'DEBATE ON ADOPTION 
 
 OF THIS 
 
 REPORT OF NAVAL COMMITTEE, 
 
 IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JULY 27, 1876. 
 
 
 Mr. DxiNFORD. Mr. Speaker, in the little 
 time allotted me for the discussion of the re¬ 
 port now before the House it will be impossible 
 to more than barely allude to a few of the 
 questions involved in the investigation upon 
 which this report is founded. 
 
 I quote from the speech of the gentleman 
 from Alabama : 
 
 The present Secretary of the Navy, being forti¬ 
 fied with seven years of experience in his office, 
 with a patronage of $2.0^0,000 annually, with 
 thousands of followers, many of whom were de¬ 
 pendent upon his will or caprice for their bread, 
 determined to resist such an investigation as would 
 lay bare the abuses, errors, violations of law and 
 frauds which are given to the public in the ma¬ 
 jority report which is now pending before the 
 House. 
 
 I was astonished that such a declaration 
 should fall from the lips of any member of this 
 committee, when I re me pi be r that out of more 
 than four thousand printed pages of testimony 
 taken by the committee fully one thousand of 
 these pages were furnished by the Secretary of 
 the Navy ahd officers of his Department in 
 order that the committee might be aided in 
 ..pursuit of the object they had in vino. More 
 than one thousand closely-printed pages of this 
 matter required four months of preparation in 
 the office of the Secretary and in his various 
 . Bureaus, and have been furnished to the com¬ 
 mittee, and are now published as part of the 
 testimony. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, when I remember that when 
 this committee went armed with a commission 
 from this body to every navy yard upon the 
 Atlantic coast, armed with a warrant to inves¬ 
 tigate, the committee were received, from Nor¬ 
 folk to‘ Kittery, the navy yard gates were 
 thrown open and the committee were received 
 with salutes that indicated the dignity and im¬ 
 portance of the investigation; and when I re¬ 
 member that from the commandant of the 
 yards to all the employees witnesses were sub¬ 
 poenaed and were freely offered and freely tes¬ 
 tified; when I recollect that every discharged 
 employee around the navy yards was free to 
 come beiore the committee and tell his story, 
 whatever it might be; and when I remember 
 that here in the rooms of the committee the 
 doors were open to any one who might offer 
 himself or herself as a witness to testify to any 
 wrong or imagined abuse existing in the 
 Department; and when I remember that 
 during the four months of this investiga¬ 
 tion the doors were closed, absolutely 
 closed, in the face of the Secretary and his 
 Bureau officers and every person intended to 
 be affected injuriously by this investigation, I 
 repeat that it does seem to me strange in¬ 
 deed that such a declaration should be made 
 by the gentleman from Alabama. What wit¬ 
 ness refused to appear? What witness failed 
 to respond to the subpoena of the committee? 
 
 I have been unable to discover in the conduct 
 either of the Secretary of the Navy or any of 
 his Bureau officers any disposition to shirk the 
 fullest and fairest investigation of the conduct 
 of the affairs of the Navy Department in the 
 last seven years of its administration. 
 
 I need not say to the House that the mem¬ 
 bers of the committee did not shirk the respon¬ 
 sibility imposed upon them by the resolutions 
 under which they were acting. They did not 
 fail to respond to the request of any person, so 
 far as I am informed, who desired to come as 
 a witness before the committee. In rending 
 the testimony taken by the committee, we find 
 that inquiry was made of various witnesses as 
 to whether they knew of any fraud, any error, 
 or any abuse existing in the Department, or 
 any of the Bureaus of the Department, if a 
 negative response was elicited, then almost 
 universally that question was followed up 
 with the further question, “Do you know of 
 any person who can give us any information 
 in relation to any frauds, abuses or * errors ex¬ 
 isting in the administration ot the Navy De¬ 
 partment?” And so witnesses were followed 
 up, and wherever there was the slightest 
 hope of getting at a fact which would iu any 
 way bring to the knowledge of the committee 
 any fraud, corruption, or actual abuse in the 
 Department, the witness was hunted up, no 
 matter where he was', whether in the Depart¬ 
 ment or a discharged employee, or wherever 
 he might be. 
 
 Now, it will not do to come before the 
 House at this day and say that the Secretary 
 of the Navy stood in the way of this investi¬ 
 gation. After he had been excluded from the 
 committee-room, after his Bureau officers had 
 been excluded from this investigation for a 
 period of four months, while hundreds of wit¬ 
 nesses were being examined and their testi¬ 
 mony taken, testimony intended to affect di¬ 
 rectly the integrity and character of the Secre¬ 
 tary of the Navy and his Bureau officers, dur¬ 
 ing all that time the seal of secrecy was placed 
 on the lips of the members of the committee, 
 of the official reporter, and of every one admit¬ 
 ted inside of the committee-room. 
 
 I propose to call attention to a few of the 
 matters contained in the report, a few matters 
 that are charged against the Secretary of the 
 Navy as being violations of law. The first 
 subject to which I shall call attention is the 
 transfer of funds from one Bureau in the De¬ 
 partment to another. 
 
 In this connection I want to speak for a few 
 moments of the use of the money appropriated 
 for the eight sloops-ol-war. The appropriation 
 of $3,200,000, made by the Forty-second Con¬ 
 gress for the special purpose of building eight 
 steam sloops of-war, was used, as the testi¬ 
 mony of the Secretary of the Navy shows— 
 used prior to the meeting of the Forty-third 
 Congress, together with every other appropria¬ 
 tion made to the Department for that fiscal 
 year—for the purpose of putting our Navy into 
 a condition to meet an exigency that seemed 
 to be upon the country growing out of the 
 Virginius affair. The country wiil remember 
 that affair, will remember that in 1873. the 
 steamer Virginius was seized by a Spanish 
 cruiser and American citizens found on board 
 were ruthlessly butchered in cold blood. It 
 aroused a feeling of indignation throughout 
 the whole length and breadth of the land, and 
 
9 
 
 it seemed for a time that a war with Spain was 
 imminent. Our Navy was in no condition to 
 meet the navy of Spain or of any of the great 
 European Powers. The Secretary of the Navy, 
 acting, as he testifies, in the belief that it was 
 his duty as the administrative officer of that 
 Department to prepare for war, did make use 
 of and expend the whole of the appropriation 
 for the eight sloops in preparing the Navy for 
 that exigency. The President of the United 
 States, his Cabinet, every patriotic, American 
 citizen, looked to him in his preparations with 
 anxiety, hoping that he might be ready when 
 we were compelled to strike the blow or when 
 the blow should come upon us. 
 
 This is one of the “violations of law” to 
 which the attention of the American Congress 
 is called in this report; one of the “violations 
 of law” by the Secretary of the Navy, and 
 perhaps the very gravest upon which the ma¬ 
 jority of this committee propose, if the Ju¬ 
 diciary Committee shall see fit, that lie shall 
 be impeached before Congress and the country. 
 Why, Mr. Speaker, if he had not done just 
 what he did in this exigency he would have 
 been derelict in his duty. 
 
 More than this, when Congress met in De¬ 
 cember the condition of this appropriation was 
 brought at once to the attention of Congress. 
 The Secretary came to the Committee on Ap¬ 
 propriations and said to them, “I have ex¬ 
 pended all the money you a ave me for the 
 purpose of building these eight sloops-of-war; 
 I 'have expended all the appropriations made 
 for my Department; I am without money.” 
 The committee and the House and the coun¬ 
 try, responding to his demand, gave him $4-,- 
 000,000 in order to replace the appropriation 
 for the eight sloops-of-war as well as continue 
 the force of the different bureaus of the Navy 
 up to the beginning of the next fiscal year. 
 This is one of the matters, I repeat, to which 
 the attention of the country is called in con¬ 
 nection with the impeachment of the Secretary 
 'of the Navy. 
 
 Another matter dwelt upon in the report of 
 the majority is the present condition of the 
 Navy as compared with what it was some 
 years ago. Upon this subject I do not propose 
 to speak further than to call the attention of 
 the House to the rebuilding, as it is termed in 
 the report of the majority, of old vessels un¬ 
 der the name of repairs. The conduct on the 
 part of the Secretary is criticised as a violation 
 of law, and the House is to be called upon to 
 impeach him for this conduct. 
 
 Now, I desire to state to the House just 
 what this rebuilding of old vessels under the 
 name of repairs spoken of by the majority of 
 the committee consists in. Annually Con¬ 
 gress appropriates to the Bureau of Construc¬ 
 tion and Repair a stipulated sum of money, 
 and the present chief of the'Bureau of Con¬ 
 struction and Repair, with the knowledge and 
 consent of the Secretary of the Navy, instead 
 of going to the various navy yards of the 
 country, and using his annual appropriation in 
 the repair of a dozen or more old, rotten, un¬ 
 seaworthy hulks, built of white oak timber 
 which came down to us from the war, sloops 
 and steamers which served their purpose, 
 hastily constructed, some built in less than one 
 hundred days, sent out as cruisers during the 
 war, and which are now almost entirely worth¬ 
 less from defective material used in their con¬ 
 struction—I say that instead of using his en- 
 tixe a ppropriation upon a dozen or a half dozen 
 
 of those old vessels, the chief of the Bureau,, 
 with the advice and consent of the Secretary, 
 has seen fit to go into the navy yards and take 
 out entirely not only its masts and spars, but 
 its keel from one of those old vessels, replacing 
 them entirely with substantial material, es¬ 
 pecially of live oak, giving to the Navy each 
 year in this way one good, substantial vessel 
 which will last almost half a century. This is 
 the manner in which the Secretary and tho 
 chief of the Bureau have been expending the 
 appropriations for constructions and repairs 
 from year to year. In the judgment of the 1 
 minority of the committee it is the better econ¬ 
 omy and wisdom on their part to enter into 
 this sort of rebuilding of a vessel rather than 
 taking out a rotten plank here and there from 
 a number of vessels which are to disappear 
 entirely from the Naval Register in a short 
 time on account of unseaworthiness. 
 
 Another matter complained of largely, and 
 upon which two hundred pages of testimony 
 have been taken, is the manner in which labor 
 is put in the various navy yards of the country * 
 It is true now, as it has been for the last half 
 century, that to some extent at least politicians 
 control the labor employed in the various navy 
 yards. Local politicians, notably members of 
 Congress, come to the various chiefs and com¬ 
 mandants of the navy yards and others having 
 charge of the employment of labor, and in 
 this way we have no doubt that occasionally 
 an unskilled workman replaces a skilled me¬ 
 chanic. 
 
 But, as I said a moment ago,' this matter of 
 laboring men, this matter of politics in the 
 navy yards and every department o Jthe Gov- 
 meut has existed for half a century. Take the 
 very city of Norfolk, and there is greater 
 complaint made of political influence in the 
 navy yard at Norfolk than any other place in 
 the country. In that very city of Norfolk 
 there is not a single uniformed or ununiformed 
 police officer upon the streets who dojs not 
 belong to the party known in Virginia as the 
 Conservative party. 
 
