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 THE 
 
 BilOCMTIC TEXT-BOOK. 
 
 CONTAINING THE 
 
 LIVES OF PIEECE 
 
 WITH ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 toljig mtir UEUmorratic 
 
GEN, FKANKLIN PIERCE, 
 
 THE 
 
 ^Democratic <£aniiiiratc for jpreoi&ent. 
 
 How pleasing is the task of writing 
 the history of a patriot and statesman, 
 whose life has been marked by deeds of 
 usefulness and benevolence towards his 
 fellow men ; whose character bears not a 
 stain that a malicious and unscrupulous 
 enemy can discover. 
 
 Gen. Franklin Pierce, though oc- 
 cupying many public positions, and being 
 always prominently before the people, 
 has won for himself the respect — the 
 love of all whose good fortune it has 
 been to know him. And the high honor 
 conferred upon him by the Democratic 
 Convention which assembled at Balti- 
 more on the 2d of June, 1852, though 
 hailed all over this vast country with un- 
 paralleled enthusiasm, has been no where 
 received with the grateful emotions it 
 has met from those who have known him 
 longest and best. The newspapers of 
 the day tell us that the nomination of 
 its citizen for the highest office in the 
 world, literally set all the towns of New 
 Hampshire “in a blaze of excitement.” 
 Guns were fired, bells rung, speeches 
 made, one universal and prolonged shout, 
 the harbinger of a still greater triumph, 
 rent the air. In the evening, illumina- 
 tions and bonfires attested that the grati- 
 fication of those who knew Frank Pierce 
 was still unexhausted. 
 
 “Is there fire anywhere?” asked one 
 of the frightened . “Yes,” replied a 
 youth, “ there’s a devil of a fire in the 
 rear! ” 
 
 The father of the Democratic nomi- 
 nee, the late Gen. Benjamin Pierce, was 
 in an eminent degree distinguished by 
 
 various marks of the confidence and re- 
 spect of his fellow-citizens. He was de- 
 scended from a respectable Irish family 
 which originally emigrated from London- 
 derry in the north of Ireland. Benjamin 
 was born in the year 1757, at Chelms- 
 ford, a town near Lowell, in Massachu- 
 setts. His early life was devoted to 
 agricultural pursuits. 
 
 On the memorable 19th April, 1775, 
 the revolutionary committee of Boston 
 sent out couriers in every direction, and 
 one of these messengers came up to the 
 farm house while young Pierce, then only 
 eighteen years of age, was ploughing in 
 his father’s field, and having delivered a 
 brief message, hastened on to arouse the 
 country to action. It was the news of 
 the battle of Lexington which the stran- 
 ger was commissioned to proclaim, and 
 which, like a trumpet’s vqice, roused all 
 the inhabitants of the land. Young 
 Pierce left the plough, and shouldering 
 his musket, proceeded on foot towards 
 Lexington, where he found, upon his 
 arrival, that the troops had fallen back 
 on Boston. Enlisting as a private sol- 
 dier in the army, he was assigned to the 
 regiment commanded by Col. Brooks. 
 In the battle of Bunker Hill, on the 17th 
 of June following, Pierce took a part, 
 and from that time to the close of the 
 Devolution, he continued in the service 
 of the country, and followed the fortune 
 of his regiment, fighting when it was 
 called into action, and attracting the no- 
 tice, and winning the commendation of 
 his superior officers for his gallantry and 
 good conduct; by this means he rose 
 
4 
 
 LIFE OF GEN. FRANKLIN PIERCE. 
 
 gradually to the command of a company, 
 so that at the disbanding of the revolu- 
 tionary army, in 1784, he held the rank 
 of captain. 
 
 He then settled in New Hampshire, 
 and was subsequently a member of the 
 governor’s council, high sheriff of his 
 county, governor of New Hampshire in 
 1827 and 1829, and died April 1, 1839, 
 aged 81 years. He possessed great force 
 of character and knowledge of men, was 
 a thorough republican, was highly re- 
 spected by all parties, and exercised a 
 large influence on public affairs. On 
 the conclusion of the revolutionary war 
 he settled in Hillsborough, which then 
 was almost a wilderness. He married 
 twice, and had by his first wife one 
 daughter, the widow of General John 
 McNeil, and by his second wife, five 
 sons and three daughters. One of the 
 daughters died in infancy, and the other 
 two died in 1837, leaving families. Of 
 the sons, the oldest, Benjamin K., was 
 a gallant officer in the army, who dis- 
 tinguished himself in the Florida war; 
 and the second, also, was connected with 
 the army, and attained the rank of brevet 
 colonel. These are both dead. Another 
 died in early manhood. The remaining 
 sons are Col. Henry D. Pierce, of Hills- 
 borough, a farmer of great personal worth 
 and of much wealth, who has represented 
 his town in the legislature; and Gen. 
 Franklin Pierce, soon to be President 
 of the United States. 
 
 Endowed by nature with a strong 
 mind, Governor Pierce had overcome the 
 obstacles springing from a want of edu- 
 cation, and, by practice and perseve- 
 rance, had acquired a knowledge of busi- 
 ness, and a skill in the conduct of pub- 
 lic affairs. It was not from his high 1 
 public station that he acquired a com- 
 manding influence, but from his integrity 
 of character, his benevolence, hospitality, 
 and love of justice. Cheerful in his dis- 
 position, and delighting to contribute to 
 the happiness of all around him, youth- 
 ful vivacity found in him a congenial 
 spirit, while sedate manhood and sober 
 age discovered in his conduct nothing to 
 reproach. 
 
 When elected sheriff of Hillsborough 
 county, Pierce found in Amherst jail 
 three aged prisoners, confined for debt, 
 
 one of whom had groaned in confinement 
 for almost four years. Generously pay- 
 ing the debts of the whole, Pierce liber- 
 ated them from custody, with many kind 
 words of sympathy and advice. 
 
 Franklin Pierce, worthy son of so 
 noble a sire, was born in Hillsborough, 
 November 23, 1804. He was sent to 
 the neighboring schools of Hancock and 
 Francestown — living in the latter place 
 with the mother of the late Levi Wood- 
 bury, to whom he pays a grateful tribute 
 for the salutary influence she exercised 
 over his early boyhood. His academic 
 studies were pursued at Exeter Academy. 
 In 1820, in his sixteenth year, he en- 
 tered Bowdoin College, from which he 
 graduated, with credit, in 1824. Dr. 
 Calvin E. Stowe was one of his class. 
 His agreeable manners, manly bearing, 
 social turn, and fine talents, made him a 
 general favorite; and among his inti- 
 mate friends were Hon. James Bell, of 
 Manchester, and Dr. Luther Y. Bell, the 
 head of the McLean Asylum, of Somer- 
 ville, Nathaniel Hawthorn, Jonathan Gil- 
 ley, and James Mason, son of Jeremiah 
 Mason. Three years were subsequently 
 spent in preparatory studies in the offices 
 of Hon. Edmund Parker, of Amherst, 
 and of Hon. Levi Woodbury, of Ports- 
 mouth, N. H., and in the law school of 
 Judge Samuel Howe, of Northampton, 
 Massachusetts. The productions of Mr. 
 Pierce bear witness that these early and 
 priceless advantages for thorough culture 
 were well improved ; while the admiration 
 and friendship entertained for him by 
 college cotemporaries who subsequently 
 became ornaments of their profession, 
 was but the commencement of that favor 
 which he has since uniformly attracted 
 towards him. 
 
 Mr. Pierce, in 1827, opened a law 
 office in Hillsborough, opposite the resi- 
 dence of Governor Pierce. At this time 
 the latter enjoyed a wide and just popu- 
 larity in New Hampshire, and this year 
 he was elected governor. The succeed- 
 ing year, in consequence of the division 
 in the republican party on the presiden- 
 tial question — a part declaring for Gen: 
 Jackson,, and a part for Mr. Adams— 
 Governor Pierce, who was a “Jackson 
 man/’ was defeated. The fruits of this 
 anti-democratic victory were the election 
 
LIFE OF GEN. FRANKLIN PIERCE. 
 
 5 
 
 by a small majority, of John Bell, Go- 
 vernor, and of Hon. Samuel Bell, United 
 States senator. The next year, however, 
 Governor Pierce was re-elected. It was 
 in the midst of these stirring scenes that 
 Mr. Pierce commenced the practice of 
 his profession. He had to favor his ad- 
 vancement in business relations and in 
 political life, it is true, the wide influence 
 of- his father; but the great success that 
 immediately attended him would have 
 been but transient, had he not have ma- ! 
 nifested ability, industry, energy, and j 
 fidelity. These won for him a reputa- 
 tion as wide as it was solid. 
 
 Mr. Pierce took a zealous part in 
 politics, and in 1829 he was elected re- 
 presentative from his native town, and 
 again the three successive years. This 
 was an era in the political history of New 
 Hampshire. It was the time when the 
 granite state came boldly to the support 
 of Gen. Jackson’s administration. Ben- 
 jamin Pierce, by over two thousand ma- 
 jority, was elected (1829) governor; an 
 entire congressional delegation in favor 
 of Jackson’s administration was chosen, 
 and a legislature was returned having 
 a handsome democratic majority. The 
 votes for speaker in the latter, indicate 
 the strength of parties — Mr. Thornton, 
 the administration candidate, received 
 128, and Mr. Wilson, opposition, 101. 
 The next year (1880) the contest became 
 still more animated and severe. Mr. 
 Harvey was the democratic candidate, 
 and Gen. Upbam the whig candidate; 
 and such was the success of the demo- 
 cracy, at all points, that their candidate 
 received four thousand votes more than 
 his opponent. One of the fruits of this 
 election, was the return of Hon. Isaac 
 Hill to the United States Senate. 
 
 Mr. Pierce took a prominent part in 
 these contests, both in the field and in 
 the legislature, and here laid the founda- 
 tion of his political influence and success. 
 The questions in which he engaged were 
 mostly local, but there is one that stands 
 out of a general and important character. 
 A convention of democratic republican 
 members was held in Concord, June 15, 
 1830, and adopted an address and reso- 
 lutions that will stand out among the im- 
 portant political documents of the time, 
 for their ability, clearness, and sound- 
 
 ness. They accurately define the charac- 
 ter of the Constitution; clearly show how 
 the lavish system of appropriations by 
 the general government lead “ to wide- 
 spread, general corruption, tending di- 
 rectly to the consolidation or disunion 
 of the states, the destruction of demo- 
 cratic principles, and the extinction of 
 liberty;” and they thus early endorsed 
 the renomination of Gen. Jackson as the 
 democratic candidate for the next presi- 
 dential term. This was the convention 
 that resolved that Hon. Samuel Bell, 
 then senator, had ceased to represent 
 . the sentiments of a majority of his con- 
 I stituents. 
 
 The New Hampshire democrats the 
 succeeding year (1831) nobly maintained 
 their ground — the election resulting in 
 the full success of their ticket for go- 
 vernor and congress, while they retained 
 their majority in the legislature. “The 
 American system of Henry Clay,” say 
 the journals, “is dead and buried in the 
 state of New Hampshire.” It was the 
 year that Mr. Pierce was elected speaker 
 of the house, which consisted of two 
 hundred members; and it shows the es- 
 timation in which he was held, that he 
 received 155 votes, against 58 for all 
 others. He was also elected speaker in 
 1832. He discharged the duties of this 
 office with great tact and ability, proving 
 himself to be a firm, courteous, and im- 
 partial presiding officer. Thus, in five 
 years, he attained an enviable position 
 among his associates; and won it, not 
 by undermining rivals, or by adroitness 
 in political intrigue, but by a firm adhe- 
 rence to political principles, eloquence in 
 debate, unquestioned capacity for public 
 business, unvarying courtesy, and the 
 exhibition of frankness and manliness 
 of character. So honorable was his am- 
 bition, that, while he was ranking his 
 associates, he regained their love and 
 commanded their respect. 
 
 In 1833, Mr. Pierce was promoted to 
 a wider sphere of action, being elected a 
 member of Congress from his district. 
 He entered on this field of duty in a 
 period of intense political excitement, 
 indeed, in one of the hero ages of the 
 American democracy. The United States 
 Bank was then in the arena, making its 
 most desperate struggle to overcome the 
 
6 
 
 LIEE OF GEN. FRANKLIN PIERCE. 
 
 government and to perpetuate its mono- 
 poly ; and this by subsidizing the press, 
 and not unfrequently tampering with the 
 integrity of public men. In opposition 
 to such- corruption, the indomitable hero 
 of New Orleans was giving fresh proofs 
 of the force of his character and the 
 firmness of his patriotism. In these try- 
 ing times, when not a few faltered, Mr. 
 Pierce proved himself, in Congress, one 
 of the most able and reliable supporters 
 of the administration. He was not a 
 frequent debater, but rather a most in- 
 telligent working member, giving prompt 
 attention to the business in hand ; still, 
 when occasion required it, he was ready 
 and willing to throw himself into the 
 breach, repel the attacks that were made 
 by the able men in opposition, and boldly 
 defend the old hero in those patriotic 
 and soul-stirring speeches for which he 
 is so celebrated. To go over, for four 
 years, his votes, and recall his speeches, 
 would be only adducing unnecessary 
 proof that he gave an unfaltering sup- 
 port to the policy which has met the 
 approving voice of a vast majority of the 
 American people. So true was he to 
 the democratic cause, and so agreable 
 was he in his personal address, that the 
 President became warmly attached to 
 him, and often invited him to His fire- 
 side and hospitable board. Mr. Pierce 
 also continued to make warm friends 
 among his associates in Congress, while 
 he steadily advanced in the respect and 
 good-will of the citizens of his native 
 state. He entered with them heart and 
 soul into their local political contests, 
 and the longer they tried him the more 
 confidence did 'they feel in the purity of 
 his character and the soundness of his 
 principles. 
 
 With such a reputation, Mr. Pierce 
 was elected by a large majority of the 
 legislature to the Senate of the United 
 States, and took his seat at the extra 
 session summoned to convene on the 4th 
 of March, 1887 — the day of the inau- 
 guration of Martin Van Buren as Pre- 
 sident. The country was then expe- 
 riencing the effects of a severe commer- 
 cial revolution, — the necessary conse- 
 quence of an extraordinary inflation of 
 credit, and a wild and wide speculative 
 mania. To prevent the government, in 
 
 future, from unwisely stimulating trade 
 by a use of its deposits as a basis of dis- 
 count, and to secure it from again exn 
 periencing losses from a failure of banks, 
 the democratic party were boldly taking 
 ground 'in favor of separating the mo- 
 neys of the government from the con- 
 cerns of the banks. Thus the same 
 journal that contains the accounts of 
 the extra session of the Senate, contained 
 letters from the ex-president at the Her- 
 mitage, rejoicing “that the democracy 
 are uniting upon the plan of separating 
 the government from corporations of all 
 kinds ;” and the New Hampshire De- 
 mocracy, ever true to the republican 
 cause, ever conservative to preserve the 
 good of our policy, and ever progressive 
 to adopt a well-based experiment in de- 
 mocratic convention, promptly put forth 
 a voice in favor of this policy. It was 
 under such auspices that Mr. Pierce, after 
 having given the last administration so 
 constant and effectual a support, took his 
 seat in the Senate. During his service in 
 it, the array of brilliant names that graced 
 it, such as had never before been seen, 
 and will not be seen again, made it in- 
 deed an illustrious body. Calhoun and 
 Webster, Buchanan and Clay, Wood- 
 bury and Choate, Grundy and Critten- 
 den, Wright and Southard, Walker and 
 Preston, Hives and Benton, — to say no- 
 thing of others, — were of it; and the 
 encounters on questions as deep and 
 solemn as can arise under the Constitu- 
 tion, were between the intellectual giants 
 of the land. To serve for five years in 
 such a school, constitutes no small train- 
 ing in civil affairs, and was quite enough 
 to render a mind like Mr. Pierce’s fami- 
 liar with matters of government in all 
 their varied and wide relationship. 
 
 Mr. Pierce served in this body from 
 1887 to 1842, always doing his share 
 of its business, and at times bearing a 
 distinguished part in its deliberations; 
 and during the whole period he gave a 
 cordial and unshrinking support to de- 
 mocratic measures. It is not necessary 
 to go over his votes in this body. As 
 an illustration, however, take the action 
 on the Independent Treasury Bill, one 
 of the test questions of the day. At a 
 time when, others faltered as to one of 
 the most important and salutary mea- 
 
LIFE OF GEN. FRANKLIN PIERCE. 
 
 7 
 
 sures ever adopted, which daily vindi- 
 cates its soundness, and which has the 
 approving voice of the country, Mr. 
 Pierce’s voice was fearlessly raised in 
 its support, and his votes were uniformly 
 given with the friends of the bill. He 
 served, among other committees, on the 
 judiciary, on military affairs, and on 
 pensions; and though he did not occupy 
 the floor often, yet when he did speak, 
 it was to the point, evincing thorough 
 knowledge of his subject, cogent reason- 
 ing, and rare powers of debate. 
 
 The year after his election to the Sen- 
 ate, 1838, Mr. Pierce changed his resi- 
 dence from his native town of Hillsbo- 
 rough to Concord, the place where he 
 now resides. In doing this he sundered 
 many old and endearing ties, and his 
 friends and neighbors could not let the 
 occasion pass without a manifestation 
 of the respect and affection which they 
 entertained for him. Hence they invi- 
 ted him to a public dinner. This, how- 
 ever, Mr. Pierce declined. The corres- 
 pondence on this occasion speaks for 
 itself. It surely was no unmeaning com- 
 pliment that could call forth the acknow- 
 ledgment that in the relation of a citizen 
 he had been to them as a son and a 
 brother: — ' 
 
 Hillsborough, August, 25, 1838. 
 Hon. Franklin Pierce: 
 
 Sir — The democratic republicans of 
 Hillsborough embrace the opportunity 
 your short stay furnishes, to tender to 
 you an invitation to partake with them 
 of a public dinner, at such time as may 
 be most convenient to you, before you 
 take your leave of Hillsborough. 
 
 In discharging the duty imposed upon 
 them, the committee beg leave to assure 
 you, that the tender they make is no 
 unmeaning compliment. 
 
 Your childhood was with them, and 
 so has been your riper years. Educated 
 in their midst, one of themselves, the 
 ties that have so long bound you to them 
 cannot be easily sundered ; and it would 
 be doing violence to their feelings to 
 suffer the present occasion to pass, with- 
 out an opportunity of calling up those 
 recollections that will ever be to them a 
 source of the highest satisfaction. 
 
 You have stood by them at all times. 
 You have been to them even as a son 
 
 and a brother. Their interests have been 
 your interests, their feelings your feel- 
 ings. And it is with the sincerest pleasure 
 that they offer you this testimonial, how- 
 ever small, of the estimate they place 
 upon your character, public and private. 
 
 The committee cannot but express 
 their regret at the necessity which is 
 about to separate you from the republi- 
 can citizens of Hillsborough. Long and 
 intimately have you been known to them ; 
 and wherever you may go, they beg 
 leave to assure you, that you will carry 
 with you their kindest wishes for your 
 welfare. 
 
 With esteem and respect, we have the 
 honor to be yours, &c. 
 
 Timothy Wyman, &c. 
 
 Hillsborough, Sept. 15, 1838. 
 
 Gentlemen — Your letter in behalf of 
 the democratic republicans of Hillsbo- 
 rough inviting me to partake of a public 
 dinner at such time as might suit my 
 convenience, was duly received. 
 
 Sincerely desirous of exchanging salu- 
 tations with all my friends, before those 
 relations which have so long subsisted be- 
 tween us should be severed, I have de- 
 layed giving an answer, with the hope 
 that my other engagements would allow 
 me this pleasure. In this expectation, 
 I am sorry to say, I find myself disap- 
 pointed. I have received too many sub- 
 stantial evidences of the kind regard and 
 true friendship of the citizens of Hills- 
 borough to need any new assurance of 
 their partiality, and yet I would not dis- 
 guise the fact, that your testimony at 
 parting, as to the manner in which my 
 duties in public and private life have been 
 discharged is flattering to my feelings, 
 especially so, as coming from those who 
 have known me longest and most inti- 
 mately. 
 
 I shall leave Hillsborough with no 
 ordinary regret. There are a thousand 
 reasons why it cannot be otherwise — I 
 have hitherto known no other home. 
 
 Here have been passed many of the 
 happiest days and months of my life. 
 With these streams and mountains are 
 associated most of the delightful recollec- 
 tions of buoyant and happy boyhood — 
 and in my early intercourse with the 
 generous, independent and intelligent 
 yeomanry of Hillsborough, I became at- 
 
8 
 
 LIFE’ OF GEN. FRANKLIN PIERCE. 
 
 tached to and learned how highly to ap- 
 preciate that class of the community 
 which constitutes the true nobility of this 
 country. I need hardly say that I shall 
 never cease to remember my birth-place 
 with pride as well i as affection, and with 
 still more pride shall I recollect the 
 steady, unqualified and generous confi- 
 dence which has been reposed in me by 
 its inhabitants. With unfeigned re- 
 gret, gentlemen, that > I am unable to 
 accept the invitation you have communi- 
 cated in such kind and flattering terms, 
 please to accept' for yourselves, and to 
 communicate to my fellow-citizens, whose 
 organs you are on this occasion, the assu- 
 rance of my warm thanks and sincerest 
 interest in whatever relates to their pro- 
 sperity and happiness, individually and 
 collectively. 
 
 I am, gentlemen, with the highest 
 respect, your friend and obedient ser- 
 vant, 
 
 Franklin Pierce. 
 Timothy Wyman, Esq. 
 
 Mr. Pierce’s course in Congress had 
 (1840) elicited much commendation. Of 
 his speeches that were widely circulated, 
 was one on revolutionary claims, which 
 was pronounced “a masterly analysis,” 
 sound in its principle and construction, 
 and thorough in its business details. 
 His speech on the Florida war, also, was 
 commended as a dignified vindication of 
 the administration against the party as- 
 saults that had been made upon it. “New 
 Hampshire,” said the Boston Post, June 
 19, 1840, “ has just cause of pride in 
 her youthful senator. To a grace and 
 modesty of manner, which always attract 
 when he addresses the Senate, he has 
 added severe application to business, and 
 a thorough knowledge of his subject in 
 all its relations; and hence it is, though 
 one of the youngest, he is one of the 
 most influential in the distinguished body 
 of which he is a member. Without seek- 
 ing popularity as a debater, Mr. Pierce, 
 in the quiet and untiring pursuit of pub- 
 lic duty, and the conscientious discharge 
 of private responsibility, has acquired a 
 permanent reputation, which places him 
 among the most useful and efficient pub- 
 lic men in the country. Long may he 
 enjoy it.” 
 
 In 1840 the presidential contest oc- 
 curred that resulted in the election of 
 General Harrison as president. General 
 Pierce engaged in this struggle with his 
 characteristic zeal and energy; and his 
 services were much sought for and were 
 freely given. Though others of the sons 
 of the granite state, and its press, were 
 equally zealous, yet it was owing much . 
 to his large personal influence that the 
 state remained firm when other democra- 
 tic states yielded to the storm. Though 
 a change of rulers was effected, yet the 
 financial policy upon which the democra- 
 tic party stood remains unchanged, and 
 is now daily vindicating itself by its 
 quiet, beneficent and efficient action. 
 
