THE SPEECH OP THE RIGHT HON. THE EARL OF LIVERPOOL, of aotoo, On FRIDAY, the S6‘'‘ of MAY, 1820, ON A MOTION OF THE MARQUIS OF LAJii.aQOWN, • • ••• •• “ 27iat a Select Committee he Mjf^fdnied ’tqjnq'iiire into the Means extending' ahU’iectmtlg ' * * • ••••••• •• • • THE FOREIGN TRADE OF TH^'-GOUyi^lii.’ — — ♦ WITH AN APPENDIX, CONTAINING THE OFFICIAL ACCOUNTS REFERRED TO IN THE SPEECH. SECOND EDITION. LONDON: PRINTED FOR JOHN HATCHARD AND SON, No. 187, PICCADILLY. 1820. Printed by J» BretUlU Rupert Streety Haymarket, London* Li € 5 s a UL. THE SPEECH, &c. I My Lords, I RISE to address your Lordships with peculiar satisfaction, after the very able Rud candid speech of the noble Marquis has just sat down; — a speech which I may sa_f I have -heard with the greatest pleasure. Agreeing „as J do in the general principles which have been iaict dow- by-the ^ noble Marquis, and in most of the points to which P he has applied those principles, I feel no inclination to oppose the motion, although I certainly do not admit, in an equal degree with the noble Marquis, the importance of some of the measures which he > has recommended to your Lordships’ consideration. The noble Marquis has, in my opinion, very pro- perly limited his motion to the consideration of onr foreign trade, and of the best means of improving and extending it. B It is only by such a limitation of our inquiry that it can be conducted with any prospect of an advan- tageous result. For, if the proposition were to em- brace the wide range of the various interests of the country — agricultural, manufacturing, and commer- cial,. — those interests would be brought into a conflict that must lead to interminable discussion; and, either nothing would be done, or whatever it might be proposed to do, would be postponed to an indeflnite period. At the same time it is impossible for me to con- sider the question with reference to our foreign trade only. It is impossible for me to take a view of the state, of the .country, with reference to our foreign tfade/'witlioUt; also considering our- internal trade. It ;is im possible; ff>H me to advert to the impractica- bility, of doing, many things, under the present cir- cums^-aric'es bf'tlie country, which it might be very desirable to do, under other circumstances, without considering what is our domestic situation at this time. In entering on the present discussion, this observation appears to me to be very material — not with respect to the proposed inquiry, for that I have already declared appears to me to be very properly limited, but with a view to a thorough comprehension of the whole subject, — that we should consider why, although we acknowledge that there are other circumstances in our general situation which demand our serious attention. 3 we should not extend that inquiry beyond the bounds of the noble Marquis’ motion. This is due in justice to myself, and to those with whom I have the honour to act. The interests connected with our foreign trade are highly important, but I should be deceiving your Lordships and the country, were I to say that they are, the most important interests to the nation. When I look at the petitions which are pouring in upon us, not only from the merchants and ship- owners, but from the agriculturists and manufac- turers throughout the kingdom, I feel bound to state the reasons, not only why I am not in favour of a. more extensive inquiry than that proposed by the noble Marquis, but why, in the official situation which I have the honour to hold, I did not myself propose such an inquiry. Undoubtedly, if I were of opinion that a more general inquiry would be beneficial, I should have thought it my dqty to recommend it to your Lord- ships. I entirely agree with the noble Marquis, that there can be no mistake so prejudicial, or so calculated to lead to unfortunate results, as to sup- pose, that the great interests of the country, the agricultural, the manufacturing, and the commercial interests, can ever justly be set at variance with each other. — I entirely agree with the noble Marquis, that any attempt to legislate in favour of one of 4 those interests, to the exclusion of the others, would be most destructive to the whole. — I entirely agree with the noble Marquis, that they must stand or fall together ; that the strength of the one will prove the strength of the others, and that the distress of the one will occasion the distress of the others. I cannot, therefore, but regret, that in any of the petitions which have been laid on your Lordships’ table, there should appear a disposition to separate the interests of the one from the interests of the others, and to represent them as at variance, and as capable of being separately benefited. The more the subject is sifted and examined, the more I am convinced it will be found — that, as, on the one hand, the agriculture of the country is the basis of its power and wealth ; so, on the other hand, agricul- ture would not be what it now is, — the fortunes of those who have profited by it, would not be what they now are, had not agriculture been fostered by manufactures and commerce, and received the most important advantages from the spirit and industry of those engaged in manufacturing and commercial pursuits. This therefore is the proposition with which I must set out ; — that all the great interests of the country are intimately and inseparably connected ; and that \yhile on the one hand, what is for the benefit of the onCj must be beneficial to the rest ; on the other hand, any attempt exclusively to favour the one, must be prejudicial to all. With this general view of the subject, I feel that the principal points to which I ought to address myself, are to endeavour to ascertain what is the actual situation of the country with regard to its INTERNAL as well as with regard to its foreign concerns; to endeavour to ascertain, from authentic documents, what is the condition of the various great interests to which I have already alluded ; to probe the causes of the distress to which those interests are at present subject; and, lastly, to examine whether any, and, if any, what legislative measures can be adopted to relieve them. There is one consideration, however, which I con.- fess appears to me to be of the utmost importance at this time. With every disposition to do complete justice to the noble Marquis’ object, and agreeing in most of his positions, it nevertheless appears to me to be as essential that your Lordships should decide what you will not do, as that you should decide what you will do; for it is utterly impossible that the country can settle into the tranquil state so desirable, while men’s minds are afloat, and kept in a state of perpetual ferment and uncertainty with respect to the line of proceeding that Parliament may adopt. The sooner therefore that this is determined, the sooner will the various interests in society harmonize. f) the sooner will business be restored to its proper level, and the pursuits of industry assume an aspect of ascertained, if not of contented exertion. The first point then to which I wish to draw your Lordships’ attention, is the state of our internal commerce. It is material to consider whether the distressed state of that commerce has grown out of any diminution in our internal consumption, or has arisen from circumstances connected with our foreign trade. I trust, that I shall very shortly be able to i satisfy the House, that there is no ground for believing that any part of the distress which pervades our inr ternal commerce, has arisen from a reduction in the use of any of the great articles of consumption. I know but of one of those articles, the consumption of which has been materially reduced, — I mean that of Wine. I have taken some pains to ascertain the actual ?md the comparative state of our home consumption; and in doing so, I have thought it better to look at the amount in quantity, rather than in value ; the value being liable, from taxation and other causes, to fluctuate ; while the quantity is a surer criterion, for determining the increase or the decrease of consumption. I hold in my hand an account of the home consumption, during the last four years, of the principal articles, on which the duties of last year were imposed ; which, if it be your Lordships’ 7 pleasure, I will lay on the table, or submit to a Committee, should a