 Take the city of New York, take the Demo¬ 
 cratic State governments throughout the 
 lenghth and breadth of the land, and I ask 
 whether the employment of skilled and un¬ 
 skilled labor, the various watchmen about the 
 public buildings of the country, are not em¬ 
 ployed and put in their places by reason ol the 
 fact that they belong to the party in power? 
 This House of Representatives furnishes a no¬ 
 table example of political influence in the em¬ 
 ployment of subordinates. Why, Mr. Speaker, 
 the Clerk’s desk had been filled for twelve 
 years before the Democratic party came into 
 power in this end of the Capitol by a gentle¬ 
 man whose honesty, integrity and great 
 knowledge of the business in which he was en¬ 
 gaged made him so eminent (I am speaking 
 now of the Clerk of the last House of Repre¬ 
 sentatives) that his superior as a Clerk was 
 never known in the history of our Government. 
 And yet he was displaced on the very first day 
 of the session. It may be said this is to some 
 extent a political position, and I concede it. I 
 do not complain that the majority put a party 
 friend in that position. It was their right to 
 do it, and no man of any political party of the 
 country expected them to do anything else, 
 and I am gratified to say the present incum¬ 
 bent is in all respects a perfect gentleman. 
 They not only did this, but they went through 
 that office and cleaned it out almost entirely. 
 
o 
 
 O 
 
 They began with the Doorkeeper’s department, 
 and they went through that in the same effective , 
 efficient and thorough manner. They did not 
 stop even until they got down to the bath¬ 
 rooms of the House of Representatives and re¬ 
 moved from his place an old man who had 
 been there for years and years in charge of the 
 towels and the soap and the baths of the House, 
 and replaced him by a young, vigorous gentle¬ 
 man from some State out West, who was in 
 sympathy with the party in power. So with 
 the post-office of the House, and so with every 
 other place that the party in power in this end 
 of the Capitol could touch. Political influence 
 and political power were felt “all along the 
 lines.” And now it does not come with a very 
 good grace from a committee of the House of 
 Representatives in a. majority report to com¬ 
 plain that in the navv-yards and elsewhere 
 throughout the country the Republican party 
 have yielded to the pressure of political in¬ 
 fluence, and that the politicians in some in¬ 
 stances have directed the employment of labor 
 in the various navy yards. 
 
 But I must pass from this subject, and in 
 fact from the entire subject in a few minutes 
 more. I have only time to call attention to 
 these matters in a brief and hurried way. 
 There are many things complained of and 
 magnified largely in the report of the major¬ 
 ity ; the testimony of witnesses, extreme wit¬ 
 nesses, being quoted, and conclusioMS drawn 
 from their testimony that a fair and full read¬ 
 ing of the testimony will in nowise warrant. I 
 have alluded to some of the chief matters of 
 complaint against the Secretary of the Navy. 
 He is charged with conniving at fraud, with 
 being guilty of wrongs against the Govern¬ 
 ment, with having betrayed the great trust re¬ 
 posed in him for the benefit of the whole coun¬ 
 try, and with having used it for the advancement 
 of his personal friends. These charges are 
 freely made thoughout the length and breadth 
 of the report. The matters that I have alluded 
 to are specimens of the charges ma'de, and I 
 take it that upon a full reading of the testi¬ 
 mony, if any gentlemen shall ever see fit to 
 read it all, they will learn that the Secretary of 
 the Navy lias conducted the affairs of his de¬ 
 partment in the interest of the whole country ; 
 that in the repairs put upon the Navy, that in 
 the use of the different appropriations, and 
 that in the general direction of the Department 
 he has not departed from a line of honesty and 
 faithfulness toward the country. 
 
 He has spent seven years in the position of a 
 Cabinet Officer. He is still a young man, and 
 he may well feel proud of the position he occu¬ 
 pies and has occupied so honorably for so long 
 a time. Perhaps in the declaration I am about 
 to quote may be found the animus of this re¬ 
 port. It is declared in the platform of the St. 
 Louis convention that the Secretary of the 
 Navy has. been enriching himself and his 
 friends by selling his offices. I know that the 
 Democratic party of the country are hard- 
 pressed ; I know that for eight months almost 
 they have been in session in this end of the 
 Capitol with all the great economic questions 
 of the day lying at their very doors ; and they 
 have failed in a session of eight months to 
 bring to the country a single affirmative prop¬ 
 osition of any character or kind whatever. 
 There lies the question of our revenues just 
 where you found it ; there are the great ques¬ 
 tions of finance just where you found them ; 
 there are the questions of transportation just 
 
 where you found them. Has it become neces¬ 
 sary in order to go to the country for “ Tilden 
 and reform” that you strike down the bureau 
 officers of the Navy Department ; that you 
 wound the Secretary of the Navy, and that 
 by this report you place a stigma upon their 
 characters that is not justified by the testi¬ 
 mony taken by this committee ? 
 
 Mr. GARFIELD. Mr. Speaker, I rise to ad¬ 
 dress myself only to one point in this report. 
 I see that after seven months of incubation 
 the committee have finally laid an egg out of 
 wffiich they are able to hatch only a doubt. 
 
 The result of all their work is that they are 
 in doubt whether the Secretary of the Navy 
 has violated any law or not. Being uncertain 
 wLether any living thing can be hatched from 
 that egg, they turn it over to another commit • 
 tee to be set on during the summer, and, L? 
 possible, to be hatched next winter. Now the 
 chief point in their report—the Samson of 
 their case, as I understand it—is this: They 
 have examined the testimony and have found 
 what they think in one instance is a violation 
 of the law of the United States. And it is 
 this one allegation of a violation that I rise to 
 speak upon. They quoted to us the statute of 
 June 17,1844, which is in these words: 
 
 That no person shall be employed or continued 
 abroad to receive and pay money for the use of 
 the naval service on foreign stations, whether 
 under contract or otherwise, who has not been, 
 or shall not be, appointed by and with the advice 
 and consent of the Senate. (5 Statutes at Large, 
 page 703.) 
 
 This is very broad and sweeping language, 
 and the committee say that in obedience to 
 this statute immediately after its passage the 
 name of Baring Brothers was sent to the 
 Senate and by them confirmed as the foreign 
 fiscal agents of the Navy Department. Then 
 the gentleman turns triumphantly and says 
 there was again a confirmation by the Senate 
 in 1870 of the appointment of Seligmann & 
 Brothers. Why did not the President send to 
 the Senate the name of Jay Cooke, McCulloch 
 & Co., in 1873, to be confirmed in accordance 
 with this law? The gentleman who spoke 
 yesterday [Mr. Lewis] said that doubtless the 
 Secretary of the Navy refused to send in 
 the name of McCulloch for fear the Senate 
 would have rejected it; and, if so, the Secre¬ 
 tary of the Navy would not have a chance to 
 carry out his own purposes. Why was it that 
 no names w r ere sent in between 1844 and 1876? 
 Why was no name sent in during that period 
 of thirty-two years after the passage of the act 
 of 1844? Why was no name sent in during the 
 administration of Polk, Taylor, Fillmore, 
 Pierce, Buchanan or Lincoln? Why was no 
 name sent in during Johnson’s administration? 
 Your sword is too broad, my friend; it is 
 double-edged and cut both ways, backward 
 and forward. I will answer why no name was 
 sent in. Every man on this floor must know 
 that all civil officers, except judicial officers, 
 whose names go to the Senate for confirma¬ 
 tion, must go there upon a commission for four 
 years unless sooner removed. I will tell you 
 why. In 1846, two years before the first four 
 years had expired, the independent-treasury 
 act was passed. That sixth section of that act 
 designates all the persons who shall receive, 
 deposit, transfer and pay the moneys of the 
 United States, and if that section stood alone 
 it would by implication repeal the s ection I 
 h ave uuotedHmaLllaa^att^fcJai^A^^rtMlfr '; 
 
4 
 
 section entire from the act approved August 
 6,1846: 
 
 Sec. 6. And be it further enacted , That the 
 Treasurer of the United States, the.treasurer of 
 the Mint of the United States, the treasurers, 
 and those acting as such, of the various branch 
 mints, ail collectors of the customs, all surveyors 
 of the customs acting also as collectors, all assist¬ 
 ant treasurers, all receivers of public moneys at 
 the several land offices, all postmasters, and all 
 public officers of whatsoever character , be, and 
 they are hereby, required to keep safely, without- 
 loaning, using, depositing in banks, or exchang¬ 
 ing for other funds than as allowed by this act, 
 8.11 the public money collected by them or other¬ 
 wise at any time placed in their* possession and 
 custody, till the same is ordered by the proper 
 Department or officer of the Government to be 
 transferred or paid out; and when such orders for 
 transfer or payment are received, faithfully and 
 promptly to make the same as directed, and to do 
 and perform all other duties as fiscal agents of 
 the Government which may be imposed by this or 
 any other acts of Congress , or by any regulation of 
 the Treasury Department madh m conformity to' 
 law; arid also to do and perform all acts and du¬ 
 ties required by taw or by direction of any of the 
 Executive Departments of the Government as 
 agents , for paying pensions or for making any 
 other disbursements which either of the heads of 
 those Departments may be required'■ by law to make 
 and which, are of a character to be made by the 
 depositaries hereby constituted , consistently with 
 the other official duties imposed upon them. 
 (9 Statutes at Large, page 60 .) 
 
 Ad examination of the section shows that 
 the old machinery of depositaries and special 
 agents was swept away altogether, and, by 
 implication, this section repealed the section 
 which the committee quoted from the act of 
 1844. But we are not left to implication. The 
 last section of the act (section 24) actually 
 repeals all acts and parts of acts inconsistent 
 with the sub-treasury act. And this repeal 
 seems to have left in the power of the heads of 
 the several Departments to make their own 
 special fiscal arrangements after they have 
 drawn the money for their use, and therefore 
 very naturally and very properly the President 
 did not find it necessary in 1848 to send the 
 name of Baring Brothers to the Senate, nor in 
 1852, nor in 1856, nor in 1858, nor at any sub¬ 
 sequent day. It was understood by the prac¬ 
 tice of all the administrations thal the sub- 
 ' treasury law substantially superseded all other 
 laws on the subject. 
 
 Now, in 1854, Congress, finding that the 
 Secretaries of the several Departments needed 
 more special power in reference to the dis¬ 
 bursement of money, a section was put into an 
 appropriation bill in those Democratic days, 
 which gentlemen will find as the fourteenth 
 section of the sundry civil bill of August 4, 
 1854. And here is the section: 
 
 by all Administrations; it is not neceesary to 
 discuss the reason of that. They were made 
 the agents of the Government. But were their 
 names sent into the Senate? Of course not; 
 nobody raised the question of practice, because 
 not one of Secretary Robeson’s predecessors 
 had sent any name in for nearly one third of & 
 century. And the power of the Secretary was 
 further increased by the act of July 5, 1862, 
 providing that “all appropriations for specific, 
 general and contingent expenses of the Navy 
 Department shall be under the control and 
 expended by the direction of the Secretary of 
 the Navy.” 
 
