f^lnCLoi/! A D D R F. S S OP THE DEMOCRATS IN CONGRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES. SPEECHES OF ADDRESS OF T7IE DEilOCRATS IX 00X0RESS, DET.IVERED APRIL 20. 1871.. “ Our presence and oflicial duties at Washington have enabled us to become fully acquainted Avitli tlic actions and de¬ signs of those Avho control the radical party, and we feel called on to utter a few words of warning against the alarming ad¬ vance they haA'e made toward centraliza¬ tion. The power is in the hands of Con¬ gress and the Executive. The time and attention of Radical leaders have been al¬ most wholly directed to developing such legislation as will, in their view, best pre¬ serve their ascendahey, and no regard tor the Avise restraints imposed by the C'onsti- tution has checked their reckless and des¬ perate career. The President ot the Uni¬ ted States has been formally announced as a candidate for re-election. dMic declara¬ tions of his selfish supporters have been echoed by a subsidized press, and a discip¬ lined party has already made adhesion to his personal fortunes. “ Parti.san legislation has been shaped in secret caucus, where extremists’ councils always predominated, and adopted by a subservient majority, if not Avith an intent exirtainly with an effort, to place in the hands of the President poAver to command his own renomination, and to employ the navy, army and militia at his sole discre¬ tion, as a means subservient to his person¬ al ambition. Whenjthe sad experience of the last tAvo years, so disappointing to the hopes and generous confidenee of the counti-y, is considered in connection Avith the A'iolent utterances and rash purpose of those Avho control the President’s policy, it is not surpi-ising that the gravest appre¬ hensions for the future peace of the nation should have been entertained. At a time Avhen labor is depressed and eA'ery material interest is pampered by op- pressiA'c taxation, public offices have been multiplied beyond all pi-ecedent, to serve as instruments in perpetuating poAver. Partizanship has been the only test ap- jdied in the distribution of this va.st pat¬ ronage. Honesty, fitness and moral Avortli ai-e openly discarded in tav'or of truckling submission and dishonorable compliance r Hence enormous defalcations and wide¬ spread corruption liaA^e folloAved as a natu¬ ral consequence this pernicious system. “By an official report of the 'Secretaiy of the Treasury it appears, after deductions of all proper credits, that many millions of dollars remain due from ex-Collcctors of Internal l^evenue, and no proper diligence has CA'cr been used to collect them. Re¬ forms ill the reA^enue Avhich all experience demonstrates, is necessary, frugal adminis¬ tration of the government as Avell as a measure of relief to an over burdened peo¬ ple has been persistently postponed or Avilfully neglected. Congress noAV ad¬ journs Avithout having attempted to reduce taxation or repeal glaring impositions by Avhich industry is crushed and impoverish¬ ed. The treasury is over floAving and an excess of eighty millions of revenue is ad- 9 mitted, aud yet iusteacl of some measure for present relief, a barren and delusive reso¬ lution is passed by the Senate to consider the tariff and excise systems hereafter, as if the histoiy of broken pledges and pretend¬ ed remedies furnish any better assurance for future legislation than experience has done in the past. Shipbuilding and the car¬ rying trade, once a source of national piide and prosperity now languish under the crushing load of taxation and nearly every'- other business interest is struggling with¬ out profit to maintain itself. Our agticulturalists while pajing a hea\y tax on all they consume, either to the gov¬ ernment or the monopolists, find the pri¬ ces for their own products so reduced that honest labor is denied its just reward, and industry is prostrated by invidious discrim¬ ination. Nearly 200,000,000 acres of pub¬ lic lands, which should have been reoirved for the benefit of the people, have been voted away to giant corporations, neglect¬ ing our soldiers and enriching a handful of greedy speculators aud lobbyists who are thereby enabled to exercise a most dan¬ gerous and corrupting influence over state and federal legislation. If the career of these conspirators be not checked, the dowfall of free government is inevitable, and with it the elevation of a military dictator on the ruins of the republic. Under the pretense of passing laws to enforce the Fourteenth Amendment, and for other purposes. Congress hos conferred the most despotic powers upon the Execu¬ tive. and provided an official machinery by which the liberties of the people are men¬ aced and the sacred rights of local self- government in the states ignored, if not ty¬ rannically overthrown. Modeled by the sedition laws so odious in history, they are at variance with all the sanctified theories of our institutions, and the construction given by these radical interpretera to the Fourteenth Amendment is, to use the lan¬ guage of an eminent senator—Mr. Trum¬ bull of Illinois—“an anuihilator of the states.” Under the last enforcement bill, the executive may in his discretion thrust aside the government of any state; sus¬ pend the writ of habeas corpus ; arrest its governor; imprison or disperse its legisla¬ ture ; silence its judges, and trample down its people. Under the armed heel of his troops, nothing is left to the citizens or state which can any longer be called a right; all is changed into mere suflferance. We earnestly entreat our iellow-citizens in all parts of the Union to spare no effort to maintain peace and order: to carefully protect the rights of every citizen; to pre¬ serve kindly relations among all men, and to discountenance and discourage any vio¬ lation of the rights of any portion of the people secured under the constitution by any of the amendments. Let us, in con¬ clusion, earnestly beg of you not to aid the present 'attempts of radical partisans to stir up strife in the land, to renew the is¬ sues of the war, or to obstmet the return of peace and prosperitj’^ to the Southern states, because it is thus that they seek to divert the attention of the countiy from the coiTuption and extravagance of their ad¬ ministration of public affaii’s and dangerous ] and profligate attempts they are making I toward creating a centralized militaiy gov- I ernment. In the five years following the war, the radical administration have ex- I pended $ 1 , 200 , 000,000 for ordinary' purpos¬ es alone, being within $ 200 , 000,000 of the aggregate amount for the same purposes in the war and in peace during the 71 years preceding June bOth 1861, not including in either case the sum paid upon the princi¬ pal or interest of the public debt. It is tri¬ fling with the intelligence of the people for the radical leaders to pretend that this vast sum has been honestly expended. Hundreds of millions of it have been wan¬ tonly squandered. The expenditures of the government for the fiscal year ending June 30,1861, were onlj* $92,000,000 while for precisely the same pupose—the civil list, aiTny, navy, pensions,and Indians— $164,0000,000 were expended during the fiscal year ending June 30,1870. Our hopes for redress are in the calm, good sense and the sober, second thought of the American people. Yfe call upon them to be true to themselves and to their past, and disregarding party name and minor differences, to insist upon a decent equali¬ zation of power, the restriction of federal authority within its just and proper limits, leaving to the states that control of their domestic affairs which is essential to their happiness and tranquillity and good gov¬ ernment. Everything that malicious inge¬ nuity could suggest has been done to irri¬ tate the people of the middle and southern states. Gross and exaggerated charges of disorder and violence have been originated I in the mischievous minds of the political ! managers in the senate and house of repre- I sentatives, to which the executive has, Vv'e j regret to say, lent his aid, aud thus helped ! to inflame the popular feeling. In all this course of hostile legislation and harsh re¬ sentment, no word of conciliation, of kind encouragement or fraternal