 It was after such a contest, in which 
 might temporarily prevailed over right, 
 in which, so far as platforms were con- 
 cerned, on the whig side all was loose, 
 indefinite, uncommittal, excepting only 
 the generous promise of better times, 
 and on the democratic side were the 
 frankest declaration of principles and 
 boldest discussion of policy, that Mr. 
 Pierce re-entered the Senate at the extra 
 session called by President Harrison. 
 Then New Hampshire made herself 
 heard and felt in a way that drew towards • 
 her the eyes of the whole country. Mr. 
 Pierce’s colleague was Levi Woodbury, 
 fresh from the treasury department, with 
 a large financial experience, ready statis- 
 tics, and great analytical ability. Mr. 
 Pierce was chagrined at the unfair man- 
 ner in which his party had been over- 
 thrown. Democrats in that body were 
 in a minority, and, it is not unjust to 
 add, in the presence of a dictatorial and 
 overbearing majority, more willing to 
 act than to defend their action. 
 
 The debates of this extra session speak 
 for themselves. Levi Woodbury not 
 merely refuted the electioneering finan- 
 cial statements of whig orators, but. most 
 successfully encountered all who at- 
 tempted to controvert him; and it is no( 
 too much to say that there was no match, 
 on financial points, for him in the Senate, 
 and he absolutely Waterlood his anta- 
 gonists. .Franklin Pierce was not behind 
 his colleague, and did not hesitate tc 
 encounter even Mr. Webster in the de- 
 bates. On one occasion he occupied the 
 morning hour of three days (June 30, 
 
LIFE OF GEN. FRANKLIN PIERCE. 
 
 9 
 
 July 1 and 2, 1841,) in a speech cha- 
 racterized by such a scathing exhibition 
 of facts, such closeness of reasoning, 
 such force of eloquence, as to render it 
 one fit to be made in such a body. This 
 effort, on removals from office, was warmly 
 commended and widely circulated by 
 democratic journals. And if figures, in 
 the hands of Woodbury, made havoc with 
 the fancy financial statements of whig 
 leaders, professions as to proscribing pro- 
 scription, compared with the facts of the 
 removals from office, in the hands of 
 Pierce, made a most discreditable exhibit 
 of whig partizan tactics. 
 
 Mr. Buchanan had offered a resolution 
 calling upon the President to furnish the 
 names of persons removed from office 
 and those appointed since the 4th of 
 March, 1842. On this subject General 
 Pierce said : 
 
 “ Democratic administrations have 
 turned out some — many if you please — 
 political opponents to give place to poli- 
 tical friends, and on the single ground 
 that they had the right to prefer their 
 friends to their opponents. But on this 
 point let me observe, that no man can 
 say, from his individual knowledge, how 
 it is over the whole country; but here 
 we can know, and here we do know, the 
 fact that a majority of the subordinate 
 officers in the executive departments 
 have, during the last twelve years, been 
 opposed to General Jackson’s and Mr. 
 Van Buren’s administrations. 
 
 “ They were faithful and competent 
 officers, I believe; at all events they 
 were not reached by one spirit of pro- 
 scription. Where, for the last twelve 
 years, your political friends have enjoyed 
 a majority of the places, how have our 
 friends been treated now that the tables 
 are turned ? They have not escaped your 
 sharper and broader axe, wielded against 
 your open and universal professions. 
 But whatever was done by the late admi- 
 nistrations was not done tmder false 
 pretences. We put forth no canting, 
 hypocritical circulars; we stood before 
 the nation and the world on the naked 
 unqualified ground that we preferred our 
 friends to our opponents; that to confer 
 place was our privilege which we chose 
 to exorcise. I ought not to say we chose , 
 sir; I will say — what those friends best 
 
 acquainted with me know — that there 
 was nothing in the administration of 
 General Jackson which I so uniformly 
 failed to justify, as the removal of one 
 worthy officer to give place to another. 
 
 “ But that removals have occurred, is 
 not the thing of which I complain. I 
 complain of your hypocrisy. I charge 
 that your press and your leading orators 
 made promises to the nation which they 
 did not intend to redeem , and which 
 they now vainly attempt to cover up 
 by cobwebs. The senator from South 
 Carolina, near me, (Mr. Calhoun,) re- 
 marked, . yesterday, that he had no lan- 
 guage to express the infamy which, in 
 his judgment, must attach to that man, 
 who had been before the people raising 
 his voice in the general shout that pro- 
 scription was to be proscribed, and was, 
 in the face of such action, now here beg- 
 ging for place at the footstool of power. 
 If my heart ever responded fully, un- 
 qualifiedly, to any sentiment, it was to 
 that. Fortunately, before the keen scru- 
 tiny of our countrymen, disguises are 
 vain, masks unavailing. The practice 
 of the present administration has already 
 fixed upon its professions one of two 
 things — the stamp either of truth or 
 falsehood; the people will judge which. 
 
 “ One word more and I leave this 
 subject — a painful one to me, from the 
 beginning to the end. The senator from 
 North Carolina, in the course of his re- 
 marks the dther day, asked, * Do gentle- 
 men expect that their friends are to be 
 retained in office against the will of the 
 nation? are they so unreasonable as to 
 expect what the circumstances and the 
 necessity of the case forbid?’ What our 
 expectations were, is not the question 
 now : but what were your pledges and 
 promises before the people ? On a pre- 
 vious occasion the distinguished senator 
 from Kentucky, (Mr. Clay) made a simi- 
 lar remark : ‘ An ungracious task, but 
 the nation demands it.’ Sir, this demand 
 of the nation — this plea of 1 state neces- 
 sity,’ let me tell gentlemen, is as old as 
 the history of wrong and oppression. It 
 has been the standing plea — the never- 
 failing resort of despotism. 
 
 “The great Julius found it convenient, 
 when he restored the dignity of the Ho- 
 man Senate, but destroyed its indepen - 
 
10 
 
 LIFE OP GEN. FRANKLIN PIERCE. 
 
 deuce. It gave countenance to, and jus- 
 tified all the atrocities of the Inquisition 
 in Spain. It gave utterance to the stifled 
 groans from the Black Hole of Calcutta. 
 It was written in tears upon 1 the Bridge 
 of Sighs/ in Venice; and pointed to 
 those dark recesses, upon whose gloomy 
 portals there was never seen a returning 
 footprint. 
 
 “It was the plea of the austere and 
 ambitious Stratford in the days of Charles 
 the First. It filled the Bastile of France, 
 and lent its sanction to the terrible 
 atrocities perpetrated there. It was the 
 plea that snatched the mild, eloquent, 
 and patriotic Camille Desmoulins from 
 his young and beautiful wife, and hur- 
 ried him upon the hurdle to the guillo- 
 tine, with thousands of others equally 
 unoffending and innocent. It was upon 
 this plea that the greatest of generals, 
 if not of men — you cannot mistake me 
 — I mean him, the presence of whose 
 very ashes, within the last few months, 
 was sufficient to stir the hearts of a 
 continent — it was upon this plea that 
 he abjured that noble wife who threw 
 around his humble days light and glad- 
 ness, and by her own lofty energies 
 and high intellect encouraged his aspi- 
 rations. It was upon this plea that he 
 committed that worst and most fatal act 
 of his eventful life. Upon this, too, he 
 drew around his person the imperial pur- 
 ple. It has in all times, and in every 
 age, been the foe of liberty, and the in- 
 dispensable stay of usurpation. 
 
 “ Where were the chains of despotism 
 ever thrown around the freedom of speech 
 and of the press, but on this plea of ‘State 
 necessity T Let the spirit of Charles the 
 Tenth and of his ministers answer. It 
 is cold, selfish, heartless ; and has always 
 been regardless of age, sex, condition, 
 services or any of the incidents of life 
 that appeal to patriotism or humanity. 
 Wherever its authority has been acknow- 
 ledged, it has assailed men who stood by 
 their country when she needed strong 
 arms and bold hearts; and has assailed 
 them when, maimed and disabled in her 
 service, they could no longer brandish a 
 weapon in her defence. It has afflicted 
 the feeble and dependent wife for the 
 imaginary faults of her husband. It has 
 stricken down innocence in its beauty, 
 
 youth in its freshness, manhood in its 
 vigor, and old age in its feebleness and 
 decrepitude. Whatever other plea of apo- 
 logy may be set up for the sweeping, 
 ruthless exercise of this civil guillo- 
 tine at the present day — in the name of 
 Liberty, let us be spared this fearful one 
 of ‘state necessity’ in this early age of 
 the Republic, upon the floor of the Ame- 
 rican Senate, in the face of a people yet 
 free.” 
 
 In 1842 Mr. Pierce had served nine 
 years in Congress. He was one of the 
 youngest men who have held a seat in 
 either branch, having attained but little 
 more than the constitutional age when he 
 took his seat both in the House and the 
 Senate; and yet his bearing was such 
 as to have made its mark on the public 
 men of the time. Gentlemen of all 
 parties bear willing testimony to the 
 high sense of honor, the general utility, 
 the unvarying courtesy, that marked his 
 course. He won the reputation, and it 
 is no small one, of being a valuable mem- 
 ber of both branches — prompt in attend- 
 ing to the business of his committees, 
 with real work in him, and with great 
 debating talent to present his case clearly 
 and efficiently. This sort of labor makes 
 but little show, but it is most useful and 
 valuable to a constituency and the coun- 
 try. His reputation at that time as a 
 man, is thus concisely given in a recent 
 Washington letter, addressed to the edi- 
 tor of the Puritan, a religious paper. 
 The writer says : — 
 
 “ Of Franklin Pierce I cannot do other- 
 wise than speak well; for it happened 
 to me, during a short term of official 
 service in Bowdoin College, during the 
 presidency of Mr. Allen, to know him 
 as a scholar there, and while resident in 
 this region, to know him as a senator. 
 A very frank, gentlemanly, unobtrusive 
 man is he, strongly devoted to his poli- 
 tical principles, kind and constant in his 
 friendships,- and venerating the institu- 
 tions of religion.” 
 
 It would be easy to present columns 
 of Mr. Pierce’s speeches. These, to- 
 gether with his votes, present him as a 
 politician of the Virginia school, in favor 
 of an economical administration of the 
 general government, of a strict construc- 
 tion of the Constitution, and as a repub-' 
 
LIFE OF GEN. FRANKLIN PIERCE. 
 
 11 
 
 lican of the Jeffersonian cast. They 
 present him as one who has uniformly 
 acted according to fixed principles, swerv- 
 ing neither for sympathy nor friendship 
 nor interest from the constitutional path, 
 but, under the guidance of this, honestly 
 and fearlessly performing his public du- 
 ties. They show him to be thoroughly 
 identified with the principles and mea- 
 sures of the great party which, for so 
 many years since the adoption of the 
 present frame of government, has suc- 
 cessfully, in peace and war, carried the 
 country onward and upward. 
 
 Mr. Pierce’s various speeches on the 
 abolition question, commencing when 
 first a member of the House, and con- 
 tinuing almost to the close of his senato- 
 rial term, will serve to give his views on 
 the living question now before the coun- 
 try. On this point he has pursued but 
 one course, and it has always been de- 
 cided and frank. He has declared, from 
 the first, that he regarded the schemes 
 of the abolitionists mad and fanatical, 
 and prejudicial in their consequences to 
 all sections of the Union. He avowed 
 that no valuable end could be gained by 
 an agitation of the subject in Congress ; 
 and when petitions poured in, asking for 
 the abolition of slavery in the District 
 of Columbia, he was frank to oppose the 
 petitions. This object was but their 
 opening door. He declared it to be im- 
 possible to read a single number of lead- 
 ing abolition periodicals without per- 
 ceiving that their object stopped at no 
 point short of emancipation in the states. 
 Now Congress had no constitutional 
 power to interfere with slavery in the 
 states, consequently Mr. Pierce said, in 
 1838:— 
 
 “ The citizen of New Hampshire is no 
 more responsible, morally or politically, 
 for the existence and continuance of this 
 domestic institution in Virginia or Mary- 
 land, than he would be for the existence 
 of any similar institution in France or 
 Persia. Why ? Because these are mat- 
 ters over which the states, respectively, 
 when delegating a portion of their powers, 
 to be exercised by the general govern- 
 ment, retained the whole and exclusive 
 control, and for which they are alone 
 responsible. 
 
 “ Now let these doctrines be univer- 
 
 sally understood and admitted, and you 
 take one great step towards satisfying the 
 consciences of honest but misguided peo- 
 ple, in one section of the country, and 
 quieting the irritation, for which there 
 has been too much cause, in the other.” 
 
 Again, in 1840, he thus expressed his 
 views on this subject : — 
 
 “I do earnestly hope that every honest 
 man who has sincerely at heart the best 
 interests of the slave and the master, may 
 no longer be governed by a blind zeal 
 and impulse, but be led to examine this 
 subject, so full of 'delicacy and danger in 
 all its bearings; and that when called 
 upon to lend their names and influence 
 to the cause of agitation, they may re- 
 member that we live under a written 
 constitution, which is the panoply and 
 protection of the south as well as the 
 north; that it covers the whole Union, 
 ancf is equally a guaranty for the unmo- 
 lested enjoyment of the domestic insti- 
 tution, in all its parts ; and I trust fur- 
 ther, that they will no longer close their 
 eyes to the fact, that so far as those in 
 whose welfare they express so much feel- 
 ing are concerned, this foreign interfe- 
 rence has been and must inevitably con- 
 tinue to be evil, and only evil.” 
 
 Once more: In 1841, he raised his 
 voice against the policy which, under 
 the rule of the whig Seward men of the 
 day, rewarded the abolition faction with 
 public confidence and emolument, and 
 thus held out to them not only encour- 
 agement, but urgent stimulants to perse- 
 vere in their incendiary measures. And 
 in eloquent notes of warning he predicted 
 that, although the public mind was not 
 then agitated on this subject, the repose 
 | would prove illusory ; that there was 
 below the surface a profound movement, 
 receiving new impulses, that would ere 
 long shake the Union to its centre; and 
 he declared then that it was his pride 
 and pleasure to be associated with such 
 a party as existed in New Hampshire, 
 which had with one voice and one heart- 
 been in favor of putting down this 
 politico-religious fanaticism, and been 
 against any interference with the rights 
 secured to the states by the Constitu- 
 tion. 
 
 In 1842 Mr. Pierce resigned his seat 
 in the Senate in the following letter : 
 
12 
 
 LIFE OF GEN. FRANKLIN PIERCE. 
 
 Washington, June 28, 1842. 
 
 Sir — Having informed the Governor 
 of New Hampshire that on this day my 
 seat in the Senate of the United States 
 would become vacant by resignation, I 
 have thought proper to communicate the 
 fact to you and the Senate. 
 
 In severing the relations that have so 
 long subsisted between the gentlemen 
 with whom I have been associated, my 
 feeling of pain and regret will readily 
 be appreciated by those who know that, 
 in all my intercourse during the time I 
 have been a member of the body, no 
 unpleasant occurrence has ever taken 
 place to disturb for a moment my agree- 
 able relations with any individual se- 
 nator. 
 
 With a desire for the peace and hap- 
 piness of you all, for which now, in the 
 fulness of my heart, I find no form* of 
 expression, I have the honor to be, with 
 the highest consideration, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 Franklin Pierce. 
 Hon. Samuel L. Southard, ) 
 
 President of the Senate, j 
 
 Thus did this young man, only thirty- 
 seven years of age, voluntarily resign one 
 of the highest and most honorable offices 
 in the gift of the American nation, and 
 with the fixed purpose of not entering 
 public life, so as to be separated from his 
 family, unless his country in a time of 
 war should call for his services. And 
 this was a period of life when ambition, 
 the love of power, the desire of prefer- 
 ment, is apt to be the strongest. His 
 future promised all this. Such had been 
 the exhibition of talent that commands 
 respect, and the qualities, that attract 
 regard, that he might, without presump- 
 tion, have aspired to any place in the 
 gift of his countrymen. But these con- 
 siderations did not move him. He laid 
 aside his senatorial robes without regret, 
 and sought that retirement which an 
 elevated patriotism and cultivated taste 
 so ardently covets. Such a course as 
 this is at best uncommon. So rarely 
 is it that office seeks the man. So com- 
 mon has it been for ambition to prosti- 
 tute much that marks public virtue to 
 grasp at place. 
 
 While in the Senate, though the 
 
 youngest member of that body, he ac- 
 quitted himself in such a manner as to 
 secure the personal favor and esteem 
 of all with whom he was associated, the 
 admiration and approbation of his con- 
 stituency, and a high position among 
 the statesmen and orators of the nation. 
 
 Never rising but when he had some- 
 thing to say, and resuming his seat 
 when he had done, his speeches were 
 always short and to the ''point. They 
 are distinguished for their unalloyed 
 democracy and uncompromising opposi- 
 tion to the corrupt measures which it has 
 ever been the object of the whig party to 
 fasten upon the country. 
 
 For the next five years Mr. Pierce 
 closely applied himself to the practice 
 of his profession. It is doing him no 
 more than justice to say, that here he 
 was eminently successful, and won his 
 way to the first rank among the eminent 
 lawyers of his native state. He was truly 
 an eloquent pleader. His efforts are 
 marked no less by insight into character 
 and uniform good sense, than by close 
 reasoning and forcible appeal ; while in 
 skill in presenting a case to a jury, 
 and in success in winning verdicts, he 
 was never surpassed even by the giants 
 of the New Hampshire bar. Hence he 
 attained a practice in an extraordinary 
 degree lucrative and respectable. While 
 his associates bear testimony to his ho- 
 norable manner of conducting his cases, 
 his clients found him able, prompt and 
 faithful. 
 
 In 1845, on the resignation of the 
 Hon. Levi Woodbury, Gov.' Stee-le ten- 
 dered to Mr. Pierce an appointment to 
 fill the vacancy occasioned in the Uni- 
 ted States Senate ; saying, that he 
 knew of no one whose appointment 
 would give more general satisfaction to 
 the citizens of New Hampshire. 
 
 This appointment, however, Mr. Pierce 
 was compelled to decline, as his profes- 
 sional engagements were such that he 
 could not leave the state without sacri- 
 ficing to a certain extent the interests 
 and disregarding the reasonable expec- 
 tations of those who relied upon his 
 services. 
 
 A convention of the democratic party 
 subsequently nominated him to the office 
 of governor, but, in an eloquent and 
 
LIFE OF GEN. FRANKLIN PIERCE. 
 
 13 
 
 patriotic speech, he declined this honor. 
 When Hon. John P. Hale came out in 
 opposition to the democratic party, and 
 the democrats put a new candidate in no- 
 mination, Mr. Pierce sustained this move- 
 ment with his accustomed frankness and 
 zeal, although Mr. Hale, from his college 
 days, had been his warm personal friend. 
 
 Though Mr. Pierce uniformly declined 
 the honorable and exalted places which 
 he was so well qualified to fill, he ac- 
 cepted the office of district attorney of 
 New Hampshire, as the duties of it were 
 in the line of his profession. This office 
 he held until 1847. 
 
 In 1846, President Polk, who had 
 served in Congress with him, and appre- 
 ciated his brilliant genius, sound princi- 
 ples, and administrative talent, invited 
 him to a seat in his Cabinet. The let- 
 ter of Col. Polk is alike honorable to 
 both. The President says — 
 
 “ It gives me sincere pleasure to in- 
 vite you to accept a place in my Cabinet, 
 by tendering to you the office of attorney 
 general of the United States. I have 
 selected you for this important office 
 from my personal knowledge of you, 
 and without the solicitation or sugges- 
 tion of any one. I have done so because 
 I have no doubt your personal associa- 
 tion with me would be pleasant, and from 
 the consideration that in the discharge 
 of the duties of the office you could 
 render me an important aid in conduct- 
 ing my administration. In this instance 
 at least, the office has sought the man, 
 and not the man the office, and I hope 
 you may. accept it.” 
 
 Mr. Pierce declined this flattering 
 offer in the following terms : — 
 
 , “ Concord. N. H., Sept. 6, 1846. 
 
 My Dear Sir, — Your letter of the 
 | 27th was received a week since. Nothing 
 | could have been more unexpected, and 
 considering the importance of the propo- 
 sition in a great variety of aspects, I trust 
 you will not think there has been an un- 
 reasonable delay in arriving at a decision. 
 With my pursuits for the last few years 
 and my present tastes, no position, if I 
 were in a situation on the whole to desire 
 public employment, could be so accept- 
 able as the one which your partiality has 
 proffered. 
 
 11 1 ought not, perhaps, in justice to the 
 high motives by which I know you are 
 governed, to attribute your selection to 
 personal friendship; but I cannot doubt 
 that your judgment in the matter has 
 been somewhat warped by your feelings. 
 When I saw the manner in which you 
 had cast your Cabinet I was struck by 
 the fact that from the entire range of my 
 acquaintance formed at Washington, you 
 could not have called around you men 
 with whom it was my fortune to be better 
 acquainted, or of whom I entertained a 
 more delightful recollection than Mr. 
 Buchanan, Mr. Walker, Mr. Mason and 
 Mr. Johnson. A place in your Cabinet, 
 therefore, so far as personal association 
 is concerned, could not be more agree- 
 able, had the whole been the subject of 
 my own choice. 
 
 “When I add your important measures 
 in the foreign and home administration 
 of the government have commanded not 
 merely the approbation of my judgment, 
 but my grateful acknowledgments as an 
 American citizen, you will see how de- 
 sirable on every ground connected with 
 your administration, the office tendered 
 would be to me ; and yet after mature 
 consideration I am constrained to de- 
 cline. Although the early years of my 
 manhood were devoted to public life, 
 it was never really suited to my taste. 
 I longed, as I am sure you must often 
 have done, for the quiet and indepen- 
 dence that belongs only to the private 
 citizen; and now, at forty, I feel that 
 desire stronger than ever. 
 
 “ Coming unexpectedly, as this offer 
 does, it would be difficult, if not impos- 
 sible to arrange the business of an ex- 
 tensive practice, between this and the 
 first of November in a manner at all 
 satisfactory to myself or to those who 
 have committed their interests to my 
 care, and who rely on my services. Be- 
 sides, you know that Mrs. Pierce’s health 
 while at Washington, was very delicate 
 — it is, I fear, even more so now, and 
 the responsibilities which the proposed 
 change would necessarily impose upon 
 her, ought probably in themselves to 
 constitute an insurmountable objection 
 to leaving our quiet home for a public 
 station at Washington. 
 
 “ When I resigned my seat in the Se- 
 
14 
 
 LIFE OP GEN. FRANKLIN PIERCE. 
 
 mate in 1842, 1 did it with the fixed pur- 
 pose never again to be voluntarily sepa- 
 rated from my family for any considerable 
 length of time, except at the call of my 
 country in the time of war, and yet this 
 consequence, for the reason before stated 
 and on account of climate, would be very 
 likely to result from my acceptance. 
 
 “ These are some of the considerations 
 which have influenced my decision. You 
 will, I am sure, appreciate my motives. 
 You will not believe that I have weighed 
 my personal convenience and ease against 
 the public interest, especially as the of- 
 fice is one which, if not sought, would 
 be readily accepted by gentlemen who 
 could bring to your aid attainments and 
 qualifications vastly superior to mine. 
 
 “ Accept my grateful acknowledg- 
 ments, and believe me, 
 
 Truly and faithfully, your friend, 
 
 Frank. Pierce.” 
 
 The good taste, beauty, and modesty 
 of this letter, need no words of commen- 
 dation. 
 