 What now happened ? When we came to 
 revise the statutes of the United States in 1874, 
 by one of the blunders which the revisers made 
 in so great a work, there was embraced in it 
 the old, obsolete law of 1844. And when that 
 came to be discovered, and there was a change 
 in 1876 in the fiscal agency of the Navy De¬ 
 partment, and Seligman Brothers, of New 
 York, were appointed, for the first time in 
 thirty-odd years, it appeared that there was a 
 requirement in the Revised Statutes that the 
 name should be sent to the Senate for con¬ 
 firmation. And accordingly, in obedience to 
 that old, obsolete section now included in the 
 Revised Statutes, the name of Seligman 
 Brothers was sent into the Senate. 
 
 And I will say here, what is common report 
 throughout the country, that the Committee 
 on the Judiciary of the Senate that had charge 
 of that nomination though t there was no neces¬ 
 sity of their ratifying the nomination. It was 
 the general impression that, even w’th that pro¬ 
 vision in the Revised Statutes, they did not 
 need to ratify the nomination of Seligman 
 Brothers. But finally, out of abundant cau¬ 
 tion, they did ratify it. 
 
 And now we are called upon to raise the 
 question of -impeachment of Secretary Robe¬ 
 son for having neglected a repealed statute, 
 which, for thirty years, every one of his prede¬ 
 cessors had treated as repealed. If party rage 
 can go further than that; if malice can seek a 
 crazier thing to lean upon, I do not know what 
 it is. 
 
 The doctrine of the majority of the commit¬ 
 tee is one 
 
 That leans its idiot back 
 
 On folly’s topmost twig. 
 
 That is all I have to- say on that point. 
 
 Now, a word or two on a single other point. 
 It is charged that the Secretary of the Navy 
 made remittances to the concern of Jay Cooke, 
 McCulloch & Co. after it was in a failing con¬ 
 dition. Now, it is clearly shown in their own 
 testimony that the remittance was made weeks 
 before the credit ot the firm had suffered any 
 shock. The warrant passed out of the Secre¬ 
 tary’s^ hands and was no more under his con¬ 
 trol than under yours or mine. And because 
 some of the drafts, which had been wander¬ 
 ing around the world, were not presented for 
 payment till a day or two after the crash, the 
 committee say kfiat therefore the Secretary 
 made remittances after the credit of the firm 
 was impaired. I have only time to say that 
 the action of the Secretary was such as every 
 sensible business man would approve. 
 
 I want to say one word in conclusion, and 
 that is this: That good old sense of fair play 
 that enters into the hearts and minds of all 
 brave, manly men requires this House to do 
 one of two things: If you believe that Secre¬ 
 tary Robeson has done anything deserving im- 
 
 Whenever it becomes necessary for the head of 
 any Department or office to employ special agents 
 other than officers ot the Army ami Navy, who 
 may be charged with the disbursement of public 
 moneys, such agents*shall, before entering upon 
 duty, give bond in such form and with such secur¬ 
 ity as the head of the Department or office em- 
 ploying'them may approve. 
 
 This section recognizes the power of the 
 Secretary to employ agents, but requires him 
 to take security from them. Now, that act of 
 T854, together with the section I have quoted 
 from the sub-treasury act, was accepted 
 on all hands as dispensing with the necessity 
 of sending in a name to the Senate for such 
 foreign fiscal agent. 
 
 Now, in 1871 a new appointment was made; 
 the appointment of Jay'Cooke, McCulloch & 
 Co., alter consultations which are usually had 
 
peachment, present your articles and vote on 
 them. If you do not believe that, say so and 
 drop the subject. But to hang up over his 
 head a doubt and a threat, and to let them 
 hang there as a menace during the heated 
 political controversy of the pending election is 
 unmanly and unjust. Why, sir, you might 
 say the same thing of George Washington; 
 you could pass this same resolution about any 
 public servant that the nation ever had. We 
 could say that, being in doubt whether all his 
 acts were perfectly legal, we will turn t*he 
 question over to a committee to inquire, with 
 instructions to bring in articles if they find any 
 act impeachable. Could you not say that 
 about any man you ever knew who ever held 
 any public office in this nation? Secretary 
 Robeson is a manly man, and does not fear to 
 meet the full responsibility of his official acts. 
 
 Now let this House do the manly thing; 
 bring in your articles of impeachment and vote 
 on them; recommit this report to your com¬ 
 mittee, and let-,them act upon it and bring in 
 articles of impeachment if they can. We do 
 not desire to screen anybody who has done 
 wrona:, but we do demand, manly, fair play. 
 
 [Here the hammer fell.] 
 
 Mr. HALE. I rise, Mr. Speaker, to enter 
 my earnest protest against this partisan at¬ 
 tempt to break down an able and honest offi¬ 
 cer of the Government—to protest against this 
 attempt to utilize the last days of a session 
 preceding a Presidential election by raising a 
 new rallying cry for the canvass over alleged 
 maladministration on the part of a man who 
 seven years ag® came to Washington bringing 
 the highest reputation as a good lawyer and an 
 honest man, and who in all unprejudiced minds 
 has sustained that reputation from that day to 
 this; who found a shattered and decayed and 
 almost useless navy, and who put in its place 
 the best by far that the country has ever had; 
 who has been at the head of a Department in 
 which have been spent tens of millions of dol¬ 
 lars, and who has never, directly or indirectly, 
 taken one dollar for himself, but who is to-day 
 a poorer man than when seven years ago he 
 resigned the attorney generalship of New Jer¬ 
 sey and came to Washington to be Secretary of 
 the Navy. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, in discussing this subject I have 
 but little time to give to it, not half that I 
 could wish. Of the hour that is assigned me I 
 shall yield large portions to different gentlemen 
 who have from time to time taken an interest in 
 this investigation, and who have to some extent 
 explored the wide waste of testimony that the 
 committee has thrown open to us. Something 
 of this I have done myself. I have not read all 
 of the testimony, and I propose to confine my¬ 
 self to certain portions of the investigation, the 
 testimony bearing upon which I have faithfully 
 gone through. Human life is too short to 
 read everything that the committee has raked 
 and scraped from the corners of the earth. 
 
 But I have read enough to know this, Mr. 
 Speaker, that if anywhere this committee has 
 found any ambitious officer in the navy who be¬ 
 lieves in the exaltation of his Department into 
 a realm where $1© will be spent where one is 
 now spent, and who blames the Secretary be¬ 
 cause he has not scattered money with more 
 lavish hand, it has opened its doors to him. I 
 have read enough to see that if there has been 
 any discharged officer or employee of the Gov¬ 
 ernment that has come to Washington or the 
 various places where the committee have sat, 
 
 trumpeting his tale of personal wrongs, the 
 committee Lave reached out their arms and 
 gladly received him. I have read enough to 
 know that if there has been any baffled con¬ 
 tractor who has not succeeded in getting his 
 scheme for illicit gain through the Navy De¬ 
 partment, and is now disturbed by the memory 
 of profits that he never should have had and 
 has lost, the committee has found him and 
 gladly heard him. I have learned that if there 
 has been living any old officer of the navy who 
 held important place before the rebellion, like 
 ex-Constructor Porter, who had been at Nor¬ 
 folk, who refitted the Merrimac and made her 
 such an engine of destruction to our navy that 
 in the little space of an hour she sunk millions 
 of dollars and most precious lives—I have 
 learned that if the committee found any such 
 as he, they opened their doors to him, and 
 gave him welcome, and made him sit in ail the 
 high places that their report erects. They 
 listened to and set down all his complaints, 
 embittered as they were by the reflection on his 
 part qf the day when, under the Democratic 
 party, he was a power in the Navy Department® 
 I have learned that if throughout the length of 
 the Atlantic coast there has been any “dead 
 beat” who has been kicked from the doors of 
 the Navy Department, the committee has in¬ 
 vited him and has taken his testimony, and 
 that wherever, as in the case of the man 
 Wolfe, he has been contradicted by witness 
 upon witness piling up contradiction, Osso 
 upon Pelion, the report of the committee has 
 been made upon the testimony of the “dead¬ 
 beat,” and that nowhere in the report is to be 
 found the countervailing testimony of the 
 honest witnesses. So much I have learned by 
 reading this report so far as I have been able 
 to give time to it. 
 
 Now, Mr. Speaker, I claim to know some¬ 
 thing of the American Navy and of its manage¬ 
 ment and condition in the last seven years. In 
 the Forty-first Congress I had the honor to 
 serve upon the Naval Committee. 
 
 In the two succeeding Congresses I served 
 upon the Committee on Appropriations. „I 
 had cnarge of all naval appropriations. Such 
 experience ought to have given me some knowl¬ 
 edge of the operations of the Department, some 
 views as to the management of the Secretary 
 of the Navy during these years. 
 
 I wish to give about all my time to the con* 
 sideration of the real condition of the Ameri¬ 
 can Navy as it now is in contrast with what it-, 
 was when Mr. Robeson took charge of it, for 
 the heaviest charge in the complaint of the 
 majority of the committee is that the Secre¬ 
 tary has wantonly and perhaps corruptly 
 wasted the immense sums of money that have 
 been put by Congress at his disposal, and that 
 little or nothing can be shown for it; that 
 there is presented in these seven years a wil¬ 
 derness of extravagance, corruption and fraud. 
 When the Secretary took the Department in 
 1869 he had everything to learn. He set him¬ 
 self to learn it. He inherited almost every¬ 
 thing but a good Navy. He inherited a De¬ 
 partment used to extravagant expenditures of 
 money during all the years of the war. He 
 has suffered with certain naval officers be-, 
 cause his term of office has been at a time 
 when Congress and the people demanded that 
 there should be lessening of expenditure, a 
 policy never acceptable with the officers of the 
 Navy. He inherited a service the spirit of 
 whose officers was high and who .believed that 
 
6 
 
 the American Navy should be increased until 
 it should compare with the navies of great Eu- 
 ropean powers where a pound sterling is spent 
 where we spend a dollar. Above all, Mr. 
 Speaker, he inherited a Navy with ships which 
 were ships only in name ; their hulls were de¬ 
 cayed, their engines were worthless. With 
 many of them spee 1 was a myth. With others 
 to float even was as impossible as for a rich 
 man to enter the kingdom of heaven. 
 
 There were at that time, Mr. Speaker, when 
 the Secretary took charge of this .Department, 
 but eighteen ships in all that were suitable for 
 sea-service. This fact the gentlemen who 
 father this remarkable majority report either 
 have not learned or have ignored entirely. But 
 such is the fact. Out of "all the expenditure 
 of the war, the Navy having been run in that 
 period like a race-horse to win a particular 
 race at no matter what the future sacrifice 
 should be, Mr. Robeson, when he came into 
 office, had but eighteen ships fit for sea-ser¬ 
 vice. We had never run so low since Mr. Jef¬ 
 ferson’s mania for little gun-boats and a dis¬ 
 mantled Navy. Now to-day there are eighty 
 ships, including iron-clads in good condition 
 and fit for service. 
 