Committee be appointed. — The fair way of considering the subject, is to compare the average consumption of the three years, ending the 5th April, 1817, 1818, and 1819, with the actual consumption of the year ending the 5th April, 1820. — If we look at the article of Tea (which, next to bread, is the article of most general use amongst all classes of the nation) we shall find that the average consumption of the years ending the 5th of April, 1817, 1818, and 1819, was 2 1,650,870 lbs. and that the consumption from the 5th of April, 1819, to the 5th of April, 1820, was 22,332,117 lbs. being some increase. In the article of Coffee, the average consumption of the three years was 7,523,583 lbs. and the consumption of the last year, 7,358,8561bs. being a small diminution. In the article of Tobacco, the average consumption of the three years, was 1 1,967,71 1 lbs. and the consumption of the last year, 1 1,175,917 lbs. being, I must admit, no inconsiderable diminution. In the article of Malt, the average consumption of the three years, was 22,130,278 bushels, and the consumption of the last year, 23,971,387 bushels, being an increase of above 1,800,000 bushels. In the article of Spirits — the average consumption of the three years, was 5, 173,755 gallons, and the consumption of the last year, was 4,801,937 gallons, being a diminution of about 8 361,000 gallons. But then it is necessary to add, that during the last year the consumption of foreign spirits has been considerably greater than it was during the three preceding years. It is proper that I should observe to your Lordships, that the w'hole of these accounts have reference to the consumption of Great Britain only. In this view of the comparative consumption of the different periods which I have described, there can be no. fallacy. It has been taken on the quantity of the articles consumed as a more fair criterion than their official value; — it has been taken with the view of comparing the actual consumption of the last year, with the average consumption of the three years immediately preceding ; and the result of that comparison is, that, during the last year there has not only been no diminution, but on the contrary, some increase in the Home consumption. The same may be said with regard to other articles respecting which it has not been practicable to obtain a return of the quantity consumed, but only of the amount of the duties. Upon those articles on which there has been no increase of taxation, and which are consumed by all classes of the community, such as Candles, Paper, Hides, Skins, Soap, Salt, Bricks and Tiles, &c. the result is the same as with respect to the articles which I before specified. lu some, there has been a trifling decrease; in others, there has been an increase; 3 9 but, on the whole, they confirm the general position, that in the internal consumption of the country there has been no diminution. This fact, as far as it goes, is a subject for unqualified satisfaction ; since it shews that in our main resource, that in what depends on ourselves, there has been no falling olF : whatever local distress may therefore exist in the country, this is a sure proof that our general wealth has not declined ; for if such decline or defalcation had taken place to any extent, it must have been accompanied by a decrease in the use of the great articles of pur domestic consumption. Having considered the internal commerce of the country, I come now to the consideration of our foreign trade, and particularly of the exportation of British produce and manufactures. And here, I lament to say, a great falling off appears to have taken place in the last, as compared with the pre- ceding year. The declared value of British and Irish produce and manufactures exported in the year 1818, amounted to 48,903,760Z., the declared value of British and Irish produce and manufactures e;!iported in the year 1819, amounted only to 37,939,506/.; beinga diminution to the considerable amount of about eleven millions. But then it ought to be recollected, that the year 1818 was one of extraordinary ex- portation ; and that great and over-strained efforts were made in that year in various branches of out c 10 industry and commerce. It will therefore be a fairer proceeding, if we form oiir estimate of the diminu- tion of our foreign trade, by comparing the average exports of the three years, 1816, 1817, and 1818, with the actual exports of last year. It appears that the average exports of the years 1816, 1817, and 1818, amounted to 45,161,756/. ; thus exhibiting a deficiency in the exports of last year, as compared with the average exports of the three preceding years, of about 7,220,000/. This is undoubtedly a great falling off: — and the question which naturally suggests itself is, — What are the branches in which this falling off has principally taken place ? But before I proceed to that part of the subject, it is material that your Lordships should consider what was the extent of our foreign trade, antecedently to the late war, and also during those years of the war in which it was most flourishing. In stating these returns, I must refer to the official value of the exports, not to the declared value as in the returns I have just quoted ; because the returns according to the declared value, were not made up during the earlier part of this period. Prior to the French war, the foreign trade of this country was in its nniost flourishing condition, in the year 1792. The official value of all our exports in that year was 24,905,200/. ; of which sum the British manufactures and produce amounted to 18,336,000/. In the years II -1806, 1807, 1808, 1809, 1810, and 1811, which were the years of the war in which our foreign commerce was in its most flourishing state, the ofiicial value of our exports of British produce and manufactures, was — in the year ending the 5th of January, 1806, 25.000. 000/. (I will, to save your Lordships' time, state the sums in round numbers) ; in 1807, 27.000. 000/. in 1808, 35,190,000/. ;_in 1809, 26.000. 000/. in 1810, 35,000,000/. ; -and in 1811, 34,900,000/. Those, as I have already ob- served, were the years of the war during which our foreign commerce was in the greatest activity. The official value of the exports, in the year ending the 5th January, 1820, was 35,625,673/. This, how- ever, I only mention by way of shewing that the diminution has not been below that which was formerly considered as a condition of the greatest pros- perity ; — admitting as I must that our foreign com- merce has, during the last year, suffered a very material diminution, when compared with the years immediately preceding. The first question for our consideration is — In what branch of our foreign trade has this dimi- nution principally taken place ? It does not appear that there has been much diminution in our European trade. As compared with the average of the three preceding years, the diminution in our exports to the continent of Europe, during the last n rear, does not exceed 1,200,000/, Of this diminu- tion, more than a half has occurred in the article of refined Sugars ; a trade which may be in a great measure considered as lost to us ; as, since the opening of the West-Tndia colonies belonging to other States, and of the Brazils, in consequence of the restoration of peace, the continental countries have of course become less dependent upon this country for this article of consumption. The falling off in the export of British produce and manufactures to the Conti- nent, does not therefore exceed 600,000/. With respect to Ireland, I am happy to say that our trade with that country is increasing. One great branch of the diminution which our foreign commerce has experienced within the last year (and which was touched upon by the noble Marquis in the course of his observations), is to be traced to the state of the East-Indian market. For two or three preceding years, our trade with the East Indies had been pushed to an enormous extent ; — to an extent which it was impossible that any rational man could ex- pect would be permanent. The other, and the chief cause of the diminution, is the decrease of our trade with the United States of America. If your Lord- ships compare the exports to the United States of America, during the last year, with the exports during the preceding year, you will find that in all the great articles of our industry and commerce. 