The Granger Movement in 111
 
 UNIVERSITY OF 
 
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 SEPTEMBER 15, 1904 
 
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 Vol. I 
 
 SEPTEMBER, 1904 
 
 No. 8 
 
 The Granger Movement In Illinois 
 
 By 
 
 A. E. PAINE, A. M. 
 
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 ILLINOIS HISTORICAL SURVEY 
 
 COPYRIGHT, SEPTEMBER 1904, 
 BY THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS.
 
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 Vol. I SEPTEMBER, 1904 No. 8 
 
 >tubie0 
 
 The Granger Movement In Illinois 
 
 By 
 A. E. PAINE, A. M. 
 
 PRICE 35 CENTS 
 
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 THE GRANGER MOVEMENT IN ILLINOIS. 
 1. Introductory: The Rise of the Grange. 
 
 Of all the organizations that have flourished among farmers 
 since the middle of the last century, none, from a social and 
 economic standpoint, has equaled in importance the Patrons of 
 Husbandry, more commonly known as the Grange. Although 
 its immediate organization displays some peculiarities, it was 
 the outgrowth of natural conditions, and its promoters had a 
 mine of experience on which to draw in order to establish it on 
 a solid basis. For even the farming class, though poorly situ- 
 ated for organization, had societies more than one hundred 
 years old. 
 
 The new order came into being shortly after the Civil War. 
 It was a favorable time for such a movement. For two decades a 
 feeling of dissatisfaction had been,spreading among the farmers. 
 For a time it had found sufficient expression in the political agi- 
 tation against slavery, but otherwise had played no important 
 part in the economic growth of the nation. It was temporarily 
 overshadowed by more vital questions, but gained new life in 
 the west as railroad building progressed and increasing migra- 
 tion brought about more extensive competition among the farm- 
 ers. This competition lowered the prices of their products, 
 while at the same time their purchases had to be made at ex- 
 orbitant prices. They were at the mercy of the middlemen, 
 whom they were unable to oppose successfully owing to lack of 
 organization, and because their own inertia had prevented them 
 from undertaking to deal directly with the manufacturers. 
 
 The motives of the middlemen were not entirely selfish. 
 That their operations brought injury to the farmer was rather 
 their misfortune than their fault. They found the farmers 
 poorly supplied with cash and were forced to sell on credit. 
 
 [335]
 
 In this way a system of credit grew up which enabled the mid- 
 dlemen to hold the farmers' trade even though charging high 
 rates for the supplies which they furnished. 1 
 
 The railroads, too, were a source of irritation. At the be- 
 ginning of the era of construction in the West the people were 
 friendly to the railroads. Railroad building in the east and the 
 opening of through lines of transportation in the few years be- 
 fore the war opened new markets for the western farmer and 
 increased the demand for agricultural products. However, dis- 
 criminations, high rates with their accompanying phenomenon 
 of stock watering, and the attitude which the railroad man- 
 agers assumed toward the shippers, together with a succession 
 of sharp practices, gradually aroused the public and led to or- 
 ganized opposition. 
 
 Hostility to the middlemen and fear of the railroads were 
 the main causes of the movement among the western farmers 
 towards organization. In other sections of the country addi- 
 tional causes operated to produce a like result. The farmers of 
 the south had been left in an unfortunate condition as a result 
 of the Civil War. If we add to these causes of discontent, the 
 general feeling of unrest commonly prevalent among the tillers 
 of the soil, we have a sufficient explanation of the causes of the 
 widespread movement among the farming classes, which result- 
 ed in the organization of the Patrons of Husbandry. 
 
 Such were the conditions when Oliver Hudson Kelley, a 
 clerk in the Agricultural Department at Washington, was sent 
 through several of the southern states on public business. Im- 
 pressed by the unfortunate condition of the people, appreciating 
 the power of united action, and seeing that there was no com- 
 prehensive organization of farmers, he began to plan the forma- 
 tion of such a combination as should unite in one body the great 
 mass of farmers throughout the country. Upon his return to 
 Washington, April 21, 1867, he enlisted the sympathy of a few 
 friends who were interested in agricultural matters, and, resign- 
 
 1 Cf. M. B. Hammond, The Cotton Industry in the United S.tates ch. V, on 
 Agricultural Credit. (Amer. Econ. Public. New Series, No. i.) 
 
 [336]
 
 ing his position under the government, he devoted his time to 
 planning such an organization and to perfecting for its use a 
 "ritual of four degrees for men and four for women, unsurpassed, 
 in my judgment, in the English language, for originality of 
 thought, beauty of diction and purity of sentiment." 1 It is a 
 ritual well calculated to exalt the occupation of the farmer in 
 the minds of members. Kelley being a Mason, Masonic methods 
 were copied extensively by the new order. As first organized 
 the four degrees for men were, Laborer, Cultivator, Harvester, 
 Husbandman. A lady friend of Kelley's suggested that women 
 be admitted to the order with corresponding degrees. The sug- 
 gestion was acted upon and thus, almost by chance, a feature 
 was adopted which added much to the influence of the Grange. 
 The four degrees for women at the beginning were, Maid, Shep- 
 herdess, Gleaner, and Matron. Other degrees, open to both 
 men and women, were added as occasion demanded. The fifth 
 degree, Pomona (Hope), is composed of Masters of subordinate 
 granges and their wives who are Matrons. Past Masters and 
 their wives who are Matrons are honorary members and eli- 
 gible to office but not entitled to vote. Flora (Charity), is the 
 name of the sixth degree. It is composed of the Masters of state 
 granges and their wives who have taken the degree Pomona. Past 
 Masters of state granges who have taken the degree Pomona 
 are honorary members and eligible to office but not entitled to 
 vote. The seventh and highest degree is Ceres (Faith). Mem- 
 bers of the National Grange who have served one year therein 
 may become members of this degree on application and election. 
 The secret work of the order is under the charge of the members 
 of this degree, who also sit as a court in all cases of impeachment 
 of officers of the National Grange. Members of this degree are 
 honorary members of the National Grange and are eligible to 
 office therein but are not entitled to vote. 
 
 Several months were spent upon the constitution and ritu- 
 al, and on December 4, 1867, the National Grange of the order 
 
 1 D. W. Aiken, The Grange Its Origin, Progress and Purposes, Special Re- 
 port 2, Misc. Ser. U. S. Dept. of Agric. pp. 55-64. 
 
 3337]
 
 Patrons of Husbandry was established at Washington with a 
 membership of seven, "made up", as a writer for the Popular 
 Science Monthly has put it rather sarcastically, "of one fruit 
 grower and six government clerks, equally distributed among 
 the Post Office, Treasury and Agricultural Departments," 1 
 
 The officers were elected for a term of five years. 2 For two 
 years there were no additions to membership, and a full attend- 
 ance of the original members was not always secured at the 
 annual meeting. Indeed, at the third annual session, Worthy 
 Master Saunders delivered his annual address in the presence 
 of Secretary Kelley, his entire audience, and when through, 
 asked the privilege of printing the same in the next morning's 
 papers that each might buy some to distribute. 3 At the fifth 
 annual session of the National Grange the original seven mem- 
 bers were reinforced by the Grand Master of the Iowa State 
 Grange, Dudley W, Adams. 
 
 Immediately after the organization of the National Grange, 
 steps were taken to organize subordinate granges, and the ter- 
 ritory selected for the first effort was the state of Minnesota. 
 Accordingly, Mr. Kelley left Washington April 1st, 1868, for 
 the accomplishment of this purpose. At this time the Grange 
 was $150 in debt, but Kelley was to receive a salary of $2,000 a 
 year besides his expenses, provided his receipts aggregated that 
 amount. On his way westward he organized granges succes- 
 sively at Harrisburg, Fredonia, Cincinnati, and Chicago. The 
 Chicago Grange, which was the first in Illinois, was organized 
 in the office of the Prairie Farmer, in the latter part of April. 
 From Chicago Kelley went to Minnesota where he succeeded in 
 organizing a half a dozen granges by the close of the year. The 
 
 1 Charles W. Pierson, "Rise of the Granger Movement", Pop. Sci. Mo., vol. 32 
 p 199. The members were Wm. M. Ireland and O. H. Kelley (recently trans- 
 ferred from the Agricultural Dept.) of P. O. Dept., J. R. Thompson and Rev. John 
 Trimble of the Treasury Dept., Wm. Saunders and Rev. A. B. Grosh of the Agricul- 
 tural Dept., and F. M. McDowell, a vineyardist of Wayne, New York. 
 
 2 Saunders, Master; Thompson, Lecturer; Ireland, Treasurer; Kelley, Secre- 
 tary. Special Report 2, Misc. Ser. U. S. Dept. of Agric. p. 57. 
 8 Special Report etc., 2, p. 58. 
 
 [338]
 
 Minnesota State Grange was organized on February 23rd, 1869. 
 In Iowa, in 1869, he was still more successful, but the Iowa 
 State Grange was not organized until January 12th, 1871. No 
 charters were issued to a sub-grange unless at least nine men 
 and four women were pledged as members, while the number 
 of charter members was limited to thirty, at least ten of whom 
 must be women. The initiation fee seems to have varied some- 
 what from time to time, but for the charter members was usu- 
 ally about three dollars for men and fifty cents for women. 
 Men who joined later paid four to five dollars, and women two 
 to three dollars, as a membership fee. The order grew slowly 
 for several years. At the close of 1871 the secretary was able 
 to report that the increase in membership had been four times 
 as great in that year as in the year preceding. After 1871 the 
 growth was more rapid and at the sixth annual session, Janu- 
 ary 8, 1873, delegates were present from eleven states. Four of 
 these delegates were women. There were at this time twenty- 
 three state granges. 1 During the year 1872 1,074 subordinate 
 granges were organized, making, altogether, about 1,300. The 
 next two years saw a still more rapid growth, 8,668 being added 
 in 1873, and 11,941 in 1874, making a total of 22,000 granges 
 with an average membership of a little over 30. 2 The grange 
 was prospering, the treasury was full and there was a rush for 
 membership. A feverish activity seemed to pervade the order. 
 No undertakings were too big, no enterprises too grand, to be 
 attempted. One in particular, carried on during its period of 
 greatest activity, 3 but later given up on account of the expense, 
 was of considerable importance. This was its system of month- 
 ly crop reports. 4 Blanks were sent from the office of the secre- 
 tary to each of the subordinate granges in time to reach the 
 local grange before its meeting, the first week in each month. 
 The secretary of the subordinate grange was then enabled to 
 
 1 Special Report, etc. 2, p. 58 
 
 2 Prairie Farmer, Mar. 31, 1877. 
 
 3 Commenced in May or June, 1872. See Prairie Farmer, May 18, 1872. 
 
 4 Special Report etc, ,2, p. 62. 
 
 [339]
 
 8 
 
 obtain the necessary data and return the required information. 
 On the basis of these replies, the reports were compiled by the 
 fifteenth of each month. In this way the Grange bulletins were 
 issued before those of the Department of Agriculture and are 
 said to have been more reliable. 1 This and other accomplish- 
 ments gave a prestige to the order, so that newspapers and poli- 
 ticians became interested in it and the Grange became a factor 
 in politics. 
 
 The inevitable reaction was not long in coming. The mem- 
 bership declined, the activity decreased. Various reasons were 
 assigned for the decline. It is said that the Grange lacked a 
 well defined purpose, that its energies were scattered, that it was 
 unable to accomplish its undertakings and that in consequence, 
 the enthusiasm of the members subsided. While such an hy- 
 pothesis affords a partial explanation, it does not accurately or 
 fully describe the conditions. The Grange did have definite 
 objects, which, however, varied from time to time. By the 
 founders and earliest members the social and educational feat- 
 ures were emphasized. They desired to bring together the 
 farmers and their families and to develop through this acquaint- 
 anceship that fraternal feeling so notoriously lacking among 
 them. They aimed, moreover, to bring about a more intelligent 
 and scientific cultivation of the soil. 
 
 The success of the movement, however, soon attracted 
 idealists and disgruntled politicians, who came into it masked 
 as farmers, each with his own plan for revolutionizing the 
 world. The grangers, confident because of what they had ac- 
 complished, were ready to undertake new plans even though in 
 the main they were visionary. As a consequence gigantic 
 schemes of co-operation in buying and selling were undertaken 
 and entrusted to inexperienced men. Partly because of over- 
 confidence and mismanagement, partly because of the opposi- 
 tion of the middlemen, almost every attempt of this kind re- 
 sulted in financial loss. These failures not only caused loss to 
 
 1 Special Report, etc. 2, p.62. Cf. "The Grange reports were costly and often un- 
 reliable but had proved valuable." C. W. Pierson Pop. Sci. Mo. 32: 369. 
 
 [340]
 
 those immediately interested but also discredited the whole 
 movement in the eyes of the public. 
 
 Moreover, undue political activity, partisan expressions on 
 the tariff and currency, 1 together with radical and sometimes 
 unwise railroad legislation, gradually brought about internal 
 dissension. The farmer was inclined to place too much depend- 
 ence on legislation and too little on self-help to accomplish the 
 desired ends. Of course he did not grow rich immediately. In 
 fact there was little sign of improvement in his condition. He 
 was disappointed with the outcome and ignorant of the reason 
 for the failure of his plans ; and seeing no prospect of securing 
 more favorable results, he soon lost hope. 
 