fellowship has ever been spoken by the president or by congress to the people of the southern states. They have been addressed only in the language of proscription. No indignation can be too stern and no scorn too severe for the assertion by the iwiscnipulous radical leaders that the great democratic and conservative union party has, or can have, sympathy with disorder or violence in any part of the country, or in the deprivation of any man of his rights under the constitution. It is to protect and perpetuate the rights which every free man cherishes; to revive in all hearts the feel¬ ing of friendship, atfectioii and harmony, which are the best guarantees of law and order, and to throw around tlie humblest citizen, wherever he may be, the protection of those safeguards of personal liberty which the fundamental laws of the land assure, that we invoke the aid of all good men in the work of peaee and reconcilia¬ tion. We invite that generous co-operation, irrespective of all former differences of opinion, so that the harsh voice of discord may be relieved; that a new and dangerous sectional agitation may be checked; that the burdens of taxation, direct or indirect may be reduced to the lowest point con¬ sistent with good faith to every just national obligation, and with a strictly economical administration of the government, and that the states may be restored in their integrity and true relations to our federal union. (Here follows the signatures of all repre¬ sentatives.)] DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM. The i*epresentn,tives of the Democratic party of Wisconein, in State Convention assembled, hereby affirm: That we point with pride to the economical ad¬ ministration and limited amount of taxation that prevailed in the State under Democratic rule, as contrasted with the enormous body of taxation and profligate expenditures of the sueceeding Repub¬ lican State administrations; and that the Demo¬ cratic party, if restored to power, will observe economy, retrenchment and reform in every de¬ partment of the State Government. That the wise restriction enacted in the 10th Amendment to the National Constitution, reserv¬ ing to the states respectively and to the people all powers not delegated to the United States, is one of the strongest safeguards of popular freedom; that the acts of Congress and of the federal ad¬ ministration, usurping power not delegated in the Constitution and brealdng down the distinctions between the powers of the State governments and those of the general government, are destructive to constitutional liberty and threaten the over¬ throw of our existing form of local and federal government, and tenet to the establishment of a permanent centralized despotism in Congress and the national executive; and that we denounce, as a vicious offshoot of the centralizing tendencies of the general government, the frequent attempts of the agents of the federal administration to inter¬ fere in local political affairs. That we are in favor of a tariff for revenue only; that under the pretext of raising a revenue, within the past ten years, the national congress has es¬ tablished and continues that enormous robbery of the masses for the ouichment of the few known as the protective tariff system, -which has swept our commerce* from the "seas and fettered and op¬ pressed every agricultural pursuit; a system of which the conventions of the republican party, equivocally andbaltingly speak in their platforms, but which that party perpeiuates in congress, and from which the people may l^me for no relief but by the restoration of democratfc rule. That by corruption and profligacy, the present administration have squandered larger portions of the national domain and enormous sums from the national treasury; that it is no answer to this complaint that they have paid some portion of the national debt; for by a wise and economical use of the immense revenue which an unprecedented taxation has raised a much greater reduction in the debt should have been accomplished ; but that the Democratic party opposes oppressive taxation for the mere sake of a speedy payment of the debt, believing that by wisdom and justice in the ad¬ justment of taxes, and economy in their expen¬ diture, the national debt may be paid with suf¬ ficient rapidity with but a light burden upon the industry and resources of the people, and that we are opposed to all forms of national repudiation either of the debt or the pensions and bounties due the soldiers. That, as the late amendments to the Constitution have been declared by the properly constituted au- thories to be a part of the fundamental law of the land, they are binding upon the people; that the Democratic party now as in the past know no higher law than the Constitution; that the time-honored principle of strict construction applied by its framers and accepted by the wisest statesmen and jurists of the country should be observed in all legislation by Congress relating to the constitution and its amend¬ ments, that the Democratic party is opposed to tha withdrawal of civil and political rights from any class of the people, and that we demand the removal of all political disqualifications. That the defalcations, embezzlements and cor¬ ruptions of the national administration and the prostitution of legislation to the demands of un¬ scrupulous lobbies and greedy monopolies, are a national scandal and disgrace, the most dangerous blow to the public credit, and an intolerable out¬ rage upon the tax-payers of the country. That as the representatives of a constitution¬ al-loving and law-abiding party, we deprecate and denounce every outbreak of lawlessness and vio¬ lence whether committed at the North or at the South, and that the acts of Congress which author¬ ize the employment of the standing array to gar¬ rison the places where elections are to be held and to constitute a local police in the States, and which empower the officers of the federal administration to interpose militai*y force for the purpose of over¬ awing political conventions of the people, are subversive of free government and a perpetual menace to public liberty. That while the i)eoplo of this country hope that In' the time to come they may extend the blessings of our form of government oyer the entire continent, the course pursued by the national administration in its efforts to annex San Domingo was an unjustifiable usurpation and a wicked attempt to lay hold of the faith of this people in their high destiny for un¬ worthy purposes of personal gain. That the Democratic party, now as ever, is in favor of and always will defend the wid¬ est toleration in reiigiou8*opinion, regarding civil liberty and religious liberty as equally cardinal principles of free and good government. That while it is a state duty, to foster all proper public improvements of the rivers withiu our borders, yet the character of the improvements begun and projected on the Fox and Wisconsin rivers, and the benefits to be derived therefrom, are such that it is a matter of national concern, which should be persistently pressed upon the at¬ tention of the federal government. 