13 the diminution has been a full half. In 1818^ the ex- portation of cotton goods to the United States of America, amounted to 2,432,301/.; — ^in 1819, it amounted only to 1,109,138/.; being a falling off of 1,323,163/. The exports of Glass, Earthenware, Hardware, and Cutlery, which, in the year 1818, were 971,285/., were reduced in the year 1819 to 546,741/. The amount of Woollen goods exported to the United States of America in 1818, was 3, 160,406/.; in 1819, it dwindled down to 1,703,024/. In short, in all the great and leading branches of our manufactures, there was a falling oflf in our exports to the United States of America of a full half in the amount, as compared with the last year ; and of above 3,500,000/., as compared with the average of our exports during the last three years, 1 allow that there has been some diminution in our exports to the East Indies ; but it is to the state of the American market that the great diminution which has occurred in the export of our produce and manu- factures is principally, if not exclusively, attribu- table. This leads me to the consideration of the cause of this diminution, and of the present condition of the United States of America. The noble Marquis, in laying his grounds for the motion which he has sub- mitted to your Lordships, made several observations on the present state of trade in this country, the truth u of which I am by no means disposed to deny. I am as ready as any man to acknowledge that certain branches of our trade are in a depressed state. The noble Marquis also truly says, that distress is not confined to this country ; but that it afflicts every country in Europe, and has even extended itself to America. The noble Marquis also truly says, that this general distress is to be ascribed to the extraordi- nary convulsions in Europe during the last twenty years ; convulsions which unhinged all the natural relations between nation and nation, and even between man and man ; — convulsions which have produced the most extensive effects both on nations and indivi- duals. Unquestionably, it was impossible but that the instability of property, the creation of fictitious capital, and all the other evils which arose during those convulsions, should operate in the production of great distress in every country, long after the re-establishment of peace should have caused the convulsions themselves to cease. — But the peculiar circumstance of the times — that to which I wish particularly to direct the attention of your Lordships and of the whole kingdom is this, — that, great as the distress is in every country in Europe, (and cer- tainly it prevails more or less in every country in Europe,) it is, nevertheless, at the present moment greater in the United States of America than it is in any country in Europe. I desire any of your Lord- 15 ships, or any other individuals who may be disposed to ascribe the distress under which we at present labour, to our debt, to excessive taxation, to tithes, to the 'poor rates, or to any cause of that nature, to look at the United States of America; and I think that they will then pause before they ascribe the distress which we, or any of the other countries of Europe are now suffering, exclusively or principally, to any or all the causes which I have mentioned. My Lords, there is no mystery in this. I have, on a former occasion, made some general observa- tions on the subject. There is no mystery in the cause of the existing distress in the United States of America. That distress cannot proceed from any war in which the United States have been engaged ; for, during the last thirty-five years, America has been at war only during two years. Nevertheless, she has felt the eflect of the wars, which during the greatest part of that period have raged in every other quarter of the globe. But how has she felt it ? During the whole of the late war, America was the principal neutral power. During a part of that war she was the only neutral power. She enjoyed the most extensive carrying trade. She supplied this country, and she supplied other countries with many articles, which, neither this country, nor other countries could at the time obtain elsewhere. What was the natural conse- 16 quence ? That America increased in wealth, in commerce, in arts, in population, in strength, more rapidly than any nation ever before increased, in the history of the world. In twenty years, the United States of America made a greater progress than the same nation, in the ordinary and natural course of affairs, could have accomplished in forty years. But now all the world is at peace. Every country, — at leisure to attend to its own condition, is diligently cultivating its domestic arts and industry. The state of America, my Lords, at this moment is not so much theeffectof present positive distress, as of extraordinary past prosperity. She must retrograde to a certain point. It is the result of former advantages which America exclusively enjoyed, which she must now reimburse (if I may use the expression) until she has returned to that which is her natural con- dition. I am far from saying this invidiously. — On former occasions I have sufficiently shewn my conviction, that there is nO country more interested than England is, .that the distress of America should cease, and that she should be enabled to continue that rapid progress which has been for a time interrupted ; for, of all the powers on the face of the earth, America is the one whose increasing population and immense territory furnish the best prospect of a ready market for British pro- duce and manufactures. Every man, therefore, who i-r wishes prosperity to England, must wish prosperity to America. I have stated these facts, in order that the House may see the truth, and the whole truth on this important subject ; — that it may not ascribe our distress to causes, to which it is not principally attributable; — that it may be aware that we are only enduring a fate common to all ; to that nation which has been at peace as well as to those nations which have been at war ; to that country which has enjoyed the benefits of neutral traffic, as well as to those countries which have been deprived of it ; to the United States of America, as well as to the various states of Europe. I have stated these facts to shew, that the distress which has fallen, not upon one or two countries, but upon the whole world, is the result of those political convulsionSi which it is not now the question, whether or not human policy and wisdom might have prevented ; but the effects of which, it is the question, how far human policy and wisdom may mitigate ? I have stated these facts to shew, that I do not see any thing in our internal situation, up to the present hour, which exhibits a decrease in our domes- tic commerce and resources. I have stated these facts to shew, that there is no ground to believe, that there has been any material diminution in our European trade; and that, if there has been any diminution in our Asiatic trade, it is the result of over-speculation, an D IS evil which will naturally cure itself. I have stated these facts to shew the nature of the distress at present existing, and that it can be remedied by time alone. If, my Lords, we were to adopt any rash measure, for the purpose of satisfying a tem- porary clamour, the only effect of such a proceeding would be, to continue, if not to perpetuate the evil. In a question of this nature nothing can be more dangerous than to listen to the remonstrances and solicitations of parties likely to be affected by the ^ measures they disapprove, or recommend. If the people of the world are poor, no legislative interpo- sition can make them do that which they would do if they were rich. If the general pressure is so great that our manufactures are limited in their sale, our manufacturers must wait with patience until the * supply and the demand adjust themselves to each other. Above all, my Lords, we must not attempt by artificial means to remedy distress, “which such ^ means are always calculated to aggravate and extend. Having completed what I wished to say respecting the general state of the country, I come to that which is the more immediate subject of your Lord- ships’ consideration — a practical view of our situa- tion with respect to foreign commerce. The noble Marquis very properly grounded his motion on the general principle — (a general principle, which. 