 The discontent which had been growing for several years 
 came to a head at the meeting held at Charleston, S. C., early 
 in 1875. At this meeting every State Grange was represented, 
 sixty-six members being present. There was heated discussion 
 on several matters, but the contest found its chief expression on 
 the financial methods of the National Grange, which by means 
 of fees had accumulated thousands of dollars and had paid 
 rather extravagant salaries to its officers. 2 At the end of the 
 discussion it was voted to distribute the funds of the Grange 
 among the subordinate granges in good standing. Accordingly 
 about $50,000 was distributed, or about $2.50 for each grange. 3 
 Internal dissension increased during the next few years, many 
 who had joined in the stirring days of 1873 and 1874 withdrew 
 from membership/and many granges discontinued their meet- 
 ings entirely. As there was less agricultural discontent in the 
 country at this time few granges were organized. The receipts 
 of the National Grange fell oft' and the salaries of the officers 
 
 1 Pop. Sci. Mo. 32:373. Prairie Farmer, May 9, 1874; Feb. 2, 1878; Oct. 19, 
 1878. See also Proceedings of a Convention of Farmers held at Bloomington Oct. 
 16-17, 1872. 
 
 2 Master, $2,000 per year; Secretary, $2,500 per year. Pop. Sci. Mo. 32:372. 
 
 3 Prairie Farmer Feb. 20, 1875. Pop. Sci. Mo. 32:372. 
 
 [34i]
 
 10 
 
 had to be reduced. 1 Politicians showed less interest and the 
 space devoted to grange topics in the newspapers gradually de- 
 creased. However, although the number of granges had de- 
 creased, the average membership per grange had increased from 
 31^ to 40. 2 By 1880 those who had joined the Grange for any 
 other purpose than the objects stated in its constitution had, 
 for the most part, withdrawn, and the decline in membership 
 seems to have stopped. At the same time the political agita- 
 tion within the Grange came to an end and its efforts were de- 
 voted more and more to the fulfillment of its original aims. 
 From this time a revival of interest may be noted, more es- 
 pecially in the New England States. At the meeting in Topeka 
 in 1888, thirty-six states reported, and thirty were represented. 
 By 1889 the total membership had increased to 150,000 and the 
 annual reports for the last few years show indications of a 
 healthy growth. 
 
 2. The Illinois Grange: Its Organization and Growth. 
 
 The movement in Illinois was similar to that in other 
 states. As already stated, Mr. Kelley, the founder of the na- 
 tional order, organized the first grange in the state in the latter 
 part of April, 1868, in the office of the Prairie Farmer. The 
 number of granges organized each year for the eight succeed- 
 ing years is as follows: 3 
 
 In 1869.... 2 In 1873.... 761 
 
 In 1870.... 1 In 1874.... 704 
 
 In 1871.... 5 In 1875.... 50 
 
 In 1872.... 69 In 1876.... 27 
 
 Up to October 13, 1898, altogether one thousand seven hun- 
 dred and tw r enty-two subordinate granges had been organized, 
 
 1 Secretary, $2,500 to $2,000, Master, $2,000 to $1,200. Later: Master, $1,200 to 
 $1,000; Treasurer, $600 to $500; Secretary, $2,ooc to $1,500. In 1879, that of the Master 
 was reduced to nothing, that of the Secretary to $600. Pop. Sci. Mo. 32:372, 373 and 
 Prairie Farmer Jan. 12, 1878. 
 
 - Prairie Farmer. 
 
 * These figures were furnished by the Secretary of the State Grange, Thos. 
 Keady, Dunlap, 111, 
 
 [342]
 
 11 
 
 in one hundred and one counties of the state, with Pomona, or 
 county, granges in most of the counties. These sub-granges 
 meet weekly, and the Pomona granges quarterly or monthly. 
 
 The State Grange was organized Mar. 5, 1872. and meets 
 yearly. It is made up of delegates from the sub-granges and 
 the Pomona granges. The first Grand Master was Alonzo Gol- 
 der of Whiteside county. His successors in office were A. P. 
 Forsyth, of Edgar county, E. A. Giller of Green county, J. M. 
 Thompson of Will county, and Oliver Wilson of Putnam coun- 
 ty, who now occupies the position. 
 
 From the figures given it is evident that the' palmy days of 
 grange activity in Illinois were in the years 1873 and '74, dur- 
 ing which five-sixths of the total number of granges in the state 
 were organized. From various causes the next few years saw 
 a rapid decline in numerical strength. The large corn crops of 
 1871-73 filled every crib and available store-house to overflowing. 
 Prices fell and freight rates rose, until five or six bushels of grain 
 were required to get one bushel to New York City. The average 
 local price of corn in Illinois in December, 1872, was only twen- 
 ty-four cents a bushel, 1 and there is good reason to believe that 
 it fell as low as fifteen cents a bushel in some localities. It be- 
 came more profitable to use corn for fuel than to sell it. 2 A 
 general money stringency ensued, culminating in the panic of 
 1873. The depression was continued by the unusually large 
 crop of wheat in 1873-4, 3 which helped to overstock the market 
 
 1 Monthly Reports of the Dept. of Agriculture for the year 1872, p. 470. 
 
 2 Statement of Mr. Jos. B. Carter, Supt. Champaign, 111., Schools. Also Pop- 
 Sci. Mo., 32:203. 
 
 3 The crops of corn and wheat for several years were : 
 
 CORN. 
 
 Year. Bushels. Value. 
 
 1870 1,094,255,000 $540,520,456 
 
 1871 091,898,000 430,355,210 
 
 1872 1,092,719,000 385,736,210 
 
 WHEAT. 
 
 1870 233,884,700 $288,766,969 
 
 1871 230,722,400 264,075,851 
 
 1872 249,997,100 278,522,068 
 
 1873 281,264,700 300.669,533 
 
 1874 308,102,700 265,881,167 
 
 Year Book, Dept. of Agric. 1897, 
 
 [343]
 
 12 
 
 with bread stuffs, bring down their prices, and increase the pro- 
 portion of the product required to pay the cost of transporta- 
 tion. In the meantime the railroad law of 1871, against dis- 
 criminations in freight rates, was declared unconstitutional. 1 
 The farmer was inclined to blame the railroad management for 
 all his troubles, which were by no means light. The Credit 
 Mobilier lent added cause for his fault rinding. The grange or- 
 ganizers, whose salaries depended upon the number of granges 
 formed, no doubt fomented the discontent and urged the for- 
 mation of granges as a panacea for all ills. Thus, many who 
 had no real comprehension of the principles of the Grange 
 joined the organization in their vague search for a remedy for 
 their discontent. 
 
 At first Iowa and Illinois took the lead in the Grange 
 movement. Illinois never held first place either in the number 
 of subordinate granges or in the number of individual members; 
 but on June 25, 1873, she stood second, with 517 subordinate 
 granges, Iowa being first. 2 Before Nov. 15 of the same year, Illi- 
 nois had yielded second place to Kansas. The number of granges 
 in Illinois had increased, however, to 712, 3 and there was much 
 enthusiasm, especially in the northern part of the state. At the 
 December meeting of the State Grange seven hundred and fifty 
 Masters of subordinate granges were present, and it was estim- 
 ated that there were eight hundred granges in the state. The work 
 of organization was energetically pushed during the following 
 year and the number of granges in the state nearly doubled. 
 Still, at the close of the year, Illinois was surpassed by three 
 states, Missouri, Iowa and Indiana.* The number of granges in 
 the country had increased to 21,208, of which Illinois had 1,522. 5 
 Other organizations of farmers had sprung up in the meantime, 
 but the Grange, not only because it was a secret order and un- 
 
 1 Report of R. R. & W. Commissioners for 1873 gives decision. 
 
 2 Prairie Farmer, July 5, 1873. 
 8 Ibid., Nov. 15, 1873. 
 
 4 Ibid., Dec. 26, 1874. 
 6 Ibid 
 
 [344]
 
 13 
 
 like any of the others, but also on account of the energy of the 
 officers, and its excellent discipline, held its own and gained 
 a large share of the increase. The state Grange ante-dated the 
 State Farmers' Association by a few months, but there were 
 numerous local clubs in the state before the period of activity in 
 the organization of sub-granges. 1 It was Mr. Kelley's plan to 
 make of the Grange a great national organization under whose 
 banner the farmers of the entire country should combine for 
 mutual advantage. He believed and preached that the Grange 
 was the best, in fact the only, organization adapted to securing 
 the good of the farmer, and it was his wish that all farmers' 
 clubs should reorganize as granges. His feeling was shared by 
 many of his followers, and often resulted in aggressive action, 
 which in many cases was resented. Thus a feeling of rivalry, 
 and even hostility, grew up between the granges and the farm- 
 ers' clubs. 2 At first the advantage seemed to lie with the grange. 
 The secrecy of the order, combined with its excellent organiza- 
 tion, made it a marked body, and the term Grange soon came 
 to stand for the farmers' movement. All classes were eager to 
 
 1 Grange, Mar. 5, 1872; State Farmers' Association Oct. 16, 1872. 
 
 2 S. M. Smith, the Secretary of the State Farmers' Association, in his report at 
 the annual meeting of the association at Decatur, Dec. 16-18, 1873, calls attention to 
 the jealousy existing between clubs and granges. He gives the number of clubs in 
 the state as 820 and the number of granges as 549. He complains that many of the 
 granges were delinquent in the payment of the per capita tax of ten cents a head, 
 "acting probably under instructions from those in authority". He attributes this ac- 
 tion to jealousy on the part of the Grange and implies that the feeling is mutual. He 
 then attempts by a brief survey of the past to show that the Grange was not justified 
 in its position, pointing out that at the first convention of the Farmers' Association, 
 which was held at Kewanee, the grangers took a prominent part in the deliberations, 
 and nearly one half ot the offices of the Association were filled by them ; and further- 
 more, that the Bloomington convention in January, 1873, was composed largely of 
 grangers. The granges, he said, had been well treated by the Association and should 
 by all means fulfill their obligations to it. For rivalry of such a nature is injurious 
 to the cause of the farmer, and both organizations are needed, since they are very dif- 
 ferent in character, and many to whom one organization did not appeal would become 
 enthusiastic members of the other. 
 
 [345]
 
 join. "Lawyers, doctors, merchants, Shylocks and sharpers", 1 
 vied with one another in exhibiting their knowledge of agricul- 
 ture and their interest in agricultural matters, in order to be- 
 come grangers. 
 
 The Grange apparently held an enviable position, but in 
 its very prominence lay causes for its downfall. On the one 
 hand the jealousy between it and other farmers' organizations 
 gradually grew into something like hostility, diverted its atten- 
 tion from its real purpose, and weakened its effectiveness as 
 an organization. Moreover, the public, as a rule, blamed the 
 Grange for acts of violence committed by the farmers and for 
 foolish and dangerous legislation passed through their influ- 
 ence, but failed to credit the order with the good accomplished. 
 Many of the weaker members were dismayed by criticism and 
 surrendered their membership. Dissatisfaction with the policy 
 of the National Grange, or with the forms in the subordinate 
 granges, led others to withdraw. Some were convinced that 
 the Grange had performed its mission and was no longer need- 
 ed ; others lost interest merely because the order had become 
 less popular. No doubt the improvement in business also was 
 favorable to apathy on the part of the Grange. 
 
 For these reasons a decline in membership began in 1875. 
 Many new granges were organized during that and the follow- 
 ing year, but still more were allowed to lapse; and by the close 
 of 1877 there were only 646 granges in the state, with 12,639 
 members, an average of less than twenty each. Illinois at this 
 time ranked 7th in number of granges and 14th in number of 
 members. 2 The lowest point which the Grange has touched 
 since the "days of 1873-4", was reached in 1885, when there were 
 only 96 sub-granges in the state. Since that time the number 
 has varied between one and two hundred, there being in October, 
 1898, one hundred and twenty-nine granges in forty-three 
 
 1 Lawyers, to get clients; doctors, to get patients; merchants, to get customers; 
 Shylocks, to get their pound of flesh; and sharpers to catch the babes from the 
 woods. D. W. Aiken in Special Report, etc., 2, p. 61. 
 
 * Prairie Farmer, Dec. 8, 1877. 
 
 [346]
 
 15 
 
 counties. 1 Numerically, the Grange became .weaker, but, re- 
 lieved of its load of useless freight, it has continued its exist- 
 ence, steadily though slowly growing stronger, and in the opin- 
 ion of the Secretary is now "stronger in real effort than ever 
 before." Meanwhile, the Grange, though failing to accomplish 
 all that many of its enthusiastic admirers hoped, certainly has 
 produced some results of much importance, especially in con- 
 nection with the railroads. 
 