 When Mr. Pierce thus declined the 
 appointment so honorably tendered to 
 him by President Polk, he stated that 
 he did it with the fixed purpose to await 
 the call of his country in a time of war, 
 ere he again separated from his family. 
 The breaking out of the Mexican war 
 was a summons to him to engage again 
 in public service. When the requisition 
 was made upon the state of New Hamp- 
 shire for a battalion of volunteers, he 
 was one of the first to put his name upon 
 the roll as a private in the company 
 raised in Concord, and in this capacity 
 he drilled in its ranks. When the ten 
 regiment bill was passed* by Congress, 
 the President, who had served with Mr. 
 Pierce and appreciated his sterling quali- 
 ties of head and heart, tendered to him 
 the appointment of colonel of the ninth, 
 which was promptly accepted. When 
 the law for the organization of the new 
 ten regiments was passed, the President 
 tendered Mr. Pierce the appointment of 
 brigadier-general. This selection was 
 hailed in all parts of the country as a 
 happy one. 
 
 “From his earliest manhood,” says 
 the Nashville Union, Sept. 1847, “Gen. 
 Pierce has been the boast of the New 
 
 Hampshire democracy. From his father, 
 a distinguished officer in the revolution, 
 he inherited all those qualities of cour- 
 age, coolness, and energy, which qualify 
 a man for command. And he also pos- 
 sesses qualities as a statesman of the 
 highest order. That he will distinguish 
 himself wherever distinction is to be 
 won, his multitude of acquaintances, in 
 all the states of the Union, of all parties, 
 will vouch.” 
 
 It is stated on the authority of J. K. 
 Walker, Esq., private secretary to the 
 President, that when Mr. Polk signed 
 the commission of Gen. Pierce, appointing 
 him to a command in the army in Mex- 
 ico, he turned to those gentlemen and 
 said : “ I am now commissioning a man 
 who will one day he President /” 
 
 The brave Ransom was of this regi- 
 ment, and Col. Pierce wrote to President 
 Polk and urged him to appoint Ransom 
 to the command. The President, how- 
 ever, thought fit to do otherwise. His 
 commission as brigadier-general is dated 
 March 3, 1847. At this point, Gen. 
 Low, a patriotic citizen of Concord, N. H. 
 — as he stated in 1847, on the occasion 
 of Gen. Pierce’s return — asked him if it 
 were true that he had decided to sunder 
 the tender ties of husband and father, 
 and yield the enjoyments and comforts 
 of home, to maintain the cause of his 
 country. Gen. Pierce’s reply was — 
 
 “ I have accepted the commission. I 
 could not do otherwise. I was pledged 
 to do it. When I left the Senate, it was 
 with a fixed purpose of devoting myself 
 exclusively to my profession, with the 
 single reservation, that if my country 
 should become engaged in war, 1 would 
 ever hold myself in readiness to serve 
 her in the field, if called upon to defend 
 her honor, and maintain her rights. War 
 has come, and my plighted word must 
 and shall be redeemed.” 
 
 Gen. Pierce’s head-quarters, for a short 
 time, were at the Tremont House, Bos- 
 ton, where, with his noble and gallant 
 friend, the lamented Ransom, he engaged 
 diligently and energetically in the work 
 of preparation. There, as he departed 
 for the post of duty and danger, he took 
 leave of many friends. One of them 
 expressed a hope that he would return 
 j in safety and in honor — “ I will come 
 
LIFE OF GEN. FRANKLIN PIERCE. 
 
 15 
 
 back with honor, or I will not come 
 back,” was his reply. 
 
 Gen. Pierce sailed from Newport in 
 the bark Kepler. Many of the troops 
 on board being sick, suffered for the want 
 of water, having been plaeed on short 
 allowance. Gen., Pierce, on receiving his 
 allowance, mingled with the suffering 
 soldiers and made them share his part. 
 It was but the commencement of that 
 universal care for the brave men under 
 him and uniform kindness and attention 
 to them, that was characteristic of his 
 nature and marked his whole course 
 through the campaign. He arrived at 
 Yera Cruz, June 28. Here he encoun- 
 tered a pestilential camp, and was him- 
 self taken sick. Still he was ever mind- 
 ful of his companions in arms. He lent 
 funds freely to the needy, and was often 
 seen among the wearied soldiers cheering 
 them on. In spite of disease his loss here 
 was but trifling ; and after delays to pro- 
 cure materials which the future comfort, 
 safety, and health of his command ren- 
 dered absolutely necessary, he left Vera 
 Cruz in the middle of the hot month of 
 July, with one of the largest reinforce- 
 ments and most extensive trains that 
 had started for the interior since Gen. 
 Scott’s departure. His brigade consisted 
 of the ninth regiment, New England 
 men; the twelfth, men from Texas, 
 Missouri, Arkansas, northern Mississippi, 
 and Louisiana; and the fifteenth, raised 
 in Ohio, Iowa, Wisconsin, Michigan, the 
 eastern part of Missouri, and the western 
 part of Indiana — in all about twenty-five 
 hundred men. His line of march was 
 beset by Mexicans and guerilla bands, 
 determined to intercept all reinforce- 
 ments on their way to the American 
 commander, and do the work of plunder 
 and massacre; and the object of Gen. 
 Pierce was, not to seek encounters with 
 the enemy, but to present to his superior 
 the greatest number of troops in the 
 best condition that it was possible for 
 him to do. 
 
 The command had proceeded only 
 fifteen miles from Yera Cruz when, near 
 the National Bridge, his firmness, gal- 
 lantry, and decision of character, were 
 put to a test. His force was there at- 
 tacked by a guerilla party. He gave an 
 order to charge upon the chapparel. 
 
 Col. Ransom questioned the expediency 
 of this order. “I have given the order,” 
 the general firmly replied. The charge 
 was made and the enemy repulsed. At 
 the National Bridge he was again at- 
 tacked by the guerillas, who had barri- 
 caded the bridge with chapparel. He 
 promptly ordered the troops to dash over 
 the barricade and charge the enemy. 
 Capt. Dupreau executed this order. On 
 this occasion two bullets passed through 
 the' general’s hat. 
 
 On the 1st of August, Gen. Pierce, at 
 Perote, advised Gen. Scott of the state 
 of his command. It consisted, to a great 
 extent, of northern recruits, able and 
 willing men, and in fine condition, so far 
 as health was concerned. He had lost 
 but one man by the vomito at Yera Cruz, 
 and none by that disease on the march; 
 and though the bridge at San Juan had 
 been partially destroyed, the main arch 
 at Plan del Rio had been blown up, and 
 he had been five times attacked, yet he 
 says he had really encountered nothing 
 that could be construed into serious re- 
 sistance. “I shall bring to your com- 
 mand,” the general informs his chief, 
 “ about twenty-four hundred of all arms. 
 To-morrow morning at four o’clock, I 
 shall leave here for Puebla, and shall 
 make the march in five days.” 
 
 Gen. Pierce joined Gen. Scott at Pu- 
 ebla, Aug. 6, with his command in fine 
 condition, having made his way through 
 a country swarming with enemies, and 
 with but little loss. The bearing of 
 the general in this march, his skill in 
 availing himself of the service of his 
 staff, his sleepless vigilance, his ardor 
 and energy, his good judgment, won 
 golden opinions among military men, 
 and elicited the warmest encomiums 
 from Gen. Scott. It was the judgment 
 his compeers passed on him, that had he 
 done nothing else, he would have esta- 
 blished the reputation of possessing the 
 qualities of an able, brave and successful 
 commander. 
 
 The American army (August 7th) 
 moved forward to fight the great battles 
 of the valley of Mexico, which resulted 
 in the waving of the American flag over 
 the halls of the Montezuma s. It is not 
 necessary to detail events so honorable 
 to the officers who directed them, and 
 
16 
 
 \ 
 
 LIFE OF GEN. FRANKLIN PIERCE. 
 
 to the country that sent them forth. The 
 first of the struggles were those of Con- 
 treras and Cherubusco. In describing 
 the former engagement, the first notice 
 in Scott’s official account, of Glen. Pierce 
 is, that of being “more than three hours 
 under a heavy fire of artillery and mus- 
 kets along the almost impassable ravine 
 in front and to the left of the entrenched 
 camp. Besides twenty-two pieces of ar- 
 tillery, the campk and ravine were de- 
 fended closely by masses of infantry, and 
 these again supported by clouds of ca- 
 valry at hand and hovering in view.” 
 This was the front of the enemy’s 
 works at Contreras. The gallant ninth 
 and twelfth regiments of infantry — Gen. 
 Pierce’s command — moved with great 
 alacrity and coolness, and to the admi- 
 ration of the army, for three-fourths of 
 a mile, under a heavy fire of round shot 
 and shells, to a position which they nobly 
 maintained from 2 o’clock until 9 o’clock, 
 P. M.; when, not being able to make an 
 impression on a vastly superior force, 
 they were ordered to a new position. 
 The night was dark, the rain poured in 
 torrents, the troops were wet, hungry, 
 and without the possibility of sleep, and 
 the ground was exceedingly uneven and 
 difficult — indeed,, it was a field of rock 
 and lava. Late this memorable evening, 
 (19th,) “ Gen. Pierce received,” says 
 Gen. Scott, “a severe hurt from the v fall 
 of his horse.” Scott next says — “ I 
 sent Pierce, just able to keep the saddle, 
 with his brigade, to attack the enemy’s 
 right and rear.” But the accident ren- 
 dered the general physically unable to 
 struggle, successfully with the difficulties 
 of the ground over which he was obliged 
 to pass, and in making the effort he fell, 
 faint from exhaustion and pain, a few 
 yards from the severest fire of the ene- 
 my’s line. During this action, General 
 Pierce evinced the greatest coolness and 
 bravery. As the shot were flying about 
 him, he exclaimed to his troops, “There, 
 boys, is a game of balls for you.” It 
 was the first time that he fought under 
 Scott’s eye, who, in this despatch, terms 
 him “ the gallant Gen. Pierce.” That 
 noble soldier, Gen. Worth, too, in his 
 official report, acknowledges his obliga- 
 tions and expresses admiration of his 
 gallant bearing. Gen. Pillow, also, says 
 
 in his official report, (Aug. 24, 1841,) 
 “ Brigadier General Pierce, though badly 
 injured by the fall of his horse, while 
 gallantly leading his brigade into the 
 thickest of the battle on the 19th, did 
 not quit the field, but continued in com- 
 mand of his brigade; two regiments of 
 which — the ninth and twelfth infantry, 
 under the immediate command of the 
 gallant Col. Hansom and Lieut. Col. Bon- 
 ham, on the 19 th, and Capt. Woods, on 
 the 20th — assailed the enemy’s work in 
 front, at daylight, with great intrepidity, 
 and contributed much to the glorious 
 consummation of the work so hand- 
 somely commenced on the preceding 
 day.” While the official reports of Gen. 
 Pierce’s superior officers are thus ample 
 as to his bearing, those of inferior grade 
 are not less so. An officer of the ninth 
 regiment, writing from Mexico, in 1847, 
 of Gen. Pierce, says — “ I imagine I can 
 see him now, upon that black horse at 
 Contreras. He gave us a word or two as 
 we filed past, in a shower of shot and 
 shells, in return for which we gave him 
 a cheer. I saw him too at Cherubusco, 
 notwithstanding he was hardly able to> 
 sit on his horse, with the bullets flying 
 round him.” 
 
 These great battles, which placed the 
 capital of Mexico at the feet of the Ame- 
 rican general, were followed by the well 
 known armistice. It marks the confi- 
 dence already felt in General Pierce that 
 the commander appointed him one of 
 the commissioners to treat with Santa 
 Anna. The result is well known. Ame- 
 rican liberality and humanity were repaid 
 by Mexican treachery and falsehood. 
 On the seventh of September hostilities 
 were renewed. 
 
 The American army, after another 
 series of brilliant feats of arms, hoisted, 
 on the morning of the 14th of September, 
 the American flag on the national palace. 
 Among them were the battles of Molino 
 del Bey, on the 8th, and of Chepultepec, 
 on the 12th, 13th, and 14th. General 
 Pierce was engaged in battle with the 
 enemy on the 8th, at the foot of Chepul- 
 tepec. Here he did efficierit service, 
 and was present when danger was to be 
 met. As he was going over the field, 
 when bullets were flying about him, 
 General Worth called him from it with 
 
 
LIFE OF GEN. FRANKLIN PIERCE. 
 
 17 
 
 the remark that he was rash. In this 
 battle, J. II. Warland, an officer of the 
 army, writes (1847,) that the New Eng- 
 land regiment was ordered to take off 
 the dead and wounded and cover the 
 withdrawal of the troops from the field. 
 The duty assigned was an honorable 
 one and was worthily performed. Gen. 
 Pierce led a portion of his brigade before 
 the blazing fire of the enemy’s cannon 
 with a degree of courage and daring 
 which has been spoken of with admira- 
 tion. He narrowly escaped with his life; 
 several times the six-pounders ranging 
 within a few inches of him and plough- 
 ing the ground by the side of his horse. 
 He continued waving his sword and 
 encouraging his troops till the duty 
 assigned was performed. The cry was — 
 “ Come on, brave New England boys !” 
 The same gentleman wrote the lines, 
 containing notices of the New England 
 officers in the army. Of General Pierce 
 he writes — 
 
 “Break New England’s lion spirit! 
 
 No — not while Pierce can plunge his steed, 
 Amid the cannon blazing near it, 
 
 Wave his bright sword and onward lead.’ 
 
 The last great battle was the storming 
 of Chepultepec. This took place on the 
 18th. General Pierce, on this day, was 
 confined by illness to his bed. “I re- 
 gret,” says the brave General Pillow, 
 “that I was deprived of the services of 
 my brave, talented, and accomplished 
 Brigadier General Pierce, who was con- 
 fined to a sick bed.” 
 
 Such is the uniform testimony of his 
 brother officers to the bravery and effi- 
 ciency of Gen. Pierce. Nor is this all. 
 The men under his command idolized 
 him. After he had led them on in tri- 
 umph, and the hour of battle had passed, 
 and the camp was wrapped in the mantle 
 of night, his kind heartedness prompted 
 him to wind his way, unattended, along 
 the line of tents where were to be seen 
 the pallid cheeks and exhausted frames 
 of the wounded soldiers. He heard their 
 last, dying words, he received their last 
 requests, and expended his last shilling 
 to procure those comforts that otherwise 
 they could not obtain. It was such 
 offices as these, which were habitual with 
 him, that won the love of the soldiers. 
 
 In December, after it was ascertained 
 3 
 
 that there would be no more fighting, 
 Gen. Pierce left Mexico for home. He 
 left the service with the respect, regret, 
 and admiration of all. “ I am sorry he 
 is a-going” — writes an officer, “as I 
 don’t know of a man who would do bet- 
 ter for the men under his command, or 
 one that the soldiers would like so well.” 
 Another writes: — “To my great sur- 
 prise, I find that Gen. Pierce will leave 
 to-morrow, with the train for Yera Cruz. 
 He has borne himself with great honor 
 and usefulness as a general officer. It 
 is said of him here, that after the terri- 
 ble battles of the valley of Mexico, he 
 visited the wounded and dying soldier, 
 and with an untiring vigilance and open 
 hand, administered without stint cr mea- 
 sure, to the alleviation of their sufferings. 
 We all regret, especially those of us from 
 New England, his purpose to retire from 
 the service.” 
 
 The American Star, published in the 
 city of Mexico, contained a lengthy and 
 most flattering notice of the services and 
 conduct of Gen. Pierce in Mexico, on the 
 occasion of his departure. 
 
 General Pierce arrived in Washington 
 about the middle of January. A Wash- 
 ington correspondent of the Baltimore 
 Sun thus notices his career and charac- 
 ter : — 
 
 “Gen. Franklin Pierce arrived here 
 on Saturday, from Mexico. This gallant 
 officer is on his way to New Hampshire, 
 on a visit to his family. The general is 
 a young man, and forcibly reminds me 
 of the generals of the revolution. Full 
 of talent without pretension — and full 
 of military capacity, without military 
 bombast. Once a senator in the Con- 
 gress of the United States : — once tendered 
 the attorney-generalship — the first he re- 
 signed before the expiration of his term, 
 and the last he declined when offered. 
 To his credit be it said, that when the 
 country called to arms he was among the 
 first who accepted the service offered 
 him. The high opinion held of him by 
 men and officers, evince the propriety 
 of the selection and the capacity of the 
 man.” 
 
 When the troops came to Newport, 
 Gen. Pierce found there was $240 due 
 to him, and he added $60 more to it, 
 making up $300, which he spent in 
 
18 
 
 LIFE OF GEN. FRANKLIN PIERCE. 
 
 procuring comforts for the men. He 
 also, by his influence or purse, procured 
 them free passages by the railroad. He 
 sent, money to many old soldiers. 
 
 Gen. Pierce returned to Concord. His 
 reception was most honorable to the pa- 
 triotic citizens of that town. They as- 
 sembled in large numbers, and Gen. Low 
 acted as the president of the day. Gen. 
 Pierce was accompanied by Lieutenant 
 Thomas P. Pierce, of the ninth regiment, 
 his acting aid, and Lieut. Gove, of the 
 same regiment. Gen. Low, on address- 
 ing the citizens, first alluded to the ob- 
 ject of the meeting; he paid a tribute 
 to the high motives and profound sense 
 of honor from which Gen. Pierce acted; 
 he described the triumphs of the Ameri- 
 can army as it planted the American flag 
 on the Mexican capitol. Gen. Low con- 
 cluded as follows : — 
 
 11 Here we see our friend triumphantly 
 leading on his command. But this is 
 not all we see of him. We behold the 
 camp after the hour of battle has passed 
 away. We behold it wrapped in the 
 silence of night. We see the killed and 
 the wounded, and we look for our friend. 
 We find him unattended, passing through 
 the long line of tents, in which were to 
 be seen the pallid cheek and exhausted 
 frame of the dying soldier. To minister 
 to them is the business of his lonely 
 rounds. He visits the tents; he hears 
 their last words, and receives their last 
 mortal requests, and expends upon them 
 his last shilling to procure for them ne- 
 cessaries which they could not, in such 
 a place, otherwise obtain. Is not such 
 a son worthy of the state that gave him 
 birth ?” [Cheers.] Turning to General 
 Pierce, hfe continued: — “I can say no 
 more, sir. Your services are under- 
 stood here; and now, in the name of 
 this meeting, and in my own behalf 
 likewise, I bid you a hearty welcome 
 home to your adopted town. And in the 
 name of all the people in every town in 
 this state, I congratulate you upon your 
 safe return to the capital of your native 
 state / 7 
 
 Gen. Pierce now advanced to the front 
 of the platform to reply. He labored 
 under deep emotions, the nature of which 
 could be well gathered from the tone 
 and topics of his remarks. Although 
 
 one of the most forcible and fluent 
 speakers in the country, on this occa- 
 sion he avoided every thing in the shape 
 of speaking for effect. He spoke of 
 matters which intensely interested , his 
 audience. He said — 
 
 “ Whatever had been his portion of 
 the dangers encountered, or exposure 
 endured, or the long sad days and sleep- 
 less nights of those he had left behind, 
 none of which would have occurred to 
 him but for the remarks of the presi- 
 dent, he had been more than compen- 
 sated by the reception he had met, set- 
 ting aside the consciousness of duty 
 performed. He felt an embarrassment in 
 addressing the meeting that he could 
 hardly account for. He felt profoundly 
 grateful to that Being, who not only 
 watches over the nations of the earth, 
 but over the welfare of the humblest 
 individual. He did not take to himself 
 the honor of attracting such a numerous 
 and excited assembly as stood before 
 and around him. The gathering was on 
 account of the great number of their 
 gallant sons, brothers, and friends, that 
 had formed part of his command. They 
 had come to hear not only of those who 
 live, but of those who, having displayed 
 their devotion to their country, now re- 
 pose on a foreign soil. A set speech to 
 an audience actuated by the feelings 
 which he perceived, would be altogether 
 out of place. It would be a sort of de- 
 secration to attempt any display on such 
 occasions. Upon the main topic which 
 they must be anxious to hear about, he 
 could not frame a set speech. They 
 wanted to hear of the ninth regiment, 
 the glorious New England regiment, 
 which was assembled in such hot haste, 
 and in such hot haste met the enemy. 
 There was not a generous or just man 
 in the state who had not pronounced in 
 favor of their motives. Laying aside all 
 the ties of home, and the fair promises of 
 youth and its enjoyments, and suffering 
 the partings which press the life-blood 
 from out young hearts, they responded 
 to their country’s call, with a high moral 
 purpose that could not be exceeded. 
 
 During the three weeks at YeraCruz, 
 caused by the want of mules and wagons, 
 for transportation- — a delay aggravated 
 by wide-spread sickness — he never heard 
 
LIFE OF GEN. FRANKLIN PIERCE. 
 
 19 
 
 a murmur from a soldier under his com- 
 mand. A more cheerful set of lads they 
 could not ’have been if they had been at 
 home by their own happy firesides. Their 
 subsequent exploits had been read in the 
 official reports. He would not detail 
 them. On the march, in the fight, every 
 where, one predominant feeling ani- 
 mated them. The question was not, 
 who should be ordered forward; but 
 which corps should be allowed to go 
 forward first against the enemy. At 
 night they wnre cheerful in their tents, 
 and longing for the morning, which 
 should bring with it the order to move 
 forward to battle. New Hampshire had 
 no occasion for any other feeling than 
 that of pride in regard to her sons who 
 belonged to the command. They had 
 proved themselves brave, devoted, self- 
 sacrificing spirits. And Concord, too, 
 was well represented among them. There 
 was Henry Caldwell, one of the bravest 
 and most determined soldiers in the 
 army. There was Sergeant Stowell, who 
 was shot plump through the heart at 
 Cherubusco. As his last breath flowed 
 he whispered to me — ‘Do the boys say 
 I behaved well ? If I have, write home 
 to my people/ Then there was brave Ser- 
 geant Pike who had his leg shot off in 
 advancing along a causeway swept by 
 three batteries. Two amputations which 
 did not answer the purpose, were per- 
 formed, and a third was deemed hopeless. 
 Die he must, it was thought; ‘I know 
 better than they do/ he said. ‘IT1 try 
 another; and when they cut it again, I 
 hope they will cut it so that it will stay 
 cut/ A third amputation was performed, 
 and he lived through it. He and the 
 others named were printers. In the new 
 levies, the printers exceed by twenty per 
 cent those of any other vocations; and 
 on account of their intelligence and high 
 spirit they have proved the most efficient 
 soldiers in the field.” 
 