19 however, he was too much of a statesman not to qualify) — of the great advantage resulting from unrestricted freedom of trade. Of the sound- ness of that general principle, I can entertain no doubt. I can entertain no doubt of what would have been the great advantages to the civilized world, if the system of unrestricted trade had been acted upon by every nation, from the earliest period of its commercial intercourse with its neigh- bours. If to those advantages there could have been any exceptions, I am persuaded that they would have been but few; and I am also per- suaded, that the cases to which they would have referred, would not have been in themselves con- nected with the trade and commerce of England. But, my Lords, we are now in a situation in which — I will not say, that a reference to the principle of unre- stricted trade can be of no use, because such a reference may correct erroneous reasoning — but in which it is impossible for us, or for any country in the world, but the United States of America, to act unreservedly on that principle. The commercial regulations of the European world have been long established, and cannot suddenly be departed from. And here I must be allowed to remark, that the only point in the noble Marquis’ speech in which he did not seem to me to bring the whole subject before your Lordships, was, his abstaining from say- 20 ing any thing of the state of our laws respecting agriculture, as those laws are connected with the very important subject of our foreign trade. If we look to the general principle of freedom of trade, let us at the same time look to the state of our laws as they regard agricultural produce. Let us look to our absolute prohibition of the importation of a great part of foreign agricultural produce, and our heavy restrictions on the remainder. Let us look to our Corn laws; to our laws respecting the importation of Cattle; to our laws regarding the exportation and importation of Wool ; in short, to all the laws for the protection of our own agricultural interest. Under the operation of these laws we cannot go to foreign countries on the principle of reciprocal advantage. We will not receive their Corn, or their Cattle. With the exception of Wine, and some other articles, we will not take what they piost wish to give us. With what propriety may not those countries say to us, — If you talk so big of the advantages of free com- merce ; if you value so highly the doctrines of your Adam Smith, shew your sincerity and your justice by the establishment of a reciprocal intercourse. Admit our agricultural produce, and we will admit your manufactures.” — Your Lordships know that it would be impossible to accede to such a proposition. We have risen to our present greatness under a dif- ferent system. Some suppose that we have risen in 21 consequence of that system. Others, of whom I am one, believe that we have risen in spite of that system. But, whichever of these hypotheses be true, certain it is that we have risen under a very different system than that of free and unrestricted trade. It is utterly impossible, with our debt and taxation, even if they Avere but half their existing amount, that we can suddenly adopt the system of free trade. To do so, would be to unhinge the whole property of the ^ country; to make a change in the value of every man’s possessions, and in none more so than in those of the agriculturist — the very basis of our opulence and power. This brings me to a question which, though not immediately connected with the subject of the noble Marquis’ motion, has so great a bearing upon it, that I should not discharge my duty on this occasion without adverting to it; — I mean the question of the corn laws. I was one of those who, in the year 1815, advocated the corn-hill. In common with all the supporters of that measure, I believed that it was expedient to grant an additional protection to the agriculturist. I thought that, after the peculiar ^ situation of this country, during a war of twenty years, enjoying a monopoly in some branches of trade, although excluded from others ; after the unlimited extent to which speculation in agriculture had been for many years carried, and considering the low compara- 23 tive price of agricultural produce in most of the coun- tries of Europe; the landed property of the country would be subjected to very considerable inconve- nience and distress, if some further legislative pro- tection were not afforded to it. I thought the corn- bill was advisable, with a view of preventing that convulsion in landed property, which a change from such a war to such a peace, might otherwise produce. On that ground, I supported the cornrhill. During the discussion of that question, I recollect that several persons were desirous of instituting a long previous inquiry ; and that others, still more erroneously, wished to wait for two or three years, to see how things would turn out, before they meddled with the subject. At that time 1 told those who maintained the latter opinion, that it appeared to me to be a most mistaken one. What I recommended was — to pass the corn-bill (and thus to give a further, and under the circumstances I thought, a proper protection to agriculture) ; but I delivered it as my opinion, that if it was not passed then, it ought not to be passed at all ; and upon this ground, which, whether it be wise or not, is at least intelligible — that I could conceive a case in which it might be expedient to give a further protection to the agriculturist, but that I was persuaded that the worst course which it was possible for the Legislature to adopt, was to bang the question up jn doubt and uncertainty ; that the consequence of not legislating at all, would be, that rents would fall,— that a compromise would take place between the owners and occupiers of land, — that the landlord and the tenant would make a new bargain, — and that if, after all the distress incident to such changes had passed away, a new corn-hill should be agreed to, it would be most unequal and unjust in its operation. I contended that Parliament owed it to the interests of all — to the interests of the landlord , — to the interests of the tenant , — to the interests of the whole community— viheihet it decided to legislate on the subject or not, at least to decide ; — to adopt a steady course; to attend to all the circumstances of that eventful period, and then to adhere with unde- viating determination to whatever line of conduct its sense of public duty might prescribe.— Such would have been my feeling had the corn-bill been lost. In that case I would never again have promoted it. Much more is it my feeling under existing circum- stances, the corn-bill having been adopted. What- ever may be the distress under which agriculture labours, I am convinced that there are no such certain means of aggravating that distress as perpetually to tamper with it by the adoption of new measures and new laws. Whatever may be the system adopted, let it be adhered to. Let the farmer and the tenant, let the buyer and the seller, know that it will be 24 adhered to ; and they will soon come to some arrange-^ ment for their mutual advantage. Having said so much on the general principle, I wish to say a few words on some of the particular propositions which have been made on this subject. The principle of protection of our corn laws has been considered by some of the petitioners to Parliament as too refined ; and it has been proposed to get rid of the existing system altogether, by the substitution of a Jixed duty on the importation of foreign corn. A proposition such as this, is as absurd as it is unjust. The present system of our corn laws is, as I under- stand it, founded in theory at least on the just and equitable principle of, on the one hand, affording protection to the agriculturist (and through him to the rest of the community) against so extreme a low price as that at which it may Jae supposed he cannot be capable, with any profit, of raising the commodity ; but, on the other hand, of allowing the consumer to resort to the foreign market, whenever the price of corn shall exceed a certain prescribed sum. But let your Lordships consider for a mo- ment what would be the effect in a country, subject to occasional scarcity like this, if