It! 
 
 i Great Coibbiooc 
 
 ie sjiMime Min&M%p&ip$ 
 
 i j ^^f^«^ 
 
 Co!, fe, W, Har 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 i is a ill 
 
LINCOLN ROOM 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 LIBRARY 
 
 MEMORIAL 
 
 the Class of 1901 
 
 founded by 
 
 HARLAN HOYT HORNER 
 
 and 
 
 HENRIETTA CALHOUN HORNER 
 
feyn 7i^^- 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 
 in 2012 with funding from 
 
 University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/abrahamlincolngrOOhart 
 
ABRAHAM LINCOLN 
 
 The Great Commoner 
 The Sublime Emancipator 
 
-*mk 
 
 P^*^d IBfci^Kj • 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 , 
 
 U 
 
 ^vv_3m5i pS&'.t. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln 
 
Abraham Lincoln 
 
 The Great Commoner 
 The Sublime Emancipator 
 
 By Col. F. W. Hart 
 
 Press of Pasadena Star-News 
 Pasadena, California 
 
Copyright 1927 
 By Franklin W. Hart 
 
Franklin W. Hart. 
 
 A retired member of the Los Angeles 
 
 (California) Bar. 
 

 the Young Men and Young Women 
 of America who aspire to the lofty aims, 
 the moral worth and intellectual attain- 
 ments of Abraham Lincoln, this Volume 
 is inscribed. 
 
 Franklin W. Hart, 
 
 A Retired Member of the Los Angeles 
 (California) Bar 
 
Contents 
 
 Part One — The Rise of Abraham Lincoln 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 I. Boyhood, Youth and Early Manhood .... 21 
 
 II. Policies and Marriage 38 
 
 III. Campaigns and Douglas Debates 56 
 
 IV. The Presidential Campaign 86 
 
 V. Gathering Clouds 112 
 
 Part Two — The Presidency of Lincoln 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
 I. Policies and Hostilities 133 
 
 II. The Call to Arms 157 
 
 III. Campaigns and Leaders 176 
 
 IV. Difficulties and Victory 200 
 
 V. Martyrdom 225 
 
 Part Three — The Characteristics of Lincoln 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
 I. His Generosity and Humor 237 
 
 II. His Religious Life 252 
 
 III. His Gift of Speech 261 
 
 IV. Sayings of Abraham Lincoln 270 
 
^{introduction 
 
 The mighty organ, in one of the classical cathedrals of 
 Europe, was interpreting the soul of the skilled player 
 who sat at the console. I stood awed, fascinated, subdued 
 as impulse after impulse swept and swayed my soul. One 
 moment the sacrificial zeal of the soldier marching forth to 
 die for his country, the next moment the glee and the gladness 
 of little children about the hearthstone, then the evening 
 shadows with the crooning song of a loving mother and finally 
 heaven's gate seemed to open and the glory of the Eternal 
 filled the temple. 
 
 Col. Franklin W. Hart has proven himself to be a skilled 
 historian as he deals majestically with "The Great Commoner, 
 the Sublime Emanicipator." There is in this book the human 
 touch; the author knew Lincoln personally and heard the great 
 debate between Lincoln and Douglas. We have in this book 
 the distance so essential to true perspective. Colonel Hart 
 brings to this work the sober judgment of maturity. Opinions 
 and impressions have come under the chastening influence of 
 the years and we have here the enduring reality. This book 
 deserves an abiding place in the school room and in the home. 
 Colonel Hart has poured his life blood into this volume — his 
 money, patriotism, his intelligent convictions and his great love 
 for Lincoln and the Flag. 
 
 It has been said: "Lincoln is one of the mysteries of his- 
 tory. The ancient molds were not used in shaping him. His 
 career is as strange as legend, as dear as romance, as dark as 
 tragedy, as real as sunlight." We are greatly indebted to the 
 author for many new views of the Noble American, bringing 
 us to feel the warm pulse of our common humanity. 
 
 If this book receives the attention it so well merits, then 
 manhood, womanhood, youth and childhood all over America 
 shall have a greater appreciation of the Union Colonel Hart 
 fought to preserve, and Abraham Lincoln died to save. 
 
 S. S. Sampson,D. D., 
 
 Huntington Park, California, 
 March 24th, 1927. 
 
(of ORE WORD 
 
 "Abraham Lincoln, the Great Commoner, 
 the Sublime Emancipator" 
 
 Ever since I had the pleasure of hearing the Great Com- 
 moner, as Mr. Lincoln was then called, especially since 
 my arrival at mature manhood, I have cherished a de- 
 sire to give some permanent expression, through biography or 
 otherwise, of my abiding appreciation of his great worth and 
 character. 
 
 By so doing, I indulged the hope of making a slight con- 
 tribution to the excellency of his name and fame; but I am 
 conscious of the fact that any attempt on my part to add to 
 either would be alike impossible. 
 
 As to my desire to chronicle the stirring events in the life 
 of this eminent character, I would say that the absorbing duties 
 of a professional career have hitherto prevented it. This 
 humble volume is the product or consummation of that early 
 desire and mature conviction. It has been a labor of love. 
 Never has my time been more pleasantly employed than the 
 few months consumed in the preparation and production of 
 this biography. 
 
 It has been my pleasure to contribute much to the public 
 press, on various subjects, during the past fifty or more years 
 (for the lure of the pen has been about as drawing and pleasur- 
 able as has been the practice of law), but in no instance has 
 the time thus employed afforded me such happiness as that 
 which has been devoted to this work. 
 
14 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 Lived in Illinois 
 
 In my early years, I lived in Illinois, a few counties north 
 of Springfield (Lincoln's home) . This was during the period 
 of his great political activity. I learned much of his early 
 struggles, as well as his ultimate and marvelous achievements. 
 
 His political advancements were the more wonderful, since 
 his early environment was unfortunate and his early educa- 
 tion quite limited. 
 
 It was my good fortune, at the age of eighteen, to hear him 
 in the first of his memorable debates with Judge Stephen A. 
 Douglas. With an elder brother, I walked twelve or fourteen 
 miles to thus see and hear him; and if I had walked one hun- 
 dred miles, as many did, I regard the inspiration derived from 
 that ever-memorable address sufficient compensation for the 
 fatigue incident to the long journey on that hot August day 
 in 1858. The whole course of my life and early ambition, if 
 I had any, was changed from that hour. 
 
 His portrayal of the barbarism and horrors of slavery and 
 the possibility of its extension to Northern and Western states, 
 unless soon arrested, fired my young heart and brain to an 
 extent theretofore unknown. Then and there, I swore eternal 
 hatred to the diabolical institution, and in a few years, my 
 name, with those of three brothers, was enrolled among my 
 country's defenders. 
 
 All knew that the primary cause of the war was the exist- 
 ence of slavery, and all anticipated its abolition would be a 
 probable result of the war, at least of its successful termina- 
 tion. It is now to me a pleasant reflection that within two 
 years from the precipitation of the war, with one stroke of his 
 pen, President Lincoln broke the shackles of slavery from the 
 limbs of four millions of bondmen. 
 
 Personal Observation 
 
 My readers will note that in the preparation of my work, 
 allusions are occasionally made to incidents and stirring events 
 of which I was a personal observer, or in which I was an active 
 participant. I thought this might be a source of a little zest 
 and pleasure to my young readers especially. 
 
Foreword 15 
 
 Lincoln's Hardships 
 
 It is often said that "One touch of Nature makes the whole 
 world kin." It is equally true that a touch of sorrow or be- 
 reavement makes all people kin; and further, any narration 
 of a peculiar hardship or privation in the life of an individual 
 finds a sympathetic response in the hearts of all men. 
 
 When I read of Lincoln's birth in a log cabin and of his 
 unfortunate environment, of his effort to convert the dense 
 forest into fields of fertility and productiveness, when I re- 
 called the dangers he encountered from the wild beasts that 
 roamed the forests, when I learned that he derived his sub- 
 sistence largely from the wild game of the woods and the fowls 
 of the air that responded to the accurate aim of his father's 
 rifle; when I thought of all these hardships and privations at- 
 tending the life of young Lincoln, it awoke a sympathetic 
 regard in my own heart for him, as it did from all others who 
 knew of the facts. I was in a peculiar position to sympathize 
 with the hardships of young Abraham; for I, myself, and 
 other members of my father's family, twenty-five years or more 
 later, had undergone similar privations in the dense forests of 
 Southern Michigan, some 200 miles north of young Lincoln's 
 Indiana home. 
 
 Lincoln as a Story Teller 
 
 The unfailing humor of Mr. Lincoln and his aptitude for 
 story-telling have become proverbial. He disclaimed the 
 authorship of many stories for which others gave him credit, 
 and often said that he was not the manufacturer, but the re- 
 tailer of these stories. 
 
 It was generally believed that he was the author of about 
 five hundred stories, and some of these he would relate be- 
 times with telling effect and to the evident discomfiture of his 
 antagonist. 
 
 It is claimed by his friends that Mr. Lincoln seldom told a 
 story for his own amusement or for the mere sake of relating 
 it. When he resorted to this diversion, he did so to enforce 
 and illustrate a truth or to embellish and beautify an argu- 
 ment. At times, he would employ this intellectual weapon 
 
16 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 with wonderful effectiveness, when all logic and argumenta- 
 tion had failed. 
 
 Characteristics of Lincoln 
 
 I hope all will enjoy the dominant motives and aspirations 
 of the great Lincoln's life, as related in Part Three of this 
 volume. They embrace such features as his love of books, his 
 naked honesty, his love of and for the common people, saying 
 that "God must love the common people for he made so many 
 of them"; also his care for the soldier boys, often saving them 
 from the firing squad when a court martial's verdict had as- 
 signed them to death; also his religious life and his marvelous 
 oratory. 
 
 In the darkest days of the great war period, when all seemed 
 to be lost, he was wonderfully sustained by an unfaltering trust 
 in the overruling hand of Providence, and the assurance which 
 such an abiding trust gave him of the ultimate triumph of the 
 Union cause. 
 
 A pathetic story is related of a visit of Bishop Simpson, an 
 eloquent Divine, at the White House, when the latter was re- 
 quested by the President to tarry and pray for him and the 
 soldiers at the front. With this request, the sorrowful Lincoln 
 remarked that he was often driven to his knees with the over- 
 whelming conviction that he had nowhere else to go. That his 
 own wisdom and that of all around him were insufficient for 
 the needs of that day. It is safe to say that the fervent, earnest 
 petition reached the great white Throne on that occasion. 
 
 War History 
 
 It has not been my purpose to write an extended history of 
 the war, as formerly stated; but those who desire historic 
 accuracy (as far as I have gone) as to the number of con- 
 testants engaged on each side, so far as known, and results of 
 each engagement, will find their wishes gratified in my recital 
 of the accounts of the ten or twelve battles fought — being the 
 greatest of the war — and some of the greatest, perhaps, of all 
 wars and of all times. 
 
Foreword 17 
 
 Enduring Fame 
 
 I am firm in the conviction that the name and fame of the 
 great Commoner will go down in history through all time 
 parallel with those of the great and good of all ages, with 
 those of Socrates and Plato, Cicero and Caesar, Demosthenes 
 and Pericles, Shakespeare and others, shining with increased 
 perrenial splendor as the centuries come and go. 
 
 Acknowledgements 
 
 I beg to acknowledge my appreciation for the kindness of 
 some authors in permitting me to make brief quotations from 
 their works. In such instances I have endeavored to give 
 proper credits by stating the names of the authors and their 
 publishers on the same pages where the excerpts are recorded. 
 
 I desire to give special recognition of the great pleasure 
 and inspiration I have received from a perusal of the fine work 
 of "Lincoln" by Wayne Whipple, the noted author of New 
 York City. 
 
 I wish to remark in this concluding paragraph that no 
 thought of financial remuneration has entered into the mind 
 of the writer in penning this volume. 
 
 If in the portrayal of the worth and nobility of character 
 possessed by the great Emancipator, I have in any way con- 
 tributed to his enduring fame, or have inspired the youth of 
 America to cherish his virtues and emulate his example, my 
 work will not be in vain; the desire and purpose of this author 
 will have been attained. 
 
 Franklin W. Hart, 
 Huntington Park (Los Angeles), Calif. 
 
PART ONE 
 THE RISE OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 Boyhood, Youth and Early Manhood 
 
 A braham Lincoln was easily the foremost American 
 /\ statesman of the last century, if not of all centuries. 
 -*- -*- His mind was a copious fountain of political lore 
 and civil jurisprudence. Everything written or spoken of him 
 is still read with increasing interest and profit, and will be as 
 long as time and memory endure. His influence for good is 
 more potent now and more extensively felt than it was when 
 the assassin's bullet ended his mortal career. The reason is 
 apparent. "He spake as never man spake." His charming 
 personality and address, with his graciousness of speech drew, 
 like his Master, all men unto him. 
 
 Of his impressive, forceful eloquence, I will make later 
 mention. Of him it can be said, which can not be affirmed of 
 any other man since the dawn of history, as I think, that of his 
 manly worth and nobility of character over one thousand books 
 have been written. And the end is not yet. The historian's 
 pen is as busy as ever, perhaps more so, in giving perpetuity 
 to his great name and fame. The second history of the great 
 Lincoln, now in press, by that classic, brilliant writer, Ida M. 
 Tarbell, will soon be read by admiring millions. 
 
 Carlyle was wont to say that "biography is the most univer- 
 sally pleasant, universally profitable of all reading." Another 
 has said that "the biography of great men is the history of 
 the world." This is especially and peculiarly true when applied 
 to a great character like that of the immortal Lincoln. 
 
 No one can read his biography without becoming familiar 
 with the great men and measures and the great movements that 
 
22 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 have characterized the history of the United States for the past 
 one hundred or more years. 
 
 The love of literature, especially biographic literature, is a 
 common impulse or characteristic, I think, of all intelligent 
 readers, old and young alike. It is so now and has been from 
 the remotest antiquity. 
 
 This method or kind of reading should be encouraged 
 among our high school students especially, as they will obtain 
 a knowledge of great political events and world movements 
 that can scarcely be acquired in any other way. Thus, if you 
 read the lives of Cyrus the great, Darius, and Xerxes, his son, 
 you have the record of their military achievements in Media 
 and Persia, as well as the union of the two empires and the 
 fall of Babylon; read the life of Leonidas and you have the 
 wondrous story of his valor, whereby, with his Spartan band 
 of three hundred, he withstood the unnumbered hosts of Xerxes, 
 army, for many days, before the walls of Thermopylae. To 
 no such act of heroism, can we find a parallel in all the pages 
 of recorded history. Read the history of Philip of Macedon 
 and his noted son, Alexander the Great (one hundred and fifty 
 years later) and you have a satisfactory knowledge of Macedon 
 and its people, together with the military conquest of the 
 world; read the life of Hannibal and his partial subjugation 
 of Rome (a hundred years later), and you have a good history 
 of the Carthagenians and the three Punic wars which lasted 
 over a century; read the lives of Demosthenes, Pericles, Soc- 
 rates, Plato and Aristotle (his disciple) and you have a nearly 
 complete history of cultured Greece; read Cicero, Julius Caesar, 
 Scipio, Africanus and their contemporaries and you will learn 
 much of imperial Rome; read the lives of Frederick the First, 
 Frederick the Great, and the late bloody Kaiser and you have 
 largely the history of Germany; read the lives of the French 
 kings from Louis VIII. to Louis Phillippe, with those of the 
 
Boyhood, Youth, Early Manhood 23 
 
 distinguished Mirabeau, Robespierre, Marie Antoinette, LaFay- 
 ette and the great Napoleon and you have the history of France, 
 a history that extends back over a thousand years, and comes 
 down to and includes the French Revolution; read the history 
 of the kings and queens of England from the time of the Nor- 
 man conquest, about a thousand years ago, (where English 
 history properly begins) down to and including Victoria's 
 reign, with England's military heroes, Oliver Cromwell, the 
 Duke of Wellington, with Britain's eminent statesmen of more 
 recent date, Gladstone, John Bright, Lord Beaconsfield, Lloyd 
 George and others, and you have a very illuminating and 
 almost complete history of old England. 
 
 Let us consider the history of our American forbears for 
 a moment. As to the statement that biographies of eminent 
 men and women give the most satisfactory and comprehensive 
 history of the country of which they are residents, the lives 
 of our own patriots afford abundant proof. Read the history 
 of these illustrious men: Benjamin Franklin, John and Samuel 
 Adams, Patrick Henry, George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, 
 Andrew Jackson, Webster, Clay, John C. Calhoun, Lincoln, 
 Garfield, McKinley, Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson; read the 
 lives of these eminent statesmen and you will have a most 
 copious, comprehensive, satisfactory history of this great Re- 
 public; a history extending from the date of the Declaration 
 of Independence down to the present decade. Such biographies 
 should enrich the libraries and adorn all the homes in this 
 great land of ours. 
 
 As Mr. Lincoln lived a sacrificial life and died a martyr 
 to the cause of civil liberty and human rights (resulting in 
 the liberation of a race of bondmen) his name and fame will 
 be held in affectionate regard as long as time and memory last. 
 Hence the multiplicity of his biographies and readers being in 
 advance of any other person or potentate living or dead. 
 
24 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 As the names of George Washington and Abraham Lincoln 
 are held in endearing remembrance for the distinguished serv- 
 ice they both rendered their country, they are often mentioned 
 in the same connection, the one as the father of his country 
 and the other its preserver. They were both born in the month 
 of February, though not in the same year, of course. It may 
 be a matter of note that many eminent men were born in the 
 month of February, including St. Valentine, Charles Dickens, 
 James Parton and Horace Greeley. 
 
 It is quite fitting, as has been the custom during the month 
 of February of each returning year to commemorate the worth 
 and achievements of General Washington and President Lincoln 
 by appropriate memorial services at one and the same time. 
 
 In their early education and later attainments there were 
 numerous and marked resemblances. General Washington 
 derived most of his education from his mother, and so did 
 President Lincoln. In early life Washington became a surveyor, 
 and so did Lincoln. Young Washington was early employed in 
 the military service of his country, and so was young Lincoln, 
 in the Black Hawk War. Washington was elected to the Legis- 
 lature of his State, when a young man; likewise, Lincoln. 
 Washington was elected to the Continental Congress; Lincoln 
 to the National Congress of 1846. Washington was elected 
 President of the United States, and so was Lincoln. 
 
 Both were men of prayer; General Washington prayed early 
 and late at Valley Forge for his soldiers; President Lincoln 
 prayed at the White House all night for his soldiers at Gettys- 
 burg during that memorable engagement. General Washington 
 achieved a marvelous victory over his enemy at Yorktown, Va. ; 
 President Lincoln won a similar victory over his enemy at 
 Appomattox, in the same State. 
 
 Here the resemblances of these eminent statesmen cease 
 and their contrasts begin. Washington was a man of great 
 
Boyhood, Youth, Early Manhood 25 
 
 wealth for his day, while Lincoln was always comparatively 
 poor. Washington could not speak in public, seldom attempted 
 to; while Lincoln was an orator of distinguished, almost un- 
 paralleled ability. The writer has heard many eminent states- 
 men and political orators during the past sixty or seventy 
 years, but in point of a clear, logical, forceful presentation of 
 a subject, never heard Mr. Lincoln's equal. 
 
 Shortly after his election to the Presidency in 1860 Mr. 
 Lincoln was requested to give a short history of his life for 
 publication. He consented to do so, but stated it would be 
 only the "plain and simple annals of the poor." "I was 
 born," he said, "February 12, 1809, in Harden County, Ken- 
 tucky, at a point within the now County of Larue, a mile or a 
 mile and a half from where Hodgen's mill now is. My parents 
 being dead, and my own memory not serving, I know of no 
 means of identifying the precise locality. It was on Nolen 
 Creek." 
 
 The Lincoln family belonged in no sense to what is called 
 "the poor white trash" of the South, as some writers have 
 maintained; Abraham Lincoln was descended on both sides 
 by long lines of honest, thrifty and respected English and 
 American ancestors. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln, like Daniel Webster and other noted states- 
 men, was born in a log cabin. It was located in a dense forest 
 southwest from the present city of Louisville, at the point above 
 named. The environment of this wild country was not such 
 as would stimulate or promote the mental growth of a child, 
 nor any aspirations he may have had in his adolescent years. 
 His mother, Nancy Hanks Lincoln, was a woman of fine intel- 
 lectual endowment and of eminent piety. She early taught 
 her young son and Sally, his older sister, the simple rudiments 
 of an education, such as reading, writing and spelling. No 
 schools were then established in that new country; neither were 
 
26 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 there any churches there, but the good mother, desirous of 
 instructing her children in things divine, would call them to 
 her knee and unfold to them the great truths of the Holy Bible. 
 She would also explain to and instruct them in the cardinal 
 principles of the Christian religion. This gave a bent and 
 inspiration to young Abraham's mind that remained with him, 
 during all the years of his subsequent life. He often stated, 
 in later years, that all that he was or hoped to be, he owed to 
 his sainted mother. 
 
 In these early years, his only society, aside from that of 
 his parents, was afforded him by the wild beasts of the field, 
 and his music came from the sweet songsters of the forest. In 
 Spring time, the sweet voice of the whip-poor-will would greet 
 his ear. The shrill cry of the owl and the snarl of a panther 
 would occasionally disturb his quiet slumbers. 
 
 When young Abraham was seven years old, Thomas 
 Lincoln, his father, decided to move to Indiana. The title to 
 public lands in Kentucky seemed to be defective, and Mr. 
 Lincoln wished to secure a homestead in a territory where his 
 holdings would be secure. Being equipped with the necessary 
 cooking utensils for the journey, he set out to hunt a location 
 in the dense forest north of the Ohio River. His pathway led 
 him through an almost untrodden wilderness. He soon found 
 a place that suited him, about sixteen miles north of the river. 
 It was located between the forks of big and little Pigeon Creeks, 
 near the little town of Gentryville, in the State of Indiana. 
 Lincoln staked out his claim (which has since become famous 
 as the "Lincoln Farm") and returned on foot to Kentucky for 
 his family, consisting of his wife Nancy, little Sally and 
 Abraham. After some hardships incident to travel in an un- 
 broken forest, they arrived at their destination. 
 
 The ground was soon cleared and the construction of a 
 cabin begun. Material was abundant, though in the rough. 
 
Boyhood, Youth, Early Manhood 27 
 
 The claim was covered with a great forest of trees, including 
 sugar-maple, walnuts, oaks, beeches and elms. Young Abraham, 
 being large for his age, aided his father materially with his 
 "little ax" in the preparation and completion of the cabin 
 home. A temporary abode was made of poles, soon to be 
 supplanted by a substantial log cabin. 
 
 The second house was made of rough, unhewed logs, and 
 for many years was devoid of floor, door or window. A deer- 
 skin hung before the exit, and a small hole in the wall gave 
 them a little light. The furniture was of the rudest sort, and 
 of their own manufacture. The tables and chairs were made 
 of rough slabs in which holes were bored and legs fitted in. 
 Their bedstead consisted of poles fastened to the wall by 
 wooden pins. 
 
 There was only one room in the cabin, which sufficed for 
 parlor, dining room, bedroom, kitchen and everything else. 
 A curtain suspended from a pole separated the bed from the 
 balance of the house. There was a loft in the cabin to which 
 young Lincoln mounted by means of pegs driven in the wall. 
 In one corner of this loft was a bed of leaves, on which he 
 soundly slept. 
 
 A small space in the woods was quickly cleared and put 
 in cultivation. On this were their vegetables and corn raised, 
 and from the latter, the best of corn dodgers were made. The 
 rivers teemed with fish and water fowl, and the woods abounded 
 with game and wild animals. The crack of the father's rifle 
 meant execution, and many fat deer, elks, bears, wild turkeys, 
 etc., came to earth, in response to his fine marksmanship. These 
 afforded the Lincolns abundant meat for the winter, while in 
 summer the menu was supplemented with the choicest of fish, 
 water fowl, squirrels, raccoon and opossum. Wild fruits in 
 abundance, such as dewberries, huckleberries and blackberries 
 were everywhere obtainable. Then later came the nut gather- 
 
28 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 ing, when hickorynuts, black walnuts and butternuts literally 
 covered the ground. On this frugal yet nutritious diet, young 
 Abraham grew up and developed a strong physical constitution, 
 a giant-like constitution, which served him so well in all the 
 varied and exacting conflicts of his subsequent career. 
 
 When the lad was nine years old, the shadow of a great 
 sorrow came over his pathway. 
 
 In the fall of 1818, the community in which the Lincolns 
 were residing suffered a visitation of that dread disease, known 
 then in the West as "milk-sickness." Several of their neigh- 
 bors shortly sickened and died with the ailment, and in a few 
 days Abe's mother became affected with the disease. Her suf- 
 ferings were of short duration, and in a few days "she rested 
 from her labors." 
 
 Shortly before her departure she called her children, Abe 
 and Sally, to her bedside and requested them to be kind and 
 loving to their father, and good to each other, and to be faith- 
 ful and true to their dear Lord, in whose word she had so 
 affectionately instructed them. They buried her in the wood 
 lawn not far from the humble cabin in which she had died. 
 
 No clergyman was available in that far-off wilderness to 
 perform the sad rites at her burial as was the usual custom, 
 so young Abraham wrote, what he afterwards called his first 
 letter, to a Baptist preacher by name of Parson Elkin, 'way 
 back in Kentucky, with whom he had had some previous 
 acquaintance, and requested him to come to their distant home 
 at his early convenience and preach his mother's funeral ser- 
 mon. The parson quickly replied that as soon as his duties 
 called him in that direction, he would come. So one day in 
 the following June, when all nature was lovely, the trees be- 
 decked and waving with their green foliage, the air fragrant 
 with the flower's sweet perfume, the ground covered with a 
 carpet of green, the clergyman arrived. 
 
Boyhood, Youth, Early Manhood 29 
 
 The next day being the Sabbath, the family, the parson 
 and a few neighbors repaired to the mound containing the 
 loved form of the departed one, and there, under the waving 
 oaks and elms, the man of God delivered a sympathetic and 
 impressive discourse. As he described to them the loneliness 
 of the cabin home and the great loss they had sustained in the 
 departure of their precious mother and companion, portraying 
 the worth and nobility of her character, the high esteem in 
 which she was held by her neighbors and friends, and finally 
 invoking the blessing of Heaven upon the dear children and 
 husband, in this, their hour of supreme bereavement, their 
 young hearts were deeply moved, and the impressions thus 
 made upon young Abraham were never effaced from his mem- 
 ory. This was the first great sorrow that had come to the lives 
 of young Abraham and his sister Sally; both were tender in 
 years, one being nine and the other eleven. Both tried to attend 
 to the household duties and console their father as best they 
 could. Abraham had acquired a love for reading through the 
 inspiration of his mother, and that aided them in beguiling 
 away sad hours. 
 
 The months following were periods of extreme loneliness 
 to Thomas Lincoln, and wishing to repair his broken home and 
 secure a mother for his half-orphaned children, at the expira- 
 tion of a year or more, he journeyed to his old Kentucky home 
 and brought back a lovely widow as his wife. Her name was 
 Sarah Bush Johnson, whom he had known in her girlhood days 
 as Sally Bush. She proved to be a lady of fine domestic and 
 social capabilities, and in many other ways, fully measured 
 up to everything he might desire in a companion. She brought 
 with her her three children, over whom, with young Abraham 
 and Sally Lincoln, she exercised a mother's tender care and 
 solicitude. She early formed a strong attachment for the lad, 
 and he in turn fully reciprocated her warm affection. This 
 
30 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 tender relationship continued during the period of their re- 
 spective lives. In later years he showed his love and attach- 
 ment to his stepmother in a very substantial way; the first 
 attorney fee of $500 he earned after he became a law prac- 
 titioner he used in the purchase of a quarter section of land 
 for her. His friends attempted to dissuade him from this large 
 expenditure, but his love and affection for her were so strong 
 that nothing could move him. 
 
 Returning now to his early life after the new mother had 
 come into the home, it is pleasant to note that young Abe, as 
 he was then called, and Sally were tenderly cared for. The 
 second mother attended to their much needed wardrobe, and 
 with her own children started them to school. 
 
 The distance to the school house was four or five miles, 
 but the walk gave them needed exercise and sharpened their 
 appetites for the generous noon lunch the good mother pro- 
 vided. This consisted of corn dodgers, fried rabbit or fowl, 
 nuts or dried berries. Young Abe learned rapidly, so much 
 so that none of his class could keep pace with him. For some 
 reason his school days were of short duration, for in after 
 years, he stated that he never attended school to exceed nine 
 months in his life. However, he was an apt student and con- 
 tinued his studies at home with unflagging zeal. 
 
 Permit me to digress briefly. 
 
 This writer is in a position to sympathize with the Lincolns 
 in their pioneer home; for the same hardships, privations, 
 bereavements and pleasures, incident to their lives, were en- 
 countered by my father and his family, a few decades later, 
 just across the border in the State of Michigan. Well do I 
 recall the dark, almost impenetrable, forests, the numerous 
 lakes, the rivers and brooklets, the fishing excursions, (often 
 with a fisherman's luck) the coon hunts in month of October, 
 the husking and apple-paring bees, the attendant dances at 
 
Boyhood, Youth, Early Manhood 31 
 
 night, the old log school house, with the old master and his 
 beech whip in the corner, compelling immediate and constant 
 obedience, the spelling schools and the further pleasure of 
 escorting our sweethearts home through the snow. I also 
 recall the sweet venison and fat wild turkey meat, products 
 of father's good marksmanship, that adorned our table and 
 filled our hungry stomachs. These were sources of pleasant 
 remembrance and will remain so for all time. 
 
 But sorrow at last cast its shadow across our threshold. 
 The death angel came one November day and took our beloved 
 father from us. No one knows the anguish of such a bereave- 
 ment unless he has sustained a similar loss. His dear form 
 reposes in the old church cemetery where we tenderly placed 
 it over seventy years ago, in the old Wolverine state. 
 
 Returning to the life of young Abraham: As he grew in 
 his "teens," he became very efficient "with his little axe" in 
 aiding his father in cutting the underbrush and felling the 
 large trees, burning the same and preparing the ground for the 
 plow and subsequent cultivation. With the old family team, a 
 yoke of patient, plodding oxen at the front end of the plow 
 and young Abe at the handles, with an inspiring rod in his 
 hands for "Brock and Brady" as they were called, many acres 
 of the virgin soil were soon turned to the sun, and annually 
 thereafter produced bounteous crops, all in response to the 
 hands of patient industry. 
 
 As he increased in years and aproaching early manhood, 
 Abe became an athlete of marvelous strength and endurance. 
 In all manly sports, as well as the social, political, physical 
 and intellectual activities of the community, he was the recog- 
 nized leader. He became a great wrestler, and in this manly 
 art no one in all the "sap bush" could cope with him. When 
 he saw large boys doing injury to smaller ones, or anyone 
 violating the recognized rules of conduct in society, he would 
 
32 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 give the culprits a respectable flogging and send them home. 
 In the clearing of forests and the development of farms in his 
 community, he was always in great demand. He could split 
 more rails and build more fences in a day, probably, than any 
 man in his county. This fact was an element of strength to 
 him in all the subsequent events of his political activities. By 
 this and similar events he enshrined himself in the affections 
 of the American people, especially the toiling millions, more 
 than any other act or circumstance that possibly could have 
 happened. 
 
 When Abe had nearly reached his majority, Thomas 
 Lincoln, who was of a roving disposition, decided to move to 
 Macon County, Illinois, near Decatur, where John Hanks, a 
 relative, had previously moved. So leaving his farm with 
 Mr. Gentry of Gentryville, Thomas Lincoln sold a few of his 
 effects, and loading the rest on his wagon, with his family, 
 he started with his two yoke of oxen and wagon for his west- 
 ern destination. Abe followed his father and paid his expenses 
 by peddling a few trinkets along the way. It took a fortnight 
 to make the journey. John Hanks had anticipated their coming 
 and had the logs cut and prepared for the Lincoln cabin. 
 
 With Abe's assistance, the cabin was soon up and ready 
 for the family. He stayed with his father the following sum- 
 mer, though past 21, and helped to fence part of the new 
 claim (which had been secured by John Hanks before arrival 
 of the Lincolns) and, with the aforesaid oxen, broke up fifteen 
 acres of the ground. 
 
 Shortly after arriving at his majority, Lincoln left his 
 father's home near Decatur and started out to carve his for- 
 tune. He went to a small village called New Salem, a few 
 miles northwest of Springfield, 111. Here he found employ- 
 ment with a man by name of Offutt, for whom he had for- 
 merly worked, while living near Decatur. Mr. Offutt owned 
 
Boyhood, Youth, Early Manhood 33 
 
 a store in the small town and a mill near by. Young Lincoln 
 worked in the store and superintended the mill. 
 
 His time not being wholly occupied in the Offutt store, 
 young Lincoln arranged to take up the study of grammar, for 
 which he had had a previous desire, but no opportunity. His 
 teachers, during the few months he had been in school, taught 
 him to read, write and spell, and also taught him in arithmetic 
 as far as the rule of three; but in grammar he had no instruc- 
 tion for the simple reason that his teachers had no knowledge 
 of that branch of instruction themselves. In New Salem he 
 met a scholarly man by name of Mentor Graham, an old 
 school teacher, to whom Abe had confided his ambition, and 
 who encouraged him in his new undertaking. 
 
 No English grammar being available in the village, Abe 
 was informed that one could be secured at the home of a 
 Mr. Vaner, some six miles distant. Thither he went with his 
 characteristic fleetness, and soon returned with a copy of Kirk- 
 ham's grammar. During the intervals of time, not occupied 
 in waiting on customers, he fairly buried himself in the leaves 
 of his new-found book. At times when he could be spared 
 from the store, he would repair to some shady nook, near by, 
 and there under a tree would continue to pore over his book. 
 He was encouraged and sometimes instructed by his new friend 
 and others, until a few months later, he had fully mastered the 
 contents of his Kirkham. 
 
 This was a great achievement for the aspiring young Lin- 
 coln, for he had been told by his new teacher, Mr. Graham, 
 that he could not become an effective public speaker (for 
 which he aspired) without a thorough knowledge of the Eng- 
 lish grammar. 
 
 Back in Gentryville, when young Abe had arrived at his 
 middle "teens" he had developed a talent and efficiency in 
 public debate that was quite remarkable for a youth of his 
 
34 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 age. Oftentimes the trees and stumps were his only auditors. 
 
 There were but few books and papers accessible to him, 
 but he possessed a retentive memory and could recall and 
 reproduce in debate, the knowledge thus attained, with won- 
 derful effectiveness. In New Salem, his fine talent for public 
 speaking was soon recognized and he was frequently called to 
 the front on great occasions. He took an early interest in 
 politics, and being a Whig, was often called to measure intel- 
 lectual and political swords with the best of the Democratic 
 orators who visited the town. He could cope with any of them, 
 and would often put to rout his antagonists and nearly pul- 
 verize both them and their specious arguments. Lincoln con- 
 tinued his services in the store till Offutt "broke up" and left 
 many sorrowful creditors. Lincoln then engaged in various 
 jobs, taking work in any enterprise which would give him 
 employment. 
 
 Subsequently, a stock of goods was purchased at a dis- 
 count by a man by name of Berry from Wm. Greene, and with 
 Mr. Berry, Lincoln formed a partnership, the firm name being 
 "Berry and Lincoln." The capital was small, and furnished 
 by Berry; Lincoln was very efficient and popular as a sales- 
 man. The latter qualification was probably what secured the 
 partnership for Lincoln. Shortly after this partnership was 
 formed, a little incident occurred which changes the whole 
 course of Lincoln's life. 
 
 An immigrant drove up in front of the store one day, with 
 his family and some dilapidated household goods in the wagon. 
 This included a barrel-full of stuff of little value. The owner 
 was short of funds and proposed to sell to Lincoln the barrel 
 with its contents for most anything the latter was willing to 
 offer. Lincoln offered a half-dollar for it, out of sympathy for 
 the owner, and secured it. The barrel contained a prize that 
 proved of inestimable value to Lincoln. At the bottom of the 
 
Boyhood, Youth, Early Manhood 35 
 
 rubbish was found a complete edition of Blackstone's Com- 
 mentaries. 
 
 Lincoln began reading these works at his leisure, with some- 
 what indifference at first, but the longer he read the more 
 interested he became. He stated in after years that "never in 
 all his life was his mind so thoroughly absorbed." He read, 
 he says, till he fully devoured them. 
 
 This being at the season of the year when farmers were 
 quite busy with their crops, Lincoln had the more time, not 
 needed in the store, to devote to his law studies. 
 
 Fortunate for the world (as the future disclosed) the store 
 did not pay. The senior partner neglected his business, became 
 dissipated, and soon expired, his death being hastened by ex- 
 cessive use of rum, as was alleged. The effects of the store 
 brought but little, and the firm was practically bankrupt. 
 Through no fault of Lincoln's, large debts had accumulated. 
 
 The nobility of the young man came now to the fore. No 
 attempt was made by him to evade his financial responsibility. 
 No thought was entertained to seek relief through bankrupt 
 proceedings (as some might have suggested to him) ; but he 
 did the manly thing. According to John Hay, a future Lincoln 
 historian, he promised to pay when he could, and it took the 
 labor of years to do it, but he paid the last farthing of the 
 debt, which seemed to him and his friends so large that it was 
 called among them, "the national debt." Now, as the store 
 had "winked out" as he denominated it, Lincoln applied him- 
 self more diligently to the study of law, being encouraged by 
 his friend, Major John T. Stewart, who loaned him the needed 
 law books. The study of law was frequently interrupted by the 
 necessity incumbent on him to earn a livelihood for himself 
 and to earn added funds to pay on the aforenamed indebtedness. 
 
 To him, the adage, "where there is a will, there is a way," 
 was quite applicable; for his strong arm and active brain soon 
 
36 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 secured for him abundant employment. His services were 
 quickly sought for and obtained on farms, in stores, keeping 
 books and at various other remunerative employments. 
 
 Prior to young Lincoln's engagements in mercantile pur- 
 suits he constructed a flat boat (in which work he had had 
 previous experience in Indiana) on which were loaded the sur- 
 plus products of the farm, dairy or orchard, to be floated 
 down the Mississippi river to New Orleans and exchanged for 
 such goods as were needed up North, as sugar, molasses, 
 cotton goods, etc. Lincoln was chosen as pilot. Right well did 
 he discharge his arduous, sometimes dangerous, duty. 
 
 He pushed out into the Sangamon river from New Salem 
 and floated down to the Illinois River, to the Mississippi, 
 and on the bosom of this river they soon glided on to and 
 passed Alton, St. Louis, Cairo, Vicksburg and Natches, finally 
 reaching New Orleans. He and his companions passed several 
 weeks in the Crescent City, disposing of their cargo and view- 
 ing the sights. 
 
 Here for the first time, young Lincoln saw the horrors of 
 human slavery. One morning he and his associates walked to 
 the slave market, where he saw negroes, male and female, in 
 chains, and being whipped and scourged, sold to the highest 
 bidder, and separated, parents from children and children from 
 parents, never to see each other again. Finally, a beautiful 
 mulatto girl was brought to the front. She was exposed to 
 the indignity of being examined as to the soundness of her 
 limbs, eyes, ears, having her flesh pinched, and then being 
 paced up and down the road like a horse to be sold. All these 
 scenes occurred in Lincoln's presence. His blood soon ran up 
 to fever heat, and turning away in disgust, he remarked to his 
 companions that "If I ever get a chance to hit this thing (mean- 
 ing slavery) I will hit it hard." 
 
Boyhood, Youth, Early Manhood 37 
 
 He seemed to think that some time he would have some 
 part in manumitting these slaves. Little did he think, how- 
 ever, that within about thirty years he would, with one stroke 
 of his pen, strike the fetters from the limbs of four millions of 
 an enslaved race forever. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 Politics and Marriage 
 
 In the spring of 1832, a band of Sacs and other hostile 
 Indians invaded the northern part of Illinois, producing 
 terror among the inhabitants. The Governor of the State 
 called for volunteers to repel their invasion. Lincoln heard the 
 call and soon enrolled his name among his country's defenders 
 
 A company was soon formed, with rendezvous at Beards 
 town, not far from New Salem. An organization of the com 
 pany was quickly formed by the election of Lincoln as captain 
 At the election, Lincoln had one rival for the position, a man 
 by name of Kirkpatrick. A suggestion was made that each 
 soldier should stand by the side of the man of his choice and 
 when the command "march" was given, three-fourths sur- 
 rounded young Lincoln. This was a source of great pleasure 
 to Lincoln, as he afterwards related, no subsequent achieve- 
 ment giving him as much satisfaction as this. 
 
 Captain Lincoln soon ingratiated himself in the minds 
 and goodwill of his soldiers, his sentiments being reciprocated 
 fully and freely by his comrades in the ranks. No great battle 
 was precipitated during the ensuing campaign to enable the 
 young captain to display his prowess and military skill; yet 
 during the war, which was of short duration, he discharged 
 his duties as the commanding officer of his company with 
 fidelity and honor, and at the close, returned to the peaceable 
 pursuits of life, at New Salem, old Sangamon County, 111. 
 
 Many officers of subsequent note in statecraft and other 
 positions were in that campaign. Included in the number were 
 Zachary Taylor, then colonel of the regular army, afterwards 
 
Politics and Marriage 39 
 
 a distinguished general in the Mexican war; Albert Sidney 
 Johnson, an eminent general of the Southern Confederacy, in 
 later years; Robert Anderson, lieutenant of artillery, who later 
 was in command at Fort Sumter at the time of its capitula- 
 tion; also, there were Jefferson Davis, afterwards president of 
 the so-called Southern Confederacy, and others of lesser note. 
 
 It is significant as well as interesting to recall that later, 
 Lincoln confronted many of these subsequent Confederate offi- 
 cers, when he was not a captain of a small company, but com- 
 mander of the military forces of a great nation. 
 
 On his return from the Black Hawk War, Captain Lincoln 
 decided to run for the State Legislature. Four representatives 
 were to be elected that fall from Sangamon County. Lincoln 
 was placed at some disadvantage, inasmuch as only two weeks 
 remained before the date of election. Besides this, he had a 
 formidable candidate opposing him in the person of old Peter 
 Cartright, an able and eccentric clergyman, of marked ability, 
 well and favorably known. 
 
 Lincoln, however, possessed fine platform ability for a 
 young man, had the prestige of a soldier who had responded 
 so quickly to his country's call, and was popular with all 
 classes of people. He pushed the battle to the wall, speaking 
 almost day and night up to the day of election. He created 
 great enthusiasm wherever he spoke and secured a remarkable 
 following, considering the short time he had at his command. 
 However, it was impossible for him to visit the remote sections 
 of his county, and thus he lost many votes, which otherwise 
 would have been accorded him. He lost the election by a 
 small majority, his opponent receiving 815 votes, while Lincoln 
 received 657. While this was a minority vote, it was a source 
 of great satisfaction to Lincoln and his friends to know that 
 he mustered so large a following in so brief a period. 
 
 This campaign established Lincoln's popularity beyond a 
 
40 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 doubt, as the future years disclosed. He recalled with great 
 pride that during the remainder of his life, this was the only 
 time he was ever beaten by the direct vote of the people. This 
 defeat by no means discouraged him. He devoted himself to 
 any kind of remunerative employment then available. He was 
 appointed postmaster of his town, which he appreciated. He 
 discharged its duties with fidelity and acceptability. His hon- 
 esty in this position became a matter of note, to which I will 
 refer in a subsequent chapter. 
 
 The County of Sangamon was large, and numerous deputy 
 surveyors were needed. Captain Lincoln, desirous of oppor- 
 tunity to learn surveying, accepted eagerly an appointment as 
 deputy surveyor. This was in the fall of 1833. Lincoln knew 
 but little, if anything, about surveying, but he was anxious to 
 learn. He knew, as did his friends, that whatever he under- 
 took, or was willing to undertake, he could master, if proper 
 time was given him. This, the surveyor (Mr. Calhoun) was 
 willing to grant. Procuring an old treatise on surveying, and 
 securing the aid of his old school master, Mentor Graham, 
 Lincoln applied himself with untiring zeal, day and night, to 
 his task. In six weeks he had accomplished his purpose, hav- 
 ing mastered all the books at his command that treated on that 
 subject. 
 
 He at once reported to Mr. Calhoun and was assigned to a 
 locality in the northern part of the county. His work there 
 and elsewhere in the county had the merit of being correct, 
 and was never controverted or opposed by anyone in or out 
 of court, so far as I have ever been able to learn. He received 
 as compensation for his services, the sum of three dollars per 
 day, being an amount in advance of anything he had previously 
 obtained. This enabled him to pay part, but not all his 
 financial obligations, for it should be remembered that his 
 store indebtedness, incurred through no fault of his, still hung 
 
Politics and Marriage 41 
 
 over him. In addition to this, he recognized a filial obligation 
 to aid his worthy father in time of need, and so sent him a 
 remittance occasionally. 
 
 The nuggets thus obtained helped him materially in the 
 liquidation of his indebtedness, and the knowledge of survey- 
 ing stood him well in the future practice of his legal profes- 
 sion, whenever that question was involved. 
 
 During Mr. Lincoln's residence at New Salem, perhaps 
 about two years after his arrival, he went to board with a new- 
 made but highly esteemed friend, by name of James Rutledge. 
 He was a man of fine intelligence and a prosperous merchant 
 of the town. In his home were three daughters, Ann Rutledge 
 being the third. She was not a lady of refinement and culture, 
 as that term is known in the East. Nevertheless, she was a 
 lady of respectable literary attainments and accomplishments, 
 having improved every opportunity for mental and social cul- 
 ture that were afforded by the thriving new village in which 
 she resided. To young Lincoln, she was the most charming 
 lady he had ever met. She early recognized in him qualities 
 that were not possessed by any other of her gentlemen 
 acquaintances. 
 
 He was tall, awkward, unprepossessing, yet was a young 
 man of rare natural endowments. He had been a candidate 
 for the State Legislature, and his superior ability as a political 
 orator was everywhere recognized. A mutual attachment was 
 soon formed. Respect was changed to admiration, and this 
 soon matured into love. An engagement followed, but the 
 date of the nuptials was postponed till after the completion of 
 his law studies. 
 
 Lincoln was now the happiest of men and he became more 
 so as the months came and went, and the time drew nigh when 
 there would be a glorious consummation of the marriage vow, 
 when he and Ann would be one. But how true, and sad as it 
 
42 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 is true, that "man proposes, but God disposes." The shadow 
 of a great sorrow came over his pathway, which was never 
 entirely removed. The health of Miss Rutledge became impaired 
 through a misfortune, the nature of which I will not stop to 
 relate, and she grew weaker gradually till death came to her 
 relief. The shock of this great and unexpected bereavement 
 almost dethroned the reason in her young affianced. 
 
 Shortly prior to her death, and in response to her request, 
 young Lincoln came to her bedside. What passed between 
 them in the last moments of that solemn interview and fare- 
 well will never be known. The inexpressible anguish that 
 must have filled the heart of Abraham Lincoln can better be 
 imagined than expressed. 
 
 "I never can be reconciled," he said, "to have the snow, 
 rain and storms beat upon her grave." In this hour of supreme 
 bereavement, he was wont to recall a poem he had learned in 
 early life, beginning: "Oh, why should the spirit of mortal 
 be proud." Its repetition afforded him some consolation in 
 the many lonely hours that followed. His many friends came 
 to his relief in their expression of sympathy and condolence, 
 but many years passed before his grief was assuaged. 
 
 Shortly after the death of Miss Rutledge, which occurred 
 August 25, 1835, Lincoln was invited to the rural home of a 
 dear acquaintance, Bowling Green. Here he found rest and 
 recuperation. It is also reported that soon he took a trip back 
 to his old Kentucky home, accompanied by a dear friend. This 
 was done that a change of scene and associations might ameli- 
 orate if not remove the mental depression that had come re- 
 cently into his life. The change was productive of good results. 
 In a few months, Abraham Lincoln was himself again, and 
 returning to old Sangamon County, he resumed the study of 
 law with his old-time ardor and enthusiasm. 
 
 The next year, 1836, he was admitted to the bar. This, he 
 
Politics and Marriage 43 
 
 and his friends regarded as a great achievement. He had begun 
 and pursued the study of law under unfavorable circumstances; 
 no law books to begin with, except an edition of Blackstone; 
 he had to depend on friends at Springfield, twenty-five miles 
 away, for additional books; met with commercial disaster, 
 through the defalcation of a dissipated partner, left with a 
 heavy debt to liquidate (which he proceeded manfully to do) ; 
 engaged in any and every kind of employment, physical and 
 mental, that would keep soul and body in the same neighbor- 
 hood, and afford a little surplus to pay on the above named 
 indebtedness. Above all and beyond all these hardships and 
 disappointments, he lost his lovely Ann. This nearly drowned 
 his ambition and crushed his life. To most young men, these 
 would have been insurmountable difficulties; but not so with 
 young Lincoln. In him was the "stuff that men are made of." 
 
 It is often said that "Virtue is its own reward." It is equally 
 true with character and manhood. During the few years that 
 Lincoln had resided in Sangamon County, his friends and fel- 
 low citizens had learned and appreciated his worth and nobil- 
 ity. In 1834 they nominated him for the Legislature and tri- 
 umphantly elected him thereto. 
 
 Three other able and distinguished citizens of the county 
 were elected to the same Legislature; but history records the 
 fact that he received the largest majority of any of them. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln was three times re-elected to the Legislature, 
 making four times in all, each time receiving a larger majority 
 vote than any of his colleagues. This excited not a little 
 jealousy in the minds of his associates. The reason is quite 
 plain. He had been a resident of the county but a short time, 
 six years in all, a man without education or prestige, employed 
 in menial labor (as others might term it) such as splitting 
 rails, chopping wood and making flat boats. While his Legis- 
 lative associates considered themselves as picked men, eminent 
 
44 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 lawyers, judges and the like, they knew that Mr. Lincoln was 
 a poor man and seemed at first to lightly esteem him. Had 
 he repudiated his debts and gone into bankruptcy (as many 
 would have done in his circumstances) he probably would have 
 accumulated some property, before going to the Legislature, 
 and he could then say, as Benjamin Franklin made poor Rich- 
 ard say : "Now I have a pig and a cow, and every man bids me 
 good morning." 
 
 A few ducats in a man's pocket raises him mightily in the 
 estimation of some men. When his associates started to the 
 Capitol they were able to ride on fine horses or in costly car- 
 riages to Vandalia, while Lincoln, unable to own either, would 
 throw his boots over his shoulders and hike it to the Capitol. 
 This is what he called riding on "shanks mare." He would 
 often arrive there by cross-lot procedure, as soon as his asso- 
 ciates would, though 75 miles from his home. When he arose 
 to speak, with his tall form and commanding presence, and 
 with a tongue and argument at once eloquent and convincing, 
 he would usually carry every measure before him. The light 
 esteem (if not disrespect) in which he was formerly held soon 
 gave way to admiration and support by his legislative associ- 
 ates. In public debate or address, he was forceful, pungent; 
 in repartee, was unexcelled, and woe to an antagonist on whose 
 head he would draw down the fire. 
 
 Isaac N. Arnold, in his "Life of Abraham Lincoln," force- 
 fully illustrates these qualities. He speaks concerning a great 
 political meeting to be held at the Court House at Springfield, 
 at which a number of Legislative candidates were to speak, 
 Lincoln among the number. 
 
 This was his first appearance at the county seat "on the 
 stump," and the people were on tip toe to hear him. After 
 the several candidates, both Whig and Democratic, had spoken 
 it fell to Mr. Lincoln to close the discussion. This he did with 
 
Politics and Marriage 45 
 
 great ability. There lived in Springfield a prominent citizen 
 by the name of George Forquer. He had been prominent in 
 public life as a leading Whig, the same party to which Lincoln 
 belonged. He had recently changed his political affiliations 
 and gone over to the Democratic party, and in recognition of 
 his ability and influence, the Democratic administration had 
 appointed him to the lucrative post of registrar of the land 
 office at Springfield. On his fine residence, he had recently 
 placed a lightning rod, the first ever put up in Sangamon 
 County. 
 
 In riding into the city, Lincoln had observed the novelty 
 of a lightning rod and discussed the manner in which it might 
 protect the house from being struck with lightning. 
 
 Now this Forquer, though not a candidate, asked to be 
 heard as a Democrat in reply to Mr. Lincoln. He was a good 
 speaker and thought it his duty to attack and ridicule the young 
 countryman from New Salem. He began by saying, "This 
 young man must be taken down, and I am truly sorry the task 
 devolves on me." He then proceeded, as Mr. Arnold says, in 
 a very overbearing way, and with an assumption of great 
 superiority, to attack Lincoln and his speech. He used sarcasm 
 and vituperation in his further effort to belittle Mr. Lincoln, 
 so much so that Mr. Lincoln's friends began to fear that he 
 might become embarrassed and unable to cope with his an- 
 tagonist. But their fears were soon allayed. As soon as 
 Forquer had closed, Mr. Lincoln came to the front and fully 
 and completely answered his opponent. 
 
 He began saying, "The gentleman (meaning Forquer) com- 
 menced his speech by saying that 'this young man,' meaning 
 me, must be taken down. I am not so young in years as I am 
 in the tricks and trades of a politician, but," said he, pointing 
 to Forquer, "live or die young, I would rather die now, than, 
 like the gentleman, change my politics, and with the change 
 
46 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 receive an office worth three thousand dollars a year, and then," 
 continues he, "feel obliged to erect a lightning rod over my 
 house to protect a guilty conscience from an offended God." 
 Enough said. The electrical effect on the audience, then and 
 there produced, can be better imagined than described. Lin- 
 coln had won his day. 
 