 General Pierce also named Brown and 
 Swett, of Concord, as particularly distin- 
 guished; and Capt. Cady and Lieuts. 
 Potter and Dana, of the old line. Nor 
 did he forget Sergeant West, of Man- 
 chester, who fell at the head of his co- 
 lumn; and was always there when there 
 was any fighting to be done. But in men- 
 tioning the men of New Hampshire, or 
 
 of New England, he would claim for 
 them no superiority over others. The 
 present army was made up of artillery, 
 cavalry, the old army, and the new levies, 
 representing every state of the Union, 
 and it was not in the power of man to 
 say which had done the best service. 
 To many it had been matter of great 
 surprise that the new levies had fought 
 as they had done. But it is in the race. 
 He would take from the audience before 
 him a regiment who would do the same. 
 In executing manoeuvres and in forming 
 combinations in front of an enemy, by 
 wheeling, countermarching, &c., old sol- 
 diers are undoubtedly better; but when 
 it came to close fighting, as in storming 
 or charging, it was the man that did the 
 work, and not the manoeuvring : and in 
 such work, the men who had never be- 
 fore been under fire or handled a bayo- 
 net, stood well side by side with the 
 long trained soldier. Another cause of 
 the success of our troops, new and old, 
 was the conduct of the officers, who, 
 from the highest to the lowest, led and 
 cheered on their columns. Hence the 
 disproportion in the loss of officers and 
 men. Hence the loss of that most brave 
 and accomplished of officers of the ten 
 new regiments — Colonel Hansom. He 
 kept pressing up — pressing up — till he 
 was shot dead at the head of his column. 
 The same was true of Col. Martin Scott, 
 the first shot in the army — a son of New 
 Hampshire. He raised himself above 
 the protection of a wall. A brother offi- 
 cer begged him not to expose himself 
 unnecessarily. He replied : — “ Martin 
 Scott has never yet stooped.” The next 
 moment a shot passed through his heart. 
 He fell upon his back, deliberately 
 placed his cap upon his breast and died. 
 Col. Graham, after receiving six severe 
 wounds, continued at the head of his 
 men, and upon receiving a seventh 
 through the heart, slowly dropped from 
 his horse, and as he fell upon the ground, 
 said : — “ Forward, my men ! — my word 
 is always — forward !” And so saying, he 
 died. 
 
 Having referred to Lieuts. Foster and 
 Daniels, and to several officers of the old 
 army, General Pierce proceeded to say 
 he had to retract opinions he had formerly 
 entertained and expressed in relation to 
 
20 
 
 LIFE OF GEN. FRANKLIN PIERCE. 
 
 the military academy at West Point. 
 He was now of the opinion that the city 
 of Mexico could not have been entered 
 in the way it was, but for the intelligence 
 and science in military affairs of the offi- 
 cers of the old army, mostly from West 
 Point. Services were rendered by the 
 officers of the topographical engineers 
 and ordnance which could not have been 
 rendered but by men who had received 
 the most complete military education. 
 The force of the Americans had been 
 overrated. Only 7,500 effective men left 
 Puebla to attack a city of 250,000 inha- 
 bitants, defended by 35,000 of the best 
 troops ever raised in Mexico, 100 pieces 
 of cannon, and the finest fortifications 
 ever raised, in addition to the natural 
 defences of marshes and lakes. 
 
 In conclusion, he said he was not here 
 to discuss any matters of controversy, 
 but to meet his friends. Yet the subject of 
 the war was necessarily presented to their 
 consideration by the occasion. Before 
 entering in it, it was his belief that the 
 war had been irresistibly pressed upon 
 us. If he had doubted before, conver- 
 sations he had had with the most intel- 
 ligent Mexicans would have confirmed 
 him in the opinion that the war was 
 unavoidable on our part. Four of the 
 Mexican commissioners were in favor 
 of the propositions submitted by Mr. 
 Trist, but they were overawed by threats 
 and demonstrations of the mob in Mex- 
 ico, stimulated by opponents to the then 
 existing government. Even now the peo- 
 ple will go to the last extremity against a 
 peace. They say it is the first time within 
 the last twenty years that they have been 
 under any protection. They are in favor 
 of merging the nationality of Mexico in 
 that of the United States. They say 
 they care nothing for a nationality which 
 has afforded them no protection in either 
 civil or political rights. Their rights are 
 protected by American arms. 
 
 Again, the course a very large num- 
 ber of the public presses in the United 
 States have pursued, has created ob- 
 stacles to peace. Mexican papers are 
 filled with articles and speeches from the 
 United States, denouncing the war on 
 our part and justifying Mexico. The 
 Mexican editors publish them, with the 
 remark that nothing remains to be added 
 
 by them to make out the justice of their 
 course towards the United States. On 
 the same day that he saw in a Jalapa 
 paper a whole page of extracts from 
 American papers, he saw stuck on the 
 trees the proclamation of Salas to the 
 guerillas, ending with the watchword — 
 u Death to the Yankees, without mercy !” 
 Thus was furnished from our own coun- 
 try the food which fed the ferocity that 
 pursued the army at every turn, and 
 caused the butchering of every soldier 
 who fell into their hands. In the office 
 of the secretary in Mexico, extracts from 
 American papers were found filed away 
 in their pigeon holes. They had been 
 used in framing their proclamations. 
 
 Should the Mexicans find the Ameri- 
 cans standing together on the question 
 of the war, peace would follow almost 
 instantaneously. An opportunity is now 
 presented to make peace by strengthen- 
 ing the hands of President Herrera, 
 and the peace party, who have obtained 
 a majority in Congress.” 
 
 General Pierce continued to renew his 
 expressions of gratitude for his reception. 
 
 This year the legislature voted Gene- 
 ral Pierce a splendid sword as a token 
 of their approbation of his gallantry in 
 the field and their esteem for him as a 
 man. This was presented to him in be- 
 half of the state, by the governor. Gen. 
 Pierce made an eloquent and beautiful 
 reply. After alluding to the fact that 
 out of the six hundred and forty men 
 who went with him to Mexico, less than 
 one hundred and fifty lived to return, 
 he said : — 
 
 “I accept this splendid weapon from 
 the people of New Hampshire with an 
 abiding sense of the personal regard 
 which has never seemed to grow cold. 
 May I not be permitted to say, without 
 reference to my political associations, that 
 I receive it as one among multiplied evi- 
 dences, so far as the men of my own 
 time of life are concerned, of something 
 like a fraternal esteem and confidence, 
 which it has been my highest purpose 
 to merit, and is my firmest never to lose. 
 In the mean time, I am not unmindful 
 of another and higher consideration 
 which actuated the legislature. The 
 sword, though given to me, was designed 
 and received as a token of the estimation 
 
LIFE OF GEN. FRANKLIN PIERCE. 
 
 21 
 
 in which you hold the services and sacri- 
 fices of the officers and soldiers of the 
 brigade which it was my good fortune 
 to command; and to them I would have 
 the grateful thoughts of my friends 
 turned to day; to the noble dead; to the 
 men who with their life-blood, sealed 
 their devotion to the rights and honor 
 of the republic; to the gallant living, 
 who having fulfilled their mission amid 
 the untried scenes of an eventful cam- 
 paign on a foreign soil, are now unob- 
 trusively and usefully pursuing the avo- 
 cations of civil life at home. 
 
 “ Your thoughts and purposes in this 
 matter are not circumscribed by the 
 limits of New Hampshire or New Eng- 
 land. You embrace the twelfth and 
 fifteenth regiments no less warmly than 
 the ninth. It will ever be a matter of 
 gratification to me, that the three regi- 
 ments of my brigade were composed of 
 men from the extreme south, north, and 
 west of the Union, because it illustrated, 
 in an hour of trial and danger, that unity 
 which is our strength. The question 
 never arose, during the varied scenes of 
 that summer, on what side of a geo- 
 graphical line a man was born or reared ; 
 he stood upon the field by your side, an 
 American officer or an American soldier, 
 with an American heart — and that was 
 enough for any of us to know. It was 
 a glorious brotherhood. The highest 
 hope of patriotism looks to the perma- 
 nence and all-pervading power of that 
 feeling. It is the panoply under which 
 whatever is dear and precious in our in- 
 stitutions will repose in security. Over 
 it may the stars and stripes float for- 
 ever !” 
 
 The Constitution of New Hampshire 
 contains provisions at war with the spirit 
 of the age, and discreditable to the in- 
 telligence of the state; and her able 
 and liberal statesmen have long warred 
 against them. One of them is the reli- 
 gious test, in theory excluding Catholics 
 from office, though practically it is a dead 
 letter. In 1850, a convention was called 
 to revise the Constitution, and General 
 Pierce was elected a member from Con- 
 cord. This convention met at the New 
 Hampshire state house, on the 6th of 
 November. It consisted of two hundred 
 and ninety members, comprising a fine 
 
 representation of the intelligence, the 
 political and judicial service, and moral 
 worth of the granite state. A more re- 
 spectable assembly never assembled in 
 its borders. Gen. Pierce was elected its 
 president, and it afforded a most grati- 
 fying proof of the estimation in which 
 he was held by his native state. No 
 man in it was more competent to dis- 
 charge this service; and the prompt, 
 impartial, and dignified manner in which 
 he performed the duties of a presiding 
 officer, \yon him new laurels. Nor was 
 this all. When some of the obnoxious 
 features of the Constitution were under 
 discussion, he left the chair, mingled in 
 the debate, and gave his influence to 
 have them expunged. Such, for instance, 
 was his course as to the proposition to 
 strike out the test requirement of the 
 Constitution ; which provides that some 
 of the principal offices shall not be filled 
 except by persons of the Protestant reli- 
 gion. Gen. Pierce, in his speech on 
 this occasion, declared that undoubtedly 
 this test had been a stigma on the state 
 at home and abroad; that he had felt 
 keenly the reproof; that it was unworthy 
 the intelligence and liberal spirit of his 
 countrymen. Indeed, he said, such were 
 his views that with him it was no longer 
 an open question, and rejoiced that the 
 occasion had arrived when the obnoxious 
 form would be dispensed with. “The 
 great question of religious toleration,” 
 he said, “was practically settled, and 
 settled in a manner never to be reversed, 
 while we retained our present form of 
 government, more than thirty years ago.” 
 The test, at least, had been a dead letter, 
 a blank, on the statute book. These 
 were views that had been ever entertained 
 by Gen. Pierce, and no man in the state 
 had taken a more decided stand on this 
 question. Its abolition was triumph- 
 antly carried in the convention. And 
 when the people of Concord assembled 
 in town meeting to vote on the amend- 
 ments to the Constitution submitted by 
 this convention, Gen. Pierce attended 
 and made another eloquent speech in 
 favor of the great principle of religious 
 freedom. 
 
 Gen. Pierce from this time continued 
 in the assiduous pursuit of his profession. 
 But he also kept warmly interested in 
 
22 
 
 LIFE OF GEN- FRANKLIN FIERCE. 
 
 tbc politics of the time; and irt the 
 critical period that elicited the compro- 
 mise measures, he once more became an 
 active politician. His views as to these 
 measures, which were then pending, were 
 expressed in a private letter, dated May 
 9th, 1850, and addressed to a distin- 
 guished democratic senator : — 
 
 “ I have been so constantly occupied 
 in court, that no leisure moment has 
 presented itself for the acknowledgment 
 of your noble speech upon Mr. Bell’s 
 proposition for a compromise of the 
 question which has so deeply agitated 
 Congress and the country during the 
 last few months. I appreciate your kind 
 remembrance of me personally. As a 
 New Hampshire man, I hear your name 
 pronounced only with pride; as an Ame- 
 rican citizen, I acknowledge with grati- 
 tude, the eminent public services that 
 have signalized your course along the 
 whole line of your useful life. 
 
 “It grieves me to observe, that the 
 spirit of concession and honorable com- 
 promise is not stronger and more per- 
 vading at Washington. I have no ap- 
 prehension that the disruption of this 
 Union is at hand; but 1 foresee conse- 
 quences appalling in this daily use ofj 
 the terms i north and south,’ as terms 
 of antagonism. What arc the north and 
 south but the component parts of our 
 common country — parts that should be 
 regarded as absolutely inseparable; not 
 united merely by reciprocal rights and 
 obligations arising under the constitu- 
 tion, but bound together by tics of affec- 
 tion, common interest, and reciprocal 
 respect; recognizing at all times, and 
 above all, that noble band of brother- 
 hood which concentrated the genius, and 
 courage, and patriotism, that achieved 
 our independence, that has sustained the 
 country in all its trials — that bond to 
 which the republic is indebted for a ca- 
 reer more rapid and wonderful, than any 
 that has hitherto marked the march of 
 civilization and civil liberty? 
 
 “You have doubtless observed that a 
 great effort is being made to give cur- 
 rency to the impression, that the opinions 
 and sentiments advanced by yourself, 
 find nothing like a general response in 
 New England. I dc not believe the fact 
 to be so in this state. Our people set 
 
 a value upon the Union which language 
 cannot express; they look for a compro- 
 mise — expect a compromise — conceived 
 in the spirit of justice and patriotism, 
 firmly and manfully.” 
 
 On the 20th of November, at Man- 
 chester, he took part in one of the most 
 interesting and important political meet- 
 ings ever held in New Hampshire. It 
 was one of the Union meetings which was 
 called at that period in order to give a 
 pledge of fidelity to the Union, the Con- 
 stitution, and the laws. A delegation 
 of five hundred went from Concord to 
 attend this gathering. On being intro- 
 duced by the president, Gen. Pierce 
 was received with the most enthusiastic 
 cheers. Though he" disclaimed any pur- 
 pose of making a regular address, yet he 
 made an eloquent appeal in behalf of a 
 performance of constitutional duties. In 
 the course of it the following scene oc- 
 curred : — 
 
 “He was in the United States Senate 
 when that word was heard for the first 
 time on that floor; and never should he 
 forget the thrill of horror it sent through 
 that body. A deep and solemn pause 
 ensued, and senators shuddered as they 
 | slowly turned their eyes upon the bold 
 author of the appalling suggestion. But 
 he had now lived to hear hisses while one 
 of the secretaries of the meeting was 
 reading a resolution in favor of union. 
 [This remark drew hisses, and General 
 Pierce proceeded.] They hiss again. Let 
 the men who do it show themselves. 
 [Up rose two clergymen, the Be v. Mr. 
 Foss, and the Bev. Mr. Davis — the for- 
 mer a pulpitless old-line Baptist, the 
 latter a freewill Baptist, settled over a 
 congregation in the place.] Here, then, 
 (said Gen. P.,) we have men who seek 
 to destroy the Union. [One of them 
 replied : ‘ No. If you will let us explain, 
 we will show that we do not intend that. 
 We are willing to meet the question, 
 however, any way.’] Gen. Pierce con- 
 tinued: — You shall have your opportu- 
 nity all in good time. Let the discus- 
 sion come, and he that is defeated must 
 go to the wall and yield the question. 
 That is the way to manage such matters 
 in a free country. There must be no 
 breaking up of the government in case 
 of defeat. If we are precipitated into a 
 
LIFE OF GEN. FRANKLIN PIERCE. 
 
 23 
 
 war by fanaticism, we cannot conquer. 
 Both sections of the country may be 
 immolated. Neither could come out of 
 the contest short of ruin. It was said 
 that we of the north could bring two 
 men into the field for every one that the 
 south could muster; but it would be 
 found, when the trial should come, that 
 the man who now makes that boast, 
 would not be one of the two men who 
 was to go forth to meet even the one 
 man from the south. [Great cheering.] 
 “Gen. Pierce said the men then in 
 the hall who had abandoned themselves 
 to the infatuation of disunion sentiments, 
 would probably live to regret and repent 
 of their present course. In the coming 
 days of decrepitude, when the infirmities 
 of age shall have crept upon them, they 
 would gather their children around them, 
 and confess how they were once betrayed 
 into moral treason ; and as a legacy say 
 to them, ‘Stand by your Union, and 
 stand by your country/ He said he 
 deemed it unnecessary to go into a for- 
 mal argument in support of the Union. 
 The resolutions embraced all that could 
 be said on that subject. When the com- 
 promise was first proposed in Congress, 
 he had no doubt that the Union would 
 go down unless the measures recom- 
 mended were carried. The defeat of the 
 first attempt overwhemed him with ap- 
 prehension, understanding that the com- 
 promise was intended to give to the SGuth 
 a sense of greater security for one of 
 their rights, than they felt they had for 
 some time past possessed. Who did not 
 deplore slavery? But what sound-think- 
 ing mind regarded that as the only evil 
 which could rest upon the land? The 
 men who would dissolve the Union did 
 not hate or deplore slavery more than 
 he did; but even with it we have lived 
 in peace, prosperity, and security from 
 the foundation of our institutions to the 
 present time. If the Constitution pro- 
 vided for the return of fugitive slaves, 
 it should be done. That was what he 
 wanted to do ; that was what our fathers 
 agreed we should do; and that was what 
 the friends of the Union established by 
 them, wanted to do. [Hisses.] There, 
 said Gen. P., are the arguments of the 
 ‘'higher law/ I suppose/' 
 
 It was in connection with these mea- 
 
 sures that the New Hampshire demo- 
 cracy made a bold movement as to their 
 candidate for Governor, Mr. Atwood. 
 After he had been long in nomination, 
 and within three weeks of the election, 
 it was ascertained that he had written 
 letters in favor of a repeal of one of 
 these measures which were acceptable 
 to the free soil party. Prompt action was 
 taken; the same convention that put 
 Mr. Atwood in nomination was re-assem- 
 bled, a new candidate was elected ; and 
 though the democratic party did not 
 succeed in electing him by the people, 
 he was elected by the Legislature. Gen. 
 Pierce had an important agency in this 
 movement. Though Mr. Atwood had 
 long been his fellow townsman and al- 
 ways a personal friend, yet the general 
 prosecuted an active canvass against him, 
 and contributed more than any other 
 man to effect his overthrow. This year 
 (1852) the democracy have been again 
 victorious — the bold movement of the 
 preceding year having been sustained. 
 A jubilee was held by the Manchester 
 democracy on the occasion of this re- 
 newed triumph, to which Gen. Pierce 
 was invited. His reply was as follows — • 
 
 u Concord, March 16, 1852. 
 
 My Dear Sir, — Your letter of the 
 12th inst. was duly received. I yield 
 with extreme reluctance to circumstances, 
 which deny me the pleasure of partici- 
 pating in your jubilee. The victory 
 seems to lack no element of complete- 
 ness. It is the triumph of right over 
 wrong — of the democracy single-handed 
 over all factions and all combinations, — 
 of fidelity to the Constitution and the 
 Union over virtual treason to both. — • 
 Present my thanks to the committee of 
 arrangements, my congratulations to the 
 meeting, and with them, if you please, 
 the subjoined sentiment. 
 
 In haste, your friend, 
 
 Frank. Pierce. 
 
 Hon. Samuel H, Ayer. 
 
 The Compromise Measures of 1850, 
 and the New Hampshire Democracy — 
 Upon the former, the latter have fixed 
 the seal of their emphatic approbation. 
 No north, no south, no east, no west, 
 under the constitution — but a sacred 
 maintenance, of the common bond and 
 
24 
 
 LIFE OF GEN. FRANKLIN PIERCE. 
 
 true devotion to the common brother- ) 
 hood.” 
 
 In January, 1852, the democracy of 
 New Hampshire in convention presented 
 General Pierce as the democratic candi- 
 date for the Presidency. This elicited 
 the following letter of declination. 
 
 Concord, January 12th, 1852. 
 
 My Dear Sir, — -I take the liberty to 
 address you, because no channel more 
 appropriate occurs to me through which 
 to express my thanks to the convention 
 over which you presided on the 8th in- 
 stant, and to the masses there repre- 
 sented. 
 
 I am far from being insensible to 
 the steady and generous confidence so 
 often manifested towards me by the peo- 
 ple of this state; and although the ob- 
 ject indicated in the resolution, having 
 particular reference to myself, be not one 
 of desire on my part, the expression is 
 not on that account, less gratifying. 
 
 Doubtless the spontaneous and just 
 appreciation of an intelligent people, is 
 the best earthly reward for earnest and 
 eheerful services rendered to one’s state 
 and country; and while it is a matter 
 of unfeigned regret that my life has 
 been so barren of usefulness, I shall 
 ever hold this and similar tributes 
 among my most cherished recollections. 
 
 To these, my sincere and grateful 
 acknowledgments, I desire to add, that 
 the same motive which induced me seve- 
 ral years ago to retire from public life, 
 and which since that time has controlled 
 my judgment in this respect, now impel 
 me to say, that the use of my name, in 
 any event, before the Democratic Na- 
 tional Convention at Baltimore, to which 
 you are a delegate, would be utterly re- 
 pugnant to my tastes and wishes. I am, 
 with the highest respect and esteem, 
 Your friend, 
 
 Frank. Pierce. 
 
 Hon. Chas. G. Atherton, Nashville, N.H. 
 
 The last letter of General Pierce be- 
 fore the meeting of the National Con- 
 vention, was the following addressed to 
 Colonel Lally of New Hampshire : — 
 
 Tremont House, Boston, May 27th, 1852. 
 
 “I intended to speak to you more 
 fully upon the subject of the compromise 
 measures than I had an opportunity to 
 
 do. The importance of the action of 
 the Convention upon this question can- 
 not be over-estimated. I believe there 
 will be no disposition on the part of the 
 south to press resolutions unnecessarily 
 offensive to the sentiments of the north. 
 But can we say as much on our side? 
 Will the north come cheerfully up to the 
 mark of constitutional right? If not, a 
 breach in our party is inevitable. The 
 matter should be met at the threshold, 
 because it rises above party, and looks 
 at the very existence of the confede- 
 racy. 
 
 “The sentiment of no one state is to 
 be regarded upon this subject; but hav- 
 ing fought the battle in New Hampshire 
 upon the fugitive slave law, and upon 
 what we believe to be the ground of 
 constitutional right, we should of course 
 desire the approval of the democracy of 
 the country. What I wish to say to you 
 is this.. If the compromise measures are 
 not to be substantially and firmly main- 
 tained, the plain rights secured by the 
 constitution will be trampled in the dust. 
 What difference can it make to you or 
 me, whether the outrage shall seem to 
 fall on South Carolina, or Maine, or New 
 Hampshire ? Are not the rights of each 
 equally dear to us all ? I will never 
 yield to a craven spirit that from con- 
 siderations of policy, would endanger 
 the Union. Entertaining these views, 
 the action of the Convention must, in 
 my judgment, be vital. If weof the north, 
 who have stood by the constitutional 
 rights of the south, are to be aban- 
 doned to any time-serving policy, the 
 hopes of democracy and of the Union 
 must sink together. As I told you, my 
 name will not be before the Convention ; 
 but I cannot help feeling that what there 
 is to be done will be important beyond 
 men and parties — transcendantly impor- 
 tant to the hopes of democratic progress 
 
 and civil liberty 
 
 Your friend, 
 
 Frank. Pierce. 
 
 Notwithstanding General Pierce’s re- 
 peated declinations of the great honor 
 of a nomination for the presidency, yet 
 this was destined to fall to his lot. His 
 name had been presented not only by 
 New Hampshire, but by presses and 
 statesmen in other parts of the Union, 
 
LIFE OF GEN. FRANKLIN PIERCE. 
 
 25 
 
 previous to the Baltimore democratic na- 
 tional convention. This body was one 
 of the most able and patriotic representa- 
 tions of the party that ever assembled in 
 council. When it was found that neither 
 of the distinguished statesmen whose 
 names had been brought into the con- 
 vention, could receive the nomination, 
 and that the common sacrifice of pre- 
 ferences would be required by the friends 
 of all, then the high character, distin- 
 guished services, and acknowledged quali- 
 fications of Gen. Pierce, pointed him out 
 as a fit candidate for the great American 
 office, which ought neither to be sought 
 nor declined. Virginia, the mother of 
 the states, and the birth-place of the 
 father of democracy, first gave her vote 
 for Gen. Pierce. Other states followed. 
 And the nomination was made amidst 
 an enthusiam which has been rarely 
 equalled, and which could net be sur- 
 passed. It was made not only in a spirit 
 of wise statesmanship, but of compro- 
 mise, conciliation, and union. It was 
 thus that this true and modest son of the 
 granite state, was made the standard- 
 bearer of the national democratic party. 
 