 Now, Mr. Speaker, of these eighty ships, 
 forty-seven have been extensively repaired and 
 rebuilt in the last five years. They have been 
 built and repaired out of appropriations given 
 by Congress to the Secretary. There is one 
 thing which I have failed to see credit given 
 for in this report to the Secretary of the Navy, 
 in which he stands alone, and that is, that in 
 all these years, whatever the appropriations of 
 Congress have been, he has confined himself 
 rigidly to them. There have been no deficiency 
 bills, Mr. Speaker, in the Secretary of the Navy’s 
 Department, and he has brought up this little 
 dwindled navy of eighteen vessels, out of the 
 appropriations Congress has given him, to a 
 navy of eighty good vessels, fit for sea and for 
 defense. 
 
 And for this the gentlemen on the majority 
 of the committee would impeach him for high 
 crimes and misdemeanors. 
 
 What would they have done, I wonder, if 
 the Secretary had supinely allowed the Ameri¬ 
 can Navy to go to destruction and had really 
 nothing to show for his money ? 
 
 One of the charges made is as to the rebuild¬ 
 ing of vessels out of the appropriations for 
 construction and repair. Yes, the Secretary 
 has done it. He does not deny it. He is proud 
 of it; and, as an advocate and friend of the 
 American Navy, I am proud of it. He has 
 built out of the appropriation for construction 
 and repair ten vessels which are to-day as good 
 as new. 
 
 But, while the committee have found that 
 fact, they have not found the further fact that 
 the Secretary has followed the example of 
 every administration for thirty years. Do 
 gentlemen know that there were built in this 
 same way the United States in 1850, the Ful¬ 
 ton in 1835, the Engineer in 1835, the Prince¬ 
 ton in 1851, the Constitution in 1852, the Con¬ 
 stellation in 1853, the Congress in 1840, the 
 Macedonian in 1852 and the Franklin in 1854; 
 built from keel inclusive upward, only retain¬ 
 ing the old name, just as Secretary Robeson 
 built the Marion, the Yandalia, the Swatara, 
 the Galena, the Nipsic, and has almost finished 
 the Miantonomoh, the Amphitrite, the Monad- 
 nock, the Terror and the Puritan? 
 
 He followed in the beaten track of his pre¬ 
 
 decessors. Nay, has this committee ever 
 found out that there were built outright in 
 1843, without authority of Congress, from the 
 general appropriations, the following new ves¬ 
 sels, new in name as well as in keel and hull: 
 the Portsmouth, the Germantown, the Albany, 
 the Plymouth, the Saint Mary’s, and the 
 Jamestown? These were added to the lists of 
 the Navy by the administration in the year 
 1843. And because the Secretary has gone 
 half as far as previous Democratic administra¬ 
 tions, the majority of this committee want to 
 impeach him. 
 
 Let me call the attention of gentlemen to 
 some of the results of this good conduct on 
 the part of the Secretary in building up a good 
 Navy, which I say to-day, and I say it on the 
 responsibility of knowledge, is a better Navy 
 than the Republic has ever had. The gentle¬ 
 man from Texas [Mr. Mills] has referred to 
 the Virginius excitement. Has he learned 
 that because the Secretary of the Navy then 
 summoned to the waters of the Gulf a fleet so 
 efficient Spain did not dare herself to enter 
 into the conflict, war was averted? Does he 
 know that at that time Spain herself had an 
 armament there that was larger than any 
 which Howe or St. Vincent ever commanded; 
 larger than the fleet with which Nelson won 
 his coronet at the Nile or with which he broke 
 the power of France and Spain at Trafalgar; 
 and that, immense as that armament was, as 
 frowning and portentous as was the appear¬ 
 ance in the sky at that time, the Secretary of 
 the Navy, whom you now want to impeach, 
 sent into the very teeth of the guns of the 
 Spanish vessels a force so efficient that we 
 were protected and that hundreds of millions 
 of dollars and thousands of valuable lives 
 were saved? Why, sir, we owed more at that 
 time to the course of the Secretary of the 
 Navy that war was averted than to any and 
 everybody else, as good as the diplomacy of 
 the time was. 
 
 The gentlemen of the majority, I see, in 
 their report contrast this Navy unfavorably 
 with the Navy at the close of Mr. Buchanan’s 
 administration, and they contrast the expend¬ 
 itures. Why, sir, the administration of Mr. 
 Buchanan in its four years had annual appro¬ 
 priations for the Navy of .from eleven to four¬ 
 teen milli'-ns of dollars, appropriations that 
 would buy more of material and labor than 
 the corresponding appropriations in any of the 
 years that Secretary Robeson has been the 
 head of the Department. And yet, sir, when 
 the war broke out the Navy was not in a con¬ 
 dition to fire a gun in defense of the flag. 
 
 Let me call the attention of those three gen¬ 
 tlemen, from Tennessee and Texas and Ala¬ 
 bama, who have been foremost in this matter 
 in arraigning the Secretary, to the possible re¬ 
 sults had Mr. Robeson’s navy under his man¬ 
 agement been on the seas in 1861. Had his 
 fourteen iron-clads been ready for service then 
 as they are now, we would have had one sta¬ 
 tioned at Memphis, and there would not have 
 been the condition of affairs in Tennessee that 
 you saw there at that time. We would have 
 had one in Galveston, and Texas would not 
 have been so rampant as you, sir, [looking at 
 Mr. Mills,] helped to make it that year. " We 
 would have ha 1 one at Mobile, and Alabama 
 wouldn’t have been so eager to go into secession. 
 We would have had oneor two at Norfolk, and 
 others at Charleston and at Savannah and at 
 j Wilmington and at Baltimore, and the rebel- 
 
lion would have been throttled and these gen¬ 
 tlemen that now want to impeach a Cabinet 
 officer because he has made a good navy for 
 the Republic would perhaps have never gained 
 the reputation in the field that has sent them 
 onto this floor. Or, if I may be more charita¬ 
 ble, in the peaceful times that would have en¬ 
 sued, these gentlemen from Alabama and 
 Texas and Tennessee would have decorated 
 this Chamber with their presence earlier than 
 they now have. 
 
 Other results would have followed if we had 
 had a Secretary like the present one in the 
 years preceding the war. We would not have 
 had so heavy a debt as we have now. There 
 would not have been so many pensions. There 
 would not have been such a war debt, and 
 such a debt incidentally from the war. And 
 my Democratic friends would not have had so 
 large a margin to figure from in making their 
 redactions. 
 
 No, sir. The fact is that upon this Subject 
 the record of the Secretary of the Navy is re¬ 
 splendent with his achievements in building up 
 this branch of the service. And the gentlemen 
 of the majority of the committee have gone 
 out delving in the highways and the byways, 
 and have found a canteen man at Brooklyn 
 that took interest in the navy, and they have 
 found that a board was put into the Secre¬ 
 tary’s dumb-waiter, and that a baptismal font 
 and a sideboard were made, all of which the 
 Secretary paid for at high prices out of his 
 own money, and henceforth got bis furniture 
 at cheaper prices; they have hunted up old 
 ■constructor John Porter, who has filled their 
 pages with his bitter complaints and talk about 
 the enormities of the present administration in 
 the navy yards, and they complain that men 
 at the navy yards vote the Republican ticket 
 on compulsion. 
 
 As an illustration of this subject I ask that 
 the following letter be read by the Clerk. 
 
 The Clerk lead as lollows: 
 
 Commandant’s Office, Navy Yard, ) 
 Mare Island, September 23, 1858. £ 
 
 Sir: Mr. Turner, civil engineer, objects to a 
 requisition for a sawyer to superintend the saw¬ 
 mill without its going through his office, and fur¬ 
 ther states that the saw-mill is under the imme¬ 
 diate charge of the master joiner. 
 
 I have also heard that the man selected by you 
 is a black Republican; if so, he cannot be admit¬ 
 ted on the rolls of this yard while I command it. 
 
 Respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 R. 13. CUNNINGHAM, Commandant. 
 
 I. Hanscom, Esq., Naval Constructor , Navy 
 
 Yard , Mare Island , California. 
 
 Mr. HALE. That is better,Mr. Speaker,than 
 any argument of mine. It shows that while 
 abuses exist in this direction, they have come 
 down from former years. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, in what I have said I have dealt 
 mainly with the condition of the American 
 navy, because that is at the bottom of the 
 question. I say here, and I can maintain it, that 
 the Secretary of the Navy has built out of the 
 ordinary appropriations of the Republic the best 
 navy that the country has ever had, and for 
 this the gentlemen of the majority of this re¬ 
 port would forsooth impeach him! 
 
 Truly, republics are ungrateful, and never 
 more so when the question whether praise or 
 blame shall be meted out rests with the ma¬ 
 jority of the present Committee on Naval Af¬ 
 fairs . 
 
 I now yield fifteen minutes to my colleague, 
 {Mr. Frye.] 
 
 Mr. FRYE. I do not know that I need any 
 
 excuse for addressing this House for fifteen 
 minutes, and yet as I have no connection with 
 the Naval Committee perhaps it is just for me to 
 say that,as a member of this House, as a lawyer, 
 as a gentleman careful and sensitive as to the 
 honor of the Secretary of the Navy, a gentle¬ 
 man whom I have known long, known well, 
 and whom before this investigation commenced 
 I believed to be a man of as strict integrity, of 
 as noble purposes, of as generous impulses as 
 any man within the circle of my acquaintance, 
 I have studiously and critically examined this 
 evidence, and I beg to say to the House from 
 the examination I have made of the testimony, 
 from the discussion which has taken place on 
 the floor of this House, I state on my honor as 
 a member that my opinion has not been changed 
 as to the Secretary of the Navy one jot or one 
 tittle. Sir, there are periods in the history of 
 the world when darkness usurps the place of 
 light, as the spots now and then appear upon 
 the face of the moon; when justice is dethroned 
 and tyranny is enthroned; when the possession 
 ot virtue, of purity, and integrity only lead to 
 an attack and persecution upon the possessor; 
 when suspicion secures conviction, while evi¬ 
 dence fails; when father is against son and 
 brother against brother; and Jhe members of 
 one’s own household are spies upon him and 
 his family; times when hell seems to reign and 
 heaven to serve. History repeats itself, and if 
 ever one of those dark periods of time was re¬ 
 peated in the history of the American Congress 
 it has been during this present session. 
 
 Why, sir, it has been bitter, it has been full 
 of suspicion, it has been full of crimination 
 and recrimination; all social intercourse has 
 been embittered by it, and why ? Because a 
 great party of the country, hungry and thirsty 
 by an abstinence of a score of years, thought 
 that it saw the flesh-pots of Egypt and was 
 bound to taste thereof. Ah ! gentlemen, you 
 have gone too far ; you may get a view of the 
 promised land, but you cut off your prospect 
 of ever reaching it by too fond a desire for an 
 indulgence in flesh-pots. Sir, why is it that 
 scores of committees of this House for the last 
 seven months, at a cost to the people of $3,000 
 a day, clothed with the power of sending for 
 persons and papers, armed with subpoenas, sit¬ 
 ting with closed doors, have sent these sub- 
 pcenas into the slime and the alleys and the 
 lanes of great cities; have brought in the 
 drunkards, the insane men, the discharged 
 employees, and disgraced officials, and everj 7 - 
 thing that was debased and wicked, and, sit¬ 
 ting with closed doors, have taken from their 
 lips that filth they were willing and delighted 
 to dispense, and from time to time have scat¬ 
 tered it through a partisan press ? Only be¬ 
 cause the necessities of the party seem to re¬ 
 quire it. 
 