 In the Legislative session of 1837, an effort was made and 
 finally a law was enacted, to remove the State capitol from 
 Vandalia to Springfield. It appears that Sangamon County 
 had two Senators and seven Representatives, known as the long 
 nine, each being six feet and over in height, and men of dis- 
 tinction, in that session. Each used his influence and best 
 endeavor for the success of the measure, but Abraham Lincoln 
 was the most effective and distinguished participant. There 
 was much opposition to the removal proposition to Springfield, 
 there being nearly a dozen competing cities for the prize — 
 six being very active rivals. 
 
 Miss Ida M. Tarbell, in her "Life of Abraham Lincoln," 
 says, "No event prior to the repeal of the Missouri Compro- 
 mise ever happened in Illinois which created so much excite- 
 ment as the removal of the State capitol." 
 
 For a while the fate of the bill hung in a balance. At one 
 time to all appearances, the bill was dead "and beyond resus- 
 citation," as one writer declared. All eyes were now turned 
 to Lincoln. He spoke in glowing terms of the meritorious 
 claims of Springfield as the logical site and location for the 
 new capitol; and proceeding in a forceful presentation of his 
 subject, and with convincing, compelling, propelling eloquence, 
 he swept, like an avalanche, everything before him. All knew 
 that success was assured. The first ballot brought more votes 
 for Springfield than any two rivals combined, and the fourth 
 ballot brought the coveted victory. Springfield received the 
 good news with great rejoicing, and when the "long nine" 
 
Politics and Marriage 47 
 
 returned to their home, Springfield, they were honored with 
 numerous banquets, were dined and wined, but Abraham Lin- 
 coln was the hero, the lion of the occasion. 
 
 After the adjournment of the Legislature in March, 1837, 
 Mr. Lincoln decided to remove to Springfield, the seat of the 
 new capitol, to commence his life work as an attorney at law. 
 He had been a resident of New Salem for a period of about 
 six years and he readily saw that it never could compete with 
 the capital in point of business nor afford him the advantages 
 for a successful legal career that would be given him in the 
 new location. Springfield was then a small town of about 
 one thousand inhabitants, while the population of New Salem 
 was rapidly declining and in a year or so became non-existent. 
 
 So Mr. Lincoln sold his surveying outfit for a few dollars, 
 packed his small effects, including a few law books, into his 
 saddle-bags, and mounting a horse loaned him by his good 
 friend, Bowling Green, started for Springfield, twenty-five 
 miles away. He was known in the city as an eminent Legis- 
 lator and a distinguished orator, but had no record as a lawyer. 
 They remembered and appreciated him for the great service 
 he had rendered their city in securing the bringing of the 
 capitol to Springfield, and hence were in a position to receive 
 him with open arms and great cordiality. 
 
 It was quite fortunate for the young lawyer that in the 
 new city he had a warm friend in the person of the Hon. 
 John T. Stewart. He was a distinguished Whig who had aided 
 and befriended young Lincoln by loaning him law books, had 
 encouraged him in the study thereof, and had served a term 
 or so with him in the State Legislature. 
 
 He knew the latent talent, and anticipated the brilliant 
 career of the young attorney, and at once offered him a law 
 partnership. This was accepted gladly by Mr. Lincoln, as 
 Mr. Stewart was an old resident, an eminent lawyer and en- 
 
48 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 joyed a good legal practice. The firm of Stewart and Lincoln 
 continued for four years, having a respectable if not a lucra- 
 tive practice during the entire period of their partnership. 
 
 It was fortunate that during this time Mr. Lincoln had the 
 privilege of measuring intellectual swords with many attor- 
 neys who were very able at the bar, and who attained subse- 
 quent renown. The list included the names of Stephen A. 
 Douglas, who was Lincoln's strong political rival for twenty 
 years, Judge Stephen T. Logan, Ninian W. Edwards, John T. 
 Stewart and several others. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln often met these eminent lawyers in legal battle 
 array and was soon able to cope with the best of them. This 
 was especially true in jury trials. He possessed a logical mind 
 and was very lucid in his ability to reason from cause to effect. 
 Besides this, he possessed a facility for copious and extended 
 illustrations, by means of which he seldom failed to convince 
 the most obdurate juryman of the merit of his case and win 
 his vote in the final deliberation of the trial in the jury room. 
 During the six years of his residence in Sangamon County he 
 had established a reputation for honesty which stood him well 
 in all the subsequent activities of life, whether civil, profes- 
 sional or political. "Honest Abe" was the sobriquet that people 
 by common consent, had everywhere given him. 
 
 Furthermore, it became known, possibly by his own state- 
 ment, that he never would accept a case from any client unless 
 he knew or felt assured that his cause was meritorious. From 
 this, we can readily observe what a powerful influence he 
 would have over both court and jury in the trial of a case. 
 Any statement by him of law or fact was taken in court as 
 valid without question or controversy. 
 
 He trusted the common people, or masses, from whom the 
 jury in that new country was selected, and they in turn loved 
 and trusted him. Little wonder that in a short time, inside a 
 
Politics and Marriage 49 
 
 decade, say, he became one of the greatest jury lawyers in the 
 State. He was frequently called to the large cities, like Rock 
 Island or Chicago, etc., in his own State, to Cincinnati and 
 elsewhere in other States to try important legal cases. Not- 
 withstanding his marked ability and reputation as a trial law- 
 yer, he was always modest in his charges, and thus was in 
 moderate circumstances only, through life. 
 
 At one time he had a law partner who was disposed to 
 charge fees for legal services in excess of what Mr. Lincoln 
 deemed just and right. On a given occasion, in the absence 
 of Mr. Lincoln, the partner charged a widow the sum of $150 
 for service formerly rendered. Mr. Lincoln, on returning, 
 compelled his partner to refund a part of the fee, stating that 
 it was exorbitant, and that its acceptance would be taking food 
 from the mouths of the half-orphaned children. Other inci- 
 dents of a similar nature could be named. Five thousand dol- 
 lars was the highest fee he ever obtained for his legal service 
 in any case. This was obtained from the Illinois Central Rail- 
 road Company, for a litigated case, in which Mr. Lincoln was 
 successful in all the lower and intermediate courts up to the 
 Supreme Court of the United States. For the interests involved 
 and the time employed in thus defending the company the fee 
 demanded by Mr. Lincoln was considered a reasonable one, 
 both by himself and his associates at the bar; but he had to 
 sue the corporation to secure his pay. Judge David Davis, 
 before whom Mr. Lincoln practiced so long, once stated that 
 rarely did Mr. Lincoln receive as much as that in the aggregate 
 for a year's service. 
 
 The judicial circuit of which David Davis was the presiding 
 judge was a large one. It took many weeks, sometimes months, 
 to make the rounds. Mr. Lincoln and other attorneys would 
 mount their steeds and accompany the judge to the different 
 county seats till the entire circuit was completed. Mr. Lincoln 
 
50 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 was the soul and inspiration of the company, on their lonely 
 journey and at the hotels where they lodged during court week. 
 
 Lincoln was given to relating mirth-provoking stories both 
 at the hotels and at the court room, when not engaged in the 
 trial of a case. Occasionally he would tell a story or relate 
 an anecdote that would evoke such a demonstration of applause 
 or laughter as to interfere with the peaceable procedure of the 
 court. Judge Davis would turn and rebuke him at times by 
 saying: "Mr. Lincoln, unless you desist from thus interrupting 
 the court, it will be obliged to fine you or adjourn court." 
 Lincoln would subside for a while, but soon another story or 
 anecdote would be forthcoming, and the usual laughter ensue. 
 The clerk of court was excited to prolonged laughter on hear- 
 ing one of these stories, and was fined $10 by the judge. 
 
 At the close of the court session, Judge Davis asked the 
 clerk what story of Lincoln it was that so pleased him. The 
 clerk replied by reciting the anecdote. The judge was almost 
 convulsed with laughter thereby, and at once remitted the 
 clerk's fine. The latter replied that he was willing to pay the 
 $10, as it was worth all it would cost. 
 
 In the year 1839, or about that time, Mr. Lincoln first met 
 Miss Mary Todd. She was from Lexington, Kentucky, a daugh- 
 ter of the Hon. Robert S. Todd, a leading citizen of the Blue 
 Grass State. Miss Todd at this time was about twenty-one 
 years of age, finely educated, a lady of refinement and culture, 
 with a charming personality, at once attractive and winning. 
 
 She came to Springfield to make her home with her eldest 
 sister, Mrs. Edwards, whose husband, the Hon. Ninian W. 
 Edwards, was a colleague of Mr. Lincoln in the State Legis- 
 lature. He was also a son of Ex-Governor Edwards of Ken- 
 tucky, who was a United States Senator at one time. 
 
 Mr. Joseph H. Barrett, a historian of Lincoln, speaks thus 
 complimentary of her: "She was a lady of unusual personal 
 
Politics and Marriage 51 
 
 attractions and bright, intellectual faculties. She was also 
 of agreeable manners. She was not long without admirers, if 
 she may not have been properly called the 'belle' of the place." 
 The higher and more exclusive circles of her native city to 
 which she belonged were unsurpassed in social refinement and 
 mental culture in any Southern community of the time, west of 
 the Alleghenies. In consequence of these and other accom- 
 plishments, the same writer goes on to remark that "Mary Todd 
 was undoubtedly the best suited to win Mr. Lincoln's admira- 
 tion and a more tender regard." "Abraham Lincoln and His 
 Presidency," Joseph H. Barrett, LL.D. Vol. 1, Page 61-D. 
 Appleton & Company, N. Y., Publishers.) 
 
 There was, however, a disparity in their ages, he being in 
 his thirty-first year and she being in her twenty-first. There 
 was also a dissimilarity in their early training and in their 
 social standing, as well as in their mental equipment. Mr. Lin- 
 coln became an early suitor (as did Judge Douglas) and 
 waiving these dissimilarities, soon laid siege to her affections. 
 Miss Todd kept him at bay, however, for a long time before 
 she capitulated. 
 
 She was finally disposed to waive any objections she may 
 have entertained in consequence of the disparagements of ages, 
 social standing and intellectual attainments between them, and 
 receive his attentions on the basis of his manly worth and the 
 nobility of his character. She recognized the fact that while 
 he was tall and ungainly, he was also kind hearted, modest 
 and amiable. The year following their first introduction, 1840, 
 Mr. Lincoln was completing his fourth term as a member of 
 the Illinois Legislature, and during the summer of the same 
 year he canvassed the State in the interest of General Harrison, 
 who was a candidate of the Whig party for the presidency of 
 the United States. During his eight years of service as a 
 legislator, he had distinguished himself as an eminent law- 
 maker and a most impressive and eloquent public speaker. 
 
52 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 The prestige thus obtained was supplemented and enlarged 
 by his great political campaign for Harrison, wherein he was 
 recognized as one of the foremost, if not the foremost, political 
 orator of the Nation. 
 
 Miss Todd could not be other than proud and quite proud 
 of her ardent lover. She doubtless thought that a man so 
 young and occupying a position so commanding, would prob- 
 ably attain to positions still higher and possibly become Presi- 
 dent of the United States. This thought cropped out a year or 
 so later, when, subsequent to their engagement, she wrote to 
 a girl friend and mentioned some of the defects of her intended, 
 and added: "But I mean to make him President of the United 
 States. You will see as I always told you, I will yet be the 
 President's wife." You will infer that after a somewhat pro- 
 tracted acquaintance and courtship, Mr. Lincoln and Miss 
 Mary Todd became engaged. But it often happens that "the 
 course of true love never runs smooth." Before the day was 
 set for the wedding, for some unknown and unaccountable 
 reason, the engagement was broken. It was thought by some 
 that a serious illness of Mr. Lincoln or a sad mental depression 
 (with which he had formerly been affected) was the cause of 
 the sudden alienation. 
 
 Considering the standing of the high contracting parties, 
 the news of the disengagement must have created in the capital 
 city quite a sensation. This, in the mind of the writer, need 
 not necessarily have been so; for often lovers' quarrels and 
 pre-nuptial misunderstandings occur, and that "in the best 
 of families." 
 
 In a few months, Mr. Lincoln "became himself" again, 
 mutual friendship and love were restored, the engagement re- 
 newed, and on November fourth, 1842, their happy marriage 
 occurred. So far as is known, they lived a joyous and happy 
 life ever after. In a few months, he wrote to his old friend, 
 
Politics and Marriage 53 
 
 Joshua T. Speed, of Louisville, Kentucky, saying that, "We 
 are not keeping house, but boarding at the Globe Tavern, 
 Springfield, which is very well kept now by a widow lady. 
 Our rooms are the same as Dr. Wallace occupied there, and 
 boarding only costs four dollars a week for us both. I most 
 heartily wish you and your family will not fail to come, and 
 we will all be merry together for a while." 
 
 Mrs. Lincoln sympathized and aided her husband in his 
 struggles for advancement in law and for his political pro- 
 motion in subsequent years. 
 
 Col. Alex K. McClure, in writing concerning her, says: 
 "She was gifted with a rare insight into the motives that actuate 
 mankind, and there is no doubt that Lincoln's success was, in 
 a measure, attributable to her acuteness and the stimulus of 
 her influence." 
 
 I desire now to make brief mention of Mr. and Mrs. Lin- 
 coln's family. I draw wholly from my memory and may not 
 be quite accurate in some of the details. But in the main, I 
 feel satisfied that I am correct. 
 
 To Mr. and Mrs. Lincoln there were born four sons, Robert 
 T., Edward, Willie and Thomas, called Tad. Robert died 
 recently. Edward died at Springfield before Mr. Lincoln was 
 elected to the presidency. Willie died at the White House, in 
 the early days of the war. This nearly crushed the heart of 
 the noble President. "Tad," the youngest, and the idol and 
 solace of his father during the dark days of the war, died at 
 the age of 18, at his brother Robert's home in Chicago. Robert 
 Lincoln was a man of respectable scholastic and legal attain- 
 ments, but never possessed the native ability of his father. He 
 was a fair public speaker, only; while Lincoln the elder stood 
 without a peer scarcely in all the domain of political and 
 forensic oratory in America. Peace to his ashes and memory. 
 
 Robert married the charming and cultured daughter of 
 
54 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 Senator and Mrs. Harlan of Mt. Pleasant, Iowa. Senator Harlan 
 was in Lincoln's cabinet at one time. There, Robert met and 
 wooed his brilliant lady. To this union, one son, Abraham, 
 and three daughters, I believe, were born. Incidentally, I might 
 say that Mary Harlan Lincoln was a friend and college mate 
 of Mrs. Hart, my wife, when they were both students at the 
 Mt. Pleasant University, way back in the sixties. 
 
 With the death of Robert Lincoln, and it is a sad thought, 
 the last lineal male descendant of the great President has gone. 
 
 Robert Lincoln attained public distinction early, largely 
 through his father's prestige. He was a member of President 
 Garfield's cabinet, and afterwards was minister at the Court 
 of St. James. He served as president of the great Pullman 
 corporation of Chicago. He evidently deemed a rich salaried 
 position preferable to the financial uncertainties of a political 
 career. While in London his dear, loving boy, his own and 
 the Nation's pride, departed this life. All people of this great 
 Republic, as well as his parents, felt they were in the shadow 
 of this great sorrow, knowing full well that soon no one would 
 be left to perpetuate the name and fame of the great Eman- 
 cipator. 
 
 Former mention has been made concerning the nomination 
 of General Harrison for the presidency on the Whig ticket 
 and Mr. Lincoln's participation therein. This was in 1840. 
 
 Early in the year there seemed a possibility of electing 
 him, and this stimulated activity among members of the Whig 
 party, even in states where the party was largely in the 
 minority. 
 
 The Democratic party, whose presidential candidate was 
 Martin Van Buren, taunted the Whigs as being a party of "Log 
 cabins and hard cider," because General Harrison had lived in 
 a log cabin and was very fond of hard cider. The taunts and 
 sneers proved to be a boomerang to the Van Buren party, for 
 
Politics and Marriage 55 
 
 it certainly recoiled on them to their great disadvantage as 
 the campaign proceeded. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln was nominated for presidential elector, 
 and threw himself into the canvass with all the ardor and 
 ability at his command. In whatever city, town or hamlet he 
 went, vast crowds attended his meetings, for his reputation as 
 a distinguished platform orator had preceded him. The rank 
 and file of the Whig party had adopted the slogan, "Hard cider 
 and log cabin" (hurled at them contemptuously by their oppon- 
 ents) and used it to the great discomfiture of their enemies. 
 They came to these Lincoln meetings in great throngs, bearing 
 in their wagons and prairie schooners, miniature log cabins 
 and thousands of kegs of hard cider. This beverage had an 
 exhilarating and happy effect on the vast numbers attending, 
 especially on the Democrats themselves, who came in great 
 numbers to have their native thirst for the "ardent" quenched. 
 This was productive of the desired results; for probably 
 enough Democrats were won over to the Whig party in many 
 states to give the electoral vote to Harrison. General Harrison 
 won his election that fall, and Lincoln contributed a very im- 
 portant part in securing the happy result. Lincoln rejoiced 
 greatly over the triumph of the Whig party, knowing that it 
 would give prestige and standing to the party in many states, 
 and especially to his own state. This proved true, as it aided 
 the election of a Whig friend of Lincoln to Congress that fall, 
 as I recall, and very much aided Mr. Lincoln himself, in his 
 aspirations for Congress, which were realized a few years later. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 Campaigns and Douglas Debates 
 
 During the interval between great political campaigns, 
 Mr. Lincoln devoted his time and energy to the suc- 
 cessful practice of the law. He had always entertained 
 a high regard and admiration for Henry Clay of Kentucky, 
 and when he was nominated for President by the Whig party 
 in 1844, he threw himself into the Clay campaign with all the 
 ardor and ability of former years. This year (1844) Lincoln 
 was a presidential elector, as he was in the "Tippecanoe and 
 Tyler too" campaign of 1840. He spoke extensively in his 
 own state and also in the State of Indiana. One of his appoint- 
 ments was near Gentryville, the scene of his boyhood and 
 early manhood days. 
 
 He delivered an address at the old Carter school house, 
 where he had formerly attended school and where he met many 
 friends of his earlier days. This was a source of great pleasure 
 to him. He was entertained by Josiah Crawford who, I believe, 
 had purchased the old homestead from Thomas Lincoln some 
 twelve or fourteen years before. Lincoln took great delight in 
 pointing out the various objects of interest with which he was 
 familiar in his boyhood days, the old swimming pool, the 
 mill, the grocery store, the blacksmith shop, and the places 
 where he had worked as a day laborer. His old neighbors and 
 friends were surprised as well as delighted at the accuracy 
 with which he pointed out "every fond object, his infancy 
 knew." 
 
 Afterwards, his pent-up emotions found expression through 
 his pen in verses, the first stanza of which is as follows: 
 
Campaigns and Douglas Debates 57 
 
 "My childhood's hope, I see again, 
 And sadden with the view; 
 And still, as memory crowds the brain, 
 There's pleasure in it too." 
 
 The merit of Mr. Lincoln's poetry did not keep pace with 
 that of his oratory; for is it not somewhere written, that a 
 "Poeta nascetur, non fit," or words to that effect? It has 
 been fifty-five years since I studied Latin, and I may be a little 
 rusty. However, it may be truthfully said that Abraham 
 Lincoln was "a born orator," if not a born poet. 
 
 Neither Mr. Lincoln's oratory, as shown in his great politi- 
 cal addresses, nor that of Mr. Clay, himself, could save the day. 
 
 In the fall of 1844, Clay and the Whig party went to 
 defeat after one of the most exciting political campaigns that 
 ever occurred in the United States. His political activity, not- 
 ably his opposition to the admission of Texas, or rather the 
 annexation of Texas, to the United States, was the direct cause, 
 or occasion, of his defeat, as was thought by many. 
 
 For nearly forty years Clay was active and eminent in con- 
 structive legislation, in statesmanship and diplomacy, and now 
 to be suppressed by his countrymen, whom he had loved and 
 served so well, nearly crushed his proud spirit. He had been 
 three times nominated for the presidency, in '24, '32 and '44, 
 and as many times defeated, and now, to him, there seemed 
 little left in life worth living for, and he practically retired 
 from public life. However, in '49, he consented to resume his 
 seat in the Senate to help settle the contest between the slave- 
 holding and anti-slavery parties on the California and terri- 
 torial questions. The labor and excitement incident to the 
 solving of these great problems exhausted his already enfeebled 
 constitution, and in 1852 he went to his grave. 
 
 Continuing my digression a little farther, I desire to say 
 
58 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 that the public career of James G. Blaine was somewhat similar 
 and ran parallel to that of Henry Clay. 
 
 Mr. Blaine was an eminent statesman of the last half of 
 the past century. He was a distinguished and active partici- 
 pant in all the legislative enactments and activities of the Civil 
 War; was a warm supporter of Mr. Lincoln and his adminis- 
 tration during all the dark years of the great rebellion, and 
 was a wise counsellor and safe legislator during the weary 
 years of reconstruction. He was in both branches of the 
 National Congress for a period of twenty years, and was twice 
 Secretary of State. Like Henry Clay, he was three times a 
 candidate for the nomination for President of the United 
 States, in '76, '80 and '84. The last time (in '84) he was 
 successful in his nomination, but was defeated at the fall elec- 
 tion. This was a great, great disappointment to Mr. Blaine 
 and his numerous friends. No one anticipated such a result 
 No Republican since the days of Lincoln was held in higher 
 esteem or had a greater following than Senator Blaine. Like 
 Clay, he was regarded a great commoner and a statesman of 
 the first rank; but like Clay, he went to his grave in the 
 shadow of a great disappointment. 
 
 Both had in anticipation the presidential chair and White 
 House as their final goal, and both realized the significance 
 (sad though it be) of the poem, which declares: 
 
 "The boast of heraldry, the pomp of power, 
 And all that beauty, all that wealth 'ere gave, 
 Await alike the inevitable hour; 
 The path of glory leads but to the grave." 
 
 Returning now to the narrative of Mr. Lincoln, I would 
 say that owing to his prestige and reputation as a lawyer, legis- 
 lator and political orator, he would be and should be a can- 
 
Campaigns and Douglas Debates 59 
 
 dictate for Congress at the ensuing congressional convention, 
 that of 1842. But as an old-time friend, Edward D. Baker, 
 was a candidate for the same position that year, he graciously 
 waived his desire and ambition for the place, and supported 
 him. He did a similar thing for General Hardin in '44. Both 
 of the above named aspirants were elected in Congress, and 
 largely so through the great influence and support of Mr. 
 Lincoln. In 1846, both Mr. Lincoln and General Hardin were 
 candidates for Congress, but the General finally withdrew his 
 candidacy, and in a manly and generous letter, agreed to sup- 
 port Mr. Lincoln. This friendly and reciprocal act of General 
 Hardin was warmly approved by the Whigs of the district. 
 
 All conceded that "both men were so much loved that a 
 break between them would have been a disastrous thing for 
 the party." In May, Mr. Lincoln received the nomination. 
 
 The Democrats put up old Peter Cartright, an eccentric 
 Methodist preacher, though of marked ability, as their nominee. 
 They went on the assumption that inasmuch as old Peter had 
 defeated young Lincoln in 1832, just after his return from 
 the Black Hawk War, when they were both candidates for the 
 Legislature, that he could do it again. In this instance, "they 
 reckoned without their host." They evidently forgot that 
 back in '32, Lincoln was scarcely known outside the small 
 town of New Salem, while in '46, fourteen years thereafter, 
 his name was a household word in nearly every city, town 
 and hamlet in the state. During these years he had become 
 easily the foremost statesman in the great commonwealth of 
 Illinois. Thus we see that Rev. Mr. Cartright, while possess- 
 ing local fame, was in no condition to cope with this giant 
 debater and politician. 
 
 Generous and tolerant to his adversaries as always was 
 Lincoln, he was not without the innuendoes and misrepresenta- 
 tions that generally attach to the name of a political leader 
 
60 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 during the heat of a campaign. I listened intently to a great 
 political address he once delivered (reference to which I will 
 make later) and during the hour and one-half consumed in 
 its delivery, I never heard him speak an unkind word against 
 any or all who opposed him. He was generous to a fault in 
 any allusion he might make to an opponent or to the position 
 he was taking. However, at times, he would so attack a man's 
 public record, especially his legislative record (which was 
 public property) as to sweep from under him the very ground 
 on which he was standing, politically. 
 
 Referring now to the aforesaid congressional campaign, 
 suffice it to say that at the ensuing election, he was elected by 
 a handsome majority, and soon entered upon his duties as a 
 Congressman. During the first session of his term he made 
 three carefully prepared addresses, it is said, and it is but 
 reasonable to suppose that he was listened to with marked 
 attention during their delivery. His reputation, like that of 
 Henry Clay in former years, as an orator, had preceded him 
 to the National Capital. His attitude on the slavery question 
 was what you naturally would expect it to be. 
 
 He threw the weight of his great ability and influence 
 against its further extension, and introduced a bill to suppress 
 slavery in the District of Columbia, where it then existed, 
 strange as it may now appear. His bill, however, provided 
 for proper compensation to the owners of these human chattels, 
 thus to be liberated. 
 
 Describing and denouncing the barbarism of slavery, espe- 
 cially at the capital of the nation, Mr. Lincoln used these 
 graphic words: "In view from the windows of the capitol, a 
 sort of negro livery stable existed, where droves of negroes 
 were collected, temporarily kept, and finally taken to Southern 
 markets, precisely like droves of horses." He thought it hor- 
 rible that human beings should be kept in bondage right under 
 
Campaigns and Douglas Debates 61 
 
 the dome of the capitol and no protestation be made. He did 
 not think it wise nor lawful to interfere with slavery in states 
 where it already existed (as will be noted further on) but the 
 power of Congress in the District of Columbia being supreme, 
 it should proceed at once, as he thought, to abolish it. The 
 pro-slavery sentiment in Congress at that time was so strong 
 that Mr. Lincoln's bill, wise in its inception and beneficent in 
 its import, never was allowed to be reported. Mr. Lincoln evi- 
 dently thought as he returned to his home city, at the end of 
 his term, that his efforts for the liberation of the black man 
 had been of little worth. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln was a man of brave heart, but brave as he 
 was a tinge of sadness must have possessed him when he found 
 that his first attempt to lighten the burden of the bond man 
 was opposed by all, and that he stood alone. Yet he was not 
 alone, for his Lord was with him; for is it not true that God 
 and one constitute a majority, always? The slave oligarchy 
 at Washington evidently concluded that by refusing to intro- 
 duce and engross the Lincoln bill they would effectually sup- 
 press the fanatic and agitator from Illinois, and bury him and 
 his cause deep, beyond the power of resurrection. But such 
 was not the case. For 
 
 "Truth crushed to earth will rise again, 
 The eternal years of God are hers, 
 But error falling, writhes in pain, 
 And dies amid her worshipers." 
 
 The proposition that slavery was a divine institution was 
 shot through and through a thousand times, a few years later, 
 the last ball being fired from Appomattox. Best of all, this 
 despised Lincoln directed the shooting, and that from the 
 White House at Washington. "The mills of the gods grind 
 slowly, but they grind exceeding small." 
 
62 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 Mr. Lincoln, while in Congress, was strenuously opposed 
 to the Mexican War and its prosecution. He claimed, and 
 justly so, in the minds of many, that there was no just cause 
 for the war, and the vast expenditure of treasure and blood 
 involved thereby should be avoided. The Democratic party 
 and its President, James K. Polk, who had precipitated the 
 war, censured Mr. Lincoln severely for the position he had 
 taken, but the whole Whig party and many others warmly sus- 
 tained him in his opposition. 
 
 Notwithstanding his hostility to the war, whenever a meas- 
 ure was introduced in Congress providing for the support and 
 equipment of the men in the field, he gave it his hearty endorse- 
 ment. I think, by the consensus of public opinion during and 
 since that war, Mr. Lincoln has been fully sustained. A noted 
 writer, in speaking of the Mexican War, states: "The whole 
 Whig party denounced it at the time, and the whole nation 
 has been more than half ashamed of it ever since." President 
 Polk thought doubtless that he would gain prestige for his 
 administration by declaring war against a nation, weak and 
 friendly though it was, and simply for a fancied wrong. The 
 same writer (above alluded to) states that, "By adroit maneu- 
 vers, Polk had forced a fight upon a weak and reluctant nation, 
 and had made to his own people false statements as to both 
 the facts and the merits of the quarrel." I merely recite these 
 facts to show that Mr. Lincoln was fully exonerated from any 
 charge as to any false or unworthy motive he may have enter- 
 tained in regard to that war. I wish to speak further regard- 
 ing the result or outcome of that war, for my young readers 
 especially, though it may not be exactly germane to a bio- 
 graphical sketch of Mr. Lincoln. 
 
 At the time of the outbreak of the war, Texas had severed 
 its connection with Mexico and had been admitted into our 
 Union as a sovereign state. A difference of opinion as to the 
 
Campaigns and Douglas Debates 63 
 
 western boundary of Texas had arisen between the United 
 States and Mexico. This could and should have been adjusted 
 by treaty or other peaceable procedure if proper diplomacy 
 had been exercised. But, no. In the mind of the President, 
 the little nation south of the Rio Grande must be humiliated, 
 and Polk thought the United States was the proper party to do 
 the job. The conflict was of short duration, as all know, and 
 the feeble folk down there sued for peace. The President and 
 his cabinet rejoiced in the glorious consummation, and the 
 United States became then and there, forsooth, in the mind 
 of the executive, one of the great powers, if not the greatest, 
 on earth. 
 
 By the treaty which ensued we gained California and sev- 
 eral adjacent states, but Mr. Lincoln maintained and so do 
 others, that, in all human probability, the same objects could 
 have been attained without such loss of life and treasure. The 
 subjugation or conquest of a nation for the acquisition of ter- 
 ritory as a goal is as reprehensible as it is unjust. Presumably 
 one-half the amount of money necessary to prosecute the war 
 to a finish would have sufficed to purchase the territory above 
 named, and thus avoided the shedding of blood. I heard of a 
 man once, "who preferred to lie on time, than to tell the truth 
 for cash." Some rulers prefer to precipitate a war than adjust 
 existing difficulties by peaceable arbitration or by the payment 
 of money. Not always so, for in 1803 Thomas Jefferson, being 
 President of the United States, purchased from France, for a 
 consideration of $15,000,000, the vast territory, known as the 
 Northwest Territory, including many of the great states of the 
 central Union. This is known in history as the "Louisiana 
 Purchase." Again, in 1867, the United States purchased, 
 through William H. Seward, Secretary of State, for the sum 
 of $7,200,000, from Russia, the rich territory known as Alaska. 
 And all this by peaceable measures, without the shedding of a 
 
64 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 drop of blood. Truly, "Peace hath its victories no less re- 
 nowned than war." 
 
 In a republican form of government, such as ours, where 
 authority or sovereignty vests in the people and is exercised 
 by their chosen representatives, "governors derive their just 
 powers from the consent of the governed." Barring constitu- 
 tional prohibitions or barriers, Presidents and Congressmen 
 would be included under the word "governors." If this be 
 true, it necessarily follows that there could not, nor would be, 
 any declaration of war, except to "suppress insurrections and 
 repel invasions" without the affirmative, majority vote of the 
 people. And if such declaration were postponed till such a 
 vote of the masses, who do the fighting was secured, our nation 
 would grow hoary-headed many times over before any war 
 would be precipitated. The time has past, in my judgment, 
 when the citizens of this great republic will consent or permit 
 their sons, the pride and flower of the nation, to become, at 
 the dictation of Washington officials, food for the cannon's 
 mouth or victims of the deadly gas pits. The Federal Con- 
 stitution should be so revised that our Presidents and members 
 of Congress would be our servants and not our masters. Let 
 this suffice. 
 
 Resuming the Lincoln narrative, it is quite reasonable to 
 presume that Mr. Lincoln's retirement from Congress, or his 
 work while in Congress, rather, was a source of satisfaction 
 and not of regret. He certainly could rejoice in the conscious- 
 ness of work well begun, if not well done. He possessed con- 
 victions, and had what no previous Congressman ever had, if 
 my memory serves me right, the courage of his convictions 
 to introduce a bill looking towards the limitation or non- 
 extension of slavery, if not to its entire abolition. His intro- 
 duction of a bill to suppress slavery in the District of Columbia 
 was deemed by him, doubtless, as an entering wedge or initial 
 
Campaigns and Douglas Debates 65 
 
 effort which ultimately would overthrow the entire diabolical 
 system. The opposition he encountered by a united Congress 
 did not dampen his zeal or cool his ardor, but stimulated him 
 to additional activities, as future years disclosed. 
 
 It has always been a surprise to this writer that such dis- 
 tinguished men as Hon. Joshua R. Giddings of Ohio, George 
 W. Julian of Indiana, and other noted anti-slavery men, then 
 in Congress, should so ignore Mr. Lincoln, in doing what they 
 approved but did not have the courage to undertake themselves. 
 
 This was not Mr. Lincoln's first effort to limit or curb the 
 aggressions of the slave-holding power by appropriate legisla- 
 tion or by the enactment of resolutions strongly condemning 
 the system. Some ten years prior to this event, when Mr. 
 Lincoln was a member of the Illinois Legislature, pro-slavery 
 resolutions of the most violent character were introduced and 
 carried by majorities that were almost unanimous. These were 
 opposed by Mr. Lincoln with all the ability and influence he 
 could command. 
 
 Lincoln well knew that any opposition or protestation on 
 his part to these and similar resolutions would jeopardize his 
 popularity in the Legislature and among his constituents at 
 home, but with undaunted courage he proceeded to introduce 
 counter resolutions, declaring the whole system of slavery to 
 be barbarous, and "founded on injustice and bad policy." Of 
 all the members of the House, comprising over one hundred, 
 only one, Dan Stone, had the courage to join him in the sup- 
 port of the resolution. 
 
 I merely cite these instances to show the almost insurmount- 
 able difficulties that confronted Lincoln at every turn in his 
 effort to ameliorate the condition of the bond man. 
 
 Slavery had become so entrenched and safeguarded by the 
 approval of society, by the customs of the people and by the 
 laws of the land, that to oppose it meant ostracism, alienation 
 
66 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 and sometimes death. The enactment by Congress in 1821 of 
 a measure known as the Missouri Compromise, by means of 
 which Missouri was admitted into the Union as a slave state, 
 gave character and standing to the system of slavery, both 
 South and North, to an extent previously unknown. By this 
 act Congress, the legislative body of the nation and exponent 
 of public sentiment, gave the stamp of its unqualified approval 
 on both the existence and perpetuity of slavery. However, 
 the measure gave a little anti-slavery sop to the people of the 
 North by providing in the same enactment that slavery should 
 not extend to territory north of thirty-six degrees, thirty min- 
 utes north latitude (north of the Ohio River, say) and territory 
 west of Missouri. This created great exultation among the 
 people of the South, for it bound the shackles of slavery on 
 the limbs of the black man stronger than ever, and made, as 
 they supposed, the diabolical system perpetual. 
 
 The intelligent reader of today would naturally conclude 
 that the system of human slavery, such as existed in the South, 
 (characterized by John Wesley "as the sun of all villainies") 
 and extending its pernicious influence into all homes and 
 through all society in the North, as well as South, would receive 
 its just condemnation by all good people everywhere. But such 
 was not the case. Following the adoption of the Missouri 
 Compromise, the people of the North, by their votes, not only 
 tolerated slavery in the South, but actually approved it by 
 their representatives in Congress who voted for its further 
 extension. 
 
 How true and how sad is the poetic declaration of Pope, 
 in saying: 
 
 "Vice (slavery) is a monster of so frightful mien, 
 As to be hated needs but to be seen; 
 But seen too oft, familiar with her face, 
 We first endure, then pity, then embrace." 
 
Campaigns and Douglas Debates 67 
 
 The almost universal domination of slavery sentiment in 
 Northern states as well as South during the first half of the 
 past century will remain the surprise of the ages. It pervaded 
 all classes and conditions of society. Not even the clergy, 
 who were supposed to be exemplars and exponents of every- 
 thing pure and noble and of good report, were exempt from 
 its influence. This was illustrated, and surprisingly so, by the 
 vote of the resident clergymen of Springfield, 111., in the fall 
 of 1858 when Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas were 
 standing for the United States senatorship in that state. 
 
 On the day prior to the election a straw vote was taken of 
 the people in the city of Springfield, to ascertain, if possible, 
 the sentiment of the community as to the merit of the two can- 
 didates. There were twenty-three clergymen in the city who 
 thus cast their vote, as I understand. And what was the result? 
 Hear, oh hear; for some of you will weep: Twenty of the 
 number, as I understand, voted for Judge Douglas, and three, 
 just three, voted for Abraham Lincoln. That is to say, twenty 
 voted for the extension of slavery, for Judge Douglas stood 
 for that, and three voted for its limitation and non-extension, 
 for that was what the noble Lincoln stood for. Let us be 
 charitable and presume (as it is to be hoped) that some of 
 the Douglas clergymen were anti-slavery men, but were cowed 
 into silence by the domination of their pro-slavery parishion- 
 ers. Such was the case in most of our churches. Old Parson 
 Brownlow of Knoxville, Tenn., was made of different stuff. 
 Read up his history. It will do you good. 
 
 In 1850 Congress enacted a very reprehensible measure, 
 known as the fugitive slave law, entailing as it did, untold 
 cruelties on the enslaved race, as indicated below. 
 
 In 1854 Congress enacted another measure, through the 
 influence of Senator Douglas, adding insult to injury, and as 
 merciless and inhuman as the former, known as the Kansas and 
 
68 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 Nebraska bill. This bill repealed the existing and long estab- 
 lished law, known as the Missouri Compromise. This law was 
 enacted back in 1820-21, when Missouri was admitted into the 
 Union. After much opposition and prolonged controversy, 
 from the people of the North, the state was admitted as a slave 
 state, through the influence of Henry Clay, but only through 
 a compromise. Hence the name, "Missouri Compromise." 
 This compromise provided that thereafter slavery should be 
 excluded from all territory north of 36° 30', north latitude, 
 and west of Missouri. The repeal of this "compromise" in 
 '54 worked havoc to the black man and strengthened and 
 enlarged the area of the slave traffic. It opened the floodgates 
 of slavery and made its existence possible in newly acquired 
 territory and in Northern states as well, if their constitutions 
 would ever permit. I have spoken of this previously, but it 
 will bear repetition. These measures wrought a marvelous 
 and radical change in the minds of Northern people on the 
 question of human slavery. 
 
 Under the operation of the fugitive-slave law, the inhuman 
 and relentless cruelties inflicted on the poor black man, when 
 arrested, in his possible flight for freedom, were almost beyond 
 human conception. Also, on any man in a free state who 
 would give aid or protection to the fleeing bond man, a heavy 
 fine and imprisonment would be imposed. Moreover, the fleet- 
 footed, savage, bellowing hounds from the Southern planta- 
 tions would be brought into requisition to more effectually 
 secure the return to bondage of the escaping refugee. Fortunate 
 indeed would be the poor fellow if he escaped the gnashing 
 wounds so often inflicted by the bloody hounds. 
 
 All these measures tended to arouse public indignation 
 and protest at the increasing barbarities and aggressions of 
 slavery. They also served to unite the people of the North in a 
 deathless effort and struggle to prevent its further extension. 
 
Campaigns and Douglas Debates 69 
 
 Probably no act of Congress had ever created such excitement, 
 such opposition, such protest, such indignation and lashed 
 the public mind of the West and Northwest into such a state 
 of fury and commotion as the enactment of the said Kansas 
 and Nebraska bill. 
 
 There was a clause in the bill repealing the Missouri Com- 
 promise, as aforesaid, under the operation of which, the slave- 
 holders could, as they proceeded to do, take their slaves into 
 these territories. They were aided by the administration of 
 President Franklin Pierce, and were striving to convert Kansas 
 and Nebraska into slave states. 
 
 The purpose of these invaders was to creat pro-slavery 
 sentiment in the above named territories and colonize there 
 sufficient voters to carry the states for slavery when they should 
 seek admission into the Union. In the spring of 1856 actual 
 war was precipitated in the city of Lawrence, Kansas, when 
 the Missouri ruffians, as they were called, invaded and pillaged 
 the homes of the free-state men, killed their occupants, burned 
 their houses, destroyed their printing presses, stole their horses 
 and cattle and carried off their goods. This was what incipient 
 slavery was doing for "Bleeding Kansas." I was then a citizen 
 of the state of Illinois, and recall as though it were but yester- 
 day, the intense excitement created by the war news of the 
 West. 
 
 A company of military men was quickly mobilized and 
 started for the seat of war, but trouble had subsided when 
 they arrived. 
 
 I write thus at length, in order that my young readers, 
 especially high school and college students, for whom, largely, 
 this biography is written, may learn of the stirring events that 
 characterized the history of our great country about the middle 
 of the last century and some years previous thereto. Writers 
 of history seldom make extended reference to many momentous 
 
70 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 events that an ardent student of history should know. I write 
 largely from memory, and can recall vividly and accurately, 
 I think, nearly every important incident and event that has 
 occurred in our republic during the past seventy or more years. 
 My readers shall have the benefit of these reminiscences, as 
 thus outlined. The above half-dozen sentences being explana- 
 tory, I will now proceed with the Lincoln narrative. 
 
 At the conclusion of Mr. Lincoln's services in the Thirtieth 
 Congress (1848), he returned to Springfield and resumed his 
 law practice. This he pursued with great assiduity for the ten 
 years following, when he engaged in a series of memorable 
 debates with the "little giant," Douglas, reference to which 
 is made later. In the meantime, his services as a political 
 orator were in great demand, especially during the three inter- 
 vening presidential campaigns. 
 
 In 1848 he was an ardent supporter of Gen. Zachary Taylor 
 for President. In July of this year he made a vigorous speech 
 on the floor of Congress for old "Rough and Ready," as Lin- 
 coln called Taylor, and during the summer campaign he made 
 numerous and effective speeches in New England and elsewhere 
 which contributed much towards the nomination and election 
 of General Taylor. The same interest and ardor was mani- 
 fested by him in the campaign of '52 for the Whig Presidential 
 candidate. 
 
 In 1856 the Republican party was formed, and in the same 
 year General John C. Fremont became its first candidate for 
 President. Mr. Lincoln, who had joined the new party, as had 
 nearly all the Whigs, and many conservative Democrats, be- 
 came a tower of strength in the newly organized party, and 
 poured out his very soul in his devotion and support of the 
 candidate of his choice. 
 
 General Fremont, as all know, was not successful. However, 
 such states as gave him their electoral votes were won largely 
 by Mr. Lincoln's great campaign ability. 
 
Campaigns and Douglas Debates 71 
 
 While the Republican party at large had been previously 
 organized, the party had not been organized in the State of 
 Illinois till May 29, 1856, when the first Republican conven- 
 tion of the state assembled at Bloomington. "It was composed 
 of Abolitionists, Free-soil Whigs and Anti-Nebraska Demo- 
 crats." Abraham Lincoln was present as a delegate from Illi- 
 nois; and after the preliminary work of the convention was 
 over and a few short speeches were made by others, Mr. Lin- 
 coln was called to the platform and delivered a most eloquent 
 address. Some claim it was the supreme, outstanding address 
 of his life. It was called "Lincoln's Lost Speech" because the 
 reporters were so electrified and carried away by the eloquence 
 of the orator that no notes were taken and no reports made 
 to their papers. 
 
 Mr. Joseph Medill, then a reporter, afterwards the editor 
 of the Chicago Tribune, was present as a delegate. Many 
 years afterwards he wrote out his impressions of the speech 
 for publication in McClure's Magazine. It was in part as fol- 
 lows: "No one was expecting a great speech at the time. We 
 all knew that he could say something worthy of the occasion, 
 but no one anticipated such an outburst of Demosthenian ora- 
 tory. There was great political excitement in Illinois at the 
 time and all over the Northwest, growing out of the efforts of 
 the South to introduce slavery into Kansas and Nebraska. The 
 free-soil men were highly wrought up in opposition and Mr. 
 Lincoln partook of their feelings." Mr. Medill proceeds to 
 describe the man and the scene. He says: "He came forward 
 (meaning Lincoln) and took the platform beside the presiding 
 officer. At first his voice was shrill and hesitating. There was 
 a curious introspective look in his eyes, which lasted for a 
 few moments. Then his voice began to move steadily and 
 smoothly forward, and the modulations were under perfect 
 control from thenceforward to the finish. He warmed up as 
 
72 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 he went on, and spoke more rapidly; he looked a foot taller 
 as he straightened himself to his full height, and his eyes 
 flashed fire; his countenance became wrapped in intense emo- 
 tion; he rushed along like a thunderstorm. He prophesied 
 war as the outcome of these aggressions, and poured forth 
 hot denunciations upon the slave power." 
 
 "The convention," Mr. Medill continues, "was kept in an 
 uproar, applauding and cheering and stamping; and this 
 reacted on the speaker, and gave him a tongue of fire. The 
 thrilling scene in that old Bloomington hall forty years ago 
 arises in my mind as vividly as the day after its enactment. 
 There stood Lincoln in the front, erect, tall and majestic in 
 appearance, hurling thunderbolts at the foes of freedom, while 
 the great convention roared its indorsement. I never witnessed 
 such a scene before or since. As he described the aims and 
 aggressions of the unspeakable slave-holders and the servility 
 of their Northern allies as illustrated by the perfidious repeal 
 of the Missouri Compromise two years previously, and their 
 grasping after the rich prairies of Kansas and Nebraska, to 
 blight them with slavery and to deprive free labor of this rich 
 inheritance, and exhorted the friend of freedom to resist them 
 to the death, the convention went fairly wild. It paralleled 
 or exceeded the scene in the Revolutionary, Virginia conven- 
 tion of eighty-one years before, when Patrick Henry invoked 
 death if liberty could not be preserved." 
 
 He continues further by saying: "I did make a few para- 
 graphs of report (for the Chicago Tribune) of what Lincoln 
 said in the first eight or ten minutes; but I became so absorbed 
 in his magnetic oratory that I forgot myself and ceased to 
 take notes, and joined with the convention in cheering and 
 stamping and clapping to the end of his speech." 
 
 Thus Mr. Medill continued in an eloquent description of 
 the most eloquent address, but I will not further prolong or 
 
Campaigns and Douglas Debates 73 
 
 extend these quotations, inspiring and beautiful though they be. 
 
 I think it may be truthfully said that Mr. Lincoln's address 
 on this occasion — in point of brilliancy, of thought, in force- 
 ful, logical presentation of the facts involved, finds no parallel, 
 or scarcely a parallel, in all the domain of forensic oratory. 
 Daniel Webster's reply to Senator Haynes of South Carolina, 
 on the subject of "State Rights," may be a single exception. 
 
 This great address of Mr. Lincoln was lost to the world for 
 many years, but it was finally ascertained that a young lawyer 
 by the name of H. C. Whitney, a friend of Mr. Lincoln, was 
 present at the convention and took extended notes of the 
 address which he later reproduced. 
 
 The world — especially the literary world — has been placed 
 under lasting obligation to Mr. Whitney for the reproduction 
 of that matchless, inspiring address to Mr. Lincoln, for with- 
 out his thoughtfulness and ability as well, to take prolonged 
 and accurate notes of the charming and eloquent speech, it 
 would have been lost forever to an admiring world. Others 
 lost their heads and were swept from their feet in the oratorical 
 tornado above described, but young Whitney retained and 
 maintained his equilibrium, and all mankind are now his 
 debtors. Mr. Medill and others to whom the report has been 
 submitted bear willing and cheerful testimony to the fact that 
 it is a most accurate and satisfactory reproduction of the great 
 speech they had the pleasure of hearing. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln was requested to write out his speech for cam- 
 paign purposes, but he declared that "it would be impossible 
 for him to recall the language he used on that occasion, as he 
 had spoken under some excitement." He used a very mild 
 term (excitement) for if ever man spoke "with the tongue 
 of men and angels," Mr. Lincoln did that day. He labored 
 under almost superhuman pressure and great mental grief. 
 He alluded in his speech to the recent murder of a score or 
 
74 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 more of free-soil men at Lawrence, Kansas, by the Missouri 
 border ruffians; he also spoke of the brutal attack of Charles 
 Sumner in the United States Senate, wherein he was beaten 
 into insensibility by a bludgeon in the hands of Preston Brooks 
 of South Carolina. He further stated that while he, Lincoln, 
 was speaking, Senator Sumner was dying in Washington. 
 These statements created a wonderful sensation and almost 
 paralyzed the audience. It should be said that after four years 
 of intense pain and suffering on the part of Mr. Sumner, he 
 regained his health and was returned to the United States 
 Senate at Washington. 
 
 In his address Mr. Lincoln may have had in mind the sad 
 fate of Mr. E. P. Lovejoy of Alton, 111., brother of Owen Love- 
 joy, the statesman, whose printing press was four times des- 
 troyed and he himself finally killed by slave-holder residents. 
 Or he may have thought, while delivering his speech, of Will- 
 iam Lloyd Garrison, whose body was drawn through Boston 
 by a slavery mob. 
 
 Little wonder that Mr. Lincoln, having in mind these acts 
 of barbarism, ever remaining as foul blots on the pages of 
 American history, was unable to recall the words he used, 
 strong and pungent as they were, on that noted occasion. But 
 the impression they made and are making on the minds of men 
 will remain imperishable as long as time and memory endure. 
 
 The year 1858 will always be noted in American history 
 as the year in which a series of debates was inaugurated in 
 the State of Illinois between two eminent statesmen, Abraham 
 Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas. I think it may be safely 
 stated that in point of the distinguished ability of the partici- 
 pants and the momentous national questions involved, the like 
 of these debates was never before nor since witnessed in this 
 great republic. 
 
 On June 16, of this year at Springfield, Abraham Lincoln 
 
Campaigns and Douglas Debates 75 
 
 received the unanimous nomination of the Republican party 
 for the United States Senate as the successor of Judge Douglas. 
 Mr. Douglas was a distinguished orator of national and inter- 
 national repute, and was busy this year in canvassing the state 
 in support of his recently enacted Congressional measures, 
 known, as before stated, as the Kansas and Nebraska bill, in- 
 volving the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. Horace 
 Greeley, in his great work, states that Mr. Lincoln at the said 
 Republican convention, "opened the canvass at once in a terse, 
 forcible and thoroughly radical speech, wherein he enunciated 
 the startling, if not the absolutely novel doctrine, that THE 
 UNION CANNOT PERMANENTLY ENDURE HALF SLAVE 
 AND HALF FREE. A house divided against itself cannot 
 stand." It seems that Governor Seward of New York, several 
 months after this, gave expression of like premonition of com- 
 ing events, by saying, according to Mr. Greeley: "Shall I tell 
 you what this collision means? They who think it is acci- 
 dental, unnecessary, the work of interested or fanatical agita- 
 tors, and therefore ephemeral, mistake the case altogether." 
 
 The Governor continued: "It is an irrepressible conflict 
 between opposing and enduring forces; and it means that the 
 United States must and will, sooner or later, become either 
 entirely a slave-holding nation, or entirely a free-labor nation." 
 
 This unanimity of sentiment regarding the resultant ten- 
 dency of slavery by two persons so far apart and at different 
 times, seems quite remarkable as well as prophetic. 
 
 In a few weeks following his nomination to the Senate, 
 Mr. Lincoln attended large Democratic gatherings at Chicago 
 and elsewhere, unbeknown to Mr. Douglas, and listened with 
 painful ears to the pernicious, pro-slavery proclamations of 
 the "young giant." Lincoln saw at once that such misleading 
 statements should not go unheeded or unchallenged, and sent 
 a message to Mr. Douglas challenging him to a joint discus- 
 
76 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 sion. Mr. Lincoln thought that by this method he would mini- 
 mize if not utterly destroy the great influence that Mr. Douglas 
 might otherwise have on the people. In this he was success- 
 ful, if a majority of the popular vote at the fall election was 
 a correct index of the sentiment of the people. 
 
 Judge Douglas received and accepted the challenge readily, 
 and sent an affirmative reply to Mr. Lincoln. He doubtless 
 thought he could soon annihilate his antagonist and bring 
 home his scalp, dangling at his side, as a trophy of his achieve- 
 ment. In this, "he reckoned without his host." "Man pro- 
 poses," but "a kind Providence disposes." 
 
 Hitherto Douglas had held Lincoln in light esteem, as un- 
 able and unworthy to measure intellectual swords with his 
 honor. He soon changed his mind. He had seen "a new light." 
 
 In speaking of the debate, Douglas remarked that while 
 Lincoln was comparatively unknown, "if he gets the best of this 
 debate, and I want to say he is the ablest man the Republicans 
 have got, I shall lose everything and Lincoln will gain every- 
 thing." He further stated: "I have known Lincoln long and 
 well, and I know I shall have anything but an easy task." He 
 added: "He is the strong man of his party, full of wit, facts, 
 dates, and the best stump -speaker, with his droll ways and dry 
 jokes, in the West. He is as honest as he is shrewd, and if I 
 beat him, my victory will be hardly won." I quote from 
 Alonzo Rothchild in his "Lincoln, Master of Men," Page 94. 
 Houghton, Mifflin Co., Boston. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln recognized the difference between himself and 
 his opponent, and reciprocated the good opinion thus ex- 
 pressed, by saying that "Senator Douglas is of world-wide 
 renown. All the anxious politicians of the party, or who have 
 been of his party for years past, have been looking upon him 
 as certainly, at no distant day, to be the President of the 
 United States. They have seen in his round, jolly, fruitful 
 
Campaigns and Douglas Debates 77 
 
 face, postoffices, land offices, marshalships, and cabinet appoint- 
 ments, chargeships and foreign missions, bursting and sprout- 
 ing out in wonderful exuberance ready to be laid hold of by 
 their greedy hands. On the contrary, nobody has ever expected 
 me to be President. In my poor, lean, lank face, nobody has 
 ever seen that any cabbages were sprouting out. These are 
 disadvantages, all taken together, that the Republicans labor 
 under. We have to fight this battle upon principle and prin- 
 ciple alone." I quote from Miss Ida M. Tarbell's great work 
 on Lincoln, Vol. 1, page 309. (The Macmillan Company, 
 New York, Publishers.) 
 