 3. The Grange and the Railroads. 
 
 While railroads were comparatively new in this section of 
 the country, the advantages to be derived from them by the 
 farmers were over-estimated. Extravagant hopes of speedy 
 riches led many of small means, as well as some in comforta- 
 ble circumstances, to move to the newly opened prairies of the 
 West. Each new settlement looked forward to a rapid and 
 continuous numerical growth and on the approach of a new 
 road endeavored to bring it into the neighborhood. Large boun- 
 ties were offered by booming towns and thriving rural commu- 
 nities in order to secure a road. The railroads naturally took 
 advantage of the rivalry between different towns to make exces- 
 sive demands. In many cases towns gave promises which were 
 hard to fulfill, and issued bonds to an amount which they could 
 ill afford. The bonus was given readily and at the time was 
 thought to be a good investment. But the donors soon learned 
 that the railroads were by no means charitable organizations, 
 
 1 The annual reports for the four years ending in December, 1003, show a total in- 
 crease during that time of 26 granges and 2,140 members; 5 new granges and 300 
 new members are reported for the current year thus far, April 19, 1004. The report 
 of the treasurer in December, 1903, showed the amount on hand to be $2,921.64. The 
 present officers are, Master, Oliver Wilson, Magnolia, Putnam Co. ; Overseer, W. 
 J. Miller, St. Clair Co. ; Lecturer, G. F. Bell, Lostant, LaSalle Co. ; Steward, E. S. 
 Helms, St. Clair Co. ; Asst. Steward, E. R. Simmons. Jersey Co. ; Chaplain, Mrs. 
 Katherine Stahl, Madison Co. ; Treasurer. D. Q. Trotter, Jersey Co. ; Secretary, 
 Miss Jeannette E. Yeates, Dunlap, Peoria Co. ; Gate Keeper, Eric Lindstrom, Henry 
 Co. ; Ceres, Miss Florence A. Given, Putnam Co. ; Pomona, Miss Lela M. Eyerly, 
 Fulton Co. ; Flora, Miss Mary M. Zoll, Fulton Co. ; Lady Steward, Mrs. L. B. Seiler, 
 Wabash Co. Facts furnished by ex-Secretary Thomas Keady, Dunlap, 111. 
 
 [347]
 
 16 
 
 and that the development of the country was an incident rather 
 than a motive in their organization. Stock-watering was com- 
 monly practised, with its accompanying extortionate rates. Ac- 
 curate figures, showing the extent to which this practice was 
 carried, are hard to get, but there is no doubt that the amount 
 of watered stock issued frequently equalled or exceeded the 
 paid up capital. 1 The farmers soon came to the conclusion that 
 they had been hoodwinked by the railway companies. A feel- 
 ing of resentment was created, which might have been over- 
 come and even destroyed by a little consideration on the part 
 of the roads ; but the latter foolishly disregarded opportunities 
 for conciliation, and blindly pursued what they conceived to be 
 their own interests. Each company arranged its rates with a 
 view to securing as large a share of the traffic as possible. This 
 led to discriminations of two sorts. 8 In the first place, those 
 points fortunate enough to have two or more competing roads 
 were favored with very low rates, so low, indeed, as to bring a 
 loss to the roads. In consequence, they sought to recoup them- 
 selves by extortionate charges at intermediate points. In this 
 way it frequently happened that it cost more to ship goods 100 
 than 150 miles, under similar circumstances, on the same road. 
 Smaller towns having but one road were thus placed at a great 
 disadvantage. It became necessary for such towns to seek the 
 favor of the roads, since an arbitrary use of the power of dis- 
 crimination might render a business profitable at one place and 
 ruinous at another. Indeed, the very existence of towns was 
 placed at the mercy of the railroads. Personal discriminations 
 were also made. There were no regular tariffs, and every cus- 
 tomer had to make his own bargain. If he had enough influence 
 
 1 No. Am. Rev., 120:415; Larrabee, The Railroad Question, 172:247; Cook, 
 The Corporation Problem, 24ff.; Second Annual Report of Interstate Commerce 
 Commission, 63; Hadley, Railroad Transportation, 101-2; Hudson, The Railroads 
 and the Republic, 267-95; Cowles, 262-3; Stickney, Railway Problem, 196-201; 
 Poor's Manual, 1884. 
 
 * Hudson, The Railroads and the Republic, 25-67; Jeans, Railway Problems, 
 519-524; Hadley, Railroad Transportation, 100-125; Alexander, Railway Practice, 5-23; 
 Dabney, Public Regulation of Railways, 67-174; Dixon, State R. R. Control^ 48-77. 
 
 [348]
 
 17 
 
 to secure favorable terms he possessed a decided advantage 
 over others with less weight, or who had incurred the displeas- 
 ure of the roads. These discriminations bore heavily upon a 
 large number of people, so that instead of securing advantages 
 by the proximity of a road they were frequently placed at a 
 disadvantage. Then, too, the railroad charges varied from year 
 to year. 1 As long as the supply of agricultural produce was 
 limited, prices remained high and railroad charges fell. But 
 favorable seasons and additional producers soon increased pro- 
 duction. Prices fell and at the same time the roads raised their 
 freight rates, expecting to have all the freight they could haul 
 even at the advanced rate, since the farmers, having more grain 
 than could be consumed on the farm, rather than hold their crops 
 for higher prices, would continue to market them so long as the 
 returns were sufficient to pay the cost of transportation. Thus 
 in seeking to regulate their rates so as to charge "what the 
 traffic would bear", they made the mistake of charging what it 
 would not bear. The results were unfortunate to the compa- 
 nies and distressing to the farmers. The latter thought that 
 they were being robbed by the railroads and watched eagerly 
 for an opportunity to retaliate. Under such circumstances it 
 is not surprising that when the bonds issued by counties, towns, 
 etc., in payment of railroad bounties, fell due, there should be 
 serious opposition to their payment and in many cases absolute 
 repudiation. 
 
 Had the men who owned the railroads been western men, 
 men who were in sympathy with the western country, men who 
 recognized the community of interest between themselves and 
 the western farmer, their actions would certainly have been 
 very different. But they were for the most part, residents of 
 the eastern states and England, 2 and were ignorant of the agri- 
 cultural situation in the West. They cared little for the West 
 or for the western farmer, and failed to recognize the principle 
 that in order to run railroads successfully public opinion must 
 
 1 Bulletin No. 15 U. S. Dept. of Agriculture. 
 * C. F. Adams, Jr., in No. Am. Rev., 120:398, 309, 400-402. 
 
 [249]
 
 18 
 
 not be antagonized. While the railroads took this view of the 
 matter it was not strange that the farmers of the West found 
 cause for complaint about the management. 
 
 Aside from all this there was still another cause for com- 
 plaint, in the insulting treatment which patrons of the roads at 
 times received at the hands of railroad officials and employees. 
 This discourteous attitude assumed by the officials and employ- 
 ees is well set forth by E. W. Martin in his "History of the 
 Granger Movement". 1 The same abuse is also illustrated in an 
 article by C. F. Adams, Jr., appearing in the North American 
 Review, 2 an extract from which is given herewith : 
 
 "In New England the condition of affairs is bad enough ; and more 
 than one important corporation has experienced great injury, or finds 
 itself leading an existence of perpetual warfare and turmoil, solely 
 through the inability of some prominent and, perhaps, otherwise val- 
 uable official to demean himself with consideration towards his broth- 
 er man. What, in this respect, is seen here in the East is absolutely 
 nothing to what prevails in the West. Taken as a class, the man- 
 ners of the employees of the western railroad systems are probably 
 the worst and most offensive to be found in the civilized world. It 
 is difficult to see why the official should regard the traveler or the 
 person having dealings with the railroad as his natural enemy ; but 
 it is apparent that he does. If it were 'an ordinary manifestation of 
 the American fondness for asserting equality on all occasions it 
 would be endurable ; it commonly, however, partakes of a more ag- 
 gressive and hostile character. A ticket is sold, and the purchaser 
 at the same time is made to feel that a favor has been conferred up- 
 on him, that he is on no account to ask any questions, and, indeed, 
 had best speedily remove himself out of the way. The gruffness of 
 the baggage-master is, as a rule, only exceeded by his violence to the 
 baggage. Indeed, it would sometimes seem that it must be a prom- 
 inent rule laid down by the companies for the guidance of their ser- 
 vants, that they are to show the least possible degree of respect or con- 
 sideration to any person having business with the company ; and so 
 thoroughly is this principle applied, that always excepting Mr. Full- 
 man's cars, in which an excellent discipline is maintained the rail- 
 
 1 Pages 98-132. 
 
 2 Vol. 120:394-424. 
 
 [35oJ
 
 19 
 
 roads of the west are the single institution anywhere to be found 
 from whose servants money will not at all times- buy civility even of 
 the commonest kind. I very well remember an amusing illustration 
 of this rule which happened to me about two years ago. One autumn 
 day I found myself at the station at Omaha about to take the east- 
 ward train. In the baggage-room of the station, I had, some hours 
 before, left quite a heavy trunk for which I now presented my check. 
 The sternly silent baggage-master found it, seized it, and, without a 
 word tumbled it out of the door at my feet and disappeared into the 
 recesses of his lair. The train I was to take was some distance down the 
 same platform on which I was standing, perhaps a hundred yards. I 
 could not well carry the trunk to it, and it seemed foolish to abandon 
 it, especially as directly in front of me an assistant baggage-master 
 or porter of the company stood leaning against the side of the station, 
 chewing a straw and lazily observing me. There seemed but one 
 short way out of the difficulty ; taking out my purse and addressing 
 him in the most persuasive tones, I said 'Do you think you could get 
 a truck and wheel that trunk down to the train there for me?' at 
 the same time suggestively fingering the purse. For an instant the 
 gentleman addressed did not move a muscle ; then, after contemplat- 
 ing me to his satisfaction, his mouth opened, he stopped chewing 
 the straw, and simply uttered the one expressive monosyllable, 'No' ; 
 this done, he resumed the mastication of his straw, and the conversa- 
 tion ceased. In that case it is fair to presume that the public had wor- 
 ried and annoyed the poor fellow by asking him all sorts of questions, 
 and calling on him, even as I had, for all sorts of services ; but the 
 ingenuity of discourtesy with which he retaliated was certainly de- 
 serving of all praise, nor can I doubt that before this, his merit has 
 been recognized, and he has been promoted to the office of freight 
 agent, or, perchance, assistant superintendent." 
 
 However, the railroads were not altogether responsible for 
 the hostility felt against them by the farmers. That they could 
 please their patrons in no particular only shows that the ex- 
 pectations of the latter were unreasonable. It is true, no doubt, 
 that the railroad agents, in order to induce the payment of a 
 larger bounty, painted in rosy colors the probable benefits which 
 the people would derive from the building of roads. 1 The peo- 
 
 1 E. W. Martin, History of the Grange Movement, pp. 52-53.
 
 20 
 
 pie, having magnified these suggestions into positive prom- 
 ises, were irritated by their failure to materialize in fact. They 
 hoped for too much and complained when their hopes were not 
 realized. 
 
 As the threats of the farmers increased, the railroad officers 
 grew obstinate, until finally, the farmers had recourse to legis- 
 lation. Little was done in this direction, however, before 1870. 
 The Illinois constitution of that year took somewhat advanced 
 ground in the matter of railroad legislation. Some of the pro- 
 visions referring to railroads are as follows : 
 
 Article XI sec. 1. "No corporation shall be created by special 
 laws or its charter extended, changed or amended, except those for 
 charitable, penal, or reformatory purposes which are to be and re- 
 main under the patronage and control of the State, but the General 
 Assembly shall provide, by general laws, for the organization of all 
 corporations hereafter to be created." 
 
 Section 9 of the same article requires the directors of every 
 railway corporation to make an annual report to the state, un- 
 der oath. Other sections define rolling stock as personal prop- 
 erty, limit the power of consolidation, require the General As- 
 sembly to "pass laws establishing reasonable maximum rates 
 of charges for the transportation of passengers on the different 
 railroads in the State", and provide against fictitious increase of 
 capital stock. Section 15 reads as follows : 
 
 "The General Assembly shall pass laws to correct abuses and 
 prevent unjust discriminations and extortion in the rates of freight 
 and passenger tariffs on the different roads in this State, and enforce 
 such laws, by adequate penalties, to the extent, if necessary for that 
 purpose, of forfeiture of their property and franchise." 
 
 These constitutional provisions opened the way for positive 
 enactment. As yet there had been no organized effort to secure 
 specific results, but such organization was not long in coming. 
 
 In the literature of the time we find many references to 
 the "Farmers' Ring" in the Illinois legislature of 1871. l Strictly 
 speaking, this was not a ring of grangers, for it ante-dated the 
 
 1 E. g. Prairie Farmer, Feb. 18, 1871. 
 
 [352]
 
 21 
 
 period of granger organization. But, after all, it was part and 
 parcel of the same movement, hastening the organization of 
 granges and having much influence upon them, so that a brief 
 notice of it will help us to a better understanding of the Grange. 
 