the existing system of protection were abolished, and a fixed duty, such as I have described, were substituted. If the price of corn were very low, that duty would afford 3 25 no adequate protection to the agriculturist. If, on the contrary, the price of corn should be very high, your Lordships will immediately perceive how injuriously a fixed duty would operate on the subsistence of the people. Should corn, for instance, rise to the price of a hundred and twenty, or a hundred and thirty shillings a quarter, at which price the quartern loaf would be at two shillings or half a crown, the poor man, under such circumstances, would be called upon to pay an addition in the shape of duty, to the amount of twenty, or forty, shillings a quarter ! No man can rationally contemplate the adoption of such a proposition. It would be of no use to the farmer in times of plenty ; and in times of scarcity it could have no effect ; for what Government would venture to enforce it upon the people ? The Minister, who- ever he might be, would be forced to come down to Parliament to propose to repeal it. My Lords, I have looked most anxiously to the manner in which the corn-bill has worked. Not, I confess, that (for the reasons I have already stated) it would have made any difference in my present opinion on the subject, if it had not worked as it has done. The importing price — the price to which wheat must rise in this country, before it is permitted to introduce foreign wheat — was fixed by the corn- bill at eighty shillings a quarter. I remember that during the progress of that bill in Parliament, there E 26 was a good deal of discussion on the probable effect of fixing the importing price at that sum. Several of those who opposed the measure^ declared that eighty shillings would, in consequence, be always the minimum; and that wheat would never be sold under that price in this country. We, on the con- trary, who supported the measure, maintained that it would be much nearer the maximum. And what has been the result ? That, on the average of the five years which have elapsed, since the passing of the corn-bill, the price of wheat has been about seventy-eight shillings a quarter. It appears from the returns, that the average price of wheat from the 5th of January, 1815, to the 5tb of January, 1820, has been seventy-eight shillings and five-pence a quarter ; the average price of barley (the importing price of which was fixed at forty shillings) forty-two shillings and five-pence a quarter ; and the average price of oats, twenty-eight shillings and four-pence a quarter. Even on this statement, I have a right to ask, whether there is any ground for contending that the corn-bill has not operated fairly for the agriculturists, and with the effect that was anti- cipated by its supporters ? Undoubtedly, there have been high years, and there have been low years, in the course of the period to which I have alluded ; but the average is what we must look to ; and it is upon a price rather below that average, and certainly 27 not above it, that every provident cultivator of the soil will make his calculation, in determining the rent and value of land, with reference to the growth of corn. But it is important, also, w'ith a view to estimate the true operation of the corn laws, to examine what has been their effect with regard to the importation of foreign corn for home con- sumption. From the account of the last five years, it appears that the quantity of foreign wheat and wheat flower imported has been 3,488,675 quar- ters. Of this quantity there are, at this moment, 334,546 quarters actually warehoused. Again, we must deduct 770,437 quarters, which have been re- exported ; which leaves 2,388,692 quarters, as the amount of foreign corn that, during the period which I have described, has been really consumed in this country. Is it possible that the average of this quantity, amounting to 477,738 quarters, thrown annually into consumption, can have pro- duced any distressing effect on the interests of agriculture ? It is contended by some persons, that fraud exists in the taking of the averages. If this be so — which I by no means admit-— it may be, and ought to be corrected. There is a power to correct it by the existing laws. If the parties who are interested in the subject, will only employ proper Inspectors, taking care that they are properly re- munerated, they have in their own hands the means 28 of reforming this abuse, if it really exists. If the existing laws in this respect should be found insuf- ficient, you may then come to Parliament for new powers for this limited object. But I must de- cidedly object to any alteration in the ‘principle of taking the averages. This subject was much con- sidered in the year 1815, when it underwent ample discussion ; and the benefit of adhering to the system then established of taking the averages, ought not to be sacrificed on light grounds. The importing price of eighty shillings a quarter, was fixed in 1815, with reference to the existing mode of taking the averages; and I am persuaded that it would not be easy to devise a better mode. The former protecting price was sixty-six shillings, as- certained in the same mode. When, therefore, eighty shillings became the protecting price, it was a protection to be ascertained by the same criterion as the former price of sixty-six shillings ; and I am convinced that great confusion would ensue, if the mode of taking the average, with the operation and effect of which Parliament, at (he time they so fixed the importing price at eighty shillings, were well acquainted, were now to be altered. I strongly recommend, therefore, that there should be no change in the principle of taking the average ; but that, if any fraud exists in the administration of that mode, it should be corrected, as it may be corrected, by 29 the existing laws, or even by new laws, if those that exist are not sufficient for the purpose. Some persons have objected to the introduction of the Welsh counties into the averages ; but I am sure that their exclusion would be as often unfavourable, as bene- ficial to the English grower. On the whole, my Lords, I am thoroughly persuaded that there are the strongest reasons why we should do nothing on the subject of the corn laws, and that it is for the advantage even of the agricultural interest itself, that nothing should be done. My Lords, I have dwelt long upon this topic, because it is one which has a bearing upon every other now under our consideration ; and because it is of great moment, that the opinion of Parliament upon it should be decided. But there is another sub- ject of equal importance, upon which I feel it neces- sary to make a few remarks — I mean the state of our Currency. I most strongly deprecate any alteration by Parliament in the state of our currency, as it was last settled by the Legislature. It is, I know,, said by some, that the effect of that arrangement has been injurious ; and that it has considerably aggravated the (Jublic distress. With great respect for the individuals who entertain that notion, I must say, that I am of a different opinion. — In the first place, if any inferei^ce is drawn, to the discredit of that arrangement, 6r for the purpose of shewing, that 30 prices in general have declined in consequence of it, from the present price of corn, I will refer to the fact, that in the year 1815, the price of corn was lower than it is at present, while that of gold was 4Z. 4is. the ounce, instead of 3L 1 7s. 10|vas successfully resisted on ^ grounds which were very fallacious ; but even those fallacious grounds have since disappeared. At that time it was maintained that, as we were nearly the only carriers in the world, we had the power in our own hands ; and that the rest of the world could get many goods only from us. In this argument there was then much of delusion. But our present situa- tion is very different. We are no longer the exclusive r- carriers of Europe; and therefore I ani at a loss to conceive on what principle the shipping interest of this country should not enjoy all the advantages which the shipping interest of any other country enjoys in the carrying trade. Another point to which the noble Marquis has called your Lordships attention, is the duty on foreign Timber. I can see no objection to referring the consideration of this subject to a Committee; but