 By mutual consent of the contestants, seven cities were 
 selected in the state, in which the joint debates were to be held. 
 The first one to be at Ottawa, about eighty miles southwest 
 of Chicago, on August 21. The location of the cities where 
 the other six were to be held was so placed in different parts 
 of the state, north and south, that a majority of the people 
 could avail themselves of the opportunity to see and hear these 
 forensic giants. This writer was present at this, the first of 
 the seven memorable debates. An older brother and I walked 
 some twelve or fourteen miles to be present on the noted 
 occasion. 
 
 Excitement was at fever heat. Everyone was discussing 
 the possibility of slavery being saddled on poor Kansas and 
 Nebraska, with the added possibility of its extension into 
 Northern States, Illinois included. This latter possibility was 
 only contingent on the supposition that pro-slavery sentiment 
 might become strong enough — in some Northern States — to 
 secure a favorable change in their constitutions, and thus invite 
 or encourage slavery. 
 
 Public sentiment seemed to be about evenly divided. Those 
 who believed in the divine right of slavery and its unlimited 
 extension, if the people desired it, sided with Douglas; and 
 
78 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 those who opposed the inhuman system and its further exten- 
 sion, sided with Mr. Lincoln. 
 
 At the time appointed for the joint debate at Ottawa, there 
 was a vast number in attendance numbering, as was said, 
 20,000. People came from far and near. There were only a 
 few railroads then in the state, and only one passing through 
 the city. The masses came in all kinds of conveyances, in 
 prairie schooners, wagons, buggies, carts, etc., on horse-back, 
 mule-back, jack-back, ox-back, etc. Thousands came on foot. 
 Some traveled one hundred miles or more, probably. They 
 surrounded the small city like an invading army, many arriving 
 the previous day. They slept under their wagons, in tents, in 
 fence corners, on lawns, in public parks. The few hotels could 
 not accommodate one-tenth of the city's guests. At an early 
 hour the public park in which the services were held was filled 
 to its utmost capacity. At 2 p. m. the renowned orators took 
 their places on the stand, ready for the fray. 
 
 It was my good fortune, as formerly stated, to be present 
 on the occasion, and listen to these eminent statesmen. It will 
 remain a source of pleasant recollection as long as life and 
 memory endure. Being a lad, I angled my way through the 
 dense crowd, till I stood right in front of the platform. 
 
 By previous arrangement, Judge Douglas was to open the 
 debate with an hour's speech, Mr. Lincoln was to follow with 
 an hour and one-half reply, when Douglas was to close with 
 a half-hour rebuttal. Senator Douglas was the pride of the 
 Democratic party as well as the ablest and most influential 
 member of the United States Senate. It was my good fortune 
 to have heard this eminent statesman on a previous occasion, 
 as I was then a resident of the State of Illinois. The names 
 of these noted men were household words in nearly every home 
 in that great commonwealth. 
 
 We lived a few counties north of Springfield (their homes) 
 
Campaigns and Douglas Debates 79 
 
 during the period of their great political activity, and were 
 familiar with their history. 
 
 While differing in mental and physical characteristics they 
 were men who would stamp the impress of their worth and 
 nobility of character on any person or company with whom 
 they would come in contact. The judge was eloquent in speech 
 almost beyond compare, handsome and of fine personality 
 and address, while Mr. Lincoln was tall, homely and unpre- 
 possessing. He was less eloquent than his opponent, in the 
 common acceptation of the term, but in public address was 
 strong, forceful, pungent. His masterly presentation of a 
 subject, or defense thereof, was incomparable to that of any 
 man I ever had the pleasure of hearing. 
 
 Judge Douglas had secured the repeal of the Missouri Com- 
 promise, in Congress, and also the enactment of the Kansas 
 and Nebraska bill, as before mentioned. By these provisions, 
 the flood-gates of slavery were opened, and permission thereby 
 given whereby the extension of slavery into newly acquired 
 territory was made possible. The same privilege of extending 
 slavery into new states carved from said territories was granted, 
 provided such states should so determine by their votes in fram- 
 ing their constitutions. All this was forbidden under the old 
 Federal law, known as the Missouri Compromise. 
 
 Judge Douglas spent the most of the first hour explaining 
 and justifying his position in Congress, touching the above- 
 named legislation; for by his imperious attitude he had 
 alienated many of his hitherto devoted friends of the North. 
 In addition to this he had incurred the deadly enmity of the 
 old Whig party, of which Mr. Lincoln had been the chief 
 exponent and defender. He strangely maintained that slave- 
 holders could take their slaves into these territories (Kansas 
 and Nebraska) and hold them as such, the same as other chat- 
 tels are held and owned. The same would be true regarding 
 
80 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 the introduction of slavery in any Northern State, provided 
 their amended constitutions would so permit. 
 
 Douglas contended that owners of slaves in Northern ter- 
 ritory should be protected in their rights of ownership till such 
 territories should seek admission into the Union as states. In 
 the latter event, in framing their constitutions, they could 
 "vote slavery up or down" as they chose, and he, Douglas, 
 did not care which they did. This he called "popular sov- 
 ereignty," dubbed by many as "squatter sovereignty." This 
 contemplated extension of slavery did not appeal to the people, 
 not even to the conservative wing of his own party. Judge 
 Douglas must have known and felt it there and then. It was 
 received with scant approval and no applause. 
 
 The learned judge wisely drew his remarks to a close. 
 Before doing so, however, he turned to pay Mr. Lincoln a 
 compliment, a left-handed compliment, which he soon had 
 occasion to regret. He stated that he had long known Mr. 
 Lincoln, and known him to honor him. That while he and 
 Mr. Lincoln were aspiring for positions in old Sangamon 
 County, Illinois, that he, Douglas, was an honorable school 
 teacher, and his friend Lincoln was an honorable grog-shop 
 keeper; that he could spoil more whiskey than any man in 
 town, and the manner in which he would preside at horse and 
 foot races was enough to excite the admiration and win the 
 praise of all who were present and participated. Of course, 
 the Democratic hats and shouts went up. 
 
 All eyes were now turned to Mr. Lincoln, who arose to 
 speak. His friends were a little apprehensive, lest he should 
 fail to recover from this sally of wit. Their fears were soon 
 allayed, however. He began by saying that few men liked to 
 hear themselves misrepresented; but when misrepresentation 
 became so gross and perverse as it had on this occasion, it was 
 apt to amuse more than anything else. He did not know, he 
 
Campaigns and Douglas Debates 81 
 
 stated, that he ever kept a grog-shop as alleged by the Judge, 
 but he did recall that while he kept a store, on one counter 
 of which whiskey was sold, that while he was officiating on one 
 side of the counter, Judge Douglas was on the other and the 
 best customer he had. He further had this to say that while 
 he (Lincoln) had long, long since left his side of the counter, 
 he was sorry to say that up to this very hour, Judge Douglas 
 had not left his side. This rejoinder evoked prolonged 
 applause. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln now had his audience and held it closely to 
 the end. Without many preliminaries, he went quickly to the 
 heart of his subject. Judge Douglas was soon put on the 
 defensive and confronted with his own record. Mr. Lincoln 
 propounded many questions as to his vote in Congress and 
 requested an answer, yea or nay, and he could take either horn 
 of the dilemma he chose. No matter which way the Judge 
 answered, it got him in a compromising position. He fairly 
 squirmed under the interrogatory pelting that Lincoln gave 
 him. The great Commoner bitterly assailed the position of 
 Douglas on the extension of slavery into new territories, assert- 
 ing that as Congress had supreme control over these territories, 
 it possessed the undoubted right to prevent the introduction of 
 slavery therein. This logic is self evident and should be re- 
 ceived without controversy. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln was not inclined to interfere with the institution 
 of slavery in states where it already existed, but Congress 
 should prevent, with all the power of its command, its further 
 extension. In this position, he was fully indorsed by the great 
 Republican party and many Northern Democrats as well. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln then gave expression to that Scriptural declara- 
 tion which, like the first Revolutionary shot at Bunker Hill, 
 was heard around the world, "A house divided against itself 
 cannot stand." He further stated: "I believe this government 
 
82 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not 
 expect the Union to be dissolved, I do not expect the house 
 to fall, but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will 
 become all one thing or all the other. Either the opponents 
 of slavery will arrest the further spread of it and place it 
 where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the 
 course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it for- 
 ward till it becomes lawful in all the states, old as well as 
 new, North as well as South." 
 
 Mr. Lincoln then paid his respects to the notorious Dred 
 Scott decision. Chief Justice Taney, representing the Supreme 
 Court, had declared, in substance, that the colored man pos- 
 sessed no rights that the white man was bound to respect. 
 
 Dred Scott was a slave and had lived in the North with 
 his master for several years, and then was taken back to Mis- 
 souri and held in bondage. After his master's death, Scott 
 brought action in court for his freedom, contending justly that 
 after enjoying practical freedom in the North, he could not 
 be held longer in the South as a slave. The case was fought 
 successfully through the lower courts by Mr. Scott's attorney, 
 but his new owner finally appealed to the Supreme Court. 
 The said court on final review reversed the verdict of the lower 
 courts, and announced to the world a decision which has been 
 a hiss and byword, as well as a disgrace to our American juris- 
 prudence ever since, viz: that a colored man, though he be 
 three-fourths white, had no rights that a court of white persons 
 should respect. This decision, coming as it did (in 1856) 
 two years after the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, was 
 received by the American people with almost universal detesta- 
 tion and abhorrence. 
 
 The two measures above indicated fired the minds of the 
 people as nothing before had done, and were prominent factors 
 in precipitating the war which followed a few years after. 
 
Campaigns and Douglas Debates 83 
 
 Mr. Lincoln showed up this decision in all its enormity 
 and held up its author to the just contempt of an outraged and 
 indignant people. Mr. Lincoln's chastisement or castigation 
 of Judge Taney was most severe, and when he proceeded to 
 flay him up one side and down the other to a finish, it is 
 doubtful if the learned judge would have recognized his physi- 
 ognomy, had he been present and viewed himself in a mirror. 
 
 Thus did Mr. Lincoln continue for an hour and a half, 
 discussing the able and profound questions that were then 
 agitating the minds of the people. The enthusiasm attending 
 his closing address was unbounded, and it was said that 5000 
 people rushed forward to shake his hand and congratulate him. 
 However, but few could reach his stand, as several seized and 
 threw him over the shoulders of a stalwart, in spite of his 
 cordial protest of "No, no, boys," and bore him to the nearby 
 home of the mayor where he was entertained. It was said that 
 Judge Douglas had but little to say in his half-hour of rebut- 
 tal. He floundered around somewhat in mental or political 
 amazement, and after dealing for a while in "glittering gen- 
 eralities," took his seat. 
 
 Thus ended the first of a series of debates, the greatest, 
 probably, ever heard on American soil. Mr. Lincoln was the 
 evident victor, if the enthusiasm and plaudits were indications 
 of the popular mind. It was the consensus of public opinion 
 that in the debates of these giants, during the fall campaign, 
 Mr. Lincoln retained his supremacy, and was regarded a de- 
 bater without a peer in his state. 
 
 In the subsequent addresses of Mr. Lincoln, during his 
 presidential campaign, he was placed in the front rank of the 
 foremost orators of the nation, and in the minds of many, was 
 the greatest political orator that ever graced an American plat- 
 form. At the ensuing fall election for United States Senator, 
 1858, Mr. Lincoln received a majority vote of nearly 4000 
 
84 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 over his rival; yet owing to the adverse, meandering appor- 
 tionment or reapportionment of the Legislative districts of the 
 state, the Democratic nominees had a small majority, and thus 
 Douglas was elected. Abraham Lincoln asserted in advance 
 of the election, that if Judge Douglas was elected United States 
 Senator that fall, he never would be President of the United 
 States. Future events proved the truthfulness of the prophecy; 
 for, as we all know, the presidential aspiration and nomination 
 of the "little giant" in 1860 ended in defeat, which was the 
 occasion, if not the cause, of the early precipitation of the 
 war — and possibly of the premature death of the great Doug- 
 las. He died in June, '61. Peace be to his ashes. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln took his defeat for the Senatorship compla- 
 cently, as you would naturally expect of a man having the 
 exalted character that the great statesman possessed. He evi- 
 dently thought that the good he had accomplished in awaking 
 and educating public sentiment to the fact that the poor black 
 man, held in bondage for 150 or more years, still had a soul, 
 and some rights, civil and constitutional, that the white man 
 and the white man's government should and must respect. This 
 he thought, I imagine, would be sufficient compensation for 
 all the sacrifices made and financial losses sustained during 
 the six months' campaign. As to its effect on his future politi- 
 cal prospects, he thought little and cared less. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln wrote to a friend, saying, according to Miss 
 Ida M. Tarbell, "I am glad I made the race. It gave me a 
 hearing on the great and double question of the age which I 
 could have had in no other way; and though I now sink out 
 of view and shall be forgotten, I believe I have made some 
 marks which shall tell for the cause of liberty long after I am 
 gone. ("The Life of Abraham Lincoln," Ida M. Tarbell, Vol. 
 I, Page 323. The Macmillan Company, New York, Pub- 
 lishers.) 
 
Campaigns and Douglas Debates 85 
 
 Mr. Lincoln was now anxious to get back into the law 
 practice ; for the expenses of the long canvass had made heavy 
 inroads in his exchequer and personal income. Lincoln was 
 never wealthy, and at this time was only in moderate financial 
 circumstances. He owned the home at Springfield, in which 
 he resided, and a small amount of personal property. The 
 annual income from his law practice did not exceed $3000; 
 so we can readily see that he could ill afford, from a financial 
 view, to spend long periods in political campaigns. The great 
 Emancipator felt, doubtless, as did the Apostle Paul, when he 
 said, "Woe be to me if I preach not the Gospel." Aside from 
 any personal emolument or political motive, I believe that 
 Lincoln was always willing to spend and be spent in preaching 
 the gospel of personal liberty and freedom to an enslaved race. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln could not be silent, long. In the fall of 1859 
 he visited Kansas and was received with open arms by its citi- 
 zens. They hailed him everywhere as their political savior. 
 Vast audiences attended his meetings wherever he spoke. He 
 pleaded eloquently the cause of the black man, and prophesied 
 his complete liberation in that state from the slave-holders' 
 grasp as soon as the people had an opportunity to vote there- 
 for. His noted address in 1858 with Douglas in opposing 
 the Kansas and Nebraska bill, and his subsequent speeches in 
 Kansas were more effective in bringing about the desired result 
 than any and all other agencies combined. Note the result: 
 As soon as a constitutional vote could be taken the party oppos- 
 ing slavery triumphed; a constitution excluding slavery was 
 adopted, and Kansas was admitted as a state, January 29, 1861. 
 The "border ruffians" found it convenient to withdraw, feeling, 
 doubtless, as the sheep-killing dog does when he leaves his 
 scene of slaughter with his caudal appendage hanging down. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 The Presidential Campaign 
 
 Following the great, not to say triumphant, political cam- 
 paign with Douglas, in '58, Mr. Lincoln was invited to 
 speak in Kansas in '59. Thence he went to Ohio, in the 
 same fall, where, at Columbus and at Cincinnati, he addressed 
 immense audiences. A few months later, namely on February 
 27, 1860, he delivered his famous address at Cooper Institute, 
 New York City. It was an eye-opener to the citizens of Gotham. 
 To intelligent people he was known as the distinguished 
 orator who had effectually taken the wind out of the sails of 
 the Democrats' favored son, Judge Douglas, the previous year; 
 but to the masses he was known as " 'Abe' Lincoln, the rail- 
 splitter" of Illinois. They evidently concluded that no good 
 thing could come out of that Western Nazareth. But before 
 he had proceeded very far in his address they perceived that 
 no ordinary person was before them. 
 
 Many distinguished persons were present, to hear for the 
 first time, possibly, the renowned speaker. The list included 
 the names of William Cullen Bryant, Horace Greeley, David 
 Dudley Field and other noted citizens. Mr. Bryant presided 
 and introduced the speaker with a very complimentary and 
 prophetic statement. He said: "Gentlemen of New York: It 
 is great honor that is conferred upon me tonight, for I can 
 introduce to you the next President of the United States, 
 Abraham Lincoln." ("Personal Glimpses of Celebrated Men 
 and Women," Russell H. Conwell. John C. Winston & Co., 
 Publishers, Philadelphia. Page 354.) Little did he think, 
 perhaps, that less than nine months from that date, his 
 
The Presidential Campaign 87 
 
 prophecy would become a reality. At least, during that time, 
 the people of the United States had indicated him as their 
 choice by a very respectable plurality vote, which insured him 
 his election. 
 
 This Cooper Institute address was one of the most notable 
 as well as one of the ablest of Mr. Lincoln's life. The speaker's 
 appearance on the stage was, as usual in the beginning, unin- 
 viting, and his speech hesitating and awkward. All this was 
 changed in a few minutes, for the charm of diction and force- 
 ful, illuminating expression, always characteristic of Mr. Lin- 
 coln, soon absorbed and held the attention of the audience to 
 the end. Good old Noah Brooks was present and spoke of 
 Mr. Lincoln as follows: "But pretty soon he began to get into 
 his subject; he straightened up, made regular and graceful 
 gestures; his face lighted as with an inward fire; the whole 
 man was transfigured. I forgot his clothes, his personal appear- 
 ance, his individualities. Presently forgetting myself, I was 
 on my feet with the rest, yelling like a wild Indian, cheering 
 this wonderful man; in the closing parts of his argument, you 
 could hear the gentle sizzling of the gas burners. When he 
 reached a climax, the thunders of applause were terrific. It 
 was a great speech." 
 
 He further states: "When I came out of the hall, my face 
 glowing with excitement and my frame all a-quiver, I re- 
 marked to a friend near me, that Abraham Lincoln was the 
 greatest man since St. Paul." ("Abraham Lincoln and the 
 Downfall of Slavery," Noah Brooks. Page 186. Courtesy 
 G. P. Putnams Sons, Publishers, New York and London.) I 
 think Mr. Brooks voiced the sentiment of every intelligent audi- 
 tor present. It was quite plain, as a writer states it, "that 
 Lincoln had captured the metropolis." 
 
 He next traveled to New England, and on his way visited 
 his son, Robert, who was attending college at Exeter, N. H. 
 
88 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 He spoke at many places in Connecticut, Rhode Island and 
 New Hampshire. The New York papers had given extended 
 publicity of his great speech at the Cooper Institute, and thus 
 his fame had preceded him into the New England states. He 
 was everywhere recognized and received as the "Cicero" of 
 the West; hence the vast numbers that attended to hear his 
 addresses, wherever he spoke. It is not surprising that now, 
 his name and fame having reached from sea to sea, he should 
 be regarded as a man typifying Presidential timber. 
 
 On every occasion when his name was mentioned in this 
 connection, in his presence, he was wont to reply: "What's 
 the use of talking of me for the presidency, while we have 
 such men as Seward, Chase and others who are so much better 
 known to the people and whose names are intimately associated 
 with the principles of the Republican party? Everybody 
 knows them, nobody knows me, scarcely, outside of Illinois. 
 Besides, is it not, as a matter of justice, due to such men, who 
 have carried the movement forward to its present status, in 
 spite of fearful opposition, personal abuse, and hard names? 
 I really think so." I quote from Miss Ida M. Tarbell's "The 
 Life of Abraham Lincoln," Vol. 1, page 334, The Macmillan 
 Company, N. Y., publishers. 
 
 The Republicans of Illinois thought otherwise. Mr. Lincoln 
 was regarded as the "first citizen" of the State, and his friends 
 indulged the hope that he and his State might be honored by 
 his nomination for the presidency at the approaching Chicago 
 convention, and his triumphant election, the following Novem- 
 ber. In this, they were not disappointed. The Republican 
 party of the State of Illinois held their State convention at 
 Decatur, May 9 and 10, 1860. 
 
 Governor Oglesby, being in the convention and spying 
 Mr. Lincoln, who was present as a spectator, arose and said: 
 "I am informed that a distinguished citizen of Illinois, and one 
 
The Presidential Campaign 89 
 
 whom Illinois will ever delight to honor, is present; and I 
 wish to move that this body invite him to a seat on the stand." 
 ("Abraham Lincoln, the Backwoods Boy," Horatio Alger, Jr. 
 Page 170. Popular Magazine, N. Y., Publishers.) Everyone 
 was on tiptoe to ascertain who this distinguished person was. 
 In a moment or two, the Governor mentioned the name of 
 "Abraham Lincoln." The latter took his place on the plat- 
 form amid the enthusiastic demonstration of an admiring dele- 
 gation, and delivered a forceful address, appropriate to the 
 occasion. Before he commenced his address, however, an inci- . 
 dent occurred that brought vividly to the minds of the audience 
 the hardships of Mr. Lincoln's early life. 
 
 An old man by name of John Hanks (an uncle or cousin 
 of Mr. Lincoln, I think) stood at the door of the Wigwam 
 with a couple of rails on his back that he and Lincoln had 
 made about thirty years before. He was invited in, and his 
 entrance with the rails "was greeted with tumultuous applause," 
 it is stated. These rails were surmounted by a banner, bearing 
 the inscription, "TWO RAILS from a lot made by Abraham 
 Lincoln and John Hanks, in the Sangamon Bottom, in the 
 year 1830." 
 
 The demonstration attending such a scene can better be 
 imagined than described. If my readers will return to the 
 early pages of this biography they will ascertain that about 
 1830, Thomas Lincoln and young Abraham left their Indiana 
 home and came to John Hanks, near Decatur (the city of 
 this convention) where these rails were made. The convention 
 having displayed their enthusiasm, resumed their usual routine 
 of business. 
 
 Having appointed their delegates to the National convention 
 to be held at Chicago the convention, or a member thereof, 
 introduced a resolution, which was duly passed, declaring 
 that "Abraham Lincoln is the first choice of the Republican 
 
90 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 party of Illinois for the presidency, and instructing the dele- 
 gates to the Chicago convention to use all honorable means to 
 secure his nomination, and to cast the vote of the State as a 
 unit for him." ("Abraham Lincoln, the Backwoods Boy," 
 Horatio Alger, Jr. Page 170, Popular Magazine, N. Y., 
 Publishers.) 
 
 The Republican convention met in Chicago a week later, 
 May 16, 1860. "Lincoln was at home with his family," says 
 one writer, Joseph H. Barrett, "three days before the meeting 
 of the Republican National convention at Chicago, where the 
 delegates were already gathering. It was a quiet Sunday, the 
 like of which, to him, would never return." 
 
 An illustrated New York paper was on the table in the 
 Lincoln home, containing the portraits of the different presi- 
 dential candidates, including those of Governor Seward and 
 Mr. Lincoln. The portrait of the latter in no way did him 
 justice; and when Mrs. Lincoln examined it she remarked 
 somewhat seriously: "A look at that face is enough to put an 
 end to hope." ("Abraham Lincoln and His Presidency," Joseph 
 H. Barrett, LL.D. Vol 1, Page 216-D. Appleton and Com- 
 pany, N. Y., Publishers.) 
 
 When the delegates met in convention at Chicago, at the 
 time named aforesaid, many states had aspiring candidates 
 for the presidential nomination. Missouri was supporting the 
 nomination of Mr. Bates, Ohio favored the nomination of 
 Salmon P. Chase, New York that of Governor Seward, and 
 Illinois, that of Mr. Lincoln. The delegates of the latter not 
 only enthusiastically supported their candidate, but went into 
 the convention with a united and determined effort to secure it. 
 
 Up to that hour, Governor Seward was the most pronounced 
 and most expectant candidate to come before the convention. 
 He was or had been, the Governor of the great State of New 
 York, and U. S. Senator, with a record of distinguished service 
 
The Presidential Campaign 91 
 
 in the old Whig, now Republican party, in the cause of human 
 freedom and negro emancipation. In addition to this prestige, 
 he came into the convention with seventy votes from his own 
 State, enough, as he thought to secure, with the aid of other 
 pledged delegates, his nomination beyond a peradventure. His 
 friends and delegates were quite vociferous, flushed as they 
 were with anticipated, almost assured, victory. But the dele- 
 gates and citizens from the Sucker State were not caught nap- 
 ping. On the lip of every Illinois Republican there was but 
 one name, that of Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 In the big Wigwam, the same enthusiasm for the great 
 Commoner was manifested. There was in the audience a regu- 
 lar Boanerges in the person of a certain Dr. Ames, who had 
 the lungs and voice of a lion. Mr. Arnold in his life of Lincoln 
 says: "He had a voice sufficiently powerful to be heard above 
 the uproar of the lake in the wildest storm." The doctor was 
 a Democrat, he says, but readily consented to shout for Lin- 
 coln. Perhaps a few ducats inspired his enthusiasm. Mr. 
 Arnold goes on to recite that, "With an organized band he was 
 placed at one end of the Wigwam; another body was placed 
 at the opposite end. Mr. Cook of Ottawa, an acquaintance of 
 this writer, a delegate, was upon the platform. Whenever he 
 waved his handkerchief they were to cheer. It was that hand- 
 kerchief which set the ten thousand Illinoisans in the Wigwam 
 wild with enthusiasm." ("The Life of Abraham Lincoln," Isaac 
 N. Arnold.) ("Reminiscences of Abraham Lincoln," C. C. 
 Coffin. Page 164. Harper Brothers, New York, Publishers.) 
 
 On the third day it was quite evident the balloting would 
 begin and the great Wigwam was early filled, and filled to 
 capacity. Several states had aspiring candidates whose names 
 were presented by different orators, but their presentation 
 occasioned but little enthusiasm. When, however, William M. 
 Evarts, distinguished lawyer of New York city and grandson 
 
92 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 of Roger Sherman, signer of the Declaration of Independence, 
 came forward and, in an eloquent address nominated William 
 H. Seward for President, they "greeted his name with a perfect 
 storm of applause," it is stated. When the storm had subsided, 
 Norman B. Judd, who had Mr. Lincoln's interests in hand, 
 placed in nomination the name of Abraham Lincoln of Illinois, 
 "and in the tremendous cheering that broke from the throats 
 of his admirers and followers, the former demonstration dwin- 
 dled to comparative feebleness," says John G. Nicolay, one 
 of Mr. Lincoln's historians. When order was restored, the 
 chairman announced that balloting would begin. Five or six 
 candidates received the substantial vote of their respective 
 states, but Seward and Lincoln absorbed the interest of the 
 convention. 
 
 The counting of the ballots revealed the fact that Governor 
 Seward had received 173i/ 2 votes, and Mr. Lincoln had received 
 102. This first ballot showed that Governor Seward had re- 
 ceived quite a majority, an unexpected majority, over Mr. 
 Lincoln. This was accounted for by the fact that New York 
 alone had contributed seventy votes to the Governor's total, 
 while Illinois had no such number to give to Mr. Lincoln. This 
 would indicate that the seeming dissimilarity in the votes of 
 the two candidates was not as great as at first supposed. 
 
 The exultation and hopes of the New York delegates sank 
 somewhat when the result of the second ballot was announced. 
 The Governor received 184%, and Mr. Lincoln 181. Mr. Nico- 
 lay, from whose account of the convention I quote somewhat 
 freely, states "That a volume of applause, which was with 
 difficulty checked by the chairman, shook the Wigwam at this 
 announcement." The same writer goes on to state that "neither 
 candidate had received a majority of all the votes cast, and 
 the third ballot was begun amid a deep, almost painful sus- 
 pense, delegates and spectators alike recording each announce- 
 
The Presidential Campaign 93 
 
 ment of votes on their tally-sheets with nervous fingers." When 
 the totals were figured up, Lincoln had received 23iy 2 , and 
 Governor Seward 180. As 465 votes had been cast, 233 were 
 necessary to a choice. In this ballot Seward had lost four and 
 one-half votes while Lincoln had gained fifty and one-half, 
 and only lacked one and one-half to assure his nomination. 
 
 It is said that the Wigwam became "still as a church" and 
 everyone was anxious to learn from what source the needed 
 one and one-half votes would come. Presently a delegate by 
 name of David K. Carter arose and announced a change of 
 four votes from Chase of Ohio to Abraham Lincoln. "A teller 
 shouted the name towards the skylight," says Mr. Nicolay, 
 "and a boom of cannon from the roof of the Wigwam an- 
 nounced the nomination and started the cheering of the over- 
 joyed Illinoisans down the long Chicago streets, while in the 
 Wigwam, delegation after delegation changed its vote to the 
 victor amid the tumult of hurrahs." Mr. Evarts, speaking for 
 New York and its candidate, did the manly thing by moving 
 to make the nomination unanimous. Mr. Browning arose and 
 thanked the convention most gracefully for the honor it had 
 conferred on the State of Illinois. 
 
 In the afternoon the work of the convention was completed 
 by the nomination of Hannibal Hamlin of Maine for Vice- 
 President. During the convention Mr. Lincoln had remained 
 in Springfield entertaining his friends royally, as was his cus- 
 tom, but a little anxious, doubtless, as to the outcome of the 
 Chicago assembly. News finally came that balloting had begun, 
 and one states it, "he could hardly endure to await for the 
 result." Shortly afterwards, while he was conversing with a 
 group of friends, near the telegraph office, a shout went up 
 from the door of the said office, indication that some unusual 
 news had been received, and quickly a boy pushed his way 
 through the crowd, and running up to Mr. Lincoln, cried out: 
 
94 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 "Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Lincoln, you are nominated." The news 
 soon reached every part of the city, and his friends flocked 
 around him in large numbers extending the glad hand of con- 
 gratulations. These he received with expressions of apprecia- 
 tion and modesty; and thinking of the loved one who presided 
 over his household, with a form "more beautiful than was 
 ever carved by Grecian artist from parian marble," he re- 
 marked: "My friends, I am glad to receive your congratula- 
 tions, and as there is a little woman down on Eighth Street 
 who will be glad to hear the news, you must excuse me till I 
 can inform her." 
 
 However desirous Mr. Lincoln was to be the first to com- 
 municate the good news to his wife, he found on his arrival 
 that others had preceded him, and the "little woman" already 
 "knew the honor which for twenty years or more she had be- 
 lieved and stoutly declared her husband deserved, and which 
 a great multitude of men had sworn to do their best to obtain 
 for him, at last had come." ("The Life of Abraham Lincoln," 
 Ida M. Tarbell. Vol. 1, Page 357. The Macmillan Company, 
 N. Y., Publishers.) 
 
 On the morning following the adjournment of the con- 
 vention, the committee appointed to notify Mr. Lincoln, num- 
 bering, including correspondents, about thirty, started for 
 Springfield. It was about nightfall when the train reached the 
 city, and after eight o'clock when the committee reached the 
 home of Mr. Lincoln. The host and hostess received their 
 guests with great cordiality, as would be expected. The chair- 
 man of the committee, Mr. Ashmun, stated the action of the 
 convention, and the pleasant duty they were charged to per- 
 form, thus apprising him of the distinguished honor that had 
 been conferred on him. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln replied briefly and quite felicitously. There 
 was an indescribable charm in his tones, it is said, and a ten- 
 
The Presidential Campaign 95 
 
 derness of voice that commanded instant attention and admi- 
 ration. 
 
 The formal services having been concluded, an hour was 
 spent in social converse. Three noble sons were present to 
 enjoy, if not to participate in "the feast of reason and flow of 
 soul" that were to follow. Mrs. Lincoln was a charming and 
 most cultured conversationalist. She was the daughter of a 
 distinguished Kentucky family, and enjoyed in her early days, 
 all the advantages that wealth and position could afford. Mr. 
 Lincoln was gifted with a facility of speech that, when used 
 in relating an anecdote or incident, was delightfully inspiring 
 and entertaining. Thus he was enabled to beautify or embel- 
 lish a conversation or statement in a way and to an extent that 
 few men possessed. The power of this gifted couple to enter- 
 tain was brought into immediate requisition, and continued 
 during the hour. 
 
 At length the host remarked that Mrs. Lincoln would be 
 pleased to see them in an adjoining room. He further stated 
 that they must be thirsty after their long ride, and that they 
 would find a pitcher of water in the library. The guests found 
 a pitcher of cold water, and glasses, but no wines or liquors, 
 as one writer states it. 
 
 In anticipation of the arrival of the informing committee, 
 some friends of Mr. Lincoln had suggested to him the neces- 
 sity of providing wines and liquors for the occasion. This 
 was promptly refused, or declined, by him. He further stated 
 that he had no liquors in the house, "and that he never had 
 been in the habit of entertaining his friends in that way." That 
 was conclusive. The committee on retiring thought, it is to 
 be hoped, that the beverage to which they had been treated 
 was superior to the choicest wines of the choicest vintage of 
 which they had imbibed or had previous knowledge. 
 
 Changing the thought somewhat, I wish to refer to some 
 
96 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 phases of the great convention. The defeat of their idol can- 
 didate, Governor Seward, must have brought intense disappoint- 
 ment and chagrin to the New York delegates, especially to the 
 "Big Five," Thurlow Weed, who had charge of Governor 
 Seward's affairs; Horace Greeley, the renowned editor of the 
 New York Tribune; William M. Evarts, a grandson of Roger 
 Sherman, of Revolutionary fame; David W. Field, an eminent 
 New York lawyer, and brother of Cyrus Field, of oceanic 
 cable fame, and of Stephen Field, judge of the United States 
 Supreme Court; and William Cullen Bryant, editor of the 
 New York Evening Post. 
 
 C. C. Coffin, in writing of the convention, says: "During 
 the convention I chanced to sit at a table with Thurlow Weed, 
 and had an excellent opportunity to study his face. I doubt 
 if during his long and eventful life he ever experienced a 
 greater disappointment or a keener sorrow. I saw him press 
 his fingers hard upon his eyelids to keep his tears down. His 
 plans all miscarried. It was the sinking of a great hope. The 
 rail-splitter, story-teller, the ungainly, uneducated practitioner 
 of the Sangamon bar, instead of the able, learned, classical, 
 polished Senator; and Mr. Weed did not comprehend that the 
 mob in the Wigwam was the best possible representative of the 
 rising public opinion." ("Reminiscences of Abraham Lin- 
 coln," C. C. Coffin. Page 164. Harper & Brothers, N. Y., 
 Publishers.) It may be further said, and with a reasonable 
 presumption, that, in the event of Governor Seward's nomina- 
 tion and election, each of the above named gentlemen would 
 expect, and probably demand, some recognition at his hands, 
 commensurate to their ability and influence displayed in secur- 
 ing his nomination. 
 
 No doubt that either Mr. Weed or William M. Evarts, 
 perhaps both, would have prized and sought the appointment 
 as minister to the Court of St. James, for which each possessed 
 
The Presidential Campaign 97 
 
 undoubted qualifications. Horace Greeley had been a mem- 
 ber of Congress, and it is said he wished to return. Governor 
 Seward's influence, as President-elect, would have been very 
 effective in aiding him in his aspirations. David Dudley Field, 
 the eminent New York attorney, doubtless wished to secure an 
 appointment on the Supreme bench, and thus be privileged to 
 sit beside his noted brother. Perhaps the editor and poet- 
 author of "Thanatopsis," now 64 years old, preferred the 
 quietude of his editorial sanctum and the wielding of his pen, 
 which was a facile one, in the interest of his presidential can- 
 didate, than receive any appointment available in the gift of 
 the President. 
 
 One more word concerning Mr. Lincoln's nomination, and 
 I will have done. It may appear a drop from "the sublime to 
 the ridiculous," but here it is. I shall always remember the 
 day of the nomination. I was breaking prairie with a team 
 of oxen on the Bloomington road, south of Ottawa, when a 
 passerby announced the nomination of Mr. Lincoln. He said 
 he preferred Seward, but Lincoln would do. We all soon 
 thought that "Lincoln would do." 
 
 A few days after the visitation of the committee to Spring- 
 field, on May 23, 1860, Mr. Lincoln wrote and sent a formal 
 letter of acceptance to the chairman of the convention. 
 
 A copy of the letter follows: 
 
 Springfield, Illinois, May 23, 1860. 
 Hon. George Ashmun, 
 President of the Republican National Convention. 
 
 Sir: I accept the nomination tendered me by the 
 convention over which you presided, of which I am 
 formally apprised in the letter of yourself and others 
 acting as a Committee of the Convention for that 
 purpose. 
 
 The declaration of the principles and sentiments 
 
98 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 which accompanies your letter meets my approval, 
 and it shall be my care not to violate it, or disregard 
 it in any part. 
 
 Imploring the assistance of Divine Providence, 
 and with due regard to the feelings of all who were 
 represented in the convention, to the rights of all the 
 States and Territories and people of the Nation, to 
 the inviolability of the Constitution, and the perpetual 
 union, harmony and prosperity of all, I am most 
 happy to co-operate for the practical success of the 
 principles declared by the convention. 
 
 Your obliged friend and fellow citizen, 
 
 Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 It is not my purpose to write a history of the Democratic 
 party or their presidential candidates during the memorable 
 year of 1860; a year made memorable by the split of the said 
 party, resulting in a near dissolution of the Union and dismem- 
 berment of the states. It is not my purpose thus to write, I 
 state; but a brief correlative statement of the position taken 
 by the different parties on the all-absorbing, paramount ques- 
 tion, that year, of slavery, may be interesting to my readers, 
 especially young readers. 
 
 It is generally known that the Democratic party held its 
 national convention that year in Baltimore, Md. A split in 
 the party, from the start, seemed to be inevitable. The position 
 of Senator Douglas that the existence of slavery in territories 
 should be contingent on, or determined by the popular vote of 
 said territories, was as obnoxious to the South, as that taken 
 by Mr. Lincoln, or more so. 
 
 The proceedings of the convention had not advanced very 
 far till it became evident that no agreement could be reached 
 in the framing of their resolution touching the slavery ques- 
 tion, and so there seemed to be only one course for each wing 
 
The Presidential Campaign 99 
 
 of the party to pursue and that was to "bolt" the convention 
 and each nominate its own candidate. This they proceeded to 
 do, the Northern Democrats nominating Judge Douglas, and 
 the Southern, pro-slavery Democrats, the Hon. John C. Breck- 
 inridge. Mr. Breckinridge was very popular in the South, 
 having been Vice-President under James Buchanan, and also 
 elected to the United States Senate. 
 
 Previous to the convention, the Southern leaders had given 
 repeated and earnest warnings. They assumed a position of 
 malignant hostility to the North. Listen to their protests, or 
 even stronger declaration. "Gentlemen of the North," they 
 said, "look well to your doings : If you insist on your 'Squatter 
 sovereignty' platform, in full view of its condemnation by the 
 Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case, you break up the 
 Democratic party, nay more, you break up the Union. The 
 unity of the Democratic party is the last bond that holds the 
 Union together; that snapped, there is no other that can be 
 trusted for a year." 
 
 Horace Greeley, in his great work, known as "The Ameri- 
 can Conflict," gives a clear definition of the position on which 
 each candidate stood. He discards the "Constitutional Union" 
 party, sponsored by Bell and Everett, as meaning nothing, and 
 proceeds to say: "The Lincoln, Douglas and Breckinridge 
 parties had deliberately planted themselves, respectively, on 
 the following positions: 
 
 "1 — Lincoln: Slavery can only exist by virtue of municipal 
 law; and there is no law for it in the territories, and no power 
 to enact one. Congress can establish or legalize slavery no- 
 where, but is bound to prohibit it in or exclude it from any 
 and every Federal territory, whenever and wherever there shall 
 be necessity or exclusion or prohibition. 
 
 "2 — Douglas: Slavery or no slavery in any territory is 
 entirely the affair of the white inhabitants of such territory. If 
 they chose to have it, it is their right; if they chose not to 
 
100 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 have it, they have the right to exclude or prohibit it. Neither 
 Congress nor the people of the Union, nor any part of it, out- 
 side of the said territory, have any right to meddle with or 
 trouble themselves about the matter. 
 
 "3 — Breckinridge: The citizen of any state has a right to 
 migrate to any territory, taking with him anything which is 
 property by the law of his own state, and hold, enjoy, and be 
 protected in the use of such property in said territory. And 
 Congress is bound to render such protection wherever neces- 
 sary, whether with or without the co-operation of the Terri- 
 torial Legislature." 
 
 The above declaration of principles, announced by the 
 three candidates of the political parties which they represented, 
 viz: the Republican party and the two wings of the Democratic 
 party, North and South, should give ample knowledge to young 
 readers, older ones already knowing it, of the great issues 
 being discussed by party leaders that year. Seldom, if ever, 
 have the citizens of this great Republic been so agitated over 
 political issues and political measures, involving as they did 
 the extension or limitation of slavery, as they were during the 
 campaign of 1860. The exciting campaigns of Blaine and 
 Cleveland in '84 and of McKinley and Bryan in '96 are pos- 
 sible exceptions. 
 
 Thus were the issues of the respective parties clearly de- 
 fined. Either the universal extension of slavery into Northern 
 territories and states, under the "popular sovereignty" policy 
 of Douglas, or the non-extension of slavery into such territories 
 and states by the Lincoln policy of Congressional prohibition. 
 
 Judge Douglas made quite an extended canvass during the 
 campaign, if my memory serves me right; but Mr. Lincoln 
 made but few addresses, as I recall. However, many eminent 
 statesmen came to the aid of the Republican party and its re- 
 nowned presidential candidate. The list includes such distin- 
 
The Presidential Campaign 101 
 
 guished orators as the following: Senator Lyman Trumball, 
 Hon John A. Logan, Governor Oglesby and others of Illinois; 
 Senators Grimes and Harlan of Iowa; Hon. Geo. W. Julian 
 and Hon. Benjamin Harrison of Indiana; Hon. Ben Wade, Hon. 
 Joshua R. Giddings and Governor Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio; 
 Senator Zack Chandler of Michigan, the hero of a thousand 
 political battles ; Hon. Thurlow Weed, Hon. William M. Evarts, 
 Governor Seward and others of New York; Hon. Simon Cam- 
 eron and Thad Stephens of Pennsylvania; Hon. Charles Sum- 
 ner and Wendell Phillips of Massachusetts; Hon. James G. 
 Blaine and Hannibal Hamlin of Maine; Hon. Cassius M. Clay, 
 nephew of old Henry Clay, of Kentucky, and scores of others 
 scarcely less noted, whose names I do not recall. Special men- 
 tion should be made of Cassius M. Clay and the great service 
 he rendered his country. Born and reared in the State of Ken- 
 tucky and always surrounded by a pro-slavery atmosphere and 
 influence, he became, nevertheless, a strong anti-slavery man 
 and ardently espoused the cause of Mr. Lincoln in 1860. 
 
 I had the pleasure of hearing him in that campaign. He 
 was considered as able or abler a platform orator than his 
 noted uncle. He was lion-hearted and feared nothing. He 
 spoke often in his own state and perhaps in other Southern 
 states, but always at the risk of imminent death. His life was 
 threatened many times by the slave-holding oligarchy of the 
 South, but to no effect. He was accustomed to place two re- 
 volvers on his desk at each place of speaking, and announce 
 in advance that if any person or persons attempted to molest 
 him while speaking, they would get the contents of his weapons. 
 His audience knew very well that he would put his threat into 
 execution, if occasion demanded it, and thus he was allowed 
 to proceed. He probably did more than any dozen men of his 
 state in keeping Kentucky in the Union during the early and 
 later days of secession. Lincoln honored his valor and great 
 
102 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 service by sending him to the Court of Russia, as our Minister 
 Plenipotentiary. Seldom, if ever, was there such a company 
 of distinguished orators and statesmen, in our Republic, united 
 in a common and spontaneous protest against the imminent 
 aggression of slavery in newly acquired territory and on North- 
 ern soil. All regarded this aggression as a grave menace to 
 our free institutions and the liberties of the people. 
 
 As long as the Federal law, known as the Missouri Com- 
 promise, remained intact, as it did from 1820 to 1854, con- 
 fining slavery to states in which it already existed, the North 
 enjoyed a feeling of security; but its repeal occasioned a politi- 
 cal upheaval, a sense of universal opposition, excitement and 
 alarm, the like of which had never before been known in this 
 country. During the fall campaign, much opposition to the 
 candidacy of Mr. Lincoln was developed, North as well as 
 South. 
 
 Lincoln could withstand the calumnious assaults of the 
 Southern press, but to be villified and misrepresented by North- 
 ern journals, especially by a few of the Republican papers, 
 was hard on his sensitive nerves. Few men like to "be wound- 
 ed in the house of their friends." The one paper in New York 
 city disposed most to malign the good name and character of 
 the noble Lincoln was the New York Herald. At least, it was 
 so reported in substance. The great Commoner was character- 
 ized, if correctly reported, by said paper as "a third rate 
 country lawyer, poorer even than poor Pierce." He would be 
 of little worth if elected. He was given to "coarse and clumsy 
 jokes and could not speak good grammar, etc." He was given 
 the sobriquet of "honest old Abe" to distinguish him from the 
 other members of his own party. 
 
 Horace Greeley, of the New York Tribune, came nobly to 
 his defense. "A man, who by his own genius and force of 
 character, has raised himself from being a penniless and un- 
 
The Presidential Campaign 103 
 
 educated flat-boatman on the Wabash River to the position 
 Mr. Lincoln now occupies, is not likely to be a nullity any- 
 where," he asserted. William Cullen Bryant, editor of the 
 New York Evening Post, came also to the support of Mr. Lin- 
 coln and to the nobility of his character. He declared, among 
 other things, that the Republican presidential candidate was 
 "a real representative man." It is said that "reporters were 
 sent West to describe his home, his habits and family." The 
 report as published in the leading Eastern journals was a very 
 pleasing and reassuring one. 
 
 They described Mr. Lincoln as a gentleman who dressed 
 becomingly, the owner of a fine two-story dwelling, had a cul- 
 tured wife, formerly of Kentucky, who could speak French flu- 
 ently, was the father of three noble sons, the oldest, Robert, 
 being a student in Harvard College, and he (Lincoln) himself 
 being a descendant of an aristocratic English family, a few 
 generations back. This report was productive of the desired 
 result. It was indeed, in common parlance, "an eye-opener." 
 Few people in the East dreamed of such standing and charac- 
 teristics of their candidate. 
 
 Instead of being the "rail-splitter and flat-boatman," so 
 contemptuously described by the Democratic press, he was 
 thenceforth known as the eminent lawyer, the brilliant orator, 
 the great statesman of the West. While possessing but a limited 
 education, his attainments were such that, in knowledge of pub- 
 lic men and measures and of world movements as well, he 
 became one of the foremost men of America. The publication 
 of the reports as aforesaid, with similar editorials from great 
 journals, East and West, disarmed adverse criticism to Mr. 
 Lincoln most effectually, and placed him in his true light. 
 Opposition, abuse, malignity gave way to support, commenda- 
 tion and praise. His reputation for rugged honesty and manly 
 worth soon asserted itself and brought him to the fore. 
 
104 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 In all the Republican gatherings that fall, from the Atlantic 
 to the Western sea coast, immense throngs were in attendance. 
 You would naturally anticipate this, from the paramount issues 
 involved and from the character and pre-eminent ability of the 
 orators, on each occasion. They were men of national and 
 international reputation, and in some instances, drew their 
 audiences from a radius of 100 miles or more. 
 
 During the campaign, in August, 1860, Mr. Lincoln's 
 friends, from far and near, decided to visit him at his home 
 city. It is said that 70,000 people, mostly strangers, poured 
 into Springfield that day. They came largely from the adjoin- 
 ing states of Iowa and Indiana, but many thousands came from 
 Chicago and vicinity. One writer states that "old men of the 
 War of 1812, with their old wives, their children, grand-chil- 
 dren and great grand-children were there; making a procession 
 of human beings, horses and carriages, not less than ten miles 
 in length. And yet the procession might have left the city and 
 the people would scarcely be missed." 
 
 In addition to the oratorical feast from many of the fore- 
 most speakers of the Nation, a man from the East gave inspira- 
 tion to the occasion by singing a song entitled, "The Ship of 
 State," with a chorus, beginning "Our Lincoln is the Man." 
 The name of the author is not given. It runs thus : 
 
 "Hark, hark, a signal gun is heard, 
 Just out beyond the fort; 
 The good old Ship of State, my boys, 
 Is coming into port. 
 
 "With shattered sails and anchors gone, 
 I fear the rogues will strand her; 
 She carries now a sorry crew, 
 And needs a new commander. 
 
The Presidential Campaign 105 
 
 Chorus 
 "Our Lincoln is the man, 
 Our Lincoln is the man, 
 With a sturdy mate 
 From the Pine-Tree State, 
 Our Lincoln is the man. 
 
 "We give her what repairs she needs, 
 
 A thorough overhauling, 
 Her sordid crew shall be dismissed 
 
 To seek some honest calling. 
 Brave Lincoln soon shall take the helm, 
 
 On truth and right relying, 
 In calm or storm, in peace or war, 
 
 He'll keep her colors flying. 
 
 Chorus 
 "Old Abram is the man, 
 Old Abram is the man, 
 With a sturdy mate 
 From the Pine-Tree State, 
 Old Abram is the man." 
 
 This was sung in Mr. Lincoln's presence, and it is said he 
 enjoyed it very much; but it did not become him, considering 
 his position, to express his appreciation, then and there, of the 
 song. However, after the service was over and the people had 
 dispersed, he sought an interview with the singer and requested 
 him to sing it to him in his private office, which he did to the 
 great delight of Mr. Lincoln. 
 
 Miss Tarbell, in her fine history of Lincoln, states that in 
 the Republican campaign of 1860 there was one distinguishing 
 feature, known as Wide-Awakes. "These were bands of torch- 
 
106 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 bearers who, in simple uniforms of glazed cap and cape, and 
 carrying colored lanterns or blazing coal-oil torches, paraded 
 the streets." Other clubs were formed in most of the cities of 
 the United States, adopting the same name, "Wide-Awakes," 
 "and drilled from one end of the North to the other." The 
 same writer remarks that "many of the clubs owned Lincoln 
 rails, and one club, the Hartford WideAwakes, possessed the 
 identical maul with which Lincoln had split the rails for the 
 famous fence." ("The Life of Abraham Lincoln," Vol 1, Page 
 365. The Macmillan Company, N. Y., Publishers.) 
 
 These scenes and reminders of Lincoln's early struggles 
 produced a marked effect on the minds of the people, espe- 
 cially of the rural class, many of whom had experienced the 
 same hardships in their pioneer days. This occasioned a feel- 
 ing of kinship between the people and the great Commoner. 
 That Mr. Lincoln should have a large following from such 
 admirers is not surprising. 
 
 During the early fall campaign it became apparent that 
 there would be a strong reaction in the pro-slavery sentiment 
 of the North before the November election. While many Demo- 
 crats were disposed to tolerate slavery in state where it already 
 existed, they strenuously opposed its extension in Northern 
 territories and states, which was made possible under the 
 Douglas folly of "Popular Sovereignty." 
 
 The great Republican orators had so fired the minds and 
 hearts of the people with the enormity of such a possibility 
 that it became, in the thought of many, a veritable menace to 
 our institutions, of which democracy must take cognizance. This 
 could have but one result, the alienation of Democratic votes 
 and the augmentation of Republican strength. This was more 
 apparent as the time of election approached. 
 
 Several weeks prior to the November election, many men 
 who had kept their fingers on the public pulse freely predicted 
 
The Presidential Campaign 107 
 
 the election of Mr. Lincoln, or at least that he would have a 
 large plurality vote over any of his competitiors. This even 
 would be a great compliment, since there were four presiden- 
 tial candidates in the field: Lincoln, Douglas, Breckinridge 
 and Bell. However, a plurality vote does not always mean an 
 election; for our Federal Constitution provides (Article 12, 
 Section 1 that "The person having the greatest number of 
 votes for President shall be the President, if such a number 
 be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed." 
 
 Thus we see that a plurality vote of any presidential candi- 
 date, if less than a majority of the number of electors appoint- 
 ed, does not constitute an election. Granted that Mr. Lincoln 
 would have a large plurality vote, as above indicated, the 
 supreme question was, would he have, or no, a majority of 
 the number of electors appointed? 
 
 The presidential election of November 6, 1860, was peculiar 
 and quite exceptional to any previous national election of 
 which I have any knowledge. Fifteen states gave Mr. Lincoln 
 no electoral votes, and it is stated that "in ten states he had 
 not received a single popular vote." No Northern presidential 
 candidate had ever before been thus treated. But let us not 
 despair! "Hope springs eternal in the human breast," as we 
 know. There were 303 electoral votes that year, and the suc- 
 cessful candidate must have one-half, plus one, (152^) to be 
 elected. When the canvass of votes was made and the result 
 announced, Mr. Lincoln (all hail) had received 180 of the 
 electoral votes. Don't you think there was rejoicing in Heaven, 
 among the angels, that day, as well as in most of the Northern 
 homes? Of the popular vote he had received only 1,866,452, 
 but this was 1,250,000 over Bell, 1,000,000 over Breckinridge, 
 and nearly 500,000 over Douglas. Enough said. This was 
 "glory enough for one day." 
 