 We need not detail here the action of 
 that convention. It is already widely 
 known that the convention assembled at 
 Baltimore on the 2d of June, 1852, and 
 after forty-eight unsuccessful ballotings 
 for a candidate were had, Gen. Pierce, 
 on the forty-ninth ballot, received two 
 hundred and eighty- two votes, of the two 
 hundred and eighty-nine that composed 
 the convention. His nomination was 
 then enthusiastically and unanimously 
 confirmed. 
 
 It is perhaps not unworthy of remark, 
 that the New Hampshire state conven- 
 tion consisted of precisely the same num- 
 ber of delagates as the Baltimore conven- 
 tion, and the resolutions nominating Gen. 
 Pierce for the Presidency, received ex- 
 actly the same number of votes. 
 
 The nomination of Gen. Pierce to the 
 Presidency of the United States, — the 
 highest office in the world, — has been 
 every where received by the democratic 
 4 
 
 party of the nation, with an unparelled 
 enthusiasm. Ratification meetings have 
 been held in Washington, Baltimore, 
 Philadelphia, New York, Boston, and 
 many other places, at which addresses 
 cordially approving the selection of Gen. 
 Pierce, have been made by every one 
 of the distinguished gentlemen who were 
 named for the high honor which has so 
 worthily fallen on the distinguished son 
 of New Hampshire. 
 
 At Hillsborough, the announcement 
 thrilled like an electric flash through the 
 hearts of the sterling democracy of that 
 fine old town — the birth place of Frank- 
 lin Pierce. The schoolmates of his boy- 
 hood, the companions of his youth, and 
 the friends of hismaturer years, grasped 
 each others’ hands in an ecstacy of de- 
 light, and called down blessings upon 
 the head of him in whose honors they 
 shared as in the honors of a brother. 
 They had watched his growing fame 
 with unmeasured delight. They had 
 seen wave after wave of popular applause 
 bear him onward towards the proud 
 position which he now occupies in the 
 face of the whole world. As a states- 
 man and a soldier, his praises had been 
 recorded on every heart in the land ; and 
 at every step of his course, his townsmen 
 had exclaimed, “ His wisdom and his 
 virtues have merited it all — his blushing 
 honors rest upon a noble and deserving 
 brow, and in his triumphs we rejoice I” 
 
 We have thus rapidly sketched the 
 past career of him who is destined to 
 be our next President. That career jus- 
 tifies us in predicting that his adminis- 
 tration will redound to the honor and 
 glory of our country — its affairs will be 
 administered in a prudent, economical 
 manner, and the shameful peculations 
 and extravagant expenditures for unwor- 
 thy purposes, which have disgraced the 
 present administration, forever abolished. 
 
 Above all, the Union — that Union so 
 dear to every true American heart — will 
 be strengthened, perpetuated and handed 
 down to posterity, only the brighter from 
 its having passed through a fiery ordeal. 
 

 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 
 
 OF THE 
 
 HON. WILLIAM HUTS KING, 
 
 OF ALABAMA. 
 
 William Rufus King is a native of 
 North Carolina. He was born on the 7th 
 of April, 1786. His father — William 
 King — was a planter, in independent 
 circumstances, whose ancestors came 
 from the North of Ireland, and were 
 among the early settlers on James river, 
 in the colony of Virginia. He was 
 highly esteemed for his many virtues, 
 and was elected a member of the state 
 convention which adopted the Federal 
 Constitution. The mother of Mr. King 
 was descended from a Huguenot family, 
 which had been driven from France by 
 the revocation of the edict of Nantz. 
 
 William Rufus King received his edu- 
 cation at the University of North Caro- 
 lina, to which he was sent at the early 
 age of twelve years. On leaving that 
 institution, where his attention to his 
 studies, and uniformly correct and gen- 
 
 tlemanly deportment, had commanded 
 the respect and regard of his fellows 
 and the approbation of the professors, 
 he entered the law office of William 
 Duffy, a distinguished lawyer, residing 
 in the town of Fayetteville, North Ca- 
 rolina, and in the autumn of 1805 ob- 
 tained a license to practice in the supe- 
 rior courts of the State. In 1806 he 
 was elected a member of the legislature 
 of the state from the county of Sampson, 
 in which he was born. He was again 
 elected in the year following; but, on 
 the meeting of the legislature, he was 
 chosen solicitor by that body, and re- 
 signed his seat. Mr. King contipued in 
 the practice of his profession until he 
 was elected a member of Congress from 
 the Wilmington district, which took 
 place in August, 1810, when he was 
 but little more than twenty-four years 
 26 
 
LIFE OF HON. WILLIAM R. KING. 
 
 27 
 
 of age; but as his predecessor’s term 
 did not expire before the 4th of March, 
 1811, Mr. King did not take his seat 
 in the Congress of the United States 
 until the autumn of that year, being 
 the first session of the twelfth Congress. 
 This was a most important period in 
 the history of the country. 
 
 The governments of England and 
 France had for years rivalled each other 
 in acts destructive of the neutral rights, 
 and injurious to the commerce of the 
 United States. Every effort had been 
 made— but in vain — to procure an aban- 
 donment of orders in councils on the one 
 hand, and decrees on the other, which 
 had nearly cut up the commerce of the 
 country by the roots, and a large majo- 
 rity of the people felt that to submit 
 longer to such gross violations of their 
 rights, as a neutral nation, would be 
 degrading, and they called upon the 
 government to protect those rights, even 
 at the hazard of a war. In this state of 
 things, Mr. King took his seat in the 
 House of Representatives, and unhesita- 
 tingly ranged himself on the side of the 
 bold and patriotic spirits in that body 
 who had determined to repel aggression 
 — come from what quarter it might — 
 and to maintain the rights and honor of 
 the country. The withdrawal of the 
 Berlin and Milan decrees by France, 
 while England refused to abandon her 
 orders in council, put an end to all hesi- 
 tation as to which of those powers should 
 be met in deadly strife. In June, 1812, 
 war was declared against England, Mr. 
 King advocating and voting for the de- 
 claration. He continued to represent his 
 district in Congress during the conti- 
 nuance of the war, sustaining with all 
 his power every measure deemed neces- 
 sary to enable the government to prose- 
 cute it to a successful termination ; and 
 not until the rights of the country were 
 vindicated and secured, and peace re- 
 stored to the land, did he feel at liberty 
 to relinquish the highly responsible posi- 
 tion in which his confiding constituents 
 had placed him. 
 
 In the spring of 1816, Mr. King re- 
 signed his seat in the House of Repre- 
 sentatives, and accompanied William 
 Pinckney, of Maryland, as secretary of 
 legation, first to Naples, then to St. 
 
 Petersburgh, to which courts Mr. Pinck- 
 ney had been appointed minister pleni- 
 potentiary. Mr. King remained abroad 
 not quite two years, having in that time 
 visited the greater portion of Europe, 
 making himbelf acquainted with the in- 
 stitutions of the various governments, 
 and the condition of their people. On 
 his return to the United States he de- 
 termined to remove to the teritory of 
 Alabama, which determination he carried 
 into effect in the winter of 1818-19, and 
 fixed his residence in the county of Dal- 
 las, where he still resides. A few months 
 after Mr. King arrived in the territory 
 — Congress having authorized the people 
 to form a Constitution and establish a 
 state government — he was elected a 
 member of the convention. Mr. King 
 was an active, talented, and influential 
 member of that body, was placed on the 
 committee appointed to draft a Constitu- 
 tion, and was also selected by the general 
 committee, together with Judge Taylor, 
 now of the state of Mississippi, and 
 Judge Henry Hitchcock — now no more 
 — to reduce it to form, in accordance 
 with the principles and provisions pre- 
 viously agreed on. This duty they per- 
 formed in a manner satisfactory to the 
 committee. The Constitution thus pre- 
 pared was submitted to the convention, 
 and adopted with but slight alterations. 
 
 On the adjournment of the conven- 
 tion, Mr. King returned to his former 
 residence in North Carolina, where most 
 of his property still was, and, having 
 made his arrangements for its removal, 
 set out on his return for Alabama. On 
 reaching Milledgeville, in the state of 
 Georgia, he received a letter from Go- 
 vernor Bibb, of Alabama, informing him 
 that he had been elected a senator in 
 the Congress of the United States, and 
 that the certificate of his election had 
 been transmitted to the city of Washing- 
 ton. This was the first intimation which 
 Mr. King had that his name even had 
 been presented to the legislature for 
 that high position; and injuriously as it 
 would affect his private interests — in the 
 then condition of his affairs — he did not 
 hesitate to accept the honor so unex- 
 pectedly conferred upon him, and, leav- 
 ing his people to pursue their way to 
 Alabama, he retraced his steps and 
 
28 
 
 LIFE OF HON. WILLIAM R. KING. 
 
 reached the city of Washington a few 
 days before the meeting of Congress. 
 His colleague, Hon. John W. Walker, 
 had arrived before him. 
 
 Alabama was admitted as a state, and 
 her senators, after taking the oath to 
 support the Constitution of the United 
 States, were required to draw for their 
 term of service, when Mr. Walker drew 
 six years, and Mr. King four. At the 
 time that Alabama became a state of the 
 Union the indebtedness of her citizens 
 for lands sold by the United States — 
 under what was known as the credit sys- 
 tem — was nearly twelve millions' of dol- 
 lars. It was perfectly apparent that this 
 enormous sum could not be paid, and 
 that an attempt to enforce the payment 
 could only result in ruin to her people. 
 Congress became satisfied that the mode 
 heretofore adopted for the disposal of 
 the public domain was wrong, and a law 
 was passed reducing the minimum price 
 from two to one dollar and twenty-five 
 cents the acre, with cash payments. This 
 change was warmly advocated by Sena- 
 tors Walker and King. 
 
 At the next session a law was passed 
 authorizing the purchasers of the public 
 land, under the credit system, to relin- 
 quish to the government a portion of their 
 purchase, and to transfer the amount paid 
 on the part relinquished, so as to make 
 complete payment on the part retained. 
 At a subsequent session another law was 
 passed, authorizing the original purcha- 
 sers of the lands so relinquished to enter 
 them at a fixed rate, much below the 
 price at which they had been originally 
 sold. To the exertions of Senators King 
 and Walker, Alabama is mainly indebted 
 for the passage of these laws, which freed 
 her citizens from the heavy debt which 
 threatened to overwhelm them with ruin, 
 and also enabled them to secure their 
 possessions upon reasonable terms. 
 
 Mr. King was elected senator in 1828, 
 in 1828, in 1884, and in 1840. His 
 firm but conciliatory course ensured for 
 him the respect and confidence of the 
 Senate, and he was repeatedly chosen to 
 preside over that body as president pro 
 tem., the duties of which position he dis- 
 charged in a manner so satisfactory that 
 at the close of each session a resolution 
 was adopted, without a dissenting voice, 
 
 tendering him the thanks of the body 
 for the ability and impartiality with 
 which he had discharged those duties. 
 
 In the spring of 1844, Mr. King 
 was offered the situation of minister to 
 France, which he declined, as he had, 
 on previous occasions, refused to accept 
 other diplomatic situations which had 
 been tendered to him, preferring, as he 
 declared, to be a senator from Alabama, 
 to any office which could be conferred 
 on him by the general government. At 
 this time the proposition for the annex- 
 ation of Texas was pending, and there 
 was but too much reason to believe that 
 the British government was urging that 
 of France to unite with her in a protest 
 against such annexation. It was, there- 
 fore, of the highest importance to pre- 
 vent, if possible, such joint protest as, 
 should it be made, must have inevitably 
 resulted in producing hostilities with one 
 or both of these powers; for no one for 
 a moment believed that the government 
 of the United States would be deterred 
 from carying out a measure which she 
 considered essential to her interests from 
 any apprehension of consequences which 
 might result from any combination of 
 the powers of Europe. Mr. King was 
 a decided advocate of the annexation of 
 Texas; and when urged by the Presi- 
 dent and many of his friends in Con- 
 gress to accept the mission, he consented 
 under these circumstances, to give up 
 his seat in the Senate. Mr. King, feel- 
 ing the importance of prompt action, did 
 not even return to his home to arrange 
 his private affairs, but repaired at once to 
 New York, and took passage for Havre. 
 Arriving in Paris, he obtained an audi- 
 ence with the King, presented his cre- 
 dentials, and at once entered upon the 
 object of his mission. After frequent 
 conferences with the King of the French, 
 who had kindly consented that he might 
 discuss the subject with him, without 
 going through the usual routine of com- 
 municating through the foreign office, 
 Mr. King succeeded in convincing his 
 majesty that the contemplated protest, 
 while it would not arrest the proposed 
 annexation, would engender in the minds 
 of the American people a feeling of hos- 
 tility towards France, which would ope- 
 rate most injuriously to the interests 
 
LIFE OF HON. WILLIAM R. KING. 
 
 29 
 
 of both countries, now united by the 
 closest bonds of friendship; and his 
 majesty ultimately declared that “he 
 would do nothing hostile to the Uni- 
 ted States, or which could give to her 
 just cause of offence.” The desired 
 object was accomplished. England was 
 not in a condition to act alone, and all 
 idea of a protest was abandoned. Mr. 
 King remained in France until the 'au- 
 tumn of 1846, dispensing a liberal hos- 
 pitality to his countrymen and others, 
 and receiving from those connected with 
 the government, and a large circle of 
 the most distinguished individuals in 
 Paris, the kindest attention. He re- 
 turned to the United States in Novem- 
 ber, 1846, having requested and obtained 
 the permission of the President to resign 
 his office. 
 
 In 1848, the Hon. Arthur P. Bagby 
 was appointed minister plenipotentiary 
 to Russia, and resigned his seat in the 
 Senate of the United States. Mr. King 
 was appointed by the governor of Ala- 
 bama to fill the vacancy thus created; 
 and in 1849 — the term for which he 
 was appointed having expired — he was 
 elected by the legislature for a term of 
 full six years. In 1850, on the death 
 of Gen. Taylor, the President of the 
 United States, Mr. Fillmore, the Vice 
 President succeeded to that high office; 
 and Mr. King was chosen, by the unan- 
 imous vote of the Senate, President of 
 that body, which places him in the se- 
 cond highest office in the government. 
 
 Mr. King has ever been a decided 
 republican of the Jefferson school. He 
 has, during his whole political life, op- 
 posed the exercise of implied powers on 
 the part of the general government, un- 
 less palpably and plainly necessary to 
 carry into effect an expressly granted 
 power — firmly impressed with the belief, 
 as he has often declared, that the secu- 
 rity and harmony, if not the very exist- 
 ence, of the federal government was 
 involved in adhering to a strict construc- 
 tion of the Constitution. 
 
 In all the relations of life Mr. King 
 has maintained a spotless reputation. 
 His frank and confiding disposition, his 
 uniform courtesy and kindness, have 
 endeared him to numerous friends, and 
 commanded for him the respect and con- 
 
 fidence of all who have had the pleasure 
 of his acquaintance. 
 
 Mr. King was nominated for the Vice 
 Presidency by the Democratic Conven- 
 tion, on the second ballot. Like Mr. 
 Pierce, he has always been a consistent 
 democrat, and though warm in his affec- 
 tion to the South and her interests, he 
 has not failed to give the Compromise 
 measures a cordial support. We annex 
 here his letter accepting the nomination. 
 
 Senate Chamber, June 22, 1852. 
 
 Gentlemen:— I have the honor to 
 acknowledge the receipt of your letter, 
 notifying me that I have ffieen nominated 
 by the Democratic Convention as Vice 
 President of the United States. 
 
 This distinguished manifestation of the 
 respect and confidence of my democratic 
 brethren commands my most grateful 
 acknowledgments, and I cheerfully ac- 
 cept the nomination with which I have 
 been- honored. 
 
 Throughout a long public life I am 
 not conscious that I have ever swerved 
 from those principles which have been 
 cherished and sustained by the demo- 
 cratic party ; and in whatever situation 
 I may be placed, my countrymen may 
 rest assured that I shall adhere to them 
 faithfully and zealously — perfectly satis- 
 fied that the prosperity of our common 
 country and the permanency of our free 
 institutions can be promoted and pre- 
 served only by administering the govern- 
 ment in strict accordance with them. 
 
 The platform as laid down by the Con- 
 vention, meets with my cordial appro- 
 bation. It is national in all its parts; 
 and I am content not only to stand upon 
 it, but on all occasions to defend it. 
 
 For the very flattering terms in which 
 you have been pleased, gentlemen, to 
 characterize my public services, I feel 
 that I am indebted to the personal regard 
 which I am proud to know you indivi- 
 dually entertain for me, and that you 
 greatly overrate them. The only merit 
 I can lay claim to is an honest discharge 
 of the duties of the various positions 
 with which I have been honored. This I 
 claim — nothing more. 
 
 With the highest respect and esteem, 
 I am, gentlemen, your fellow-citizen, 
 William R. King. 
 
 To Messrs. J. S. Barbour, &c. 
 
DEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLES. 
 
 The great Democratic Party stands 
 now, as it has always heretofore done, 
 on those broad national grounds which 
 have ever commanded the respect, admi- 
 ration and confidence of the whole peo- 
 ple of these United States. With it 
 there has been no dodging — no double 
 dealing. Indeed, so well known were its 
 principles that it was hardly necessary 
 for the late Convention to define them. 
 Yet to leave no possible doubt in the 
 mind of any, they unanimously adopted 
 the following 
 
 PLATFORBI. 
 
 RESOLUTIONS OP THE DEMOCRATIC NA- 
 TIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 Resolved , That the American Demo- 
 cracy place their trust in the intelligence, 
 the patriotism, and the discriminating 
 justice of the American people. 
 
 Resolved , That we regard this as a 
 distinctive feature of our political creed, 
 which we are proud to maintain before 
 the world as the great moral element in 
 a form of government -springing from 
 and upheld by the popular will; and we 
 contrast it with the creed and practice' 
 of federalism, under whatever name or 
 form, which seeks to palsy the will of 
 the constituent, and which conceives no 
 imposture too monstrous for the popular 
 credulity. 
 
 Resolved, therefore, That, entertaining 
 these views, the Democratic party of 
 this Union, through their delegates as- 
 sembled in a general convention, coming 
 together in a spirit of concord, of devo- 
 tion to the doctrines and faith of a free 
 representative government, and appeal- 
 ing to their fellow- citizens for the recti- 
 tude of their intentions, renew and re- 
 assert before the American people the 
 declarations of principles avowed by them 
 when, on former occasions in general 
 convention, they have presented their 
 candidates for the popular suffrages. 
 
 1. That the federal government is one 
 of limited powers, derived solely from 
 the'fjonstitution ; and the grants of power 
 made therein ought to be strictly con- 
 
 strued by all the departments and agents 
 of the government; and that it is inex- 
 pedient and dangerous to exercise doubt- 
 ful constitutional powers. 
 
 2. That the Constitution does not 
 confer upon the general government the 
 power to commence and carry on a gene- 
 ral system of internal improvements. 
 
 3. That the Constitution does not 
 confer authority upon the federal govern- 
 ment, directly or indirectly, to assume 
 the debts of the several states, contracted 
 for local and internal improvements, 
 or other state purposes; nor would such 
 assumption be just or expedient. 
 
 4. That justice and sound policy for- 
 bid the federal government to foster one 
 branch of industry to the detriment of 
 any other, or to cherish the interests of 
 one portion to the injury of^another por- 
 tion of our common country; that every 
 citizen, and every section of the country 
 has a right to demand and insist upon 
 an equality of rights and privileges, and 
 to complete and ample protection of per- 
 sons and property from domestic violence 
 or foreign aggression. 
 
 5. That it is the duty of every branch 
 of the government to enforce and practise 
 the most rigid economy in conducting 
 our public affairs, and that no more reve- 
 nue ought to be raised than is required 
 to defray the necessary expenses of the 
 government, and for the gradual but 
 certain extinction of the public debt. 
 
 6. That Congress has no power to 
 charter a national bank ; that we believe 
 such an institution one of deadly hosti- 
 lity to the best interests of the country, 
 dangerous to our republican institutions 
 and the liberties of the people, and calcu- 
 lated to place the business of the coun- 
 try within the control of a concentrated 
 money power, and above the laws and 
 the will of the people; and that the 
 results of democratic legislation, in this 
 and all other financial measures upon 
 which issues have been made between 
 the two political parties of -the country, 
 have demonstrated to candid and practi- 
 cal men of all parties, their soundness, 
 
DEMOCRATIC TEXT BOOK. 
 
 31 
 
 safety, and utility in all business pur- 
 suits. 
 
 7. That the separation of the moneys 
 of the government from banking insti- 
 tutions is indispensable for the safety of 
 the funds of the government and the 
 rights of the people. 
 
 8. That the liberal principles embo- 
 died by Jefferson in the Declaration of 
 Independence, and sanctioned in the 
 Constitution, which makes ours the land 
 of liberty, and the asylum of the op- 
 pressed of every nation, have ever been 
 cardinal principles in the democratic 
 faith, and every attempt to abridge the 
 privilege of becoming citizens and the 
 owners of soil among us, ought to be 
 resisted with the same spirit which swept 
 the alien and sedition laws from our 
 statute books. 
 
 9. That Congress has no power under 
 the Constitution to interfere with or con- 
 trol the domestic institutions of the seve- 
 ral states, and that such states are the 
 sole and proper judges of everything 
 appertaining to their own affairs not 
 prohibited by the Constitution ; that all 
 efforts of the abolitionists or others made 
 to induce Congress to interfere with ques- 
 tions of slavery, or to take incipient steps 
 in relation thereto, are calculated to lead 
 to the most alarming and dangerous con- 
 sequences.; and that all such efforts have 
 an inevitable tendency to diminish the 
 happiness of the people, and endanger the 
 stability and permanency of the Union, 
 and ought not to be countenanced by any 
 friend of our political institutions. 
 
 Resolved , That the foregoing proposi- 
 tion covers, and was intended to embrace 
 the whole subject of slavery agitation in 
 Congress; and therefore, the democratic 
 party of the Union, standing on this 
 national platform, will abide by and ad- 
 here to a faithful execution of the acts 
 known as the Compromise measures, set- 
 tled by the last Congress ; “ the act for 
 reclaiming fugitives from service or la- 
 bor/’ included ; which act being designed 
 to carry out an express provision of the 
 Constitution, cannot, with fidelity thereto, 
 be repealed, or so changed as to destroy 
 or impair its efficiency. 
 
 Resolved , That the democratic party 
 will resist all attempts at renewing, in 
 Congress or out of it, the agitation of the 
 
 slavery question under whatever shape 
 or color the attempt may be made. 
 
 Resolved , That the proceeds of the 
 public lands ought to be sacredly applied 
 to the national objects specified in the 
 Constitution; and that we are opposed 
 to any law for the distribution of such 
 proceeds among the states, as alike inex- 
 pedient in policy and repugnant to the 
 Constitution. 
 
 Resolved , That we are decidedly op- 
 posed to taking from the President the 
 qualified veto power, by which he is ena- 
 bled, under restrictions and responsibili- 
 ties amply sufficient to guard the public 
 interest, to suspend the passage of a bill 
 whose merits cannot secure the approval 
 of two-thirds of the Senate and House 
 of Representatives until the judgment 
 of the people can be obtained thereon, 
 and which has saved the American people 
 from the corrupt and tyrannical domina- 
 tion of the Bank of the United States, 
 and from a corrupting system of general 
 internal improvements. 
 
 Resolved , That the democratic party 
 will faithfully abide by, and uphold the 
 principles laid down in the Kentucky 
 and Virginia resolutions of 1798, and in 
 the report of Mr. Madison to the Virgi- 
 nia legislature, in 1799; that it adopts 
 those principles as constituting one of 
 the main foundations of its political 
 creed, and is resolved to carry them out 
 in their obvious meaning and import. 
 