4 / Whereas, Believing thatno past habits of asso¬ ciation and partizan affiliation should prevent the citizens of a free country from co-operating to¬ gether for the success of principles that are neces¬ sary for the public safety and vital to the cause of good government; therefore, Resolved, That wc commend the principles here¬ in announced to the calm and candid judgment of the people of all parties in the State, and we so¬ licit in their behalf, and for the candidates nomi¬ nated upon this platform the support and suflrages ' of all our honest and patriotic fellow-citizens. SPEECH OP HON. J. R. DOOLITTLE, UPON ACCEPTING HIS NOMINATION. Gentlemen: —I am deeply moved, by the confidence reposed in me, by the Con¬ vention, and no less by the manner in which it has been done. Sayine: that does not tell the one-half I feel at this moment. I am profoundly grateful; and, 5 ’et, I could have wished your choice had fallen upon another. It was not sought. It was not expected. Near friends assent with reluctance, and my own inclinations do not yield without a struggle. But there are times when a man’s personal wishes and interests must yield to the public judg¬ ment. I know full well how much of time and labor it will cost. But if the use of m}^ name can do anything to save constitutional liberty and republican institutions in sub¬ stance, as well as in name, from the dan¬ gers which threaten them, be it so. I }deld myself to the judgment of the con¬ vention, and accept the nomination. Gen¬ tlemen, it may be proper for me, in brief words, to review the true situation. In doing so, I must speak from my own stand¬ point. I can speak from no other. The last few years have witnessed great events in the history of our country. This generation has been summoned to meet great issnes, duties and responsibilities —before the war ; during the war_; and since its close. Some of those issues have been dis¬ cussed in the forum, and decided at the polls;—others on the field of battle. Many of them are now closed, and can never be reopened. They have passed in¬ to histoiy. For a few moments let me recall some of those now buried in the past, in order to state more clearly the issues and duties of the present. First among the issues of the past I mention the repeal of the Missouri Com¬ promise which divided, to some extent, the Democratic, and originated the Republican party. Next came Kansas with its bloodshed,— slave code—and Lecompton Constitution, followed by war on Douglas—the seces¬ sion from the Charleston Convention—the break in the Democratic part}^—and the election of Lincoln. Then came Conventions and formal resolutions in favor of secession and inde¬ pendence in the Southern States. These great issues upon which men, di¬ vided who act together, now, each, of itself, sufficient to divide and to create political parties, were followed by the still greater issue of war;—war declared and waged for secession and independence by the South ; —war declared and waged for the integri¬ ty of the Union under the constitution by the North. During its progress, however, not only the armies, but the ideas of the North and South came in conflict; Freedom and Slav- ery'met face to face in battle. To establish an independent confederacy upon Slavery as it corner stone, was the idea and pur¬ pose of those who led the South into se¬ cession and war; and history now records among its most memorable events, the proclamation of emancipation, and the Thirteenth Amendment, abolishing slaveiw forever. At length, after four long years of blood and sacrifice, by the blessing of Heaven, and by the strength and endurance of our armies, came the final surrender of the South, and the complete triumph of the Union Army. The war was ended. O! how our hearts went up to Al¬ mighty God;—when peace—blessed peace had come;—when blood had ceased to flow—and no more sons were to go down to battle and to death. ^ Hardly, however, had this first exulta¬ tion come, and gone, when the new issue of reconstruction came;—to the conquer¬ or, a more trying one, than war itself. I repeat more trying; for it was to determine whether, a party all powerful, with the sword of victory in its hands, when deal¬ ing with the vanquished, could rule its own spirit; could itself, obey the very Consti¬ tution, it had saciificed three hundred thousand lives, and five thousand millions to maintain; whether^ in the day of its strength, it could keep the pledges, it made in its humiliation, and often repeated from the first battle of Bull Run, to the end of the war. You remember. President Lincoln pro¬ posed as the basis, the restoration of the states and people of the South to their rights under the Constitution. He was opposed to reconstruction based upon dis¬ franchisement of the whites and subject¬ ing them to the universal suffrage of the blacks. To those who suggested it, his reply was like that of Gustavus Adolphus, the King of Sweden, who after saving re¬ ligious liberty in Germany when his offi¬ cers urged him to retaliate upon his ene¬ mies, rejilied: “ I came to break the chains of slavery for one people, and not to forge new ones for another.” With malice tow^ard none and charity for all, pursuant to the constitution, and the provisions of an act of Congress he proclaimed the conditions of amnest}’^ and peace. That proclamation w'as approved by the whole country, including a very large ma¬ jority of his ow'n party. Had he lived I have no doubt it would have been realized; and we should have had reconstruction under the Constitution, and not military reconstruction outside of it. Officially as president, he had proclaim¬ ed it, Unofficially in a speech the last of his life, he pleaded for it. His wdiolc soul W'as in it. He w'as never stronger in his own party, than at that moment. But just then he W'as stricken down by an assassin. The responsibility fell upon Mr. John¬ son wiio had less pow^r to control that party. From that moment the spirits of evil w'ere unloosed. The passions of the North were inflamed; its radical leaders infuriat¬ ed strengthened and emboldened. Keckless of oaths, pledges and constitutional obliga¬ tions, themselves, they denounced in both houses of Cnogress Democrats and all oth¬ ers who stood for the Constitution, as lit¬ tle better than rebels. With fatal blindness, or deliberate pur¬ pose, under the lead of Thadeus Stevens, they forced upon the country a plan of re¬ construction outside the Constitution in-. volving a reconstruction of the Constitu¬ tion itself by the sword ; and to accomplish that, they abolished all civil law' and civil government, even, in eleven states and sub¬ jected ten million people to martial law', and their lives, liberty and property to tri¬ al by Courts Martial. It W'as a clear violation of the constitu¬ tion; a gross usurpation of i)ower. Mr. Stevens, their great leader, know it, and avow'ed it. When the ]\lcArdlc case from IMississip- pi, w'hich involved that question, w'as pend¬ ing in the Supreme Court, and after it had ])een argued, a law w'as rushed through Congress, in hot haste, to take awa}' their jurisdiction, because, they believed the court w'ould decide the act of reconstruc¬ tion unconstitutional; and, with unspeak¬ able sorrow', we saw' that court suspend its decision for Congress to pass that act. A fatal surrender! Mr. Stevens w'agcd an implacable w'ar upon President Johnson, who strove, in vain, to save the policy of his predecessor. The struggle w'as long, earnest, and in¬ tense. But that policy was overborne; and reconstruction, under the Constitution, gave w'ay to military reconstruction outside of it, and even to a reconstruction of the Constitution itself, culminating in the XIVth and XVth amendments. General Grant, who at the beginning, W'as opposed to it, yielded himself to the radical policy and was elected president in 1808. A partial reconstruction of the supreme court soon follow'ed; and then every de¬ partment of the government was brought in unison w'ith it. That reconstruction has been carried into eflect. It has become a i)art of the history of the country. How'ever much we may have opposed it, w'e cannot ignore the fact, that, whether fairly adopted or not, whether by force or bj' fraud in the elections, the four¬ teenth and flfteenth amendments have been proclaimed and adopted under all the forms of law', as part of the constitution of the United States; and they are formally ac¬ cepted and acted upon, as such, by every department of the government. The view's and purposes of the demo- CKitic party and of all w'ho opposed the adoption of those amendments, have been frequently called in question, and that, quite recentl 3 ', by Senator Morton and Speaker Blaine, whom I regard as the leaders of the administration party. They say in substance because the demo¬ cratic pai'ty, opposed military reconstruc¬ tion, and voted against those amendments in Congress and the State Legislatures, it intends Avhen it comes into pow'er, and come it- w ill, to disregard those amend¬ ments and set them aside. In saying this, they assert what they cannot know' to be true, and they assert what w'c know' cannot be true. Long be¬ fore, Mr. Vallandigham said anything up¬ on the subject the address of the democra¬ tic \ncmbcrs of Congress declared the con¬ trary in the following