 On the day of election, November 6, Mr. Lincoln, it is said, 
 
108 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 was calm and sure of the result. The news at first received, 
 mostly from New York, was not favorable and created a little 
 apprehension. Later the tide was turned and he soon learned 
 of his election. One writer states that on receipt of the news, 
 Mr. Lincoln's "heart overflowed with thanksgiving to God for 
 His providential goodness to our beloved country." Mr. Lin- 
 coln continued: "I cannot conceal the fact that I am a very 
 happy man, and added, with much feeling, "who could help 
 being so under such circumstances?" 
 
 It is said that at a late hour he went home to break the 
 good news to his wife, remarking as he started that there was 
 a "little woman there who would like to hear the news." 
 
 The members of the club who were entertaining him and 
 watching the dispatches that night gave him three rousing 
 cheers when he left. Mr. Lincoln had advised his wife that 
 night to retire early and not awatf his return, as the hour of 
 his arrival might be late. He says: "On my arrival I went to 
 my bedroom and found my wife sound asleep. I gently touched 
 her shoulder and said, 'Mary'; she made no answer. I spoke 
 again a little louder, saying, 'Mary, Mary, we are elected.' r 
 He further states that he "then went to bed; but before sleeping, 
 he had selected every member of his cabinet, save one." ("Tri- 
 butes from His Associates," Henry C. Bowen. Thomas Y. 
 Crowell Company, New York, Publishers.) 
 
 As is customary in such cases, he chose the next most 
 prominent candidate for President in the national convention, 
 Governor William H. Seward, for his Secretary of State. He 
 also selected Salmon P. Chase of Ohio, Secretary of the Treas- 
 ury, and Simon Cameron of Pennsylvania as his Secretary of 
 War. These two had also been rivals of his for the presiden- 
 tial nomination. Mr. Lincoln desired that all his competitors 
 should have a place in his Cabinet "in order to create har- 
 mony in the party." Gideon Wells was selected as Secretary 
 
The Presidential Campaign 109 
 
 of the Navy, Montgomery Blair as Postmaster-General, Edward 
 Bates as Attorney-General, and Caleb B. Smith as Secretary of 
 the Interior. These were the names of the seven members of 
 Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet, as confirmed by the Senate four months 
 afterwards. But the record does not tell which one was omitted 
 in his first night's selection. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln desired Governor Seward as his Secretary of 
 State in consequence of his distinguished ability and eminence 
 as a statesman. Also, he regarded the Governor as "a good rep- 
 resentative of the progressive, anti-slavery element of the 
 party." It is further said that he desired "a Republican, not 
 a Whig administration, and therefore acquired and formed a 
 Republican Cabinet." The time intervening between the date 
 of his election and that of his inauguration was a period of 
 intense anxiety and solicitude. Many statesmen in the South 
 had declared in advance of the election that if Mr. Lincoln 
 were elected, they would proceed to form a "Southern Con- 
 federacy." There was no just cause for alarm in the South, 
 for Lincoln had never uttered a word either in public or pri- 
 vate that would in any way interfere with their pet institution 
 of slavery in states where it already existed. To be sure, he 
 had opposed its further aggression and extension into Northern 
 territories and states, as had thousands of Northern Democrats 
 as well. But no thought of invading the South and interfering 
 with their laws and institutions. The people of the South had 
 thought and talked for decades of a separation from the North, 
 and doubtless thought this to be a most propitious time to put 
 their threats into execution. Four days after the election, the 
 United States Senator from South Carolina resigned. This 
 incident was not surprising. Indeed it was to be anticipated; 
 for be it remembered that this state had been the hot-bed of 
 secession for nearly thirty years before. 
 
 The student of history will recall that in 1833 South Caro- 
 
110 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 lina, under the leadership of U. S. Senator John C. Calhoun, 
 undertook to nullify the tariff law, enacted by Congress, which 
 imposed a light tariff on certain importations not favorable to 
 Southern states. The Legislature of the State passed a resolu- 
 tion that any state might annul any act of the Federal Govern- 
 ment. This resolution was considered tantamount to a threat- 
 ened dissolution of the Union. 
 
 Years thereafter, Senator Calhoun delivered his famous 
 address on slavery, maintaining that the interests of the South 
 would be best served by a dissolution of the Union; and, sur- 
 prising to say, he continued by voice and pen, during the per- 
 iod of his life to urge the wisdom of such a measure, which 
 was secession, pure and simple. I have enlarged on this (per- 
 haps unduly so) to show that South Carolina was right in its 
 elements when it made the first move to secede. During the 
 winter months of '60 and '61 many Southern states met and 
 passed ordinances of secession, which were sources of unutter- 
 able distress to Mr. Lincoln; but he was powerless to prevent 
 their treasonable procedure. 
 
 In the month of February, representatives of the Southern 
 states, at Montgomery, Alabama, united in a general conven- 
 tion to perfect their ordinance and give birth to a nation that 
 they christened as "The Confederate States of America," gen- 
 erally known as "The Southern Confederacy." In this con- 
 vention, they adopted their Constitution and provided for 
 certain offices, made necessary to properly function their newly 
 formed government. 
 
 When the people of the North saw this disintegration, 
 incident to the election of Mr. Lincoln, and the grave problems 
 confronting them, it is not surprising that they were filled with 
 alarm and dismay. Some Northern papers favored a com- 
 promise, while others demanded coercion. The most prominent 
 of the former class was the New York Tribune, wherein Horace 
 
The Presidential Campaign 111 
 
 Greeley proclaimed that "we should permit the erring sisters 
 to depart." The New York Herald was of the opinion that the 
 President-elect should do something to compromise the South 
 and thus prevent secession. 
 
 We had at the time, a weak and vascillating man in the 
 Presidential chair, by the name of James Buchanan. He 
 assumed an attitude towards the South of conciliation, verging 
 on approval. He maintained that the Constitution gave him, 
 as President, no power to coerce a seceding State. That was 
 just what the so-called Confederates wanted. Mr. Lincoln 
 thought otherwise, which we will be able to show. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 Gathering Clouds 
 
 During the months preceding the inauguration, Spring- 
 field became the storm center for politicians and other 
 aspirants who sought from Mr. Lincoln a promise for 
 appointments to various positions which would soon be at his 
 disposal. 
 
 Way back in the days of President Jackson, a precedent 
 was established that "to the victors belonged the spoils" and 
 the same slogan was maintained by succeeding Presidents up 
 to the date of Mr. Lincoln's election. Politicians thought there 
 should be no exception with the new administration; and so 
 they came by hundreds from northern and border states to 
 demand recognition from the President-elect. They requested 
 appointments to various lucrative and honorable positions, both 
 domestic and foreign, and all within the gift or bestowal of 
 the executive. They doubtless thought and tried to convince 
 him that his election in the states they represented was largely 
 due to the effective service they were able to render him during 
 the previous campaign. These deputations of office seekers and 
 place hunters from some states came not only often, but in 
 large numbers. 
 
 Candidates for Cabinet appointments gave him no little 
 inconvenience and trouble. There was some rivalry and strug- 
 gle between the states of Indiana and Illinois along lines that 
 became quite embarrassing to Mr. Lincoln. 
 
 There was a disposition on the part of the President-elect 
 to make a just and honorable allotment of these and other 
 appointments among the Northern and border states; but the 
 candidates from his own state, many of whom were his per- 
 
Gathering Clouds 113 
 
 sonal friends, were so insistent in their demands as to make it 
 very perplexing to Lincoln. His unfailing good humor and 
 good judgment, however, served him well in this emergency; 
 for the official appointees, as finally announced, were consid- 
 ered by the masses as the very best that could be made under 
 the circumstances. They were men, in most instances, of rare 
 ability and experience in statecraft; and best of all, they 
 worked in strict harmony with the new administration in all 
 the perplexing problems with which they were soon confronted. 
 
 Meanwhile, a war cloud, not larger perhaps than a man's 
 hand, made its appearance. Hostilities in many places in the 
 North had arisen. A peace congress had convened at the 
 National Capitol to discuss measures to avert the possibility 
 of war. 
 
 Similar meetings were held in many cities of the North, 
 of groups desirous of doing everything reasonable to pacify 
 the South, but to no avail. 
 
 James Buchanan, the weak old man, was either unable or 
 unwilling, perhaps both, to control the treasonable, rebellious 
 acts of his Cabinet, the members of which were mostly South- 
 ern men or Southern sympathizers. This made it easier for 
 the South to mobilize their forces and strike the fateful blow, 
 precipitating the rebellion, when the opportune moment should 
 arrive. 
 
 John B. Floyd, then Secretary of War, a Southern man, 
 proceeded to move the army to different sections of the South, 
 so it could not be available for the protection of the Capital 
 when the anticipated emergency should arise. In like man- 
 ner, he moved the arms and munitions of war from Northern 
 forts and arsenals to those of Southern states. It is also re- 
 corded that Isaac Toucy, Secretary of the Navy, a Northern 
 man, but influenced by Southern conspirators, sent our men 
 of war and other naval forces to the four quarters of the globe 
 
114 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 so as to further weaken the defense of the North in its hour 
 of supreme need. Howell Cobb of Georgia was Secretary of 
 the Treasury. He soon became a rank secessionist and par- 
 ticipated as general in the Southern rebellion. He had so 
 conducted the finances of the country as to leave the treasury 
 bankrupt when he resigned. These were the dire, appalling 
 conditions that confronted the new administration when the 
 noble Lincoln took command. 
 
 To further complicate matters, if not to add insult to in- 
 jury, Attorney-General Black had given his official opinion that 
 "Neither Congress nor the President could carry on any war 
 against any state." As much as to say that the U. S. Constitu- 
 tion did not invest the President with any power to coerce any 
 state that had withdrawn from the Union. How fortunate for 
 our once distracted but now united and happy country that 
 our new President and Cabinet placed a different construction 
 and interpretation on our great Federal Constitution. It should 
 be further added that while members of the old Cabinet were 
 carrying out their acts of conspiracy against the government 
 they had sworn to protect, the members of Congress from the 
 South, both in the House and Senate, occupied their seats, 
 drew their pay to the last, holding possession of the govern- 
 ment, "but plotting at the same time to overthrow it." 
 
 It is quite fortunate, and reassuring as well, that not all the 
 members of Mr. Buchanan's Cabinet were rebels at heart or 
 Southern sympathizers. General Lewis Cass, a Northern man, 
 was Secretary of State. He saw the storm was brewing and 
 the country in imminent peril. He advised the President to 
 send reinforcements at once to Major Anderson who was in 
 command, with a small force, at Fort Moultrie, Charleston 
 Harbor. He declined, and General Cass peremptorily resigned. 
 
 Attorney-General Black, who had given the President such 
 an unwise and erroneous interpretation of the Constitution as 
 
Gathering Clouds 115 
 
 effecting the coercion of seceding states, also resigned. He, 
 doubtless, saw his position would precipitate a rebellion, en- 
 tailing the horrors of war, and early withdrew to avoid added 
 responsibility. 
 
 Edwin M. Stanton of Ohio, a staunch Union man, suc- 
 ceeded Black as Attorney-General. When Jacob Thompson, 
 Secretary of the Interior, a Confederate at heart, advised the 
 President to surrender the forts in Charleston Harbor, and 
 to withdraw Major Anderson and his loyal force, Secretary 
 Stanton addressed the President as follows: "Mr. President, 
 it is my duty as your legal advisor to say that you have no 
 right to give up the property of the government or abandon 
 the soldiers of the United States to its enemies; and the course 
 proposed by the Secretary of the Interior, if followed, is 
 treason, and will involve you and all concerned in treason." 
 ("Abraham Lincoln and the Downfall of Slavery," Noah 
 Brooks, Page 213. Courtesy of G. P. Putnams Sons, Publish- 
 ers, New York and London.) 
 
 This lion-hearted man, Stanton, had no hesitancy in char- 
 acterizing the advise of Secretary Thompson as treasonable, 
 though it was the first time perhaps that the word "treason" 
 had been mentioned by any member of Buchanan's Cabinet. 
 General John A. Dix was appointed the successor of Howell 
 Cobb as Secretary of the Treasury. He was from New York 
 and loyal to the core as a Union man. One of our revenue 
 cutters was in peril from Southern forces, and General Dix 
 sent to its commander, possibly in spite of President Buchan- 
 an's protest, the now famous dispatch: "If any man attempts 
 to haul down the American flag, shoot him on the spot." The 
 Union cause was also strengthened by the appointment of 
 Joseph Holt of Kentucky, a loyal man, as Secretary of War. 
 
 It will be recalled that Floyd, his predecessor, had neutral- 
 ized, if not destroyed, the efficiency of the United States army 
 
116 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 by sending it largely to Southern forts. The new war secretary 
 was quite efficient in mobilizing and strengthening the remain- 
 ing forces and having them ready and equipped for the new 
 administration. 
 
 From December 20, 1860, to February 1, 1861, a period 
 of about six weeks, seven Southern states convened and passed 
 ordinances of secession. The enactment of the ordinances and 
 the dates thereof were in the order following: 
 
 South Carolina, December 20, 1860; Mississippi, January 
 9, 1861; Florida, January 10, 1861; Alabama, January 11, 
 1861; Georgia, January 18, 1861; Louisiana, January 26, 
 1861; and Texas, February 1, 1861. The other four states 
 seceding postponed their conventions and the enactment of 
 their ordinances of secession till after the inauguration of 
 Mr. Lincoln. 
 
 The withdrawal of South Carolina from the Union was 
 accomplished without delay and with marked unanimity. But 
 in many other states much opposition was developed. This 
 was especially true in the state of Georgia, where one-third or 
 more of the people were loyal to the old flag, and bitterly 
 opposed to secession. 
 
 This opposition was sponsored by many men of note, the 
 most distinguished of whom was Alexander H. Stephens. He 
 was a brilliant orator and an ex-member of Congress. He was 
 in the same Congress of which Mr. Lincoln was a member in 
 1847. They were both Whigs and remained warm friends up 
 to and including the months just preceding rebellion. Indeed, 
 I think they remained friends, sub rosa, during all the dark 
 years of the war. 
 
 In the Georgia convention that passed the ordinance of 
 secession, Mr. Stephens made the speech of his life, in opposi- 
 tion to the ordinance. One writer says that "Alexander H. 
 Stephens spoke for the Union with a warmth and logic not 
 
 
Gathering Clouds 117 
 
 surpassed by anything that was said at the North." ("Abraham 
 Lincoln," John T. Morse, Vol. 1, Page 184. Houghton Mifflin 
 Co., Boston.) I recall from memory a part of the great speech 
 he delivered on that occasion, though it has been perhaps 60 
 years or longer since I read it. He recited in part that there 
 was no just cause or occasion for the South to secede from the 
 Union; that the South had furnished a fair proportion of the 
 Presidents of the United States, including Washington, Jeffer- 
 son, Madison, Monroe, Jackson ; now that the North had elected 
 a Republican President, with no threat of interfering with 
 slavery, there should be no reason for pursuing the course the 
 South had adopted, involving as it would the dissolution of 
 the Union and the precipitation of a war. His eloquent appeal 
 had but litle effect. 
 
 Robert Tooms, an able statesman and a member of the 
 United States Senate, together with General Cobb and Iverson, 
 favored the dismemberment of the state and thus carried the 
 day. The ensuing vote disclosed the fact that 208 favored the 
 seceding ordinance and 89 opposed it. 
 
 What powerful influence was brought to bear on the mind 
 of the loyal Stephens, afterwards, to change his convictions 
 and accept the position of Vice-President of the Confederacy 
 will never be known, probably. It was thought by many, and 
 I think Mr. Lincoln shared the belief, that Stephens was rather 
 luke-warm in his support of Jefferson Davis and his measures, 
 during the period of his incumbency. He evidently had but 
 few regrets at the surrender of General Lee and the collapse 
 of the Southern Confederacy. He hailed with secret joy the 
 returning supremacy of the Federal Constitution and all that 
 it implied. In '74 he was again elected to Congress where he 
 remained eight years, being held in high esteem by his col- 
 leagues and friends, and was loyal to the best interests of the 
 Republic. 
 
118 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 Texas did not have clear sailing in its advocacy of seces- 
 sion. The measure was opposed by the Governor of the state, 
 Samuel Houston, with all the influence and power he could 
 command. It will be recalled that in 1836 he conquered the 
 Mexicans at San Jacinto and secured the independence of 
 Texas, of which republic he was elected President. Nine years 
 after, when Texas came into the Union, he was elected its 
 Senator; and now in '61 he was its great Governor. He could 
 properly be called the "father" of that great state. He mar- 
 shalled his forces in opposition to the prevailing disunion 
 sentiment of the state, but to no avail. 
 
 It is said that at the opening of the war, in a remarkable 
 speech, he described the development of the impending con- 
 flict; but the pro-war enthusiasm and sentiment neutralized his 
 great influence and hastened an early adoption of the ordi- 
 nance. The life of Governor Houston was even threatened by 
 assassination. It is said that Senator Iverson of Georgia re- 
 marked that "some Texan Brutus may arise to rid his country 
 of this old hoary-headed traitor." I merely write this to show 
 that the course of true love for the Confederacy did not run 
 smooth in the sunny South. 
 
 The states adopting ordinances of secession subsequent to 
 Mr. Lincoln's inauguration are as follows: Virginia, April 17, 
 1861; North Carolina, May 20, 1861; Arkansas first defeated 
 its ordinance of secession, but afterward, in May, 1861, adopted 
 the measure; Tennessee defeated its first ordinance in Janu- 
 ary, 1861, but in June following passed the measure by over 
 57,000. I mention these historic events for the benefit, mainly, 
 of my young readers who may desire them for future reference. 
 
 The question was often asked as to the cause that led the 
 South to secede. Mr. Lincoln's election was a mere pretense. 
 It may have been the occasion, but certainly not the cause of 
 secession. Nothing had been said by Mr. Lincoln, either in 
 
Gathering Clouds 119 
 
 public or private; no action had been taken by any Republican 
 convention, state or national, that would lead the South to 
 believe that their institution of slavery would be imperiled by 
 the possible election of the Republican candidate. To be sure, 
 Mr. Lincoln, in his great debates with Judge Douglas two 
 years before, had many times stated that the government 
 should resist the further extension of slavery in newly ac- 
 quired territory, with all the power at its command; but at 
 the same time announced that slavery should not be interfered 
 with in states where it already existed. The South could not 
 possibly be deceived as to Mr. Lincoln's attitude on this ab- 
 sorbing question. 
 
 What then was the predisposing cause of secession? 
 
 In my judgment, it dated back to the nullification act of 
 South Carolina, under the leadership of Senator John C. Cal- 
 houn, wherein it was declared that any state had a right to 
 withdraw from the Union whenever its best interests would be 
 served thereby. For this act, General Jackson, then President, 
 expressed his regrets later, that he had not tried Calhoun for 
 treason, and if found guilty, hang him as high as Haman. 
 
 During the thirty years following, up to the time of the 
 rebellion, the seeds of disunion had been sown broadcast 
 throughout the states of the South, and the people were only 
 waiting, impatiently waiting, under the leadership of Jefferson 
 Davis, Bob Tooms, Mason Sidel and others, for an opportune 
 moment to strike. Lincoln's election afforded this opportunity, 
 a sham pretext though it was. 
 
 It was evidently the purpose of these and other Southern 
 leaders to establish a slave-holding Republic or nationality in 
 the South, of which they would be the leaders. They also 
 cherished the conviction that the institution of slavery could 
 be sustained and perpetuated better by being separated from 
 the North, and thus would be free from the enduring hostility 
 
120 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 that would be theirs while remaining in the Federal Union. 
 For these "inalienable rights" they were willing to fight "and 
 shed their last drop of blood," if necessary. 
 
 They sought and secured an early opportunity to put their 
 threats into execution. Major Anderson with a small detach- 
 ment of United States troops was then in command at Fort 
 Sumter, in Charleston Harbor. This was one of the few forts 
 where the Stars and Stripes were still flying. Early in Janu- 
 ary, '61, the President was persuaded to send men and supplies 
 to Major Anderson by the merchant steamer "Star of the 
 West." But the citizens of Charleston intercepted and fired 
 upon the steamer and compelled her to return. This was 
 probably the first overt act of the impending conflict on the 
 part of the South. 
 
 The news of Southern states seceding in rapid succession 
 and the subsequent information of the rebel attack on a Gov- 
 ernment transport must have been painful to Mr. Lincoln in 
 the extreme; but he was powerless to prevent it. 
 
 Many Union men of the North, especially those near the 
 heart of the President-elect, besought him to do something that 
 would be reassuring to the South and thus prevent further 
 resistance to the constituted authority of the Government. But 
 he declined, not wishing to interfere in any way with the ad- 
 ministration of his predecessor. He knew very well that his 
 advice would not be appreciated, much less entertained, and 
 that more than words and attempted compromise were neces- 
 sary to save the situation. 
 
 Early in February, he made arrangements for his departure 
 to Washington. Before doing so, however, he decided to visit 
 his step-mother, whom he dearly loved and whom he had not 
 seen for many years. Her home was at Farmington, Coles 
 County, about 100 miles southeast from Springfield. Thither 
 he hastened, but stopped first to visit his cousin, Dennis Hanks, 
 
Gathering Clouds 121 
 
 near Charleston, in the same county. That night a number of 
 former neighbors and friends gathered at the humble home of 
 Mr. Hanks to meet and greet their former friend and young 
 associate. He was known then simply as "Abe Lincoln, the 
 rail splitter." But now he had become the "first citizen" of 
 America, the President of the United States. They felt proud 
 of his wonderful successes and high attainments ; while he very 
 much enjoyed the sweet companionship of his old-time, boy- 
 hood friends. 
 
 However, his affections were centered in the heart and home 
 of the dear one he called mother, so in the early morning, 
 seated in a carriage drawn by two spirited horses and accom- 
 panied by a friend, he set off for the Farmington home. They 
 found some difficulty in crossing dangerous streams, much 
 swollen by melting snow, that season of the year; but eventu- 
 ally they arrived in safety at their destination. 
 
 The meeting of mother and son was of a very tender and 
 affectionate character. The mother warmly embraced her son, 
 while he in turn planted kisses on her furrowed cheeks and 
 brow. They, doubtless, spent the day in reviewing the events 
 of the long ago, when she, as Sally Bush Johnson, left Ken- 
 tucky to repair the broken home of Thomas Lincoln in his 
 Indiana cabin. Little Abe and his sister Sarah had been 
 tender in years then; but they were as affectionately cared for 
 and reared by the new mother as they would have been had 
 their own mother survived. 
 
 At the time of this visit, Mrs. Thomas Lincoln was living 
 with one of her daughters. It will be remembered that when, 
 about forty years before, Sally Bush Johnson married Thos. 
 Lincoln, she brought with her to the new home a son and two 
 daughters; and now by one of the daughters, in her old age, 
 she was being tenderly cared for. It will also be recalled that 
 some twenty-five years prior to this visit, Mr. Lincoln, then a 
 
122 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 young attorney, took $500 in gold to his step-mother, and with 
 it, purchased for her 160 acres of land. From the proceeds 
 of this farm she, doubtless, had obtained a comfortable living 
 all these intervening years. The parting time, in this last 
 visit between the two, was sad and touching. As she em- 
 braced and bade him farwell, she expressed a conviction that 
 she would never see him again, for said she, "Your enemies 
 may assassinate you." Mr. Lincoln replied, "No, no, mother; 
 they will not do that. Trust in the Lord and all will be well; 
 we will see each other again." 
 
 How true it is that "Man proposes, but God disposes." 
 The assassin's bullet did its fatal work, and Lincoln never 
 visited his step-mother again. Someone has said that we de- 
 termine our plans and enter upon our life work with joyful 
 anticipations of the unfolding pleasures of future years, when 
 in a short time our lives are required of us, and we fade away 
 into the nothingness of death. 
 
 After leaving his mother's home, Mr. Lincoln with his 
 companion drove to the old Lincoln homestead where, thirty 
 years before, he had assisted his father in the carving out and 
 developing of a farm from the primeval forest, and where he 
 split the celebrated rails that gave him notoriety and con- 
 tributed to his political success. Thence he went to the old 
 cemetery where the remains of Thomas Lincoln, his worthy 
 father, reposed. He found the place quite dilapidated, and 
 the grave unmarked. He expressed a desire to have it enclosed 
 and a tombstone erected, marking his last resting place; but 
 whether this was done during the life of the President, the 
 historian does not record. Shortly after Lincoln's return to 
 Springfield, he started with his family, wife and three sons, on 
 his long journey to Washington. A few of his personal friends 
 knowing the time of his departure assembled at the station to 
 shake hands and bid adieu, for what proved to be the last 
 
Gathering Clouds 123 
 
 time, with their distinguished citizen. From the rear platform 
 of his train, he delivered to them a short but pathetic fare- 
 well, saying: 
 
 "My friends, no one not in my position can appreciate the 
 sadness I feel at this parting. To this people, I owe all that I 
 am. Here I have lived more than a quarter of a century. 
 Here my children were born, and here one of them lies buried. 
 I know not how soon I shall see you again. A duty devolves 
 upon me which is, perhaps, greater than that which has de- 
 volved on any other man since the days of Washington. He 
 would never have succeeded except by the aid of Divine Provi- 
 dence, upon which he at all times relied. I feel that I cannot 
 succeed without the same Divine aid which sustained him; 
 and in the same Almighty being I place my reliance for sup- 
 port; and I hope you, my friends, will all pray that I may 
 receive that Divine assistance, without which I cannot succeed, 
 but with which success is certain. Again I bid you all an 
 affectionate farewell." 
 
 I quote from Henry Villard, who accompanied the presi- 
 dential party, and at whose request Mr. Lincoln wrote it out 
 shortly after leaving the station. On their way to the National 
 Capital, in most of the cities and towns the people turned out 
 in large numbers to see the President and pay him their re- 
 spects. In several of the cities, where the stop was sufficiently 
 long, he made short addresses. 
 
 At Tolono, he spoke briefly as follows: "I am leaving you 
 on an errand of national importance, attended, as you are 
 aware, with considerable difficulties. Let us believe, as some 
 poet has expressed it: 'Behind the cloud the sun is still shin- 
 ing.' I bid you an affectionate farewell." 
 
 At Indianapolis, it is said, the whole city turned out to do 
 him honor. Having been escorted to the Bates House, he spoke 
 from the balcony, as follows: "To the salvation of the Union 
 
124 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 there needs but one thing, the hearts of a people like yours. 
 Of the people, when they rise in mass in behalf of the Union 
 and the liberties of their country, truly may it be said: 'The 
 gates of hell cannot prevail against them.' " ("The Children's 
 Life of Abraham Lincoln," by M. Louise Putnam, page 112.) 
 
 Thence his train took him to Cincinnati, where he received 
 a great ovation. The party remained in the city over night 
 and next morning started for Columbus, the capital of the 
 state. The legislature being in session, he was invited to ad- 
 dress their body, which he did, speaking as follows: "There 
 has fallen on me a task such as did not rest even upon the 
 father of his country; and so feeling, I cannot but turn and 
 look for the support without which it will be impossible for 
 me to perform that great task. I turn, then, and look to the 
 great American people, and to that God who has never forsaken 
 them." Thus Miss Putnam records it. 
 
 They tarried in Columbus that night and next day traveled 
 to Pittsburgh, arriving there in the evening. Here, as else- 
 where, he was met by a large company of admirers. The party 
 rested there that night, and in the morning Mr. Lincoln was 
 waited upon by the Mayor and City Council ; and after receiv- 
 ing from them an address of welcome, he replied as follows, 
 speaking briefly on the tariff: "The tariff is a question of 
 national housekeeping. It is to the government what replen- 
 ishing the meal tub is to the family." 
 
 Their next principal stop was at Cleveland. The citizens 
 here gave him an enthusiastic reception and welcomed his com- 
 ing by the roar of cannon. Mr. Lincoln addressed the large 
 gathering and closed his remarks by saying: "If all do not 
 join now to save the good old ship of the Union on this voyage, 
 nobody will have a chance to pilot her on another voyage." 
 For the above quotations, I am under obligation to M. Louise 
 Putnam, the noted Lincoln writer. 
 
Gathering Clouds 125 
 
 The next morning Mr. Lincoln and party started for Buf- 
 falo, where they spent the Sabbath and enjoyed a much needed 
 rest. They had been on the train since the previous Monday 
 morning and were quite fatigued. On Monday they started for 
 their long trip across the State of New York to Albany, ad- 
 dressing the people briefly at different cities, including Roches- 
 ter, Syracuse and Utica; then they sped on to Albany, where 
 a large company escorted Mr. Lincoln to the State House. 
 They next passed on to Troy, where Mr. Lincoln thanked the 
 people briefly for their kind reception. 
 
 In their journey, a few hours before, the train stopped at 
 Westfield a few moments and perhaps at Mr. Lincoln's sugges- 
 tion. He stepped to the rear of the car and made a brief 
 speech, stating among other things that he had in their city 
 a little correspondent, by the name of Grace Bedell, and if 
 she were present he would like to see her. It seems that in 
 the presidential campaign of the previous fall little Grace had 
 seen a portrait of Mr. Lincoln, and she remarked to her mother 
 that she thought he would look better if he wore whiskers. 
 Up to that time he never had worn a beard, and she was going 
 to write to Mr. Lincoln and tell him so. 
 
 So she wrote him a short epistle, telling him of her age 
 and place of residence, and that she was a Republican; further 
 she thought he would make a good president, but would look 
 better if he would wear a beard. If he would do this she would 
 induce her two brothers, who were Democrats, to vote for him. 
 She further wrote: "If you do not have time to answer my 
 letter, will you allow your little girl to reply for you?" The 
 letter pleased Mr. Lincoln, and he answered at once. 
 
 Springfield, 111., October 19, 1860. 
 Miss Grace Bedell: 
 
 My dear little Miss: Your very agreeable letter of 
 the 15th is received. I regret the necessity of saying 
 
126 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 I have no daughter. I have three sons: one seven- 
 teen; one nine; and one seven years of age. They, 
 with their mother, constitute my whole family. As 
 to whiskers, having never worn any, do you not think 
 people would call it a piece of silly affectation if I 
 should begin now? Your very sincere well-wisher, 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 It may be said that evidently Mr. Lincoln took this matter 
 of whisker-growing quite seriously, for before he started East 
 his face was adorned with a full-grown beard, barring the 
 upper lip. 
 
 Recurring now to the Westfield incident, it was quite nat- 
 ural that Mr. Lincoln should desire to see his "little corre- 
 spondent" and show her that her epistle to him had been pro- 
 ductive of good results. So when her name was called out 
 Grace responded at once, coming forward timidly to the car, 
 when the great-hearted Lincoln reached down his long arms 
 and, lifting the little girl up, kissed her. Colonel McClure, in 
 his "Life of Lincoln," from which I have made extended ex- 
 tracts, says this was done "amid enthusiastic applause from 
 the approving multitude." It is quite evident that little Grace 
 long remembered this happy, inspiring incident, and was 
 pleased with the thought that the president-elect had grown a 
 beard at her request. 
 
 In a former paragraph I mentioned the arrival of the presi- 
 dential party at Troy, N. Y. Thence they turned southward, 
 where at Hudson, Poughkeepsie and Peekskill, Lincoln made 
 short addresses, thence proceeded to New York City, where 
 they arrived early in the afternoon. A large company of 
 political and other friends met Lincoln at the depot and es- 
 corted him and party to the Astor House. Business was sus- 
 pended and vast throngs crowded Broadway and other thor- 
 
Gathering Clouds 127 
 
 oughfares to secure, if possible, a glimpse of the future Presi- 
 dent. A speech from Mr. Lincoln was loudly called for, but 
 he was too fatigued to respond, though he stepped upon the 
 balcony of the hotel and bowed to the excited multitude. 
 
 At Trenton, N. J., the next stop, Mr. Lincoln was received 
 by a committee of the Legislature and escorted to the State 
 House. In his short address he alluded to the fact that in his 
 early life he had read Weems' "Life of Washington," in which 
 were recited accounts of the numerous battlefields and mar- 
 velous struggles of the Revolutionary fathers for the liberties 
 of the country ; and none of them fixed themselves more vividly 
 on his young imagination than the struggle in and around 
 Trenton. He recalled the bravery of Washington in crossing 
 the Delaware, with its swift, icy current, and the great peril 
 to the soldiers thus involved. He also spoke of other hard- 
 ships and acts of bravery incident to the Revolutionary War, 
 and thought it was something more than common that these 
 men struggled for. From Trenton the Lincoln party proceeded 
 to Philadelphia, and were entertained at the Continental Hotel. 
 He was invited to raise the American flag over Independence 
 Hall, from which the Declaration of Independence was first 
 proclaimed to the world, which invitation he readily accepted. 
 Before doing so, he proceeded to make an impressive, patriotic 
 address. He maintained that the Declaration of Independence 
 not only recited that all men were created equal but that it 
 implied more; it implied that there should be equal rights for 
 all, equal and exact justice to all men. 
 
 "This is the sentiment," he remarked, "embodied in the 
 Declaration of Independence." He proceeded to say: "If the 
 country cannot be saved upon that principle, it will be truly 
 awful. But if it cannot be saved without giving up that prin- 
 ciple, I was about to say I would rather be assassinated on this 
 spot than surrender it. I have said nothing but what I am 
 
128 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 willing to live by, and, if it be the pleasure of Almighty God, 
 to die by." ("The Children's Life of Abraham Lincoln," M. L. 
 Putnam, Page 121.) Having said this, he stepped to the plat- 
 form, and taking hold of the cord, drew the beautiful flag to 
 the top of the staff. An admiring multitude expressed their 
 appreciation by prolonged applause. 
 
 While at his hotel at Philadelphia Lincoln met Allen 
 Pinkerton, a well known detective from Chicago, who informed 
 him that there was a well-laid plan for his assassination at the 
 very time he was expected to go through Baltimore, and that 
 he (Pinkerton) was well informed as to the plan. Lincoln 
 was not disposed to believe the report, but Fred Seward, son 
 of Governor Seward, arrived at the hotel shortly afterwards 
 and was soon closeted with Lincoln in the latter's room. Young 
 Seward informed him that he had come there at the instance 
 of his father and General Scott to tell him that their detectives 
 at Baltimore had discovered a plot there to assassinate him. 
 
 It seems that these detectives knew nothing about the plot, 
 concerning which Mr. Pinkerton had previously learned. In 
 writing about this incident subsequently Lincoln said: "I now 
 believed such a plot to be in existence." Their plans were 
 quickly changed. Long after night-fall, Lincoln, with Detective 
 Pinkerton and Ward H. Lamon, his law-partner and body- 
 guard, was taken in a carriage to the Philadelphia, Wilming- 
 ton & Baltimore Railroad depot. Lincoln secured a berth in 
 the sleeping car and at 11 p. m. the train started for Washing- 
 ton, where it arrived a little before daylight, on February 23. 
 The train with its precious freight passing through Baltimore 
 at an unexpected hour frustrated, most effectually, the mur- 
 derous designs of the would-be assassins. Lincoln was met at 
 the depot by Congressman Washburn of Illinois and Governor 
 Seward of New York, and escorted to the Willard Hotel. "The 
 meeting of these great men," it is said, "under the extraordinary 
 
Gathering Clouds 129 
 
 circumstances which surrounded them was full of emotion and 
 thankfulness." A more extended account of the journey of 
 Lincoln from Springfield to Washington can be found in "The 
 Children's Life of Abraham Lincoln," by the able writer, 
 M. Louise Putnam. 
 
 When Lincoln arrived in Washington he found the govern- 
 ment in a deplorable, chaotic condition. Surrounded by an 
 atmosphere as well as threats of secession, many of our North- 
 ern political leaders had become somewhat intimidated and 
 willing to make most any compromise with the South, how- 
 ever detrimental it might be to the National Government, if 
 such compromise would prevent a precipitation of war. 
 
 In the early part of December, 1860, no less than forty 
 bills were introduced in Congress, it is said, each offering a 
 panacea or remedy for existing political ills, and none pro- 
 ductive of favorable results. In the discussion of the various 
 propositions by Northern Congressmen, there was a babel of 
 incoherent expression that was bewildering in the extreme, and 
 in no way flattering to the intelligence of an American Con- 
 gressman. Andrew Johnson, who was then Vice-President, 
 tried to conciliate the South by suggesting a scheme that would 
 give the Presidency to the South and Vice-Presidency to the 
 North and vice-versa every alternate four years. Daniel Sickel, 
 a Congressman, suggested another but equally puerile scheme, 
 namely, that New York City be permitted to withdraw from 
 the Union and form an independent sovereignty like some 
 cities of ancient Europe. 
 
 Of course there were some men in Congress of strong force 
 and character, notably Ben Wade of Ohio, Zack Chandler of 
 Michigan, and Simon Cameron of Pennsylvania, who stood 
 with their faces like a flint against disunion, unyielding to any 
 system of compromise, however specious it might appear. The 
 people of America owe to these three resolute men and a few 
 other Congressmen a debt of gratitude. 
 
130 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 In his message to Congress in December, 1860, President 
 Buchanan, a weak, vacillating ruler, like Pilate of old, found 
 no authority in the Constitution to coerce a state, seceding 
 from the Union. He took occasion to point out and emphasize 
 what he denominated as negations and prohibitions in every 
 line of the Constitution, but saw no declaration of aid or 
 assistance to the government in the great instrument he had 
 sworn to support. 
 
 Frederick Trever Hill represents Mr. Seward as stating that 
 the President in "his long and argumentative message to Con- 
 gress in December, 1860, conclusively proved, first, that no 
 state had the right to secede unless it wanted to; and, second, 
 that it was the President's duty to enforce the law unless some- 
 body opposed him." 
 
 The same writer says, in substance, that Seward himself, 
 as an able lawyer though he was, subsequently lost his head 
 by asserting that the best method of avoiding civil strife was 
 to instigate a foreign war. Older readers will readily recall 
 that Horace Greeley, the great New York Tribune editor, 
 opposed Mr. Lincoln almost from the start, and maintained, 
 in substance, that where a number of states desired to secede, as 
 was the case in the South, the best thing to do was to "let the 
 erring sisters go." Thus we see the opposition and grave prob- 
 lems that confronted Lincoln from the outset. 
 
 (End of Part One) 
 
PART TWO 
 THE PRESIDENCY OF LINCOLN 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 Policies and Hostilities 
 
 A T NOON, March 4, 1861, President Buchanan came to the 
 
 /\ Willard Hotel to escort the President-elect to the Capi- 
 
 ■** ■*■ tol. Together they were driven to the north end of 
 
 the Capitol, being carefully guarded by platoons of soldiers, 
 
 which were stationed at convenient intervals along the avenue. 
 
 Miss Ida M. Tarbell, speaking of the event, describes it as 
 follows: "Arm in arm with Mr. Buchanan, Mr. Lincoln passed 
 through the long tunnel erected for his protection, entered the 
 Capitol, and passed into the Senate Chamber, filled to over- 
 flowing with Senators, members of the diplomatic corps and 
 visitors. The contrast between the two men as they entered 
 struck every observer. 'Mr. Buchanan was so withered and 
 bowed with age,' wrote George W. Julian of Indiana, who was 
 among the spectators, 'that in contrast with the towering form 
 of Mr. Lincoln he seemed little more than half a man.' '' 
 
 She proceeds to state, in substance, that shortly the distin- 
 guished company began to move from the Senate Chamber 
 to the east front of the Capitol, being led by the justices of 
 the Supreme Court, in cap and gown. When the company was 
 conveniently seated on the platform erected on the east portico 
 of the Capitol, Mr. Lincoln arose and advanced to the front, 
 "where he was introduced by his friend, Senator Baker of 
 Oregon." 
 
 He reversed the general order of taking the oath of office 
 provided in the Constitution, and then delivering the message, 
 by speaking first and then taking the required official oath. 
 
 He was dressed in a fine cutaway suit and a silk hat, prob- 
 
134 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 ably the first he ever possessed. He unfolded and took his 
 voluminous manuscript in his left hand, holding his hat in 
 the other, and while looking for a convenient place in which 
 to place it, Judge Douglas, a life-long political antagonist, 
 stepped forward quickly and took it, remarking as he did so: 
 "If I can't be President, I, at least, can hold his hat." ("The 
 Life of Abraham Lincoln," Ida M. Tarbell. Vol. 2, Page 1. 
 The Macmillan Company, New York, Publishers.) In the fine 
 inaugural picture, which is available in most of our book- 
 stores, the manly form of the great Commoner, with head and 
 shoulders towering above the surrounding auditors, is seen 
 at the stand, with Chief Justice Taney at his right, President 
 Buchanan just in the rear, behind whom stands Judge Douglas 
 with the hat. At his left stood Mrs. Lincoln, and near the 
 speaker stood the eloquent Senator Baker. 
 
 It is said that Mr. Lincoln addressed an audience of about 
 thirty thousand people, but only one-third of the throng united 
 in the general applause that attended the rendition of the 
 address. The reason for this is quite apparent, if the state- 
 ment of some reporters be true, namely, that there were as 
 many or more disunionists in the city that day, than loyal 
 citizens. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln read his address with deliberation and a voice 
 that carried his words to the remotest limit of the turbulent 
 crowd. Owing to the length of the document, nearly an hour 
 must have been consumed in its delivery. It was given prompt 
 and extended publicity, and read with absorbing interest. As 
 a whole, the inaugural message was and is regarded as a mas- 
 terpiece of almost unparalleled merit. As a state paper it has 
 few equals in all the domain of American and English history. 
 It is scarcely excelled by the great Magna Charta, a document 
 wrested from King John by the English barons at Runnymede, 
 June 19, 1215. Also, it will compare favorably with our 
 
Policies and Hostilities 135 
 
 Declaration of Independence. My young readers will recall 
 this, as the product of the fertile brain of Thomas Jefferson, 
 and adopted by the Continental Congress at Philadelphia, July 
 4, 1776. 
 
 The President's written message is certainly a remarkable 
 paper, and those who have not read it should avail themselves 
 of the first opportunity of doing so. The entire address is too 
 lengthy for publication in this volume; for it is not the pur- 
 pose of this writer to print entire or make extended extracts 
 from the public addresses or state papers of President Lincoln, 
 however meritorious they may be. 
 
 Permit a few extracts from the great document to suffice. 
 After a few preliminary remarks Mr. Lincoln proceeded as 
 follows: "I do not consider it necessary, at present, for me to 
 discuss those matters of administration about which there is 
 no special anxiety or excitement. Apprehension seems to exist 
 among the people of the Southern States, that by the accession 
 of a Republican administration, their property and peace and 
 personal security are endangered. There never has been any 
 reasonable cause for such apprehension. 
 
 "Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all 
 the while existed and been open to inspection. It is found in 
 nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses 
 you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I de- 
 clare that I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere 
 with the institution of slavery in states where it exists. I believe 
 I have no lawful right to do so; and I have no inclination to 
 do so." 
 
 He recites the resolution of the state convention which 
 nominated him, in proof of what he has previously stated, and 
 then proceeds: "I now reiterate the sentiments; and in doing 
 so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive 
 evidence of which the case is susceptible, that the property, 
 
136 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 peace and security of no section are to be in any wise endan- 
 gered by the incoming administration. I add, too, that all the 
 protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the 
 laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all states when 
 lawfully demanded, for whatever cause, as cheerfully to one 
 section as to another. 
 
 "I take the official oath today with no mental reservations, 
 and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by 
 any hypercritical rules." 
 
 Concluding paragraphs of this almost incomparable address 
 are as follows: "Physically speaking, we cannot separate; we 
 cannot remove our respective sections from each other, nor 
 build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife 
 may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the 
 reach of each other, but the different parts of this country 
 cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face; and in- 
 tercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between 
 them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more 
 advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than be- 
 fore? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make 
 laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens 
 than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you 
 cannot fight always; and when after much loss on both sides, 
 and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical ques- 
 tion as to terms of intercourse are again upon you. 
 
 "If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the 
 right side of the dispute, there is still no single reason for pre- 
 cipitate action. Intelligence, patience, Christianity and a firm 
 reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored land, 
 are still competent to adjust, in the best way, all our present 
 difficulties. In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, 
 and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The 
 government will not assail you. You can have no conflict with- 
 out being yourselves the aggressors. 
 
Policies and Hostilities 137 
 
 "You have no oath registered in Heaven to destroy the 
 government, while I shall have the most solemn one to 'pre- 
 serve, protect and defend' it. I am loath to close. We are not 
 enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though pas- 
 sion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affec- 
 tion. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every 
 battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearth- 
 stone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the 
 Union when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better 
 angels of our nature." Thus endeth the great address. 
 
 "The habitual tone of this remarkable paper is deprecatory, 
 not to say apologetic," said Horace Greeley, speaking of the 
 address. "Mr. Lincoln evidently composed it under the fixed 
 impression that 'the South' needed but to be disabused of her 
 impressions and apprehensions of Northern hostility to restore 
 her to loyalty and the whole land to peace. If she can be 
 made to feel that the new rule does not desire to meddle with 
 slavery in the states which cherish it, but will hunt and return 
 fugitive slaves to the extent of its ability, then secession will be 
 given up, and the country restored to peace and harmony. 
 That certainly is an amiable view of the situation, but it was 
 not justified by a close study and thorough comprehension of 
 our recent political history." 
 
 Mr. Greeley goes on to state: "The strong point of the 
 inaugural is its frank and plump denial of the fundamental 
 secession dogma that our Union is a league, formed in 1787." 
 
 "The Union is older than the Constitution," says Mr. Lin- 
 coln truly and pertinently. Had the Constitution been rejected 
 by the states, the Union would nevertheless have subsisted. 
 Ours is "one country" — made so by God and His providence, 
 revealed through the whole of its history; "its more perfect 
 Union" is but a step in its development — not the cause of its 
 existence. Hence, secession is not "the dissolution of a league," 
 
138 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 as Mr. Jefferson Davis asserts, but a treasonable, though futile, 
 effort to disorganize and destroy a nation. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln's rejection of disunion as physically impos- 
 sible, as forbidden by the geography and topography of our 
 country, is a statesmanlike conception that had not before been 
 so clearly apprehended or so forcibly set forth. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln fondly regarded his inaugural as a resistless 
 proffering of the olive branch to the South; the conspirators 
 everywhere interpreted it as a challenge to war. And when 
 the former had taken the oath, solemnly administered to him 
 by Chief Justice Taney, the two Presidents wended their way 
 back, duly escorted, to the White House, at whose door Mr. 
 Buchanan bade Mr. Lincoln a cordial good-bye, retiring to the 
 residence of his friend and benefactor, whom he had made 
 United States District Attorney." (From Greeley's "American 
 Conflict," Pages 427-7.) 
 
 It was to be hoped that the President's inaugural address 
 would be received in the same friendly spirit in which it was 
 given; but such was not the case. To the earnest, solicitous 
 appeal for reconciliation, from the soul of the noble Lincoln, 
 the South made no response. The attitude of the press in 
 Southern and border states was antagonistic from the start. 
 Hear what the Baltimore "Sun" says: "The inaugural, as a 
 whole, breathes the spirit of mischief. It has only a conditional 
 conservatism, that is, the lack of ability or some inexpediency 
 to do what it would. It assumes despotic authority, and inti- 
 mates the design to execute that authority to any extent of war 
 and bloodshed, qualified only by the withholding of the requi- 
 site means to the end by the American people. The argumen- 
 tation of the address is puerile. Indeed, it has no quality en- 
 titled to the dignity of an argument. It is a shaky specimen 
 of special pleading, by way of justifying the unrighteous char- 
 acter and deeds of the fanaticism which, lifted into power, 
 
Policies and Hostilities 139 
 
 may be guilty, as it is capable, of any atrocities. There is no 
 Union spirit in the address; it is sectional and mischievous, 
 and studiously withholds any sign of recognition of that equal- 
 ity of the states upon which the Union can alone be maintained. 
 If it means what it says, it is the knell and requiem of the 
 Union, and the death of hope." 
 
 Other supposedly loyal papers in Northern States spoke in 
 the same vein. The editor of the Philadelphia "Pennsylvanian" 
 wrote as follows: "Mr. Lincoln stands today where he stood 
 on the 6th of November last, on the Chicago platform. He 
 has not receded a single hair's breadth. He has appointed a 
 Cabinet in which there is no slave-holder, a thing that has 
 never before happened since the foundation of the government; 
 and in which there are but two nominally Southern men, and 
 both bitter Republicans of the radical dye. Let the border 
 states ignominiously submit the abolition rule of the Lincoln 
 administration, if they like; but don't let the miserable sub- 
 missionists pretend to be deceived. Make any base or cowardly 
 excuse but this." Many similar editorials in the North could 
 be cited. Thus we see how Mr. Lincoln was "wounded in the 
 house of his friends." 
 
 When it was evident to all intelligent readers that in the 
 South an organized effort, pernicious and virulent, was being 
 made for the dismemberment of the Union, the President should 
 have had, as he deserved, the loyal, the unqualified support 
 of every patriot in America. That such was not the case soon 
 became apparent, and painfully so. No President since the 
 day of Washington had been the subject of such misrepresenta- 
 tion and villification as was the noble Lincoln. To this treat- 
 ment, which was often insult added to injury, he made no 
 resentment, but often offered up a silent prayer, probably, as 
 did his Divine Lord, "Father forgive them, for they know not 
 what they do." 
 
140 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 In about a week after Mr. Lincoln's inauguration, on 
 March 12, 1861, two commissioners by the names of John 
 Forsyth and Martin J. Crawford, arrived from the South. 
 They manifested by their presence and method of communica- 
 tion to Governor Seward a spirit of assurance, not to say 
 bravado, that might characterize the arrival in Washington of 
 duly accredited commissioners and ministers plenipotentiaries 
 from the Court of Saint James. Read their unbridled audacity. 
 I will give it in part: 
 
 Washington, March 12, 1861. 
 Hon. William H. Seward, 
 Secretary of State of the United States. 
 
 "Sir: The undersigned have been duly accredited by the 
 Government of the Confederate States of America as commis- 
 sioners to the Government of the United States and, in pur- 
 suance of their instructions, have now the honor to acquaint 
 you with that fact and to make known, through you, to the 
 President of the United States the object of their presence in 
 this Capital." 
 
 Then they proceeded to announce, what Senator John C. 
 Calhoun of South Carolina had promulgated thirty years be- 
 fore, that any state, in the exercise of its prerogative, had the 
 inherent right to secede from the Union, and form a sover- 
 eignty of its own whenever, in the judgment of its citizens, the 
 interests of said state would be best served thereby. It did not 
 take Uncle Sam many months or years to prove to the South 
 that through such a dogma as that, a hole could be shot, suffi- 
 ciently large to allow a coach and four to be driven. Hear 
 further what these representatives of the so-called Confederate 
 States had to say: "Seven states of the late Federal Union hav- 
 ing, in the exercise of the inherent right of every free people 
 to change or reform their political institutions, and through 
 
Policies and Hostilities 141 
 
 conventions of their people, withdrawn from the United States, 
 and resumed the attributes of sovereign power, delegated to it, 
 have formed a government of their own. The Confederate 
 States constitute an independent nation, de facto and dejure, 
 and possess a government perfect in all its parts, and endowed 
 with all the means of self-support." 
 
 Then, after expressing a wish that a speedy adjustment of 
 questions growing out of the political separation upon such 
 terms of amity as the respectable interests of the two nations 
 may render necessary, the commissioners proceeded to say: 
 "We, the undersigned, are instructed to make to the Govern- 
 ment of the United States overtures for the opening of negotia- 
 tions, assuring the Government of the United States that the 
 President, Congress and people of the Confederate States earn- 
 estly desire a peaceable solution of these great questions; that 
 it is neither their interest nor wish to make any demand which 
 is not founded in strict justice, nor do any act to injure their 
 late confederates." 
 
 Then they request Governor Seward, as Secretary of State, 
 to appoint a day as early as possible, wherein they may present 
 to the President of the United States "the credentials which 
 they bear and the objects of the mission with which they are 
 charged," concluding with, 
 
 "We are, very respectfully, 
 
 Your obedient servants, 
 
 John Forsyth, 
 Martin J. Crawford." 
 
 Mr. John Forsyth, of the State of Alabama, and Mr. Martin 
 J. Crawford, of the State of Virginia, on the 11th inst. through 
 the kind office of a distinguished Senator submitted to the 
 Secretary of State their desire for an unofficial interview. The 
 request was, on the 12th inst. upon exclusive considerations, 
 
142 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 respectfully declined. Governor Seward recites most of the 
 communication from the Southern commissioners, and then 
 proceeds to say: "The Secretary of State frankly confesses that 
 he understands the events which have recently occurred, and 
 the condition of political affairs which actually exists in the 
 part of the Union to which his attention has been directed, very 
 differently from the aspect in which they are presented by 
 Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford. He sees in them, not a right- 
 ful and accomplished revolution and an independent nation, 
 with an established government, but rather a perversion of a 
 temporary and partisan excitement to the inconsiderate pur- 
 poses of an unjustifiable and unconstitutional aggression upon 
 the rights and the authority vested in the Federal Government, 
 and hitherto benignly exercised, as from their very nature 
 they always must be exercised, for the maintenance of the 
 Union and the preservation of liberty and the security, peace, 
 welfare, happiness and aggrandizement of the American 
 people. 
 
