town, in Philadelphia. The ship-owner said to him, *'A 
 dear cap that was, friend, which you sent to us at Maytown." 
 ''How so.?" replied the Doctor. "Why, since you sent us it, 
 none of our young wotiicn will go out without one. " The farmer 
 hereupon interrupted the ship-owner, and told him that he was on- 
 ly telling one side of the story ; for he ought to have added, that it 
 was only since those caps had been sent to Maytown that their 
 young women had been accustomed to send mittens to Philadelphia, 
 it being by the sale of their mittens that they were able to procure 
 the Philadelphia caps. (Laughter.) This story he (the Marquis
 
 13] on Foreign Commerce. 545 
 
 of Lansdown) confessed was a trifle in itself : but trifles such as 
 these, like the seeds whicli, first scattered by the breeze, at length fas- 
 ten on the soil, when they come to operate upon the minds of bold and 
 enterprising men, produce consequences that aff^ect the prosperity 
 and happiness of nations ; so it was that the foundations of all those 
 trades were laid, which the merchants of this country had carried 
 on with so much industry and success, and which he trusted that 
 they would carry on with still greater industry and success when 
 they were allowed to embark in them free from those restrictions 
 by which they had hitherto been shackled. Indeed, when he con- 
 sidered the eff'ects which had followed the opening of a free trade, 
 in the only quarter where it had yet been permitted, he could not for 
 a moment doubt of the benefit which ihe commercial interests of the 
 country would receive from the removal of those restrictions under 
 M'hich they had hitherto labored. Their Lordships would recollect that 
 six years ago, when the trade to the East Indies was not open, there 
 was no independent British tonnage on the other side of the Cape 
 of Good Hope. At present he was happy to inform them, that 
 there were in the Eastern seas 20,000 tons of shipping in the ser- 
 vice of the East India Company, but 61,000 in the service of the free 
 traders. Was there any one among their Lordships, seeing, as they 
 all had seen, the rapid strides with which British commerce had 
 advanced in that quarter of the globe, bold enough to say, that the 
 advantages of a free trade might not be carried still further even 
 there, and might not be rendered productive of even still more im- 
 portant results ? But whilst upon this subject, there was another 
 point which he wished to press upon the notice of their Lordships, 
 and which was this — that the free trade employed 4,720 British 
 seamen, whilst the trade of the East-India Company employed on- 
 ly 2,550 of them. This fact particularly deserved their attention, 
 because it displayed the benefits of a free trade, even in quarters 
 where benefits were least of all to be expected. Whenever a free 
 trade to other countries, nearer home, had been proposed, their Lord- 
 ships and the country had been told that the opening of such trade 
 would be highly inexpedient, because it would throw out of employ- 
 ment a certain number of British seamen; but, now that the trad© 
 was opened to the East Indies, it was proved that it not only did 
 not throw any of them out of employment, but actually opened a 
 field for the employment of an additional immber of them. It was 
 true that in the vessels employed in the free trade there were only 
 7 men to every 100 tons, whereas, in the East-India service, there 
 were 20 men to the same quantity of toimage; but did that circum- 
 stance prove any thing against a free trade, connected, as they 
 ought to connect it, with the fact that the number of seamen enga- 
 ged in that free trade was greater than the number engaged by the 
 VOL. XVn. Pam. NO. XXXIV. 2M
 
 546 Marquis of Lansdown's»SJ5eec/f [14 
 
 East-India Company ? Itonly proved the superior skill and economy of 
 labor, with which individual interest would conduct a trade to pro- 
 fit, when compared with that of a corporation proceeding upon 
 rule and habit without the same stimulus. 
 
 j!\fter some further observations upon this subject, the Noble Mar- 
 quis proceeded to contend that it was a peculiar hardship, that iu 
 countries where the British had established an unprecedented pow- 
 er, and where they exercised an uncontrolled dominion, an American 
 should be at liberty to carry on a trade in which it was not allowed 
 to an Englishman to engage. The trade to which he alluded was 
 the exportation of tea, from China to Europe, which he under- 
 stood was in the proportion of ten to one in the hands of the Ame- 
 rican merchant ; nor was this at all surprising, for he not only deri- 
 ved a benefit from the liberty which he possessed, of assorting his 
 cargo when and where he pleased, but also from the liberty which 
 he enjoyed of supplying France, Holland, and other parts of the 
 continent, with that commodity, tea, which the East- India Compa- 
 ny did not choose to do themselves, and which their charter did 
 not permit any of their fellow-countrymen to supply their place by 
 doing. The consequence of this extraordinary state of things had 
 been, that, while the British trade at Canton had been stationary 
 during the last thirteen years, their trade had made most rapid in- 
 crease; and, indeed, during the last three years, had increased a 
 full third of its former value. He would next proceed to show to 
 their Lordships another point in which our commercial regulations 
 gave an advantage to the American merchant trading in the eastern 
 seas, which was not enjoyed by our own. Both must go to South 
 America for bullion ; and, for the sake of argument, he would sup- 
 pose that Valparaiso was the port to which both went. The Eng- 
 lish merchant, after taking in his bullion, is obliged to return to 
 England, and then cannot set sail for India until he has refitted his 
 ship. The American merchant, on the contrary, sails directly 
 from Valparaiso to his place of destination, disposes of one cargo 
 and takes in another, almost before the English merchant is able 
 to set sail a second time from England. Indeed, he had been 
 informed, in the course of that morning, that at the present mo- 
 ment certain Americans were fitting up vessels in the Thames, 
 in order to undertake a beneficial venture, which no Englishman 
 could hazard with safety under the present regulations. Was it 
 right that such a circumstance should be allowed to occur in this, 
 which had been justly denominated the most commercial country 
 in the world ? He did not grudge to the United States the advantage 
 of any trade which their circumstances and situation enabled them 
 to carry on with greater advantage than ourselves; but were we to 
 create our own incapacity ? Was it either right or expedient, that
 