 Why is it that the Naval Committee listen 
 to the story of Porter, who as naval con¬ 
 structor at Norfolk fitted out the Merrimae, 
 violated his oath, destroyed vessels sailing 
 under the American flag, and finds false meas¬ 
 urements of timber in that yard, though a 
 dozen loyal men flatly contradict him? The 
 necessities of the party demand it. 
 
 Why is it that the testimony of the drunken 
 Wolfe, the discharged employee, almost in 
 delirium when he testified, is believed against 
 the contradicting statements of five respecta¬ 
 ble and credible witnesses? The necessities of 
 the party demand it. 
 
 Why is it that the Committee on the Real 
 
8 
 
 Estate Pool Ring was empowered try this House 
 to investigate every man and everything under 
 the wide heavens, and in pursuance of that 
 purpose dared to violate the sanctity of private 
 business letters and telegrams, to send to the 
 vats of paper-makers and bring such telegrams 
 here by the half ton and spend months sorting 
 over this private correspondence of private 
 gentlemen, disgracing themselves and outrag¬ 
 ing the American Congress? Ah! because the 
 necessities of the party seemed to require it. 
 
 Why is it that a dignified committee like 
 that on the judiciary is parceled out into 
 squads of detectives, and, notwithstanding 
 their dignity, compelled to prowl around 
 among discharged employees of the Treasury 
 Department, among disgraced officials, among 
 whisky-ring-eonvicts, seeking to prove that the 
 great executive head of the United States, too, 
 has been dabbling in whisky frauds? Why 
 would that committee dare to drag in the mire 
 the great name of this great Republic before 
 the eyes of the whole world? There is but 
 one answer: The necessities of the party 
 seemed to require it. 
 
 Why, when a member of this House was 
 charged with selling a cadetship for $3,000, 
 did the sub-committee of the Judiciary spend 
 months upon the case; and then when they 
 found that there was not a scintilla of evidence 
 against their colleague and their peer on the 
 floor of this House, and were compelled to re¬ 
 port his exculpation, why, I say, did they in 
 six of the pages of that exculpation report 
 seek to cover him with the infamy of gross 
 and wicked suspicions; that report never 
 signed or voted for by but four members of the 
 committee, while the minority report which I 
 have in my desk, and wffiich fully and com¬ 
 pletely exculpates the gentleman from Ala¬ 
 bama, [Mr. Hays,] is signed by five members 
 of that committee? 
 
 Why did the same committee demand the 
 private correspondence of a distinguished mem¬ 
 ber of this House, in no manner relating to the 
 case in hand; and when it was refused, why 
 did the partisan press fill the public mind with 
 gross and wicked suspicion, until in self-de¬ 
 fense that gentleman was compelled to read 
 the letters to forty millions of people ? The 
 necessities of a great party demanded it. 
 
 And so I might go on by the hour, but I have 
 only fifteen minutes. I now put the same 
 question to the House and to the country as to 
 this Committee on Naval Affairs. Why did 
 you sit with closed doors for months, taking 
 four thousand printed pages of testimony? 
 Why did you close the mouths of the Republi¬ 
 can members of that committee, so that they 
 could not make any inquiry to obtain infor¬ 
 mation in relation to this examination? And 
 when you had got through your taking of tes¬ 
 timony, why did you make this report, for 
 which there is no foundation in the evidence 
 from its beginning down to its very end? 
 
 Why did the gentleman from Alabama [Mr. 
 Lewis] yesterday and why did the gentleman 
 from Texas [Mr. Mills] to-day assert what 
 they did assert in regard to the Cattell per¬ 
 formance, or the “Cattellism,” as they termed 
 it? Why did the gentleman from Texas assert 
 that E. G. Cattell’testified that he expended 
 $13,000 for Secretary Robeson upon a palace 
 at Long Branch, when the gentleman_ from 
 Texas knew as well as I know, because 1 have 
 read the testimony, that E.G. Cattell was act¬ 
 ing as the agent of A. J. Cattell, an ex-Sena¬ 
 
 tor of the United States, and then absent, by 
 virtue of an agreement with him? And he 
 knew further that the Secretary of the Navy 
 had mortgaged or deeded property in the city 
 of Washington of three times the value of the 
 whole amount as security to A. G. Cattell & 
 Co. for the advances which had been made. 
 Why was the gentleman silent as to that? Ah! 
 the necessities of the party demanded it. 
 
 Why did the gentleman from Texas [Mr. 
 MillsI read the income returns of the Secre¬ 
 tary of the Navy from 1866 to 1869, when he 
 knew as well as I know it, but was silent about 
 it, that the Secretary of the Navy in 1866 paid 
 an income tax on $76,000, a tax of over $7,000, 
 and which the gentleman from Texas knew 
 would be allowed the next year to the payer 
 of the tax, and deducted from the tax of that 
 year? Why did he make these statements 
 when the Secretary of the Navy himself testi¬ 
 fied, uncontradicted, that he had been com¬ 
 pelled to sell $30,000 of United States bonds to 
 keep his position here in the city of Washing¬ 
 ton, and that all he was worth to-day more 
 than he was worth the day he became Secre¬ 
 tary of the Navy came from rise in property? 
 Why did he not say, as is proven iu the case, 
 that the account books of A. G. Cattell <fe Co. 
 contained every item charged against Mr. 
 Robeson? 
 
 Now what is it about the Cattells. A. G. 
 Cattell, ex-United States Senator, was for 
 twenty years the friend of the Secretary of the 
 Navy. The Secretary of the Navy was the 
 attorney and counsel for A. G. Cattell & Co. 
 for ten years before he became the Secretary 
 of the Navy; hence all these business transac¬ 
 tions between them. Now I submit to this 
 House—for I have not time to examine the 
 evidence, and I ask them to examine this testi¬ 
 mony for themselves—that they cannot find 
 one scintilla of evidence from the beginning to 
 the end of it which connects the Secretary of 
 the Navy in the remotest degree either with 
 selling his influence to contractors, or with re¬ 
 ceiving one dollar of benefit from them. 
 
 On the contrary, it will be found that the 
 Secretary of the Navy himself testified before 
 the committee that he never received one dol¬ 
 lar from any contractor or for any contract; 
 that when he beard by public rumor that E, 
 G. Cattell was endeavoring to sell his influence 
 with the Department, he, the Secretary of the 
 Navy, immediately went to Philadelphia and 
 informed the party in charge there that no 
 such thing would be allowed for a moment, 
 E.G. Cattell testified that the Secretary was 
 kept in profound ignorance of the facts, as was 
 his brother, A. G. Cattell, so far as it could Le 
 done. 
 
 Roach and other contractors, two in nuin 
 ber, testified that the Secretary of the Navy 
 told them that under no circumstances should 
 they pay a dollar or a cent to E. G. Cattell or 
 any other man in order to procure contracts ; 
 that if Jie knew of it the contracts would not 
 be granted. Where is the evidence that the 
 Secretary was knowing to this commission 
 business'? There is not one word in the whole 
 four thousand pages of testimony. 
 
 Then, again, the Secretary himself testifies 
 distinctly and squarely that he never extended 
 favor to E. G. Cattell or to any other con¬ 
 tractor or to any other purchaser of supplies 
 whatsoever; and I have here a 
 
9 
 
 LIST OF TWENTY-THREE LEADING OFFICERS 
 
 of the navy whom he called as witnesses, all of 
 them having served from twenty-five to forty- 
 five years, and every one of them having been 
 in positions as commissaries, quartermasters, 
 &c., where they had the right legally to pur¬ 
 chase supplies for periods covering the w T hole 
 time that Mr. Robeson has been Secretary of 
 the N avy, and every one of them to a man tes¬ 
 tifies that there never was any request for 
 favor on the part of the Secretary of the Navy; 
 that there never was any favor extended by 
 them; that he never, directly or indirectly, 
 asked them to extend favor to any living con- 
 tractor or furnishing man. Why does the 
 gentleman from Texas, [Mr. Mills,] why do 
 the majority of the Naval Committee disregard 
 all this testimony and in their report never 
 mention it all, but go entirely upon suspicions 
 of their own ? The necessities of the party de¬ 
 mand it. 
 
 “0,” it is said, “the Secretary must have 
 got money improperly, because this Cattell 
 sold his influence.” Gentlemen, do you not 
 know that your influence and your votes are 
 sold every day that you sit on the floor of this 
 House ? D© you not know that brokers and 
 lobbyists in Washington and New York are 
 selling the votes of the very best of you every 
 day that you live ? Do you not know that they 
 sold the vote of Hon. William Pitt Fessenden 
 for a thousand dollars—a man who could not 
 be corrupted by all the money in the world ; 
 whose evei-enduring monument is that he 
 dared to stand up in the impeachme at trial of 
 Andrew Johnson and vote “not guilty” against 
 his whole party? And yet, do you dare assume 
 that he was corrupt ? Do you assume that 
 Congress is corrupt ? Do you assume that the 
 chairman of this committee, the gentleman 
 from Tennessee, is corrupt because some mis¬ 
 erable scoundrel sells influence with him that 
 he never had, and his vote which he could 
 never control? E. G. Cattell did this, and 
 nothing more than this; yet the majority of 
 the Naval Committee find that Mr. Robeson is 
 corrupt because— 
 
 [Here the hammer fell.] 
 
 Mr. HALE. I now yield ten minutes to the 
 gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr. Kelley.] 
 
 Mr. KELLEY. Mr. Speaker, I grieve as 
 sincerely as any man in this House over the 
 character of this report. It is a sad disap¬ 
 pointment to me. There are abuses, tradi¬ 
 tional abuses, in many departments of the Gov¬ 
 ernment; and I hoped that we should get a 
 calm, philosophic arraignment of these and 
 proposed amendments in the law which would 
 remedy and avert them. But this report is so 
 superficial and bitterty partisan that it must 
 be a disappointment to the whole country. It 
 brings forward no amendments to the law; it 
 proposes to remedy no evil; but in lieu of such 
 practical suggestions it proposes to refer to an¬ 
 other committee of the House a mass of four’ 
 thousand pages of loose and incoherent testi¬ 
 mony, much of it from disreputable sources, 
 in order that that committee may discover 
 whether George M. Robeson, Secretary of the 
 Navy, has been guilty of any crime or misde¬ 
 meanor. Stultifying itself, the Naval Com¬ 
 mittee in this proposition declares that in seven 
 months it has not been able to discover such a 
 fact, and asks that the Judiciary Committee 
 may sit at l^ast till after the November elec¬ 
 tion upon the question aud ascertain whether 
 
 it can discover any in this mass of worse than 
 hearsay evidence. 
 