 "The Secretary of State therefore avows to Forsyth and 
 Crawford that he looks patiently and confidently for the cure 
 of evils which have resulted from proceedings so unnecessary, 
 so unwise, so unnatural, and so unusual, not to say irregular 
 negotiations, having in view new and untried relations with 
 agencies unknown to and acting in derogation of the Con- 
 stitution and laws, but to regular and considerate action of 
 the people of those states, in cooperation with their brethren 
 in the other states, through the Congress of the United States, 
 and such extraordinary conventions, if there be any need 
 thereof, as the Federal Constitution contemplates and auth- 
 orizes to be assembled. 
 
 "It is, however, the purpose of the Secretary of State not 
 to engage in any discussion of those subjects, but simply to 
 set forth his reasons for declining to comply with the request 
 of Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford." 
 
Policies and Hostilities 143 
 
 The Secretary of State then alludes to the policy of the new 
 administration as enunciated by President Lincoln in his 
 inaugural address of March 4, a copy of which was enclosed 
 to the Southern commissioners, with the request that they give 
 the same their earnest and careful consideration. 
 
 The Secretary proceeded then to remark: "A simple refer- 
 ence will be sufficient to satisfy those gentlemen that the Sec- 
 retary of State, guided by the principles therein announced, 
 is prevented altogether from admitting or assuming that the 
 states referred to by them have, in law or fact, withdrawn from 
 the Federal Union, or that they could do so in the manner 
 described by Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, or in any other 
 manner than with the consent and concert of the people of 
 the United States, to be given through a National convention, 
 to be assembled in conformity with the provisions of the Con- 
 stitution of the United States. Of course, the Secretary of State 
 cannot act upon the assumption, or in any way admit, that the 
 so-called Confederate States constitute a foreign power, with 
 whom diplomatic relations ought to be established." 
 
 The Secretary proceeded to state that under these circum- 
 stances and others that might be named, he is unable, in the 
 exercise of his official duties, "to comply with the request of 
 Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford to appoint a day on which they 
 may present the evidences of their authority and the objects 
 of their visit to the President of the United States. On the 
 contrary, he is obliged to state to Messrs. Forsyth and Craw- 
 ford that he has no authority, nor is he at liberty, to recognize 
 them as diplomatic agents, or hold correspondence or other 
 communication with them." 
 
 The Secretary of State proceeded further to say that while 
 he could have adopted these conclusions and submitted same 
 to the commissioners without making any reference of the 
 subject to the Executive, yet in the spirit of candor and perfect 
 
144 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 respect to Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, that he has cheerfully 
 submitted the paper to the President, who coincides in the view 
 it expresses and sanctions the decisions of the Secretary in de- 
 clining official intercourse with Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford. 
 
 One historian remarks that "Governor Seward's reply, 
 though pacific in temper, and evidently animated by the hope 
 that hostilities may yet be avoided, is eminently frank and 
 explicit." 
 
 The President was well advised, and had been all along, 
 as to the activities of the South in their evident and extended 
 preparations for war; yet he indulged the hope, as did his 
 legal associate and Cabinet members, that better counsel would 
 prevail, and the seceding states resume their former allegiance 
 to the National Government. If at this juncture the citizens 
 of the South had taken this sensible and friendly view of the 
 situation, even a day before the actual precipitation of war, 
 what horrors, what devastation, what vast expenditures of treas- 
 ury and blood would have been avoided. But sad the saying, 
 and true as sad, that "Whom the gods would destroy, they 
 first make mad." The commissioners from the South seem 
 to have been unaffected by, or at least indifferent to, the logi- 
 cal statesmanlike presentation of the far-reaching, momentous 
 questions under consideration, and so ably discussed by Gov- 
 ernor Seward; for in a month they returned to their South- 
 land, declaring in a letter they left behind, they now "accepted 
 the gage of battle." 
 
 Up to this time there seems to have been no settled policy 
 of the new administration as to its non-interference, nor as to 
 its coercive attitude towards the South; but in the mind of 
 the great Lincoln there was, doubtless, a fixed determination 
 that the provisions of the Constitution, as to the unity of the 
 states, should be fully maintained, and the Federal laws exe- 
 cuted at all hazards. 
 
Policies and Hostilities 145 
 
 It is quite true that the President did not receive the co- 
 operation from eminent statesmen, not those even of his own 
 party, that he desired and had a right to expect. Prominent 
 Democrats, notably Senator Douglas, were opposed to coercion 
 in any form; while Edward Everett, the leading and most elo- 
 quent Republican member of the United States Senate, 
 "preached love, forgiveness and Union." 
 
 The members of Congress had no adequate conception of 
 the gravity of the situation, for it adjourned in the Spring of 
 '61 without making any preparation for the tremendous, im- 
 pending crisis. 
 
 During the five or six weeks interval between the date of 
 the inaugural and that of the attack on Fort Sumter, the Con- 
 federates were seizing on "all the arsenals, forts, custom-houses, 
 postoffices, ships, ordnance and material of war belonging to 
 the United States within the seceding state." The South, with 
 untiring vigilance and immeasurable energy, pursued its work 
 and preparation for the impending conflict, while the people 
 of the North were scarcely awake to the awful calamity that 
 would soon be upon them. 
 
 I wish to digress here, for a few moments, to place Judge 
 Douglas and his pre-war attitude, right, before the reading 
 public. While the learned statesman used his great influence 
 and forensic powers, during the Winter session of Congress 
 in '60 and '61, and also in the extra session that followed, 
 against any coercive measures towards the South; yet when 
 war was actually precipitated by the bombardment of Fort 
 Sumter, and other acts of irreconcilable hostility on the part 
 of the South were shown, the judge changed his attitude, and 
 "took nobly and heartily the side of his whole country." His- 
 tory records the fact that he sought an early interview with 
 President Lincoln, his life-long political antagonist, and ten- 
 dered his services to him and the country, in any way they 
 
146 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 could be made available. Of course this unexpected change 
 in sentiment and expression of complete allegiance to the 
 administration and the country were sources of unalloyed grati- 
 fication to the President. In the preceding session of Congress, 
 in the bitter debates from members from the South, and in 
 which Northern Democrats were active participants, the im- 
 pression had gone out into all sections of the country, North 
 as well as South, that the great Democratic party was opposed 
 to war, no matter what the outcome of the dissension might be. 
 President Lincoln was aware of this unfortunate and unhappy 
 condition, and gladly accepted the proffered service of the 
 judge to neutralize or correct the said impression. 
 
 At President Lincoln's request, Judge Douglas consented 
 to travel extensively as possible in the Northern States, in the 
 interests of the Union, and urge citizens everywhere, Democrats 
 and Republicans alike, to rally to the standards of their coun- 
 try. It had an electrical effect. He traveled first through his 
 own state. 
 
 He spoke from the rear platform of his car, at short stops, 
 in the larger cities of Illinois, and then hurried to other states. 
 His messages were similar and uniform in all places. In sub- 
 stance they were: "There are but two parties now in our great 
 Republic, those that are for, and those who are against their 
 country. I can assure you, my fellow countrymen, that the 
 Nation is safe in Abraham Lincoln's hands." This proclama- 
 tion from the Democratic party's idol, and from one hitherto 
 supposedly anti-war in sentiment, received extended publicity 
 in the Northern press, and was hailed everywhere as a reassur- 
 ing expression of great worth to our distracted country. It was, 
 in an eminent degree, productive of the desired results. Doug- 
 las Democrats, as well as Republicans, rallied everywhere to 
 the defense of their country, shouldering their muskets and 
 marching to the front. My oldest brother, and subsequently 
 
Policies and Hostilities 147 
 
 his three younger brothers (the writer included) enrolled their 
 names among their country's defenders. They all had been 
 reared as young Democrats, but now considered their country's 
 honor and perpetuity paramount to any party considerations 
 or party interests. 
 
 I was at that time, though just out of my teens, as I have 
 been during the sixty-four years since, a close observer of 
 public men and public measures, and I am free to express, 
 what is to me, a candid and mature conviction, shared by thou- 
 sands of others, that the great war of '61 to '65 could never, 
 or would ever, have been carried to a glorious consummation 
 without the influence and interposition, of the great Democratic 
 statesman from the great Commonwealth of Illinois. Permit 
 me to express another opinion, namely, that from this time to 
 the date of his death, a couple of months later, Judge Douglas 
 and the name of Judge Douglas, was held in as high repute and 
 honor, or nearly so, as was that of the immortal Lincoln. 
 
 Permit a further digression: At the time of the statesman's 
 death (June 3, 1861), I was a student in a select school, at 
 Ottawa, 111. The news of the "giant's" death at the latter named 
 city came as a great shock, and expressions of deep grief of 
 the state and country's irreparable loss were everywhere heard. 
 The judge had spoken in the city (where I had previously 
 heard him in the memorable "Lincoln-Douglas" debates) a few 
 weeks before, in the interests of his stricken country, and seem- 
 ingly in the best of health. Everyone mourned his premature 
 departure. The Nation, itself, was convulsed in grief at the 
 reception of the sad news. 
 
 Memorial services for the late Senator were held in Ottawa, 
 at which I was present. Orators, Democratic and Republican, 
 vied with each other in expressions of the high esteem and 
 honor in which the illustrious dead was held. A large banner 
 was stretched from the court-house across the street, bearing 
 the words : "He is not dead, but sleepeth." 
 
148 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 Thus lived and died the most distinguished citizen, with 
 one exception, of his native state. Peace be to his memory 
 and ashes. 
 
 There was supposed, at the time, to be a little unwritten 
 history connecting the great statesman with the new administra- 
 tion. Eminent men at the Capital were free to express their 
 belief that President Lincoln was about to offer, or had offered 
 the judge, a major-general's commission in the army for the 
 great service he had rendered the country during the three 
 months preceding his death. It was also asserted that Douglas 
 was devoting his spare time in the assiduous study of military 
 tactics preparatory to his taking command. It was true in this 
 case, as it has been in others, that "Man proposes, but God 
 disposes." 
 
 Let us now resume the subject of the bombardment of Fort 
 Sumter and its surrender. Under the old administration this 
 fort had been placed in command of Major Anderson, who 
 was supported by a small company of soldiers. Mr. Lincoln 
 was confronted with grave difficulties from this direction at 
 once. He had scarcely been inaugurated before receiving a 
 letter from the major, describing the perils of the situation, 
 and remarking that in his opinion it would require a force of 
 20,000 men to properly reinforce the garrison in season to save 
 him and his brave soldiers from starvation. It will be remem- 
 bered that the Confederate forces had been busy the previous 
 winter in planting batteries in every direction around the fort, 
 making ingress or egress practically impossible as well as 
 extremely dangerous. 
 
 The President at once presented the matter to General Scott, 
 who was then in general command of the American forces. 
 The general apprised the President that the government did not 
 have such a body at its disposal, neither could it raise them 
 before the garrison would be out of supplies. The President 
 
Policies and Hostilities 149 
 
 was thus placed in a sad dilemma. He did not desire to pre- 
 cipitate any trouble with the rebels if he could avoid it, for in 
 his inaugural address he had informed them that there would 
 be no war unless they began it. He and General Scott did not 
 think it best to attempt to reinforce Fort Sumter then, but did 
 think it wise to reinforce Fort Pickens, which he soon pro- 
 ceeded to do. 
 
 On the 20th of March an aide of General Scott visited 
 Charleston and had an interview with Governor Pickens and 
 General Beauregard, with reference, it was said, to the terms 
 on which Fort Sumter should be evacuated, if evacuated at 
 all; but the next day the Cabinet, after a lengthy and exciting 
 session, determined that Fort Sumter was not to be surren- 
 dered without a struggle. 
 
 A few days later a confidential agent of the President vis- 
 ited Major Anderson and was apprised by him that their scanty 
 supply of provisions would not last the garrison for a period 
 longer than the middle of April. The government soon deter- 
 mined to send the needed provisions to Major Anderson; 
 "peaceably if they could, forcibly if they must." Swift ocean 
 steamers were hurriedly loaded with provisions, munitions, 
 etc., and on the 6th of April left New York and other Northern 
 ports for the South under sealed orders. At the same time a 
 lieutenant from Fort Sumter arrived in Washington, bearing 
 a message from Major Anderson that his supplies of fresh food 
 from Charleston had been cut off by the Confederates, and un- 
 less he was soon relieved, would be starved into surrender. 
 
 The lieutenant was informed that their needed supplies 
 would soon be forthcoming and, hastening back to Charleston, 
 he gave formal notice to Governor Pickens that "the fort would 
 be provisioned at all hazards." Governor Pickens "got busy," 
 as was to be expected. General Beauregard was at once in- 
 formed, and he, in turn, wired the facts to headquarters at 
 
150 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 Montgomery, Alabama, and asked for instructions. The Con- 
 federates had received information of the sailing from New 
 York of the food-laden vessels, and were desirous of getting 
 possession of Fort Sumter before their arrival. 
 
 On April 10 General Beauregard received orders from the 
 Confederate Secretary of War "to demand the prompt surren- 
 der of the fort, and, in case of refusal, to reduce it." 
 
 The demand was accordingly made in due form the same 
 night, at 2 a. m. on April 11, "and courteously declined." 
 
 "But," according to Horace Greeley's statement, "in con- 
 sequence of additional instructions from Montgomery, based 
 on a suggestion of Major Anderson to his summoners, that 
 he would very soon be starved out if not relieved, General 
 Beauregard at 11 a. m. again addressed Major Anderson, ask- 
 ing him to state at what time he would evacuate Fort Sumter, 
 if unmolested." The Major's reply was that he would do so 
 at noon on the 15th, "should I not receive, prior to that time, 
 controlling instructions from my government, or additional 
 supplies." This answer was unsatisfactory to the Confederate 
 general, and at 3:20 a. m., of the 12th, Major Anderson was 
 notified that "fire would be opened on Fort Sumter in one 
 hour." 
 
 One writer describes the bombardment as follows: "Punc- 
 tual to the appointed moment, the roar of a mortar from Sulli- 
 van's Island, quickly followed by the rushing shriek of a shell, 
 gave notice to the world that the era of compromise and 
 diplomacy was ended, that the slave-holders' Confederacy had 
 appealed from sterile negotiations to the 'last argument' of aris- 
 tocracies as well as kings." The same writer continues: "Soon 
 the thunder of fifty breech-loading cannon, in one grand volley, 
 followed by the crashing and crumbling of brick, stone and 
 mortar around and above them, apprised the little garrison 
 that their stay in those quarters must necessarily be short. 
 
Policies and Hostilities 151 
 
 Unless speedily relieved by a large and powerful fleet, such 
 as the Union did not then possess, the defense was, from the 
 outset, utterly hopeless." 
 
 Another writer, speaking of the event, says: "The rebel 
 batteries began the bombardment on Friday, the 12th of April, 
 at half past four in the morning. The major took it with the 
 utmost coolness, and made every preparation for the safety 
 of his men before he allowed any return fire to be made, then 
 defiantly ran up the glorious old Stars and Stripes, and left 
 the enemy to bang away, while he made preparations for break- 
 fast. At half past six the garrison all partook of this meal, 
 which consisted mostly of salt pork, as leisurely as though 
 nothing was the matter. After breakfast Major Anderson di- 
 vided his men into three reliefs; each relief was to work four 
 hours at a time. All this time the rebels had been pouring 
 shot and shell into the fort." ("The Children's Life of Abraham 
 Lincoln," M. Louise Putnam, Page 139.) In a half-hour there- 
 after, it is said, the garrison was ready to reply. During the 
 following four hours the firing was kept up with such regular- 
 ity and rigidity that the rebels thought the major must have 
 been secretly reinforced. During these hours the scene in the 
 fort became terrific and alarming. The shot and shells from 
 the enemy's guns were working havoc. The hot shot soon set 
 everything inflammable on fire, nearly suffocating the men with 
 the smoke and heat, and incapacitating them for effective work. 
 "Thirty-two pounders tore up the ground at their feet, covering 
 them with mud and earth, and a ninety-six pounder came burst- 
 ing in just above the magazine." During the first day, when the 
 heat was most intense, someone discovered through the port- 
 holes several of the vessels of the fleet beyond the bar, which 
 the President had sent. These vessels were laden with provi- 
 sions for the garrison, but the commander made no attempt to 
 supply the fort. Had he done so, it would have involved a 
 
152 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 heavy loss of life, and probably to no purpose. The com- 
 mander got in communication with Major Anderson by signals, 
 the dipping of flags, to which the major responded by the 
 same signal, though the lives of his men were greatly im- 
 periled in the performance of this duty. 
 
 It is said the commander of the fleet "remained out of the 
 range of the enemy's fire till after the surrender, when he 
 returned as he came." On Friday, about noon, it was dis- 
 covered that all the cartridges had been used up. Quickly, 
 the soldiers stripped off their shirt sleeves, tore up their sheets 
 and blankets and began to make cartridges for dear life. The 
 bombardment continued with unabated intensity. The heat 
 became almost unbearable, the soldiers covering their mouths 
 with wet cloths and throwing themselves on the ground, faces 
 downward, in order to breathe. At this juncture, Major An- 
 derson, fearing the possibility of his magazines being sur- 
 rounded with flames, gave orders that the powder, ninety-six 
 barrels in number, should be rolled into the sea. This was 
 done at the peril of the men's lives. 
 
 This unequal contest was continued for thirty-four hours. 
 One writer describes the condition of the fort at this time, as 
 follows: "But few cartridges were left, and the guns were fired 
 slowly; nor could more cartridges be made, on account of the 
 sparks flying in every part of the works. A gun was fired 
 every now and then, only to let the fleet and the people of the 
 town know that the fort had not been silenced. The cannon- 
 aders could not see to aim, much less where they hit." 
 
 When it was known to the enemy that the barracks were 
 on fire, the batteries directed upon Fort Sumter increased their 
 cannonading to a rapidity greater than had been attained be- 
 fore, it was said. On Saturday afternoon, the second day of 
 the bombardment, the Confederates were satisfied that the fire 
 at the fort was only maintained as a matter of pride, and that 
 
Policies and Hostilities 153 
 
 the exhausted garrison had all and more than they could do 
 in attempts to extinguish the flames that had burned their 
 quarters. At this juncture, a pretended brigadier-general of 
 the Confederacy, L. T. Wigfall by name, approached the 
 fortress in a skiff; and on his arrival, and showing himself at 
 an embrasure, he waved a white flag, handkerchief on the point 
 of his sword, and demanded a surrender of the fort. After 
 some parley with a lieutenant and corporal, and finally with 
 Major Anderson, by all of whom the demand was denied, 
 General Wigfall retired. Shortly he was succeeded by other 
 representatives from General Beauregard. These were Ex- 
 Senator Chestnut, Ex-Representative Roger A. Pryor and W. 
 Porcher Miles. They made the same demand as had Wigfall. 
 The noble Anderson realized the futility of further resistance, 
 in consequence of the exhausted condition of his men and sup- 
 plies, and yielded to their demand; but only on terms that he 
 dictated, viz.: that when he "evacuated the fort, his garrison 
 should retain their arms, with personal and company property, 
 and march out with the honors of war, and be conveyed to any 
 port in loyal states he might indicate." To all these demands, 
 General Beauregard readily acceded. Considering the hope- 
 less condition of the little garrison, these terms were considered 
 highly honorable to Major Anderson, and scarcely less so to 
 General Beauregard. 
 
 The Confederates were disposed to make satisfactory con- 
 cession, it was thought, in order, not only to stop further ex- 
 penditure of ammunition at the earliest moment, but to obtain 
 possession of the coveted fort in as effective a state as possible. 
 As the weary soldiers could not embark that night, they ex- 
 tinguished the fire still raging and laid themselves down for 
 much needed rest till morning. 
 
 The next day, the Confederate steamboat Isabel came down 
 to take them off. When the baggage, consisting of all company 
 
154 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 and private property, had been removed, the gunners pro- 
 ceeded to salute their dear old flag with fifty guns; the Stars 
 and Stripes being lowered with cheers as the last gun was 
 fired. Unfortunately and unhappily at the firing of the last 
 gun, a premature explosion occurred whereby a gunner was 
 killed, and a few seriously injured. This was the sole and 
 only death at the fort during the bombardment. The name 
 of this hero will go down in history as the first, I think, who 
 sacrificed his life on the altar of his country in that mighty 
 civil conflict. No loss of life, I understand, occurred among 
 the Confederates during the entire engagement. 
 
 The men marched out of the fort that Sunday afternoon 
 "with colors flying and drums beating" and were taken on 
 board the Isabel, and shortly transferred to the Federal steam- 
 ship Baltic, awaiting them off the bar, and thus taken to New 
 York, whence Major Anderson dispatched to his Government 
 this brief and manly report: 
 
 Steamship Baltic, Off Sandy Hook, 
 April 18th, 1861. 
 The Honorable S. Cameron, 
 Secretary of War, 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 Sir: Having defended Fort Sumter for thirty-four 
 hours, until the quarters were entirely burned, the 
 main gates destroyed, the gorge wall seriously in- 
 jured, the magazines surrounded by flames, and its 
 door closed from the effects of the heat, four barrels 
 and three cartridges of powder only being available, 
 and no provisions but pork remaining, I accepted 
 terms of evacuation offered by General Beauregard, 
 being the same offered by him on the 11th instant, 
 prior to the commencement of hostilities, and marched 
 
Policies and Hostilities 155 
 
 out of the fort on Sunday afternoon, the 14th in- 
 stant, with colors flying and drums beating, bring- 
 ing away company and private property, and salut- 
 ing my flag with fifty guns. 
 
 Robert Anderson, 
 Major, First Artillery. 
 
 Thus began and closed the first engagement of the civil 
 war — a war that was destined to last for four years, and be- 
 come, in some respects, the most sanguine conflict of modern 
 times. 
 
 Further, it may be said, the civil war entailed a loss of 
 life from all causes, on the Union side of 349,944, and on the 
 Confederate side of perhaps one-half that number, though no 
 accurate statistics of Southern losses are available. There 
 were mustered into the service of the United States, 2,778,304, 
 and about 600,000 into the Confederate service. 
 
 The expenditure in money by the United States in the 
 prosecution of the war exceeded three thousand million dol- 
 lars, while the expense or cost to the South for the same pur- 
 pose must have been neglible in comparison therewith. For, 
 as I understand it, the payment of their bonds, from the sale 
 of which they derived funds for the payment of their war 
 expenses, was repudiated. 
 
 These statistics as to the casualties and enlistments of the 
 United States soldiers are taken from the adjutant-general's 
 office at Washington, so they are substantially correct. I may 
 allude to these matters again before this narrative closes. I 
 merely speak of it now to show how little and inadequate was 
 the conception of the people in '61, as to the magnitude and 
 character of the great crisis that was just before them. 
 
 Before closing the account of the reduction of Fort Sum- 
 ter, I wish to speak of the effect the news of its surrender had 
 
156 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 upon the minds of the Southern people. As soon as the news 
 was flashed to different sections of the Confederate states, 
 thousands came flocking into Charleston to help swell the 
 chorus of universal rejoicing over the fall of Sumter. It was 
 said that "Charleston herself was drunk with excitement and 
 joyous exultation." The Confederates had spent five months 
 in the careful preparation and establishment of their batteries 
 around and adjacent to Sumter; and in addition, General 
 Beauregard had a force of 7,000 men, and Major Anderson 
 only 70 (100 to 1), yet the South regarded the victory as 
 an event with scarcely a parallel in all the annals of modern 
 warfare. 
 
 The stock of General Beauregard went up about a thousand 
 per cent. They considered his victory a heroic deed, equal 
 to if not surpassing the military achievements of Cyrus or 
 Xerxes, Alexander or Hannibal, Caesar or Napoleon. They 
 were inspired with the thought that the subjugation of the 
 entire North was a matter of short effort and of early attain- 
 ment; and that in a few months at most their Confederacy 
 would be established on a solid and enduring foundation, with 
 human slavery as its chief corner stone. 
 
 How chimerical their thoughts, let the historian record. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 The Call to Arms 
 
 When the news of the fall of Sumter was flashed over 
 prairie and plain, over mountain and valley, resound- 
 ing through and dying away on the Pacific slope, a 
 tempest of rage and indignation swept through the Nation, the 
 like of which had not been witnessed in America since the 
 attack on Bunker Hill by the British eighty-six years before. 
 The sentiment of the Democratic party in the North had been 
 somewhat sympathetic towards the South hitherto, but the news 
 of the insult to our flag, involved in the bombardment and 
 reduction of Fort Sumter, unified their love of country and 
 evoked the "greatest conceivable outburst of patriotic passion" 
 everywhere. 
 
 The slogan of Judge Douglas that "there were but two 
 parties now, one for, and the other against the country," was 
 enthusiastically adopted by Democrats and Republicans alike; 
 and young men, of both parties, rallied thereafter, by the 
 thousands and hundreds of thousands, to the defense of their 
 former happy, but now stricken, country. 
 
 On Monday, April 15, 1861, the day following the evacua- 
 tion of Fort Sumter, President Lincoln issued a proclamation, 
 announcing that the laws of the United States had been grossly 
 violated and opposed, and the proper execution thereof so 
 obstructed in the seven seceding states, naming them, "by com- 
 binations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course 
 of judicial procedure," he, the President of the United States, 
 called on the governors of the various states of the Union to 
 furnish militia from their commonwealths, amounting to 
 
158 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 75,000 men, which he thought would be necessary to quell the 
 Southern insurrection, and cause the laws of the land to be 
 properly executed. The proclamation was received in the free 
 states with expressions of general approval, and the response 
 from the governors was instantaneous and enthusiastic. Nearly 
 all the states east of the Rocky Mountains had Republican 
 governors and legislatures, who, one writer says, "vied with 
 each other in offers of men, money, munitions, and every- 
 thing that could be needed to vindicate the authority and main- 
 tain the integrity of the Union." 
 
 Governor Sprague of Rhode Island who was elected as a 
 "Conservative," though generally regarded as a Democrat, not 
 only filled the quota required of him, but, it is said, volunteered 
 to lead it to Washington or wherever his services might be re- 
 quired. It is stated further that no state responded more 
 quickly and thoroughly, and none sent her troops into the field 
 more completely armed and equipped than did Rhode Island. 
 An incident complimentary to the patriotism of the soldiery 
 of the state, and rare as it was complimentary, occurred which 
 is worthy of record. Among the privates of the regiment, was 
 a millionaire who had made arrangements to go abroad, but 
 regarding the call of his country paramount to any business 
 or pleasure, cancelled his passenger ticket, and quickly en- 
 rolled his name among his country's defenders. In a remark- 
 ably short time, the regiments from the different states took 
 their departure by rail for Washington. 
 
 The quota of regiments from the various states ran from 
 one to 17, Ohio with 13, Pennsylvania with 16, and New York 
 with 17, furnishing the largest number. All went well till 
 the Sixth Massachusetts regiment reached Baltimore, April 
 19th. There, they were confronted by an angry mob of seces- 
 sionists, wherein four soldiers were killed and 17 severely 
 wounded. The killed were left behind, but the wounded 
 
The Call to Arms 159 
 
 were taken on to Washington with their regiment. When the 
 wounded were taken in stretchers from the cars that night, a 
 feeling of intense and frenzied excitement was created in the 
 Capital ; and when, the next day, news of the dastardly act had 
 been flashed to all sections of the country, a storm of indigna- 
 tion arose, scarcely less intense than was manifested at recep- 
 tion of the news of Sumter's fall. 
 
 The next day, quite early, a delegation of Baltimore citi- 
 zens called on Lincoln at the White House. They came to 
 enter a protest against any more troops being brought through 
 their city. After some deliberation, Mr. Lincoln dismissed 
 them, at the same time sending a note to the Maryland officials 
 with the suggestion that troops might be marched around 
 Baltimore. The President made a passing remark to the dele- 
 gation, as they withdrew, to the effect that if he granted them 
 the concession demanded they would be back the next day, 
 demanding that none should be marched around it: Sure 
 enough, Lincoln's anticipations were soon verified. That after- 
 noon, as well as later, committees interviewed the President 
 again, protesting and declaring that "Maryland soil should 
 not be polluted by the feet of soldiers marching against the 
 South." The reply of the Executive was brief and to the point. 
 "We must have troops," he said, "and as they can neither 
 crawl under Maryland nor fly over it, they must come across 
 it." Subsequently, a few secession sympathizers called on the 
 President and informed him that if any more troops should 
 be marched through Maryland, 75,000 persons would contest 
 their passage. They also volunteered the suggestion that there 
 should be a cessation of hostilities till Congress should be 
 assembled. The President's reply was quite laconic. He said 
 that there would be no cessation of hostilities till the rebellion 
 was crushed, and he presumed there was room enough on the 
 soil of Maryland to bury 75,000 men. That was the last he 
 
160 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 heard of Maryland's protestations to the President. 
 
 On the 20th of April, one day after the Baltimore riot, 
 General Benjamin F. Butler, commanding the Eighth Massa- 
 chusetts, arrived at Perryville, on the east bank of the Susque- 
 hanna River, about fifty miles northeast of Baltimore. Here 
 he found his course obstructed by burned bridges and the lack 
 of cars on the west side of the river. The ingenuity of Gen- 
 eral Butler was equal to the occasion. He did not propose to 
 be stopped by such impediments in his effort to reach Wash- 
 ington. Seeing the commodious steamer, Maryland, near, he 
 commandeered her, embarked his soldiers thereon and steamed 
 down the Chesapeake Bay, arriving at Annapolis, the political 
 capital of Maryland, early the next morning. This city is 
 about thirty miles south of Baltimore and the same distance 
 east of Washington. 
 
 He found Annapolis in the throes of rebellion, and the 
 railroad leading to the National Capital dismantled and par- 
 tially occupied in the interests of secession. Here he found 
 the old frigate "Constitution," and without a crew. It was in 
 imminent peril of capture by the enemy. The valiant general 
 took immediate possession of the frigate, and the next day 
 landed his forces unopposed, and took possession of the city. 
 
 Here he was soon reinforced by the Seventh New York 
 regiment, composed of the flower of the young chivalry of 
 the state. They had been transported directly from Phila- 
 delphia by the steamer Boston. As the citizens of Annapolis 
 did not desire, or dare, to sell anything to the Union soldiers, 
 General Butler ordered the steamer Maryland to return to 
 Perryville for the needed supplies, for munitions, and for still 
 further reinforcements. 
 
 Governor Hicks of Maryland sent a protest to General 
 Butler against any landing at that place or any other in the 
 state, his reason being that the Legislature had been called to 
 
The Call to Arms 161 
 
 meet at Annapolis that week. The general replied, suggesting 
 that if he could obtain means of transportation to Washington, 
 "he would gladly vacate the Capital prior to the sitting of the 
 Legislature, and not be under the painful necessity of incom- 
 moding your beautiful city while the Legislature is in ses- 
 sion." Several other regiments having previously arrived, 
 General Butler on the 24th put his column in motion, his own 
 regiment in advance, and the New York Seventh closely fol- 
 lowing. They repaired the line of railroad as they advanced. 
 A dismantled engine was found on the way, which they quickly 
 refitted and put to immediate use. 
 
 The weather was intensely hot for the month of April, and 
 the soldiers were hungry and faint for want of food and sleep, 
 for they had had but little of either since they left Philadelphia. 
 No food was available by purchase, and they would not take 
 it without, so it is said, they marched hungrily on, building 
 bridges and laying rails by turn, throughout the day and fol- 
 lowing night. The next day, they were joined by the Seventy- 
 first New York regiment, and together they marched to the 
 Annapolis junction, where they were met by cars from Wash- 
 ington. In these they proceeded on the 25th to that city, the 
 New York Seventh being in advance. Here they received a 
 royal welcome by the citizens of the Capital city, only one- 
 half of whom, it was said, were loyal to the flag. 
 
 The arrival of these soldiers was hailed with added de- 
 light, owing to the fact that the city, for a week, had been 
 isolated from the North, and surrounded on all sides by malig- 
 nant foes. There was a volunteer force, composed mostly of 
 sojourners temporarily visiting the Capital, under Col. Cas- 
 sius M. Clay, who stood on guard during those dark days and 
 darker nights. 
 
 The coming of these volunteers seemed providential, at 
 least very opportune; for the small force of regulars under 
 
162 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 the command of General Scott had constituted, up to this 
 time, the entire defensive strength of the Nation's Capital. 
 When the governor of Maryland heard of the safe arrival of 
 so many Union troops in Washington, and also learned of 
 the Union sentiment of citizens in the northern and western 
 parts of his own state, where there were but few blacks held 
 in slavery, he modified his anti-Union convictions somewhat, 
 and so wrote to his Legislature. The members of the Legisla- 
 ture, while largely secessionists in sentiment, consented to a 
 modification of their former views as frequently expressed, by 
 the passage of a resolution that Maryland should remain 
 neutral during the contest between the two sections of the 
 country. However, they added, "We sympathize with the South 
 in the struggle for their rights, for the sake of humanity, we 
 are for peace and reconciliation, and solemnly protest against 
 this war, and will take no part in it." Then in keeping with 
 the motto that "a man convinced against his will, is of the 
 same opinion still," they proceeded to say, to their eternal 
 shame, that "Maryland desires and consents to the recognition 
 of the independence of the Confederate states." I will quote 
 no farther. 
 
 It is said that the secessionists, in and around Baltimore, 
 especially those who tried to dominate public sentiment for 
 the South, concealed for a time, the paucity of their numbers. 
 It was ascertained later that they did not represent one-third 
 of the white population of the state, and less than one-fourth 
 in all that portion of the state lying north and west of Balti- 
 more. Home guards of Unionists were formed and Union 
 meetings were held in different parts of the state, even in 
 Baltimore. Thus patriotic sentiment began to assert itself, 
 and the state was saved to the Union. This was accelerated by 
 the bravery of General Butler and his valiant cohorts, as I will 
 proceed to show. 
 
The Call to Arms 163 
 
 The soldiers in and around Washington became restless 
 and anxious for the fray, especially those under General But- 
 ler's command, and on May 5, the general pushed forward 
 two regiments from Annapolis junction to the Relay House, 
 eight or ten miles southwest of Baltimore. Thus the com- 
 munication between that city and Fredericktown, 50 miles 
 west, was soon controlled. 
 
 On the 9th, a force of 1300 men from Perryville arrived 
 at Locust Point, Baltimore; and under cover of guns of the 
 Harriet Lane, quietly, it is said, began to open the railroad 
 route through that city to the Relay House, and thence on to 
 Washington. No opposition in this daring undertaking from 
 the erstwhile bloody Confederates was encountered. 
 
 The fiery Baltimoreans could assail the defenseless soldiers 
 of the Massachusetts regiment with deadly effect, but when 
 confronted with the pointed bayonets of the boys of "Ben 
 Butler Bold," well — they were conspicuous by their absence. 
 They had retreated to a nearby and safe seclusion, no soldier 
 following them, thus illustrating the proverb of King Solomon 
 when he said : "The wicked flee when no man pursueth." Gen- 
 eral Butler, on the 13th, took permanent military possession of 
 Baltimore, without opposition, while a force of troops from 
 Harrisburg advanced to Cockeyeville, about ten miles north of 
 Baltimore, and reopened the entire line of the Northern Cen- 
 tral railroad, up to the Pennsylvania border. 
 
 Thus the backbone of the rebellion in the state of Mary- 
 land was effectually broken, and largely through the un- 
 daunted bravery of the Massachusetts general, Butler. 
 
 It is hardly conceivable and believable that, within so short 
 a period of time as three weeks, Governor Hicks should under- 
 go such a change in sentiment; but such was the case, for on 
 the 14th he issued a proclamation calling for four regiments 
 of Maryland volunteers, in response to President Lincoln's 
 
164 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 requisition for troops. All communication through Baltimore 
 and Maryland, and also through the free states to Washington 
 being restored, the safety of the Capital was now assured. 
 
 It is said that "regiment after regiment poured into the 
 city by almost every train, until by the end of May, not less 
 than 50,000 men, raw and undisciplined indeed, but mainly of 
 the best material for soldiers, held the line of the Potomac, or 
 guarded the approaches to the Capital." 
 
 I have thus written, perhaps at too great length, of the 
 Maryland rebellion to show the difficulties that menaced and 
 confronted the administration at its very incipiency. 
 
 At the time of the evacuation of Fort Sumter, the conven- 
 tion of the state of Virginia was in session. A majority of the 
 delegates elected thereto were Union men. But the news of 
 the falling of Sumter made a radical change of sentiment. If 
 the firing on Fort Sumter unified the sentiment of the North, 
 Union sentiment, it also unified the disunion sentiment of 
 the South. In the convention, many of the Union delegates, 
 perhaps a majority of them, went over to the original dis- 
 union minority, and on the 17th, passed the ordinance with- 
 drawing the state from the Union. President Lincoln, in 
 speaking of this event, stated in his terse way, "Whether this 
 change in sentiment was wrought by their great approval of 
 the assault upon Sumter, or by their great resentment at the 
 Government's resistance to that assault, is not definitely 
 known." 
 
 In order to give character and legality to their act, in 
 adopting the ordinance of secession, the convention submitted 
 it to a popular vote, naming the 23rd of May as the day for 
 the election. On the day following the submission of the 
 ordinance to a vote, April 18, the Virginia troops marched 
 to Harper's Ferry and seized its arsenal. The President, in 
 speaking of this precipitous movement, informed Congress that 
 
The Call to Arms 165 
 
 "though the Virginia convention had submitted the ordinance 
 of secession to a vote of the people, to be taken on a day 
 nearly a month in the future, they immediately commenced 
 acting as if the state was already out of the Union." He goes 
 on to say that they had seized the arsenal at Harper's Ferry 
 and also the navy yard at Norfolk. He further states that they 
 "received, perhaps invited, large bodies of troops from the so- 
 called seceding states." The state proceeded to send men to 
 the Confederate congress at Montgomery, Alabama, and finally 
 secured the transfer of the insurrectionary government to their 
 Capital at Richmond. 
 
 Owing to the magnitude and colossal proportions the re- 
 bellion was now assuming, the President deemed it wise to 
 call for additional troops, both for defensive and aggressive 
 warfare. So on May 3 he called for 42,000 three-year volun- 
 teers and 18,000 seamen to the navy service. This demand 
 was quickly responded to. 
 
 It was thought by many that the President was induced to 
 make this additional call for troops so early, owing to the 
 fact that a deep-laid plot had been discovered whereby the 
 secessionists in and around Washington, "aided by Virginia, 
 hoped to fire the city, seize the President and cabinet, and all 
 the machinery of Government." 
 
 Their plans were quickly and easily frustrated, but the 
 President was not disposed to take additional risks, and hence 
 the second call for volunteers. He also saw the necessity for 
 quick action, owing to the fact that Jefferson Davis had 
 answered Mr. Lincoln's prior call for 75,000 men by a procla- 
 mation ordering the enlistment of 100,000. 
 
 On July 4, 1861, in pursuance to President Lincoln's 
 proclamation, the Thirty-seventh Congress assembled. The 
 patriotic enthusiasm that filled and thrilled the hearts of 
 loyal citizens everywhere after Sumter's fall was still at flood 
 
166 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 tide. The members of Congress were animated with a para- 
 mount desire to aid President Lincoln by appropriate legisla- 
 tion in every way possible, to the end that the incipient re- 
 bellion might soon be squashed and order restored, if pos- 
 sible. They were not insensible to the fact, however, that our 
 forces would soon be confronted by an enemy in every way 
 worthy of our respect as to valor, and that the conflict might 
 be long and sanguinary. The early hope indulged by some, 
 even after the fall of Sumter, that the South might discover 
 their gross error and return to their former allegiance to our 
 common country, was now dissipated. 
 
 The Confederates entertained the belief, evidently, that re- 
 cent victories in Charleston harbor, at Harper's Ferry and at 
 Norfolk navy yard were pre-ordained, and that the recognition 
 of the Southern Confederacy by the North would be a matter 
 of early attainment. 
 
 The members of the Thirty-seventh Congress were men of 
 exceptional ability, in the main, possessing large experience 
 in statecraft. The free states had the unanimous representation 
 of Republican senators, with the exception of five. The names 
 of the more prominent of these Republican senators, with 
 whose public history I am quite familiar, I will here record. 
 They were Lyman Trumball, of Illinois; James W. Grimes and 
 James Harlan, of Iowa, very able men, whom I have seen and 
 heard; James H. Lane, of Kansas; Lott M. Morrill and Wil- 
 liam Pitt Fessenden, of Maine; Charles Sumner and Henry 
 Wilson, of Massachusetts; Zachariah Chandler, of Michigan; 
 John P. Hale, of New Hampshire; Benj. F. Wade, Salmon P. 
 Chase and John Sherman, of Ohio; Edward D. Baker, of 
 Oregon, an able, eloquent senator, was killed in battle, Octo- 
 ber 21st, 1861; Simon Cameron, resigned March 5th, 1861, 
 David Wilmot succeeding him, of Pennsylvania; Andrew 
 Johnson, of Tennessee, afterward President; and James R. 
 
The Call to Arms 167 
 
 Doolittle and Timothy 0. Howe, of Wisconsin. Of course, 
 there were many other able senators in that Congress, but I 
 did not have the pleasure of knowing them, politically. 
 
 The members of the House of Representatives were equally 
 able men, and largely Republican in politics. There were 
 many Democratic members, and a few old-line Whigs. All 
 were loyal to the flag and supporters of the administration, 
 with few exceptions. Many of these men became noted statesmen 
 in subsequent years. I recall the names of such representatives 
 as Elihu B. Washburn, Owen Lovejoy and John A. Logan, of 
 Illinois, all of whom I had the happiness of seeing (Wash- 
 burn and Logan resigned to enter the army) ; William S. 
 Hollman, George W. Julian, Daniel W. Voorhees and Schuyler 
 Colfax, of Indiana, Julian and Colfax I had the pleasure of 
 hearing; Samuel R. Curtis, resigned to enter the army, August 
 4th, '61; Wm. Vandever and James F. Wilson, of Iowa. The 
 latter was assisted by my vote, with other Republicans, to the 
 United States Senate, in the Iowa Legislative Assembly of 
 1882; Samuel C. Fessenden and Thomas A. D. Fessenden, 
 brothers of William Pitt Fessenden; and Anson P. Morrill, of 
 Maine. My readers will observe that there were three brothers 
 in this Congress from the same state, the only instance of this 
 kind in the history of our Republic, so far as my observation 
 extends. However, there were father and son in the same 
 Congress since then, as I recall. Also there were three Wash- 
 burn brothers in one Congress, but from different states. 
 
 Massachusetts sent an entire delegation of Republicans to 
 this Congress, eleven in number. They were, doubtless, men 
 of respectable attainments and ability, but in no respect noted 
 as was their illustrious senator, Charles Sumner. They were: 
 William Windom, of Minnesota, subsequently United States 
 Senator and Secretary of the Treasury, I believe; Francis P. 
 Blair, of Missouri; William A. Wheeler, afterwards Vice- 
 
168 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 President; Roscoe Conkling, Reuben Fenton and Erastus 
 Corning, of New York; Clement L. Vallandigham, Samuel S. 
 Cox, called Sun-set Cox; and John A. Bingham, subsequently 
 a renowned statesman, of Ohio. It will be recalled by older 
 readers that Lincoln banished Vallandigham across the border 
 to the Southern Confederacy for his treasonable utterances. 
 William D. Kelley, Galusha A. Grow, Speaker, and Thaddeus 
 Stephens, of Pennsylvania. Thaddeus Stephens was a man of 
 such distinguished ability as to deserve more than a passing 
 notice. 
 
 James G. Blaine, in his great work, "20 Years in Congress," 
 speaks of him thus: "The natural leader, who assumed his 
 place by common consent, was Thaddeus Stephens, a man of 
 strong peculiarities of character, able, trained and fearless. 
 Born in Vermont, and educated at Dartmouth, he had passed 
 all his adult years in Pennsylvania, and was thoroughly iden- 
 tified with the state which he served with distinction both in 
 her own Legislature and in Congress." He further says: "To 
 one great object of his life, the destruction of slavery and the 
 elevation of the slave, he was supremely devoted. From the 
 pursuit of that object nothing could deflect him. Upon no 
 phase of it would he listen to compromise. He was learned in 
 law and for a third of a century had held high rank at the 
 bar of a state distinguished for great lawyers." 
 
 He further says, "He was a brilliant talker and spoke with 
 ease and readiness. Seldom, even in the most careless mo- 
 ment, did a sentence escape his lips that would not bear the 
 test of grammatical and rhetorical criticism." Mr. Blaine 
 states further that Mr. Stephens "possessed the keenest wit, 
 and was unmerciful in its use towards those whom he did 
 not like." His further characterization of the great statesman 
 was equally complimentary, but too lengthy for insertion 
 herein. (Extracts are given by special permission from Funk 
 & Wagnalls Co., Publishers, New York.) 
 
The Call to Arms 169 
 
 This writer was a great admirer of Mr. Stephens and his 
 illustrious career in Congress, fifty or sixty years ago; and still 
 remembers some of his witty sayings. Permit a couple to 
 suffice. Mr. Stephens owned some mills and factories on the 
 north side of the Ohio River, and one night during the rebel- 
 lion the Confederates crossed over and destroyed them. When 
 the statesman heard of his loss, he smilingly remarked, "Now 
 the Rebs have burned up my assets, and if they will only burn 
 my liabilities, we will call it even." 
 
 During Mr. Stephens' later years in Congress, he lost the 
 use of his legs, and had to be carried or assisted up the steps 
 of the Capitol to the Legislative Hall. A short time before his 
 death, he remarked to a couple of Irishmen who were carry- 
 ing him, saying: "Boys, what will I do after you two are 
 dead and gone?" Peace be to his memory. What a debt of 
 gratitude the nation owes to such patriots. 
 
 Justin S. Morrill, of Vermont, was an able, trusted states- 
 man. John S. Carlisle, of Virginia, was a loyal member. 
 There were several delegates from the various territories, from 
 Colorado, Dakota, Nebraska, Nevada, New Mexico, Utah and 
 Washington. But of their delegates, I have no knowledge. 
 I think they were loyal to the Union. It is pleasant to record 
 that all of the above named territories, seven in number, are 
 now enrolled among the sisterhood of states. My recital of 
 the names of members of the Thirty-seventh Congress, as I 
 recall them, is closed. I only wish I had known more of them. 
 
 My readers will remember what I before have stated, that 
 I only speak of such Congressmen with whose public career 
 I am more or less conversant. There was one man in that 
 Congress of such commanding presence and ability as to de- 
 serve special mention. I refer to Roscoe Conkling of New 
 York. For this pleasant duty, I will delegate a man whose 
 versatility and power of illustration are far beyond my ken, 
 
170 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 namely, Mr. Blaine. In speaking of Mr. Conkling, he says: 
 "The ablest and most brilliant man of the delegation was 
 Roscoe Conkling. He had been elected to the preceding Con- 
 gress when but twenty-nine years of age, and had exhibited a 
 readiness and eloquence in debate that placed him at once in 
 the front rank. His command of language was remarkable. 
 In affluent and exuberant diction, Mr. Conkling was never sur- 
 passed in either branch of Congress, unless perhaps, by Rufus 
 Choate." (By special permission from Funk & Wagnalls Co., 
 Publishers, New York.) 
 
 I wish to digress here somewhat, hoping not to get too far 
 away from the main subject. I regard the above tribute to the 
 ability and brilliancy of Mr. Conkling a most beautiful one, 
 and as exceptional as it is beautiful, when all facts connected 
 with the public lives of these great statesmen are known, or 
 recalled. 
 
 The charming characterization of the New York statesman 
 by Mr. Blaine could equally have been stated, or nearly so, 
 of the man from Maine. I once heard him speak for a period 
 of two hours, with forceful, compelling eloquence, and am in 
 a position to know. It will be recalled that Mr. Conkling and 
 Mr. Blaine entered Congress about the same time (Blaine in 
 '62) , and remained there about twenty years. They were always 
 commanding figures in both houses and dictated and controlled 
 legislation to a large, almost unparalleled, degree. They re- 
 mained friends for many years. At the zenith of their political 
 influence and power, an estrangement arose between them. 
 The cause of this mutual alienation was not known, at least, 
 to this writer. One day, on the floor of Congress, Mr. Conkling 
 made a severe and bitter attack on Mr. Blaine and the position 
 he had taken on some public measure, and, if I remember 
 correctly, assailed his motive and character. The next morn- 
 ing, Mr. Blaine replied with equal bitterness, mingled with 
 
The Call to Arms 171 
 
 stinging sarcasm. He compared Mr. Conkling to a large 
 turkey gobbler with a red ribbon around his neck (Conkling 
 always wore a red neck tie), strutting around and running 
 over the smaller gobblers and fowls, over which he wished to 
 reign supreme, or words to that effect. It created a great 
 sensation in Congress and among the people as well. The 
 unfortunate and regrettable feature of this estrangement is the 
 fact that the alienation of the two statesmen remained during 
 the remaining period of their lives. All efforts of friends to 
 effect a reconciliation proved abortive. 
 
 Mr. Blaine sought the Republican nomination for the 
 presidency, in the National Convention, three times, and in 
 the last ('84) was successful. However, he was defeated by 
 Grover Cleveland, as older readers recall, and largely owing 
 to Mr. Conkling's non-support. Had Mr. Conkling consented 
 to make one speech, one only, in New York for Mr. Blaine, 
 the latter's election would have been assured beyond all con- 
 troversy. Mr. Blaine lost New York by a small margin only, 
 and Mr. Conkling's great influence in his state would have 
 carried him across. "As New York went, so went the nation" 
 was the slogan, and it was generally true. Mr. Blaine was 
 never the same man afterwards. His strength and ambition 
 began to wane thereafter, though he was Secretary of State 
 during President Harrison's administration, 1889 to 1892. 
 He also wrote his "Twenty Years in Congress" (2 Vols. 1884- 
 86) . This was a wonderful contribution to the political his- 
 tory of our Republic, never before or since excelled, if ever 
 equaled. 
 
 Conkling died in 1888, Blaine in 1893, neither attaining 
 the goal of their great ambition, the presidency of the United 
 States. 
 
 Now to the subject under consideration. The Thirty-seventh 
 Congress was composed of fifty Senators and one hundred and 
 
172 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 seventy Representatives. The withdrawal of the South had 
 diminished their numbers materially. Kansas, the youngest 
 state in the Union, was represented by Martin F. Conway, 
 fresh from the border field of conflict, a conflict precipitated 
 by the pro-slavery element from Missouri. The organization 
 of the House of Representatives was quickly effected by the 
 election of Galusha A. Grow of Pennsylvania as speaker. The 
 message from the President was received on the same day. 
 
 There was an eagerness and some anxiety throughout the 
 country as to the views of President Lincoln, and the attitude 
 he would assume in regard to the unpleasant, painful situa- 
 tion. All had read, in his inaugural address of a few months 
 before, the tender plea to the South to ground their weapons 
 of the initial warfare and return to their former allegiance 
 to the United States. He had said directly, as well as by 
 implication, that "we are friends and must not be enemies," 
 and gave similar pronouncements in the inaugural speech cal- 
 culated to effect a reconciliation; but to no purpose. Since the 
 inaugural, Sumter had fallen, the Norfolk navy yard, as well 
 as the arsenal at Harper's Ferry and other government hold- 
 ings had been taken by the enemy, and the people were quite 
 eager to learn what the President would now say. In this mes- 
 sage he maintained a moderation of tone and expression, char- 
 acteristic of his state papers on most all occasions. He did not 
 purpose to call the attention of Congress "to any ordinary sub- 
 ject of legislation." 
 
 In his judgment there were in this emergency but two things 
 that should engage the attention of Congress; and that was to 
 "provide for the enlistment of an army, and for the raising of 
 money necessary to the conduct of a great war." He recited 
 the progressive steps of the South that had led up to the exist- 
 ing unhappy condition of affairs. How the dock yards, arsenals, 
 custom houses, etc., had been seized, since he assumed office. 
 Many other treasonable acts were recited. 
 
The Call to Arms 173 
 
 He proceeded to say that seven states had already seceded 
 from the Union and formed "a separate government, which is 
 already invoking recognition, aid and intervention from for- 
 eign powers." In view of this situation he was impelled to 
 move at once, though the policy he had chosen when he had 
 assumed the reins of government was to exhaust all peaceful 
 means before resorting to stronger measures. In pursuing this 
 policy of peace the President had formerly "sought only to 
 hold the public places and property, not already wrested 
 from the government, and to collect the revenue, relying for 
 the rest on time, discussion and the ballot box." He had gone 
 farther. He had promised "a continuance of the mails at gov- 
 ernment expense to the very people who had resisted the gov- 
 ernment"; he encouraged a consideration of that mutual for- 
 bearance without which it was not "possible to keep the gov- 
 ernment on foot." 
 
 The President had indulged the hope that Virginia would 
 remain loyal to the Union; but having passed the ordinance 
 of secession almost simultaneously with the fall of Sumter, 
 thence moving to the destruction of government property be- 
 fore the ratification to the ordinance, from the people, was 
 secured, and also obtaining the transfer of the Confederate 
 government to Richmond, the President was led to remark as 
 follows: "The people of Virginia have thus allowed this giant 
 insurrection to make its nest within its borders, and this gov- 
 ernment has no choice left but to deal with it where it finds 
 it." All the above expressions and overtures from President 
 Lincoln to the South, looking to a possible conciliation, were 
 wholly ignored. 
 
 They were also indifferent, blindly so, to the modest threat 
 the President had made that he might be compelled "to meet 
 force with force." There was only one course now that the 
 President could pursue; that was, to prepare for the worst. He 
 
174 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 had gone to the limit. Every peaceful measure that prudence 
 and good judgment could dictate or the Constitution would 
 permit had been exhausted. 
 