 15] 
 
 071 Foreio'n Commerce. 547 
 
 "& 
 
 this country should extend to Americans the privileges of a trade 
 from which she excluded her own inhabitants, who were equally 
 well, if not belter, calculated to carry it on, from their habits, their 
 industry, and their spirit of enterprise ? So fully was he convinced 
 of the inexpediency of such a restriction, that nothing could induce 
 him to believe that the East-India Company would not, if applied 
 to, allow Englishmen to supply France, and Holland, and Germany, 
 with tea from Canton, as readily as she allowed the American mer- 
 chant to do so. He felt this, from the peculiar value of the trade, 
 and the great elements of future prosperity connected with it, to be 
 the most important consideration he had to urge ; and it was the 
 last topic of a strictly commercial nature on which he should allow 
 himself to comment. He should next proceed — unwilling as he 
 was to touch upon any political question, on an occasion wlien he 
 had no wish to excite any political feeling — to say a few words upon 
 certain subjects, which, though they were connected with the po- 
 litics, were not less connected with the commerce, of the country. 
 He was not prepared to say that the British Government ought to 
 exert its influence to procure the immediate independence of South 
 America — by no means ; but he was prepared to say that, consider- 
 ing the manner in which the trade of its subjects had increased at 
 Buenos Ayres, where it was liable to no restrictions during the 
 years 1810, 1811, and 1812 — considering that since the latter of 
 these periods it had even increased there to a two-fold amount, and 
 that similar results had taken place in every other part of that great 
 continent where British manufactures had been introduced, it was 
 bound, by every tie of feeling and of interest, to cement the con- 
 nexion which already subsisted l)etween the inhabitants of the two 
 countries, by the utmost good faith, kindness, and liberality. To ce- 
 ment that connexion would not be a difficult task for this country, 
 as there was none better calculated to inspire the South Americans 
 with sentiments of respect and aff'ection. First, it was a maritime 
 country, able to give them support and assistance whenever they 
 should stand in need of it ; secondly, if it repealed the restrictions 
 with which it had guarded its conuiierce up to the present day, it 
 would stand before them as a country ready to receive their pro- 
 duce on the most favorable terms, and seeking nothing else, in 
 its relation with them, than the happiness and prosperity of both 
 parties. And why should they not repeal these restrictions .'' Their 
 Lordships, he was sure, were well aware that, in the year previous to 
 the commencement of the unforiunate war which terminated in the 
 establishment of American independence, our exports to the Uni- 
 ted States did not amount to more than 3,000,0001.; whereas at 
 present they amounted to no less a sum than 30,000,0001. Was 
 this great and amazing increase the result of restrictive laws and
 
 548 Marquis of Lansdown's *5^ecA, (^c. [16 
 
 provisions ? Certainly not : it was the result of the increased pros- 
 perity and population of those States, and of their becoming, in con- 
 sequence of it, greater consumers of our produce and manufac- 
 tures. If such had been the case with North America, did not 
 that very circumstance render it still more the interest of the Brit- 
 ish Government to consolidate its friendship with those countries in 
 the south, which were desirous of securing its friendship, which under 
 the odious government from which Spain had recently emancipated it- 
 self, had neverbeen open to us, and which, even under the government 
 which had just succeeded to it, were not likely to be more accessi- 
 ble to us ? The Noble Marquis then stated, that the political state of 
 Ireland must also form an important feature in the future prospects 
 of British trade. If ever there was a people calculated to give em- 
 ployment to capital, and to become great consumers of manufactu- 
 red goods, it was the people of Ireland. Every exertion made to civi- 
 lize their habits and improve their political condition, would react 
 upon our own prosperity, and afford a perpetually increasing demand. 
 Our religious and commercial jealousies had cramped her growth; 
 our confidence and sympathy might expand it no less for our own 
 benefit than for hers. He would now conclude ; though not very san- 
 guine in his expectations of immediate relief to the presentdistress of the 
 country, he could not, with the feelings which he entertained regarding 
 British enterprise, British skill, and British ingenuity, abandon the 
 hope of ultimate success and revived exertions, whilst there was any 
 part of the globe unexplored, or only partially explored, to which our 
 trade could penetrate. Our merchants, if they were now oppressed 
 with the difficulties which he had before described, were not, how- 
 ever, deprived of that high character, that good faith, and that per- 
 severing industry, which had always distinguished them. In what- 
 ever part of the world they appeared they still maintained their an- 
 cient pre-eminence; and thus acquired, wherever they went, a pre- 
 ference over those of other nations. These were his grounds of 
 hope ; and on these he looked forward with confidence to the ar- 
 rival of more favorable times. He had now stated the object of his 
 motion : all that he asked of their Lordships was, to consult the ge- 
 nius of their country, for that support which was so necessary to re- 
 new and invigorate its resources; and to apply to those principles 
 for the preservation of their commerce, to which they were indebted 
 for its original prosperity. He could assure them, that he had not 
 willingly brought the subject forward, but that it had forced itself, 
 through him, upon the House, owing to the reluctance exhibited by 
 Ministers to entertain it. He then concluded his speech by moving 
 for the appc»intment of a select committee, to examine into the state 
 of the foreign trade, and the best means of extending it.

 
 
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