 On February 7th, 1871, sixty-five members of the legisla- 
 ture met in the rooms of the State Agricultural Society "for the 
 purpose of organizing a farmers' and mechanics' club to look 
 after the interests of the producing class, to subject all bills and 
 measures to a thorough and free discussion, and by unanimity 
 of action to secure such legislation as will relieve the necessi- 
 ties of the mechanical and agricultural interests of the state." 
 This organization was usually spoken of by its enemies as "The 
 Farmers' Club" or "The Farmers Ring", either as a term of des- 
 cription or reproach. 
 
 It was this legislature that passed the famous restrictive law 1 
 of 1871. Among these laws was one approved by the governor, 
 April 15, 1871, entitled "An act to establish a reasonable maxi- 
 mum rate of charges for the transportation of passengers on the 
 railroads of this state".* According to this law the railroads of 
 the state were divided into four classes, according to their gross 
 earnings per mile. Maximum passenger rates were established, 
 which varied from two and half cents a mile, in the case of 
 those earning $10,000, or more per mile, to five and a half cents 
 a mile for those earning under $4,000. 
 
 But the best known of these restrictive laws was intended 
 to prevent discriminations in freight rates, and was approved 
 by the governor, April 7, 1871. 3 Its provisions were complex 
 but may be summarized under three heads : First, roads shall 
 not charge as much, or more, for carrying goods a less distance 
 than for a greater distance. Second, the roads shall not charge 
 different rates for handling and receiving at the same or differ- 
 ent points. Third, 'they shall not charge more for transporta- 
 
 1 Prairie Farmer, Feb. 18, 1871. 
 
 2 Public Laws of thirty-seventh General Assembly, p. 640. 
 8 Ibid. p. 625. 
 
 [353]
 
 22 
 
 tion a given distance on one portion than for the same distance 
 on another portion of the road. 
 
 It was comparatively easy to secure the passage of this act. 
 Its enforcement was another matter. At first the railroads paid 
 little or no attention to it. There was no method of enforce- 
 ment except through the courts on complaint of an individual 
 who could show that he had been injured by the non-compliance 
 of the roads. At length, in order to test the validity of the law, 
 a suit known as the McLean Co. test case was instituted. 1 The 
 suit was brought by the Railway and Warehouse Commission- 
 ers in the name of the people of the State of Illinois against 
 the Chicago & Alt0n Railroad Co. for violation of the law of 
 1871, regarding discriminations in freight rates. The complaint 
 declared that the company was charging $5.65 per thousand on 
 lumber from Chicago to Lexington, a distance of one hundred 
 and ten miles, while the rate from Chicago to Bloomington, a 
 distance of one hundred and twenty-six miles, was only $5.00 
 per thousand. The defendant admitted these facts and also 
 that its action was contrary to the law of 1871. It held, how- 
 ever, that the Bloomington rate was excessively low owing to 
 competition with the Illinois Central ; that no one was injured 
 by the discrimination except the company itself ; and that such 
 discrimination was not illegal, because the Act of 1871 was con- 
 trary to both state and national constitutions. 
 
 The case was heard in the McLean Co. circuit court by Judge 
 Tipton, who gave a verdict against the company. The grounds 
 of the decision were that the state, in order to give all citizens, 
 equal protection, must insure them against such discrimina- 
 tions, and that anything in the charter of the railroad company 
 construed contrary to the principle of equality must in the very 
 nature of things be void, for railroad companies have no rights 
 contrary to the welfare of the people. 2 The case was appealed 
 to the Supreme Court, Chief Justice Lawrence presiding, and 
 the decision of the lower court was reversed. In the words of 
 
 1 67 in., pp. 11-27. 
 
 2 Second Annual Report of the R. R. & W. Commissioners, pp. 99-114. 
 
 [354]
 
 23 
 
 the court, "Before this act can be enforced it should be so 
 amended as to correspond with the requirement of the consti- 
 tution by directing its provisions against unjust discrimina- 
 tions. It should make the charging of a greater compensation 
 for a less distance, merely prima facie evidence of unjust dis- 
 crimination, instead of conclusive evidence as it now is, and it 
 should give the railway companies the right of trial by jury, 
 not only on the fact of discrimination, but upon the issue wheth- 
 er such discrimination is just or not." In other words, the law 
 of 1871, although entitled an "Act to prevent unjust discrimin- 
 ations," was so worded as to include all discriminations and 
 was therefore contrary to the constitution. 1 
 
 The decision of the higher court came as..a surprise to the 
 farmers, most of whom had thought that the law of 1871 had 
 settled once for all the question of railroad control. Their dis- 
 appointment was intense and showed itself sometimes in a ludi- 
 crous manner. There had already been much agitation through- 
 out the state for a three cent mileage rate for passenger travel. 2 
 The farmers were convinced that this was a sufficient charge 
 and that the railroad companies in charging more were giving 
 just cause for complaint. The adverse decision of the court in 
 the one instance led many to believe that legal opposition to 
 the roads was ineffective in any case, so that they began to take 
 matters into their own hands. The more hot-headed among them 
 were prepared to use any means by which their grievances 
 might be redressed. They agreed to offer their fare when trav- 
 elling at the rate of three cents a mile and to refuse more. Es- 
 pecially when travelling in groups to and from conventions 
 they made themselves troublesome to the railroad officials in 
 this matter. Sometimes they accomplished their object and 
 sometimes they failed. Trains were often side-tracked leaving 
 the farmers unable to proceed. Sometimes the farmers resorted 
 to violence. A story is told 3 of a party of farmers on their way 
 
 1 67 III. pp. 11-27. Quotation p. 26. 
 
 * E. W. Martin, History of the Grange Movement; Jonathan Periam, The Ground 
 Swell ; Prairie Farmer 1871, 1872. 
 
 8 Jonathan Periam, The Ground Swell. 
 
 [355]
 
 24 
 
 to a convention who, when the train officials refused to accept 
 fares at the three cent rate, and ordered a force of employees to 
 put them off, drew revolvers and bowie-knives and drove the 
 railroad men from the train. It is not stated whether the con- 
 vention to which these men were going was a meeting of 
 grangers or of some other farmers' organization. It makes 
 little difference, however, for the whole farmers' movement 
 was a unit in the popular conception and can scarcely be an- 
 alyzed into distinct parts even by careful study. So, whatever 
 the facts may have been, the Grange received the blame for 
 such acts of violence and the reputation of the order was in- 
 jured. 
 
 Meanwhile, opposition to the roads was continued in the 
 legislature. A law, passed May 2, 1873, 1 empowered the Rail- 
 way and Warehouse Commissioners to make a schedule of rea- 
 sonable maximum rates for the transportation of passengers, 
 freight and cars. 2 This law was finally sustained in the courts 
 though bitterly opposed by the railroads, and, as amended by 
 the act of June 30, 1885, may be found to-day on the statute 
 books. 3 The law also provided that any railroad which should 
 charge, demand or receive more than a fair and reasonable rate 
 of toll or compensation should be deemed guilty of extortion 
 and punished, and that "if any such railroad corporation shall 
 make any unjust discrimination in its rates of charge of toll or 
 compensation for the transportation of passengers or freight of 
 
 any description" etc it "shall be deemed guilty of 
 
 having violated the provisions of this act and shall be dealt 
 with", etc.* It was further provided that all such discriminat- 
 ing rates, charges, collections, or receipts, whether made direct- 
 ly or by means of any rebate, draw-back, or other shift or eva- 
 
 1 Statutes of 111., 1873, p. 135. Revised Stautes of 111., 1874, p. 816. sec. 86-95. 
 Report of R. R. & W. Commission, 1873, pp. 162-167. 
 
 8 Sec. 8 of the law. 
 
 8 Starr & Curtis's Annotated 111. Statutes, Second Edition (1896) v. 3 pp. 3309- 
 3316 ; Revised Statutes of 111. (1895) pp. 1210-1213, sections 124:133. 
 
 4 Section 2. 
 
 [356]
 
 25 
 
 sion shall be deemed and taken against such railroad corpora- 
 tion as prima facie evidence of unjust discrimination". 1 
 
 The law was the outgrowth of claims made by the farmers 
 of extortionate rates in both passenger and freight traffic. Re- 
 garding passenger rates they claimed that the three cent rate 
 had formerly prevailed, but that in order to increase the divi- 
 dends upon watered stock, the rate had been gradually raised 
 since 1853 until, in 1871, it averaged four and a fifth cents a 
 mile throughout the state. 8 On the other hand, the railroads 
 claimed that in the state as a whole the rates were lower than 
 at any previous time. They also claimed that further reduc- 
 tions would involve a loss. The facts as gathered from a late 
 publication 3 of the Department of Agriculture, show that in 
 almost every case railroad rates, both freight and passenger, 
 had gradually fallen from 1850-1870. A very slight increase is 
 noticeable in some of the roads from 1870 to 1873, and a decid- 
 ed decrease in the years immediately following. From this 
 statement it may be seen that both sides were partly wrong 
 the farmer, in claiming that there had been a continuous rise; 
 and the railroad companies, in asserting that the rates were 
 lower than ever before. One circumstance in this connection 
 should be particularly noted, since it apparently substantiates 
 the claims of those who are antagonizing the railroads. Through- 
 out the era of railroad construction the rates on newly built 
 lines, almost without exception, were -higher than on those 
 which had been built for some time. During the lull in railroad 
 building between 1860 and 1865 the rates on existing roads, then 
 few in number in Illinois, continued to fall. The construction 
 of new roads was carried on rapidly in the next few years, and 
 when they began operations their rates were considerably high- 
 er than those of the older roads. This, of course, temporarily 
 raised the average rate for the state. The rise occurred not- 
 withstanding the steady decrease on the older roads and an 
 
 1 Section 3. 
 
 * Prairie Farmer, Jan. 25, 1873. 
 
 8 Bulletin No. 15. Miscellaneous Series, Division of Statistics, Sees, i and 6. 
 
 [357]
 
 26 
 
 almost immediate reduction on the new. In other words, when 
 we remember that new roads were rapidly going into operation, 
 it seems quite probable that the new roads, charging rates tem- 
 porarily higher, more than counterbalanced the decrease in 
 rates on the older roads, so that the average for the state prob- 
 ably was increasing, as claimed by the farmer. Although the 
 building of new roads was in reality a benefit to the farmer, 
 yet the high rates charged on these roads, in comparison with 
 the rates on the old lines, created the impression that the rail- 
 roads were taking advantage of the situation to secure abnor- 
 mal profits and thus gave plausibility to the arguments for fixing 
 rates by law. 
 
 At all events, however sound or unsound were the argu- 
 ments advanced, the farmers were able to marshal sufficient 
 strength to pass the law. In this case, as in the former one, 
 the real test came with the effort to enforce the law. The roads 
 at first ignored the law entirely. They did so publicly and even 
 boastingly. 1 The matter was soon brought into the courts, 
 where they were compelled to plead their cause. They main- 
 tained the illegality of the law on the ground that the railroads 
 were private corporations, operating under a charter received 
 from the state, that it was not within the power of the state to 
 pass laws annulling or restricting the charter, 2 which, being in 
 the nature of a contract between the state and the rail- 
 road, was not subject to alteration by either party without 
 the consent of the other. Consequently, since their charters 
 made no mention of state regulation, the railroads were not 
 bound to submit to interference, and therefore any discrimina- 
 tions which they might make were both legal and justifiable. 
 They held that they had the right to make the best bargain 
 they could with each customer and might, if they saw fit, refuse 
 a man's trade altogether. 3 
 
 1 Stickney, Railway Problems, Letter of Alexander Mitchell to Governor W. R. 
 Taylor, of la., pp. 102-109. Report of Senate Committee on Interstate Commerce, 
 serial number 2356, p. 64. 
 
 2 Cf. "Dartmouth College Case", Daitmouth College v. Woodward, 17 U. S. pp. 
 518-715. 
 
 8 Cf. arguments in "granger cases." Also Stickney, Railway Problems, chs. X., XI. 
 
 [358]
 
 27 
 
 The farmers, on the other hand, contended that the rail- 
 roads as "common carriers" had no right to refuse to haul a 
 man's goods at the price paid by others. They called attention 
 to the immense power over business which could be exercised 
 by the railroads, if allowed to discriminate in this way. They 
 also denied the contention of the railroads as to the power of 
 the state to make changes in the charter of a corporation, claim- 
 ing that the state had virtually created the corporation, which, 
 as the creation of the state must be subject to its control. 1 The 
 fight in the courts was carried on with a great deal of bitter- 
 ness and lasted for several years. The decision of the Supreme 
 Court rendered in 1876 upheld the arguments of the grangers 
 and asserted the right of the states to regulate rates within 
 their own boundaries and to compel the railroads to post a 
 schedule of their rates for the benefit of the public. Extracts 
 from the various decisions follow: 
 
 (A) Munn v. 111. 94 U. S. 134, extracts from syllabus, 
 
 (1) "Under the powers inherent in every sovereignty, a govern- 
 ment may regulate the conduct of its citizens toward each other, and 
 when necessary for the public good, the manner in which each shall 
 use his own property." 
 
 (6) "The limitation by legislative enactment of the rate of 
 charge for services rendered in a public employment, or for the use 
 of property in which the public has an interest, establishes no new 
 principle in the law, but only gives a new effect to an old one." 
 