 I have known Mr. Robeson, in the little city 
 in which he grew to manhood and has prac¬ 
 ticed law, for more than a quarter of a century, 
 and I aver that in an inquisition made in open 
 daylight, where the safeguards of character 
 established by tradition, law or decency should 
 be respected, the world may investigate him, 
 and his integrity will come out without taint or 
 tarnish. What, with strumpets and thieves 
 and their consorts examined in the darkness, 
 sworn not to reveal what they had testified to, 
 with even the minority of the committee bound 
 to the secresy of the Spanish inquisition, what 
 taint you may have put upon the name of an 
 honorable man, I know not; but when the 
 American people know your methods and look 
 at your flimsy partisan results, they will discard 
 your report as I do, as a mere electioneering 
 document made at the expense of the charac¬ 
 ter of our country and institutions. 
 
 Mr. HARRIS,of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, 
 in closing this debate on behalf of the minority 
 of the Committee on Naval Affairs I shall en¬ 
 deavor to confine myself to those subjects 
 which the majority bring to our attention as 
 the result and conclusions of their investigation. 
 
 I have always protested that the purpose 
 and the apparent attemnt of our committee 
 was to hunt up if possible some ground upon 
 which to make a charge against the Secretary 
 of the Navy. I have felt so, Mr. Speaker. I 
 have believed so. And now, at last the result 
 of all which comes before this House of Rep¬ 
 resentatives, the result of all our investiga¬ 
 tions, which this House is called to pass upon, 
 is this: Will this House send to another com¬ 
 mittee of this bod 5 r this vast accumulation of 
 trash called testimony, and the conundrums 
 whfteh the committee seem to raise upon ques¬ 
 tions of law? Shall we send all this to another 
 great committee of this House to find out 
 whether possibly there may not be discovered 
 from all this testimony a legal or technical 
 ground upon which to charge the Secretary 
 with high crimes and misdemeanors and to 
 render it proper that articles of impeachment 
 should be brought in here ? 
 
 Mr. Speaker, when the committee itself, or¬ 
 ganized as it has been, controlled as it has 
 been, wielded as it has been in the direction of 
 impeachment, makes the report it does, it is a 
 humiliating confession. 
 
 But, sir, what is the use of talking about a 
 fair investigation when the man and the men 
 most affected can only know what transpired 
 in the tribunal which was trying them after 
 the press of the country had put it before them? 
 Remember, Mr. Speaker, the investigation at 
 Norfolk, the investigation at the Washington 
 navy yard, the investigations at the Philadel¬ 
 phia navy yard, at New York, at Boston and at 
 Kittery were ail completed and the summer 
 had come upon us before the Secretary was 
 allowed ro put his foot in the committee-room. 
 It was not, sir, until the first day of June that 
 he came there. And then, as we have said in 
 our report, he demanded that as a right which 
 the committee had denied him for so long. 
 When, sir, any man holding the relation which 
 he holds to the Government is to be put on 
 trial for high crimes and misdemeanors, it 
 would seem to be a part of his right at least to 
 meet face to face and to put the test of cross- 
 examination to those witnesses who were 
 brought to impeach his honor and integrity. 
 
10 
 
 And yet, sir, the report of this committee 
 stands upon the testimony of a class of 
 witnesses who were never cross-examined; 
 their private history unknown; their motives 
 were unknown. I thiDk the House will see 
 that this is an imposition, a slander upon jus¬ 
 tice, to say that such an investigation can be 
 fair. It is utterly impossible, however much 
 the parties conducting it intended to make it 
 so, that it should have teen fair or impartial. 
 
 But my time is rapidly wasting and I want 
 to call the attention of the House to the ques¬ 
 tion before it directly. They say that the Sec¬ 
 retary has willingly and corruptly violated 
 certain laws and that for the violation of those 
 laws he ought to be impeached. Now, Mr. 
 Speaker, a great officer like the Secretary of 
 the Navy must necessarily be allowed to con¬ 
 strue the law where it has not already been 
 construed for him. He who undertakes to 
 discharge the great trust confided to him must 
 himself construe the law. If, on the other 
 hand, there is a question as to what the law 
 is, he may go to precedents and to history for 
 a guide; but if he makes an honest attempt to 
 execute the law as he understands it, he can¬ 
 not be impeached, thank Heaven, in this coun¬ 
 try at least, even if he errs in his conclusions. 
 Were it otherwise, every judge upon the bench 
 might be Impeached for some wrong interpre¬ 
 tation of the law; and the Secretary of the 
 Navy has the right to ascertain from the stat¬ 
 ute what the law is and what are his duties 
 under the law; and, if he honestly endeavors 
 to execute the laws as he understands them, he 
 cannot be impeached. 
 
 Here is the law which he is charged with 
 violating: 
 
 All claims and demands whatever by the 
 United States or against them, and all accounts 
 whatever in which the United States are con¬ 
 cerned, either as debtors or as creditors, shall be 
 settled and adjusted in the Department of the 
 Treasury. 
 
 It is said that the Secretary of the Navy 
 violated the law in that he paid a certain claim 
 known as the Hungerford claim. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, the Hungerford claim was ad¬ 
 justed and settled in the Department of the 
 Secretary of the Treasury. How could the 
 money ever be paid out except that it was ad¬ 
 justed there? There is an absolute and com¬ 
 plete compliance with the law, and if the Sec¬ 
 retary of the Navy unlawfully passed the 
 claim, it was passed by the Secretary of the 
 Treasury; it was settled or it would not have 
 been paid. 
 
 But what of the Hungerford claim? Mr. 
 Hungerford owned a large establishment on 
 the Mississippi river during the war, which 
 was taken from him by the forces of the United 
 States. The value of the property was said to 
 amount to .$230,000. A portion of the mate¬ 
 rials from the establishment was transferred by 
 the Naval Department to Mound City for the 
 establishment ot a naval rendezvous. 
 
 Mr. Hungerford never received a dollar for 
 that property then taken, and a portion of it 
 was a claim against the Navy Department. 
 Whatever else this committee may say, they 
 will not undertake to say that this was not an 
 ■honest debt against the Government of the 
 United States. After examination by the De¬ 
 partment the Secretary of the Navy deter¬ 
 mined that it was bis right to pay for these 
 things which the Navy Department had used, 
 and he ordered the payment of $75,000. 
 
 Now I suppose that gentlemen will admit 
 that when the Government takes from a loyal 
 citizen his property, it takes it leaving behind 
 an implied promise to pay for it. Mr. Hun- 
 gerford has been paid this $75,000, but there 
 is some money yet due him. A certain lawyer 
 in Washington came before the committee and 
 complained that the Secretary of the Navy 
 would not re-open the case and pay the bal¬ 
 ance due. The Secretary of the Navy brought 
 forward a receipt in full for the whole claim. 
 The Secretary of the Navy has been abused 
 because he would not re-open that claim and 
 pay the balance, and we had before our com¬ 
 mittee witnesses after witnesses charging the 
 Secretary with wrong and injustice because he 
 would not re-open that claim and pay more 
 on it. 
 
 I come now to the next item in the so-called 
 indictment. By section 1538 of the Revised 
 Statutes it is provided that “no more than 
 $3,00Cbshall be expended in any navy yard in 
 repairing the hull and spars of any vessel 
 until the necessity and expediency of such re¬ 
 pairs and the probable cost thereof are ascer¬ 
 tained and reported to the Navy Department 
 by an examining board .” One of the grave 
 accusations made against the Secretary of the 
 Navy is that he has rebuilt the navy without 
 reference to that law. 
 
 I also desire to call the attention of the 
 House to the facts that while the Secretary ot 
 the Navy is denounced in this report for hav¬ 
 ing brought into the navy ships unlawfully and 
 in violation of that law, he has also been guilty 
 of suffering the American navy to go to decay. 
 
 Will the American public hold him guilty of 
 crime in rebuilding its decaying navy and, as 
 the committee does, denounce him for not 
 having a larger navy ? I think not. 
 
 The Secretary of the Navy claims that in 
 1862, or thereabouts, I do not remember the 
 exact time, for the purpose of preventing the 
 improper and improvident building and repair 
 of vessels in the navy yards of the United 
 States by the commandants and other officials 
 in charge, Congress was appealed to to prevent 
 such expenditures without express authority of 
 the Navy Department. It is claimed by the 
 Secretary of the Navy that under that action of 
 Congress no officers of a navy yard would have 
 authority to spend more than '$3,000. But he 
 denies, and I appeal to the House to say 
 whether that denial is not well founded, that 
 Congress intended to limit the power of the 
 President of the United States to make and 
 maintain a navy for the country. 
 
 The President of the United States gives the 
 authority to the Secretary of the Navy; the 
 Secretary is but the hands of -the President. 
 The President is clothed with all the power 
 over the Navy; he is the Commander-in-Chief 
 of the armies and navies of the United States. 
 By section 417 of the Revised Statutes it is pro¬ 
 vided that— 
 
 The Secretary of the Navy shall execute such 
 orders as he shall receive from the President 
 relative to the procurement of naval stores and 
 materials, and the construction, armament, equip, 
 ment and employment of vessels of war, as well 
 as of other matters connected with the naval es¬ 
 tablishment. 
 
 What has he done? Let me call attention 
 for a moment to the first report made by him 
 soon after he entered upon his official duties. 
 On page 12 of that report he says : 
 
 Yet we have not at this time on any foreign 
 
11 
 
 station a squadron whose combined force would 
 avail for a day against the powerful sea-going 
 iron-clads which both France and England have 
 upon such stations. These are not agreeable 
 facts for contemplation or to state; but after giv¬ 
 ing the subject much investigation and reflection 
 I have felt it my duty to state the truth frankly 
 to you. 
 
 And mark it, from that hour until this. 
 Congress lias not passed a law, has not made 
 an appropriation to build a ship of war of the 
 class here referred to. The only appropria¬ 
 tion which the honorable Secretary of the 
 Navy has had at his command, given to him 
 by Congress, was an appropriation of about 
 $4,000,000 to build eight sloops of wdr of not 
 more than nine hundred tons burden each, 
 and two torpedo boats. And yet, in the face 
 of this a great committee of the House of Rep¬ 
 resentatives can come now and say to the 
 people of the country, “Behold! the Secretary 
 of the Navy has suffered our fleet to go to de¬ 
 cay and our honor to be tarnished in that he 
 has neglected to put upon the seas ships of 
 war equal to those of the other great naval 
 powers of the world .” 
 
 Now what are the facts ? I will not refer to 
 it in detail, for I have not time; but I will refer 
 to the fact that he has rebuilt fifteen iron-clads, 
 which, when he came into office, could not 
 float or Area gun; they have been brought into 
 good fighting condition. What else has he 
 done ? There were our great double-turreted 
 monitors, built of white oak, and therefore 
 going rapidly to decay, and had to be aban¬ 
 doned or repaired. 
 
 What has he seen fit to do ? He has seen fit 
 to take from the annual appropriations for con¬ 
 structions and repairs—nobody will deny it; it 
 has been taken directly from the appropria¬ 
 tions for constructions and repairs—he has seen 
 fit to take money from this source and save 
 those vessels from going out of the navy and 
 out of the service, by putting them into new 
 frames of live oak and rebuilding their decks of 
 iron. They are hot now complete; but Admi¬ 
 ral Porter, who is always cited by the commit¬ 
 tee when he criticises the Department of the 
 Navy, says that that was a wise measure; that 
 otherwise those vessels would have been lost 
 to the service. He has put in good condition 
 all the vessels of the navy, with the exception 
 of fourteen; and he has done it out of the ap¬ 
 propriations for constructions and repairs, for 
 yards and docks, for ordnance and steam en¬ 
 gineering, and any other statement, by whom¬ 
 soever made, is utterly wi> hout foundation, as 
 I ilnderstand the testimony. 
 