words. “We earnestly entreat our fellow'-citizens in all parts of the union to spare no eflfort to maintain ])eace and order; to care¬ fully protect the rights of every citizen ; to preserve kindly relations among all men, and to discountenance and discourage any violation of the rights of any portion of the people secured under the constitution by any of the amendments.” As to Mr. Val¬ landigham it might have been a new de¬ parture, but to democratic members of Congress the leaders of the party it was no new departure. How' could the democratic party disre¬ gard or set aside those amendments if they w'ould? 6 But three ways cau be conceived or have ever been suggested. First. By obtaining a decision of the Su¬ preme Court, declaring them void. The present Constitution of that court makes the thing impossible, and no Dem¬ ocrat w’ould propose to reconstruct the Supreme Court to reverse its decision. They honor the judiciary too much to do that. Besides it is almost certain that upon all such political questions depending upon the results of elections the judiciary would feel bound to accept and to follow the de¬ clarations of the political power—Congress and the Executive—that the Supreme Court could neither take judicial notice of events depending upon elections except as they are declared, nor form an issue to try the question of fact, w^hether a constitu¬ tional amendment has or has not been rat¬ ified by the legislatures of three-fourths of all the States, after the same has been pro¬ claimed duly ratified by the proper officer under the forms of law. Second. By proposing a new amendment to set them aside directly. This would be a legitimate mode; but is wholly imprac¬ ticable. Beyond question, more than one- fourth of the States would vote against it, and three-fourths are required to carry it. The attempt to do so would renew the agitation of the negro question in another form, but could bring no practical result. Besides, all parties. North and South, are unwilling to reopen that question. The negro is free and none would en¬ slave him; and negro sulTrage has become a fixed fact,—a thing accomplished, and Third; The only other possible mode, is the military one, of using the army to control elections, and to change the Con¬ stitution. Radicals, like Senator Morton, might consistently adopt this mode; for, they do not hesitate to put the army above the Constitution and the civil law, in order to control, or to set aside elections. But no man who still cherishes the doctrines of the old Democratic Republican school of Jefferson and of Jackson w^ould dare to use the standing army for any such pur¬ pose. Besides, the attempt to take awa}’^ negro suffrage by force, would lead to a bloody struggle, probably to civil war, and with¬ out doing any good, would involve greater evils ^han now exist. I should not have dwelt upon this sub¬ ject so long, but for the constant efforts of our radical opponents to place us in a false position; and to charge us with the pur¬ pose of dealing with the constitution, as they, themselves have done, viz: to recon¬ struct it by the sword and to renew civil Strife. And now, gentlemen, let me inquire what are the issues, and duties, of the pres¬ ent hour ? First. In relation to these amendments, we cannot expect a decision of the supreme court to annul them—we do not jiropose a new amendment to set them aside;—and least of all by the sword. But the question arises, how will you remedy the unbearable evils, which now' rest upon the Southern States? You know the disfranchisement of hundreds of thous¬ ands of the mostintelligent whites, and the universal suflrage of the blacks, led by ad¬ venturers, with the aid of the standing army, has subjected that people to the worst form of government, and taxed, robbed, burdened and humiliated them be¬ yond descriDtion. Will you ignore all that and leave them without remedy ? No gentlemen. The reme¬ dy we propose is one to cure, and not to ag¬ gravate the disease. In the language of the Democratic Congressional ad¬ dress : “ Our hopes for redress are in the calm, good sense of the sober, second thought of the American people. We call upon them to be true to themselv¬ es and to their past, and disregarding party name and minor differences, to insist upon a decent equalization of powder the restric¬ tion of federal power w ithin its just and proper limits, leaving to the states that control of their domestic aflairs that is es- ' sential to their happiness and tranquility and good government. They appeal to the reason and returning sense of justice, mag¬ nanimity and fraternal feeling of all the people North and South, in favor of Am¬ nesty. In this appeal large numbers, thous¬ ands upon thousands of liberal Republicans like Browm and Schurz, of Missouri have already joined. The negroes themselves at the South wfill join in demanding amnesty for their late masters. The example of Missouri cannot long be resisted. The Choctaw'S and Cherokees in their treaties of peace six years ago gave univei’sal am¬ nesty; and, their example should shame Christian white men out of a policy resting on unforgiving hate or unmanly fear. The sentiment must become near¬ ly universal for amnesty, and tw'o thirds of Congress will vote for the bill. Although late in coming it will tend to restore fraternal feeling. It will certainly restore to intelligence and character at the South, a voice oiice more in the manage¬ ment of its local affairs, and I'estorc to those states what they have not had for years, a Republican form of Government. Gentlemen, among other important issues of the present the gi'eatest is this; 7 viz: whether our government [is to be in substance if not in form, revoiiitionized ? Whether the federal government is to remain, as our fathers made it based upon a written constitution, limiting and defin¬ ing its powers, and reserving the mass of powers not delegated to the seveml states imd to the people; p:)r whether it is to be¬ come a government of unlimited and cen- ti-alized power ? In a word, whether the United States shall continue to be a Union of States, under the constitution or become a centralized desix)tism, at Washington, to be mled by the secret resolves of a caucus, and by the President at the head of the army. Our faithful representatives at Wash¬ ington, say: “ Under the pretence of passing laws to enforce the Fourteenth amendment and for other purposes. Congress has conferred the most despotic powers upon the execu¬ tive, and provided an official machinery by which the liberties of the people arc men¬ aced and the sacred rights of local self- government in the states is ignored, if not tyrannically overthrown. Modeled by the sedition laws so odious in histoiy, they are at variance with all the sanctified the¬ ories of our institutions, and the construc¬ tion given by these radical interpcters to the Fourteenth amendment is, to use the language of an eminent senator—Mr. Trumbull of Illinois, “an annihilator of the states.” Under the last enforcement bill, the executive may in his discretion thrust aside the government of any state; sus¬ pend the writ of habeas corpus; arrest its governor; imprison or disperse its legisla¬ ture ; silence its judges, and trample down its people. Under the armed heel of his troops, nothing is left to the citizens or state which can any longer be called a right: all is changed into mere sufferance.” As certain as we live this is the great is¬ sue and danger upon us now. Everybody feels that a revolution is go¬ ing on in that direction;—theveiyground giving way under our feet. Radicals ad¬ mit it. Some avow and justify it; and some of|the best friends of Republican gov¬ ernment fear that revolution has already gone too far to be arrested. But gentle¬ men let us not despiiir, truth will rise again. In the nature of things, in our system of govemment, two forces are always at w’ork, like the two forces in our planetary sys¬ tem ;—the one tending to draw all planets to the centre;—the other to take them out of the system altogher. They have been constantly straggling with each other from the beginning and from before the beginning. Aft by a compromise of forces the plan¬ ets were made to revolve, in their orbits