 Resolved , That the war with Mexico, 
 upon all the principles of patriotism 
 and the laws of nations, was a just and 
 necessary war on our part, in which 
 every American citizen should have 
 shown himself on the side of his country, 
 and neither morally, nor physically, bv 
 word or deed, have given “aid and com- 
 fort to the enemy.” 
 
 Resolved , That we rejoice at the resto- 
 ration of friendly relations with our 
 sister republic of Mexico, and earnestly 
 desire for her all the blessings and pros- 
 perity which we enjoy under republican 
 institutions; and we congratulate the 
 American people upon r the results of 
 that war, which have so manifestly justi- 
 fied the policy and conduct of the demo- 
 cratic party, and insured to the United 
 States “indemnity for the past, and secu- 
 rity for the future.” 
 
32 
 
 DEMOCRATIC TEXT BOOK. 
 
 Resolved, That in view of the condi- 
 tion of popular institutions in the Old 
 World, a high and sacred duty is de- 
 volved, with increased responsibility, 
 upon the democratic party of this country, 
 as the party of the people , to uphold 
 and maintain the rights of every state, 
 and thereby the Union of the states, 
 and to sustain and advance among us 
 constitutional liberty by continuing to 
 resist all monopolies and exclusive legis- 
 lation for the benefit of the few at the 
 expense of the many, and by a vigilant 
 and constant adherence to those princi- 
 ples and compromises of the Constitu- 
 tion, which are broad enough and strong 
 enough to embrace and uphold the 
 Union as it was, the Union as it is, and 
 the Union as it shall be, in the full ex- 
 pansion of the energies and capacity of 
 this great and progressive people. 
 
 These resolutions in being so openly 
 presented and so cordially adopted, form 
 a striking contrast to the course pursued 
 by their opponents. The latter, at least 
 the northern portion of the delegates, 
 desired to make no profession of prin- 
 ciples whatever, and when the matter 
 was forced upon them by the southern 
 delegates, no less than sixty-nine voted 
 against the adoption of the resolutions. 
 And, in his letter of acceptance, their 
 candidate has failed to cordially endorse 
 them, leaving it to be inferred that his 
 acceptance of them has been forced upon 
 him. 
 
 On the other hand, both Gen. Pierce 
 and Mr. King, have, in their letters of 
 acceptance, cordially and enthusiastically 
 adopted as their own, the platform laid 
 down by the Democratic Convention, 
 commanding the approbation of their 
 conscience and their judgment. This, 
 it is true, was expected of them — Tor 
 what has been more remarkable in the 
 life of Gen. Pierce, than his stern and 
 uncompromising democracy. Never, 
 during the whole course of his long pub- 
 lic career has he failed to meet the wishes 
 of the democracy, or swerved for a mo- 
 ment from those time honored principles 
 which we are so proud of. We cannot 
 do better than to insert here his letter 
 accepting the nomination, in reply to the 
 committee of the National Convention. 
 That of Mr. King we have already given. 
 
 Concord. (N. H.) June 17, 1852. 
 Gentlemen : — I have the honor to 
 acknowledge your personal kindness in 
 presenting to me this day your letter 
 officially informing me of my nomination, 
 by the Democratic National Convention, 
 as a candidate for the presidency of 
 the United States. 
 
 The surprise with which I received 
 the intelligence of the nomination, was 
 not unmingled with painful solicitude, 
 and yet it is proper for me to say that the 
 manner in which it was conferred was 
 peculiarly gratifying. The delegation 
 from New Hampshire, with all the glow 
 of state pride and all the warmth of 
 personal regard, would not have sub- 
 mitted my name to the convention, nor 
 would they have cast a vote for me, un- 
 der circumstances other than those which 
 occurred. 
 
 I shall always cherish with pride and 
 gratitude the recollection of the fact 
 that the voice which first pronounced 
 for me — and pronounced alone — came 
 from the mother of states — a pride and 
 gratitude rising far above any conse- 
 quences that can betide me personally. 
 
 May I not regard it as a fact pointing 
 to the overthrow of sectional jealousies, 
 and looking to the perennial life and 
 vigor of a union cemented by the blood 
 of those who have passed to, their re- 
 ward — a union wonderful in its forma- 
 tion, boundless in its hopes, amazing in 
 its destiny! I accept the nomination, 
 relying upon an abiding devotion to the 
 interests, the honor, and the glory of 
 our whole country, but, beyond and 
 above all, upon a Power superior to all 
 human might — a Power which, from the 
 first gun of the revolution, in every 
 crisis through which we have passed, in 
 every hour of our acknowledged peril, 
 when the dark clouds have shut down 
 around us, has interposed, as if to baffle 
 human wisdom, outmarch human fore- 
 cast, and bring out of darkness the rain- 
 bow of promise. Weak myself, faith 
 and hope repose there in security. I 
 accept the nomination upon the platform 
 adopted by the convention, not because 
 this is expected of me as a candidate, 
 but because the principles it embraces 
 command the approbation of my judg- 
 ment; and with them I believe I can 
 
DEMOCRATIC TEXT BOOK. 
 
 33 
 
 safely say there has been no word nor 
 act of my life in conflict. 
 
 I have only to tender my grateful 
 acknowledgments to you, gentlemen, to 
 the convention of which you were mem- 
 bers, and to the people of our common 
 country. 
 
 I am, with the highest respect, your 
 most obedient servant, 
 
 Frank. Pierce. 
 
 To Hon. J. S. Barbour, J. Thompson, 
 
 Alpheus Felch, Pierre Soule. 
 
 All here is straightforward and manly. 
 Nothing more could be desired. 
 
 The following is the opinion of the 
 Democratic Platform, expressed by the 
 Hon. M. P. Gentry, Whig member of 
 Congress from Tennessee, in the House 
 of Representatives, on the 14th of June, 
 1852. 
 
 “But the honorable member from 
 North Carolina thinks thero ought not 
 to be any platform adopted by the Whig 
 National Convention. He is disgusted 
 with platforms. Well, I think there 
 has been a good deal in some of the 
 platforms which is well calculated to 
 inspire such a feeling; but there is 
 something in the late platform of the 
 democratic party at Baltimore which is 
 eminently patriotic, noble, and honorable. 
 
 I would feel myself personally degraded 
 if I would raise a question upon that 
 point. They have come up to the neces- 
 sities of the hour, and adopted resolu- 
 tions which cover the whole question in 
 reference to the sectional difficulties 
 which have disturbed the harmony and 
 threatened the existence of the Union. 
 They have so met that question as to 
 nationalize themselves. 
 
 “ The two great parties of the country 
 have differed in opinion, and may yet 
 retain and maintain those differences of 
 opinion upon questions of mere expe- 
 diency ; but such questions, though im- 
 portant, are infinitely insignificant when 
 compared with the consequences in- 
 volved in this question, greater in its 
 consequences than all of these put to- 
 gether. Waiving at present all discus- 
 sion in regard to those points in their 
 platform which do not meet my approval, 
 
 I give them my testimony here to-day, 
 
 before the whole country — and truth 
 and honor require every man to do it — 
 that they have nobly come up to the 
 necessities of the times, have adopted 
 resolutions in regard to these sectional 
 questions to which I have referred, the 
 tendency of which, at least, is to nation- 
 alize the Democratic party, and bring it 
 to a high national standard which will 
 recognise the binding obligations of the 
 Constitution in all its parts — North and 
 South; and which tends to give peace, 
 tranquility, and security to the country 
 and permanence to the Union.” 
 
 The Hon. James Buchanan bears the 
 following testimony to the soundness of 
 our principles and our candidates. 
 
 “It has been our glory and our 
 strength in the past time, that we have 
 never concealed our principles from the 
 public eye, but have always proclaimed 
 them before the world. The late Balti- 
 more Convention, in obedience to our 
 will, has erected a platform of principles, 
 in the midst of the nation, on which 
 every true Democrat can proudly stand. 
 Does the man live, be he Democrat or 
 Whig, who, knowing Franklin Pierce 
 and William R. King, believes they will 
 prove faithless to any one of these prin- 
 ciples? The great democratic party of 
 the union have delivered to these their 
 chosen candidates, a chart by which they 
 stand pledged, in the most solemn man- 
 ner, to guide the ship of state; and my 
 life upon the issue, they will never de- 
 viate from the prescribed course. In 
 voting for these candidates, then, every 
 Democrat will be voting for his own 
 cherished principles and sustaining the 
 platform of his party.” 
 
 Truly may we say that the democratic 
 party, entrenched and united upon a 
 platform so national — so completely na- 
 tional — is invincible. From Maine to 
 Texas there is but one spirit displayed ; 
 but one political faith practised by the 
 reconciled and re-united democracy. Dis- 
 sensions in the South are healed. Peace 
 waves her white wing over the lately 
 dissevered democrats of the North, and 
 along the whole line, the watchword is re- 
 echoed in shouts; Pierce and King — 
 the Constitution , it must and shall he 
 preserved ! 
 
 5 
 
BUCHANAN'S OPINION OF PIERCE AN© KING, 
 
 All of us have much reason to be 
 satisfied with the nomination of Franklin 
 Pierce and William R. King. They 
 are sound, radical, state-rights demo- 
 crats, who will employ their best efforts 
 to expel from the halls of Congress and 
 the purlieus of the treasury, the hosts 
 of stock-jobbers, contractors, and specu- 
 lators by which they are now infested, 
 and to restore the purity, simplicity and 
 economy of former times in the admi- 
 nistration of the government. I know 
 them well, having served in the Senate 
 with both, for several years, at a most 
 critical and important period of our poli- 
 tical history; and I speak with know- 
 ledge when I say they are the very men 
 for the times. Public economy, reform, 
 and a strict construction of the Consti- 
 tution, according to the Virginia and 
 Kentucky resolutions of 1798 and 1799, 
 ought to be the watchwords of the demo- 
 cratic party throughout the pending con- 
 test; and Pierce and King will prove to 
 be the able and faithful representatives 
 of these great principles. 
 
 When General Pierce first made his 
 appearance in the Senate, he was one of 
 the youngest if not the very youngest, 
 of its members. Modest and unassum- 
 ing in his deportment, but firm and 
 determined in his principles and pur- 
 poses, it was not long before he acquired 
 the respect and esteem of his brother 
 senators. From deep conviction, he was 
 a state-rights democrat, sound, unwaver- 
 ing and inflexible; and, I venture to 
 predict, that when his votes shall be 
 scrutinized and tested by the touch-stone 
 of democratic principles, they will present 
 as fair a record as those even of the 
 lamented Wright himself. His innate 
 modesty and comparative youth pre- 
 vented him from addressing the Senate 
 very frequently; and yet I well recol- 
 lect some of his efforts which would have 
 done no discredit to the oldest and ablest 
 members of the body, then in its most 
 palmy days. When he spoke he was 
 always prepared, his voice was excellent, 
 
 his language well chosen and felicitous; 
 and he had an earnestness of manner, 
 proceeding evidently from deep convic- 
 tion, which always commanded the atten- 
 tion of his audience. No candid and ho- 
 norable man of any party well acquainted 
 with General Pierce will, I am convinced, 
 deny to him the intellectual qualifica- 
 tions necessary to render his administra- 
 tion of the government wise, able and 
 successful. Besides, unless I am greatly 
 mistaken, he possesses determination of 
 character and energy of will, without 
 which no individual is fitted to perform 
 high and responsible executive adminis- 
 trative duties, such as pertain to the office 
 of President of the United States. My 
 own observation, as well as the history 
 of the world has taught me, that these 
 are qualities which do not always be- 
 long to great senators and distinguished 
 orators. 
 
 The democracy will not ask that their 
 candidate shall be elected, because of his 
 great military exploits, and yet his mili- 
 tary services constitute a beautiful epi- 
 sode in the history of his life. It is no 
 small distinction for General Pierce to 
 have merited the official and emphatic 
 endorsement of the commander-in-chief 
 of our army in Mexico — an army com- 
 posed of heroes — for gallantry and good 
 conduct on the field of battle. 
 
 Of Col. King, our candidate for Vice 
 President, I can say emphatically, that 
 he is one of the purest, the best and the 
 most sound judging statesmen I have 
 ever known. He is a firm, enlightened 
 and unwavering democrat, and an amia- 
 ble, honorable and benevolent gentle- 
 man. From the day when yet a youth, 
 in 1812, as a member of the House of 
 Representatives, he voted for the decla- 
 of war against Great Britain, and until 
 the present hour his life presents one 
 consistent and beautiful portrait. As 
 President of the Senate, he is without a 
 superior ; and should it ever be his fate, 
 in any contingency, to discharge the 
 duties of President of the United States, 
 34 
 
DEMOCRATIC TEXT BOOK. 
 
 35 
 
 he will conduct the government with 
 wisdom, sound discretion and enlight- 
 ened patriotism. 
 
 GEN. PIERCE IN MEXICO. 
 
 Colonel O’Hara, one of the editors of 
 the Louisville Times, speaks thus of the 
 services of General Pierce in Mexico, 
 himself being a personal witness : 
 
 Having retired from the Senate, and 
 resuming the practice of his profession, 
 the difficulties with Mexico struck that 
 electric spark of patriotism ever alive in 
 his bosom, and he was chosen the colonel 
 of the New England regiment, prepared 
 to do battle for his country’s honor, and 
 to assert and maintain her rights. When 
 appointments were made by President 
 Polk of officers to fill up the commands 
 of the army, Colonel Pierce was pro- 
 moted to the rank of brigadier general. 
 During that unexampled campaign he 
 bore a most conspicuous part for the ex- 
 hibition of all the elements that combine 
 to make a great captain — patience and 
 endurance under toil and privation in 
 a new field, a coolness that met every 
 responsibility, and a courage ready to face 
 the very “cannon’s mouth.” Beloved 
 by those who served under him — for he 
 was ever ready to participate in the 
 labors of their marches and their daring 
 in the hour of battle — he brought with 
 him from the field of Mexico laurels that 
 never wither — the enshrinement of him- 
 self in the hearts of his countrymen, 
 who beheld his valor and participation 
 in the glory which his bravery won. 
 
 At Contreras, when dashing over the 
 pedrigal, (a continuous series of sharp 
 rocks thrown up by volcanic action,) for 
 the purpose of heading his brigade, his 
 horse fell under him and crushed the leg 
 of his rider in his fall. The battle of 
 Cherubusco followed next day, and scorn- 
 ing to hang back with his tent, with 
 crutch in hands, he mounted his goodly 
 steed, and urged his men “on to victory!” 
 In the foremost rank of battle he was 
 found; and through most of that bloody 
 day he was the spirit of the wing in 
 which he was placed. But, with fatigue, 
 and the anguish of a fractured limb, he 
 became faint, and was borne insensible 
 from the field; but not before (could he 
 
 have heard) the shouts of victory would 
 have filled his ears, and brought back 
 the quick pulsations to his noble heart. 
 
 We speak with enthusiasm of the gal- 
 lantry of General Pierce, because, at- 
 tached to that branch of service, we were 
 an eye-witness of all that we represent. 
 It was with pride and exultation that we 
 saw him rejecting the privilege accorded 
 to the wounded, and baring “ his bosom 
 to the strife.” Our admiration knew no 
 bounds, for we felt that there was a heart 
 truly American — American in its most 
 comprehensive sense — reckless of self, 
 and all for his country. 
 
 ECONOMY OF GENERAL PIERCE. 
 
 Gen. Pierce, says the New York He- 
 rald, is known, by his whole course in 
 the House of Representatives and Senate, 
 as a rigid economist of the public mo- 
 neys, and as a constructionist of the 
 Constitution of the strictest sort. His 
 past career is a guarantee that, if called 
 to the administration of the government, 
 he will discountenance all attempts by 
 land jobbers, railroad jobbers, and all 
 other joint stock speculators, to make 
 vast fortunes upon extravagant appro- 
 priations, for their exclusive benefit, of 
 the public lands or the public moneys. 
 
 FRANK PIERCE A SOBER MAN. 
 
 The whigs, forced to abandon the 
 charge in their papers, are industriously 
 circulating the story privately, that Gen. 
 Pierce is addicted to the intemperate use 
 of spirituous liquors. It is well for 
 every democrat to have at hand the fol- 
 lowing emphatic testimony of the editor 
 of the Fountain, the temperance organ 
 in Connecticut: 
 
 “ Outside of his politics, we always 
 liked that same Frank Pierce. He is a 
 man of noble impulses — always ready 
 with kind offices, generous sympathies, 
 and good deeds. He is a politician, and 
 as such may entertain some naughty 
 sentiments; but about that, politicians 
 must inquire. As plain Frank Pierce, 
 we know him well, and like him, too, 
 and mean to for a while yet. He is a 
 temperance man, too. We have heard 
 some of his noble, earnest, and eloquent 
 
36 
 
 DEMOCRATIC TEXT BOOK. 
 
 appeals for humanity; and they took 
 hold of the heart, encouraged and 
 strengthened us in our toils among the 
 Granite Hills. ,? 
 
 TESTIMONY OF THE OPPOSITION. 
 
 When a man’s opponents speak well 
 of him, he is generally worthy of esteem. 
 Gen. Pierce is such a man. We quote 
 from two, edited by persons who have 
 long known Gen. Pierce, and always dif- 
 fered with him in polities. The Man- 
 chester American, a New Hampshire 
 paper, says : “ He is, without doubt, one 
 of the ablest men in the democratic 
 party. There are few men who in their 
 general demeanor and intercourse among 
 men exert a stronger personal influence 
 than he.” So also the Ironton (Ohio) 
 Register, the editor of which has known 
 Franklin Pierce from boyhood, speaks 
 of him and his father as follows — evi- 
 dently intending to say no more in favor 
 of the son than he is compelled to admit 
 by his regard for his honesty, and even 
 that is colored by political prejudices: 
 u The father was a very illiterate man, 
 an unwavering democrat, and an unsul- 
 lied patriot; both father and son were 
 flaming Jackson men in the times of 
 Adams and Jackson; and we believe 
 that Franklin has never been suspected 
 of being, anything else but the fiercest 
 
 sort of a radical democrat 
 
 u He is an eloquent speaker, a fierce 
 dCclaimer, a man of consummate tact and 
 
 shrewdness — a complete wire-puller — a 
 perfect political manager. He is earnest 
 in his endeavors — always says can, ne- 
 ver can’t — has talents of a high order, 
 yet he does not come up to the dignity 
 of a statesman. He is, however, com- 
 paratively young, and may possibly, if 
 he reaches the White House , 1 come out’ 
 as a statesman. His moral character 
 is good; at least we never heard aught 
 said against it in the county where 
 he was born and bred, and probably is 
 as honest as any of the wire-working 
 politicians.” 
 
 TIE TWO CANDIDATES. 
 
 As to the matter of generalship, 1 
 think Pierce has the advantage. Scott 
 went into the army as a trade. He 
 learned his trade well, and got good pay 
 as the consequence. He has drawn 
 money enough from the treasury to make 
 a thousand men like you and I rich. 
 On the other hand, Pierce did not fight 
 for pay. He entered tho army as a 
 common soldier, at eight dollars a month. 
 You talk about the rapid promotion of 
 Scott; but Pierce was raised to a Colonel 
 from the ranks, and then made a Briga- 
 dier General for his good conduct, all in 
 nine months. He volunteered when his 
 country wanted his service, and resigned 
 as soon as he could be spared. The one 
 followed the business as a trade for pay, 
 and the other took it up out of pure love 
 to his country. 
 
 A WHIG CAMPAIGN SONG. 
 Air— “ Scots 
 
 Scotts who fought while others bled, 
 Scotts whom Seward nobly led, 
 Welcome to your gory bed, 
 
 Or of victory sing. 
 
 Now ’s the day, and now ’s the hour — 
 See the front of battle lower — 
 
 See approach the loco power, 
 
 Led by Pierce and King. 
 
 Stay we not for party broils, 
 
 Working men must bear the toils, 
 
 It is ours to reap the spoils, 
 
 This must be our aim. 
 
 Strike, then, and no quarter crave, 
 Hurrah ! for a Galphin shave, 
 
 If we can the country save, 
 
 We’ve a Gardner claim. 
 
 wha hae 
 
 If to conquer we must stoop, 
 
 Do not let our spirits droop, 
 
 Seize “a hasty plate of soup,” 
 
 On ! and never fear. 
 
 Up ! and with united mind, f 
 Strike before, and strike behind, 
 
 If not watchful, we shall find 
 
 “Fires in the rear.” 
 
 Fillmore men may curse and rave, 
 Standing over Webster’s grave, 
 
 But with “Chippewa” the brave, 
 
 Raise our banner high. 
 
 Forward, then, ye gallant Scotts, 
 
 By our party ties and knots , 
 
 By the man “who slept, with Botts,” 
 Let us do or die. 
 
THE OPPOSITION AND THEIR CANDIDATE. 
 
 In presenting to the independent free- 
 men of our country these reasons and 
 texts showing the advantages — the secu- 
 rity — the prosperity that must result 
 from a democratic administration, we 
 are necessarily compelled to speak of 
 our opponents and their measures in 
 such terms as will best convey a true 
 estimate of their real character. In 
 doing this, we have no personal animosi- 
 ties to gratify — no selfish ends to accom- 
 plish. 
 
 We have no hesitation, therefore, in 
 saying that the candidate presented for 
 the presidency by the whig party is 
 totally unqualified, both morally and 
 mentally to discharge the important 
 trusts confided to the chief magistrate 
 of this republic, with honor or profit to 
 the country. 
 
 Our reasons for this opinion may be 
 briefly given in few words. 
 
 1. He has no fixed principles. This 
 fact is evident from all the letters he 
 has ever written. At one time, “ fired 
 with indignation,” he has inclined to a 
 total repeal of our naturalization laws, 
 and at andther entertained “kind and 
 liberal views towards our naturalized 
 citizens,” — and again proposing to admit 
 foreigners to the rights of citizenship 
 upon their serving one year in the army 
 or navy in time of war. And even in 
 his letter accepting the nomination for 
 the presidency, he says that he does not 
 know whether or not the whig principles 
 as laid down in the resolutions of their 
 convention are broad enough to embrace 
 all his ideas. 
 
 2. He is incapable of guiding or di- 
 recting the vast machinery of our go- 
 vernment. 
 
 His blundering letters, again, will 
 prove this fact, for they clearly show 
 that he is hasty and extravagant in his 
 opinions, entertaining views “in seasons 
 of unusual excitement,” that ean never 
 find support from the people. Conse- 
 quently he must be always under the 
 control and guidance of his cabinet, 
 
 which, as we are justified in believing 
 from the means by which his nomina- 
 tion was secured, will be composed of 
 those upon whom the nation has no 
 reliance — Seward of New York, John- 
 ston of Pennsylvania, and others whose 
 sectional views and “ higher law ” dog- 
 mas, will beget strife, discord, and agi- 
 tation, where peace, harmony and secu- 
 rity are absolutely essential. 
 
 3. He has evaded the great question 
 which has threatened the very existence 
 of the Union. 
 
 The temporizing policy of Gen. Scott 
 stands in striking contrast to the manly 
 stand taken by Gen. Pierce. The former, 
 with a view to secure Northern Abo- 
 lition and Free Soil votes, hesitated to 
 declare his views upon the Compromise 
 questions, while the latter, both before 
 and after the assembling of the Conven- 
 tion, though he was not a candidate, and 
 cared nothing for the nomination, declar- 
 ing it “ utterly repugnant to his tastes 
 and wishes,” made them widely known 
 both by word and action. His whole 
 political life has been marked by an abid- 
 ing devotion to the interests of the whole 
 Union, — and he has always preferred to 
 see his party defeated, rather than made 
 a sectional one. 
 