I apprehend the noble Marquis is a little mis- taken in his view of the origin of these duties. There are a few circumstances connected with the history of them, which it may be necessary to recall to the recollection of the House, and of which I will take leave shortlyto remind your Lordships. When, in the year 1809, we Were shut out from all trade to the Continent, and wefe likely to experience a great want of timber, which would of course have affected our general shipping interest, and which, as it respected our navy, became extremely alarming, the attention of Government was naturally directed to the means of averting so serious a national calamity. Com- munications on the subject were in consequence had with several merchaots ; and they engaged, in con- sideration of a 'protecting duty which was promised to them, to embark their capital in the transport and carriage of American timber to this country. Such was the origin of the protecting duty. The duty was originally proposed, not for the purposes of revenue, but to induce certain merchants to embark iu a new trade. It was, nevertheless, a temporary measure ; and I perfectly agree with the noble 40 Marquis, that at the time of Its adoption, any posi- tive assurance of its continuance was refused. A subsequent duty was certainly laid on in the year 1815, (and I believe a smaller one before) for the pur- pose of revenue; and it is quite clear, that to the con- tinuance of the duty so laid for revenue, the American merchant can have no claim whatever ; but that it may be abrogated without difficulty. Two or three years ago, when strong representations on the subject were made to the Board of Trade, by the ship-* owners, for perpetuating the duty, their application was refused ; and they were told, that after the 20th of March, 1821, the duties would be an open question for Parliament to deal with, as in its wisdom it might think proper. The continuance of the duty, which was imposed for the purpose of revenue, the merchants have no right to expect; but, as large capitals are embarked in the trade, it may be a question whether certain of the protecting duties should not be continued, at least fot a further term. Without, however, giving any opinion as to the precise course which it is advisable to pursue — - whether the object can be best attained by partly lowering the duty on timber from the Baltic, or by imposing a countervailing duty on the timber from North America ; — I entirely agree with the noble Marquis, that the question is fully open to the con- sideration of Parliament; and that it is one which 3 4i ought to be submitted to the investigation of the Committee, which the noble Marquis proposes to appoint ; by which I have no doubt it will be entered upon with a due regard to the interests of the parties more immediately concerned, as well as to the broader and more general interests of the country at large. The next point of our foreign commerce which was adverted to by the noble Marquis, is our trade in Wine. I am perfectly aware that the treaty with Portugal, concluded at the commencement of the last century, and called the Methuen Treaty, which, at the time of its conclusion, was considered to be one of the greatest master-pieces and monuments of political wisdom, and which was negotiated by one of our most able statesmen, is now deemed to have been a departure from all the soundest principles of national policy. The object of that treaty was the expectation, that, by the sacrifice of a third of our duties on the wines of Portugal, as compared with the wines of France, we should secure a more exten- sive, or at least a more secure, market for the sale of our woollen cloths. By a clause in the second article of that treaty, Portugal reserved to herself the right, if we at any time should discontinue the comparative abatement of our duties on Portugal wines, stipulated in the earlier part of the same article, to prohibit the importation into Portugal of British woollen G 42 manufactures. Undoubtedly we have a right to terminate this arrangement. Whether or not it would be politic to risk the retaliation which Portugal might inflict, in the event of our equa- lizing the duties on French and Portugal wines, is another question. Before your Lordships decide upon it, it will be expedient that you should see how matters stand at present; and what are the advan- tages which the adoption of any such measure would produce, to counterbalance even the temporary incon- venience and loss that our woollen and other manufac- turers might sustain from it. And here I beg leave to make a few observations, with a view to correct a great misapprehension which seems to exist, as to the extent of the benefits derived, by this country, from the treaty of commerce, concluded with France in the year 1787. I was not at that time a Member of Parlia- ment ; but, if I had been so, I must certainly have acquiesced in the expediency of that treaty. It ap- pears to me to have been founded on just and fair principles of reciprocity. It is a curious circum- stance, however, and one that demands our serious attention, that Mr. Pitt did not, at that period, propose to equalize the duties on foreign wines. He consented to a diminution of the duties on French wines ; but then it was only in the proportion of two- thirds to a diminution of the duties on Portugal wines ; so that the preference was still given to the 43 latter. But let ua see how this treaty of 1 787, acted on the trade of this country. In the five years which elapsed from 1787, to 1793, under the opera- tion of this commercial treaty with France, the annual average amount of the exports of British produce and manufactures to France was 718,693Z, Our exports to Portugal, during the same period, amounted to 657,652/.; and to Spain, 623,340/. So that our exports to France were only about 60,000/. greater in the same period, than our exports to Portugal, and not 100,000/. greater than our exports to Spain ; which, considering the difference in the extent and population of the countries, was a very trifling supe- riority. At present there is also to be taken into our estimate, not only the question of our trade with Portugal, but that of our trade to the Brazils. The annual amount of British produce and manufac- tures at present exported to Portugal and the Brazils, is not less than four millions sterling. It is a grow- ing and improving trade, which it is highly desirable that we should cultivate. When I say this, I do not wish to give it as my opinion, that the course recommended by the noble Marquis, is one that we ought not to adopt ; I wish merely to suggest to your Lordships the necessity of well considering, whether the additional commerce with France, which that course is calculated to secure, is likely to be, upon the whole, as beneficial to this country as the 44 noble Marquis anticipates. In many respects I agree with the noble Marquis, that it would be better if we could remove the duties, provided we could obtain correspondent advantages. But, when I per- ceive, that on the subject of our manufactures, the greatest possible jealousy exists at this moment in the various countries of Europe, and particularly in France, I feel all the difficulties of the case, and the influence which that jealousy must necessarily have on our policy. With regard to our commerce with the East Indies, that is a question which must be looked at in two points of view : — The first, in which I entirely agree with the noble Marquis, as it respects the advantages to our carrying trade, and shipping interest; the second, on which I own I entertain considerable doubts, as it respects any probable in- crease in the exportation of our manufactures to that quarter of the world. On the latter head, I certainly think it doubtful whether any alteration of the present system would prove serviceable. A number of merchants have tried the experiment of trading with the East Indies ; some have succeeded, and many have failed. The superiority of British machinery, aided by British capital, over cheap manual labour, comparatively exempt from taxation, is such, that, as I am informed, British muslins are at this moment selling on the Continent of India, for half the price 45 of India muslins ; notwithstanding the heavy charges of freight and other expenses in their transmission from this