around the sun, so by a wi.se compromise and balance of forces, in our political sys¬ tem, our composite form of government was made. To the federal government was given certain defined and delegated powers ne¬ cessary to the Union, to the common de¬ fence, and to the general welfare. All the remainder, except ju.st enough to carry into effect the powers delegated,'were reserved to the States and to the people. With men of extreme views and radical tendencies, it seems almost impossible to comprehend a limitation of rights and powers. To illustrate: With the radicals of the South, and I might add, some at the North, before the war, the Federal Government had no rights the States w^ere bound to respect. The w'ar, I think, has cured or ought to cure that delusion, but I fear it has given rise to another; for, since the ^var the rad¬ icals of the North seem to think the States have no rights the Federal Government is bound to respect; and, this last delusion is as dangerous to liberty as the first. Extreme follo'ws extreme. The pendu¬ lum, from one side of the arc, swings al¬ ways to the other; and, the higher it rises on the one side, the higher it rises on the other. The rebound from a war begun upon the southern radical’s idea of all power in the States, is now, under the lead of those who control this administration, fast driving all power into the Federal Government. I repeat, m my opinion, gentlemen, the real issue paramount over all others, at this moment, is, whether the true republican form of government of our fathers shall give way to centralization and to military despotism. It has already made long strides in that direction. The great duty of the democratic party, and of all who love republican liberty, is to bury all the issues of the past and to unite in an honest, earnest, self-sacrificing effort to arre.’^t the further progress of that revo¬ lution. ^ We can only do that by a change of administration; by restoring, as far as the constitution will allow it, to state legis¬ latures, state judiciaries, state executives, and state militaiy forces, the defense and maintenance of the rights and liberties of the people, which centralized power can¬ not defend, but will certainly destroy—by placing the civil above the military power, in all the states; by reducing the standing army—that standing menace of all repub¬ lics—with its life tenures, aristocratic ten¬ dencies and extravagant expenditures to the peace standard—and by preventing its fur- • < llicr iiitorlLTCiicc with the freedom of elec lions. Other issues and duties of great import¬ ance rest upon us also, grow ing’ out of our foreign relations, tinance, national debt, tariff and internal revenue reform. Gentlemen, let us organize for victory and not for defeat in the next great con¬ test. Many who were divided upon tlie issues of the past are shoulder to shoulder with us now' upon the issues of the ])res- ent, and many more are coming. Let them all come. Let us restore to its prestige and power the old Democratic Republican party of Jefferson, of Madison, and of Jackson. Let us cordially invite to its support all who are with us upon the great issues in¬ volved,—all who love republican institu¬ tions as established by our fathers, in sub¬ stance as w'cll as in name ; all who cherish republican simplicity, integrity, economy and fidelity.every where in State and Federal administration ; all who w'ould lighten the heavy pecuniary burdens of our people by their more equal and just distribution; and all who, while maintaining the national faith and honor inviolate, look forw'ard w'ith hope and courage to the return of that period when the burdens of the general govern¬ ment will be as light as its blessings are benehcent, when the rich will not be made richer, and the poor poorer, by act of Congress; when the federal and state gov¬ ernments each ill their sphere, protecting the equal rights of all, and granting favors to none, shall, in the language of General Jackson bestow' their blessings “ like the dew's of Heaven unseen and unfelt save in the richness and beauty they contribute to produce.” SPEECH OF nois'. J. R. DOOLITTLE Fellow'-\utizens, Democrats and Re¬ publicans : Here, at my home, w'here I have lived among you more than 20 years, allow me to say a few' w'ords to you to¬ night, as neighbors and friends, without any reserve. You have known me long and well. You know, from my youth up, I have been trained in the political schools of Jeffer¬ son. of Madison, and of Jackson. Of Jefferson, I learned to love the equal rights of men, a doctrine borrowed from the Great Teacher who said ‘‘ Love th}^ neigh¬ bor as thyself,”—to be applied to political affairs ; from Him I learned to hate every form of tyranny over the bodies and the souls of men. [Applause]. From Madi¬ son I learned to cherish that which dis¬ tinguishes us above all nations, viz., w'ritten constitutions, in order to define and limit the pow'ers of all governments, state and federal; that without such limitation the rights and liberties of no man and no peo¬ ple can be secure in the states; and, that as between the state governments and the federal government, unless the hitter be limited by the constitution to the pow'ers delegated, and the states and people be left free to regulate their own domestic affairs in their own w’ay, all power will be cen¬ tralized, and republicanism give way to im¬ perialism. [Applause.] In the school of Jackson I learned to love the union of the states, and to oppose nullification and se¬ cession ; and, as to all the pow'ers delegated, to cherish the constitution which made that union as the higher law of liberty and of national life. [Applause.] These ideas, amidst the troublous times through which w'c have passed, amidst all , DELIVERED AT RACINE, SEPT. 2 . the confusion and mutations of parties, have been the guide and the secret of my life. I may some¬ times have erred. But to those great ideas,which in my judgment are the basis of all true republican government, and which are now' the basis of the democratic-republi¬ can part}', as organized in this state, and organizing everywhere throughout the un¬ ion, I have at all times steadfastly adhered, in good and evil rejiorts, in sunshine and ill storm, w hether cheered or denounced by many or by few. [Great applause.] And my friends, do you ask me the se¬ cret of that strength,' the power of that faith, which in danger knows no fear, and in darkness feels no doubt. The siuiple answ'er is, I believe. In my soul, I believe those ideas are true, and truth is everlast¬ ing,—the same yesterday, to-day, and forever,—and the soul that reposes upon truth loans on the Almighty for its strength. Ills CANDIDACY. A few' words now' of a personal nature. I find I shall not be able to enter fully into the canvass until after the middle of the month, having some private engagements w hich cannot be postponed. The action of the convention at Madison in placing me in nomination for governor, Avas w'holly unexpected to us all, and to no one more than to myself. Being at work at Madison as an arbitrator, my friends in Racine county named me as a delegate,and desired me to speak to the convention. I conser/cd to do that; but I had no thought of being named for governor, or that the speech I had prepared Avould become a speech of acceptance. But there Ai\ as such 0 a unanimous, warm, and earnest appeal to me to accept tliat I could not do otherwise. It was the old men who appealed to me in the name of the young democracy. They said, all old issues are passed away; that the young men were earnest, persistent,en¬ thusiastic, eager for work and sanguine of victory, and that many republincan were everywhere ready to ,ioin with us. They said, in substance, “The old democratic-re¬ publican party is rising again from the ashes of the past, redeemed, regenerated, and disenthralled from all dead is^sues. freed from old hates and old prejudiccs,and if I would consent to be placed at the head of that ticket, against Gen. Washburn,who was sure to be nominated by the federal office-holders as their candidate, they could carry 'Wisconsin this fall.” It was assur¬ ances and appeals like these, which come from every part of the state, which