 (7) "When warehouses are situated and their business is car- 
 ried on exclusively within a state, she may, as a matter of domestic 
 concern, prescribe regulations for them notwithstanding they are 
 used as instruments by those engaged in an inter-state, as well as a 
 state, commerce ; and, until Congress acts in reference to these in- 
 ter-state relations, such regulations can be enforced even though 
 they may operate indirectly upon commerce beyond her immediate 
 jurisdiction." Decision rendered in October, 1876. 
 
 (B) Chicago, Burlington & Quincy R. R. Co. v. Iowa. Extracts 
 from syllabus : 
 
 (1) "Railroad companies are carriers for hire. Engaged in a 
 
 1 Cf. Stickney, Railway Problem, chapters X. and XI. 
 
 [2591
 
 28 
 
 public employment affecting the public interest, they are, unless 
 protected by their charters, subject to legislative control as to their 
 rates of fare and freight." 
 
 (4) "The act of the General Assembly of the State of Iowa, en- 
 titled 'An act to establish reasonable maximum rates of charges for 
 transportation of freight and passengers on the different roads of 
 this state', approved March 23, 1874 is not in conflict with section 4, 
 Article 1, of the constitution of Iowa, which provides that all laws 
 
 of a general nature shall have a uniform operation and, etc 
 
 "nor is it a regulation of inter-state commerce." Decision rendered, 
 October, 1876. 
 
 (0) Peck v. Chicago & Northwestern K. R. Co. 
 
 "Held, that the legislature had power to prescribe a maximum 
 of charges to be made by said company for transporting persons or 
 property within the state, or taken up outside the state and brought 
 within it, or taken up inside and carried without." Decision ren- 
 dered Oct. 1876. 
 
 (D) Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul Railroad Co. v. Ackley. 
 The decision in this case, also given in October, 1876, determined 
 that a railroad company can not recover for any amount above the 
 maximum rate established by law. 
 
 (E) Winona & St. Peter R. R. Co. v. Blake. Syllabus: 
 "The Winona & St. Peter Railroad company, having been incor- 
 porated as a common carrier was bound to carry when called upon for 
 that purpose and to charge only a reasonable compensation therefor.' ' 
 
 (F) Shields v. Ohio, 95 U. S. 319, syllabus : 
 
 "The General Assemby does not, therefore, impair the obliga- 
 tion of a contract by prescribing the rates for the transportation of 
 the passengers by the new company, although one of the original 
 companies was prior to the adoption of that constitution, organized 
 under a charter which imposed no limitations as to such rates." 
 
 It is interesting to note that similar legislation was in pro- 
 gress in neighboring states, notably in Wisconsin, where the 
 famous Potter Law created intense feeling on the part of the 
 railroads. Iowa also had similar troubles. Illinois was proba- 
 bly as successful as any of her sister states in dealing with this 
 problem and her legislation in general was less radical. 1 
 
 1 Report of Senate Committee,Congressional Reports, serial number 2356 pp. 71-74. 
 
 [360]
 
 29 
 
 The railroad laws of the '70's are sometimes sneeringly 
 called "Granger legislation". It is worth while to attempt to 
 discover what relation actually existed between them and the 
 Grange. Popular opinion on this subject is at variance with 
 the statements of grange officials. 1 The first so-called "Granger 
 laws" of Illinois were passed not later than April 15, 1871. At 
 the close of this year there had been but nine subordinate granges 
 organized in this state, and the state organization itself was not 
 formed until the fifth of March, 1872. In the light of these 
 facts it is difficult to see how the railway legislation of 1871 
 can be laid at the door of the grangers. This much, however, 
 is certain: an effort was being made at this time to bring the 
 railroads under legislative control and the movement was en- 
 countering opposition. The decision of the court, declaring 
 the law of 1871 unconstitutional, came as a shock to the farm- 
 ers. It revealed their weakness and showed them that they 
 could not make headway unless they could combine their forces. 
 By this time the Grange had attained some prominence and, be- 
 cause of its complete organization, its discipline, and the limita- 
 tion of its membership to farmers, had become the center around 
 which the farmers rallied against the railroads. Whatever may 
 have been the previous policy of the Grange it could no longer 
 remain neutral. The question was of vital interest to the farm- 
 ers and its discussion could not be kept out of grange meetings. 
 The Grange therefore took the lead in the "war upon the rail- 
 roads", and all opposed to the roads were glad to call themselves 
 grangers. As one man prominent in political matters of the 
 time says, "We were all grangers. I never belonged to the or- 
 der but I was a granger just the same". 
 
 We must therefore admit, that from this time on, the 
 Grange, at least equally with other farmers' organizations, was 
 responsible for the opposition to the railroads. Otherwise we must 
 find some cause for its tremendous growth and activity at this 
 
 1 Mr. Chas. W. Pierson says, "In spite of the assertions of Mr. C. F. Adams and 
 others it can be shown that the Grange was not responsible for the Illinois legislation 
 Pop. Sci. Mo. 32:206. Cf. Hadley, Railroad Transportation 130-136. 
 
 [361]
 
 30 
 
 time, distinct from those which led to corresponding growth in 
 other farmers' organizations. The evidence seems convincing 
 that the whole struggle against the railroads and other corpo- 
 rations, in the years from 1872-'77, may properly be included 
 under the head of the granger movement. This was certainly 
 the opinion of the majority of the grangers themselves. 
 
 The railroad laws of the western states in the early seven- 
 ties were crude, as laws are likely to be when dealing with. new 
 subjects. In some cases they were declared unconstitutional, 
 as was the first law in Illinois. They caused much harsh criti- 
 cism 1 in the east. Many articles were written denouncing the 
 laws as virtual cofiscation, and asserting that they were contrary 
 to the best interests of the states which passed them. It w r as 
 proved to the satisfaction of the writers that such states as 
 Illinois and Wisconsin had seriously impaired their credit, that 
 they were retarding their own development and that the demands 
 of the farmers were most unreasonable. It was declared that as 
 a result of these laws railroad building in the West had received 
 a check from which it would not recover. There was a grain 
 of truth in these statements. Some of the legislation was ill- 
 considered, and in so far as it was unconstitutional the granger 
 movement was somewhat discredited. The credit of the states 
 was impaired somewhat 2 but less on account of the laws them- 
 selves than because of overdrawn comments upon them. Rail- 
 road building was checked temporarily in some sections, but 
 this was not altogether undesirable. Moreover the length of 
 time during which some of these so-called "Granger laws" have 
 remained in force carries with it a decided vindication of the 
 policy. 
 
 The Railway and Warehouse Commission has already been 
 mentioned in connection with the Grange in this state, but de- 
 serves separate treatment on account of its importance. It was 
 created by the act of May 13, 1871, with power to inquire into 
 
 1 Pop. Sci. Mo., 32.206, Nation, 16:381 ; 17:140; 17:266; 19:36; 19:122; etc. 
 * Nation, 20:33; C. F. Adams Jr. in No. Am. Rev. 120:394, 
 
 L362]
 
 31 
 
 the management of roads, to subpoena witnesses for that pur- 
 pose, to prosecute parties for the violation of laws, but with 
 little or no discretionary powers in the regulation of the roads. 1 
 The reports of the commissioners for 1871 and 1872 indicate 
 that they met with many difficulties and were able to exert but 
 little influence upon the roads. The act of May 2, 1873* extended 
 and enlarged their powers. Section 7 of that act increased 
 their powers in the prosecution of violations of the law, and 
 section 8 empowered them to fix a schedule of reasonable maxi- 
 mum rates for the transportation of passengers, freight and 
 cars. These rates were to be accepted in the courts as prima 
 facie evidence in all cases of alleged unjust discrimination. 
 That the farmers then considered this commission able to en- 
 force their demands is evident from the opposition aroused by 
 Governor Beveridge in 1873, when he proposed as members of 
 the commission, men who were not considered representative 
 of the interests of the farmers. Public sentiment was so strong 
 against these men that the appointments were finally withdrawn 
 without action by the Senate. The governor then appointed 
 three men more satisfactory to the farmers. 
 
 In conclusion, it may be said of the attitude of the railroads 
 that w r hile there is little question that many of the demands of 
 the Illinois grangers were decidedly unreasonable, and some 
 of their methods forcible and illegal, yet this unreasonableness 
 was made an excuse for opposition to many demands which 
 were reasonable. In the main, the granger principles were 
 sound and the results of the movement beneficial ; for it has 
 convinced the railroad corporations that railroads, to be suc- 
 cessful, must be operated in accordance with the demands of 
 their patrons, and that it is only a question of time when fla- 
 grant abuses affecting a large number of people must be rem- 
 edied. 
 
 1 Public Laws of Illinois, 1871-1872 pp. 619-625. 
 
 2 Report of R. R. & W. Commission 1873, pp. 62-65. 
 
 [3631
 
 4. Political Features. 
 
 The original design of the National Grange did not involve 
 legislative activity. But, as we have already seen, some of the 
 abuses which called the organization into existence could be 
 reformed only through legislation. The precedent established 
 in the case of the railroads was soon extended, 1 and before long 
 we find criticisms of the Grange for depending on legislation as 
 a remedy for all evils. As a matter of fact, its influence se- 
 cured the passage of comparatively few enactments. But grang- 
 er conventions discussed many plans of reform and, directly 
 or indirectly, aided in the passage of many measures in the leg- 
 islature. If we might give the Grange credit for legislation in 
 accordance with its policy, passed since the days of its power, 
 the story might prove much longer. However, for the present, 
 at any rate, we must confine ourselves to measures passed or 
 reforms agitated as a direct result of granger influence. 
 
 One of the first moves of the grangers in this direction was 
 for the reduction of the salaries of public officers. This mat- 
 ter was discussed with warmth in meetings of both state and 
 national granges, not only in Illinois, but also in Iowa, Wiscon- 
 sin, Indiana, and other states. The discussion occurred for the 
 most part immediately after the panic of 1873. The term "sal- 
 ary grab" was frequently used and there seemed to be practical 
 unanimity of opinion among grangers that the salaries of offi- 
 cials were too high and that the offices, having become objects 
 of political greed, were not filled by representative men, a phrase 
 which to them meant farmers. The grangers further declared 
 that since all commodities had decreased in value, it was mani- 
 festly unfair that officers of the government should not also sus- 
 tain a reduction, and that an increase in their salaries would be 
 robbery of the people. The stand of the grangers seems to have 
 
 1 The Prairie Farmer of Feb. 8, ]873 urged activity in legislative matters, in the 
 following words: "The legislature is now in session. Now is the time for the grang- 
 ers ot the state to discuss needed legislation and to put themselves in communication 
 with one or more members of the legislature" so as to know what is being' done and 
 to exercise an influence on legislation. 
 
 [364]
 
 33 
 
 had some effect at least in neutralizing the movement for higher 
 salaries, especially in the case of judges of the Supreme Court 
 of the state. 
 
 Other measures were proposed by the farmers, such as laws 
 prohibiting stock from running at large : a tax on dogs to in- 
 demnify sheep owners for losses due to dogs : the planting and 
 preservation of forest trees : the abolition of gambling and 
 horse-racing at fairs : and guarding against the importation of 
 contagious diseases among stock. The discussion of other 
 questions such as Prohibition and Woman Suffrage brought 
 about numerous resolutions, but these matters received but 
 little serious attention. 
 
 The question was frequently raised among grangers, wheth- 
 er or not a member of the Grange should seek office. The gen- 
 eral opinion seemed to be that he should seek representation 
 for the farmer and if offered a nomination should not refuse it. 1 
 However, there were numerous instances where grange offi- 
 cers refused a party nomination because of their position in the 
 Grange. On the other hand, many must have been quite willing 
 to accept. Otherwise we would not have had a grange legislature 
 in Wisconsin in 1875, nor 36 grangers in the California legislature 
 
 1 The Prairie Farmer of January 23, 1875, contains a noteworthy argument on 
 this subject. A portion of it is as follows : 
 
 "And yet farmers ought to fill important offices. Probably we shall have no re- 
 form in politics until a majority of farmers shall be sent to the legislature and to con- 
 gress. But as those now on the stage of action are unfit, however ravenous they may 
 be, those who shall be fit must be prepared, and the only material lies in the young 
 men now entering life. The question arises, how shall they be prepared. 
 
 Take any young man well brought up, and containing within himself good hered- 
 itary qualities, who is married and somewhat in debt for land, teams and implements, 
 and who is ambitious : it will be a good plan for him to think of going to the legis- 
 lature, and being now, from 22 to 26, he may reasonably expect to attain this object 
 by the time he is forty or fifty, not before ; on the condition that he takes the proper 
 course and pursues it steadily. Many things must occur, and there are more things 
 in life than most young men imagine." 
 
 The article continuing, gives more specific directions in effect as follows : Be 
 honest, be temperate and keep good health. Cultivate love for your wife. Read, 
 learn to observe, practice handwriting. The farm should not exceed forty acres 
 Work no more than eight hours a day. Spend from three to six hours a day in read- 
 ing or study. Travel as much as possible, etc. 
 