 4. Gen. Scott’s views are unknown 
 upon all the questions likely to affect 
 the interests of our country. He may 
 be in favor of or opposed to a national 
 bank; he may be in favor of or opposed 
 to an exorbitant tariff; he may be in favor 
 of or opposed to an assumption of the 
 state debts by the general government; 
 he may be in favor of or opposed to a 
 distribution of the public lands among 
 the states; he may be in favor of or 
 opposed to the naturalization of foreign- 
 ers. Upon all these questions we are 
 ignorant of what the policy of an admi- 
 nistration by him would be, — and his 
 past inconsistencies not only give us no 
 security for the future, but teach us that 
 he will do many ridiculous — nay dange- 
 rous — things in “times of unusual ex- 
 
38 
 
 DEMOCRATIC TEXT BOOK. 
 
 citement,” or when u fired with indig- 
 nation .” 
 
 Finally — He has used unworthy 
 means to obtain a nomination for the 
 presidency, and then denied that he 
 sought it. 
 
 Let us convict him of this. The whig 
 convention met at Baltimore on the 16th 
 of June, 1852. During the course of 
 the proceedings, the following letter was 
 read in the Convention by John M. Botts, 
 of Virginia : 
 
 My Dear Sir — I have decided to 
 write nothing to the Convention, or to 
 any individual member, before nomina- 
 tion ; but, should that honor fall to my 
 lot, I shall, in my acceptance, give my 
 views on the Compromise measures in 
 terms at least as strong in their favor as 
 those I read to you two days since. 
 Please say as much to my friends, Gov. 
 Jones, Mr. Botts, Mr. Lee, &c. 
 
 In haste, yours truly, 
 
 Winfield Scott. 
 
 To Hon. S. Archer. 
 
 And yet Archer, Jones, Botts, Lee, 
 &c., particularly Mr. <&c., were all mem- 
 bers of the Convention. Compare this 
 with his letter of acceptance. We give 
 it entire, for it is rich. 
 
 Washington, June 24, 1852. 
 To Hon. J. G. Chapman, President of 
 the Whig National Convention. 
 
 Sir : — I have had the honor to receive 
 from your hands the official notice of 
 my u unanimous nomination as the whig 
 candidate for the office of President 
 of the United States,” together with “a 
 copy of the resolutions passed by the 
 Convention expressing their opinions 
 upon some of the most prominent ques- 
 tions of national policy.” 
 
 This great distinction, conferred by a 
 numerous, intelligent, and patriotic body, 
 representing millions of my country- 
 men, sinks deep into my heart, and 
 remembering the very eminent names 
 which were before the Convention in 
 amicable competition with my own, I am 
 made to feel oppressively the weight of 
 responsibility belonging to my new posi- 
 tion. 
 
 Not having written a word to 'procure 
 this distinction , I lost not a moment, 
 
 after it had been conferred, in addressing 
 a letter to one of your members to sig- 
 nify what would be, at the proper time, 
 the substance of my reply to the Con- 
 vention, and I now have the honor to 
 repeat, in a more formal manner, as the 
 occasion justly demands, that I accept 
 the nomination with the resolutions an- 
 nexed. 
 
 The political principles and measures, 
 laid down in those resolutions are so 
 broad, that but little is left for me to add. 
 I therefore, barely suggest, in this place, 
 that should I, by the partiality of my 
 countrymen, be elevated to the chief 
 magistracy of the Union, I shall be ready, 
 in my connection with Congress, to re- 
 commend or to approve of measures in 
 regard to the management of the public 
 domain, so as to secure an early settle- 
 ment of the same favorable to actual 
 settlers, but consistent, nevertheless, 
 with a due regard to the equal rights of 
 the whole American people in that vast 
 national inheritance; and also to recom- 
 mend or approve a single alteration in 
 our naturalization laws, suggested by my 
 military experience, viz : giving to all fo- 
 reigners the right of citizenship who 
 shall faithfully serve, in time of war, 
 one year on board of our public ships, 
 or in our land forces, regular or volun- 
 teer, on their receiving an honorable dis- 
 charge from the service. 
 
 In regard to the general policy of 
 the administration, if elected, I should 
 of course, look among those who may 
 approve that policy for the agents to 
 carry it into execution, and I should 
 seek to cultivate harmony and fraternal 
 sentiments throughout the whig party, 
 without attempting to reduce its mem- 
 bers, by proscription to exact confor- 
 mity to my own views. But I should, 
 at the same time, be rigorous in regard 
 to qualifications for office — retaining and 
 appointing no one, either deficient in 
 capacity or integrity, or in devotion to 
 liberty, to the Constitution, and the 
 Union. 
 
 Convinced that harmony and good 
 will between the different quarters of 
 our broad country is essential to the 
 present and future interests of the re- 
 public, and with a devotion to those 
 interests that can know no South and 
 
DEMOCRATIC TEXT BOOK. 
 
 39 
 
 no North, I should neither countenance 
 nor tolerate any sedition, disorder, fac- 
 tion, or resistance to the law or the Union , 
 on any pretext, in any part of the land; 
 and I should carry into the civil admi- 
 nistration this one principle of military 
 conduct — obedience to the legislative and 
 judicial departments of government, 
 each in its constitutional sphere, saving 
 only, in respect to the legislature, the 
 possible resort to the veto power, always 
 to be most cautiously exercised and un- 
 der the strictest restraints and neces- 
 sities. 
 
 Finally, for my adherence to the prin- 
 ciples of the whig party, as expressed 
 in the resolutions of the Convention 
 and herein suggested, with a sincere and 
 earnest purpose to advance the greatness 
 and happiness of the republic, and thus 
 to cherish and encourage the cause of 
 constitutional liberty throughout the 
 world — avoiding every act and thought 
 that might involve our country in an 
 unjust or an unnecessary war, or impair 
 the faith of treaties, and discountenancing 
 all political agitation injurious to the 
 interests of society and dangerous to 
 the Union — lean offer no other pledge or 
 guaranty than the known incidents of a 
 long public life , now undergoing the 
 severest examination. 
 
 Feeling myself highly fortunate in 
 my associate on the ticket, and with a 
 lively sense of my obligations to the 
 Convention, and to your personal cour- 
 tesies, I have the honor to remain, sir, 
 with great esteem, 
 
 Your most obedient servant, 
 
 Winfield Scott. 
 
 Is it not too much to ask of us to be- 
 lieve in his “ not having written a word 
 to procure this distinction/’ after writing 
 to Mr. Archer, and begging him to 
 electioneer for him among the Southern 
 delegates whose support was doubtful ? 
 
 We might add here many more pow- 
 erful reasons why General Scott should 
 not be President, but we desire that he 
 shall be heard himself — being quite sure 
 that if we give him rope enough he will 
 hang himself — -or at least that if we put 
 a pen in his hand, he will write his own 
 doom. 
 
 Before giving his own letters, how- 
 
 ever, let us say a word about his military 
 glory — for it is to that alone his friends 
 appeal — thinking doubtless, as do the 
 Chinese, that by making a great “fuss” 
 with this terrible gong , and a plentiful 
 show of “ feathers,” they can frighten 
 off all opposition. We had been foolish 
 enough to suppose that the success that 
 has attended our arms in all the wars in 
 which we have been engaged was owing 
 mainly to the good conduct, the bravery, 
 the patriotism, displayed by the men 
 who composed our armies, and that they 
 were not merely sent to look on while 
 the generals did all the fighting. What 
 a delusion ! The heroes who poured out 
 their blood in defence of our national 
 honor, who toiled over the arid deserts 
 of Mexico, and left their pones to bleach 
 under a tropical sun deserve no place in 
 the veneration of their countrymen. To 
 Winfield Scott, alone, belongs all the 
 glory. He could have accomplished all 
 that they did, with an army of — “fuss 
 and feathers.” What else than this could 
 John M. Clayton mean, when he used 
 the following language : 
 
 “ Let me advert to one fact for which 
 I have authority, and which I know to 
 be true. At the very -moment when 
 peace was about to be made between 
 this country and Mexico, when Winfield 
 Scott could, with honor, have accepted 
 a place in the Mexican army, he was 
 offered one million two hundred and fifty 
 thousand dollars, in cash, if he would 
 resign the American army and take 
 command of the Mexicans, with a pro- 
 mise that a ration far superior to that 
 of the American army, should be given 
 to those who would join his standard, 
 and enter the service of Mexico. And 
 further, he was offered the Presidency 
 of Mexico for five years, and was de- 
 sired to keep it during that time in or- 
 der to restore peace. His civil adminis- 
 tration had even won the admiration of 
 his enemies, and he was looked upon as 
 a saviour, and they offered him this large 
 sum as an inducement to take the office. 
 Do you not suppose he was stung with 
 resentment after he had done all for his 
 country — after he had periled his life in 
 every field, and conquered an empire for 
 her advantage and glory, at finding him- 
 self dismissed from office. At that criti- 
 
40 
 
 DEMOCRATIC TEXT BOOK. 
 
 cal period a tempter advanced, and said, 
 ‘Take up the command of the army of 
 Mexico, and the Presidency of Mexico 
 for five years/ What was that but the 
 diadem of Mexico, and the office of 
 emperor, if he had chosen to be such? 
 
 “If he had taken it, suppose we had 
 sent an army to chastise the Mexicans 
 when they were commanded by Winfield 
 Scott ; don’t you think we should have 
 come back with a considerable number 
 of black eyes and bloody noses?” 
 
 Ah ! fortunate was it for you, Zachary 
 Taylor, and you, noble Worth, and your 
 chivalrous compatriots, that Winfield 
 Scott did not command the enemy you 
 so gallantly vanquished. Else, your 
 glory — holy now in the eyes of your 
 countrymen — would have been dimmed 
 by “ black eyes and bloody noses.” And 
 this language came from one to whom 
 you confided the chief place in your 
 cabinet, when a nation’s gratitude called 
 you to the highest place in her gift. 
 Oh ! how must your generous spirit have 
 scorned such ungrateful ingratitude, such 
 forgetfulness of your fame, when the 
 same man added: 
 
 “ I cannot be made insensible to the 
 merits of Winfield Scott. All whose 
 opinion is worth a straw consider that a 
 better man never lived, and that he is 
 the great General of the age.” 
 
 Palo Alto, Resaca de la Palma, Mata- 
 moras, Camargo, Monterey, Buena Yista, 
 all — -all are forgotten. 
 
 TWO OF SCOTTY FACES. 
 
 We give the following letters from 
 General Scott on the naturalization laws, 
 to show with what ease he can blow hot 
 and cold. 
 
 Blow Hot or Native Face. 
 
 Washington, Nov. 10, 1844. 
 
 Dear Sir : — I have the honor to ac- 
 knowledge your letter of the 8th inst., 
 written as you are pleased to add, in be- 
 half of several hundred Native Ameri- 
 can Republicans of Philadelphia. 
 
 Not confidentially, but not for pub- 
 lication, I have already replied to a let- 
 ter from David M. Stone, Esq., of your 
 city, on the same subject. I will write 
 to you in like manner and in haste. 
 
 This is the month when the pressure of 
 official business is heaviest with me — 
 leaving scarcely time for sleep or exer- 
 cise. I must not, however, wholly 
 neglect your communication. 
 
 Should any considerable number of 
 my fellow countrymen assign me, or 
 desire to give me a prominent position 
 before the public, I shall take time to 
 methodize my views on the great ques- 
 tions you have proposed. Those views 
 have their origin in the stormy elections 
 of the Spring of 1835, and were con- 
 firmed in the week that the Harrison 
 electors were chosen in New York. On 
 both occasions I was in that city, and 
 heard in the streets, “ Down with the 
 natives.” It was heard in almost every 
 group of foreigners , as the signal for 
 rallying and outrage . 
 
 Fired with indignation , two friends 
 sat down with me in my parlor at the 
 Astor House (November, 1840) to draw 
 up an address, designed to rally an 
 American party. The day after the 
 election, I set out for the South, and 
 have never known precisely why our 
 appeal was not published. Probably the 
 election of Gen. Harrison rendered its 
 publication at that time unnecessary in 
 the opinion of my two friends. 
 
 I now hesitate between extending the 
 period of residence before naturalization, 
 and a total repeal of all acts of Congress 
 on the subject — my mind inclines to the 
 latter. 
 
 Concurring fully in the principles of 
 the Philadelphia movement, I should 
 prefer assuming the name of American 
 Republicans, as in New York, or Dem- 
 ocratic Americans , as I would respect- 
 fully suggest. Brought up in the prin- 
 ciples of the Revolution — of Jefferson, 
 Madison, &c. — under whom, in youth, 
 I commenced life, I have always been 
 called, I have ever professed myself a 
 Republican, or Whig, which with me 
 was the same thing. Democratic Amer- 
 icans would include all good native citi- 
 zens , devoted to our country and institu- 
 tions; would not drive from us natural- 
 ized citizens, who, by long residence, 
 have become identified with us in feeling 
 and interest. 
 
 I am happy to see by the Philadel- 
 phia National American , that religion 
 
DEMOCRATIC TEXT BOOK. 
 
 41 
 
 is to be excluded as a party element. 
 Staunch Protestant as I am, both by 
 birth and conviction, I shall never con- 
 sent to a party or State religion. Reli- 
 gion is too sacred to be mingled up with 
 either. It should always be kept be- 
 tween each individual and his God, ex- 
 cept in the way of reason and gentle 
 persuasion ; as in families, churches and 
 other occasions of voluntary attendance 
 (after years of discretion) or reciprocal 
 consent. 
 
 Wishing success to the great work 
 which you and other patriots have set on 
 foot, I remain, with high respect, your 
 fellow citizen, 
 
 Winfield Scott. 
 
 To George Washington Reed, Esq., and 
 
 others, Philadelphia. 
 
 Blow Cold, or Irish Face. 
 
 Washington, May 29th, 1848. 
 
 Dear Sir : — In reply to your kind 
 letter of the 8th inst., I take pleasure 
 in saying that, grateful for the too par- 
 tial estimate you place on my public 
 services, you do me no more than justice 
 m assuming that I entertain “ kind and 
 liberal views towards our naturalized 
 citizens.” Certainly it would be impos- 
 sible for me to recommend or support 
 any measure intended to exclude them 
 from a just and full participation in all 
 civil and political rights now secured to 
 them by our republican laws and insti- 
 tutions. 
 
 It is true, that in a season of unusual 
 excitement, some years ago, when both 
 parties complained of fraudulent prac- 
 tices in the naturalization of foreigners, 
 and when there seemed to be danger 
 that native and adopted citizens would 
 be permanently arrayed against each 
 other in hostile factions, I was inclined 
 to concur in the opinion then avowed by 
 many leading statesmen, that some modi- 
 fication of the naturalization laws might 
 be necessary in order to prevent abuses, 
 allay strife, and restore harmony between 
 the different classes of our people. But 
 later experience and reflection have en- 
 tirely removed this impression, and dis- 
 sipated my apprehensions. 
 
 In my recent campaign in Mexico, a 
 very large proportion of the men under 
 my command were your countrymen, 
 
 (Irish,) Germans, &c., &c. I witnessed 
 with admiration their zeal, fidelity, and 
 valor in maintaining our flag in the face 
 of every danger. Yieing with each other 
 and our native-born soldiers in the same 
 ranks in patriotism, constancy, and heroic 
 daring, I ‘was happy to call them bro- 
 thers in the field, as I shall always be to 
 salute them as countrymen at home. 
 
 I remain, dear sir, with great esteem, 
 yours truly, 
 
 Winfield Scott. 
 Wm. E. Robinson, Esq. 
 
 The Man who Blew Hot and Cold. 
 
 Gen. Taylor introduced the fashion of 
 illustrating politics from the fables of 
 JEsop ; and we cannot do better than to 
 point the moral of General Scott’s two 
 letters on Nativeism, by the quotation 
 of a celebrated story of the same author : 
 
 Once upon a time, a satyr from the 
 woods approached the ruins of a temple 
 in the eastern city of Philadelphia, 
 which had, some time before, been burned 
 by the barbarians, and beheld a soldier, 
 blowing the smouldering embers for the 
 purpose of kindling a fire. 
 
 “ Why dost thou blow the coals with 
 thy breath ?” asked the curious satyr. 
 
 “ In order to create a great heat,” said 
 the soldier, “so that I may cook me a 
 plate of soup.” 
 
 The soup being cooked, the soldier, in 
 haste to take a plate, spilled the boiling 
 liquid and burned his fingers, whereupon, 
 before again proceeding to eat, he com- 
 menced violently blowing the dish of 
 soup. 
 
 “ Why dost thou blow thy porridge ?” 
 again asked the curious satyr. 
 
 “In order to cool it,” replied the 
 soldier. 
 
 “ What, dost thou blow hot, and cold 
 with the same breath ?” cried the satyr, 
 fired with indignation. “ I will punish 
 thee ;” and thereupon he seized the hat 
 and feathers of the soldier and tore them 
 off, and holding him over the flames, made 
 him cruelly suffer from the fire in the 
 rear, after which, seizing his sword, he 
 pierced him through and through. 
 
 Moral. — Never blow hot and cold 
 with the same breath in the presence of 
 gentlemen from the rural districts. 
 
42 
 
 DEMOCRATIC text book. 
 
 THE HASTY GENERAL. 
 
 Truly and emphatically may General 
 Scott be denominated the hasty general, 
 for in all his movements, whether civil 
 or military, political or, otherwise, hasti- 
 ness, in the most enlarged sense of the 
 term, predominates. In his early en- 
 gagements on the frontier, he was hasty 
 and inconsiderate, no matter how bravely 
 he acted. In the battle of Chippewa, 
 he brought on the action in a hasty 
 manner without waiting the arrival of 
 the commander-in-chief ; the consequence 
 of which was, that nearly his whole com- 
 mand was annihilated, and it required 
 all the tact, skill and bravery of General 
 Brown and his gallant officers and soldiers 
 to save the army from defeat. He was 
 hasty in his quarrel with Gen. Jackson ; 
 he was hasty in his quarrel with Gen. 
 Macomb; he was hasty in his quarrel 
 with Gen. Gaines; he was hasty in his 
 quarrel with Secretary Marcy; he was 
 hasty in his quarrel with Mr. Trist, at 
 one time declaring his correspondence to 
 be a “farrago of insolence, conceit and 
 arrogance,” and a month afterwards as- 
 suring the President that Mr. Trist was 
 “ able, discreet, courteous and amiable ;” 
 he was hasty in writing his Native Ame- 
 rican letter; hasty in hanging twenty 
 Irishmen ; hasty in saying that the Irish 
 never turned their backs upon friends or 
 enemies ; hasty in negociating with Santa 
 Anna before the walls of Mexico, against 
 'the advice of all his officers; the “Botts 
 letter” closed “in haste, yours truly;” 
 in short, he has been hasty in almost 
 every act of his life. 
 
 $10,000 BRIBE TO SANTA ANNA. 
 
 Would it be believed that Gen. Scott 
 absolutely gave a bribe to Gen. Santa 
 Anna, whilst the army was at Puebla, 
 to induce the Mexican general to agree 
 to a peace? This, we suppose, will be 
 denied by Gen. Scott’s whig friends, but 
 it is verified by the history of the war. 
 In Major Ripley’s history of the war 
 with Mexico, vol. 2, page 149, it is said 
 that Santa Anna sent a messenger to 
 Gen. Scott, proposing to enter into nego- 
 tiations for peace, but informing him, at 
 the same time, that as nothing could be 
 
 done without the use of money , if one 
 million of dollars were placed at the 
 disposal of Santa Anna, at the conclu- 
 sion of the treaty, and ten thousand dol- 
 lars paid immediately, he (Santa Anna) 
 would appoint commissioners to nego- 
 tiate. This negotiation was conducted, 
 in the first place, entirely by Gen. Scott 
 and the renegade, N. P. Trist. Gen. 
 Pillow was subsequently made a party 
 in the conference, and he objected to the 
 bribe. The historian, however, says, on 
 page 153, vol. 2, “ the policy of agree- 
 ing to the demands of Santa Anna was 
 strongly urged by Gen. Scott,” he argu- 
 ing, u that the bribery was not wrong , 
 inasmuch as Gen. Santa Anna had placed 
 himself in the market.” On page 155, 
 the historian says the affair was arranged, 
 “ and the ten thousand dollars stipulated 
 for immediately were paid over from the 
 secret service money , which Gen. Scott 
 had at his disposal .” 
 
 Thus it will be seen that Gen. Scott 
 actually gave a bribe of $10,000 to Santa 
 Anna, to induce him to enter into nego- 
 tiations for a peace, and agreed to pay 
 him a million in case of success. It 
 appears however, in the sequel, that 
 Santa Anna had no idea of making a 
 peace, and only wanted time to strength- 
 en his position, and ten thousand dollars 
 for his own private purse. We venture 
 to say that this is the only case on re- 
 cord where the commander of a victo- 
 rious army paid money in advance to a 
 defeated general to induce him to make 
 peace. 
 
 EFFECT OF SCOTT'S NOMINATION. 
 
 The New York Bay Book takes down 
 the Webster flag, and says : 
 
 Scott is nominated. — The story 
 is told — Winfield Scott is the whig can- 
 didate for President, and the election of 
 Franklin Pierce is secured ! “ I will 
 not vote for Scott,” is the declaration of 
 almost half the whigs we meet. 
 
 “ Well, southern delegates have done 
 this, and if they are satisfied, we are. 
 We can only say to them — Gentlemen , 
 catch your own niggers hereafter, and 
 never say another word about the Com- 
 promise Measures. 
 
DEMOCRATIC TEXT BOOK. 
 
 43 
 
 SCOTT’S PORTRAIT BY A WHIG. 
 
 The following “ live sketch ” of Gen- 
 eral Scott as a politician, is from the 
 Knoxville Whig. If you believe what 
 they say about him, in his own party, 
 democrats will not need to speak upon 
 the subject. Read it : 
 
 “ He has been almost forty years pro- 
 minently before the country, and in that 
 time has done and said many silly things, 
 which, in themselves, are harmless, slum- 
 ber in silence, and are covered beneath 
 the rubbish of time. But let him only 
 come before the public for political fa- 
 vors — where he has no sort of business — 
 all his foolish deeds and speeches will 
 be roused from their slumber — disrobed 
 of their winding sheet — and will be used 
 with a terrible effect, especially at the 
 South. None but the most discreet men 
 that ever lived, standing in the focus of 
 the public gaze for forty years, and hav- 
 ing to move in the midst of all manner 
 of factions and interests, could avoid 
 saying some foolish things. How much 
 more then, would the life of Gen. Scott’s 
 weakness, vanity and pride, be spotted 
 all over with acts that ought to be ob- 
 literated forever, and that ought never 
 to have occurred. His improper use of 
 public moneys in his early days in the 
 army — his quarrel with General Jack- 
 son, in which he came off second best — 
 his bad treatment of Gov. Clinton — his 
 unsuccessful quarrel and controversy 
 with Gen. Gaines — his contest with 
 Gov. Marcy, in which he got the worst 
 of the fight — his more recent contest 
 with Gen. Pillow, in which to say the 
 least of it he made nothing — and, finally, 
 his base treatment of Mr. Clay in 1840 ; 
 all these, and more, would come up in 
 judgment against him, if once brought 
 before the country as a candidate for the 
 presidency. His notorious vanity, which 
 is more than equal to his military ability, 
 has been the faithful mother of his in- 
 discreet acts, has given birth to a pro- 
 geny of hateful and silly speeches and 
 deeds, as numerous as the school of little 
 fishes that inhabit the waters of Egypt.” 
 