 But the complaint is made that the Secretary 
 of the Navy has rebuilt ghips. Will any gen¬ 
 tleman on this floor tell me how can you re¬ 
 pair a ship of white-oak frame if your frame is 
 rotten? How can you repair an iron-clad moni¬ 
 tor with a white-oak frame unless- you begin at 
 the keel and build her up with live oak ? That 
 is what the Secretary of the Navy has done 
 with reference to these great monitors and other 
 valuable ships. 
 
 But, sir, the Secretary is charged with crime 
 in having bartered and exchanged certain ma¬ 
 terial; and it is claimed also that, having bar¬ 
 tered and exchanged this material, he has not 
 made returns according to law; that in this he 
 has violated the law and is liable to impeach¬ 
 ment. This is the construction put upon the 
 matter by the committee. What are the facts? 
 Everywhere throughout the report, every¬ 
 where throughout the testimony, it will be 
 
 observed that the subject of barter and ex¬ 
 change on the part of the Secretary of the 
 Navy makes a prominent figure. What is the 
 matter of barter and exchange? Why, sir, the 
 Secretary of the Navy has undertaken tore- 
 build certain iron-clads, and in rebuilding them 
 large quantities of iron became necessary. 
 Under the law he is authorized to sell such 
 vessels as are not valuable and such material 
 as in his judgment cannot be used. Now, Mr. 
 Speaker, old iron taken from ships of war had 
 accumulated in the scrap heaps of the Navy 
 Department. Every person in this House 
 must recognize the fact that large quantities 
 must have accumulated at the close of the 
 war and since. The Secretary saw fit to make 
 a contract with John Roach and other similar 
 manufacturers to take the old iron of the 
 Government in all forms and shapes—old 
 beams, old chains, old plates—everything 
 which the Government had to dispose of, to 
 take this old iron to their manufactories and 
 reroll it into forms adapted to the new iron¬ 
 clads, delivering to the Government new iron 
 suitable for the wants of the naval construc¬ 
 tors, at the rate of one pound of new iron for 
 three pounds of old. 
 
 But it is said this is a sale; that in point of 
 fact it is a sale and the Secretary of the Navy 
 has violated the law which provides that he 
 shall sell at public sale such material. It is a 
 barter of material, and therefore a sale, and 
 the Secretary of the Navy has violated the law. 
 
 I might spend some time in discussing this 
 question, but I submit to the House if the Sec¬ 
 retary of the Navy has the right to rework a 
 pouud of old material, and if he cannot do it 
 in the Government navy yard, he must find 
 some one who can do it. And the Government 
 of the United States, to its shame be it said, 
 has neglected the recommendation of the Sec¬ 
 retary of the Navy made to a former Congress, 
 and it has no establishment in the country of 
 sufficient power and with sufficient machinery 
 to rework its old material. The Secretary of 
 the Navy has therefore seen fit to re-appropri¬ 
 ate it in this way. Shall he be held for crime 
 and violation of law in doing this act ? 
 
 But it is said he violated the law in not making 
 returns of this old iron. The answer is he has 
 sold none. It is further said that this old iron 
 cost $20,000,000, and that therefore this is a 
 great outrage. Yet the Secretary of the Navy 
 and the heads of the Department have laid 
 before the committee evidence uncontradicted 
 that its whole value was less than $1,000,000 
 in market the day he put his hand to it to re¬ 
 work it and reroll it. 
 
 It is said there has been misappropriation of 
 funds. That charge I deny. I here inquire 
 where in the whole seope of the testimony can 
 be found the fact that one dollar of appropria¬ 
 tion has been permanently taken from its 
 proper Bureau and given to another? Except 
 one—where ? 
 
 Why, my friends on the other side do not 
 give the Secretary of the Navy credit for any 
 honesty. He does not seem to have any show¬ 
 ing or standing. Nothing excuses him. No 
 noble act, no heroic act, no act showing his 
 love for the flag and the country protects him 
 against the findings of this committee. 
 
 There is nothing else of misappropriation 
 except one. In the fall of 1S73 the Yirginius 
 excitement came upon the country, and the 
 Secretary of the Navy spent all his appropria¬ 
 tion to get the navy into a condition of defense. 
 
12 
 
 He came before the succeeding Congress and 
 declared the fact, declared it to the country, 
 declared it to the world, and asked the Con¬ 
 gress of the United States to approve his con¬ 
 duct in that respect, and it responded with an 
 appropriation of $4,000,000. And I say, Mr. 
 Speaker, in any Congress of the United States 
 where justice and fair play prevailed, it would 
 foe said on that matter, the account is closed; 
 that the American people had settled it; that 
 it had met with the-.approval ©f all. 
 
 Again, during the last fall, when the cloud 
 of war with Spain looked threatening, at the 
 command of the President he expended much , 
 money in preparation, and thus made himself ! 
 short of means, which would otherwise have 
 been at his commaud to meet the ordinary cur¬ 
 rent expenses of the year, and to pay on con¬ 
 tracts for furnishing the iron-clads. This, too, 
 the country approved. 
 
 I am told by my colleague [Mr. Hoar] that 
 it is a thing which the ministry of England 
 would have done and have done a hundred 
 times. Then should George M. Robeson, Sec¬ 
 retary of the Navy, be indicted for high crimes 
 and misdemeanors for doing that which the in¬ 
 terests of the country demanded, which the 
 honor of the flag demanded, which the Con¬ 
 gress of the United States and the American 
 people have approved? Is it not a little late 
 for the Committee on Naval Affairs to under¬ 
 take to drag into the highest court of the coun¬ 
 try Mr. Robeson for this act ? 
 
 I desire here to call the attention of the 
 House to a fact in relation to the transactions 
 of the Secretary with the London house of Jay 
 Cooke, McCulloch & Co., which the gentleman 
 from Ohio [Mr. Garfield] from want of time 
 probably omitted to state. It is this: that so 
 careful and faithful was he to the interests of 
 his country that he took such ample security for 
 ail advances that not one dollar will be lost to 
 the Treasury. He should, amid all this crimi¬ 
 nation and abuse, have ample and full credit 
 * for every good and wise act, and this should 
 not be omitted. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, as I have promised a few min¬ 
 utes of my time to other gentlemen, I must 
 omit some of the items of this indictment, and 
 come to the end. 
 
 But before concluding I desire to say that 
 while the committee charged with the duty of 
 finding high crimes and misdemeanors against 
 Mr. George M. Robeson have spent seven 
 months in trying to do it, they come at last to 
 the melancholy confession that they are not 
 able upon the law, or testimony either, to find 
 that fact. They now say perhaps another 
 committee of the House may be able to find it. 
 Uy the adoption of the resolution of the ma¬ 
 jority it has shown that while “willing to 
 wound it was yet afraid to strike” 
 
 I yield five minutes of my time to the gen¬ 
 tleman from Iowa, [Mr. Kasson.] 
 
 Mr. KASSON. I ask the Clerk to read from 
 the last page of the report of the majority of 
 the committee the clause I have marked. 
 
 The Clerk read as follows: 
 
 Your committee do not hesitate to recommend 
 that all officers of the navy who have been con¬ 
 nected with any of the frauds and corruptions dis¬ 
 closed by this investigation shall be brought to 
 speedy trial before a court-martial, with a view . 
 that if unjustly charged they may be vindicated, 
 and that if guilty they may be speedily and vigor¬ 
 ously punished and the service relieved; yet they 
 do find in the case of the Secretary some embar¬ 
 rassment in recommending what shall be the 
 
 measure and manner of his punishment, arising 
 from the present condition of the law, as viewed 
 by at least a portion of your committee. 
 
 Mr. KASSON. I call the attention of the 
 House, Mr. Speaker, to that part of the report 
 just read, which has been overlooked, so far as 
 I know, by the gentlemen who have hitherto 
 spoken. And I desire their attention to it in 
 connection with the resolution with which the 
 j report closes, and upon which it is proposed 
 i this House shall vote. That resolution fails 
 to ask the House to vote a censure; fails to ask 
 the House to impeach; fails to find the officers 
 guilty; fails to find the Secretary guilty; fails 
 of everything with which it is customary to 
 close a report upon investigation of a depart¬ 
 ment or upon the conduct of an official. It 
 evades the entire responsibility which points to 
 one man as the object of punishment, or to one 
 law as the object of repeal. 
 
 I am going to appeal to the gentlemen upon 
 the floor of this House upon a point of national 
 honor and of personal character. The instinct 
 of every honorable member rebels against an 
 insinuated dishonor upon the reputation of a 
 gentleman of his acquaintance. You withdraw 
 from it in disgust as from an act of cowardice. 
 When you say, suggestively and whisperiugly, 
 if such a man did so and so he ought to be 
 punished, while you dare not openly make 
 the charge, you dishonor yourself. When 
 you say of George M. Robeson, we 
 cannot say whether he has been guilty, 
 or what he has been guilty of, or for what he 
 shall be punished, but recommend that the 
 suspicions be referred to another committee, 
 who are to go over four thousand printed 
 pages of your report, the work of seven months, 
 and instruct them to inquire whether they can¬ 
 not find that he has been guilty of some offense 
 for which he may be punished, I affirm that it 
 is an evasion, and that you are guilty of con¬ 
 duct. toward a gentleman, a public officer of 
 your acquaintance, which you would scorn and 
 spurn from you if it were attempted to be per¬ 
 petrated upon yourselves. Not only that, sir, 
 but you leave by the language of your report 
 which the Clerk has read the floating cloud of 
 dishonor over the whole corps of gallant offi¬ 
 cers of our navy, without specifying a name 
 upon which the, cloud can rest. Do you mean 
 the brilliant officers who gallantly sailed up 
 the harbor of Mobile and there restored our 
 flag? Do you mean the heroes who so gallantly 
 broke the chain of fire before New Orleans? 
 Whom do you mean to insult and wound by 
 the indefinite, calumnious language which I 
 have had read at the Clerk’s desk? Who is it 
 that has dishonored that country’s service to 
 which his honor was pledged? Who is it of 
 whom you say that if he is not guilty he ought 
 to be indicted, and if guilty he ought to be 
 punished ? 
 
 Sir, I stand here in defense of the honor of 
 that navy, I care not who assails it. You are 
 insulting the flag of your country and the honor 
 of the men who have rendered it glorious at 
 home and abroad on all the seas of the world. 
 I appeal again to gentlemen, not politicians; and 
 I ask if this is honorable conduct toward those 
 upon whom you confidently depend for defense 
 aganst foreign aggressors and to maintain the 
 honor of the flag and the country at the peril 
 of their own honor and their lives ? 
 
 WE CAN RE JUST AND YET BE GENEROUS. 
 