 [365]
 
 34 
 
 of 1878. From this we may conclude that although some of 
 the leaders were very careful to keep out of politics, either be- 
 cause the Giange was theoretically outside of the sphere of po- 
 litical activity or because the positions which they already held 
 were more influential than the political offices within their 
 reach, yet many members of the order certainly had no such 
 scruples and probably counted on the help of their fellow grang- 
 ers to raise them into office. Many grangers or grange repre- 
 sentatives occupied seats in the various state legislatures because 
 of granger support.Politicians who were not members of the order 
 and who were unable to join, solicited the friendship of the 
 Grange by supporting their principles in words and often in 
 deeds. The Grange also came into politics sometimes through 
 the efforts of politicians to manipulate granger conventions. 
 The case of Judge Lawrence is in point. Acting in the capaci- 
 ty of Chief Justice of the State Supreme Court, he pronounced 
 the decision of the court in the McLean county test case, de- 
 claring the railroad law of 1871 unconstitutional. His term 
 soon expired and, as he was supported by nearly the whole bar 
 of the state, he was renominated by his party almost without 
 opposition. The executive committee of the State Grange had 
 previously publicly and explicitly acknowledged the justice of 
 the decision, 1 but politicians were shrewd enough to see that the 
 farmers were not entirely satisfied and that a little judicious 
 scheming might stir up a blaze of opposition. Under their 
 leadership, or influence, grangers' and farmers' conventions met 
 
 1 The Prairie Farmer, Mar. 22, 1873, prints resolutions adopted by the executive 
 committee of the Illinois State Grange after the decision in the McLean Co. case : 
 
 "Resolved, that the question of railway tariffs now agitating this and other states 
 involves issues of the gravest character and should be settled on principles of sound- 
 est law and strictest justice to all parties concerned. 
 
 Resolved, that the recent decision of the Supreme Court of the State in the rail- 
 way case from McLean Co., so-called, seems dictated by patriotism and wisdom, and 
 so far as we understand its reasonings and suggestions, they are accepted with satis- 
 faction and approval. 
 
 Resolved, that the present General Assembly are respectfully requested and 
 urged to enact a law under which reasonable tariffs, both freight and passenger, shall 
 be established, and by which unjust discriminations in the same shall be prevented." 
 
 [366]
 
 35 
 
 and endorsed the nomination of the rival candidate, who was 
 less widely known, and who, though under no pledge, was gen- 
 erally understood to be a friend of the farmers nominated for a 
 definite purpose. 1 Lawrence was defeated at the polls by the 
 vote of the organized farmers. This and other cases were plain- 
 ly attempts to control the decision of the courts, and were quick- 
 ly interpreted by outsiders as methods of lawlessness and an- 
 archy. The granger movement was discredited, and the grange 
 weakened, since it was unable to justify itself in the eyes 
 of those who condemned its action. Here again the Grange 
 suffered on account of its fame. Because of its prominence it 
 bore the brunt of the criticism though receiving only a share of 
 the praise from those in sympathy with its methods. As we 
 look at the matter now in the light of more dispassionate criti- 
 cism, we are bound to admit the right of the farmer to refuse 
 to vote for Judge Lawrence. But when we reflect that his de- 
 feat was due to a judicial decision whose soundness was admitted 
 by the grangers themselves we can scarcely avoid misgivings 
 either as to the patriotism or good sense of the people responsi- 
 ble for his defeat. But we must not judge the farmers' organ- 
 izations too harshly, for the members had been keenly disap- 
 pointed at the failure of the law to which they had looked for 
 relief from the impositions of the railroad companies. 
 
 In the early days of the Grange, 1872 and 1873, partisan 
 newspapers made strenuous efforts to induce it to make an ex- 
 pression of opinion on the tariff question. In this they were 
 only partly successful. Nearly every time resolutions were in- 
 troduced bearing upon the subject, means were found for dis- 
 posing of them without provoking discussion. Not so in a con- 
 vention held in Bloomington, and controlled by politicians. A 
 resolution was introduced calling for the immediate repeal of 
 the protective duties on iron, steel and all other materials which 
 
 1 Prairie Farmer, May 31, 1878, gives an account of a convention held at Yates City 
 at the call of the Yates City Grange for the purpose of ratifying the nomination of 
 Hon. A. M. Craig for Chief Justice of the state Supreme Court. Resolutions were 
 passed pledging the members of the convention "individually and collectively to use 
 all honorable means to secure the election of the Hon. A. M. Craig," etc. 
 
 [367]
 
 36 
 
 enter into the construction of railroad cars, steamships, etc. 
 A heated discussion arose, at the close of which the resolution 
 was passed by a narrow margin. That night most of the dele- 
 gates went home and an effort was made the next day to recon- 
 sider the question. The attempt, however, failed. It was read- 
 ily seen by the grangers that such matters must be let severely 
 alone, for much feeling was caused by this action. Consequently 
 we hear of no more tariff discussions in grange conventions. 
 
 In the matter of currency reform there were fewer differ- 
 ences of opinion than on the tariff. For although there were, 
 no doubt, as many different schemes of revision as there were 
 minds capable of evolving a scheme, the details of these plans 
 were little discussed and the grangers usually contented them- 
 selves with a general demand for currency revision. 1 A clip- 
 ping from an Iowa paper may be taken as fairly representing 
 granger declarations on this subject. It is as follows : "The 
 grange is the germ seed of the great national movement now 
 in vigorous progress to secure a national system of currency 
 that shall be just to all classes of citizens, without favoring by 
 special law those who choose to invest in banks of issue". 5 ' 
 
 Many other public matters came up for discussion, and there 
 were few important questions of the time upon which the Grange 
 failed to make some expression. For example the popular 
 election of United States Senators was often discussed in grange 
 conventions and some efforts were made to secure a more equit- 
 able adjustment of taxes. It is none the less true, as shown by 
 the resolutions of the Potomac Grange passed in 1878, 3 that 
 there was a feeling somewhat widespread, that aside from the 
 principle involved it was a bad policy for the Grange to express 
 itself on political matters, 4 inasmuch as professional politicians 
 
 1 The Prairie Farmer of Feb. 21, 1878 announced that the Illinois State Grange 
 had endorsed the measures then before Congress to remonetize silver. 
 2 Copied in the Prairie Farmer, Oct. 19, 1878. 
 3 Prairie Farmer, Sept. 5, 1878. 
 
 * In the Prairie Farmer, January 23, 1875 under the heading, "Is it drifting into 
 politics?" Alonzo Colder, Grand Master of the Illinois State Grange, says in effect, 
 It is a conceded fact that the State Farmers' Association of Illinois was organized 
 primarily for political purposes. In this line no doubt it will do good. But the Grange 
 
 [368]
 
 37 
 
 were usually successful in framing such declarations to suit 
 their own purposes. On the other hand, there was at the same 
 time a feeling that the agitation against political action by the 
 Grange was in fact a scarecrow, raised by the enemies of the 
 order so as to exclude it from politics and so narrow its field 
 of influence, 1 in order to meet both of these objections a plan of 
 secret ballot, similar in many respect to the present system of 
 primary elections, was adopted in some portions of the state, 
 whereby the general sentiment might be discovered without 
 the interferance of politicians, and the members of the Grange 
 enabled to unite on some candidate and so make their votes 
 effective. 8 The results of this expedient were not satisfactory 
 and the plan was therefore abandoned. 
 
 5. The Grange and the Middlemen: Buying, Selling, Mutual 
 
 Insurance. 
 
 Aside from its war on the railroads and its activity along 
 political lines, the Grange found other tields of labor of which 
 less is generally known. Of these less public activities perhaps 
 none has accomplished more lasting good than the attempt to 
 deal directly with the manufacturers, without the aid of mid- 
 dlemen. In speaking of the causes which worked toward mak- 
 ing the Grange powerful as an organization, we have already 
 mentioned briefly the inconveniences which the farmer suffered 
 at the hands of the local dealers. In the minds of the founders 
 of the order, probably no item in the farmers' budget of griev- 
 ances received more attention, or was considered of more real 
 importance to the farmer, than the disadvantages under which 
 
 must let politics alone. Politicians and the Associations would gladly drag the 
 Grange into politics but its fundamental principle is non-political, not-partisan. 
 Some subordinate granges in the state have been led away from their true purpose 
 and have taken sides on political questions. Such granges must beware in the future 
 or they will be deprived of their charter. When the Grange becomes truly and 
 avowedly a secret political organization its death knell is sounded. 
 
 1 Thomas M. Richards in address to the Slate Farmers' Association in 1875 said 
 the scarecrow "Beware how you meddle with politics", etc., is the cry of political 
 schemers who fear the political influence of the Grange. 
 
 * Prairie Farmer, Sept. 20, 1873. 
 
 [369]
 
 he was laboring in buying his necessary supplies. The middle- 
 man, however, shrewdly avoided antagonizing the farmer open- 
 ly, and so allowed the railroads to bring upon themselves his 
 first attack. Unlike the roads, they saw that their hold upon 
 the farmer depended on keeping him in a good humor. Com- 
 petition compelled them to be conciliatory and they dared not 
 be so overbearing in their manners as were the railroad officials. 
 Moreover, their existence, in limited numbers, was necessary, 
 or at least helpful, in developing the resources of the new 
 country. Many of the immigrants were not supplied with the 
 implements necessary for carrying on their work and, what 
 was worse, they lacked the necessaries of life, and would have 
 been unable to support themselves until their crops were har- 
 vested but for the services of the middlemen, who furnished 
 them with goods on credit. The middleman was careful to em- 
 phasize these facts in order to impress upon the farmer a sense 
 of obligation for the leniency shown. The farmer, after receiv- 
 ing these favors, felt himself bound to trade with the man who 
 had helped him. This was especially true if his crops were not 
 sufficient to pay his debt ; for whether or not his farm had been 
 mortgaged as security, his freedom of action was none the less 
 limited. 
 
 A system of credit was thus built up, similar in its main 
 features to the system still in operation in the cotton growing 
 states. 1 The chief difference, perhaps, lies in the fact that the 
 northern farmer was more enterprising and could not endure 
 the slavery of debt. He made use of all such means as the 
 granger movement to rid himself of such obligations. It is nev- 
 ertheless true that the disadvantages under which many of 
 these early settlers labored made the struggle for existence 
 severe. Having once put themselves into the power of the 
 middlemen it was no easy task to escape. And unless the 
 farmer adopted the motto, "Pay as you go," he was sure to be- 
 come subject to the control of the merchant. Even then the 
 prices that he had to pay were exorbitant ; for there was little 
 
 1 M. B. Hammond, The Cotton Industry in the United States, chap. V. 
 
 [370]
 
 39 
 
 competition in prices among the merchants, and it was impos- 
 sible for the farmer to deal directly with the manufacturer. 
 
 The leaders of the Grange movement saw these difficulties 
 and began to provide against them so far as possible. From 
 the first, the principle of cash payments was enunciated, and 
 this of itself marked a distinct step in advance for the farmers- 
 They also tried the plan of concentrating their orders for the 
 purpose of getting more favorable terms. That the agitation 
 for co-operation in buying is as old as the State Grange may be 
 seen from the fact that at its organization in 1872 the question 
 of special rates on agricultural implements was taken up and 
 discussed at some length. 1 Individual granges in various parts 
 of the state had already made attempts in this direction. In 
 most cases they attained a measure of success, but owing to the 
 influence of the middlemen with the manufacturers, many ob- 
 stacles were placed in the way and 'the results were not all 
 that could be desired. When county granges were organized 
 these matters passed into their hands and were usually carried 
 on with more success than by the individual grange. County 
 agents were chosen who gave bond for proper performance of 
 duty, received a fixed salary, and gave their time to the work. 
 The National Grange, independently of these more local 
 movements, had succeeded in obtaining important concessions 
 on condition that the Grange orders should be concentrated. 
 But the national organization was unable to carry out its part 
 of the contract because it lacked the power to control the 
 orders of a single grange. The principle of direct dealings 
 without the aid of middlemen had, however, been established 
 and when the state granges undertook the matter in a busi- 
 
 1 A communication from a granger who signs himself C. C. B., appearing in the 
 Prairie Farmer in May, 1872, furnishes additioual evidence on the same point. He 
 says that although he entered the Grange with little confidence in its plans, his dis- 
 trust has been overcome by its success in obtaining advantageous rates for its mem- 
 bers on agricultural implements, though working under discouraging circumstances. 
 He states that although the granges in Lee and Whiteside counties are for the most 
 part less than a year old, yet much had already been saved to the members by 
 purchasing implements for cash direct from the manufacturers. 
 
 t37i]
 
 40 
 
 ness-like way they found little difficulty in getting important 
 reductions. Illinois had a state purchasing agent as early as 
 1875 
 