prevail¬ ed, and the nomination was accepted. THE ISSUES. I observe some of the radical newspapers say that the action of our convention was a mere matter of form. Never were men more mistaken. How do they kno'i>" that ? Our convention certainly did not say that, and, judging from its action it means any¬ thing but that. Its spirit, unanimity, en¬ thusiasm, mean earnest work; a .struggle for truth, justice, liberty, and equality, un¬ der a government of limited powers. It sa 5 ^s, as to the dead issues of the past, “Let j the dead bury their dead.” As to the liv- i ing issues of the present, it says, “ Strike hands with all those who are aiready with you and with all who are willing to join you upon the living issues, whether they iiave been with you or against you upon the dead ones.” [Applause.] The committee calling our convention, following the suggestions of the address of the democratic and conservative members of congress, invited all to unite in choosing delegates who believed in the doctrines an¬ nounced, and also to take part in its pro¬ ceedings. The convention, its platform, and candidates,all speak the same language. They invite all democrats, and invite all republicans to unite togetlier as a band of brothers upon the living issues of the pres¬ ent ; to march shoulder to shoulder in the present struggle, upon the footing of perfect equality, with a strong resolve to deserve and to achieve victory. As I stated in my speech of acceptance, the main issue before us is, whether the rights of the states to regulate their own domestic affairs should be respected, or whether all power should be centralized at 'Washington. I repeat that statement of the issue, and I ask every honest republi¬ can in this state, if that centralizing pow- ei'was not felt in the republican conven¬ tion which nominated Gen. 'VVhshburn? I ask you, my republican friends, do you not feel at this moment, here in Wisconsin, the w'orkings of that centralizing power? GEN. WASHBURN is my irersonal friend, and of him I shall never speak in any other terms than of friendship and esteem, and shall undoubted¬ ly accept his invitation to canvass the state. Ihit how was his nomination made ? Was it not the jiressiire of the federal patronage and power which produced it? True, it did not at Madison what it lately did at New Orleans, i)lace a company of soldiers at the door of the convention to exclude all who had no tickets from the adminis¬ tration. We have not quite come to that yet in Wisconsin. But do you not feel that it was the army of fedeiul officeholders who dictated that nomination ? The men who led that army \vorc no epaulettes, but they wielded federal powers and produced that result. Arc there not thousands— many thousands—of republicans in Wis¬ consin who have not yet Aucldcd to the revolution in favor of centralization, who are ready, now' that all old issues are closed up, to rebuke this federal dictation and assert the rights of a free state to nom¬ inate as well as to elect its own officers? Can there be a better time to do so than now? “Now’s the day and now’s the hour.” MILITARY GOVERNMENT. Military ideas are good enough in war, but wholl}'' out of place in the civil admin¬ istration of a republican government, for that rests upon the people, to whom their chosen officers or agents are responsible. With army men, we know obedience is the word, on pain of iiiqirisoniiient or of death. The private soldier is a mere machine. But in republican government every man is a sovereign, and the officers chosen arc responsible to him, and not he to them. [Applause.] Leaders of a party long in power learn to prefer the military to the re])ublican idea, and to act as if tlie}' were the masters and not the servants of the people. A change is some times necessary to get lid,of the domination of leaders, ami to teach them over again their first lesson, that in republican freedom the people rule their servants, and not that the servants shall rule their masters. [Great applause.] THE CANVASS. I do not intend to make a long speech to-night. When our central committee and my associates shall look the ground over, and assign to me my share in the great work, after the canvass opens I pur¬ pose to discuss quite thoroughly the que-s- tions involved ; as to the best means of % 10 restoring fraternal feeling between the north and south; of healing the wounds of war; of removing the evils growing out of military reconstruction and carpet-bag nile at the south, and to answer the argu¬ ments of Senator Morton, and of those who repeat them. For the present I will only read part of a statement made by a confederate officei* in presence of 1,200 confederate soldiers, gathered together at a social reunion in Missouri. I wish eveiy republican could read it. I refer to the speech of ex-Gov. Reynolds, of Missouri, an officer in the rebel a]■m^^ It shows WHAT EKFRAJsCHISEMEN'i' HAS DONE IN MISSOURI, and clearly vindicates the course of its present able governor, B. Gratz Brown, and that senator, formerly a resident of our state, who, I think, as an orator has few equals, and as a wu-iter no superior in America—Carl Schurz. I refer to their course in urging universal amnesty as a basis of permanent peace. Missouri has demonstrated that love is stronger than hate; that deeds of charit}^ and forgive¬ ness can win what acts of oppression and hutniliation can never wring from the hearts of brave men,—lojnlty and affec¬ tion. Read it fellow citizens, and ask your neighbors to read it. Manhood, renewed loyalty, and affection breathe in every word. It reaches every heart. In his speech at Roanoke, jMo,, on the 23d of August last, he said : “ We meet together for the first time in the six years wdiich have passed since the close of the war, and one of the first im¬ pulses of every one of us must be to con¬ gratulate ourselves on the course of events which has led to our re-infranchisement as citizens of Missouri. We, of course, find not a few wdio claim our special gratitude to themselves as the authors or engineers of the movement which resulted in that change. Without denying to any one the praise he may be entitled to for his course in advocating a measure which had become inevitable, we must be permitted to re¬ member that we ow'e it mainly to ourselves, to the "svise, patriotic, and self-respecting conduct of the Missouri confederates in quitely attending to their private affairs during the period of oiu' disfi'anchisement, and thus convincing our late foes, by deeds rather than words, that there w'as no dan¬ ger to the peace and w’elfare of the state in restoring us to jiolitical equality with them¬ selves. , “ By a like course in the use of our re¬ covered biith-right w^e can and should con¬ tribute to the peace and prosperity of our noble state and of the wdiole union. It is solely with that view^ that, believing that I well know your feelings and pinions, I venture to jndicate them on some few points. “ While all merely political questions of the day are, by our own free decision, ex¬ cluded ‘jfrom consideration on this oc¬ casion, there are other subjects not yet brought into the arena of actual political strife, but specially referring to ns, on wiiich it is almost a duty to ourselves and the country that our views should be known. There are certain ghosts of dead questions wdiich haunt the imagination of some of our people, and in aiding to allay them we contribute to the w’elfare of our common country. Senator Morton in a very able and candid speech, has expressed apprehensions whiclp as the discourse was delivered last week in the chief city of our state, it will not be out of place for us to notice here and now. The}’’ were, that at some future period the existing settlement of the issues of the late war might be dis¬ turbed by a refusal to pay interest on the United States debt, or an assumption of the debt 'of the late confederate states and compensation for emancipated slaves ; by a refusal to pay the pensions granted to union soldiers, or a grant of like pensions to those of the confederacy. “ It may with almost absolute certainty be asserted that as far as the confederates of Missouri, and, I am confident, those of other states, are concerned, these