 Mr. HARDENBERGH. Mr. Speaker, the 
 
13 
 
 scene now being enacted in the drama of history- 
 in this Representative Hall of the nation is 
 strange and sad. To the citizens of New Jer¬ 
 sey it is clothed with intensest interest. * * * 
 We are near the close of a long and laborious 
 session. Eight months of legislation have 
 almost passed, and its closing hours must bear 
 witness to the honor or dishonor of a citizen of 
 New Jersey, who for seven years past has sat 
 in Cabinet councils as the head of the Naval 
 Department and an adviser of the nation’s 
 Chief Executive. * * '* The investigation 
 has been long, tedious and exhaustive, extend¬ 
 ing over seven months. The results of that 
 investigation are undecided. On the one hand 
 the House is asked to instruct its Committee 
 on the Judiciary to ascertain if possible whether 
 articles of impeachment should be found, and 
 on the other it is asked by the passage of the 
 minority resolution to relieve the Secretary 
 from any want of confidence in the manage¬ 
 ment of the Naval Department. 
 
 It is not my purpose to discuss either the 
 merits or demerits of these reports; but I have 
 a right to ask, in the name of my State, of 
 which the Secretary of the Navy is a citizen, 
 that, in the absence of specific and distinct 
 charges, the report of the majority of the com¬ 
 mittee may be recommitted for more positive 
 and conclusive action, or that the Committee 
 on the Judiciary be instructed to report without 
 delay , that the Secretary may be enabled to 
 make his defense at the bar of the Senate be¬ 
 fore the close of the present session of Con¬ 
 gress. It is a matter in which the honor of 
 New Jersey is concerned; and, arguing from 
 that sense of justice due to the humblest of 
 her citizens, it would be the grossest injustice 
 to permit this resolution of the majority to 
 remain without final action at this session. 
 
 Sir, if the Secretary of the Navy has been 
 faithless to his high trust I shall not be his 
 defender, but I ask that prompt and immediate 
 action be taken, which shall insure a final and 
 complete settlement of the case at this session. 
 
 For my State I ask this act of justice for 
 him. But I ask it without his knowledge, and 
 
 although his political opponent I have ever 
 been. * * * Sir, in this case I would be 
 generous to an assailed political foe. If injus¬ 
 tice has been meted out to him by practically 
 denying to him that trial before his peers to 
 which every citizen is entitled, then I would 
 shield him until such opportunity is afforded. 
 Such are the common instincts of all honorable 
 Jerseymen, and such, I hope, are the better 
 instincts of our poor humanity. I would be¬ 
 lieve him honest until the contrary is proved, 
 for New Jersey would despise the unfaithful 
 officer. * * * If you decide to strike, she 
 bids you first to hear. She will believe him 
 innocent until the.Senate of his country shall 
 adjudge him guilty. But venture not, in the 
 name of that Democracy for the maintenance 
 of whose principles we have so long struggled 
 here and for whom we are now appealing to 
 the nation—dare not, I beseech you, render 
 here your indictment against a son of New 
 Jersey unless you are willing to 5 r ield him a 
 speedy and effective trial. New Jersey asks 
 but justice and will abide the verdict. 
 
 Mr. WHITTHORNE. In accordance with 
 the agreement made by the House, I now call 
 the previous question. 
 
 Mr. GARFIELD. I ask the gentleman to 
 allow me to enter a motion to recommit the 
 report of the Committee on Naval Affairs. 
 
 Mr. WHITTHORNE. No, sir; I must insist 
 on my motion. 
 
 Mr. GARFIELD. I ask the gentleman to 
 allow me to test the sense of the House on that 
 question. 
 
 The SPEAKER pro tempore. The sense of 
 the House can be just as well tested upon the 
 motion for the previous question. 
 
 Mr. GARFIELD. I hope the gentleman wiil 
 let me enter the motion. 
 
 Mr. WHITTHORNE. I cannot yield to the 
 gentleman. 
 
 The question was put on seconding the de¬ 
 mand for the previous question; and on a di¬ 
 vision there were—ayes 81, noes 70. 
 w So the previous question was seconded. 
 
 The main question was then ordered to be put. 
 
 OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS. 
 
 REMARKS OF STEPHEN A. HCRLBUT, M. C, 
 
 m THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JULY 29, 187G. 
 
 Mr. Huklbut : “ Fortunately we have 
 official documents that show in rare con¬ 
 trasts the fidelity and honesty of official 
 men since 1834. On the 19th day of June, 
 1876, the Secretary of the Treasury re¬ 
 ported to the Senate of the United States 
 a full and detailed statement of receipts 
 and disbursements from January 1, 1834, 
 
 to June 30, 1875 ; and also the amount of 
 defalcations iu gross and the ratio of losses 
 per $1,000 to the aggregate received and 
 disbursed, in answer to a resolution of the 
 Senate of February 9, 1876.” 
 
 These reports are printed in full oa 
 pages 14 and 15. 
 
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 length the result is substantially correct. 
 
16 
 
 Mr. Hurlbut, in an analysis of the fore¬ 
 going figures, submitted the following : 
 
 STROM .JACKSON’S SECOND TERM TO THE END OP 
 BUCHANAN’S TERM. 
 
 Gross total receipts and disbursements from Jan¬ 
 uary 1. 1834, to June 31, 1801—$2,950,454,326-44 in¬ 
 cludes loans and Post Office ; $2,2511,350,731.01 ex¬ 
 cludes loans and Post Office. 
 
 Gross total losses for the same period, (no loss 
 on loans,) $15,845,354. 
 
 Gross total loss on $1,0C0, including loans and 
 Post Office, $5,33. 
 
 Gross total loss on $1,000, excluding loans and 
 Pjst Office, 7.04. 
 
 UNDER LINCOLN, JOHNSON AND ORANT. 
 
 Gross total receipt s and disbursements from July 
 1, 1861, to June 3 ',1875— $21, 576,2 »2,801.52 includes 
 loans and Post Office; $9,701,614,481.43 excludes 
 , loans and Post Office. 
 
 Gross total losses for the same period, (no loss 
 on loans,) $14,006,776.07. 
 
 Gross total loss on $1,000, including loans and 
 Post Office, 57 cents. 
 
 Gross total loss on $1,000, excluding loans and 
 Post Office, $1.51. 
 
 It appears, then, from the official records 
 of the Treasury Department, prepared in 
 obedience to an order of the Senate, that— 
 
 The gross total of receipts and disbursements 
 from the beginning of Jackson’s second term to 
 the end of Buchanan’s, including loans and Post 
 
 Office, was..".$2,950,454,326 44 
 
 The gross total of receipts and dis¬ 
 bursements for the same period, 
 excluding loans and Post Office, 
 
 was. 2,250,356,731 04 
 
 Gross losses. 15,845,354 00 
 
 Ratio of losses per $1,000 on total 
 receipts and disbursements, in¬ 
 cluding loans and Post Office . . 5 36 
 
 Ratio on same, excluding loans 
 and Post Office.. . . . 7 04 
 
 Under Lincoln, Johnson and Grant both 
 receipts and disbursements were infinitely 
 larger, and yet the gross amount of losses 
 was smaller and the percentage almost 
 ridiculously disproportioned. Thus— 
 
 The gross total of receipts and disbursements, in¬ 
 
 cluding loans and Post Office, 
 
 was.$25,576,202,985 32 
 
 On the same, including loans and 
 
 Post Office. 9,701,614,481 43 
 
 Gross losses. 14,666,776 07 
 
 Ratio of losses per $1,000 on total 
 receipts and disbursements, in¬ 
 cluding loans and Post Office . 57 
 
 Ratio on same, including loans 
 and Post Office. 1 51 
 
 Thus under Democracy in its purity be¬ 
 fore the war, and under Republican ad¬ 
 ministration including the war, the re¬ 
 ceipts and disbursements of the first, in¬ 
 cluding loans and Rost Office, were about 
 one-ninth of the second ; the receipts and 
 disbursements of the first, including loans 
 and Post Office, were about one-fourth of 
 those of the second, while the losses and 
 defalcations of the Democratic period were 
 nearly ten times as great when the loaBs 
 and Post Office are included, and four and 
 a half times as great when those items are 
 excluded. 
 
 Bat the table hears closer investigation, 
 and you will find, Mr. Speaker, that the 
 nearer you come to this actual time in 
 which we live, to this present, existing, 
 much-abused administration of President 
 Grant, the standard of honor and fidelity 
 as measured by the official reports becomes 
 higher and firmer. 
 
 t 
 
 The very lowest rate of losses ever 
 reached is in this present presidential 
 term : 
 
 On receipts.2? 
 
 On disbursements.26 
 
 In the Post Office.53 
 
 and this tabular statement stands in grand 
 contrast with the record of any President 
 of any party who has ever preceded Presi¬ 
 dent Grant. 
 
 So much for the charge of gross official 
 dishonesty reaching through and corrupt¬ 
 ing the entire Republican party. The offi¬ 
 cial tables give the lie direct to this whole¬ 
 sale campaign accusation. 
 
 Yet in face of these known facts the 
 Democratic party in the House organized 
 themselves into a scandal-making machine, 
 took upon themselves the office of profes¬ 
 sional slanderers, and charged every one 
 of the regular committees of the House, 
 and many special ones, with this unsavory 
 business. • 
 
 Public business has been willfully ne¬ 
 glected ; public necessities ignored, and 
 the whole weight and power of Congress 
 devoted to the manufacture of political 
 capital for the pending election. 
 
 Every broken official kicked out for 
 thievery, every cashiered officer, every 
 nameless vagabond was invited, solicited, 
 urged to testify. Partly for revenge, partly 
 for witness fees, partly for cheap notoriel y, 
 these birds of evil omen flocked to the 
 Capitol, thronged the corridors, took pos¬ 
 session of the committee-rooms and of the 
 committees, prompted questions, invented 
 answers, retailed old scandals, picked up 
 second-hand, the dead refuse of the streets, 
 to be greedily swallowed by the mouths 
 that stood agape for such carrion food. 
 
 The common rights of individual citi¬ 
 zens were grossly violated, the sanctity of 
 private correspondence outraged, the tele¬ 
 graphic messages unlawfully forced from 
 their proper keepers, citizens imprisoned 
 by order of the House for no valid reason, 
 and all the rights of private individuals 
 secured by the Constitution trampled down 
 by the decree of the House of Representar- 
 tives. Secret sessions were held, parties 
 charged with wrong-doing kept in ignor¬ 
 ance, and the poor privilege granted to all 
 criminals of an open investigation and of 
 meeting witnesses face to face was denied. 
 
 In all this one single and most melan¬ 
 choly case of official misdoing has been 
 undeniably made known, and that has 
 been fairly presented to the proper tri¬ 
 bunal by the active co-operation of the 
 Republicans in the House. 
 
 You are now trying, Mr. Speaker, by a 
 most singular report from the Committee 
 on Naval Affairs to smirch the reputation 
 of another officer to whom neither the 
 committee nor the House dare give the 
 benefits of cross-examination of witnesses 
 and of an open impeachment and a fair 
 trial before the Senate and the nation.