 WHIG OPINION OF SCOTT. 
 
 “Send a delegate to the Convention, 
 if you can, for Clay; if not for Clay, 
 
 for Corwin ; if not for Corwin, for Sew- 
 ard; if not for Seward, for Taylor. But, 
 last of all , for Scott. Scott is a vain, 
 conceited coxcomb of a man. His 
 brains — all that he has — are in his epau- 
 lettes; and if he should be elected Pre- 
 sident, he would tear the Whig party 
 into tatters in less than six months .” 
 
 That is what Greeley said of Scott 
 some four years since — yet for the past 
 year he has been an almost insane Scott 
 man. 11 Last of all” — it was then; — 
 
 now, first of all! 
 
 The Albany Evening Journal, March 
 20 1848, thus spoke : — 
 
 “ In the character of Gen. Scott there 
 is much, very much, to commend and 
 admire. But the mischief is, there is 
 weakness in all he says or does about 
 the presidency. Immediately after the 
 close of the campaign of 1840, he wrote 
 a gratuitous letter, making himself a 
 candidate, in which all sorts of unwise 
 things were said to 1 return and plague ’ 
 his friends if he should be a candidate. 
 And since that time, with a fatality that 
 seizes upon men, who get bewildered in 
 gazing upon the 1 White House/ he has 
 been suffering his pen to dim the glories 
 achieved by his sword.” 
 
 Has there been any change in the 
 abilities of Gen. Scott since these his 
 quandom enemies thus reviled him? — 
 Not at all — he has only advanced four 
 years towards a very green old age. But 
 the secret is, that there is a “cat under 
 the meal” now, that did not exist in 
 1848. That cat is Abolition. 
 
 GEN’L SCOTT, GEN’L JACKSON, 
 AND GOY. CLINTON. 
 
 In April, 1817, Gen. Jackson, the 
 commander of the southern division of 
 the United States Army, issued an order 
 concerning that division. This order 
 was spoken of by Gen. Scott in terms 
 highly insulting to a brother officer, 
 with whom he had been on terms of in- 
 timacy. Of the language of General 
 Scott, Gen. Jackson was informed by an 
 anonymous letter from New York, and 
 he made a respectful call upon Gen. 
 Scott, for an explanation. The reply 
 of Gen. Scott, as appears from the an- 
 nexed letter, was insulting and oppro- 
 
44 
 
 DEMOCRATIC TEXT BOOK. 
 
 brious This letter we have never seen 
 in print, but to it Gen. Jackson replied 
 as follows : 
 
 Gen. Jackson to Gen. Scott. 
 
 Head Quarters , Division of the South , 
 Nashville, Dec. 3, 1817. 
 
 Sir I have been absent from this 
 place a considerable time, rendering the 
 last friendly office I could, to a particu- 
 lar friend, whose eyes I closed on the 
 20th ult. Owing to this, your letter of 
 the 4th October was not received until 
 the 1st instant. 
 
 Upon the receipt of the anonymous 
 communication made me from New York, 
 I hastened to lay it before you: that 
 course was suggested to me by the re- 
 spect I felt for you as a man and a sol- 
 dier, and that you might have it in your 
 power to answer how far you have been 
 guilty of so base and inexcusable con- 
 duct. Independent of the services you 
 had rendered your country, the circum- 
 stances of your wearing the badge and 
 insignia of a soldier, led to the conclu- 
 sion that I was addressing a gentleman. 
 With those feelings you were written to, 
 and had an idea been for a moment en- 
 tertained that you could have descended 
 from the high and dignified character of 
 a major general of the United States, 
 and used a language so opprobrious and 
 insolent as you have done, rest assured 
 I should have viewed you as rather too 
 contemptible to have had any converse 
 with you on the subject. If you have 
 lived in the world thus long in the en- 
 tire ignorance of the obligations and du- 
 ties which honor impose, you are indeed 
 past the time of learning; and surely he 
 must be ignorant of them, who seems 
 so little to understand their influence. 
 
 Pray, sir, does your recollection serve, 
 in what school of philosophy you were 
 taught; that to a letter inquiring into 
 the nature of a supposed injury, and 
 clothed in language decorous and unex- 
 ceptionable, an answer should be given, 
 couched in pompous insolence and bully- 
 ing expression ? I had hoped that what 
 was charged upon you by my anonymous 
 correspondent was unfounded; I had 
 hoped so from the belief that General 
 Scott was a soldier and a gentleman ; 
 
 hut when I see those statements douhly 
 confirmed hy his own words , it becomes 
 a matter of inquiry how far a man of 
 honorable feeling can reconcile them to 
 himself, or longer set up a claim to 
 that character. Are you ignorant, sir, 
 that had my order, at which your re- 
 fined judgment is so extremely touched, 
 been made the subject of inquiry, you 
 might from your standing, not your 
 character, have been constituted one of 
 my judges ? How very improper, then, 
 was it ? thus situated, and without a know- 
 ledge of any of the attendant circum- 
 stances, for you to have prejudged the 
 whole matter. This, at different times, 
 and in the circle of your friends, you 
 could do ; and yet had I been arraigned, 
 and you been detailed as one of my judges, 
 with the designs of an assassin lurking 
 under a fair exterior , you would have 
 approached the holy sanctuary of justice ! 
 Is conduct like this congenial with that 
 high sense of dignity which should be 
 seated in a soldier’s bosopa? Is it due 
 from a brother officer to assail in the dark, 
 the reputation of another, and stab him 
 in a moment when he cannot expect it? 
 I might insult an honorable man with 
 questions such as these, but shall not 
 expect that they will harrow up one who 
 must be dead to all those feelings which 
 are characteristics of a gentleman. 
 
 In terms as polite as I was capable of 
 noting, I asked you if my informant had 
 stated truly, if you were the author of 
 the publication and remarks charged 
 against you, and to what extent ; a refe- 
 rence to your letter, without any com- 
 ment of mine, will inform you how far you 
 have pursued a similar course; how little 
 of the gentleman, and how much of the 
 hectoring bully you have manifested. 
 If nothing else would, the epaulettes 
 which grace your shoulders, should have 
 dictated a different course, and have 
 admonished you that, however small 
 may have been your respect for another, 
 respect for yourself should have taught 
 you the necessity of replying, at least 
 mildly, to the inquiries I suggested; and 
 more especially should you have done 
 this, when your own constructions must 
 have fixed you as guilty of the abomina- 
 ble crime of detraction — of slandering, 
 and behind his back, a brother officer. 
 
DEMOCRATIC TEXT BOOK. 
 
 45 
 
 But not content with answering to what 
 was proposed, your overweening vanity 
 has led you to make an offering of your 
 advice. 
 
 Believe me, sir, it is not in my power 
 to render you my thanks; I think too 
 highly of myself to suppose that I stand 
 at all in need of your admonitions; and 
 too lightly of you to appreciate them as 
 useful. For good advice I am always 
 thankful ; but never fail to spurn it when 
 I know it to flow from an incompetent 
 and corrupt source; the breast where 
 base and guilty passions dwell is not the 
 place to look for virtue or any thing that 
 leads to virtue. My notions, sir, are 
 not those now taught in modern schools, 
 and in fashionable high life; they were 
 imbibed in ancient days, and hitherto 
 have, and yet bear me to the conclusion 
 that he who can wantonly outrage the 
 feelings of another — who without cause, 
 can extend injury where none is done, 
 is capable of any crime, however detest- 
 able in its nature, and will not fail to 
 commit it, whenever it may be imposed 
 by necessity. 
 
 I shall not stoop to a justification of 
 my order before you, or to notice the 
 weakness and absurdities of your tinsel 
 rhetoric; it may be quite conclusive 
 with yourself, and I have no disposition 
 to attempt convincing you, that your 
 ingenuity is not as profound as you 
 have imagined it. To my government 
 whenever it may please, I hold myself 
 liable to answer, and to produce the 
 reasons which prompted me to the course 
 I took; and to the intermeddling spies 
 and pimps of the war department, who 
 are in the garb of gentlemen, I hold 
 myself responsible for any grievance 
 they may labor under on my account, 
 with whom you have my permission to 
 number yo*urself. For what I have said 
 I offer no apology; you have deserved 
 it all, and more, were it necessary to 
 say more. I will barely remark in con- 
 clusion, that if you feel yourself aggrieved 
 at what is here said, any communication 
 from you will meet me safely at this place. 
 
 I have the honor to be, very respect- 
 fully, your most obedient servant, 
 
 Andrew Jackson. 
 Brevet Major Gen. W. Scott, 
 
 U. S. Army, New York. 
 
 To this letter Gen. Scott, after a delay 
 of one month, replied as follows : 
 
 Gen. Scott to Gen. Jackson. 
 
 Head Quarters 1st and 2>d Military Departments , 
 New York, Jan. 2, 1817. 
 
 Sir,; — Your letter of the 3d ultimo, 
 was handed to me about the 22d, and 
 has not been read, I might say thought 
 of since. These circumstances will show 
 you that it is my wish to reply to you 
 “ dispassionately.” 
 
 I regret that I cannot accept the chal- 
 lenge you offer me. Perhaps I may be 
 restrained from wishing to level a pistol 
 at the breast of a fellow being in private 
 combat, by a sense of religion ; but lest 
 this motive should excite the ridicule of 
 gentlemen of liberal habits of thinking 
 and acting, I beg leave to add, that I 
 decline the honor of your invitation from 
 patriotic scruples. [! !] My ambition is 
 not that of Erostratus. I should think 
 it would be easy for you to console your- 
 self under this refusal, by the applica- 
 tion of a few epithets, as coward, &c., to 
 the object of your resentment, and I here 
 promise to leave you until the next war, 
 to persuade yourself of their truth. 
 
 I have the honor to be, 
 
 Ybur ob’t serv’t, 
 
 Wineeld Scott. 
 
 To Gen. Andrew Jackson, Commanding 
 
 Southern Division U. S. Army. 
 
 In this letter Gen. Scott alleges two 
 reasons for declining to accept General 
 Jackson’s challenge : first, “ a sense of 
 religion,” and second, u patriotic scru- 
 ples.” We are not disposed to object to 
 these reasons for not fighting. Let us 
 see, though, if Gen. Scott was sincere 
 in professing to be influenced by them, 
 as matters of principle. v 
 
 In April 1819, DeWitt Clinton, of 
 New York, a talented and high-toned 
 man, made the following publication in 
 the newspapers of the day in regard to 
 Gen. Scott. It explains itself. 
 
 TO THE PUBLIC. 
 
 Gen. Scott, of the army of the United 
 States, having, in a letter of the 3d Jan’y, 
 1817, to Gen. Jackson, insinuated that 
 I had written, dictated or instigated an 
 anonymous letter, to the latter gentle- 
 man, for unworthy motives and improper 
 
46 
 
 DEMOCRATIC TEXT BOOK. 
 
 purposes; and haying also concealed the 
 imputation from me until the publication 
 of a pamphlet which reached me on the 
 4th inst., I have considered it proper to 
 declare, that I have had no agency or 
 participation in writing, dictating or in- 
 stigating any anonymous letter whatever 
 to Gen. Jackson — and that I am entirely 
 ignorant of the author — and that the 
 intimation of Gen. Scott is totally and 
 unqualifiedly false to all intents and pur- 
 poses and in all respects. This declara- 
 tion is made from motives of respect 
 for public opinion, and not for any regard 
 for Gen. Scott, whose conduct on this 
 occasion is such a total departure from 
 honor and propriety as to render him 
 unworthy of the notice of a man who has 
 any respect for himself. 
 
 It is not probable that I can at this 
 time have any recollection of having had 
 the honor of seeing Gen. Scott on the 
 9th of June, 1817, at a dinner in New 
 York, or of the topic of conversation as 
 he suggests; circumstances so unimpor- 
 tant are not apt to be impressed upon 
 the memory. But I feel a confident 
 persuasion that I did not make use of 
 any expressions incompatible with the 
 high respect which I entertaip for Gen. 
 .Jackson. DeWitt Clinton. 
 
 Albany, April 6th, 1819. 
 
 After this publication had been before 
 this country a considerable time, DeWitt 
 Clinton was elected Governor of New 
 York, and upon his inauguration took a 
 public oath, of the most binding cha- 
 racter, against duelling — that he would 
 not, in fact, be concerned, directly or 
 indirectly, in any duel. As soon as 
 Gov. Clinton had taken upon himself 
 this oath of office, Gen. Scott challenged 
 him to fight a duel , on account of the 
 above publication, knowing, as he did, 
 that his challenge could not be accepted 
 without perjury on the part of Governor 
 Ciinton. In this instance, it seems, “a 
 sense of religion” and u patriotic scru- 
 ples” had little weight with Gen. Scott. 
 Under the circumstances, Governor Clin- 
 ton gave. Gen. Scott the only reply he 
 could. He informed him that he would 
 “ hold his challenge under advisement, 
 until he (Scott) should settle an unad- 
 justed difficulty between himsek ana 
 one A. Jackson. 
 
 WHIG EXTRAVAGANCE. 
 
 Sixty millions of dollars a year ! Only 
 think of it. Nearly one hundred and 
 fifty tons of gold, or twenty-five hundred 
 tons of silver. This is the annual expen- 
 diture of a whig administration, and it 
 is truly monstrous to contemplate. Why, 
 the annual expenditure of the govern- 
 ment would load a train of a hundred 
 wagons with gold, or sixteen hundred 
 wagons with silver. — Two-thirds of the 
 annual product of California cannot more 
 than keep the treasury supplied. ■* The 
 cotton crop of this country is reckoned 
 to be immense, but the annual expendi- 
 ture of the federal government would 
 swallow up the whole of it. Sixty mil- 
 lions gone, consumed and sunk in a sin- 
 gle year ! This sum would educate every 
 youth, male and female, in the Union. 
 It would build three thousand miles of 
 railroad, nearly one-third as many miles 
 as have been built in the United States 
 up to this time. This is paying too 
 dearly for government, as it would require 
 all the savings of nearly half a million 
 of day laborers to support the govern- 
 ment. It is time that a reform was 
 made in this kind of extravagance. 
 
 WHIG PRINCIPLES. 
 
 1. A National Monster Bank, to 
 assimilate us to monarchy. 
 
 2. A Bankrupt Law to enable specu- 
 lators with the capital of others to escape 
 the payment of their obligations. 
 
 3. A high-toned executive power, 
 extinguishing all other branches of go- 
 vernment, and subverting the rights of 
 the states. 
 
 4. The annexation of Canada, to over- 
 balance and destroy the South. 
 
 5. A high protective tariff, for the 
 purpose of building up magnificent esta- 
 blishments for a few, at the expense of 
 the many. 
 
 6. Expending the Treasury without 
 previous acts of appropriation — in direct 
 violation of the Constitution, and tinker- 
 ing the breach by deficiency hills, a most 
 damnable evasion of the federal charter. 
 
 7. Distribution of the public lands 
 among the states, in order to diminish 
 the revenues of the government, and 
 render an oppressive tariff necessary. 
 
DEMOCRATIC TEXT BOOK. 
 
 47 
 
 8 A repeal of the naturalization 
 laws in “seasons of unusual excite- 
 ment," or when “ fired with indigna- 
 tv a," to be changed to a probation of 
 - year's service in the army or navy 
 - time of war, thus creating, at a criti- 
 „ moment, an immense foreign army. 
 
 HORACE GREELEY'S OPINION 
 
 Of the Whig Platform after the Nomination. 
 
 Hence our emphatic objection to 
 and protest against a portion of the so- 
 called “ Platform of Principles," set 
 forth at the Whig National Convention. 
 They were never intended to be a state- 
 ment of the grounds whereon the whig 
 party is united and the ends which it 
 unanimously meditates. On the con- 
 trary, they were forced upon a portion 
 of the delegates in full view of the fact 
 that they did not express their convic- 
 tions — were driven through by the argu- 
 ment of menace and terror — were ram- 
 med down by the potent intimation, 
 “ Swallow in silence or we bolt !" Yet 
 in the face of every entreaty and threat, 
 sixty-six of the delegates, ( seventy as we 
 count,) voted No when the yeas and 
 nays were called on their passage. Here 
 was one-fourth of the convention whom 
 not even the imperiling of the nomina- 
 tion of their beloved candidate, and the 
 prospect of breaking up the party, could 
 deter from protesting against the gross 
 wrong. The “Platform," therefore, is 
 not that of the entire whig party, as 
 the records of the convention attest, 
 but that of a majority only — a majority 
 which had and could have no claim to 
 bind any who dissent from their decla- 
 ration. We are of that sort and there 
 are many more such. 
 
 ANOTHER OPINION OF THE SAME. 
 
 The National Era, the metropolitan 
 organ of abolitionism, in 'its comments 
 on the resolutions adopted by the whig 
 convention which nominated Gen. Scott, 
 says of the fugitive slave law, and slavery 
 agitation : “ The question is clearly left 
 open, and the whig resolutions contem- 
 plate two ways in which it might be 
 legitimately renewed; in one for the 
 purpose of amending the law so as to 
 
 prevent evasion; in the other, of so 
 amending it as to correct abuse. The 
 opponents and supporters of the law 
 are left equally at liberty to agitate this 
 subject." 
 
 In commenting on these remarks, 
 the Washington Union says : Such is the 
 view of the metropolitan organ of aboli- 
 tionism ; and it should be borne in mind 
 that the expression which furnishes a 
 foundation for this view was not in the 
 original resolutions presented by the 
 southern delegates. And it should be 
 remembered, also, that it is in both 
 versions. The Era was prompt in assail- 
 ing General Pierce ; but as yet it has not 
 uttered a word against Gen. Scott's no- 
 mination. And inasmuch as it believes 
 that the whig platform gives more scope 
 for anti-slavery agitation than the demo- 
 cratic platform does, we presume it will 
 urge the election of General Scott, if 
 the Pittsburgh movement should prove 
 a failure. 
 
 THE PROGRESS OF GALPHINISM. 
 
 The difference between a Whig and 
 a Democratic system of government 
 cannot be better illustrated than by 
 a comparison of the relative cost of 
 each. 
 
 The following is a statement of the 
 annual average expenditures of the sev- 
 eral administrations since the division of 
 parties into Whigs and Democrats su- 
 pervened the old divisions into Federal- 
 ists and Republicans. 
 
 Jackson’s administation . . $27,585,896 39 
 
 Van Buren’s “ . . 35,640,486 36 
 
 Harrison and Tyler’s “ . . 27,623,628 13 
 
 Polk’s “ . . 43,897,916 51 
 
 Taylor and Fillmore’s !{ . . 55,442,481 00 
 
 By this account it appears that the 
 government cost the people, under Jack- 
 son's administration, less than half what 
 it has thus far cost under the adminis- 
 tration of President Taylor, both being 
 periods of peace. 
 
 It further appears that we are now 
 paying, in time of profound peace, about 
 $20,000,000 more for our government 
 than it cost us under the administration 
 of Mr. Yan Buren, when the Florida 
 war was raging at 4he south, and 
 $12,000,000 more than it cost under Mr. 
 Polk's administration, when the govern- 
 
48 
 
 DEMOCRATIC TEXT BOOK. 
 
 ment had to bear the enormous expense 
 of the Mexican war of 1847. 
 
 Where this money has gone, no one 
 can tell; or rather no one will tell that 
 can. Mr.' Secretary Crawford ran away 
 with a good big slice of it allowed him 
 for his Galphin claim ; Messrs. Corwin 
 and Gardiner, and Waddy Thompson 
 and their cronies have another large slice 
 obtained from the treasury, under false 
 pretences with forged documents. Gar- 
 diner has been under arrest more than a 
 year for his crime, - was admitted to bail, 
 and is now taking his ease in England 
 and biting his thumb at the administra- 
 tion, knowing full well that they dare 
 not pursue him with rigor. Meantime 
 Mr. Corwin does not propose to return 
 the money which he has received through 
 this fraud; no efforts are making to bring 
 any of those who aided- Gardiner in his 
 swindle to justice ; nor is Mr. Corwin 
 ashamed to retain his place as secretary 
 of the treasury. • _ 
 
 Another snug little sum has gone to 
 pay travelling expenses of military and 
 naval officers to and from and up and 
 down the earth, when’ they wanted to 
 .take their families to the Springs, to 
 Newport, to New York, or to any other 
 place where pleasure, interest, or politics 
 attracted them, and did not want to pay 
 for their enjoyment out of their own 
 salaries. It is astonishing how often the 
 fortifications of New York and Long 
 Island Sound, the navy yards of Brook- 
 lyn, Norfolk, Pensacola, and Portsmouth 
 require inspection during the summer, 
 when the military or naval gentry most 
 desire to frolic at the public charge, or 
 in the winter, when they think the health 
 or comfort of their families would be 
 promoted by a trip to a warmer climate 
 on similar terms. 
 
 Then there are a few millions paid 
 out yearly to steamboat jobbers — the 
 scandal of the nation. There is also a 
 wicked facility among the Whigs in al- 
 lowing claims upon the government. — 
 Every imaginable change that can be 
 trumped up, no matter how frequently 
 rejected by previous cabinet ministers, 
 are allowed to partisans and friends with- 
 out a question. 
 
 We sicken over the disgusting cata- 
 
 logue. . We have not noted one-tithe of 
 the leakages through which the public 
 treasure is wasting under the profligate 
 administration of the present govern- 
 ment; but it is not necessary to multi- 
 ply evidences. The fact is, the princi- 
 ples upon which the Whigs make laws 
 and conduct the government are radically 
 unsound, and lead inevitably to precisely 
 the extravagance and corruption we have 
 described. A government under which 
 Galphinism did not thrive, or was not 
 connived at, would not be supported by 
 the whig politicians, and the economical 
 notions of the democratic party, sus- 
 tained by a strict construction of the 
 Constitution, are precisely the notions 
 which prevent the Whigs from ever 
 lending any party support to a demo- 
 cratic administration. 
 
 CLAY 01 MILITARY CHIEFTAINS. 
 
 From F celebrated speech delivered in Baltimore. 
 
 Regardless of all imputations, and 
 proud of the opportunity of free and 
 unrestrained intercourse with all my 
 fellow-citizens, if it were physically pos- 
 sible, and compatible with my official 
 duties, I would visit every state, go to 
 every town and hamlet, address every 
 man in the Union, and entreat them, by 
 their love of country, by their love of 
 liberty, for the sake of themselves and 
 their posterity — in the name of their 
 venerated ancestors, in the name of the 
 human family, deeply interested in the 
 fulfilment of the trust committed to 
 their hands — by all the past glory which 
 we have won — by all that awaits us as 
 a nation — if we are true and faithful in 
 gratitude to Him who has hitherto so 
 signally blessed us-^-to pause — solemnly 
 pause— -and contemplate the precipice 
 which yawns before us ! If, indeed, we 
 have incurred the divine displeasure, 
 and it be necessary to chastise this peo- 
 ple with the rod of his vengeance, I 
 would humbly prostrate myself before 
 Him and implore his mercy, to visit 
 our favored land with war , with pesti- 
 lence. with famine , with any scourge 
 other than military rule, or a blind and 
 heedless enthusiasm for mere military 
 renown.