 He now asks of Congress, in his message, to place "at the 
 control of the government, at least four hundred thousand 
 men, and four hundred millions of money." He stated that the 
 number named was about one-tenth of those of proper age 
 who were living in the area where all were willing, evidently, 
 to enlist, and that the sum was "less than a twenty-third part 
 of the money value owned by men who seem ready to devote 
 the whole." 
 
 He further maintained that "a debt of six hundred millions 
 of dollars is now a less sum per head than the debt of the 
 Revolution when we came out of that struggle, and the money 
 value in the country bears even a greater proportion to what 
 it was then than does the population." "Surely," he added, 
 "each man has as strong a motive now to preserve our liberties 
 as each had then to establish them." 
 
 He further portrayed the unconstitutionality and utter 
 fallacy of the asserted right of the South to secede, and how 
 the "public mind of their citizens had been drugged and insidi- 
 ously debauched for thirty years." The President evidently 
 had in mind the treasonable acts of John C. Calhoun and the 
 South Carolina Legislature when they undertook, about thirty 
 years before, to nullify the newly enacted Federal law, refer- 
 ring to a protective tariff on certain importations. I have 
 alluded to this in a previous chapter. 
 
 He closed his message with the assertion that it was "with 
 the deepest regret that he found the duty of employing the 
 war power of the government forced upon him;" but he "must 
 perform this duty, or surrender the existence of the govern- 
 ment." 
 
 The President's mail had been flooded and his mind over- 
 
The Call to Arms 175 
 
 whelmed by every conceivable method of compromise, and 
 from every quarter. To all such propositions, his mind was 
 impervious, and to each of such requests he had but one answer, 
 that "no compromise by public servants could in this case 
 be a cure; not that compromises are not often proper, but that 
 no popular government can long survive a marked precedent 
 that those who carry an election can only save the government 
 from immediate destruction by giving up the main point upon 
 which the people gave the election. The people themselves, 
 and not their servants, can safely reverse their own deliberate 
 decisions." He further asserted that "as a private citizen, 
 the Executive could not have consented that republican institu- 
 tions shall perish; much less could he, in betrayal of so vast 
 and so sacred a trust as these free people have confided to him." 
 His concluding words to Congress were: "Having thus 
 chosen our own course without guile, and with pure purpose, 
 let us renew our trust in God, and go forward without fear, 
 and with manly hearts." The effect of this illuminating, com- 
 prehensive message on the minds of the people was great and 
 productive of the desired results. If a confirmation of the 
 wisdom of the President's procedure were needed, the people 
 were now reassured. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 Campaigns and Leaders 
 
 The recommendations of the President, in the message, 
 were comprehensive, and under its inspiration Congress 
 proceeded at once to its work. In compliance with Lin- 
 coln's request, no legislation was considered except such as 
 pertained to the war. Congress convened on July 4, 1861, and 
 both Houses adjourned on August 6, twenty-nine working days 
 altogether, and probably, in no Congress before or since, was 
 there so much accomplished in so short a period. There were 
 seventy-six public measures enacted and all but four related 
 to the war. These had reference to the mobilizing and equip- 
 ment of the military and naval forces of the Union, to the 
 establishment and maintenance of the Nation's credit, to the 
 securing and appropriation of vast sums of money for the 
 successful prosecution of the war, and other measures. The 
 reorganization of the military establishment and the enlarge- 
 ment of the navy were included in the acts that were passed; 
 as, also, was the revision of the tariff, the levy of direct taxes 
 and the perfecting of loan-bills. 
 
 The sum of money appropriated for the army and navy 
 was not as large as was requested by the President, in his mes- 
 sage, but doubtless sufficient for their needs till Congress should 
 convene in regular session, during December following. How- 
 ever, the sum thus appropriated was two hundred and seven 
 millions of dollars for the army and fifty-six millions for the 
 navy. These measures fully illustrate the patriotic spirit that 
 animated the minds of the Congressmen, as well as the magni- 
 tude and character of the work accomplished. 
 
Campaigns and Leaders 177 
 
 On Sunday, July 21, 1861, just seventeen days after Con- 
 gress had convened, and sixteen days before it adjourned, 
 occurred the first great battle of the war, at Bull Run, about 
 thirty miles southwest of Washington. Previous to this there 
 had been several sharp skirmishes and minor engagements 
 between the contending forces, but this was the first decisive 
 battle of the Rebellion. Sad to relate, and unexpected as it 
 was sad, the Union forces met with a signal defeat. Not only 
 this, but they were scattered in every direction and fled in a 
 panic from the field. By nightfall thousands of stragglers were 
 crossing the long bridge leading to Washington, and many 
 thought the Capital to be in imminent danger. 
 
 Fortunately, the Confederates did not deem it wise to pur- 
 sue the retreating foe with a view of taking Washington, for it 
 was not sufficiently protected to repel such a victorious army. 
 At the Bull Run battle the Union loss was about 3000 men, 
 while that of the Confederates was estimated at 2000 men. 
 
 Mrs. Lincoln was advised to leave the White House with 
 her family, for a safer location, but this she declined to do, 
 saying that as long as Mr. Lincoln remained there, she would 
 not forsake him. 
 
 General McDowell was in command of the Union forces 
 at the battle, and the Confederates were under the command 
 of Generals Beauregard and J. E. Johnston. The former lost 
 twenty-seven guns, besides an immense quantity of small arms, 
 ammunition, stores, provisions and accoutrements. The dark 
 clouds that settled at that time on the already sad heart and 
 wrinkled brow of the noble President were destined to remain 
 there during the entire war period of four years, even up to 
 the time when Grant had driven Lee to Appomattox, and re- 
 ceived from the conquered hero his sword and, with it, the 
 fall of the Confederacy. The period of Lincoln's rejoicing 
 and exaltation was brief, but sad as was its termination, it 
 ended in his glorious coronation. 
 
178 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 Referring now incidentally to General McDowell's over- 
 whelming defeat and the causes that led thereto, it may be 
 said that if General Patterson had moved his forces quickly 
 to the aid of McDowell or had intercepted General Johnston 
 before he joined Beauregard at Manassas Junction, as was 
 expected, the result might have been different. All will parallel 
 a similar incident at the battle of Waterloo; if General Grouchy 
 had joined Napoleon at the time expected, though a hail storm 
 prevented, the fate of Europe might have been different, and 
 Wellington might have returned to England a defeated com- 
 mander. 
 
 Referring again to the possible cause of the Bull Run de- 
 feat, it was the opinion of many that General Winfield Scott, 
 who was then the commanding general, under Lincoln, of the 
 Union forces, was remiss in duty and erroneous in judg- 
 ment, on the day of the conflict. He had at his command about 
 25,000 troops, in and around Washington, that he could have 
 easily mobilized and sent quickly to the aid of McDowell, as 
 was frequently requested, but he declined so to do, saying the 
 Union forces there were adequate for any emergency. The 
 genius of the great general, hitherto evident, was now lacking, 
 and he was soon superseded. 
 
 It is often said that history repeats itself. This seems to be 
 as true in war as in all matters of human endeavor. In a little 
 over a year from the date of the Bull Run battle, on August 
 20, 1862, another battle was fought at the same place and by 
 the same contending forces. The Union forces were commanded 
 by General Pope, and the Confederates by Generals Lee, Long- 
 street and "Stonewall" Jackson. The Union forces were again 
 defeated and with a much heavier loss. This day's battle and 
 the engagements of the two preceding days, in and around Bull 
 Run, cost the Union cause about 20,000 men in killed, wound- 
 ed, missing and prisoners, as well as thirty guns and 30,000 
 small arms. 
 
Campaigns and Leaders 179 
 
 Sad as is this picture, my readers must not infer that the 
 Confederates were uniformly and universally victorious, dur- 
 ing the interval of the two Bull Run battles, for such was not 
 the case. General Grant and his brave troops had achieved 
 marvelous victories in the Southwest, as had some other Union 
 generals during that period. 
 
 I desire to state in this connection, however, that it is not 
 my purpose to write a detailed and extended history of the 
 Civil War; as that would be foreign to and beyond the scope 
 of my original thought. Still I shall aim to give a brief account 
 of the most important battles, and other correlative matter, 
 incident to the four-year war period. 
 
 Following the successive military engagements and the time 
 of their occurrence, I wish to mention that of Ball's Bluff, 
 which took place October 21, 1861. The scene of this engage- 
 ment was on the right bank of the Potomac River, about thirty- 
 three miles northwest of Washington. The Confederate forces 
 were under the command of General Evans, and those of the 
 Union under the command of Colonel Edward D. Baker. 
 
 The battle was sanguinary and of short duration, resulting 
 in the defeat of the Union forces and the death of the noble 
 Baker. The death of this brave officer, who fell at the head of 
 his command in the vain endeavor to pluck victory from the 
 jaws of imminent defeat, was greatly mourned by President 
 Lincoln. He had known him long and well. They were col- 
 leagues twenty years before in the legislative halls of Illinois. 
 
 Mr. Baker was a member of Congress in 1844, representing 
 the same district that was represented two years following by 
 Lincoln. Subsequently, he moved to Oregon, and by this state 
 was returned to Washington as a United States Senator. In 
 the upper House, as formerly in the lower one, he soon took 
 a commanding position. He was a forceful, eloquent speaker 
 
180 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 and very much beloved by his senatorial associates. He was 
 present at Washington to greet Lincoln in the spring of '61, 
 and a few days later, at the latter's inauguration, introduced 
 him to the vast audience preceding his inaugural address. 
 
 In the Thirty-seventh Congress which convened in extra ses- 
 sion, he was an ardent supporter of every measure advanced 
 by the President for the equipment of the army and successful 
 prosecution of the war. His loyalty to the Union knew no 
 bounds, and he soon resigned his position in the Senate that 
 he might the more effectually assist his country in its efforts 
 to suppress the rebellion. He quickly raised a regiment of 
 volunteers with whom he marched to the front, leading them 
 into the thick of the fight that terminated his mortal career. 
 Of him it may be truthfully said: 
 
 "How sleep the brave, who sink to rest, 
 By all their country's wishes blest." 
 
 Following the defeat of the Union forces at Bull Run, the 
 cause of and the responsibility for, being laid by many at the 
 general's door, the great soldier thought it wise to retire. He 
 probably saw, what others knew, that at his advanced age, 78, 
 he was hardly able to cope with the new situation, and while 
 he remained nominally as the chief commander till the end 
 of October, '61, he was practically superseded in July by the 
 formation of a new military department, the Department of the 
 Potomac, which General George B. McClellan was invited to 
 command. General Scott was a noted warrior. He had been 
 in the military department of the government since and before 
 the War of 1812. In the latter war he was an active partici- 
 pant, and as lieutenant-colonel, he distinguished himself at 
 Queenstown Heights and elsewhere. 
 
 During the period between this and the Mexican War, some 
 thirty-four years, he rendered his country valiant services in 
 
Campaigns and Leaders 181 
 
 fighting the Chippewa and other hostile Indian tribes, which 
 then were infesting the country. In 1841 he was commander- 
 in-chief of the United States Army and remained in that posi- 
 tion till his retirement. In '46 and '47 he commanded the 
 Mexican War, and after reducing Vera Cruz and eight other 
 cities, seized and held the City of Mexico. At West Point, in 
 1866, he departed this life, honored by the grateful country 
 he had loved and served so well. 
 
 On July 26, 1861, General George B. McClellan arrived in 
 Washington, in response to a summons from the President, to 
 take command of the Department of the Potomac, which had 
 been recently formed. He was appointed to this important com- 
 mand at the request of General Scott, under whom he had 
 served in the Mexican War, as captain. A few months previ- 
 ously he had been placed in command of the Ohio volunteers 
 as major-general, and this new appointment at Washington 
 gave him practically the command of the American army. Gen- 
 eral Scott was doubtless happy to be relieved of the great re- 
 sponsibility, which he was hardly able longer to supervise. 
 
 General McClellan was comparatively a young man, 35 
 years of age, and a graduate of West Point. After the Mexican 
 War he resigned his commission, as I understand, and became 
 identified with the Illinois Central Railroad as civil engineer, 
 and later became its vice-president. His highest military com- 
 mand, previous to the Civil War, was that of a captain; and 
 his elevation to the high rank of a major-general in '61, with 
 no intervening military experience was, in the minds of many, 
 of doubtful propriety. Instances are rare indeed, in the annals 
 of military history, where an officer is promoted from the rank 
 of captain to that of a major-general. The general showed 
 good business capacity, for within a few days following his 
 arrival he formed the army into brigades and, subsequently, 
 these brigades were formed into divisions, and these into army 
 corps. 
 
182 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 The military outlook in and around Washington was not 
 very propitious. General McClellan found the army charged 
 with the defense of the capital reduced by the large number 
 recently killed and wounded in the Bull Run disaster, as well 
 as by desertions and the mustering out of most of the three 
 months' men. There were only about 50,000 infantry, with 
 one regiment of cavalry, and 650 artillerymen remaining for 
 the city's defense. Sorrow and dismay settled down and brood- 
 ed over the country like a funeral pall, incident to the great 
 disaster. However, people of the loyal North soon recovered 
 from the shock and applied themselves persistently to the rais- 
 ing of new regiments and batteries, by means of which the 
 struggle could be quickly renewed and more successfully 
 prosecuted. In every state, in all the cities, towns and hamlets, 
 the work of recruiting and equipping was soon begun and rap- 
 idly prosecuted, so that by the middle of the fall 150,000 
 young men, the pride and hope of the land, had enrolled their 
 names among their country's defenders, and started for Wash- 
 ington. 
 
 When General McClellan found himself surrounded by this 
 vast company of soldiers his heart must have swelled with 
 pride, knowing full well that he had an army superior in num- 
 bers and intelligence to any force ever led in battle by Napol- 
 eon and, as one expresses it, "by far the largest and most 
 effective which had ever been seen on this continent." On the 
 first of January following, General McClellan had a force 
 under his command of over 200,000 men. 
 
 President Lincoln had the sympathy and hearty cooperation 
 of the loyal governors of the North, under whose prompt assist- 
 ance the large body of volunteers was mustered in, equipped 
 and forwarded to the United States Capital. There was no way 
 of determining the exact number of the enemy confronting us 
 south of the Potomac, but from the best evidence obtainable, 
 
Campaigns and Leaders 183 
 
 from deserters and contrabands coming within our lines, the 
 Confederate forces were less numerous than ours, vastly and 
 necessarily so. This was owing to the fact that up to this date 
 no general conscription of the whites had been resorted to in 
 the South, and the number of volunteers were evidently much 
 less than ours. The deserters aforesaid did not place their 
 number in excess of 60,000. 
 
 In addition to the equipment for so large a body of Union 
 soldiers as above enumerated, we had two hundred field guns 
 of the best quality already in Virginia ready for immediate 
 service. 
 
 During the late summer and fall much time was devoted to 
 the drilling of soldiers and instructing them in the manual of 
 arms. This was essentially necessary, as it gave them the 
 requisite qualifications for effective service when the time for 
 active participation in war should arrive. Not many months 
 had elapsed when, in the minds of the people, the officers and 
 men, all excepting the commanding general^ the time was 
 most propitious for striking the enemy an effective blow. 
 
 General McClellan thought otherwise. His attitude from 
 the start seemed to be of hesitation, inactivity and, possibly, 
 timidity. The months of summer, autumn and early winter 
 wore heavily away, "and saw nothing attempted." There had 
 been a short and, to us, disastrous engagement at Ball's Bluff, 
 where the noble Baker lost his life, and also light skirmishing 
 at the front, but nothing approaching a decisive battle had 
 occurred. All this in face of the fact that there were 200,000 
 and more of loyal, well equipped, well drilled soldiers within 
 a radius of thirty or forty miles of Washington, ready and 
 anxious for the fray. All old soldiers will agree with the 
 writer that a march to the front and actual participation in bat- 
 tle is preferable always to the lengthy stagnation of camp life. 
 
 The noble President, as well as the people at large, was 
 
184 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 looking, patiently, hopefully, for a forward movement, and 
 possibly a military conquest, but all that was heard, and that 
 through the press, was the repeated declaration that "all was 
 quiet on the Potomac." This was received with a degree of 
 complacence for a season, but after its repetition for months, 
 its meaning was changed to a synonym of approbrium. Some 
 accused General McClellan, perhaps wrongfully, of being pos- 
 sessed of constitutional timidity and irresolution, and also a 
 natural tendency to avoid the precipitation of a great war, re- 
 sulting, as it probably would, in the abolition of slavery, which 
 he had always regarded as constitutional and right. 
 
 He may also have thought that the involvement of the 
 Nation in a war, the like of which would find no parallel, prob- 
 ably, in all the pages of recorded history, would result in the 
 destruction of the institutions and vast resources of the South, 
 as well as incurring the deadly enmity of its people, whom he 
 regarded hitherto as friends. Thus the last end would be worse 
 than the first. 
 
 But let us take a more charitable view of the impulse and 
 desire that possibly animated the breast of the "young Napol- 
 eon." Let us do this at least for argument's sake. The high 
 position to which he had been so recently and suddenly called, 
 entailing as it would a sense of exalted responsibility, may 
 have produced a conviction that by postponing the conflict, 
 some unforeseen circumstance, such as a foreign war, financial 
 embarrassment or other complication might arise whereby a 
 compromise between the belligerent parties could be effected, 
 and thus all war be avoided. If this was his high ambition he 
 was reckoning "without his host." He had forgotten the 
 declaration of Robert Tooms and other Southern Senators that 
 they would not accept the Crittenden resolution or any other 
 compromise, "but were determined to destroy this rotten gov- 
 ernment." He also should have known that the subjugation 
 
Campaigns and Leaders 185 
 
 of Fort Sumter by the South and their bloody and victorious 
 battle at Bull Run in July previously would preclude the pos- 
 sibility of any such compromise. 
 
 As early as July 1, '61, the War Department was notified 
 by the Assistant Secretary of the Navy that the Potomac would 
 "soon be closed by the batteries of the Confederates," and Sec- 
 retary Gideon Wells reiterated the same warning on August 20. 
 The Confederates were not long in effecting a complete obstruc- 
 tion of the river by the planting therein and on its banks of 
 numerous batteries. The navy simply desired the army to co- 
 operate with it in securing the unobstructed navigation of the 
 Potomac. 
 
 At last, in October, General McClellan agreed to spare 
 4000 men to thus cooperate, but when the flotilla assembled at 
 the appointed time and place, the troops were not there. The 
 general's excuse was that his engineers were of the opinion that 
 so large a body of troops could not be landed at Mathias Point, 
 the place previously agreed upon. Upon assurance by the 
 Navy Department that they would attend to the landing of the 
 troops, the general agreed that they should be sent on the fol- 
 lowing night. The flotilla was in readiness again, but the ex- 
 pected troops were not in evidence, neither were any troops 
 ever sent down for that purpose. General McClellan gave as a 
 reason that he feared the presence of troops might bring on a 
 general engagement. When a commander is depressed by fear, 
 rather than animated by bravery, no favorable results need 
 be expected. 
 
 Thus the weary weeks and months wore away, and nothing 
 was doing. On January 13, '62, the Honorable Edwin M. Stan- 
 ton succeeded General Simon Cameron, as Secretary of War. 
 He was a distinguished lawyer, possessing great will power, a 
 Democrat in politics, and loyal to the core. Lincoln and the 
 public reposed great confidence in him and were not dis- 
 
186 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 appointed. He proved a veritable Bismark in the future mili- 
 tary activities of the country. President Lincoln, wearied, if 
 not exasperated by the long, inexcusable, unwarranted delay, 
 issued a ward order, two weeks thereafter, January 27, com- 
 manding and demanding a general advance movement on the 
 enemy, from every quarter, on the 22nd of February, Wash- 
 ington's birthday anniversary. 
 
 The Secretary of War (Stanton) had previously urged Gen- 
 eral McClellan to move actively in the reopening of the Balti- 
 more & Ohio Railroad and in removing the rebel batteries from 
 the banks of the lower Potomac. The Secretary's early and 
 decisive activities doubtless gave added impulse to the Presi- 
 dent, in his imperative order to McClellan to move almost at 
 once on the enemy's works. General McClellan was ordered 
 by the President to move southwestward with the object of 
 seizing and occupying a point on the railroad not far from 
 Manassas Junction, thence onward to Richmond. The General 
 had previously been urged to proceed to effect the organization 
 of four or five distinct army corps, under generals of his own 
 choice. This the General declined to do, asserting that he 
 wished to test his officers as division commanders in actual 
 service before thus appointing them. President Lincoln knew 
 quite well that the General had had ample time for this but 
 had not improved his opportunity. 
 
 Finally on March 8, the President, seeing that nothing was 
 being accomplished in the way of an organization by General 
 McClellan as he had been directed, proceeded to secure the 
 organization of the Army of the Potomac, under general war 
 order No. 2, into four corps, to be commanded by Generals 
 McDowell, Sumner, Heintzelman and Keyes. This the Presi- 
 dent did by virtue of the power vested in him by the Consti- 
 tution, making him commander-in-chief of the American forces. 
 To this peremptory accomplishment General McClellan seemed 
 
Campaigns and Leaders 187 
 
 to yield a willing assent, for five days later he began marshal- 
 ing his forces for an advanced move on Richmond. 
 
 However, he disagreed with the President as to the wisdom 
 of a land advance to the Confederate capital from the north, 
 but preferred, and so advised the Executive, a forward move- 
 ment on Richmond by way of the lower Rappahannock, land- 
 ing at Urbanna, and making a base of West Point, at the head 
 of York River. The base of operations was subsequently 
 changed to Fortress Monroe. 
 
 In the minds of the President and many generals there were 
 serious objections to the adoption of the water route instead of 
 the overland march to Richmond, as it would involve the 
 division of our forces, possibly, and leave our National Capi- 
 tal, with its vast depots of arms, munitions and provisions, to 
 the mercy of the Confederates. Unquestionably, the destruc- 
 tion of everything above enumerated, and more, would be 
 within the range of a reasonable probability, if our grand army 
 were transferred bodily to the base of the Virginia peninsula. 
 
 The President finally deferred to the urgent wish and glow- 
 ing representations of General McClellan as to the water 
 route, knowing full well, however, that they would involve 
 long delay, as well as heavy expense in securing transportation 
 by water for so large a body of men, saying nothing about 
 the enormous military supplies needed for the equipment of 
 the army at the end of their journey. The President made 
 one condition, namely, that a sufficient military force should 
 be left at or near Washington to properly protect the Capital 
 against any possible invasion of the enemy. 
 
 The duty of securing the means of transportation of men 
 and supplies devolved on the Assistant Secretary of War. To 
 the performance of this duty he readily applied himself and 
 shortly succeeded in chartering 389 steamers, schooners and 
 barges for this purpose; and within about thirty days from 
 
188 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 the time of receiving his orders, had transported from Wash- 
 ington, Alexandria and nearby points, down the Potomac and 
 Chesapeake Bay to Fortress Monroe, over 121,000 men, besides 
 thousands and thousands of animals, wagons, ambulances, bat- 
 teries, pontoon bridges, telegraph material and a vast quantity 
 of equipages. The number of troops as above enumerated was 
 considered sufficiently large to cope with any Confederate force 
 with which they might be confronted, in and around Richmond. 
 
 It should be said that during the month of March the naval 
 victory of Erikson's Monitor over the Merrimac had cleared 
 the Hampton Roads of all opposing forces and made naviga- 
 tion of the James and York rivers possible. 
 
 On the 2nd of April, '62, General McClellan arrived at 
 Fortress Monroe, from Washington. At this time the General 
 had been in command of the American forces about eight 
 months. One writer says: "In November, 1861, the Army of 
 the Potomac, if not fully supplied with all the material, was 
 yet about as complete in numbers, discipline and organization 
 as it ever became." He goes on further to say, in disparage- 
 ment of McClellan's efforts, through the previous eight months 
 of inactivity, that "more than any other wars, rebellion de- 
 mands rapid measures." As the reverse was the case, he evi- 
 dently thought that the military achievements, to date, of the 
 General could be best represented by the generally accepted 
 meaning of the word "nix." 
 
 Also, the future laurels that encircled the brow of the com- 
 mander in and around Richmond failed to impress the mind of 
 the great Lincoln and others, if the press correctly reflected the 
 sentiment of the people. However, the President was generous 
 to a fault, and willing to "forget and forgive" if the young 
 general would try and redeem himself in the impending cam- 
 paign. 
 
 On his arrival at Fortress Monroe, General McClellan 
 
Campaigns and Leaders 189 
 
 found Yorktown, located a short distance up the River York, 
 occupied by a Confederate force of 12,000 to 15,000 men. The 
 noted General Magruder was in command. General McClel- 
 lan took measures at once to dispossess him of his strongly 
 entrenched position. General Heintzelman and General Keyes, 
 with their large commands, were ordered to the front, but soon 
 brought to a halt by fire from Confederate batteries. A battle 
 was soon precipitated, and our men being reinforced by troops 
 that just arrived from Alexandria and disembarked, a mighty 
 struggle ensued. This continued around Yorktown and Fort 
 Magruder, with varying results, and a heavy loss on both sides 
 for about a month, when it was discovered on the morning of 
 May 6, Magruder had abandoned his works the previous night 
 and retreated up the Peninsula. 
 
 A vigorous pursuit of the flying Confederates was ordered. 
 General George D. Stoneman put the order into execution, and 
 with a force of four regiments and some cavalry and artillery 
 followed the enemy, but they soon encountered such determined 
 opposition as to induce the belief that the Confederates in- 
 tended to dispute every step to Richmond. The Union army 
 was reinforced by the arrival of new troops from West Point 
 and elsewhere, and many hotly contested engagements with 
 the enemy occurred, with severe losses on both sides. 
 
 In addition to the severe opposition thus encountered, our 
 march towards the Confederate Capital was so impeded by 
 heavy and continued rainfalls that General McClellan was un- 
 able to reach and establish headquarters at White House before 
 the 16th of May. On the 19th he reached Coal Harbor. This 
 was east of Richmond, perhaps twenty miles. Our light troops 
 had reached Bottoms' Bridge, on the Chickahominy River, 
 southwest of the Capital, two days previous. 
 
 The first collision between the contending forces on the 
 Chickahominy occurred on the 24th of May, near New Bridge, 
 
190 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 where we assailed and drove back a superior Confederate force, 
 taking a number of prisoners. The Fifth Army was ordered by 
 General McClellan to proceed by way of Mechanicsville to 
 Hanover Court House, to facilitate the expected arrival of Gen- 
 eral McDowell from Fredericksburg. Arriving within two miles 
 of the Court House, the enemy was found in a position to 
 impede further progress. General Porter of the Fifth Corps, 
 being reinforced by several regiments and Berdan's Sharp- 
 shooters, charged and quickly routed the enemy. 
 
 On his arrival at the Court House, General Porter, learning 
 that his rear was attacked by a large Confederate force, turned 
 his whole column about and, chasing the enemy through the 
 dense forest, completely routed them again. The enemy lost 
 about 200 killed, with double the number taken prisoners, as 
 well as their camp at the Hanover Court House, which was cap- 
 tured and destroyed by our forces. During the following days 
 General Nagle made a reconnoissance towards Richmond and 
 within a few miles of the James River. 
 
 On the 28th, General Couch's division took a position a few 
 miles in advance, at a place known as Seven Pines. Meantime, 
 General Casey with the remaining division of Keyes' Corps, 
 marched to and encamped at a station known as Fair Oaks, 
 on the York River Railroad, a few miles east of Richmond. 
 Heintzelman's Third Corps crossed after Keyes and took a sta- 
 tion in his rear. Sumner's Corps was still north of the Chicka- 
 hominy, a short distance higher up, ready to cross when com- 
 manded. General McClellan was with General Fitz-John Porter 
 and Franklin's Corps at New Bridge, a few miles north of 
 Fair Oaks. The Confederate forces were encamped west of 
 Fair Oaks, east of Richmond, and in close proximity to Gen- 
 eral Casey's (Union) division. The entire Confederate army 
 defending Richmond was estimated to be some 40,000 or 
 50,000 strong. 
 
Campaigns and Leaders 191 
 
 On May 31, General Joseph E. Johnston, who was in com- 
 mand of the rebel army, learning from scouts the numbers 
 and disposition of Keyes' corps, saw his opportunity and de- 
 cided to improve it. At 1 p. m., the signal was given the 
 Confederate general, Hill, to advance and attack. Casey's divi- 
 sion was surprised and largely outnumbered. Owing to the 
 short time the Union forces had occupied this new position, 
 their defensive works were of little worth. General Casey 
 put up an immediate and vigorous defense, but when the regi- 
 ments which had been sent to the front in support of his pickets 
 came rushing back in confusion and disorder, having lost 
 heavily by the Confederate fire, it was evident that he would 
 soon be overwhelmed. Observing the enemy surrounding him 
 on both sides, General Casey ordered General Nagle with the 
 remainder of his decimated brigade to charge bayonets and 
 drive them back. This was quickly done, but at a fearful loss, 
 as our men were mowed down by scores and hundreds. 
 
 The contending forces soon marshaled their men in vast 
 numbers and the battle was on. It raged in unabated fury all 
 the afternoon, even until nightfall ended the bloody carnage. 
 At this late hour, the enemy was driven back in confusion 
 under a bayonet charge from Sumner's division, leaving us in 
 undisputed possession of the ground whereon the final struggle 
 was made. The loss on both sides of officers and men was 
 exceedingly heavy. 
 
 General Joseph Johnston, the Confederate commander, was 
 badly wounded, having been struck by a shell. At this junc- 
 ture, Jefferson Davis himself led one of the charges, the last 
 one in that part of the field. The next morning, June 1, the 
 enemy renewed the struggle under Generals Pickett and Pryor. 
 General French's brigade of Sumner's corps opposed their 
 advance. 
 
 For a while, very little execution was witnessed on either 
 
192 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 side; but when Mahone's brigade came to the aid of General 
 Pryor, and Howard's to that of General French, a more san- 
 guinary conflict was maintained for several hours, when the 
 Confederates desisted and retreated unpursued. In the engage- 
 ment, General 0. 0. Howard lost his arm. He was a noble 
 Christian gentleman. He was called the Havelock of the 
 American army. This writer has seen him several times, and 
 once heard him address a religious assembly. The afore- 
 named engagement, it should be said, occurred at or near Fair 
 Oaks. Under cover of the following night, the Confederates 
 retired to Richmond. The estimated loss on both sides, in 
 killed, wounded and missing, was about 7,000. It was thought 
 by many that if General McClellan, when he arrived from 
 New Bridge, had brought with him the corps of Fitz-John 
 Porter and Franklin, the Confederate retreat would have been 
 prevented, and a marvelous victory achieved. 
 
 The next morning, June 2nd, General Hooker, by order of 
 General Heintzelman, made a reconnoissance towards Rich- 
 mond, advancing to within four miles of the city, meeting 
 with no opposition except from pickets. When General Mc- 
 Clellan heard of this movement, he ordered General Hooker 
 to be returned to Fair Oaks. 
 
 Many censured General McClellan for his hesitancy at this 
 important juncture. General J. G. Barnard, in his report of 
 the campaign, says: "The repulse of the rebels at Fair Oaks 
 should have been taken advantage of. It was one of those 
 occasions which, if not seized, do not repeat themselves. We 
 now know the state of disorganization and dismay in which 
 the rebel army retreated. We now know that it could have 
 been followed into Richmond. Had it been so, there could 
 have been no resistance to overcome to bring over our right 
 wing." He goes on to say in substance that when the Confed- 
 erates struck the blow at our right wing, they exhausted their 
 
Campaigns and Leaders 193 
 
 resources, and struck with their whole force. Still we repulsed 
 them in disorder with three-fifths of ours. We should have 
 followed them up at the same time that we brought over the 
 other two-fifths. 
 
 General McClellan wrote at once to the Secretary of War 
 and the President, reciting the facts of their great military 
 achievement, as he understood it, and adding that in the event 
 of a certain contingency arising, he might wait till more troops 
 could be brought up from Fortress Monroe. The President 
 replied at once, agreeing not only to forward troops from the 
 said fort, but would send five regiments from Baltimore by 
 water, and McCall's division of McDowell's Corps as speedily 
 as possible. This pleased General McClellan and on the 7th, 
 he sent a dispatch to Washington, expressing his appreciation 
 of the promise of early reinforcements. He also expressed his 
 "readiness to move forward and take Richmond the moment 
 McCall reaches here and the ground will admit of the passage 
 of artillery." Terrific storms had prevailed the preceding 
 days, which seriously interfered with, if not entirely prevent- 
 ing, their progress. However, these conditions did not exist, 
 as I understand it, the night the Confederate forces were per- 
 mitted to fold their tents and quietly slip away to their strong- 
 holds at Richmond. 
 
 General McCall's division arrived by water on June 12th 
 and 13th. On the 14th, General McClellan wired the War 
 Department that "all quiet in every direction" and that "the 
 weather is now very favorable." He expressed his purpose to 
 advance as soon as the bridges were completed, but wished for 
 more troops. 
 
 At this time, General McClellan made his report to the 
 office of the Adjutant-General, giving as his strength on the 
 peninsula, troops as follows: Present for duty, 115,102; special 
 duty, sick and in arrest, 12,225; absent, 29,511— total 156,838. 
 
194 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 On the 18th, General McClellan wired the President that 
 "a general engagement may take place any hour," and further 
 stated that "after tomorrow, we shall fight the rebel army as 
 soon as Providence will permit." Several "after tomorrows" 
 passed and no advance by our general and his army. On the 
 24th, a deserter from the enemy was brought into camp and 
 gave his version of the position of Stonewall Jackson, and that 
 he would probably come in from the north with the intent to 
 turn our right and attack our rear on the 28th. Such news 
 caused some hesitation on the part of General McClellan, in 
 all probability. However, on the 25th, he ordered an advance 
 of his picket line on the left, preparatory to a general for- 
 ward movement, and during the day other corps were pushed 
 forward through a swamp wood, being met by a stubborn 
 resistance from the enemy that resulted in a loss on our side 
 of 51 killed, 401 wounded and 64 missing, a total of 516. 
 
 That night General McClellan telegraphed the President 
 that, from contraband information, Jackson's advance was at 
 or near Hanover Court House, and that Beauregard had ar- 
 rived the previous day in Richmond with strong reinforce- 
 ments. He entertained the belief that Jackson would attack 
 both his right and rear. He expressed his conviction that by 
 the arrival of Jackson and Beauregard the Confederate forces 
 largely outnumbered his own, and asked for additional troops. 
 The President quickly replied that he would give more men 
 if he could, adding, "I have omitted, I shall omit, no oppor- 
 tunity to send you reinforcements whenever I can." 
 
 General Robert E. Lee, who now had assumed chief com- 
 mand of the Confederate forces, resolved at length on striking 
 a decisive blow. He summoned all his available forces and cen- 
 tered them in and around Richmond. At this time, the entire 
 Confederate army of Virginia, including Jackson's corps, did 
 not exceed 70,000 men. At least, this was the estimate made 
 by well-informed writers. 
 
Campaigns and Leaders 195 
 
 General Lee put his resolution into quick execution by 
 ordering Jackson to advance and attack our right, and hold 
 Mechanicsville, northwest of Richmond. The conflict for the 
 ensuing two or three days was terrific, with alternate victories 
 and defeats, resulting in a very heavy loss of life on both 
 sides. Finally, on the 27th, just before sunset, the Confederates 
 rallied all their forces for a last desperate effort, and stormed 
 our entrenchments on the right and on the left, driving back 
 our men with fearful carnage, and capturing many of our guns. 
 At this juncture a battalion of Union cavalry came to our res- 
 cue, but was met by a withering fire of musketry and belching 
 cannon, resulting in a rout; the frightened horses becoming 
 unmanagable, rushed to the rear, possibly with the consent of 
 their riders, and crashed through our batteries. General Fitz- 
 John Porter attributed our failure to hold the field and bring 
 off our guns and wounded to this unfortunate incident. Our 
 losses in this action, it was said, probably exceeded 6,000 in 
 killed and wounded. 
 
 This defeat must have had a dispiriting effect on the mind 
 of the commanding general, for that night our forces were 
 ordered withdrawn, unmolested, across the Chickahominy 
 River to the south. This precipitous action was possibly in- 
 duced by the added news that part of our forces had been com- 
 pletely enveloped by overwhelming forces of the enemy and 
 compelled to surrender. In the minds of many, this retreat 
 was a very unwise procedure. An eminent writer and historian 
 states that our army "was still more than 100,000 strong; 
 while, save in the imagination of McClellan, there were not 
 nearly so many rebels within a circuit of fifty miles." After 
 General Porter's defeat and retreat across the Chickahominy, 
 General Stewart with his Confederate cavalry marched towards 
 White House on the branch of the York River, arriving there 
 on the morning of June 29. He found nothing there to dispute 
 
196 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 his possession but a gunboat, which steamed down the river 
 quickly in quest of safety. Large quantities of government 
 property, including nine large loaded barges, five locomotives, 
 a vast number of tents, wagons, cars, etc., were stored there 
 and subjected to flames before our forces had retreated. 
 
 Generals Stoneman and Emory fearing, doubtless, the early 
 arrival of the Confederate forces, fled precipitously with their 
 cavalry down the Peninsula, leaving behind large quantities of 
 provisions, forage, etc., to fall into the hands of the enemy. 
 After his safe arrival on the south side of the Chickahominy, 
 General McClellan "decided," it seems, "not to fight, but to 
 fly," as one writer puts it. Assembling his corps commanders, 
 he informed them that he had determined on a flank movement 
 through White Oak Swamp to the James River. That night he 
 moved his headquarters to Savages Station, just east of Fair 
 Oaks, which would enable him the more effectually to super- 
 intend the movement of the corps and trains. The vast amount 
 of supplies of all kinds, including largely those of provisions 
 and munitions that could not be removed, was consigned to 
 destruction. 
 
 The saddest feature of the whole calamity, as I look at it, 
 was the fact that 2500 of our noble, wounded boys who were 
 unable to walk were left behind. No ambulances in sufficient 
 numbers were available, so they were left in hospital, with 
 surgeons and attendants, to fall into the hands of the enemy. 
 General Robert E. Lee, it was said, was puzzled concerning 
 McClellan's intentions, and doubtless surprised as well, when 
 he learned that the latter had decided to abandon his position 
 and the siege without a battle. This southern movement of 
 his enemy Lee did not divine till late in the afternoon of June 
 28, when a returning detachment of his cavalry revealed the 
 fact. When Lee fully comprehended our movement, that is, 
 of retreat, he ordered his forces to pursue and attack our rear. 
 
Campaigns and Leaders 197 
 
 On the morning of the 29th we were attacked by a small force, 
 but the enemy was easily repulsed. Later in the day Magruder 
 attacked us in full force, but was gallantly repulsed by Gen- 
 eral Burns' brigade, being aided by BramwelPs batteries, which 
 played a most effective part in the struggle. At 9 p. m. the 
 enemy withdrew, having gained no advantage. 
 
 On June 30, McClellan emerged from the swamp with 
 about one-third of his army, to the high, open ground near 
 Malvern Hill. This was south of Richmond, on the James River. 
 
 About noon of that day General Longstreet, at the head 
 of his corps, accompanied by General Lee and Jefferson Davis, 
 ordered an advance. A very sanguinary engagement ensued, 
 lasting all the afternoon, and on till 9 p. m., when the Con- 
 federates were driven from the field. The loss on both sides 
 was heavy. One writer says that "Our victorious army began 
 at once to evacuate, by order, the strong position wherein 
 they had just achieved so decided and bloody a success, leaving 
 their dead unburied and many of their wounded to fall into 
 the hands of the enemy, making a hurried and disorderly night 
 march, over roads badly overcrowded, to the next position 
 selected by their commander, at Harrison's Bar, seven miles 
 down the James." 
 
 It was said that "even Fitz-John Porter's devotion to his 
 chief was temporarily shaken by this order, which elicited his 
 most indignant protest." General Joseph Hooker, "Fighting Joe 
 Hooker," expressed his conviction that after their great victory 
 at Malvern, they could have gone into Richmond without 
 doubt; but instead of that, they were ordered to fall back to 
 Harrison's Landing, and added: "We were ordered to retreat; 
 and it was like the retreat of a whipped army. We retreated 
 like a parcel of sheep." 
 
 General McClellan reports the aggregate losses of his army, 
 in the seven days fighting and retreating from "Mechanicsville 
 to Harrison's Bar, at 1,582 killed, 7,709 wounded, and 5,958 
 
198 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 missing; total, 15,249." The Confederates did not give an 
 estimate of their losses in these engagements, but they must 
 have been nearly as great as those of our own. General Lee 
 did not care to follow our retreating forces to Harrison's Bar 
 and withdrew to Richmond, leaving a brigade of cavalry to 
 watch and report our movements. In his report to his govern- 
 ment, Lee made the following statement: "The siege of Rich- 
 mond was raised, and the object of a campaign which had 
 been prosecuted, after months of preparation, at an enormous 
 expenditure of men and money, completely frustrated. More 
 than 10,000 prisoners, including officers of rank, 52 pieces of 
 artillery, and upwards of 35,000 stands of small arms were 
 captured." He goes on to state that our forces were larger 
 than his, and also our losses, and concluded by saying that 
 "McClellan's inaction showed in what condition the survivors 
 reached the protection to which they fled." 
 
 While at Harrison's Bar, McClellan received an order from 
 General Halleck, who was then in command of the American 
 forces under recent appointment, and who saw the utter futil- 
 ity of further action of McClellan in his present condition, to 
 return with his forces to Aquia Creek and Alexandria. This 
 McClellan proceeded to do, though somewhat reluctantly. He 
 marched his men to Fortress Monroe and embarked to Alex- 
 andria and other points south of Washington, whence they had 
 departed a few months before. One historian writes: "Thus 
 ended the unfortunate Peninsula campaign of the magnificent 
 Army of the Potomac," and added with some sarcasm, I think : 
 "Never before did an army so constantly, pressingly need to 
 be reinforced, not by a corps but by a leader; not by men, 
 but by a man." 
 
 Some writers compare McClellan's retirement from Rich- 
 mond and his return to Washington, to Napoleon's sad retreat 
 from Moscow. General McClellan claimed all along that his 
 forces were not sufficiently strong to cope with those of Lee, 
 
Campaigns and Leaders 199 
 
 while others assert that he commanded a larger army in that 
 Peninsula campaign than Napoleon had at Austerlitz when 
 he had three or four nations at his feet, suing for mercy. 
 
 Lincoln had reposed great confidence in the valor and skill 
 of his commander, and this sad ending of a campaign which 
 he hoped would terminate and crush the rebellion must have 
 saddened the President almost beyond expression and nearly 
 taken his life as well. Also, it must have been a source of 
 inexpressible chagrin and humiliation to the proud commander, 
 likewise. 
 
 All could now see, or at least would conclude, that the 
 order given by the President to General McClellan in advance, 
 to move from Manassas to Richmond by land, instead of by 
 water, was wise in its conception; at least it would not have 
 been more disastrous in its execution than the course General 
 McClellan persisted in taking. Some may have censured the 
 President in placing McClellan in so high command, when all 
 the previous military experience McClellan had was as a cap- 
 tain in the Mexican War. He was then fighting a weak, ignorant 
 people, who knew but little about modern warfare, of whom 
 it might be said, "One could chase a thousand, and two put 
 10,000 to flight." 
 
 George B. McClellan had been a successful civil engineer 
 and vice-president of the Illinois Central Railroad; but not 
 every business man possesses the genius for successful military 
 achievement. Some generals of antiquity and a few of modern 
 times possessed this genius, including Alexander the Great, 
 Julius Caesar, Napoleon and Grant. 
 
 Referring to the campaign, it might be added that the gen- 
 eral impression at the time was that General Lee had out- 
 generaled McClellan in nearly every engagement in which both 
 had participated. However, the writer concludes, that if Gen- 
 eral McClellan did the best he could under all circumstances, 
 that fact should disarm much of the criticism, then so prevalent. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 Difficulties and Victory 
 
 In July, '62, General John Pope was summoned from the 
 West by President Lincoln to take command of a force to 
 be designated the Army of Virginia. This was independent 
 of the Army of the Potomac, which was under the command 
 of McClellan. 
 
 Under this new command were included all the troops in 
 and around Washington or occupying the lower end of the 
 Shenandoah Valley. This army was to comprise three corps, 
 under Major-Generals Fremont, Banks and McDowell; but 
 General Fremont felt a little piqued over the assignment, think- 
 ing he had been lowered in rank, somewhat, and asked to be 
 relieved. This was granted, and General Sigel was assigned 
 to his command. 
 
 This newly-organized army numbered about 50,000 men, 
 and was located at different points from Winchester, across 
 the Shenandoah River, 'way down to Fredericksburg, on the 
 Rappahannock. 
 
 The intention of General Pope at first was to advance to 
 the neighborhood of Richmond, with a view of aiding McClel- 
 lan in his operation against that city. But he learned with 
 surprise that Lee's army had driven General McClellan from 
 Mechanicsville, before Richmond, and that our forces were 
 retreating through White Oak Swamp to Harrison's Landing. 
 General Pope wisely desisted from further movements in that 
 direction, knowing that he was in no condition to cope with so 
 large a force as the Confederates had around their Capital city. 
 
 General Pope, anxious to impede, if he could not prevent, 
 
Difficulties and Victory 201 
 
 the march of Lee and his army from Richmond to the valley, 
 ordered General King, at Fredericksburg, to push forward 
 detachments of his cavalry to the Virginia Central Railroad 
 and destroy as much thereof as possible, which was quickly 
 effected. General Banks was also ordered to advance with an 
 infantry brigade and his cavalry to Culpepper Court House, 
 thence to threaten Gordonsville, nearby. But one day before 
 arriving at Gordonsville, General Richard S. Ewell, with a 
 division of Lee's army from Richmond, had reached the city, 
 rendering its capture by our army improbable if not impos- 
 sible, General Stonewall Jackson with his division soon joined 
 Ewell's forces at Gordonsville, and was reinforced by a divi- 
 sion from General Hill's corps, increasing his fighting strength 
 to about 25,000. 
 
 General Jackson, who now was probably the ablest general 
 in Lee's command, saw his opportunity and resolved to improve 
 it, which he quickly did by attacking our army from various 
 quarters. General Banks put up a vigorous defense, but as he 
 only had a force of about 6,000 or 8,000 men, and had to cross 
 open fields thoroughly swept by Confederate cannon and 
 musketry, he was obliged to withdraw, losing about 2,000 men 
 in killed and wounded. Jackson claimed to have taken 400 
 prisoners and over 5000 small arms, only sustaining a loss of 
 223 killed. Our generals maintained that they were not so 
 much beaten as fairly crowded off the field. General Jackson 
 crossed the Rapidan, on his retreat, and was pursued by our 
 cavalry. General Pope advanced with his infantry to a point 
 where he could get in communication with the enemy, and 
 after some skirmishing, arrived at the conclusion that the 
 whole Confederate army of Virginia was assembling to over- 
 whelm him. A letter from General Lee found with a captured 
 Confederate adjutant confirmed that conviction. That was 
 August 15. 
 
202 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 Pope held his position for several days, hoping to get rein- 
 forcements from McClellan's army, which was in and around 
 Alexandria, but receiving none, he decided on the 18th to re- 
 treat across the Rappahannock, which was effected without loss 
 in two days. 
 
 The Confederates followed sharply with their cavalry, but 
 after a few days skirmishing without effect, they turned their 
 course up the stream, with intent in a short time to turn our 
 right. General Pope telegraphed Washington several times, 
 requesting reinforcements, saying that unless he soon received 
 them, he would be compelled to retreat. On the 21st, he was 
 assured that if he could hold out for two days longer he would 
 be amply strengthened, in which event he could assume the 
 offensive. However, up to the 25th, only 7000 troops had ar- 
 rived. At this time, Pope's army proper, exclusive of the 7000, 
 did not exceed 40,000, the constant marching and unsuccessful 
 fighting having reduced his force to that number. The arrival 
 of Heintzelman's and Porter's corps from McClellan's army 
 ought to have swelled this number to 60,000, but unfortunately 
 the ammunition and equipment of these corps were so deficient 
 that their efficiency in battle was greatly reduced. Other rein- 
 forcements had been promised from Washington but were tardy 
 in coming. It was supposed that General Lee had at this time, 
 nearly his whole army on the Rappahannock. 
 
 While General Pope was placing his forces at Sulphur 
 Springs, Waterloo and other strategic points, preparatory for 
 the impending conflict, the Confederate general stole a march 
 on him. Lee abandoned the idea of forcing a passage of that 
 river with a view of attacking and turning our right, but re- 
 sorted to another, and unexpected movement, which showed 
 his great resourcefulness as a military commander. He directed 
 Stonewall Jackson to cross the river above Waterloo and move 
 around our army and strike and destroy the railroad in its 
 
Difficulties and Victory 203 
 
 rear. General Longstreet was to follow and menace our front, 
 thus engaging Pope's attention till Jackson could accomplish 
 his hazardous undertaking. General Jackson moved rapidly 
 across the river, four miles above Waterloo, thence marching 
 to and encamping at Salem. He moved early next morning, 
 marching southeasterly to Gainesville, where he was joined by 
 Stewart with two brigades of cavalry. Before dark he struck 
 the Alexandria Railroad at Bristow Station. 
 
 In this position he had placed himself directly between the 
 forces of Pope, south of him, and the latter's base at Alex- 
 andria or Washington. In this circuitous route, since crossing 
 the Rappahannock, the Confederates had met with no resist- 
 ance. General Pope seems to have been mistaken or been de- 
 ceived as to the position of the enemy in its rapid march 
 around them, though our cavalry was watching their move- 
 ments along the river, at different points. Our general enter- 
 tained the impression that Lee's army was moving up the 
 river with the Shenandoah Valley possibly in view, with ulti- 
 mate designs on the Potomac or beyond. 
 
 Of course Lee had no such idea. He was looking for imme- 
 diate results. After arriving at Bristow Station, Jackson dis- 
 patched General Trimble and an ample force, with orders to 
 attack and subdue, at all hazards, Manassas Junction, seven 
 miles up, and capture the vast amount of stores collected there. 
 This command was quickly executed, the charge on the city 
 being made about midnight, with little resistance, and a large 
 amount of commissary stores captured. Our small guard, con- 
 sisting of a few companies and a battery, was seemingly taken 
 by surprise. 
 
 Besides a few prisoners, many horses and tents, ten loco- 
 motives, seven trains loaded with provisions, and immense 
 quantities of quartermaster's stores, fell into the hands of the 
 enemy. Brigadier-General George W. Taylor, having heard of 
 
204 
 
 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 the Manassas invasion, with four regiments of infantry of 
 Franklin's division, pushed forward eagerly by rail from Alex- 
 andria, hoping to regain the lost fight. General Jackson, who 
 as usual, took time by the forelock, hastened from Bristow with 
 ten brigades and twelve batteries, and quickly routed Taylor, 
 who lost a leg in the encounter, and remained master of the 
 situation. 
 
 Pope, astonished beyond measure, awoke now to a realiza- 
 tion of his condition. He had that morning ordered several 
 divisions to move rapidly to Gainesville, fifteen miles west of 
 Manassas, and a division of Heintzelman's corps to move on 
 a parallel road to Greenwich, while Pope himself, with Hook- 
 er's division, moved directly up the railroad towards Manassas. 
 
 Porter and Banks, when the latter should arrive from Fay- 
 etteville, were to march to Gainesville, where a battle was 
 anticipated. Arriving at Bristow Junction, General Hooker 
 encountered Ewell's division, which was soon overpowered and 
 put to flight, the latter falling back on Manassas, under the 
 protection of General Jackson. Anticipating an attack from 
 Pope's entire army, Jackson wisely withdrew from Manassas, 
 moving westward, in order to meet Longstreet, who was known 
 to be approaching. However, before evacuating, Jackson des- 
 troyed thousands of barrels of provisions, including beef, pork, 
 bacon and flour. His army needed these supplies more than 
 did ours, but was unable to remove them and so destroyed them. 
 
 At this juncture Pope ordered several of his corps and 
 brigade commanders to move at once with their forces to Bris- 
 tow and Manassas. Some of the generals were slow in their 
 movements owing to the late hours in which they received 
 their orders. 
 
 As indicated, Jackson, who was never caught napping, had 
 evacuated Manassas, moving westerly and thence northerly via 
 Centerville, thus avoiding the destruction which may have 
 
Difficulties and Victory 205 
 
 awaited him had he sought a more immediate junction with 
 Longstreet. Pope ordered a movement at once of all his forces 
 in hand towards Centerville, McDowell, without orders, send- 
 ing a division towards Thoroughfare Gap. One of our divisions 
 arrived at Centerville late in the afternoon and occupied the 
 city without resistance. Part of Jackson's forces had just re- 
 treated towards Sudley Springs, and part took the Warrenton 
 turnpike road towards Gainesville, destroying, in their retreat, 
 the bridges over Bull Run and Cub Run. 
 
 At 6 p. m. (August 28) Jackson's advance pushing through 
 Thoroughfare Gap, encountered a division of McDowell's corps 
 and a sanguinary conflict ensued, terminated only by nightfall. 
 Both sides lost heavily, our forces having been worsted. Pope, 
 who was now at Centerville, ordered a concentration of his 
 forces at this point (Thoroughfare Gap) hoping to entrap 
 Jackson before Longstreet could join him. In this he reckoned 
 without his opponent. General Longstreet's advance reached 
 the gap at 3 p. m. and was delayed somewhat with encounters 
 with our force, but early next morning he joined Jackson's 
 army near Gainesville, and the battle was soon on. It raged 
 with terrific force for two or three days, when Pope, being 
 disappointed in his expectation to overwhelm Jackson before 
 Lee, with Longstreet, could come to his aid, and discouraged 
 over the fact that some of his brigades and divisions were 
 tardy in coming into action, and that Porter failed to come 
 in altogether, decided to order a retreat. He retreated via Cen- 
 terville, crossing Bull Run four miles from that city. He was 
 opposed somewhat by the pursuing enemy, but finally, with 
 his whole army, reached the entrenchments on the Potomac, 
 south of Washington. 
 