 The method followed in making purchases through the 
 state agent was well adapted to secure substantial advantages. 
 In the first place, the state agent was required to give a bond 
 large enongh to cover any funds which he was likely to hold at 
 one time. The executive committee had the power of raising 
 this bond as they deemed necessary. In this way the members 
 of the Grange were secured against loss. The business with 
 the dealers was transacted by the state agent. The orders were 
 sent to him as early in the year as possible by the county or 
 district agents, whose business it was to secure them from the 
 secretary or agent of the sub-granges. As it was a cardinal 
 principle with the Grange that payment should be made in 
 cash, stress was also laid on this feature and a discount of ten 
 per cent, allowed when cash was sent with the order. Receipts 
 were given for this money by each individual who handled it. 
 The company who received the order sent a receipt to the state 
 agent but shipped the goods directly to the individual. Special 
 rates were obtained on car-load lots. Large reductions were 
 secured by this system and ample proof afforded that the mid- 
 dlemen were either making unusual profits or were conducting 
 their business in a reckless or extravagant manner. In either 
 case the farmer had suffered unnecessarily. Reapers for which 
 the middleman charged $275. were secured by the grangers for 
 $175. Threshers were reduced from $300. to $200., wagons from 
 $150. to $90., sewing machines from $75. and $100. to $40. and $50., 
 and other articles in like proportion. 1 Thus for a few years, 
 the members of the Grange probably saved at least 33| per cent, 
 on such purchases. 2 The middlemen, like the railroads, were 
 unwilling to share their profits and tried to protect themselves. 
 As long as they could prevent the wholesale firms from dealing 
 
 1 Special Report 2, Misc .Ser. U. S. Dept. of Agriculture 
 
 - Ibid. Estimated at from 25 per cent to 50 per cent. Country Gentleman, Mar. 
 2, 1875, estimated at from 50 percent 1075 per cent. 
 
 f372]
 
 41 
 
 with the grangers their task was comparatively easy, but when 
 this failed they felt obliged to exterminate their new compet- 
 itors. Accordingly they brought down prices to a point so low 
 that many outside the Grange were enabled to buy of their 
 local dealers at a rate lower than that secured by the grangers. 
 They hoped to weaken, and perhaps destroy the Grange that 
 they might again raise prices. Sometimes they went so far as 
 to sell at a loss, and in some cases were soon forced out of bus- 
 iness. 
 
 In so far as retail dealers were forced out of business by 
 freer competition, the result sustained the argument of the 
 grangers to the effect that the middleman was a dead weight 
 upon society, adding nothing to the value of the goods and act- 
 ing as a leech upon the purse of the producer. But as a matter 
 of fact the decrease in the number of middlemen was by no 
 means commensurate with the complaints filed against them. 
 The charges should be examined critically. Such statements 
 as those of C. E. Barney at the State Farmers' Association in 
 1875, need to be taken with considerable allowance. He said 
 that in 1873 it cost the workers in Illinois $29,000,000 to sup- 
 port the professional middlemen and loafers. Now, it is con- 
 ceivable that the credit system may have been so hazardous to 
 the dealer that this amount was only a fair remuneration for 
 the work undertaken by the middlemen, or it may be that his 
 estimate is exaggerated. But be this as it may, there can be 
 no doubt that the granger movement was the means of secur- 
 ing a large reduction of prices, besides producing more health- 
 ful business conditions. More important than these results, 
 however, was its effect as the entering wedge whereby the pow- 
 er of the credit system was broken, and the farmer enabled to 
 free himself from its toils. 
 
 The venture, so successful in one line, was soon extended 
 to others. It seemed to the farmer that if agricultural imple- 
 ments could be bought cheaper by ordering direct from the 
 manufacturer, groceries, dry goods, and in fact all of his sup- 
 plies, could be obtained from the wholesale dealer with equal 
 
 [373]
 
 42 
 
 advantage. Enterprising business men were quick to take ad- 
 vantage of this belief and advertised their firms extensively as 
 Grange supply houses. At this time Montgomery Ward's pres- 
 ent department store was started as a supply store for grangers, 
 and in its early days its patrons were chiefly members of the 
 order. During the first years that the new plan of purchase 
 was in operation the amount saved by grangers on commodi- 
 ties of all kinds may be fairly estimated at no less than 20 per 
 cent, of the cost of their purchases at previous prices. 1 As com- 
 petition reduced prices to a more stable scale, the average sav- 
 ings through the concentration of orders and direct dealings with 
 the wholesale houses was probably not above 10% on the retail 
 prices, though there are many individual instances after 1875 
 where grangers claim to have saved 20 per cent, and even 30 
 per cent, in this way. 
 
 As the system became more firmly established, both its 
 advantages and disadvantages became more evident. A saving 
 was still effected on some goods, but on others which could not 
 be ordered in large quantities there was no gain. The need of 
 a central depot of samples and repairs, and later of a local store, 
 was felt. We hear of many such stores in 1875. At Woodstock, 
 McHenry county a grange warehouse for agricultural imple- 
 ments was established. 2 In Tazewell county a grange store is 
 reported as doing a business of from $1,500 to $2,000 a month. 3 
 Rockford had a sample grange store for Winnebago county. 4 
 The Shelby county grange established a co-operative store with 
 a capital of $5,000, divided into shares of $10 each, 5 and the Ste- 
 phenson county grange incorporated and established a grange 
 store. 6 The Peoria county Co-operative Association was formed 
 
 1 Cf. saving on agricultural implements. The Prairie Farmer of Mar. 4, 1876 
 states that the patrons' department store at Dixon had saved at least 50$ to those in- 
 terested during the preceding year. 
 
 ' Prairie Farmer, Mar. 13, 1875. 
 
 8 Ibid. July 15, 1876. 
 
 4 Ibid. Jan. 23, 1875. 
 
 5 Ibid. Mar. 20, 1875. 
 
 Ibid. June 26, 1873; Mar. 20, 1878. 
 
 [374]
 
 43 
 
 with a capital stock of $5,000 and with 200 stock-holders 1 Re- 
 garding the store thus established, an enthusiastic supporter 
 writes to the effect that after being in operation four weeks it 
 had proved an unparalled success, and that a plan to increase 
 the capital stock to $15,000 was under consideration. He furth- 
 er stated that the sales had amounted to as much as $375 in 
 one day. 2 
 
 There were various plans for the management of these 
 stores, but the one most successful, and probably most common, 
 was similar to that known in England as the Rochdale system. 
 The Grange was of course incorporated under the laws of the 
 state, and the necessary officers elected ; the amount of the cap- 
 ital stock, usually $5,000. was fixed and shares were issued. The 
 usual value of these shares seems to have been $10. At first 
 the general manager was usually a member of the Grange, but 
 later on outsiders were sometimes hired to take charge. In 
 spite of many successes, however, the grange stores were as a 
 rule unprofitable in Illinois, although some prospered for a time 
 and a number are said to be in operation yet. More often, how- 
 ever, they have suspended business entirely and for the most 
 part now exist only in the memory of those living in the seven- 
 ties. 
 
 Although the Grange was far more successful in co-opera- 
 tive buying than in co-operative selling, any discussion of the 
 granger movement which fails to give some attention to the 
 latter phase would certainly be incomplete. Attempts were 
 made to get special rates and to do away with middlemen's 
 profit. A granger firm of commission men was established at 
 the Chicago stock yards, but soon failed. 3 In California, a gi- 
 gantic scheme of wheat exportation failed because of poor 
 management and opposition from dealers. 4 In Iowa, especially, 
 and to some extent in other states, an attempt was made to get 
 
 1 Prairie Farmer, Dec. 12, 1874. 
 1 Ibid. 
 
 3 Ibid. 
 
 4 Ibid. 
 
 [375]
 
 44 
 
 control of the grain elevators. In that state two-thirds of the 
 grain elevators were said to be in grange hands in 1874. 1 In 
 some parts of Illinois the plan of hiring a general shipper was 
 tried. 8 
 
 There were numerous cases in this state where resolutions 
 were passed by county and subordinate granges, recommending 
 that grangers "hold their hogs" for a certain length of time or 
 for a certain price. At its meeting in January, 1878, the State 
 Grange recommended to its members that they "hold their 
 hogs" for thirty days unless previously offered $5 a hundred for 
 dressed pork or $4.25 for live hogs. Whether they gained their 
 point in this particular case or not is a matter of little impor- 
 tance. Whatever success they may have had in individual 
 cases the fact remains that they could not expect to fix prices 
 contrary to the law of supply and demand. Unable to control 
 the demand and failing to limit the supply permanently, their 
 efforts soon ceased, though not before charges of dishonesty 
 were made against grange agents who handled the funds. 
 
 The co-operative measures of the Grange, however, were 
 not confined to the buying and selling of goods. They also 
 attempted to apply the principle to insurance. There was just 
 cause for dissatisfaction, in these early days, with the prevail- 
 ing methods of insurance. Frauds were by no means unusual, 
 and much difficulty was experienced by policy holders in mak- 
 ing collections in case of loss. An intimation of the feeling 
 may be found in the statement in the Prairie Farmer that the 
 Grange "has made necessary life insurance associations on some 
 plan that will keep the officers out of the penitentiary and the 
 patrons out of the poor-house". Mutual companies for both 
 property and life insurance were .organized in various localities. 
 Property insurance was much the more common. The majority 
 of the companies were established on the township plan, though 
 many preferred a more extensive organization, even at the 
 
 1 Popular Science monthly 32:371. 
 
 2 Country Gentleman, 1872, p. 804, speaks of a general shipper in Illinois who re- 
 ceived a remuneration of %c. a bushel on grain handled. 
 
 [376J
 
 45 
 
 start, and as time passed the larger companies grew in favor 
 and were not always confined within township or even county 
 lines. In 1875 blanks were provided by the State Grange to 
 facilitate the organization of mutual fire insurance companies, 
 and in 1876 the Grange resolved to push the idea of the Patrons' 
 Aid Society or Life Insurance for the Grange, so that insurance 
 might be had at actual cost. 1 In this enterprise as in all others 
 they met with obstacles. In Macon county a "traveling bum- 
 mer" 2 had succeeded in swindling some credulous ones through 
 the organization of "boards of life insurance." Then, too, the 
 farmers lacked experience, and hence many companies were 
 poorly managed. But in spite of all difficulties the plan was 
 particularly successful even at the time, and in later years has 
 been more fully developed. 
 
 6. Fraternal, Social and Educational Features. 
 
 When the Grange was first organized, three lines of activity 
 were emphasized, social, educational and business. Education 
 was the slogan. The evils to which the farmer was subjected 
 were attributed to ignorance. It was asserted that the railroads 
 would not impose on the farmer if he had a better knowledge of 
 business methods, neither would the middlemen and the politi- 
 cians be able to take advantage of him so easily if he were bet- 
 ter informed. The farmer's isolation kept him from enjoying 
 the benefits of social intercourse, and the social side of his na- 
 ture needed development in order to give him confidence in 
 dealing with others. To assist in bringing about these results 
 a program was to be given in every subordinate grange meet- 
 ing recitations, songs, and discussions of various topics of in- 
 terest to the farmer. Without some opportunity of coming 
 together such as was afforded by the Grange, the farmer would 
 not realize the meaning of current events. His daily round of 
 toil discouraged rather than stimulated efforts to keep well in- 
 
 1 Prairie Farmer, July 15, 1876. 
 Ibid, Mar. i, 1843. 
 
 [377]
 
 46, 
 
 formed, and unless there was something to spur him on he 
 would not make the necessary effort. He had been led to be- 
 lieve that education and farming, like oil and water, would not 
 mix ; that it was impossible for him to use the educational 
 advantages within reach of others. It was within the sphere 
 of the Grange to teach the farmer that all kinds of education 
 are open to him, that it is worth his while to make the effort 
 necessary to acquire information and to learn how to use it. 
 For this purpose the National Grange instituted its system of 
 crop reports, published and sent out hundreds of thousands of 
 tracts among the farmers and urged the need of keeping up 
 with the times. For the same purpose the State Grange sent 
 out deputies and lecturers, who were expected to disseminate 
 information on agricultural topics. The subordinate grange 
 paid the bills and its members were supposed to reap the bene- 
 fits. The effect of these efforts was noticeable. In some cases, 
 perhaps extreme, though mentioned quite frequently in the 
 literature of the time, this campaign of education, combined 
 with a freer social intercourse, developed among grangers a 
 higher respect for one another's opinions and a more careful 
 attention to their own personal appearance, both in dress and 
 action. One pastor wrote of the remarkable change in the 
 "walk and conversation of his flock", and attributed it to the 
 organization of a grange among them. Frequently there was 
 an increased demand for books and oftentimes grange libraries 
 were established. A grange was organized in one community 
 where previously but one newspaper had been taken and as a 
 result the number of subscriptions soon increased to thirty. 1 
 Thus there is abundant evidence to show that the Grange 
 increased the desire for knowledge and aided in its dissemina- 
 tion. But not only did the farmers read more ; they also did 
 more writing for the papers, either to ask questions of their 
 own or to reply to the questions of others. In this w T ay the 
 movement for farmers' institutes was greatly advanced, per- 
 haps originated. The ambition to write for the papers was still 
 
 1 Special Report 2 p. 60. 
 
 [378]
 
 47 
 
 further stimulated by some of the agricultural papers, which 
 offered prizes for the best essays written by school children 
 under a certain age, on some specified subject, usually related 
 to the Grange. 
 