country. The prospect opened in conse- quence to our merchants in India has led to great efforts in trade ; — to efforts which have been much too great. A chief cause of the falling off in our exports last year, as compared with our ex- ports in former years, was the amazing export to Asia, which took place in the year immediately pre- ceding ; by which the market was so over-stocked, that the consumption by no means kept pace with the supply; the consequence of which was a dehciency in the returns, and a corresponding distress on the part of the manufacturers in this country. — I see no reason why under the present system (for the trade to India is free) the export of British manufactures may not be extended as far as the demand will admit, and I am decidedly adverse to the policy on commercial principles of forcing the demand ; the effect of such a measure soon recoils upon our manufactures and the consequent distress more than counterbalances the former profits. As to China, the atteqipts to; intro- duce British manufactures to any extent into that country have not proved equally satisfactory ; and I confess, that when I consider the extreme jealousy which exists on this subject in the Chinese empire, I cannot entertain very sanguine hopes thatthe future at- tempts will be attended by any very great advantages. 46 Although it is certainly true, that the direct private trade between this country and China, is prevented by the charter granted to the East India Company ; there is, nevertheless, an extensive private trade carried on between India and China; and I understand that private traders are permitted to bring even tea to India, under licenses granted by the resident Govern- ment ; which licenses are never refused, on proper security being given. — I allow that this part of the question of our external commerce is extremely im- portant, as it relates to our carrying trade, and ship- ping interest. In all that the noble Marquis has said with respect to the advantage that would accrue to us from opening a direct trade between India, and ■every part of Europe, Asia, Africa, and America, I entirely concur. The power necessary for opening such a trade were especially reserved in the charter granted to the East India Company. It was originally intended to make this country the emporium of the trade between India and the north of Europe, and Malta the emporium of the Indian trade in the Mediterra- .nean ; but I have no hesitation in saying that, under the present circumstances of the world, I see no reason why any goods that may be legally imported from India, should not be so imported in British ships, direct, to any part of the world, without their first going through either this country, or Malta ; and a bill has been prepared to carry this object into effect. 4t Of course, the tea trade, and the direct trade with China, must be excepted, as they are matters of compact with the East India Company, until an arrangement can be made for opening these trades under certain limitations with the Company. I have now gone through the various topics which I felt it my duty to submit to your Lordships’ con- sideration. In doing so, I have thought it necessary to take a wider view than the noble Marquis took, of the circumstances and situation of the country. I do not say this with the slightest intention of im- puting blame to the noble Marquis. In my situation, as a Member of His Majesty’s Government, it ap- peared to be incumbent on me not to assent to the noble Marquis’ motion, without a general expla- nation of my opinions, not only on the points touched upon by him, but on every other point connected with this great and important subject. I have thought it due to myself, to the house, and to the country, to endeavour to explain the nature of our situation, both internally, and with respect to our commercial intercourse with foreign states; to endeavour to shew what have been the causes of the distress which we are suffering ; and to discover whether there are any means by which that distress may be remedied, or diminished. I have not attempted to conceal, nor will I attempt to conceal, that it appears to me, that from time and 48 PATIENCE, our chief expectation of belief must be derived. I confess, that I do not think the measures recommended by the noble Marquis, although im- portant in themselves, will have any very extensive effect or operation. But I am sure they are worthy, at least, of a fair and deliberate consideration. I should be most unwilling, in times tike these parti- cularly, that projects of improvement, where no injury can arise from the experiment, should be lightly dis- carded : but I own that there is nothing which alarms ^ me so much as a meddling disposition, on the part of the Legislature, with reference to these subjects, upon insufficient grounds; a continual tampering with great questions ; a change of regulation. Session after Session, to comply with temporary emergency, partial interests, or unreasonable clamour. I firmly / believe that, on all commercial subjects, the fewer the laws the better. I am sorry to see so many on our statute book ; but the evil is not one of easy remedy. Some of those laws may, perhaps, be advan- tageously removed ; and others may be altered and amended ; but the undertaking is one that will be attended with difficulty, and must be conducted with the greatest caution. In commerce, as in the ordi- nary relations of life, knowledge and the confidence derived from previous certainty, are the most advan- tageous guides; for, when even evils or inconve- niences are ascertained, they may be met, and perhaps 1 49 successfully combated. Experience proves that pro- perty and trade will adapt themselves, in time, even to mistaken and defective laws ; but constant fluc- tuations in our legislation, on such subjects, can only be productive of disorder and ruin. If every year there is to be a change in our commercial lavrs, no man, or body of men, can know on what they are to rely. Under such a course of policy, neither the merchants of this country, nor those of foreign nations, will be able to confide in us ; and our dis- tresses, instead of being relieved, will be multiplied ten-fold. H - \;,'V U . S'Un .': '.V '''■ l\» ,.v' «ViiV» '.ViV' H i UUi^^VrtVVi ■' iviUli, Vt‘, v;-. •■. .:,-.'i'y‘>n'X.'. vr.v . j-i '■'U'l ' is'i l ij'i: i ‘ii ..V-,iV: \sw" " i;.. -.V^^ V'Y-V • IVrmn.fi:-.'')'"!!'* ?•• ■> ai ■ < '.r/.-.' f';< ■•.■■* :''sl , i- ’ .'■‘•JMf Oil 'lo- ‘iu’.tfi f • , '* of u’ifi ; so^ li> . ;o , lo Ji kii :i>.) iK'ifj ; ‘M nl olor, -I'i Hi|.v >,i? lio * . 'i^iro:' ’1^. uj;-^ -i , ''I ill R 'V : r, J)R-ito) ;. f y,r,' 1 'Vf- APPENDIX. AN ACCOUNT of the VALUE, according to the Declarations of the FACTURES exported from Great Britain to the several Parts of the the Leading Branches of the Manufactures exported. General Divisions of the WORLD. Years Brass and Copper Ma- nufactures. Cotton ( Manufactures . Cotton Twist and Yarn. Glass and Earthenware of all Sorts. Hardwares and Cutlery. 1 £. £. £. £. ■£. / 1814 18,477 5,685,982 ^ 2,742,222 186,853 193,265 To the % 1815 39,183 4,982,877 1,614,203 159,839 270,145 North oFEurope ) 1816 76,611 3,888,380 ! 2,450,165 166,594 186,050 to P'landers j 1817 67,593 4,173,130 1,871,287 151,402 185,430 inclusive. # 1818 44,360 4,579,115: 2,244,656 168,236 187,393 V 1819 42,453 3,878,141 ! 2,355,333 146,728 198,147 1814 66,597 5,718,013 47,225 165,402 236,542 To the % 1815 76,049 3,767,375 55,565 119,601 182,652 South of Europe 1 1816 113,605 3,191,001 173,441 64,348 114,231 1 from France \ 1817 116,488 3,081,848 138,219 64,807 117,999 inclusive. # 1818 67,270 3,666,430 145,113 76,412 152,543 V. 1819 43,782 3,739,903 160,088 64,705 161,255 1814 33,533 213,850 116,315 261,176 221,545 V 1815 29,215 249,093 107,711 121,040 196,299 lo Iueland ^ 1816 22,169 185,869 80,637 95,349 137,788 find the ^ 1817 24,358 242,137 118,332 93,958 124,254 British Isles, i 1818 21,499 343,292 170,503 122,843 172,994 V 1819 20,778 295,838 188,500 142,551 174,584 / 1814 118,607 11,617,845 2,905,762 613,431 651,352 ( 1815 144,447 8,999,345 1,777,479 400,480 649,096 To all ) 1816 212,385 7,265,250 2,704,243 326,291 438,069 Parts of Europe. ) 1817 208,439 7,497,115 2,127,838 310,167 427,683 / 1818 133,129 8,588,837 2,560,272 367,491 512,930 V 1819 107,013 7,913,882 2,703,921 353,984 533,986 ( 1814 216,708 109,580 7 79,670 26,887 \ 1815 265,375 149,059 . 