 Some attributed Pope's failure to his incapacity as a com- 
 manding general; others considered his disasters justly due 
 to the failure, possibly unwillingness, of McClellan to send 
 
206 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 support, which Pope so much needed and had a right to ex- 
 pect. It was reported that when General Pope took command 
 of the Army of Virginia he made a statement in his address 
 to his soldiers that reflected on McClellan, who then was suf- 
 fering defeat in the Peninsula at the hands of General Lee, 
 and that General McClellan took this opportunity to resent 
 the criticism by refusing to send men and supplies to Pope in 
 his dire need. However, General Pope disclaimed any such 
 motive in his address. 
 
 In his report of the campaign General Pope corrects a mis- 
 representation in regard to the support he had received from 
 the Army of the Potomac. "Reynolds' division of Pennsyl- 
 vania reserves, about 2000, joined me on the 23rd of August 
 at Rappahannock Station; the corps of Heintzelman and Por- 
 ter, about 18,000 strong, joined me on the 26th and 27th of 
 August, at Warrenton Junction. The Pennsylvania reserves 
 under Reynolds, and Heintzelman's corps, consisting of the 
 divisions of Hooker and Kearny, rendered most gallant and 
 efficient service in all the operations which occurred after they 
 had reported to me. Porter's corps, from unnecessary and 
 unusual delays, and frequent and flagrant disregard of my 
 orders, took no part whatever except in the action of the 30th 
 of August. This small fraction of 20,500 men was all of the 
 91,000 veteran troops from Harrison's Landing (near Alex- 
 andria) which ever drew trigger under my command, or in 
 any way took part in that campaign." 
 
 McClellan claimed that he needed his force to give adequate 
 protection to Washington and its environment. 
 
 General Lee claimed in his report that during his campaign 
 against Pope he had captured more than 7,000 prisoners, be- 
 sides 2,000 of our wounded; 30 pieces of artillery and 20,000 
 small arms. It should be added that our losses in railroad 
 cars, munitions, camp equipage and other equipment was 
 
Difficulties and Victory 207 
 
 immense. The Confederates claimed that their losses in killed 
 and wounded, from the 23rd to the 30th of August, inclusive, 
 were about 15,000 men. It was thought that Pope's losses, in- 
 cluding stragglers who never rejoined their regiments, must 
 have been double that number. Among our killed was 
 Fletcher Webster, son of the great Daniel. From this, my 
 readers will learn something about "war's desolation." 
 
 This writer sympathizes with General Pope, but the un- 
 biased reader will conclude, probably, that as with McClellan, 
 a month before, so now with Pope, he was simply outgeneraled 
 by the military genius of Generals Robert E. Lee and Stone- 
 wall Jackson. 
 
 On arriving at Washington, General Pope resigned his 
 commission, and General McClellan was invested by the Presi- 
 dent and General Halleck, with the entire control of the forti- 
 fications around Washington, and "all the troops for the de- 
 fense of the Capital." 
 
 McClellan soon ordered a concentration of his forces with- 
 in the defenses of Washington, in order that they might be 
 fully prepared to resist and repel the enemy should it approach 
 the Capital. Any attempt of this kind was foreign to the 
 mind of Lee ; for, as the sequel proved, his thought was already 
 set on the invasion of Maryland. On September 2 he sent one 
 division of his army to Leesburg, with orders to cross the 
 Potomac and march to Frederick. On the 5th, Jackson fol- 
 lowed with fourteen brigades, crossing the river and moving 
 on to Frederick, which he occupied without resistance. General 
 Lee with the balance of his army followed quickly and, arriv- 
 ing at Frederick, issued an address to the people of Maryland. 
 In this he appealed to their patriotism from his point of view, 
 to their former love for the South and its institutions, and in- 
 dulged the hope that they would ally their interests and des- 
 tiny with the Southern Confederacy, and assist in its triumph 
 and perpetuity. 
 
208 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 General Lee's appeal had little or no effect, for the Gov- 
 ernor of Maryland had proved his loyalty to the Union by 
 sending many troops to the front, who were then with our 
 forces actively participating in the war. His army, however, 
 confiscated many horses, cattle and supplies of various kinds 
 that might contribute to the usefulness and efficiency of his 
 soldiers, and sent them across the river for future emergencies, 
 
 When General McClellan heard of the movements of Lee 
 and his forces crossing the river into Maryland, he brought his 
 several corps across the Potomac and posted them north of 
 Washington. When he left the city, on September 7, he moved 
 slowly up the Potomac, leaving General Banks in command 
 of the Capital, fearing a possible encounter with the enemy. 
 However, they met with no opposition until they arrived at 
 Frederick, on the 12th, which city they entered, after a brisk 
 skirmish; the main body of the Confederates evacuated it, 
 moving westward. 
 
 General McClellan thought, and correctly so, that the Con- 
 federate forces would turn southward, having the capture of 
 Harper's Ferry in view. General McClellan marched his troops 
 in that direction and met the enemy at Maryland Heights, a 
 favorable position commanding the fort. A vigorous conflict 
 ensued, in which a considerable loss was sustained on both 
 sides. On the morning of the 15th, at daybreak, the Confeder- 
 ate batteries reopened from seven most favorable and com- 
 manding points, directing their aim on Bolivar Height prin- 
 cipally. General Miles, who was in command of the fort, with 
 his artillery ammunition exhausted, or nearly so, and not being 
 able to secure additional supplies, thought it best, on consulta- 
 tion with his officers, to surrender, and so raised the white flag. 
 
 A capitulation was soon agreed to, by means of which over 
 11,000 men, 73 guns, 13,000 small arms, wagons, tents and 
 camp equipage passed over to the enemy. Their victory, how- 
 
Difficulties and Victory 209 
 
 ever, was of short duration, for in a short time the fort was 
 retaken by McClellan. 
 
 General Stonewall Jackson, who always appreciated the 
 value of time, evidently considered the capture of the fort of 
 little consequence, in anticipation of a greater victory; for, 
 not waiting to receive the surrender, leaving that to another 
 general, he hastened north to join Lee, who was at or near 
 Antietam. By a forced march, day and night, he reached his 
 destination the next morning, the 16th. Not all of McClellan's 
 forces were employed in the defense of Harper's Ferry; for 
 in the afternoon of the same day General Pleasanton, with his 
 cavalry, charged and routed a force of Confederate cavalry 
 near Boonsborough. Richardson's division followed, and after 
 a march of ten or twelve miles, discovered a large force of Con- 
 federates across Antietam Creek, in front of and near the little 
 town of Sharpsburg. Richardson halted and deployed on the 
 right, and Sykes with his division on the left. It was quite 
 fortunate that General McClellan with three corps came up 
 that same evening. 
 
 Lee had chosen a strong position and was waiting for the 
 arrival of Jackson, Walker and McLaws from Harper's Ferry, 
 who arrived with their divisions the morning of the 16th. 
 Every hour's delay was of great advantage to Lee, enabling 
 him to plant his batteries in the most advantageous position. 
 Many think that McClellan made a serious mistake in not at- 
 tacking Lee the evening of his arrival or early next morning; 
 for at that time he had 60,000 fresh and gallant troops to hurl 
 against an enemy of not more than half that number. This 
 belief is based on the supposition of what might have occurred 
 had McClellan struck the first night or early next morning, 
 before Jackson, Walker and others with their divisions had 
 arrived from Harper's Ferry. On the 16th of September, the 
 whole of Lee's army had arrived and reported for duty, except 
 
210 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 Hill's division which was left at the ferry. On this day "the 
 two armies faced each other till night," as one writer states it. 
 
 On the morning of the 17th, the forces on both sides being 
 in battle array, our columns advanced to the attack, and the 
 mighty conflict, with its sad, sad significance was on. 
 
 Then followed, for two days, a sanguinary struggle of 
 almost unparalleled intensity, not to say, ferocity. Darkness 
 of the second day closed the dreadful carnage. The loss of 
 life on both sides was appalling. One writer describes it thus: 
 "So closed, indecisively, the bloodiest day, America ever saw." 
 General Lee did not care to renew the battle next morning, 
 with a knowledge of the previous day's fatality, and stole away 
 during the night and moved across the Potomac, leaving be- 
 hind his dead, 2,700, to be buried by us, and 2,000 of his 
 seriously wounded." 
 
 Our entire loss in this battle, according to General Mc- 
 Clellan's statement, was 12,469, 2,010 being killed; 9,416, 
 wounded; and 1,043, missing. The aggregate loss of Lee's 
 forces, as given in a subsequent report, by the general himself, 
 was about 1,000 greater. McClellan's strength in this battle, 
 as given by himself, was 87,164, and he estimated Lee's strength 
 as 97,445. Lee, however, claims that he had less than 40,000 
 men, which evidently did not include some of his cavalry and 
 one of his divisions. Pollard, in his history of the war, says 
 that Lee, in this battle, for the last half day, did not have 
 more than an aggregate of 70,000 men. 
 
 In Lee's retreat, he left a small force at the Potomac which 
 was soon dispersed by our advance guard. He then moved 
 westward to a creek near Martinsburg, where he rested for a 
 short time and then retired southward to Winchester, west of 
 the Shenandoah River. Seeing he was not pursued nor im- 
 perilled by McClellan, as he anticipated, Lee sent a division 
 of his cavalry on a bold raid across the Potomac, up into 
 
Difficulties and Victory 211 
 
 Pennsylvania, where he took Chambersburg, and captured a 
 large amount of army supplies, including clothing and mus- 
 kets. The stay of the Confedrate cavalry was brief, and re- 
 crossing the Potomac below Harper's Ferry, unmolested by 
 McClellan, they rejoined the main army at the said city of 
 Winchester. 
 
 General McClellan sent forward troops to retake Maryland 
 Heights, which, without opposition, they did on the 20th, and 
 two days later Harper's Ferry was occupied by our forces. 
 
 There were general manifestations of joy with the admin- 
 istration and people at large over this Antietam victory; for 
 it was the first victory, first one of note, achieved by McClellan 
 since his appointment as major-general some fourteen months 
 before. But now he assumed an attitude of inactivity, char- 
 acteristic of his early military history when he held the large 
 Union forces in and around Washington so long. He was 
 blamed by many for not following up Lee in his retreat and 
 reaping the fruits of his victory. 
 
 At this juncture, he had a controversy with the War De- 
 partment and Administration, similar to the one he had had in 
 the Peninsula campaign, as to the need of reinforcements, 
 horses, clothing, shoes and equipment generally, and concern- 
 ing which the Administration differed with him, asserting that 
 abundant supplies had been furnished him. McClellan was 
 urged to move on the works of Lee; and finally he was per- 
 emptorily ordered by Halleck to do so. This order was made 
 on the 6th of October, at which time, according to testimony 
 of Quartermaster-General Meigs, a most honorable and ac- 
 complished officer, "the army of the Potomac was thoroughly 
 and completely equipped." McClellan was very slow and 
 probably reluctant in obeying the order; for it was nearly six 
 weeks after the battle before he crossed the Potomac and took 
 his march southward, moving, as he did, unopposed down the 
 
212 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 east side of the Blue Ridge Mountains till he arrived at Snick- 
 ers Gap and Manassas; and then advanced to Warrenton. In 
 the meantime, Lee with his army moved on parallel lines south- 
 ward down the Shenandoah Valley. 
 
 At Warrenton, General McClellan was relieved of his com- 
 mand, General Burnside succeeding him. The reason for this 
 unexpected order was not given; hut if it had, it probably 
 would have been an assertion from the President of the utter 
 impossibility of the War Department and General McClellan 
 working harmoniously in the great military movements that 
 would devolve on the Army of the Potomac. The order from 
 Halleck to McClellan to move on Lee contained the approval 
 of both President Lincoln and the Secretary of War, but Gen- 
 eral McClellan practically ignored it, declining to cross the 
 Potomac until a time suiting his convenience should arrive. 
 
 Occasionally, if not often, McClellan hesitated or declined 
 to receive or execute orders from his superiors, when a great 
 emergency or necessity demanded it. He seemed disposed to 
 dictate to the War Department rather than receive its orders. 
 Near the close of his unfortunate Peninsula campaign, when 
 he was falling back on the line of the James River, General 
 McClellan wired the Secretary of War thus: "If I save this 
 army now, I tell you plainly that I owe no thanks to you or 
 to any person in Washington. You have done your best to 
 sacrifice this army." 
 
 This must have been comforting news to both Secretary 
 Stanton and President Lincoln. The surprise of surprises was 
 that the President did not depose him then and there; but in 
 the magnanimity of his great heart he condoned the offense 
 and went farther than prudence would dictate, for after the 
 defeat of General Pope in the second Bull Run battle, he 
 turned over the latter's command to McClellan and trusted 
 again, the fortunes of the country to his generalship. Senator 
 
Difficulties and Victory 213 
 
 Blaine, in his great work, "Twenty Years in Congress," after 
 giving general recognition of McClellan's ability, speaks thus: 
 "The opinion of a majority of intelligent observers both civil 
 and military, is that he was a man of high professional train- 
 ing, admirably skilled in the science of war, capable of com- 
 manding a large army with success, but at the same time not 
 original in plan, nor fertile in resource, and lacking the energy, 
 the alertness, the daring, the readiness to take great risks for 
 great ends, which distinguish the military leaders of the world." 
 He goes on to say: "For a commander of armies, in an offens- 
 ive campaign, his caution was too far developed. He pos- 
 sessed in too great a degree, what the French term the de- 
 fensive instinct of an engineer, and was apparently incapable 
 of doing from his own volition what he did so well on the 
 bloody field of Antietam, when under the pressure of an over- 
 whelming necessity." (By special permission from Funk & 
 Wagnalls Co., Publishers, N. Y.) 
 
 No person, however gifted in the expression of elegant, 
 forceful diction, could more beautifully portray the delicate 
 facts involved, than are given in the statements above narrated. 
 
 Thus ended the military career of General McClellan. In 
 1864 he ran for President on the Democratic ticket and was 
 defeated by Lincoln. He afterwards went to Europe, where he 
 remained three years. A few years subsequent to his return 
 he was elected Governor of New York. He died October 29, 
 1885. 
 
 When General Burnside assumed command of the Army of 
 the Potomac he was 38 years of age. He was a graduate of 
 West Point, and as brigade commander at Bull Run, in the 
 Peninsula campaign, with Pope, and also with McClellan at 
 Antietam, he had made good. The President reposed great 
 confidence in him. He possessed one redeeming quality, not 
 characteristic of his predecessor — he would obey willingly, the 
 
214 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 orders of his superiors. This is always the duty of a true 
 soldier. Of course, there may be some exceptions, in an extra- 
 ordinary, exceptional emergency. 
 
 After consultation with General Halleck, General Burnside 
 moved south and crossed the Rappahannock on the 13th of 
 December, opposite Fredericksburg. Previously, General Lee 
 with his united army had arrived from Winchester, and occu- 
 pied a strong position on the heights at Fredericksburg, his 
 entire force being about 80,000 men. The Union forces under 
 Burnside were estimated at 100,000. 
 
 The battle was soon on, Burnside making the attack, though 
 under great disadvantage. On the 14th and 15th little fighting 
 was done, but on the 16th a bloody and decisive battle was 
 fought, resulting in the defeat of the Union forces, and com- 
 pelling Burnside to recross the Potomac. His loss was heavy, 
 but not quite as large as that of McClellan at Antietam. The 
 Union loss was 1,138 killed, 9,105 wounded and 2,078 miss- 
 ing; the Confederate loss was about half that number. 
 
 News of the unexpected and untoward disaster brought grief 
 as well as depression to the President and to the people as 
 well. Lee had lost some prestige by his defeat at Antietam, 
 but all was restored by this signal victory, and the advantage 
 we had secured in that great battle had been sacrificed in the 
 Fredericksburg disaster. The supreme embarrassment and 
 chagrin of Burnside can better be imagined, probably, than 
 expressed. The great results that he and the people had antici- 
 pated from this campaign had become abortive. General Burn- 
 side had not desired this appointment when given him by the 
 President, feeling hardly able, as he expressed it, to command 
 an army of 100,000 men. Perhaps, at this juncture, it would 
 have been better had he resigned, as some of his officers had 
 desired, and so reported to the President. 
 
 President Lincoln comprehended and relieved the situation 
 
Difficulties and Victory 215 
 
 by appointing General Burnside commander of the Ohio de- 
 partment, in which he made good. Burnside was afterwards 
 corps commander under Grant in the Wilderness campaign, 
 and was held in high esteem by his associate generals. 
 
 Thereupon, in January, '63, General Joseph E. Hooker, 
 known as "Fighting Joe" Hooker, was assigned to the command 
 of the army of the Potomac, and a request was made, asking 
 the army to "give to the brave and skillful general, who is 
 now to command you, your full and cordial support and co- 
 operation." The assignment of General Burnside to the De- 
 partment of Ohio closed the military campaign of the Potomac 
 for the year 1862. A further consideration of the movements 
 of the Army of the Potomac will be given in a subsequent 
 chapter. 
 
 I desire now to turn the attention of my readers to the 
 movements of the Union forces in the southwest. 
 
 During the year 1862, while the great Lincoln and the 
 Nation were mourning over the loss the army had sustained 
 in the East, General Grant was achieving a series of victories 
 in the southwest, the like of which was almost unparalleled in 
 the history of American warfare. With his valiant army, he 
 went on from conquering to conquest, till a half dozen or 
 more cities were subdued and their people suing for mercy. 
 Early in '62, he moved up the Ohio River to the mouth of the 
 Tennessee River, thence south to Fort Henry, which was quickly 
 taken, thence to Fort Donelson. Here, a desperate battle en- 
 sued; but at the expiration of three days, the Confederates 
 surrendered, unconditionally, losing 10,000 or 12,000, taken 
 prisoners, besides probably 2,000 killed and wounded. They 
 also lost a large number of horses, mules, stores and provi- 
 sions. General Grant reported his loss at about 1,200 killed, 
 wounded and missing. The fall of Pittsburg Landing, Shiloh, 
 Corinth and other places soon followed. These marvelous vie- 
 
216 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 tories brought cheer and reassurance to the heart of the Presi- 
 dent and to the people as well. 
 
 In recognition of the great service General Grant had 
 rendered his country, President Lincoln elevated him to the 
 rank of major-general, and placed him in command of the 
 army of Western Tennessee. Thereafter, early in 1863, Gen- 
 eral Grant laid siege to Vicksburg, the "Gibraltar" of the 
 Confederates on the Mississippi. After a long and memorable 
 siege, in which my elder brother and other Iowa troops par- 
 ticipated, the Confederate general, Pemberton, capitulated, un- 
 conditionally, on July 4; approximately 37,000 prisoners, 150 
 cannon with immense military supplies fell into our hands. 
 
 In November following, he reduced Chickamauga and took 
 Lookout Mountain, thus defeating the distinguished Confed- 
 erate, General Bragg. This brilliant, strategic movement 
 placed General Grant on a footing with the ablest generals of 
 any country and of any age. The battles as above recited con- 
 stitute the larger engagements of the campaign in the south- 
 west during '63; though many others of greater or lesser mag- 
 nitude were fought, concerning which I do not care to mention, 
 as it is not my purpose to write an extended history of the 
 war. 
 
 On March 1st, 1864, General Grant was invested with the 
 highest military title in the land, that of lieutenant-general, 
 and was placed in supreme command of all the armies of the 
 United States. He was called to Washington and the Atlantic 
 coast, and was soon in front of and confronted with the proud 
 and hitherto unconquered forces of General Lee, with his 
 great army. The conflict between the two for supremacy was 
 long and sanguinary. Of this, I will speak later. 
 
 During the campaign of 1863 in the East, two of the great 
 battles of the American Civil War were fought, one at Chan- 
 cellorsville, near the Rappahannock, Va., May 2nd and 3rd; 
 
 
Difficulties and Victory 217 
 
 the other, at Gettysburg, southern Pennsylvania, July 1st to 
 3rd. At Chancellorsville, General Hooker commanded the 
 Union force, and General Lee, the Confederate force. General 
 Hooker's army was superior in numbers, being about 130,000, 
 while that of Lee did not exceed 60,000; yet it is said the 
 advantage, probably in location, lay with the Confederates, 
 especially at the end of the second day. During a flank move- 
 ment, General Howard's corps was surprised and thrown into 
 a panic. This was near nightfall of the first day. 
 
 In this engagement, Stonewall Jackson, the most brilliant 
 officer of the Confedrate army, Lee excepted, was mortally 
 wounded. The conflict, which from the first was terrific, was 
 waged for two days, at the end of which our army was worsted. 
 Our loss in killed and wounded was said to have been 18,000, 
 while that of the Confederates was only 13,000. The news of 
 this disaster nearly killed Lincoln. He had placed all con- 
 fidence in the military genius and skill of Hooker, but he had 
 not made good. 
 
 General Lee, flushed by his recent victory at Chancellors- 
 ville, decided to invade Maryland again and march even 
 farther up into Pennsylvania. He evidently thought that by 
 virtue of his recent victories in the two preceding memorable 
 battles, he was justified in the conviction that his march into 
 the two states would produce a radical change in the sentiment 
 of the people there and induce a mighty revolt. In this he 
 was sadly mistaken. He evidently had forgotten the cool re- 
 ception he formerly received on Northern territory, as well as 
 the fatal mistake made and the humiliating defeat he suffered 
 at Antietam the year before. He hoped, however, to redeem 
 that record, and took the risk. 
 
 Scarcely had a month elapsed since he achieved the victory 
 over Hooker and compelled him to recross the Rappahannock 
 when he put his forces in movement up the southern bank of 
 
218 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 that river. He crossed the Potomac on the 24th and 25th of 
 June and marched to Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, two days 
 later. It will be remembered that Lee had sent a detachment 
 of troops up to this city the previous year, where they effected 
 the destruction of much property, as well as military stores 
 and supplies, and then returned to their command. 
 
 General Hooker, having learned of the northern movement 
 of Lee and his army, commenced his march in the same direc- 
 tion, but differing with General Halleck as to the disposition 
 of the 10,000 troops at Harper's Ferry, on the 27th, asked to 
 be relieved of his command. On the 28th, this request was 
 granted by Halleck, and General Meade was appointed in his 
 place. 
 
 A change of commanders on the eve of a battle, then 
 anticipated and soon realized, was, in the minds of many, of 
 doubtful propriety and inviting probable defeat; for General 
 Hooker, while failing to capture the enemy's stronghold at 
 Chancellorsville, was nevertheless held in high esteem by his 
 officers and men. General Meade, somewhat astounded by this 
 unexpected promotion, delivered to his soldiers an address of 
 courage and hope, and then assumed command. He realized 
 that he was soon to confront or be confronted by a victorious 
 army, commanded by a general of almost unprecedented mili- 
 tary success, whose very presence in any engagement, like that 
 of Napoleon, was worth more than 10,000 soldiers. Meade 
 was conscious, however, that in the impending battle, he was 
 meeting the enemy on Northern soil, and that fact was, to him, 
 a source of hope and encouragement. 
 
 General Meade intended to attack the enemy at a favorable 
 location, several miles from Gettysburg, near which a small 
 portion of his army had arrived; but a collision occurred with 
 the advance of Lee's army in the forenoon of July 1, and our 
 men were forced back, taking a strong position on Cemetery 
 
Difficulties and Victory 219 
 
 Hill, near to and in the rear of Gettysburg. General Hancock 
 had been sent forward to examine this position, and reported 
 that Gettysburg was the place to receive the Confederate at- 
 tack. On receiving this news, Meade centered his whole force 
 at this point. 
 
 The elevated position of Cemetery Hill proved a most for- 
 tunate location, and contributed largely to the success of the 
 Union army. Had the enemy secured this first, the fate of that 
 battle might have been different. About noon on July 2, 
 the battle proper began, which proved to be one of the most 
 sanguinary conflicts known in all the history of American war- 
 fare. In the afternoon of this day, Lee made a desperate ef- 
 fort to dispossess our forces from the vantage ground they 
 occupied ; and, while not successful, he thought he had gained 
 an advantage which he resolved to press the next day, July 
 3, which proved to be one of the bloodiest days probably 
 ever recorded in all the annals of armed conflicts. 
 
 During the forenoon of that day, the struggle was renewed 
 by the Confederates, the main attack being made on our center. 
 However, but little injury was done on either side. In the 
 afternoon, our commander, seeing the enemy approaching, 
 gave orders to his men to reserve their fire ; and Lee, supposing 
 that our cannon had been silenced, launched a column of 
 15,000 or 18,000 against the Union lines. As the Confederates 
 came up, three lines deep, they soon were in easy range of our 
 guns, and the order "to fire" came from our general. It was 
 said by one writer, that "from thrice six thousand guns there 
 came a sheet of smoky flame, a crash, a rush of leaden death. 
 The line literally melted away." Another writer says: "The 
 column (of the rebels) was practically annihilated, only a 
 small portion escaping death or capture." 
 
 Shortly afterwards, other columns came rushing up, with 
 intense momentum, even pushing right up under our guns, and 
 
220 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 commenced bayonetting our gunners. "But," a writer says, 
 "they had penetrated to the fatal point. A storm of grape and 
 canister tore its way from man to man and marked its track 
 with corpses straight down their line. They had exposed them- 
 selves to the enfilading fire of the guns on the western slope 
 of Cemetery Hill; that exposure sealed their fate." The writer 
 goes on to say: "Over the fields, the escaped fragments of the 
 charging line fell back, the battle there was over. It was a 
 fruitless sacrifice. They (Confederates) gathered up their 
 broken fragments, formed their lines and slowly marched 
 away. It was not a rout, it was a bitter, crushing defeat. For 
 once, the Army of the Potomac had won a clean, honest, 
 acknowledged victory." 
 
 It is said that the forces on each side were about 80,000, 
 though not all were really engaged. Mead states that his losses 
 around Gettysburg were 2,834 killed, 13,709 wounded, and 
 6,643 missing (mainly taken prisoners on the 1st), total 23,186. 
 Lee gave no return of his losses, but it is said that 18,000 
 killed and wounded, with 10,000 unwounded prisoners, would 
 fairly constitute the Confederate losses. 
 
 General Lee moved southwestward and crossed the Potomac 
 at or near Williamsport, glad, no doubt, that he was once more 
 on Virginia soil, though with a shattered, emaciated force, 
 much inferior in every way to the proud hosts which marched 
 so gallantly north a few weeks before. 
 
 News of the great victory at Gettysburg of our army soon 
 reached the ears of the President, bringing relief and joy to his 
 heart, for the tension of the situation as to the probable result 
 of that desperate battle had been terrible. The next morning, 
 July 4, the Executive issued a proclamation announcing the 
 great triumph that had come to our army, for which "the Presi- 
 dent especially desires that on this day, He whose will, not 
 ours, should ever be done, be everywhere remembered and 
 reverenced with the profoundest gratitude." 
 
Difficulties and Victory 221 
 
 The Fourth of July this year was made especially memor- 
 able by another great victory achieved by General Grant at 
 Vicksburg, that day, the news of which reached the White 
 House about ten o'clock, the very hour in which the President 
 had proclaimed the victory at Gettysburg. These concurrent 
 victories changed the situation and gave hope and reassurance 
 to Lincoln and the people as well. Many thought then, as all 
 have thought since, that these decisive and memorable victories, 
 by the Union army, should have at once and forever terminated 
 the bloody struggle. 
 
 Lee and his associate generals may have entertained con- 
 victions of this character; but if so, Jefferson Davis would 
 never have assented thereto, preferring to die in the last ditch, 
 as he and his troops finally did, rather than then surrender. 
 What a vast expenditure of treasure and blood such a termina- 
 tion would have saved. However, in the further prosecution 
 of the war, there may have been the approval of an All-Wise 
 Providence; for we may not have been at that time sufficiently 
 chastised as a nation. 
 
 It may have been necessary to proceed in the prosecution 
 of the war, until, as Lincoln said so eloquently, "every drop 
 of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn 
 with the sword." As was said three thousand years ago, so 
 still it must be said: "The judgments of the Lord are true and 
 righteous altogether." 
 
 I have previously mentioned the promotion of General 
 Grant to the rank of lieutenant-general, also his appointment 
 to the command of all the American forces and his assignment 
 to the command of the East, especially that of the Potomac. 
 The incidents connected with and the results attained by this 
 great general and his conquering army in the Wilderness of 
 Virginia during the summer of 1864 and the winter following 
 should not engage our attention. His appointment to this great 
 
222 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 command restored and inspired confidence with soldiers and 
 civilians alike. His presence in any engagement was, like that 
 of Napoleon, of greater worth than would be that of a brigade 
 of soldiers without him. His advance towards Richmond was 
 confronted at every step with an equally victorious and well 
 equipped army from the South. General Lee had suffered but 
 two signal defeats, those of Antietam and Gettysburg, and prac- 
 tically no surrenders, during the war. His people, eight months 
 later, had forgotten his misfortunes or forgiven him, probably 
 both. He now could and did marshal the great forces, the very 
 flower of the Confederacy, at his command. General Grant, 
 with his characteristic, dogged tenacity, commenced his aggres- 
 sive move against the strongholds of the enemy. The struggle 
 was long and doubtful if not discouraging. He met with alter- 
 nate successes and defeats; but his slogan was "On to Rich- 
 mond if it takes all summer." 
 
 In the spring of '65 the Confederate Army of Virginia 
 was reduced by desertions and its recent heavy losses, mainly 
 in prisoners, to 35,000 men. It was concentered from Rich- 
 mond to Petersburg on the south. Finally, on April 2, General 
 Sheridan flanked the Confederates at Big Five Forks, Va., cap- 
 turing their entrenchments with 6,000 men. General Grant 
 then ordered an attack all along the enemy's line, with the 
 result that the Confederates were driven from their entrench- 
 ments from Appomattox above Petersburg to the river below. 
 The assault was terrific, and the loss of life almost unprece- 
 dented. 
 
 General Lee, seeing that his fate was doomed, ordered the 
 same day, the evacuation of both Petersburg and Richmond. 
 On April 3 the Union forces marched triumphantly into and 
 occupied the two cities. All then knew that the war was at an 
 end. By rapid movements, Grant cut off Lee's retreat to Lynch- 
 burg and Danville, and came up to him at Appomattox Court 
 
Difficulties and Victory 223 
 
 House on April 9. He demanded Lee's immediate surrender, 
 and the latter, seeing the futility of further resistance, yielded 
 and handed General Grant his sword. The noble Grant, with 
 almost unparalleled magnanimity, returned the sword to Gen- 
 eral Lee. The latter, though conquered, was in no sense humili- 
 ated. The two great military captains remained friends there- 
 after, as long as each survived, as I think. 
 
 It will be remembered that General William Tecumseh 
 Sherman, an officer scarcely second to General Grant in mili- 
 tary achievement, had fought a great and successful battle at 
 Atlanta, Georgia, thence marched to the sea, at Savannah, a 
 distance of 290 miles. He soon captured Savannah and Charles- 
 ton, and thence moved north through the Carolinas, capturing 
 the most important cities. He was quite successful in cutting 
 off the resources of General Lee, but his supreme and fortunate 
 effort was in keeping the Confederate general, Joseph John- 
 ston, at bay, and preventing him from making or forming a 
 connection with Lee, prior to the latter's final defeat and sur- 
 render. In a few days, following Lee's surrender, General 
 Johnston surrendered to General Sherman in North Carolina; 
 and this, with the surrender of General Kirby Smith, west of 
 the Mississippi, closed the war. 
 
 General Grant's friendly attitude and generosity toward 
 the Confederates, both officers and men, at the time of the 
 capitulation won their kindly regards and affection. He per- 
 mitted the officers to take home with them their side arms, and 
 to the men he gave the horses and mules, saying they would 
 need them in the spring for their farm work. 
 
 The hungry, haggard appearance of the boys in gray excited 
 the pity of the boys in blue, and the latter soon shared their 
 rations with them to the fullest extent. Further, they drew 
 added rations and filled the Johnnies' knapsacks to their capa- 
 city, thus enabling them to journey home in comfort, though 
 
224 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 hatless, shoeless and half clad, as many were, to meet their 
 loved ones, from whom they had been so long separated. 
 
 Over the successful termination of the war there was, in 
 the loyal states, universal rejoicing. The people at first could 
 scarcely believe the end had come. As soon as the news of 
 Lee's surrender was confirmed the joyous demonstration knew 
 no bounds. 
 
 Fathers and mothers, sisters and brothers, embraced each 
 other in tearful, happy anticipation of the early arrival of the 
 dear boy or boys (in our family there were four), some of 
 whom they had mourned as dead. Sure enough, in a few 
 weeks, the boys in blue, "who had borne their banners so 
 bravely, against every discouragement on a hundred battle- 
 fields," came marching home. The sound of their footfall on 
 the old home threshold was the signal of their arrival, and in 
 a moment their lives were imperiled, for their breath was 
 almost kissed away. Even the old family dog manifested his 
 interest by approaching and wagging his tail. 
 
 The noon or evening meal was soon ready, the table freight- 
 ed with the good things that mother only could prepare. In the 
 evening, neighbors and friends would call to add their good 
 wishes and happiness over the arrival of the soldier boy. When 
 the hour of retiring had arrived the old father or sometimes, 
 the widowed mother, would take down the old family Bible, 
 and reading from Luke 15, or Psalms 91, would thank the 
 Heavenly Father for the return of their son, or thank Him 
 that "a thousand had fallen at his side, and ten thousand at his 
 right hand, but it had not come nigh him." 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 Martyrdom 
 
 The five days following the surrender of Lee were the hap- 
 piest of all days to the loyal people of America, for the 
 black war cloud had passed away, peace had been re- 
 stored, and all were rejoicing over the glorious consummation. 
 President Lincoln and all his cabinet were happy in the con- 
 sciousness of work well done, also in the added thought that, at 
 last the great rebellion had been crushed and the conquest of the 
 Nation's foes had been effected. But on the night of the fifth 
 day, April 14, the joy of the whole earth was changed to 
 mourning, for that night witnessed the saddest, or one of the 
 saddest, tragedies ever known or written in all the pages of 
 recorded history, the assassination of the great and beloved 
 war President. 
 
 The burdens of the long war had worn heavily on the 
 President, so much so as to be observable to all, and one day 
 he was heard to say: "I think I shall never be glad again"; 
 but the reception of the good news from the front on the 9th 
 of April had wrought a wonderful change in his looks and 
 general appearance. Indeed, a marvelous transformation was 
 shortly apparent. Honorable James Harlan of Iowa, a mem- 
 ber of the United States Senate, and afterwards of the cabinet, 
 in speaking of Lincoln during those happy, memorable days, 
 said: "His whole appearance, poise and bearing had marvel - 
 ously changed. He was, in fact, transformed." He goes on to 
 say that his indescribable sadness, formerly apparent, "had 
 been suddenly changed to an equally indescribable expression 
 of serene joy, as if conscious that the great purpose of his 
 life had been achieved." 
 
226 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 On the day in which the news of Lee's surrender at Appo- 
 mattox was received the cabinet meeting was held an hour 
 earlier than usual. Neither the President nor any member of 
 the cabinet was able for a time, so a writer says, to give utter- 
 ance to his feelings. "At the suggestion of Mr. Lincoln, they 
 all dropped on their knees and offered, in silence and in tears, 
 their humble and heartfelt acknowledgments to the Almighty 
 for the triumph granted to the national cause." 
 
 Of the many notable and memorable addresses delivered 
 by Lincoln during his eventful career, the following was his 
 last. On Tuesday evening, April 11, '65, he was serenaded at 
 the White House, and this was his response: "Fellow Citizens: 
 We meet this evening not in sorrow, but in gladness of heart. 
 The evacuation of Petersburg and Richmond, and the surren- 
 der of the principal insurgent army give hope of a righteous 
 and speedy peace whose joyous expression cannot be restrained. 
 In the midst of this, however, He from whom all blessings flow 
 must not be forgotten. A call for a national thanksgiving is 
 being prepared and will be duly promulgated. Nor must those 
 whose harder part gives us the cause of rejoicing be overlooked. 
 Their honors must not be parceled out with the others. I my- 
 self was near the front (he had just visited and returned from 
 Richmond) and had the high pleasure of transmitting much 
 of the good news to you; but no part of the honor, for plan or 
 execution, is mine. To General Grant, his skillful officers and 
 brave men, all belongs. The gallant navy stood ready, but 
 was not in reach to take active part. By these recent successes, 
 the reinauguration of national authority, reconstruction, which 
 has had a large share of thought from the first, is pressed much 
 more closely upon our attention. It is fraught with great 
 difficulty." 
 
 He speaks further of the embarrassment necessarily attend- 
 ing the solution of such national problems, and then closes by 
 
Martyrdom 227 
 
 saying: "In the present situation, as the phrase goes, it may be 
 my duty to make some new announcement to the people of the 
 South. I am considering, and shall not fail to act, when satis- 
 fied that action will be proper." ("Wayne Whipple," page 
 635, "Story Life of Lincoln," John C. Winston, Publishers, 
 Philadelphia.) 
 
 Before retiring from the crowd the President requested the 
 serenading band to play "Dixie," saying, "We have a right to 
 that tune now." Little did Lincoln and the admiring multitude 
 think that would be his last address; but such it proved to be. 
 
 Throughout the length and breadth of the land there was 
 one jubilant cry, on April 14, 1865, and that was: "The war 
 is over." 
 
 The air was vibrant with the spirit of universal rejoicing; 
 and it is said by his friends that Lincoln never seemed to be 
 more glad, more serene, than he did on that day. All nature 
 seemed to combine to make things lively. The warm, balmy 
 air of that spring morning, fragrant with the odor of blossom- 
 ing trees and shrubs along the hillside and fringing the Poto- 
 mac, in the gardens and city parks, was delightfully refresh- 
 ing. The prevailing good cheer of the White House was en- 
 hanced that morning by the presence at the breakfast table of 
 the President's oldest son, Captain Robert T. Lincoln, an aide- 
 de-camp of General Grant, who had arrived from the front that 
 morning. The important events of the Wilderness campaign, 
 with the closing scenes thereof, were doubtless discussed with 
 absorbing interest by father and son. 
 
 The President's heart was further delighted by the early 
 arrival of General Grant that morning. The purpose of the 
 General's call this time was not to discuss new plans for the 
 further prosecution of the war, as on former occasions, but 
 to talk of peace, and the unbounded cheer and delight it would 
 bring to the people, to all the people. The cabinet convened 
 
228 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 early in the morning, Friday being the regular day for such 
 meeting, and General Grant was invited to remain at the session. 
 
 It should be remembered that at this time General Joseph 
 Johnston had not surrendered to General Sherman (though he 
 did shortly afterwards), and intense interest centered in Gen- 
 eral Sherman's movements. General Grant was questioned as 
 to his convictions regarding the probable outcome. He was 
 optimistic in his thought and expressed the opinion that John- 
 ston's capitulation would be only a matter of a few days, which 
 proved true. Much of the time at the meeting was consumed 
 in the discussion of the question and policy of reconstruction, 
 which naturally would soon come to the fore. 
 
 The President took this, the first opportunity, to express 
 himself as opposed to any policy or act of vindictiveness or 
 revenge towards the people of the South. He had agreed with 
 General Grant, all along, that a complete conquest or suppres- 
 sion of the rebellion was the only policy to be pursued, if a 
 restoration of peace was ever attained. But now, as the South 
 was conquered, it was not wise or necessary to add to their 
 humiliation. 
 
 The President further remarked that "he hoped there would 
 be no persecution, no bloody work, after the war was over." 
 He further stated that "we must extinguish our resentment if 
 we expect harmony and union." It was his desire that a feel- 
 ing of good-will and cooperation with the South should be en- 
 couraged. These were the impulses of his noble heart and 
 generous nature. (Under obligation for some thoughts ex- 
 tracted from Ida M. Tarbell's "Life of Abraham Lincoln," Vol. 
 2, Pages 230 to 235. Published by Macmillan & Co., N. Y.) 
 
 Many entertained the opinion then and since, and the 
 writer concurs therein, that if President Lincoln had survived, 
 the long, bitter, acrimonious debates in Congress, during the 
 years of reconstruction would have been avoided. 
 
Martyrdom 229 
 
 The cabinet meeting having adjourned, and the lunch hav- 
 ing been served, the President suggested to Mrs. Lincoln that 
 they take an afternoon drive. He dispensed with the services 
 of a coachman, evidently wishing that no one should accom- 
 pany them that they might the better enjoy the converse alone. 
 
 "Mary," said he, "we have had a hard time of it since 
 coming to Washington, but the war is over, and with God's 
 blessing we may hope for four years of peace and happiness, 
 and then we will go back to Illinois and pass the rest of our 
 lives in quiet." 
 
 He also spoke of his Springfield home, the incidents of his 
 early days, the law office, the cottage in which their four chil- 
 dren were born ; thus throwing off the tension of the war days, 
 and enjoying once more, in anticipation, the scenes of their 
 early life in their far-off prairie home. "We have laid up some 
 money," he continued, "and during this term we will try and 
 save up some more." He admitted, however, that he might 
 not have enough to support them comfortably, in which event 
 he might open a law office in Springfield or Chicago, and thus 
 earn enough to afford them a livelihood during their declining 
 years. (I quote from Dr. I. N. Arnold's "Life of Abraham 
 Lincoln," Page 429.) 
 
 On their return from their drive the President met a num- 
 ber of his friends, one of the number being an old-time asso- 
 ciate, Governor Richard Oglesby of Illinois. During the after- 
 noon the President performed two acts of mercy, one of them 
 being the pardon of a deserted soldier, sentenced to be shot, 
 saying as he did so, "The boy can do more good above the 
 ground than under ground." The other act was his approval 
 of an application for discharge of a Confederate prisoner, on 
 his taking the oath of allegiance, on whose petition he wrote, 
 "Let it be done." 
 
 Previously a theater party for that evening had been made 
 
230 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 up by the mistress of the White House, and General and Mrs. 
 Grant were to be her guests. They were to see Laura Keene 
 at Ford's Theater, in "Our American Cousin." The box had 
 been secured early in the day, and a large number arranged 
 to attend, in anticipation of seeing the Presidential party and 
 the "Hero of Appomattox." The manager of the theater had 
 given extended publicity in the afternoon papers that the 
 "President and his lady" together with "General and Mrs. 
 Grant" would be present that evening to attend Miss Keene's 
 benefit. 
 
 It was ascertained late in the afternoon that General Grant 
 and his lady had changed their plan and had decided to go 
 north that night. This occasioned great disappointment all 
 around, and someone suggested then that the party be given up ; 
 but lest the public be disappointed the President thought it 
 best to keep the engagement. A couple of young friends were 
 then invited to take the place of General and Mrs. Grant, which 
 invitation was gladly accepted. 
 
 The President met Speaker Colfax that afternoon and cor- 
 dially invited him to accompany him and Mrs. Lincoln to the 
 theater that night, but owing to a previous engagement to start 
 west that night, Mr. Colfax had to decline. 
 
 The Presidential party was a little late getting started, and 
 then shaking hands with a few friends, the President accom- 
 panied Mrs. Lincoln to the carriage, and was driven off quickly 
 to the theater. It is said that the President and party arrived 
 about the middle of the first act and were received with hearty 
 applause. The band played "Hail to the Chief," and all eyes 
 were turned to the distinguished guests occupying the box. 
 
 A large arm chair was placed to the front and left for the 
 President's use, which on arrival, he occupied, Mrs. Lincoln 
 taking a chair to his right. The accompanying guests occupied 
 seats in the rear. 
 
Martyrdom 231 
 
 About the middle of the third act a foul assassin, in the 
 person of John Wilkes Booth, approached stealthily from the 
 rear and sent a bullet crashing through the brain of the great 
 President. The assassin leaped from the stage, flourishing a 
 dagger, having dropped his revolver, crying "Sic temper tyran- 
 nis," "thus be it always to tyrants." 
 
 In his descent from the stage Booth's spur caught in the 
 flag, which brought him to the floor, fracturing a bone in his 
 left leg. This seemed to be providential, for by this accident 
 his flight was impeded and his escape made impossible. He 
 disappeared through a rear door and hastened to his horse 
 that he left in the alley and, mounting quickly, rode rapidly 
 away. At the President's box all was in commotion. The 
 shrieks and moans of Mrs. Lincoln could be heard above the 
 din, and were heartrending. The President was seen to par- 
 tially rise, after the shot, but sank back in his seat, by help 
 of an attendant, his head falling on his breast. 
 
 A few soldiers improvised a stretcher and, placing the limp, 
 unconscious form thereon, bore him tenderly across the street 
 to a private home. One of these soldiers told me of this sad 
 incident many years thereafter. In a few moments several army 
 surgeons were by his bedside and did all that mortal man could 
 do to resuscitate their distinguished patient, but in vain. Around 
 his bedside stood several of his friends, including Judge Will- 
 iam T. Otto, an old-time acquaintance and friend, holding his 
 hand; Attorney-General Speed and Rev. Dr. Gurney, the Presi- 
 dent's pastor while in Washington. 
 
 One writer speaks of the scene and surroundings with much 
 pathos, as follows: "Leaning against the wall stood Secretary 
 Stanton, who gazed now and then at the dying man's face, and 
 who seemed overwhelmed with emotion. From time to time 
 he wrote telegrams or gave orders, which, in the midst of the 
 crisis, assured the preservation of peace." 
 
232 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 I think all the remaining members of the cabinet (except 
 Secretary Seward, who had been assaulted by a would-be 
 assassin the same night) were present, and several senators, 
 as well, pacing up and down the corridor." 
 
 At last, about 7:30 on the morning of April 15, the sur- 
 geon announced that death was near, and a few minutes later 
 the pulse ceased to beat. The dying man never regained con- 
 sciousness from the moment he received the fatal shot. 
 
 It is said that "Mr. Stanton approached the bed, closed 
 Mr. Lincoln's eyes, and drawing the sheet over the dead man's 
 head, uttered these words in a very low voice, 'He is the man 
 for the ages.' " 
 
 The news of the sad tragedy was flashed over the country 
 that day and almost paralyzed the people. Never had the 
 Nation been convulsed in such deep mourning. Sorrow, like 
 a funeral pall, brooded over and settled down on the people. 
 I had returned from the army and reentered college. No more 
 study or recitations that day. The old college bell seemed to 
 peal out the solemn words: "Lincoln's dead, Lincoln's dead." 
 
 All business was suspended. Men gathered in groups to 
 discuss the sad news, while others passed each other in silence, 
 the weeping eye, the falling tear indicating the sorrow of 
 heart within. Old men and women, alike, would meet and 
 weep like children. 
 
 Never was a public man held in such endearing relation- 
 ship. Even the picture of the martyred President on the wall 
 was sufficient to evoke expressions of sorrow, often mingled 
 with tears. At Washington the President's remains lay in state 
 in the Capitol for a few days, viewed by a large number of 
 sorrowing citizens. Then the funeral train, with its precious 
 freight, the bereaved widow and family and a few friends, 
 including Bishop Simpson, commenced its long and mournful 
 journey from Washington to Springfield, 111. This was done 
 that the dear form might have its last resting place near his 
 
 
Martyrdom 233 
 
 former home, amid the scenes of his early struggles and tri- 
 umphs, surrounded by those he had loved and served so well. 
 In going to Springfield the train took the same route that Mr. 
 Lincoln and family had taken in going to Washington, four 
 years before. Thus they passed through Baltimore, Philadel- 
 phia, New York, Albany, thence westward through Syracuse, 
 Rochester, Buffalo, Cleveland, Chicago, to Springfield. 
 
 Through all that journey, in every city, hamlet and town 
 through which they passed, sorrowing citizens, in large num- 
 bers, turned out to pay a tribute of love to their fallen chief- 
 tain. At Springfield a vast concourse of people had assembled 
 to show their appreciation of their former distinguished citi- 
 zen and be present at the last sad rites. 
 
 At the memorial services Bishop Simpson, the eloquent 
 Methodist divine, a warm personal friend of the late Presi- 
 dent, delivered an able and impressive funeral oration. In 
 closing, he expressed the hope that the spirit and mantle of the 
 great Elijah (Lincoln) might fall on the young Elisha (Rob- 
 ert), and then invoking the blessing of the Father of all mer- 
 cies upon our stricken country, upon the deeply bereaved fam- 
 ily and upon the large assemblage then present, he closed. 
 Loving hands then bore the precious form to its last resting 
 place, where it will remain in quiet, undisturbed slumber till 
 the morn of eternity's dawn shall awake him to an eternal day. 
 
 What inspiration and hope to the young men of America 
 is thus afforded by the life and character of this great man! 
 
 Without training, self-educated, in due time aspiring to and 
 becoming a great lawyer, an eloquent speaker, and an eminent 
 statesman. By his unaided aspiration, without political in- 
 fluence, he carved his way from the lowest position to the high- 
 est, in the gift of the people, and having reached the summit 
 at last, "from the topmost round of fame's ladder, he stepped 
 to the skies." 
 
 (End of Part Two) 
 

PART THREE 
 THE CHARACTERISTICS OF LINCOLN 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 His Generosity and Humor 
 
 In THE following pages I purpose giving some of the leading, 
 dominant characteristics of the great Emancipator as they 
 were revealed or unfolded in his private and public career. 
 Among the number may be included his ardent love of books, 
 his naked honesty, his love of and trust in the common people; 
 his sympathy for the private soldiers; his aptitude and love 
 of story-telling; his religious life; his marvelous, unexcelled 
 oratory. 
 
 While his education was quite limited, young Lincoln early 
 acquired an unquenchable thirst for knowledge. Books were 
 scarce and newspapers unknown in his unsettled, rural com- 
 munity. A few books, however, were obtainable, such as the 
 Bible, Pilgrim's Progress, Weems' Life of Washington, Aesop's 
 Fables and the life of Robinson Crusoe, the contents of which 
 he devoured as a hungry man would his meals. He read and 
 re-read each till he knew them almost by heart. As he grew 
 older, more books were available, and it is said that he read 
 every book he could secure within a radius of fifty miles of 
 his log-cabin home. 
 
 At that early date oil lamps were not in vogue, and tallow 
 candles scarce, so he would stretch himself, stomach down, on 
 the floor in front of the old Dutch fireplace, book in hand, 
 where he would read by the light of burning pine knots till 
 midnight and sometimes into the wee hours of the morning. 
 
 This intense, student habit he maintained through his ma- 
 ture years (although in more favorable circumstances, of 
 course) so at the time of his election to the presidency, in all 
 
238 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 the line or domain of political history, law, statecraft, states- 
 manship, diplomacy, public measures, world movements, etc., 
 he was considered one of the best informed men in America. 
 
 Young Lincoln soon acquired the sobriquet of "Honest 
 Abe" by several incidents which I will relate. 
 
 A few years after his admission to the bar, he acquired a 
 reputation for superior ability as a jury lawyer. 
 
 Few men could cope with him in the trial of a case, espe- 
 cially when the interest of his client was peculiarly meritorious. 
 
 The following incidents are at point. 
 
 A cow belonging to an old Methodist clergyman had been 
 killed on the track of the Illinois Central Railroad, and an 
 action was brought for damage in the sum of $20 against the 
 said road by the owner of the cow. The services of young 
 Lincoln were secured by the prosecutor. The officers of the 
 railroad company, wishing to establish a precedent in such 
 matters, refused to pay the claim. They resorted to a dishonor- 
 able method to secure their ends but failed. They had heard 
 of the influence that Attorney Lincoln generally had over a 
 jury in a civil trial, and made several attempts to buy him off, 
 but in vain. 
 
 Finally the superintendent of the road approached him, 
 with that hope in view, but failing to induce the young attor- 
 ney to leave his client and undertake the cause of the railroad, 
 he finally laid down the sum of $500 in gold and offered that 
 amount if Lincoln would come to their defense. This effort to 
 bribe the young lawyer made Lincoln very indignant. He 
 arose from his seat with the remark: "Mr. Superintendent: I 
 would not leave my client and take your case if you would 
 give me a fee-simple deed of your railroad. I don't know," 
 he continued, "that I will win the case, and I do not know 
 that I will get a dollar for my services if I should, but I would 
 not leave my old clergyman-client and take your case if you 
 would give me a deed of your whole road." 
 
His Generosity and Humor 239 
 
 The railroad superintendent stated afterwards that when 
 he arose and bade Mr. Lincoln good-bye, he never felt so 
 sheepish and cheap in his life. 
 
 Another instance of his characteristic honesty is shown in 
 the prompt payment of a book he had borrowed, which was 
 destroyed through no fault of his. He had secured of a neigh- 
 bor the loan of Weems' "Life of Washington," which book he 
 was accustomed to place on the window sill of his log cabin, 
 when he retired at night. One night there was a downpour 
 of rain, and the defective roof permitted the water to flood the 
 house, window sill and all. The book was partially destroyed, 
 which greatly perturbed the young historian. He went at once 
 to the owner and related the circumstance, asking the price of 
 the book and offering to pay for same as soon as he could earn 
 the money. The kind man gave "Abe" the price, but demanded 
 no money, saying he could work for him three days and thus 
 pay for the book. Young Lincoln proceeded to husk corn for 
 the time named, and went home, the proud owner of the first 
 book he ever possessed, probably. Other instances could be 
 added, showing his sterling manhood; but let these suffice. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln was always a lover of the common people. 
 This was due to the fact that his early environment and later 
 activities were largely among the lowly. His own great heart 
 went out in sympathy and kindly regard to the masses, and 
 they, in turn, responded by vote and every other expression of 
 appreciation that they could manifest. He always trusted them, 
 and they loved and trusted him. He once said to Richard 
 Yates, who afterwards was Governor of Illinois: ''Dick, you 
 can always trust the common people. You can fool some of 
 them all the time, and all of them some of the time, but you 
 can't fool all of them all the time." 
 