fears are wholly groundless. We have played at the grand game of civil w’ar, and so ably as to gain the admiration of the world and the respect of magnanimous opponents. We lost it for wvant of trumps, but w^e dress at least our fair share of the honors. “ Confederates, and especially Missouri¬ ans, are not the men to attempt afterward to filch the stakes from the winner. The payment of the interest on the United States debt, and the principal of it wlien due, and both as contracted for, is secured by a principle stronger than any constitu¬ tional amendment. The prosperity of all the people as individuals is so intimately connected with the preservation of the pub¬ lic credit that, on a mere calculation of I profit and loss, it is better to preserve the j latter as the basis of the former. We con- I federates have as much interest in preserv- i ing both as any other citizens. No one I who is familiar with events in the confed- i emey in the last years of the wnr w’ill ever I dream of an assumption by any one of any of its obligations, wdiether in bonds or for loss of property in slaves, or anything else. Not only by general public law, but also by the express terms of the contract, every creditor of the confederacy made his repay¬ ment dependent upon the e.stabli.shment of 11 itB indepenflence, and, as it failed to secure it, lie has no claim, either legal or moral. You, soldiers, know that, even when suc¬ cess was possible, the common talk in the camps was that the amount actually receiv¬ ed by the confederacy for its bonds and notes was in such ridiculous disproportion to the amount promised to be paid that no sense of abstract law or justice would se¬ cure their payment. “How then would you receive a propo¬ sal now, to tax yourselves to pay anything whatever on them when bought up,as they certainly would be,on any prospect of gain on them, by sordid speculators, for a mere song? With regard to losses of property, from the horses which many of you whom I now see before me had killed under you in some gallant charge, up to the millions lost in slaves by some unionist or lukewarm planter, who 'denied you their labor to aid you in erecting breastworks against federal balls, all must go alike the road which universal public law marks out for the unsuccessful in civil war. One pays Ills stake in life or limb,; another in loss of property, or exile, or both. Let each one support manfully the adverse fortune of war, and not degrade the cause for which he fought by going about to the victors, whinning for compensation. “You, at least, and I believe nearly all confederates, will not countenance anj^one in so doing. The pension questions will be summarily disposed of by anyone who knows the confederate soldiers. For us to accept any compensation from the govern¬ ment against which we fought, would be to receive alms; it is to be hoped no dema¬ gogues will ever insult us by proposing to us any such meanness. To the union sol¬ dier his pension is an honorable distinction conlerred on him by the government he served, and, according to law or usage, a part of compensation pledged to him be¬ fore he entered the service. Opposing ar¬ mies have a certain feeling of fellowship,as even the general public began to notice in the intercourse between tlie federal and general outjwsts; if any demagogue pro¬ proposes to take their pensions from union soldiers, let them call across the line to us 'if they need help, and we will marcli with them in solid column to the ballot-box to put the swindle down.” THE FINANCIAL SITUATION. It will be my purpose also during the canvass to discuss the great questions of taxation, finance, revenue and tariff reform and the best manner of simplifying and economizing in the collection of taxes and revenue; and to relieve and equalize, as far as possible, the heavy burdens, and to apportion them in some proportion, to the ability to bear them. • You all remember that Gen. Washburn told the people of Racine, in our joint dis¬ cussion here in 1808, that t he people were never so prosperous as since the close of tlie war. Speaker Blaine has also in¬ dulged in the same strain quite recently. But it must be borne in mind that within the past few years Mr. Blaine has become a very rich man, a millionaire, it is said ; and how can he sympathize with or know the true condition of the common people, or the burdens they now bear?” We all know that while the fortunate few may have become suddenly rich and are above all pecuniaiy troubles, the great mass ©f the people, professional men, small mer¬ chants, traders, mechanics, farmers, and la¬ borers never felt the burden of taxation and the struggle for a respectable and hon¬ est livelihood more than now. To show now WE ARE NOW TAXED I read from a list which I have had no time to verify by actual computation, but which I believe to be correct. A gentle- previously engaged in commerce, who un¬ derstands his subject, has taken pains to see what the duties are upon a few leading ar¬ ticles. Look at the list. The poor man IS taxed : On his salt. On his pepper . On his rice. On his soap,. On his starch. On his candles. On the sheets of his bed. On tlie blankets that cover him On the carpet lie buys.. On his window cur’ains. On his knifes and forks. On his window glass. Ob his water pitcher. On the hat he wears. On his stockings. On a dress of silk for his wife.. On a dress of woolen. On a shawl. On a handkerchief. Per cent. .108 .140 . 85 . 70 .51 .40 . 55 .240 . 30 .80 . 35 . 55 . 40 . 40 . 75 . GO .100 .200 . 35 After reading that, we may not agree with all he says, but can anyone doubt that lunnesty is the best way to restore harmo- i My and fraternal feeling in all of the states of the south ? Does not that answer all that Senator IVIorton says about the repu¬ diation of our national debt; of our sol¬ diers’ pensions, and of the assumption of the confederate debt? The farmer is taxed; Percent. On his hoe and spade, each.41 On his horse-shoes. 07 On his plow. 45 On his chairs.100 On his harness,. 25 On a hand-saw. 75 On a penknife. 50 On a dinner can. 35 On an iron-hoop pail . 60 12 For the present, I will conclude what I have to say in answer to Speaker Blaine on this subject by reading to you the most eloquent and truthful account of our pres¬ ent condition, in the language of Sidney Smith, written more than 40 years ago. I once read this on the floor of the senate. It describes our condition now so perfectly, it seemed so like prophesy, that senators sprang to their feet to inquire the name of the author. I* commend it for its truth, and, as a specimen of writing of unequaled simplicity and force, I. commend it to every young man. Let him read it again and "again. Let him learn it by heart, and when Gen. AVashbvrn or Speaker Blaine shall tell you how rich you are and how light all your burdens are, repeat it to them: “Taxes upon every article which enters into the mouth, or covers the back, or is placed under the foot; taxes upon every¬ thing which it is pleasant to see, hear, feel smell, or taste; taxes upon warmth, light, and locomotion; taxes on everything on earth and the w'aters under the earth; on eveiything that comes from abroad or is grown at liome : taxes on the raw material; taxes on every fresh value that is added to it by the industry of man; taxes on the sauce which pampers man’s appetite, and the drug that restores him to health; on the ermine which decorates the judge, and the rope which hangs the criminal; on the poor man’s salt, and the rich man’s spice; on the brass nails of the coffin, and the ribbons of the bride; at bed or board, couchant or levant, we must pay. “The schoolboy whirls his taxed top; the beardless youth manages his taxed horse with a taxed bridle on a taxed road; and the dying Englishman, pouring his medicine which has paid 7 per cent, into a spoon that has paid 15 per cent.flings him¬ self back upon his chintz bed which has paid 22 per cent, makes this will on an £8 stamp, and expires in the arms of an apoth¬ ecary who has paid a license of a hundred pounds for privilege of putting him to death. Ilis whole property is then immed¬ iately taxed from 2 to 16 per cent. Besides the probate, a large fees are demanded for burying