131,075 35,702 To all Parts of J 1816 193,689 163,615 190 241,719 35,297 Asia. ^ 1817 293,743 423,835 537 382,916 63,767 f 1818 346,090 701,592 455 289,708 77,491 V 1819 323,102 466,016 138 92,729 33,278 1814 5,013 118,699 152 18,684 10,025 1815 1 7,941 67,290 i 9 16,940 13,408 To all Parts of 1 1816 i 7,977 81,413 21 19,449 9,413 Africa. \ 1817 4,424 96,65? t 4 17,000 11,706 1818 1 4,759 96,836 > 119 1 12 924 13,432 1819 1 4,276 78,983 1 353 ! 13,637 12,036 Exporters, of all BRITISH and IRISH PRODUCE and MANU- Worldin each of the last Six Years; distinguishing the Amount of Iron & Steel wrought and unwrought. Linen Manufactures Silk Manufactures Sugar, British Refined. Woollen Goods. All other Articles. TOTAL. £. £. £. £. £. £. £. 98,783 9,023 28,919 3,700,320 938,791 1,489,115 14,091,750 21,075 5,135 32,209 3,615,456 1,027,385 1,193,136 11,960,643 31,161 2,633 23,372 1,791,850 1,599,209 1,148,845 11,364,870 48,751 4,170 36,383 1,988,139 1,734,683 1,144,083 11,405,051 42,313 4,537 59,736 1,826,412 1,482,262 1,158,746 11,797,766 42,311 6,201 45,098 1,125,705 1,086,998 955,138 9,882,253 216,651 346,925 229,549 345,576 2,585,574 1,570,073 11,528,127 4 168,197 156,204 116,781 130,408 1,457,588 1,508,365 7,738,785 ( 129,725 199,777 102,243 218,084 1,004,115 1,182,715 6,493,285 245.679 247,579 102,334 367,426 1,193,143 1,632,106 7,307,628 408,715 184,622 90,410 601,174 1,072,194 905,251 7,370,134 229,094 190,564 93,996 285,847 955,398 732,953 6,657,585 198,090 38,823 97,136 177,500 1,213,816 2,147,448 4,719,232 201,079 60,764 74,184 137,596 844,423 1,847,601 3,869,005 128,042 33,845 60,149 99,772 585,492 1,508,022 2,937,134 170,972 39,980 76,204 107,442 810,901 1,785,603 3,594,141 194,665 35,166 94,508 124,745 939,653 1,833,487 4,053,355 244,733 29,029 91,720 90,378 947,957 1,785,140 4,011,208 513,524 394,771 355,604 3,223,396 4,738,181 5,206,636 30,339,109 390,351 222,103 223,174 2,883,460 3,329,396 4,549,102 23,568,433 288,928 236,255 185,764 2,109,706 3,188,816 '3,839,582 20,795,289 465,402 291,729 214,921 2,463,007 3,738,727 4,561,792 22,306,820 645,693 224,325 244,654 2,552,331 3,494,109 ' 3,897,484 23,221,255 516,138 225,794 230,814 1,501,930 2,990,353 3,473,231 20,551,046 153,626 23,260 18,345 844 1,084,464 623,918 2,337,309 185,439 24,441 26,447 3,169 1,062,927 1,046,778 2,930,412 179,146 24,146 26,674 1,642 1,030,220 1 1,174,102 3,070,440 230.107 33,205 47,446 1,605 829,219 ' 966,674 3,273,054 207,815 32,193 27,290 1,446 943,847 1,246,334 3,874,261 110,564 22,941 7,356 1,117 932,542 1 712,981 2,702,764 22,966 6,844 11,839 2,670 38,942 ! 136,340 372,174 24,852 9,211 6,212 2,956 44,204 : 140,819 333,842 28,350 6,911 6,616 3,053 1 37,852 ! 150,619 351,674 29,379 10,051 9,401 3,232 I 36,530 1 187,974 406,359 29,238 7,984 8,572 3,532 ! 38,904 173,106 389,406 22,339 11,079 7,764 1,231 : 27,885 ' 136,878 316,464 54 Account of the Value of all British and Irish Produce and General Divisions Brass and Cotton Twist Glass and Hardwares of the Copper Ma- Cotton and Earthenware and WORLD. Years nufactures. Manufactures. Yarn. of all Sorts. Cutlery. £. £. £. £. £. r 1814 - . . 5 . To the % 1815 195,050 4,623,817 1,113 547,106 1,196,485 United States J 1816 1 '20,795 2,590,116 1,404 529,908 1,203,689 of \ 181? 135,473 1,850,034 1,916 320,918 469,194 America. # 1818 141,363 2,432,301 743 400,802 834,240 V. 1819 78,317 1,109,138 1,538 258,208 460,480 1814 15,938 1,283,067 1,115 84,739 158,768 To the British i 1815 1816 11,313 6,824 678,350 289,072 2,238 1,174 120,826 116,329 194,478 130,211 NorthAmerican\ Colonies. J 1817 1818 3,397 5,499 120,849 216,084 497 746 59,930 64,970 54,030 49,830 1819 4,285 248,786 1,596 19, 15b 63,816 / 1814 74,819 2,221,006 43 160,685 96,459 1 To the \ British West < Indies. J 1815 87,384 2,581,124 238 178,395 158,887 1816 65,683 1,192,648 322 96,226 94,936 1817 79,285 2,139,664 96 107,581 94,066 1818 81,659 1,891,960 285 145,058 115,273 V. 1819 87,566 1,079,084 66 119,579 104,399 r 1814 12,801 580,669 69 78,245 31,449 1 1815 8,019 560,215 ... 28,874 33,620 To the Foreign J 1816 15,135 392,455 ... 28,107 27.958 West Indies, j 1817 20,538 657,550 140 39,390 26,790 / i 1818 24,438 634,676 ... 40,765 31,064 V 1819 17,257 474,034 . . . 41,183 42,246 f 1814 33,033 1,054,528 9 54,987 37,318 1 1815 28,836 1,052,739 . . . . 46,775 47,004 To the Brazils. < 1816 1817 52,340 49,809 950,323 1,071,204 30 53,?46 43,889 35,429 34,122 j 1818 73,540 1,697,402 930 59,058 65,492 V 1819 46,873 802,206 58,649 48,176 r 1814 2,599 408,401 120 32,325 20,978 \ 1815 5,239 412,121 ... 24,203 20,980 To otherColonies 7 1816 175 147,866 12,310 1 12,079 on Continent J 1817 734 322,112 601 13,649 16,517 of America, f 1818 714 383,891 509 23,221 21,817 V 1819 714 216,704 ... 9,671 18,122 1814 479,518 17,393,796 2,907,277 1,122,771 1,033,236 \ 1815 753,604 19,124,061 1,781,077 1,494,674 2,349,662 > To all Parts of 1 1816 675,004 13,072,759 2,707,384 1,423,587 1,987,082 > the World. j 1817 795,842 14,179,021 2,131,629 1 1,295,440 1 1,197,875 # 1818 811,191 16,643,579 2,564,059 1 1,403,997 1,721,565 1819 669,403 12,388,833 2,707,612 1 1.027,395 1,316,535 ) Custom House, London, 23rd May, 1820, Manufactures exported from Great Britain — continued* 55 llron & Steel wrought anc un wrought. Linen Manufactures Silk Manufactures Sugar, British Refined. Woollen Goods. All other Articles. totaV £. £. £. £. £ £. \ 6,874 1,250 8,129 ' 226,508 395,140 162,625 6,712 4,378,196 1,014,211 12,746,963 208' i 28 410,010 119,769 5,918 3,029,672 1,071,637 9,291,046 107,104 543,666 81,525 281 2,234,654 747,706 6,492,471 137,045 756,223 99,501 - 3,160,406 1,017,760 8,980,384 86,261 353,653 59,387 19 1,703,024 645,858 4,755,883 108,079 150,430 101,976 25,670 827,153 1,378,519 4,135,454 136,068 153,883 121,475 35,812 599,685 1,243,144 3,297,272 112,070 105,089 89,414 26,909 447,639 975,815 2,300,546 69,959 49,753 28,844 23,543 194,784 736,129 1,341,715 82,528 73,248 28,781 12,566 279,220 850,111 1,663,583 91,147 107,793 43,149 13,017 390,042 673,268 1,716,654 243,981 762,207 70,253 6,458 301,290 2,396,589 6,333,790 226,902 847,210 105,779 9,165 307,651 2,143,030 6,645,765 198,751 498,832 62,862 7,141 177,024 1,760,728 4,155,163 215,172 510,280 67,537 8,649 277,987 1,925,848 5,426,165 234,921 519,480 1 19,757 9,805 284,450 2,206,856 5,609,504 225,283 464,901 77,613 9,519 281,593 1,988,305 4,437,908 59,085 312,842 16,623 1,352 143,077 454,614 1,690,826 40,577 118,671 15,989 710 51,435 281,643 1,139,753 47,515 78,805 10,740 253 75,487 171,601 848,056 53,478 134,041 4,140 1,152 117,057 224,055 1,278,331 53,264 147,271 11,993 645 46,364 179,130 1,169,610 50,367 76,480 9,707 774 48,070 130,270 890,388 32,538 60,411 41,851 53 298,219 297,898 1,910,845 38,074 39,463 17,365 - 352,184 273,624 1,896,064 29,167 101,222 24,413 - 343,135 234,960 1,824,265 28,935 136,734 15,838 . 369,818 284,347 2,034,696 58,844 180,612 28,450 - 564,393 451,921 3,180,642 48,133 133,540 20,336 3 420,514 551,051 2,129,481 9,558 21,927 8,259 131,308 96,277 731,752 12,191 17,974 13,892 - 75,249 69,455 651,304 3,569 14,880 11,911 153 74,683 41,150 318,776 9,527 20,439 13,105 720 160,152 59,086 616,642 12,068 30,273 20,587 23 237,194 84,818 815,115 4,941 11,824 8,244 9 105,671 63,018 438,918 1,143,357 1,732,691 624,749 3,260,445 7,569,507 10,592,041 47,859,388 1,280,962 1,828,095 692,958 2,941,986 10,200,927 10,761,803 53,209,809 1,095,636 1,476,151 538,165 2,154,776 8,404,528 9,420,184 42,955,256 1,209,063 1,729,898 482,757 2,502,189 7,958,928 10,143,611 43,626,253 1,461,416 1,971,609 589,585 2,580,348 9,048,887 10,107,520 48,903,760 1,155,173 1 1,408,005 464,370 1,527,622 6,899,694| 8,374,860 37,939,506 WILLIAM IRVING, Inspector-General of Imports and Exports. 56 A Statement of the Average Prices, for Eng- land and Wales, at which the Quantities (f Foreign Corn, imported into Great Britain since the year 1815, were calculated, as supplied hy Mr. Dowding, the Receiver of Corn Returns, S^c. Wheat. Barley. Oats. S, d. 5. d. S, d. Year 1815 .... 64 4 30 3 23 10 1816 .... 75 10 33 5 23 6 1817 .... 94 9 48 3 32 1 1818 .... 84 1 53 6 33 11 1819 .... 73 0 46 8 29 4 392 0 212 1 141 8 Average of the Five Years . . . 78 5 42 5 28 4 IVo/e. — The Average Prices! in the year 1820, up to the > 13th May, were j 67 0 35 5 24 6 In the Wefek ending the 20th > May 5 70 2 36 11 26 0 (Signed) WILLIAM IRVING. 26/// May^ 1820.