 "God must love the common people, for He made so many 
 of them." 
 
240 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 President Lincoln manifested early and always a deep sym- 
 pathy for his soldier boys, and did everything in his power 
 to ameliorate their hardships and lighten their burdens. When- 
 ever his "boys," as he called them, were arraigned and tried 
 for some violation of the rules of war, he was quite willing 
 to investigate and ascertain, if possible, the causes that led to 
 such violations. He often interposed with his pardoning power 
 when he found the verdict of the military court martial was 
 too severe or wholly unjust. 
 
 Permit two or three instances to suffice. 
 
 During the early period of the war a young soldier was 
 found sleeping on his picket post during the silent hours of a 
 dark night. He was duly tried by a military court, found 
 guilty, and the usual verdict of death pronounced. The young 
 soldier's mother, who was a widow, tried in vain to secure his 
 release, but finally, broken-hearted and nearly distracted, she 
 appealed to the President in person. He listened to her pitiful 
 story and learned of the youthful appearance and age of her 
 boy, and readily granted the pardon. He said afterwards to 
 a friend that in all probability the soldier was a farmer boy, 
 accustomed to early retiring, and it was a most natural thing 
 that after a long day's marching, through dust and slime, the 
 boy soldier, footsore and weary, should merge into a deep 
 slumber when placed on picket duty, perchance at a late hour 
 of night. He further stated that if he had consented to his 
 death he would feel that the boy's blood would be upon his 
 skirts when he passed into eternity. 
 
 The unbounded delight of the poor mother can better be 
 imagined than described. It is said that she fell on her knees 
 and kissed the President's feet, but he quickly raised her up 
 and bade her take courage, for her son should surely live. She 
 subsequently remarked that she had always considered Presi- 
 dent Lincoln, from pictures seen, a very homely man, but now 
 
His Generosity and Humor 241 
 
 he appeared to her as the handsomest man that mortal eyes 
 had ever beheld. 
 
 During the dark days of the war a pale, sorrowful looking, 
 old man was seen in one of the outer rooms of the Capitol, 
 awaiting an opportunity to see the President. It happened to 
 be a busy week, and no one was permitted by the doorkeeper 
 to visit Mr. Lincoln, except on special business. But each 
 morning for three or four days the old gentleman would appear 
 at the Capitol and, sitting in one corner of the great hall, await 
 the coming of the President or seek an opportunity of seeing 
 him. One day a kind-hearted Congressman, who had observed 
 the depressed looking man there in the hall for several days, 
 inquired of him as to his wishes, and proffered him any aid 
 that he might be able to render him. The sorrowful man re- 
 lated his story, viz: that his soldier son had slept on his post, 
 or had deserted (I forget which), and had been tried and con- 
 victed to die. The Congressman took him to the President at 
 once, and related to him briefly the facts. The noble Lincoln 
 listened attentively to the statements and plea of the poor man, 
 for the life of whose son executive clemency was sought, and 
 then sent a message to the front, saying: "Suspend the execu- 
 tion of the soldier (naming him) till you receive further 
 orders from me. A. Lincoln." The father of the condemned 
 soldier was pleased, but not quite satisfied. He approached the 
 President and, in a trembling voice, said: "I hoped, Mr. Presi- 
 dent, you would grant a full pardon to my son." The reply 
 of Mr. Lincoln was quite laconic, saying, if your son is not 
 shot till the executioners receive orders from me, he will live 
 to be as old as Methuselah. 
 
 Enough said. The old gentleman returned home with a 
 song in his soul and love for the great Lincoln enshrined for- 
 ever in his heart. 
 
 At one time during the war period there seemed to be an 
 
242 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 unusual and unfortunate, stampede of deserting soldiers to 
 the North and to Canada. The government made strenuous and 
 continuous efforts to secure their arrest and return to their 
 regiments. Eighteen of these deserters were at one time arrested 
 and brought to speedy trial by court martial. Their guilt was 
 quickly established, and a verdict of death soon announced. 
 Under military rules, a verdict of death by court martial could 
 not be executed without approval by the President. 
 
 The officers of the court and commanding generals, know- 
 ing the natural inclination of the President's mind towards 
 clemency, besought him in this case to approve the ruling of 
 court, and order the execution of the death sentence. They 
 stated to the President that the discipline of the army required 
 that an example should be made of these deserters, in order 
 to prevent the depletion of their forces by continuous deser- 
 tions. Too many, sadly too many, had gone already unwhipped 
 of justice, for the future safety and proper discipline of the 
 army, and of this fact Mr. Lincoln was fully apprised. 
 
 All of these circumstances appealed to his reason and 
 almost won his assent. Shortly, however, his great heart out- 
 weighed his judgment, and he said to himself: "I won't do it. 
 These soldiers are worth more to their country above the 
 ground that below it. This war has made enough widows 
 throughout this great land, without my adding to the number." 
 
 It is safe to say that these pardoned deserters were there- 
 after disposed to shed their last drop of blood, as many of 
 them doubtless did, in defense of their country and its flag. 
 
 General Sherman was questioned afterward as to his opin- 
 ion regarding the President's attitude in pardoning so many 
 deserters, and his reply was to the effect that it did not affect 
 him (Sherman) for he always shot his deserters first and then 
 reported to the President. 
 
 It is generally conceded that Abraham Lincoln was the 
 
His Generosity and Humor 243 
 
 champion story-teller of his state and age. He was the welcome 
 guest as well as the soul and inspiration of every company in 
 which he usually mingled or to which he was specially invited. 
 
 In Congress he soon established a reputation as an eminent 
 speaker, but his reputation as an entertaining story-teller, in 
 the lobbies, at social functions and elsewhere, was soon equally 
 well established. Daniel Webster, the great expounder of the 
 Constitution, was then a member of the Senate, and occasion- 
 ally invited the Western Congressman, Lincoln, to his early 
 breakfasts, where he could listen to his humorous, inspiring 
 anecdotes. 
 
 There were many stories prevalent in his day and attributed 
 to Mr. Lincoln of which he was not the author. However, it 
 is safe to say that at least five hundred were evolved from his 
 fertile brain, which he frequently used and to telling effect. 
 It is said of Mr. Lincoln by those who knew him best that he 
 did not often resort to this method of speech to merely enter- 
 tain an audience or amuse a crowd, but in the delivery of a 
 public address or in the trial of a great law suit, he would 
 relate an anecdote or tell a story that would have a convinc- 
 ing, a powerful effect on his audience or the jury he was ad- 
 dressing. This he did to enforce a point or to enlarge, beau- 
 tify or embellish an argument. This was generally produc- 
 tive of the desired result, for no man ever had a greater power 
 of application than he. In the trial of many great law cases 
 in which Mr. Lincoln was a participant, and in which the fate 
 of the final issue seemed to hang in the balance, the relation 
 of a story or anecdote pertinent to the case, by him, would 
 frequently turn the tide of battle and give him the verdict. At 
 other times he would use this method or weapon to confront 
 or confound his opponents. 
 
 It will be remembered by my older readers that shortly 
 after Lincoln's inauguration and the appointment of his cabi- 
 
244 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 net, much opposition to Simon Cameron as Secretary of War, 
 was developed. The President induced Mr. Cameron to change 
 his position and accept an appointment as minister to the 
 Court of Russia. Not long after this, and before the appoint- 
 ment of Mr. Stanton as Cameron's successor, a delegation of 
 Senators called on the President and requested, yea, almost 
 demanded the resignation or removal of the balance of the 
 cabinet members. There were seven with Cameron, the names 
 of the others being Gideon Wells, Governor Seward, Caleb B. 
 Smith, Salmon P. Chase, Montgomery Blair and Edward 
 Bates. 
 
 The demand of the Senators for their removal was more 
 insistent than courteous. The President listened patiently to 
 the solons, and then, without indicating what he would do, 
 related this story : "An old farmer in Illinois, near my Spring- 
 field home, had a number of fowls. One night there was a 
 great commotion in the barnyard among the poultry, and he 
 was satisfied something was wrong. He seized his shotgun and 
 went out to ascertain the trouble. Shortly he spied what he 
 called seven thieves. He drew a bead and killed one. He 
 returned then to the house where he was met by his wife who 
 had heard the report of the gun. She inquired what he en- 
 countered in the barnyard. He replied that he had found 
 seven thieves, one of which he had shot. 'Now, John,' said 
 she, 'you must go right back and kill them all.' 'No, Betsy 
 Jane,' replied John, 'that won't do, for if the shooting of one 
 produced such a stench, what would the killing of all seven 
 do?' " The Senators indulged in a hearty laugh and then re- 
 tired. This was the last the President heard of any cabinet 
 reconstruction. 
 
 During the military campaigns of 1861-62, while Generals 
 McDowell and McClellan were suffering defeat after defeat 
 in the East, General Grant was achieving marvelous victories 
 
His Generosity and Humor 245 
 
 in the West and Southwest. In the early months of '62 he 
 fought a desperate battle at Fort Donelson. During the first 
 day his troops were badly worsted, but the second and third he 
 rallied his forces, turned the tide of battle and repulsed the 
 enemy with a great slaughter. Shortly after the battle a rumor 
 soon became current that the defeat of Grant of the first day 
 of the battle was due to the fact that he was intoxicated. This 
 allegation was never substantiated, but his enemies took ad- 
 vantage of the rumor to injure him and, if possible, benefit 
 themselves. Shortly after the battle some Congressmen called 
 upon the President, protesting against the further continuance 
 of General Grant as commander of the Army of the Tennessee. 
 They cited the alleged fact of Grant's intoxication at Fort Don- 
 elson, and that at other times he drank too much to be fit for 
 so responsible a position. Some assert that a general sought 
 Grant's removal for the same reason, hoping, it was thought, 
 to secure the position himself. 
 
 The President listened to the plea of his callers for a mo- 
 ment, and then inquired if they knew what brand of whiskey 
 General Grant was in the habit of using. They thought for a 
 moment, and then replied that they did not know. The Presi- 
 dent expressed the wish that they would ascertain, if possible, 
 the particular brand thus used and let him know; "for," said 
 he, "I would like to get some of it for distribution among 
 some of the other generals." Mr. Lincoln was never bothered 
 after that about the necessity or wisdom of superseding the 
 great commander. 
 
 It will be recalled that during the first months of the war, 
 General Fremont, then commanding the Missouri Department, 
 issued a proclamation abolishing slavery in his military juris- 
 diction. President Lincoln, thinking the time was not ripe for 
 such a bold procedure, countermanded the order. However, 
 General Fremont's proclamation enlisted the sympathy and 
 
246 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 deep interest of anti-slavery people throughout the nation, 
 and many and persistent were the petitions that reached the 
 White House, asking for the universal abolition of slavery by 
 executive proclamation. Many delegations also arrived, one 
 being from Chicago, a delegation of clergymen. 
 
 The gentlemen of the cloth requested of the President the 
 early abolition of slavery, thinking the time had arrived when 
 such a movement had met the approval of the masses, and that 
 its consummation would result in the early termination of the 
 war. The noble President did not share their convictions, 
 knowing the time had not yet arrived for such precipitous 
 action. The members at length retired, bidding Mr. Lincoln 
 a pleasant good-bye, bespeaking for him a successful prosecu- 
 tion of the war and hoping for its early termination. 
 
 One clergyman tarried, however, that he might have a pri- 
 vate interview with the President. In this conversation he urged 
 the President, perhaps with some effrontery, to take immediate 
 action along the line suggested, saying that the Lord had re- 
 vealed to him that now was the time, the opportune time, for 
 the President to move. Mr. Lincoln smiled and then replied 
 jocosely that if it was the Lord's wish that slavery should at 
 once be abolished, He would reveal the fact direct to him, 
 without going round by the way of wicked Chicago. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln would relate, at times, some of his laugh- 
 provoking stories in the cabinet meetings, and was chided once 
 therefor by a member. He replied by stating what was evi- 
 dently true, that while feeling the weight and responsibility of 
 the great war, if he could not give vent to his feelings at times, 
 he could scarcely survive. A few more of his humorous stories 
 follow: 
 
 On one of his visits to the army in Virginia he wished to 
 go from one division to another, and was driven thereto by a 
 soldier with a span of mules. The soldier found it necessary 
 
His Generosity and Humor 247 
 
 to apply the whip frequently and each application of the whip 
 was supplemented by an oath. The President watched the pro- 
 ceedings patiently for a while, and then inquired of the driver 
 if he were not an Episcopalian. "No," was the quick reply, 
 "I am a Methodist." "Oh, I thought you must be an Episco- 
 palian," said Mr. Lincoln, "because you swear just as Governor 
 Seward does, and he belongs to that church." It is said that 
 during the balance of the journey the ears of the passengers 
 and mules as well were not disturbed by the accustomed vo- 
 cabulary of the driver, though the whip was brought into fre- 
 quent requisition. 
 
 In a former chapter, I made mention of the great happi- 
 ness afforded me in hearing Abraham Lincoln and Judge 
 Douglas in the first of their memorable debates in August, 
 1858. The incident named below did not occur, as I recall, 
 when I heard these renowned statesmen. 
 
 It will be remembered that these great debates were held 
 in the principal cities throughout the State of Illinois. By 
 previous agreement one would speak for an hour, the other 
 would follow in an address of an hour and a half, and the 
 first would have a half-hour for rebuttal. When I heard them, 
 Judge Douglas spoke first. On all these occasions Mr. Lincoln 
 was clothed, not in the finest attire like his antagonist, but was 
 covered with a long linen duster. At one of these meetings, 
 it is said, Mr. Lincoln, arising to reply to the Judge, took off 
 his long duster and handed it to a friend, remarking as he did 
 so: "Hold my coat while I stone Stephen." You can easily 
 imagine the merriment it occasioned. 
 
 During the young manhood of Lincoln, while he was yet 
 studying law, by common consent he was regarded a leader 
 among the young set. This was true in manly sports and in 
 intellectual pursuits. Whenever a question would arise in their 
 literary gatherings, the solution of which was beyond their ken, 
 they would say, "Let us submit it to Abe; he can tell us." 
 
248 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 On one occasion the question was presented as to the length 
 a man's legs ought to be, in order to be in due proportion to 
 his body. No one being able to give a satisfactory answer it 
 was turned over to young Lincoln. "Well," said he, "that is 
 a difficult question. Its discussion has almost precipitated war 
 among some nations, like the War of the Roses in early Eng- 
 lish history. I have given the subject much thought myself, 
 but after deliberate and mature consideration, I have arrived 
 at this conclusion: that a man's legs ought to be long enough 
 to reach from his body to the ground." That answer settled 
 the controversy. 
 
 In the trial of legal cases, the narration of an apt story 
 or an anecdote by Lincoln was often more effective with the 
 jury than lengthy argumentation. On one occasion, when de- 
 fending a man for assault and battery, it was alleged by oppos- 
 ing counsel that the defendant might and should have protected 
 himself without inflicting such injury on his assailant. Young 
 Lincoln rejoined as follows: "That reminds me of a story. 
 A man was passing a farmhouse one day and was attacked by 
 a vicious dog belonging to the farmer. The traveler seized a 
 pitchfork and quickly dispatched the dog. The farmer was in- 
 dignant beyond measure, and cried out: 'What made you kill 
 my dog?' 'What made him try to bite me?' responded the 
 traveler. 'But why did you not go at him with the other end 
 of the pitchfork?' asked the farmer. 'Well, why did he not 
 come at me with the other end?' was the reply." Nuff said. 
 The jury gave its verdict to Lincoln, as this writer opines. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln was once invited to address a delegation of 
 editors and, in his remarks, told the following story. It was 
 thought by many that he had reference to himself, though it 
 did not so appear. He stated that a gentleman was walking 
 through the woods one day along the country road, and met 
 a lady on horseback. When in front of him she stopped and 
 
 
His Generosity and Humor 249 
 
 remarked abruptly, looking him in the face: "Law me, you 
 are the homeliest man my eyes have ever beheld." "I know it, 
 madam," he replied, "but I can't help it." She hesitated for a 
 moment and then answered: "Well, then, you might have 
 stayed at home." 
 
 The disposition to retaliate or avenge a wrong was always 
 foreign to the kindly, generous mind of the noble Lincoln. 
 This was shown on many occasions. 
 
 From the close of his Congressional career in 1846, to the 
 year 1858, when he ran for United States Senator, Lincoln 
 devoted himself unceasingly to the practice of law. His reputa- 
 tion as a great jury lawyer extended to many cities in his own 
 and adjacent states. In 1855 he was called to Cincinnati, 0., 
 as assistant counsel in a famous case wherein Edwin M. Stan- 
 ton and George Harding were also employed. They were attor- 
 neys for the defendant. It was soon ascertained that the 
 plaintiff had but two advocates and that one of the counsel for 
 defendant must withdraw. A fine opportunity for the display 
 of legal lore and forensic ability in this noted case was given, 
 and doubtless both the famous orators coveted it. 
 
 Mr. Stanton was chosen, to the evident chagrin and keen 
 disappointment of Mr. Lincoln. He had come a long distance 
 and presumably desired to establish a record or, at least, to 
 sustain or maintain the one he already possessed. However, 
 the pleasure of participating in the celebrated case and deliver- 
 ing the closing address, as anticipated, he could forego. But 
 the discourtesy he received from Mr. Stanton while in the 
 city was altogether inexcusable, and added to Mr. Lincoln's 
 humiliation and disappointment. Mr. Stanton expressed his 
 disdain to Mr. Lincoln, in the latter's hearing, in language as 
 follows: "Where did that long-armed creature come from, and 
 what can he expect to do in this case?" He described him 
 further as a long, lank creature from Illinois who wore a linen 
 
250 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 duster, with perspiration and stains on the back sufficiently 
 large to represent a map of the continent. That was almost 
 adding insult to injury. 
 
 No wonder that the great Lincoln remarked to a friend, on 
 returning home, that he "never before had been treated so 
 brutally as by that man Stanton." But six years thereafter, 
 Mr. Lincoln had wholly forgiven, if not forgotten, the un- 
 gentlemanly, discourteous remarks. It will be recalled that in 
 the summer or fall of '61, Simon Cameron resigned his posi- 
 tion as Secretary of War, and that Mr. Edwin M. Stanton was 
 invited by the magnanimous President to become Cameron's 
 successor and come into his official family. This generous act 
 must have conquered and won the proud heart of the haughty 
 barrister. 
 
 The President knew, doubtless, that Stanton possessed the 
 qualities that would admirably adapt him to the position to 
 which he had invited him. He was bold, daring, possessed of 
 an iron will, resourceful, and a man of distinguished ability. 
 His marked success in the War Department during the three or 
 four years of his incumbency fully justified the wisdom of his 
 appointment by the President. Whatever adverse opinion the 
 President had previously entertained towards his War Secretary 
 was now waived and fully subordinated to the one all-absorb- 
 ing thought and desire that the war might be successfully 
 prosecuted and the rebellion quickly suppressed. NO RETAL- 
 IATION NOR REVENGE HERE, YOU SEE. 
 
 In the Senatorial campaign of 1858, concerning which 
 previous mention has been made, it was often necessary to ride 
 on the Illinois Central Railroad, that being the principal if not 
 the only road in the state running north and south. At this 
 time, George B. McClellan was vice-president of the road. 
 
 It frequently happened that Mr. McClellan would accom- 
 
His Generosity and Humor 251 
 
 pany Judge Douglas and his party from point to point in a 
 special car and a finely equipped train, while Mr. Lincoln was 
 compelled to ride at times in a cattle car on a freight train, 
 to his different appointments. Sometimes he would be seen 
 arriving in a city or town, wrapped in a linen duster, by the 
 side of the driver in an old prairie schooner drawn by a mule 
 team. Such was the disrespect, not to say indignity, shown 
 Mr. Lincoln by Mr. McClellan, the vice-president of the road. 
 Take notice, kind reader, as to what happened just three years 
 thereafter. 
 
 Shortly after the Bull Run disaster, in July, '61, President 
 Lincoln found it necessary to secure some strong military 
 commander to lead the American forces; General McDowell 
 had not made good, and General Winfield Scott, in his age and 
 decrepitude, was unsuited for the position. At the suggestion 
 of General Scott, McClellan, who had served with him as 
 captain in the Mexican war fifteen years before, was invited 
 to Washington. On his arrival, he was placed in command 
 of the Army of the Potomac and given a major-general's com- 
 mission by the President. He also had supreme command of 
 all the American Union forces for many months, up to the 
 time that General Halleck was assigned to that position. 
 
 Think you, kind reader, that the noble President, in hand- 
 ing McClellan his commission as major-general, a bestow- 
 ment of the highest military honor in the gift of the executive, 
 thought of the unkind treatment accorded him by McClellan 
 a few years before? If so, it was not apparent. Such mag- 
 nanimity, such greatness of mind or soul are seldom if ever 
 found in any or all the pages of recorded history. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 His Religious Life 
 
 The early religious inspiration and training of young 
 Abraham was received from his mother, at her knee. 
 Her dying injunction given him when nine years old, 
 to love his sister Sally and their father, in their loneliness; 
 to be obedient and faithful to his Lord as she had early taught 
 him, and make the Bible his constant companion; followed 
 him all his remaining days. His facility in making apt and 
 appropriate scriptural quotations to enforce a point or em- 
 bellish an argument in his addresses, revealed his familiarity 
 with the Holy Book. This was true in his early and maturer 
 years. In his great debate with Douglas in '58, he quoted a 
 scriptural passage in my presence that became very effective 
 in molding public opinion in all his future political cam- 
 paigns. It was similar to the first Revolutionary shot fired 
 at Bunker Hill. It was heard around the world. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln was illustrating the fact, never before de- 
 clared, that our country could not long endure, half slave and 
 half free. It must become all one or all the other. Then he 
 clinched the fact by stating that "A house divided against 
 itself cannot stand." 
 
 He proceeded to say: "I do not expect the Union to be 
 dissolved; I do not expect the house will fall, but I do expect 
 it will cease to be divided." This slogan concerning the im- 
 possibility of the house standing when thus divided was used 
 with wondrous effect in all subsequent anti-slavery addresses. 
 It aroused public sentiment, as never before, to the enormity 
 of the slave system and to the possibility of its future exten- 
 
His Religious Life 253 
 
 sion. It was thought by some that the frequent declaration 
 and extended publicity of this brief though potent sentence 
 was as effective in firing the American heart and leading to 
 slavery's early overthrow as was the publication in 1852 of 
 Harriett Beecher Stowe's great work, "Uncle Tom's Cabin." 
 
 Mr. Lincoln's familiarity with scripture, especially with 
 reference to its condemnation of slavery and its barbarism, 
 was shown further in a conversation he had concerning the 
 attitude of the clergy on the question. 
 
 A few days prior to the day of election in 1860 (I think 
 it was), a straw vote of the citizens of Springfield, Illinois, 
 was taken in order to ascertain in advance, as nearly as pos- 
 sible, the choice of each voter as to the two candidates at the 
 approaching election. 
 
 The result of the primary vote was shown to Mr. Lincoln. 
 He stated to a friend, as he scanned the paper, that he was 
 desirous of knowing how the Christian citizens of the city, 
 especially the clergy, stood on the slavery question. There 
 were twenty-three clergymen of all denominations in the city; 
 and to his deep chagrin and mortification, all, with three ex- 
 ceptions, voted for Douglas. The lines of political demarca- 
 tion had been so closely drawn between the two candidates 
 that fall that all knew that a vote for Douglas meant support 
 for the institution of slavery, with its probable extension and 
 perpetuity under the Douglas slogan of popular sovereignty. 
 Those voting for Mr. Lincoln knew, also, that they were voting 
 for a candidate who was opposed to the further extension of 
 slavery and looked hopefully for the day when it would be in 
 the course of ultimate and complete extinction. 
 
 When the great Commoner saw that twenty of the twenty- 
 three resident ministers had voted for the Little Giant, as 
 Douglas was called, his heart sank within him. He remarked, 
 with tears in his eyes, that these men did not read their Bibles 
 
254 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 aright. He stated that he did not claim to be a Christian, 
 though he wished he were, but he had carefully read the Bible 
 and did not so understand this Book. He was conscious in his 
 great heart that these teachers and preachers of Gospel truth 
 were wrong in their interpretation of the Holy Book, and felt 
 that his position was correct and would soon be vindicated. 
 
 I desire to remark, incidentally, how different was the atti- 
 tude of the clergy in the recent past in their efforts to secure 
 the suppression of the liquor traffic. It is well known, or at 
 least should be, that without their powerful influence, rum- 
 suppression, incident to the adoption of the Eighteenth Amend- 
 ment, would never have been effected. The clergy and mem- 
 bership of a small denomination and small influence seemed to 
 be lukewarm and indifferent to the all-absorbing, paramount 
 question of national prohibition, but not so with the great body 
 of American clergymen. 
 
 The loyal and effective support of the church laymen and 
 laywomen in their effort to secure legal supremacy over the 
 liquor demon deserves special recognition, and this recogni- 
 tion and approval all good people everywhere will accord 
 them. This speaks volumes for the Christian citizenship and 
 Christian civilization of our great Republic. 
 
 President Lincoln was a constant reader of the Holy Bible 
 and during the dark days of the war would often turn to its 
 pages for comfort, strength and inspiration. 
 
 He once remarked that the Bible was the best Book God 
 ever gave to man; and if we would take as much of it by 
 reason as we could, and the rest by faith, we would live and 
 die better men and women. On one occasion the wife of a 
 Confederate captain who had been taken prisoner and placed 
 in confinement called on the President, having secured transfer 
 through our lines, and requested the liberation of her husband. 
 In her plea for his freedom she presented several and various 
 
His Religious Life 255 
 
 reasons why he should be thus freed, and to each one the 
 President gave a negative reply. Finally she stated that her 
 husband was a Christian and for that reason she thought he 
 deserved his freedom. Mr. Lincoln quickly replied, saying 
 that a man who believed in holding men in bondage and who 
 was disposed to eat his bread produced by the sweat of an- 
 other man's brow, did not possess that kind of religion that 
 would take him to Heaven. 
 
 In the fall of 1862, after our forces had suffered continu- 
 ous defeats at Bull Run, under McDowell; in the Virginia 
 campaign, under McClellan ; and at Manassas Junction, known 
 as the second Bull Run battle, under Pope; everything from 
 the Union standpoint looked extremely foreboding. General 
 McClellan was moving his forces northward through Maryland, 
 and a battle at Antietam, Pennsylvania, was expected any day. 
 Mr. Lincoln, usually brave, was at this time much depressed. 
 He went, where he had often gone before, to his Maker and 
 Lord, and promised Him, if he would bring victory to the 
 Union army at the approaching battle at Antietam, he (Lin- 
 coln) would proceed to do what he had often thought of 
 doing, issue his Emancipation Proclamation, giving freedom 
 to the bond men. 
 
 On September 17th, the battle was fought, a most san- 
 guinary conflict, and victory crowned our efforts. The heart 
 of the President was greatly rejoiced, as was that of all the 
 Nation; since this was the first Union victory since the begin- 
 ning of the great war, a year and a half before. Mr. Lincoln 
 was true to the covenant he had previously made with his Lord, 
 and on the 22nd of that month (September) he wrote and 
 submitted to his Cabinet his preliminary Emancipation Proc- 
 lamation, reciting among other things: "That on the first day 
 of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- 
 dred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any 
 
256 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 state or designated part of a state, the people whereof shall 
 then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, 
 thenceforward, and forever free; and the Executive Govern- 
 ment of the United States, including the military and naval 
 authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom 
 of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such 
 persons, or any of them, in any effort they may make for their 
 actual freedom." 
 
 This was heartily approved by each of the seven cabinet 
 members who were present. This was issued as a war measure, 
 though doubtless the heart of the great President would have 
 desired it absolutely and without any qualifications or re- 
 strictions; but he knew that the sentiment of the people then 
 would scarcely have approved it. At the expiration of the 
 hundred days previously named, to-wit: on the first day of 
 January, 1863, none of the slave states having ceased their 
 warfare and resumed their allegiance to the Federal Union, 
 the President proceeded to redeem his promise and issued to 
 the South and the nation what is known as one of the great 
 state papers of the world, his final Emancipation Proclama- 
 tion, giving freedom forever to four millions of a hitherto 
 fettered, enslaved race. 
 
 At the conclusion of the reading of this remarkable state 
 document, at the President's suggestion, all bowed their heads 
 and on bended knees invoked the blessing of Heaven on the 
 great measure they had that day approved and published to 
 the world. 
 
 I have before alluded to a similar incident having occurred 
 in the Cabinet room (and it will bear repetition) when on 
 receipt of the news of Lee's surrender the President and his 
 whole Cabinet bowed their heads and in silence and tears 
 sobbed their gratitude and thanksgiving to the great Father of 
 all Mercies for recent victories and for His marvelous deliver- 
 
His Religious Life 257 
 
 ance of the enemy into their hands. Such manifestations of 
 praise could emanate from none other than those who have an 
 abiding faith in the over-ruling providence of God and His 
 divine goodness to the children of men. Mr. Lincoln greatly 
 endeared himself to the American people by his humble trust 
 and reliance on the Divine favor during the sad days of the 
 civil war. 
 
 On one of those dark days, when the fate of the Nation 
 seemed to hang in a balance, Bishop Simpson, an eminent 
 divine of Philadelphia, called on the President. He was 
 always a welcome guest at the White House, and frequently 
 came at Mr. Lincoln's request. After a pleasant though some- 
 what sad discussion of the condition of the country and the 
 possible outcome of the existing struggle, the bishop arose to 
 bid the President good day, when the latter requested him to 
 tarry and pray with him, saying that he was often driven to 
 his knees with the overwhelming conviction that he had no- 
 where else to go; that his own wisdom and that of all about 
 him was insufficient for the needs of that day. The bishop 
 bowed in prayer, the noble President kneeling at his side, 
 and invoked the blessing of Heaven on the stricken country, 
 on the noble boys at the front, and especially on the great 
 Executive, that he might have wisdom and endurance to prose- 
 cute the war to a successful termination. Doubtless, Mr. Lin- 
 coln responded with a fervent "Amen" at the close of the 
 invocation. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln often showed his appreciation of the co- 
 operation and sympathy of church boards and other organiza- 
 tions as expressed to him during the perilous days of the war. 
 
 In 1864, a delegation of the Methodist Episcopal Church 
 Conference called on him at the White House to assure him 
 of their loyalty and hearty support during the pending strug- 
 gle. The President replied in his trenchant, significant way, 
 
258 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 saying: "God bless all the churches, especially the Methodist 
 Church, which has sent more soldiers to the front, more nurses 
 to the hospitals and more prayers to Heaven for our country 
 than any other church in America." 
 
 In the fall of 1865, I heard Bishop Simpson, the same 
 bishop as named above, allude to the following incident. He 
 stated that during the previous April he was holding an annual 
 conference in Washington, similar to the one he was then 
 holding in Iowa. At the conference he was urging his min- 
 isters, as was his custom, to be faithful and true in all their 
 public services; for there would be some in each service, per- 
 haps, who would hear the gospel message for the last time. 
 As he was thus preaching he looked down the aisle, he said, 
 and there sat Abraham Lincoln, the President of the United 
 States. Little did he think that that would be the last gospel 
 sermon to which Mr. Lincoln would ever listen, but such it 
 proved to be. The narration of that incident, spoken by the 
 bishop in tender, sympathetic words, made a profound impres- 
 sion on the members of that great Iowa conference. 
 
 Little wonder that when a few days later, in April, the 
 assassin's bullet had done its deadly work, Mrs. Lincoln and 
 family invited the great bishop to accompany them and the 
 funeral cortege to their far-away Springfield home, that he 
 might perform the last sad rites before the dear form was laid 
 away in its final resting place. 
 
 A young lady of eminent piety who had been an active 
 worker on many battlefields and in hospitals, surrounded by 
 and caring for the sick and dying, was late in the war a guest 
 at the White House. She had administered religious consola- 
 tion to the dying soldier as well as caring for and dressing 
 his wounds while living. The President highly prized her for 
 the sympathetic, religious service as well as the bodily care 
 she had rendered soldiers on battlefields and elsewhere. She 
 
His Religious Life 259 
 
 was evidently a lovely character, and would stamp the impress 
 of her sweet spirit on the minds of all with whom she would 
 come in contact. 
 
 One day President Lincoln asked her what in her judgment 
 constituted a Christian. She replied in a way that was satis- 
 factory and conclusive to Mr. Lincoln as evidenced by his 
 answer. She gave what I think is the generally accepted 
 opinion of Protestantism, and promulgated by it, that we are 
 saved by the mediatorial sacrifice of our Divine Lord, through 
 repentance and faith. She doubtless illustrated it further by 
 reference to the Savior's conversation with Nicodemus, re- 
 corded in John 3:3 and in John 3:16. She also may have 
 alluded to the reply of Paul to the Phillipian jailer when he 
 inquired of the great apostle: "What must I do to be saved?" 
 recorded in Acts 16:31. The President listened attentively to 
 this interesting, inspiring conversation and then replied: "Miss 
 (giving her name), if all this is true, then I am a Christian." 
 
 One day a man of note called on the President at the 
 White House and engaged him in conversation. During the 
 conversation the visitor swore. The interview was closed at 
 once. The President dismissed him, and leading him to the 
 door, remarked: "I supposed you were a gentleman. Good 
 day, sir." 
 
 During the sad days of the bloody conflict, some person 
 remarked to President Lincoln that he hoped the Lord was on 
 our side. Mr. Lincoln quickly replied that such a thought had 
 not given him much concern. His supreme desire was that 
 "we might be on the Lord's side, for the Lord is always on 
 the right side." 
 
 I have already written at length concerning the three days' 
 battle at Gettysburg, perhaps the greatest and most sanguinary 
 of the Civil War. During a hotly contested engagement, Gen- 
 eral Daniel Sickles, a brave major-general, lost his leg. He 
 
260 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 was taken at once to a hospital at Washington. As soon as 
 the President heard of his arrival in the Capital, he hastened to 
 his bedside. General Sickles, thinking perhaps that the Presi- 
 dent had not yet learned of the good news from the front, 
 remarked that the deciding battle had been fought and that 
 the victory was ours. 
 
 "0, yes," Mr. Lincoln replied, "I knew we would be vic- 
 torious for I prayed till midnight that night, and had the 
 assurance from the Lord that our boys would win the day." 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 His Gift of Speech 
 
 IT has been said that "some are born great, some achieve 
 greatness and some have greatness thrust upon them." I 
 think it may be said, with almost universal assent, that 
 Mr. Lincoln belonged to the middle class; for if any man ever 
 achieved greatness and renown by means of his own unaided 
 effort, in spite of persistent, often bitter, opposition, it was 
 Abraham Lincoln. His early education, limited as it was, 
 and his environment, unfortunate as it was, failed to dampen 
 his ambition for advancement. They rather inspired his 
 young heart with an eager, yea burning, desire to pursue his 
 studies, unassisted by others, until he should arrive at a posi- 
 tion where he would be recognized as a man of respectable, 
 if not superior, literary and legal attainments. That the goal 
 of his ambition was in due time reached, no one who knew 
 him well will deny. 
 
 It might be said of Abraham Lincoln what was said of 
 Edmund Burke, the great English orator and statesman, that 
 he read everything and remembered everything. This was 
 especially true in his young manhood, when good books and 
 fine literature became more available. It is also quite evident 
 that in early life and later years he aspired to oratorical pre- 
 eminence and distinction. 
 
 It often occurs that men of genius have given in early life 
 indication of their latent talent or bent of mind, and Abraham 
 Lincoln was no exception. Thus Handel, the great German 
 composer, at the age of seven, sought for and secured the best 
 music teacher obtainable. John Stuart Mill, the eminent 
 
262 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 writer and publicist, began the study of the classics, Latin 
 and Greek, at the age of six, I believe. Elihu Burritt, some- 
 times called the learned blacksmith, began the study of 
 languages in early life and subsequently became the most dis- 
 tinguished or one of the most distinguished linguists in 
 America. 
 
 Young Abraham may not have displayed or unfolded his 
 latent talent as early as did the others named, but his ruling 
 passion for speaking was soon manifested. 
 
 Oftentimes in his early teens, he would betake himself to 
 some quiet place in the adjacent dense forest and pour out his 
 youthful, fervent eloquence to trees and stumps, which were 
 his silent and only auditors. This practice, supplemented by 
 public debates in the neighborhood log school houses, gave 
 him a facility and effectiveness in public address that were at 
 once attractive and entertaining. It was said that frequently 
 while young Lincoln was yet a law student he would be called 
 upon to reply to some Democratic orator in New Salem; and 
 by his forceful logic and equally forceful sarcasm and apt 
 anecdotes would give proof to the fact that he was able to 
 cope with the best of them. 
 
 His remarkable ability as a public speaker led to his early 
 entrance into politics, for it will be remembered that following 
 his return from the Black Hawk War and while he was yet a 
 young man he was elected four times to the State Legislature 
 and thence to Congress. But his forensic oratorical ability 
 became best known to the American people and to the world, 
 perhaps, by his memorable debates with Judge Douglas during 
 the Senatorial campaign of 1858. These great addresses 
 stamped Mr. Lincoln as an orator, political orator, having 
 few, if any, equals and no superior on the American platform. 
 
 His Cooper Institute speech in New York, delivered in 
 February, 1860, was the most remarkable, or one of the most 
 
His Gift of Speech 263 
 
 remarkable, addresses he ever delivered, excepting, or scarcely 
 excepting, his famous lost speech, of which previous mention 
 has been made. 
 
 There were many noted editors present, like Horace 
 Greeley, William Cullen Bryant and others, who gave extended 
 publicity to the speech and speaker. This brought Mr. Lincoln 
 to the fore and gave him and his cause proper recognition in 
 the East and New England states. These great addresses 
 brought him to the favorable notice of the masses and early 
 stamped him as a most feasible presidential candidate for 
 nomination at the forthcoming Republican national con- 
 vention. 
 
 If there were any people who were not fully advised as to 
 the distinguished ability of Mr. Lincoln, both as a writer and 
 orator, a knowledge of this noted five-minute speech would 
 reassure them. This short address is regarded by critics as 
 the brightest gem in all the realm or domain of English 
 literature. 
 
 There has been much discussion and difference of opinion 
 as to the time and place of writing this brief but world re- 
 nowned document. Many assert that it was written on the 
 knee of the President while we was journeying from Washing- 
 ton to Gettysburg. 
 
 This was emphatically denied by a lawyer friend of mine, 
 Hon. Cornelius Cole of Los Angeles (deceased at 102) whose 
 office for fourteen years was across the street from mine. 
 
 He was in Congress, either in the lower or upper house, 
 during the entire period of Mr. Lincoln's incumbency, and 
 rode with the President in the same car all the way to Gettys- 
 burg and stood by his side the next day during the delivery 
 of the address. He asserted to me that not a word was written 
 by Mr. Lincoln on the journey. 
 
 The presumption of many, and especially of the gentle- 
 
264 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 man at Gettysburg who entertained him overnight, is that the 
 President wrote part of his address at the White House shortly 
 before leaving, and finished it early next morning at the home 
 of his host, before the beginning of the services which were 
 at 10 a. m. 
 
 Senator Cole often remarked that at the close of the ad- 
 dress, which was read, not much enthusiasm was manifested, 
 though now it is regarded, as all know, as one of the greatest, 
 if not the greatest, state paper known in all the annals of 
 history, sacred or profane. It is now rehearsed in all the 
 public patriotic gatherings, especially at the yearly Lincoln 
 memorial services; and doubtless will be read by admiring 
 multitudes as long as time and memory endure. 
 
 It will be recalled that Senator Edward Everett, an eminent 
 orator and statesman, was chosen to deliver the main address 
 on the occasion, a duty and privilege he discharged with 
 marked ability, consuming an hour or more in its delivery, but 
 this brief, 300-word message of President Lincoln will be 
 read with mingled admiration and approval long after the 
 learned Senator and his oration shall have been forgotten. 
 
 Charles A. Dana, the noted editor, called on the great War 
 Secretary the next day after the Gettysburg celebration, and 
 asked him if he had seen these Gettysburg speeches. 
 
 "Yes," he replied, "and the people will be delighted with 
 them. Edward Everett has made a speech that will make many 
 columns in the newspapers, and Mr. Lincoln's perhaps forty 
 or fifty lines. Everett's is the speech of a scholar, polished to 
 the last possibility. It is elegant and it is learned, but Lin- 
 coln's speech will be read by a thousand men where one reads 
 Everett's, and will be remembered as long as anybody's 
 speeches are remembered who speaks the English language." 
 
 Bliss Perry, also a noted writer, speaking on this subject 
 says: "To have composed the Gettysburg address is proof 
 
His Gift of Speech 265 
 
 positive, were there no other, of Lincoln's place among the 
 masters of English speech." 
 
 Following is a copy of Mr. Lincoln's address, the original 
 being, I suppose, in the archives of the State or War Depart- 
 ment of the government at Washington. It is written in Mr. 
 Lincoln's beautifully characteristic handwriting, and can be 
 read as easily as print. 
 
 Address delivered at the dedication of the cemetery at Get- 
 tysburg: 
 
 "Four score and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth 
 on this continent a new nation, conceived in Liberty and dedi- 
 cated to the proposition that all men are created equal. 
 
 "Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether 
 that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated can 
 long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. 
 We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final 
 resting place for those who have given their lives that that 
 nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we 
 should do this. 
 
 "But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate, we can not con- 
 secrate, we can not hallow this ground. The brave men, living 
 and dead, who struggled here have consecrated it, far above our 
 poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor 
 long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what 
 they did here. 
 
 "It is for us, the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the 
 unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so 
 nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the 
 great task remaining before us, that from these honored dead 
 we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave 
 the last full measure of devotion, that we here highly resolve 
 that these dead shall not have died in vain, that this nation, 
 under God shall have a new birth of freedom, and that govern- 
 
266 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 ment of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not 
 perish from the earth." 
 
 November 19, 1863. Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 A few months before his assassination, President Lincoln 
 received a report from Governor Andrews of Massachusetts, 
 conveying the sad intelligence of the death, in the army, of 
 five sons of a lady who resided in that Commonwealth. He 
 at once penned her a letter (of which the following is a copy) 
 so full of sympathetic regard and condolence, in her hour of 
 supreme bereavement, as to deserve, as it shall have, a place 
 in this, my historic sketch of the great War President. 
 
 Executive Mansion, 
 Washington, Nov. 21, 1864. 
 To Mrs. Bixby, Boston, Mass. 
 
 Dear Madam: I have been shown in the files of 
 the War Department a statement of the Adjutant- 
 General of Massachusetts that you are the mother of 
 five sons who have died gloriously on the field of 
 battle. I feel how weak and fruitless must be any 
 words of mine which should attempt to beguile you 
 from the grief of a loss so overwhelming. But I 
 cannot refrain from tendering you the consolation 
 that may be found in the thanks of the republic 
 they died to save. I pray that our Heavenly Father 
 may assuage the anguish of your bereavement and 
 leave you only the cherished memory of the loved 
 and lost and the solemn pride that must be yours to 
 have laid so costly a sacrifice upon the altar of free- 
 dom. Yours very sincerely and respectfully, 
 
 Abraham Lincoln. 
 
His Gift of Speech 267 
 
 A writer of note, in speaking of this letter, says: "It will 
 go down to posterity as one of the finest expressions of con- 
 dolence and sympathy ever penned in our language." It is 
 further said that "a copy of this letter hangs on the wall in 
 Brasenose College, Oxford University, England, as a model of 
 pure and exquisite diction which has never been excelled." 
 
 Before closing, I desire to quote a few concluding passages 
 from President Lincoln's second inaugural address. They are 
 quite remarkable, as you will see, and as beautiful as remark- 
 able. I may have referred to them before, and if so, they will 
 bear repetition. In referring to this address, one writer says: 
 "No nobler thoughts were ever conceived. No man ever found 
 words more adequate to his desire." Read and re-read the 
 following lines, almost divinely inspired, as we opine, begin- 
 ning: "Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this 
 mighty scourge of war may speedly pass away. Yet, if God 
 wills that it continue until the wealth piled by the bondman's 
 two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, 
 and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be 
 paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thou- 
 sand years ago, so still it must be said, 'The judgments of the 
 Lord are true and righteous altogether.' With malice toward 
 none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right, as God 
 gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work 
 we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him 
 who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his 
 orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and 
 lasting peace among ourselves, and with all nations." 
 
 A few days after the delivery of the above named address, 
 President Lincoln received a short letter from Thurlow Weed, 
 an eminent editor of New York City, complimenting him over 
 the said address and a former notification speech. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln's reply follows: 
 
268 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 Executive Mansion, 
 Washington, March 15, 1865. 
 Dear Mr. Weed: 
 
 Everyone likes a compliment. Thank you for 
 yours on my little notification speech and on the 
 recent inaugural address. 
 
 I expect the latter to wear as well as, perhaps 
 better than, anything I have produced; but I believe 
 it is not immediately popular. Men are not flattered 
 by being shown that there has been a difference of 
 purpose between the Almighty and them. To deny 
 it, however, in this case, is to deny that there is a 
 God governing the world. It is a truth which I 
 thought needed to be told, and as whatever of humili- 
 ation there is in it falls most directly on myself, I 
 thought others might afford for me to tell it. 
 Truly yours, 
 
 A. Lincoln. 
 
 The president of an Eastern college stated in substance a 
 few years ago that the translators of the English Bible in 1611 
 were not only men of eminent piety, but men of distinguished 
 literary attainments. He further stated that no writers since 
 their day possessed in an equal degree, their ability to express 
 themselves in forceful, charming English, embellished with a 
 diction so elegant and refined. Abraham Lincoln, he said, 
 came the nearest to the translators in this admirable quality 
 of mind and heart of any person he ever knew. What a com- 
 pliment! 
 
 The college president would pass over such world re- 
 nowned, classical writers as Lord Macaulay, Charles Dickens, 
 Sir Walter Scott, John Ruskin, Thomas Carlyle, Beaconsfield 
 and others of Europe; and such writers as James Russell 
 
His Gift of Speech 269 
 
 Lowell, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Henry W. Longfellow, Will- 
 iam Cullen Bryant, Washington Irving and others in America, 
 pass over all these and place the crown of superior literary 
 attainment and merit on the head of the humble, yet immortal 
 Lincoln. The eminent educator is not alone in his admiration 
 of this distinguishing quality of the great Commoner's mind. 
 Hear what the London Spectator has to say, touching the 
 same opinion: "It is not too much to say of Lincoln that he 
 is among the greatest masters of prose ever produced by the 
 English race." 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 Sayings of Abraham Lincoln 
 
 Here are some of the great, short sayings of Abraham 
 
 Lincoln: 
 
 "Work, work, work — keep pegging away." 
 
 "Give the boys a chance." 
 
 "Hold on with a bulldog grip." 
 
 "I can bear censure, but not insult." 
 
 "Never regret what you don't write." 
 
 "I am nothing, but truth in everything." 
 
 "Don't swap horses in crossing a stream." 
 
 "This nation should be on the Lord's side." 
 
 "Public opinion in this country is everything." 
 
 "Let us have faith that right makes might." 
 
 "I am free from any taint of personal triumph." 
 
 "Wealth is a superfluity of what we don't need." 
 
 "If slavery is not wrong, then nothing is wrong." 
 
 "With malice towards none, with charity for all." 
 
 "The gentleman smelt no royalty in our carriage." 
 
 "Many have got into a habit of being dissatisfied." 
 
 "I know that I am right, for liberty is right." 
 
 "I will hold McClellan's horse, if he will win a battle." 
 
 "Is a man to blame for having a pair of cowardly legs?" 
 
 "Where you can't remove an obstacle, plow around it." 
 
 "That some are rich shows that others may become rich." 
 
 "If you have made a bad bargain, hug it all the tighter." 
 
 "Come what will, I will keep my faith with friend and foe." 
 
 "My politics are short and sweet, like an old woman's 
 
 dance." 
 
Sayings of Abraham Lincoln 271 
 
 "If elected I shall be thankful, if not it will be all the 
 same." 
 
 "With firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the 
 right." 
 
 "God bless my mother. All I am or hope to be, I owe 
 to her." 
 
 "We might just as well take the people into our confidence." 
 
 "My paramount object in this struggle is to save the 
 Union." 
 
 "What use to me would be a second term if I had no 
 country?" 
 
 "With a brave army and a just cause, may God sustain 
 you." 
 
 "Faith in God is indispensable to successful statesmanship." 
 
 "When you have written a wrathful letter, put it in the 
 stove." 
 
 "Suspicion and jealousy never did help any man in any 
 situation." 
 
 "If ever I get a chance to hit that thing (slavery) I'll hit 
 it hard." 
 
 "These men will find that they have not read their Bibles 
 aright." 
 
 "It is better only sometimes to be right than at all times 
 to be wrong." 
 
 "My boy, never try to be President. If you do, you never 
 will be." 
 
 "A private soldier has as much right to justice as a major- 
 general." 
 
 "I am slow to learn and slow to forget that which I have 
 learned." 
 
 "This government cannot endure permanently half slave 
 and half free." 
 
 "This country with its institutions belongs to the people 
 who inhabit it." 
 
272 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 "If men never began to drink, they never would become 
 drunkards." 
 
 "Don't shoot too high — aim low and the common people 
 will understand." 
 
 "I have great respect for the semicolon; it is a mighty 
 handy little fellow." 
 
 "For thirty years I have been a temperance man, and am 
 too old to change." 
 
 "I do not think much of a man who is not wiser today 
 than he was yesterday." 
 
 "Gold is good in its place; but loving, patriotic men are 
 better than gold." 
 
 "The Lord must love the common people; that's why he 
 made so many of them." 
 
 "Better give your path to a dog; even killing the dog 
 would not cure the bite." 
 
 "Now, sonny, keep that temperance pledge and it will be 
 the best act of your life." 
 
 "No man is good enough to govern another without that 
 man's consent." 
 
 "He can compress the most words into the smallest ideas 
 of any man I ever met." 
 
 "It is the same spirit which says: 'You work and till and 
 earn bread and I will eat it.' " 
 
 "If Minnehaha means 'Laughing Water,' 'Weeping Water' 
 must be 'Minneboohoo.' " 
 
 "I am like the boy who stubbed his toe: hurt too much to 
 laugh, and too big to cry." 
 
 "Meet face to face and converse together — the best way to 
 efface unpleasant feelings." 
 
 "Trusted in Providence till the britchin broke, and then 
 didn't know what on airth to do." 
 
 "As our troops can neither crawl under Maryland nor fly 
 over it, they must come across it." 
 
Sayings of Abraham Lincoln 273 
 
 "I believe I have made some mark which will tell for the 
 cause of liberty long after I am gone." 
 
 "Until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be 
 paid by another drawn with the sword." 
 
 "Slavery is founded on the selfishness of man's nature — 
 opposite to it is the love of justice." 
 
 "That government of the people, by the people, and for 
 the people shall not perish from the earth." 
 
 To several "weighty" men from the upper part of Dela- 
 ware "Didn't the state tip up when you got off?" 
 
 "I want it said of me that I plucked a thistle and planted 
 a flower where I thought a flower would grow." 
 
 "Let not him who is homeless pull down the house of an- 
 other, but let him labor diligently to build one for himself." 
 
 "Take all the Bible upon reason that you can, and the 
 balance on faith, and you will live and die a better man." 
 
 "A man has no time to spend in quarrels. If any man 
 ceases to attack me, I never remember the past against him." 
 
 Declining to approve the death sentence of some deserters, 
 he said: "There are already too many weeping widows in the 
 United States. For God's sake, don't ask me to make any 
 more." 
 
 "Nobody has ever expected me to be President. In my 
 poor, lean, lank face, nobody has ever seen that any cabbages 
 are sprouting out." 
 
 "You may fool all of the people some of the time, and 
 some of the people all of the time, but you cannot fool all of 
 the people all of the time." 
 
 "If this country cannot be saved without giving up that 
 principle, I would rather be assassinated on this spot than 
 surrender it." 
 
 "Repeal the Missouri Compromise, repeal all compromises; 
 repeal the Declaration of Independence; repeal all past history 
 — you cannot repeal human nature." 
 
274 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 "If all that has been said in praise of women were applied 
 to the women of America, it would not do them justice for 
 their conduct during this war. God bless the women of 
 America." 
 
 The above "Short Sayings of Abraham Lincoln" are taken 
 from "The Story Life of Lincoln," written and compiled by 
 Wayne Whipple, the noted writer and author of New York 
 City, and published by John C. Winston Co., Philadelphia. 
 
 Commemoration ©ire 
 
 He knew to bide his time, 
 
 And then his fame abide, 
 
 Still patient in his simple faith sublime, 
 
 Till the wise years decide. 
 
 Great captains, with their guns and drums, 
 
 Disturb our judgment for the hour, 
 
 But at last silence comes; 
 
 These all are gone, and, standing like a tower, 
 
 Our children shall behold his fame, 
 
 The kindly-earnest, brave, foreseeing man, 
 
 Sagacious, patient, dreading praise, not blame, 
 
 New birth of our new soil, the first American. 
 
 — James Russell Lowell. 
 
Hi ii 
 lis 
 
 hi 
 1