him in the chancel; his virtues are handed down to posterity on taxed marble and he is then gathered to his fathers, to be taxed no more. [Great applause,] Listen again to his prophetic warnings to us: ’Tn addition to all this, the habit of deal¬ ing Avith large sums will make the govern¬ ment avaricious and profuse; and the system itself will infallibly generate the base vermin of spies and informers, and a still more pestilent race of political tools and retainers of the meanest and most odi¬ ous description; while the prodigious pat¬ ronage wfliich the collecting of this splen¬ did revenue will throw into the hands of the government Avilf invest it Avith so vast an influence, and hold out such means and temptation to corruption as all the Aurtue and public spirit even of republicans anuII be unable to resist.” [Great applause.] With veiy slight modifleation, it describes our condition and points out one of our greatest dangers. IN CONCLUSION, I observe that the neAA'spaper at Gen.Wash- burn’s home at La Crosse, in announcing my nomination, said that my funeral had already taken place, my requiem had been sung," “ Ashes to ashes, dust to dust.” FelloAv-citizens, men are sometimes mis¬ taken, and never more so than when the pride of erroneous opinion misleads them. In their zeal, they often forget that “ Truth crushed to earth Avill rise again,” and that those Avho have suffered for the truth’s sake, touched by her hand, will rise and triumph Avith her, and compel even her enemies to “believe in the resurrection and the life.” [Great applause.] 13 Abstract of Proceedings of tlie Demo¬ cratic State Convention. The Convention met at Madison Aug. 23 and was called to order by Hon. xVn- drew Proiidfit, Chairman of the State Cen¬ tral Committee. On motion lion. IT. L. Palmer was chosen temporary Chainnan of the Convention and was afterwards se¬ lected as permanent Chaimianby the Com¬ mittee on permanent organization. Hon. O. F. Jones and E. B. Bolens Esq., were chosen Secretaries. On an informal ballot for Governor, Hon. Jas. R. Doolittle received 123 out of 152 votes cast, and on motion was declared unanimous nominee of the convention. The other officers chosen were as fol- ows: For Lieut. Governor— John A. Rice, of Waukesha. For Secretary of State— Milton INIontgomeuy, of Monroe. For State Treasurer— Anton Kl.vus, of Brown. For Attorney General— E. S. Bragg, of Fond du Lac. For State Prison Commissioner— Lars E. JoiiNsbN, of La Fayette. For Superintendent of Public Instruction— W. D. Parker, of Rock. For Commissioner of Immigration— Jacor Bodden, of Dodge. j\[r. Orton, of La Fayette offered a reso¬ lution providing for the election of Chair¬ man of the State Central Committee by ballot, and the appointment b}" delegates from each Congressional District of the other members of the Committee, which was adopted. Convention proceeded to the selection of Chairman and other members of the State Central Committee which resulted as fol¬ lows : J. B. Parkinson was unanimously elected Chairman. 1st. Dist.—Otis Preston, Elkhorn: J. P. C. Cottrill, jMUwaukee. • 2nd Dist.—D. W. Ballou,Watertown ; E. E. Chapin, Columbus. 3d Dist.—J. G. Knight, Darlington ; R. B. Rice, Lancaster. 4th Dist.—F. O. Thorpe, Fond du Lac ; Sat. Clark, Horicon. 5th Dist.—S. A. Pease, Montello; Geo. Hyer, Oshkosh. 6tli Dist.—Thco. Rodolf, La Crosse ; O. F. Jones, Hudson. • The following resolution was unanimous¬ ly adopted by the convention. Resolved^ That the thanks of this Convention be voted the lion. H. L. Paluiev, for the able and im¬ partial manner in whicn he has dischar<;ed the duties of his position. Convention adjourned. 14 A Scrap ©£ Party History. Judge Boolittle Vindi“ cstted. A I/etter from one w3io Knows tiie Workings of tlie Kadical Party. wsn A BY Messes. Editoes: The selection of a person of conceded eminence and ability for any important public position in this country, is almost always followed by the bitterest invective of insolence and faction. There is a class of men, not all outside the editorial profession either, who get their ideas, when they have any, from certain as¬ sumed letters, wdio never examine any subject for themselves, and if they do, are . either too cowardly or dishonest to publish the truth even when plainly demonstrated, waiting for the more corageous wolf to make the flint snap. Each takes his turn as the victim passes down the line, and tones his howl to the note of his master. The selection of James R. Doolittle as a candidate for Governor has drawn out the pack, and each in his way is repeating the charge of “treachery” with as much unc¬ tion as if he believed it, and was uncon¬ scious that the past course of the Republi¬ can party of Wisconsin did not belie the assertion. Fortunatel}’- hate has had its day. Six years have served to cool down much of the prejudice excited by deliber¬ ate and selfish invention, and the public judgment is sufliciently cool to hear and recognize the truth. I pass by ail that is said about the rea¬ sons wdiy Mr. Doolittle severed connec¬ tion with the Democratic party, previous to the w^ar, suffice to say that not a word having the faintest approach to truth or to the reasons publicly assigned for that act, have appeared in any radical paper during this canvass. With customary honesty, they are simply denouncing what they for¬ merly wisely applauded. W^hat I design to do is to appeal to the record of the Repub¬ lican party of Wisconsin, and by that try Judge Doolittle upon the charge of treach- er}'^ so freely made, and in doing this I shall summon not the Democratic but the Re¬ publican editors themselves, and put them on the stand to prove my assertions^ Briefly and to the Record. In 1864-5 the Legislature submitted the question of negro sufifage to a vote of the people. The act of submission was itself strongly re¬ sisted by many leading Republicans, and its presentation as a party issue in 1865 caused great doubt and anxiety among timid leaders. The Democratic papers taunted their opponents with cowardice and dared them to make that issue in the canvass. No one knows better than the Madison Regency including the editors of the State Journal, that the party dare not meet that question, and that a policy of evasion was deliberately adopted to get rid of it. With the exception of some half dozen abolition papers it w^as publicly ad¬ vocated by no one. In,this emergency the Regency after the most strenuous elforts, induced Senators Howe and Doo¬ little to attend the State Convention at Madison, and draft its platform. This was drawm by Judge Doolittle, with the full knowledge and without the'dissent of Judge How'e, to wdiom it was read in ad¬ vance of presentation. It was delivered to the Convention and after a short dissension adopted by a large majority; and no per¬ sons w'ere louder in the apjilause than the Madison Regency, including the editors of the Journal. On that platform a ticket was presented to the people, with Lucius Fairchild at the head, which, together with a Legislature W'as ovei-whelmingly elected. During the canvass there w'as not a single word favoring colored suflrage in the State Journal, and with the exceptions named, in any Republican press of the State. So timid was the proceeding that Gov. Fairchild refused to declare on which side he stood in any of his speeches during the canvass; 15 and at the polls, the people themselves vo¬ ted it down by some six thousand majority. The only public expression in its favor was at a meeting held in Janesville during the State Fair, called by S. M. Booth, General Paine and others, which passed a series of resolutions on the subject, among them one declaring in so many words, that their ac¬ tion did not represent the sentiments of the Republicans of W isconsin! Here then was the spectacle of a ticket elected on a platform formall}' approved by a party and prepared at the urgent entreaty of its leaders, in which colored suflrage was purposely excluded. Who under such circumstances could have supposed that the officers thus elected, and the press that sus¬ tained them, would within two months after the canvass turn square around and assume that colored suffrage was the only test of Republican fealty—that members of the*-i