 For a few years, while the "war" upon the railroads and 
 middlemen was at its height, the educational development of 
 the order was arrested or, at least, overshadowed. But as the 
 Grange grew older and the so-called "explosion of wrath" had 
 spent its force, the attention of the members became confined 
 more and more to the social and educational features set forth 
 in its constitution. As already pointed out, its business activ- 
 ity has continued to the present, but occupies a much smaller 
 share of its attention than formerly. It should not be under- 
 stood, however, that the Grange has entirely ceased to exert 
 political influence in the broad sense of the term ; but so far 
 as aggressive action along partisan lines is concerned, it may 
 fairly be said to be out of politics. 
 
 In the early seventies, the Grange, like other agricultural 
 societies, took much interest in county fairs. About the same 
 time picnics came into much favor. They were planned with 
 as much enthusiasm and carried out with as much energy as 
 other granger undertakings, but in only two years, 1872 and 
 1873, did they assume much importance. Like other projects 
 of the Grange, they failed to satisfy its members, many of whom 
 were feverishly seeking impossible results and hence were des- 
 tined to disappointment. 
 
 However, such agencies as picnics and county fairs fostered 
 the spirit of fraternity among the members of the order. This 
 was shown in the winter of 1874-75 when the poor crops of the 
 preceding harvest had brought suffering to Kansas and other 
 states west of the Mississippi. The grangers of Kansas took the 
 matter in hand and established a system of organized relief. 
 Members in other states gave their assistance in the work. Illi- 
 nois was active in the work and accomplished much in relief 
 of suffering. It is worth while to note that assistance given by 
 grangers was not limited to members of the order but was ex. 
 
 [379!
 
 48 
 
 tended to any who were in actual want. It is true that other 
 organizations and individuals contributed toward relieving the 
 same needs ; but the grangers deserve credit for initiating the 
 movement. 
 
 7. The Grange and Subsequent Organizations. 
 
 There is little difficulty in tracing the relation between the 
 different organizations mentioned in this paper. They existed 
 about the same time, were made necessary by the same condi- 
 tions, and were striving for much the same ends. 1 There was 
 much rivalry among them, amounting, in the case of clubs and 
 granges, almost to open hostility. 2 There seems to be a con- 
 nection also between the movement toward organization at 
 this time and the movements which have occurred among 
 farmers since that time. There is difficulty in determining 
 how much the later movements were affected by the earlier 
 ones, but a careful analysis brings out many points of similarity. 
 In the membership of the grange it is easy to recognize two gen- 
 eral classes, the conservative and the radical. The conserva- 
 tive element, relatively smaller in number, comprised many of 
 the most progressive farmers of the country. It might perhaps, 
 be said to represent fairly the best element among the farming 
 population, who after thoughtful consideration had come to 
 the conclusion that much might be gained through organiza- 
 tion, and for that reason had joined the order. The radical 
 wing was made up from the chronically dissatisfied element 
 among the farming classes. Their ideas regarding reforms 
 were more or less hazy and they were ready to cast in their lot 
 with any new movement which created a stir. It was their 
 function to call attention to existing evils rather than to re- 
 form them, for they were incapable of following one idea con- 
 
 1 It is interesting to note that as early as 1874 an organization known as Sover- 
 eigns of Industry had been formed among mechanics and laborers, especially in the 
 New England states, upon a plan very similar to, and probably copied from, the Pa- 
 trons of Husbandry. 
 
 8 See report of Secretary S. M. Smith at the State Farmers' Association, 1873.
 
 49 
 
 sistently for any length of time. Thus after a few years of ac- 
 tivity in the grange they became discontented. The ideal state 
 of their imagination was not immediately reached. They de- 
 serted the grange. Other organizations, such as the Farmers' 
 Alliance and the Farmers' Mutual Benefit Association, came 
 into prominence and absorbed the energies of the radicals. But 
 just as before, the radical, discontented element soon left the 
 ranks. Had there been the same need in the country, these 
 organizations might- have made themselves felt as strongly as 
 did the Grange in its palmiest days. Without discussing the 
 actual accomplishments of these organizations it will be suffi- 
 cient to note that their influence is now an unimportant factor. 
 They, too, failed to realize the ideals of many of their partisans, 
 and their membership decreased. The Populist movement also, 
 though too recent to admit of unbiased discussion, seems to 
 bear a close resemblance to the Grange in many features, es- 
 pecially in its anti-monopolistic sentiments. 
 
 8. Estimate of The Grange. 
 
 Much has already been said regarding the differences in 
 the character and policy of the Grange at different periods of 
 its history. In the seventies it had a mushroom growth, and 
 was characterized by a feverish activity in supporting princi- 
 ples somewhat vague, but in general seeking reform through 
 legislation. This period was followed by a reaction and a strik- 
 ing decrease in membership. Since 1880 there has been a re- 
 vival, and the Grange, with a gradually increasing membership 
 has been able to pursue a well-defined policy, emphasizing the 
 need of education and the necessity for self-improvement. The 
 granger movement has been frequently misunderstood, and it 
 is difficult even yet to form a just estimate of it. It is true 
 that many actions of the Grange will not bear a close scrutiny. 
 Some of the first laws passed during their period of greatest 
 legislative influence, were unjust to other classes. But on the 
 other hand they accomplished much good. The objectionable 
 
 [381]
 
 50 
 
 features of the laws were soon removed and the advantages 
 made permanent. The attention of the people was called to 
 railroad abuses and their ingenuity directed toward the discov- 
 ery of a remedy. The state railway commissions established 
 in some of the states by the grangers paved the way for the 
 Inter-State Commerce Commission. Aside from all this the 
 political influence of the farmer has improved in almost every 
 particular since the organization of the Grange. It is impossi- 
 ble to determine just how much of this improvement is due to 
 the Grange, but it would be manifestly unfair to say that improve- 
 ment would have come without the aid of the Grange and that 
 the granger movement had no real value. Indeed, when we 
 recall its many lines of activity, its energy, its determination, 
 its power of concentration, its enthusiasm, the ability of its lead- 
 ers, and its widespread organization, there need be no hesita- 
 tion in affirming that no small share of the political, social and 
 industrial progress of the farmer in Illinois may be traced to 
 the Grange. 
 
 [382]
 
 51 
 
 LIST OF REFERENCES 
 
 I. Primary Sources- 
 
 List of subordinate granges in the state of Illinois after March 15, 1874. 
 
 Constitution and by-laws of the Sangamon county council. 
 
 Constitution of Illinois State Grange. 
 
 Constitution of the National Grange. 
 
 Proceedings of the Illinois Farmers' convention, Bloomington, Illinois, January 
 15 and 16, 1873. 
 
 Proceedings of the annual meetings of the Illinois state Farmers' Association 1873, 
 1874, 1875. 
 
 Journal of proceedings of the Illinois State Grange 1875, 1878, 1879, 1898, 1899. 
 
 Journal of proceedings of the National Grange 1897, 1898, 1899. 
 
 Transactions of the Illinois Department of Agriculture, 1872. (Reports for other 
 years and from other states bear on subject indirectly) 
 
 Reports of Illinois R. R. & W. Commissioners 1872-1877. 
 
 Report of committee on inter-state commerce, 49th Congress, 1st session serial 
 numbers 2356 and 2357. 
 
 Constitution of Illinois (1870) 
 
 Statutes of Illinois, 1873. 
 
 Public laws of Illinois 1871, 1872. 
 
 Revised statutes of Illinois 1874. 
 
 Revised statutes of Illinois 1895. 
 
 67 111. Reports. 
 
 94 U. S. Reports. 
 
 Starr & Curtis' Annotated Statutes of Illinois. 
 
 Bulletin No. 16, Miscellaneous series, Division of Statistics, U. S. Department of 
 Agriculture changes in the rate of charge for railway and other transportation services. 
 
 Special report 2, Miscellaneous series, U. S. Department of Agriculture Proceed- 
 ings of a convention of agriculturalists held at the department of Agriculture, January 
 23-29, 1883. 
 
 Country Gentleman 1869-1875. 
 
 Michigan Farmer 1873. 
 
 Western Rural, 1869. 
 
 Prairie Farmer, 1869-1878. 
 
 II. Secondary Sources. 
 
 ADAMS, EDWARD F. 
 
 " The Granger Morality," Nation 19:234. 
 "The Modern Farmer." 
 
 [383]
 
 52 
 
 ADAMS, C. F. JR. 
 
 "Railroads ; Their Origin and Problems. 
 
 "The Granger Movement," No. Am. Rev., 120:394-424. 
 ALEXANDER, E. PORTER. 
 
 "Railway Practice." 
 ALTGELD, JOHN P. 
 
 "Live Questions." 
 ATKINSON, EDWARD. 
 
 "Margin of Profits and Distribution of Products." 
 
 "The Railroad and the Farmer." 
 BAKER, 
 
 "Monopoly." 
 CLOUD, D. C. 
 
 "Monopolies and the People." 
 COOK, W. W. 
 
 ' 'Corporation Problems. ' ' 
 DABNEY, W. D. 
 
 "The Public Regulation of Railways." 
 DIXON, F. H. 
 
 "State Railroad Control, with a History of Its Development in Iowa." 
 
 "Railroad Control in Nebraska," Pol. Sci. Quar., 13:617-647. 
 ELY, RICHARD T. 
 
 "The Labor Movement in America." 
 GROSVENOR, W. M. 
 
 "Monopolies" (Letter with additional comment. ) Nation, 18:393. 
 HADLEY, A. T. 
 
 "Railroad Transportation ; Its History and Its Laws." 
 HAMMOND, M. B. 
 
 "The Cotton Industry in the United States." 
 HOLE, JAMES. 
 
 "National Railways." 
 HUDSON, J. F. 
 
 "The Railroads and the Republic." 
 JEANS, J. S. 
 
 "Railroad Problems." 
 LARRABEE, WM. 
 
 "The Railroad Question." 
 LLOYD, HENRY D. 
 
 "Wealth Against Commonwealth." 
 MARTIN, E. W. 
 
 "History of the Granger Movement." 
 PERIAM, JONATHAN. 
 
 "The Ground Swell." 
 PIERSON, CHAS. W. 
 
 "Rise of the Granger Movement," Pop. Sci. Mo., 32:199. 
 
 "Outcome of the Granger Movement," Pop. Sci. Mo., 32:368. 
 
 [384]
 
 53 
 
 WELLS, D. A. 
 
 "How Will the United States Supreme Court Decide the Granger Railroad 
 
 Cases?" Nation, 19:382. 
 
 Nation 16:249, "Farmers' Clubs and the Railroads." 
 329, "The Latest Reform Movement." 
 381, "The Causes of the Farmers' Discontent." 
 17: 36, "The Latest Device for fixing Rates of Transportation." 
 68, "Another Aspect of the Farmers' Movement." 
 140, "Agricultural Exposition of Corporate Law." 
 156, "The Next Descent Upon The Treasury." 
 237, "The Watered Stock Hallucination." 
 285, "The Railway Mystery." 
 18: 55, "The Farmers' Future." 
 
 294, "The Cheap Transportation Report." 
 19: 36. "The Granger Method of Reform." 
 
 121, "The Wisconsin Method of Railroad Reform." 
 199, "The Right to Confiscate." 
 231, "Potter and His Law." 
 21:189, "The Last Railroad Grievance." 
 22: 57, "The Granger Collapse." 
 24 :143, ' 'The Granger Decisions. ' ' 
 27: 37, "The Granger Theory Applied to Grangers." 
 International Review, 3:50, "Retrospective Legislation and Grangerism." 
 
 [385]
 
 NUMBERS OF THE UNIVERSITY STUDIES PREVIOUSLY 
 
 ISSUED 
 
 [Address all communications concerning the Studies to Editor, University Studies, 
 305 University Hall, Urbana, 111.] 
 
 Vol. 1., No. 1. Abraham Lincoln : The Evolution of his Literary Style. By Pro- 
 fessor D. K. Dodge, Ph.D. 
 No. 2. The Decline of the Commerce of the Port of New York. By Mr. 
 
 Richard Price Morgan. 
 
 No. 3. A Statistical Study of Illinois High Schools. By Mr. F. G. Bonser, M.S. 
 No. 4. The Genesis of the Grand Remonstrance from Parliament to King 
 
 Charles I. By Henry Lawrence Schoolcraft, Ph.D. 
 No. 5. The Artificial Method for Determining the Ease and the Rapidity of 
 
 the Digestion of Meats. By Harry Sands Grindley, Sc.D.,'and 
 
 Timothy Mojonnier, M.S. 
 No. 6. Illinois Railway Legislation and Commission Control since 1870. By 
 
 Joseph Hinckley Gordon, A. M. Introduction by Professor M. B. 
 
 Hammond, Ph. D. 
 
 No. 7. The Coals of Illinois ; Their Composition and Analysis. By S. W. 
 Parr. M. S.
 
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS-URBANA 
 
 THE GRANGER MOVEMENT IN ILLINOIS URBANA